<
Woodward's Historical Series.
No.   IV.
THE
HISTORY
OF THE
Indian Wars in new England
FROM THE
First Settlement to the Termination of the War with King Philip, in 1677.
FROM THE
ORIGINAL   WORK,
BY THE
Rev. WILLIAM  HUBBARD.
Carefully Revised, and Accompanied with an Hiftorical Preface, Life and Pedigree of the Author",
AND
Extensive Notes,
Bv SAMUEL   G. DRAKE. VOL. II.
PRINTED FOR W. ELLIOT WOODWARD,
ROXBURY, MASS.
MDCCCLXV.
No. 2^
Entered according to Act of Congress, in the Year 1865.
By SAMUEL G. DRAKE,
in the Clerk's office of the DiftricT: Court of the United States
for the DiftricT: of Massachusetts.
EDITION OF THREE HUNDRED AND FIFTY COPIES, OF WHICH FIFTY ARE ON LARGE PAPER.
SUPPLEMENT
CONCERNING   THE
W   A   R   R
WITH   THE
PEQUODS.
READER, I" Could willingly now have expeBed that my Indenture being cancelled, I firight have had a DiJcharge from any further Labour of this Nature; but left I be found to have falsified my Word pajfed tn the Title of the Narrative, according to the Civilians Rule, Nihil dicitur faftum quamdiu aliquid fupereft ad agendum ; As alfo that other, Non abfolutus eft debitor qui multa reddit, fed qui omnia; being fome Inti-
1 Giving a Hiftory of the Pequot otherwife he would have placed it in War in this Work was unqueftion- its natural chronological Order, at ably an After-thought of the Author;    the Beginning of the Volume,
A2
6          A Narrative of the Troubles    [ 116
matioit hath already been made of great "Trouble with the Pequod Indians, at the firjl fettling of the Plantations upon Connecticut River, that I may make even, though not over-meafure, I Jhall in the laft Place give this following Account thereof left either under the Hands of fuch as commanded in Chief7, in that ABion, or from the Mouths of fome faithful Witnejfes, that were not only then prefenty but per-fonally concerned and engaged in that Serviced
There was a Nation of the Indians in the Southern Parts of New-England9 called Pequods, feated on a fair navigable River, twelve Miles to the Eaftward of the Mouth of the great and famous River of Connecticut; who (as was commonly reported about the Time when New-England was firft planted by the Englifh) being a more fierce, cruel, and warlike People than the Reft of the Indians, came down out of the more inland Parts of the Continent, and by Force feized upon one of the  goodlieft  Places  near the Sea,
2 Hence the Author ufed Capt.    was then publifhed. Mafon's Account, as will be feen        3 As the Author was born fif-more fully acknowledged further on.    teen Years before the Pequot War, Dr. I. Mather alfo ufed Mafon's    he was cotemporary with all of the Work, but as I have fhown in my    Aftors in it; and was doubtlefs Edition of his Relation, his Copy    perfonally acquainted with Endicott, of it was furnifhed by Mr. John    Tralk, Underhill, Stoughton, Pat-Allen, the Secretary of Connecticut,    rick, Davenport, &c, as alfo with as his own Work. Hence Dr.    the Connecticut Captains. It is Mather was mifled, and this accounts    therefore a contemporaneous Hifto-for fome conflicting Statements of   ry, and holds a Place of the firft thefe Authors. From an unpub-    importance, with the perfonal Nar-lifhed Letter of Mr. Allen to Mr.    ratives of Mafon, Underhill, Gardi-Mather, dated September 17th,    ner and Vincent. As to Letters 1677, it appears that the Relation    concerning the War, few are extant.
117] with the Indians in New-England.     7
and became a Terrour to all their [117] Neighbours, on whom they had exercifed feveral A6ts of inhuman Cruelty ; infomuch that being flufhed with Victories over their Fellow-Indians, they began to thirft after the Blood of any Foreigners, English and Dutch, that accidentally came amongft them, in a Way of Trade, or upon other Accounts.
In the Year 1634, they treacheroufly and cruelly murthered Captain Stone, and Captain Norton, who came occafionally with a Bark into the River to Trade with them. Not long after, within the Compafs of the next Year, they in like treacherous Manner flew one Mr. Oldham (formerly belonging to New-Plimouth, but at that Time an Inhabitant of the Majfachufets) at Block-IJland, a Place not far from the Mouth of their Harbour, as he was fairly Trading with them : befides fome other fuch like A6ts of perfidious Cruelty towards fome of the Dutch that had formerly been trading  up   ConneSiicut River ;4     by which Praftifes
41 do not find any particular Details of the early Hoftilities between the Dutch and the Pequots, referred to here. Nothing beyond what Winthrop has briefly noted in his Journal, from a Report of the Time, which amounted to this: Up to this Year the Pequots governed the Narraganfets, but now (1634) the latter had rebelled or feceded, in confequence of which there was War between them; that the Pequots, having killed fome Indians who were going to trade with the
Dutch at their Trading-houfe upon Connecticut River, and that in Retaliation the Dutch had killed their cc old Sachem and fome others of their Men." Hence, having cut themfelves off from trade all around in that Region, they came to Bolton to attempt to open a Traffic with the Englifh. The Name of the old Pequot Sachem jufl mentioned was Tatobam, and Safjacus was his Sue-ceflbr. See Winthrop, i, 147; Hi ft, and Antiqs. of Bo fan, 179; O'Callaghan's   New   Netherlands,
8           A Narrative of the Troubles     [117
perceiving that they began to ftink in the Noftrils of their Neighbours, whofe Revenge they now began to fear, and not willing to have to deal with too many Enemies at once, they imitated the Subtilty of the Children of Amman, when they began to ftink before David; endeavouring to ftrengthen themfelves with Alliance of fome of thofe they had formerly provoked, that by their Affiftance they might defend themfelves againft the Reft, not doubting but to make their Part good with their foreign Enemies, if they could be reconciled to their Indian Neighbours, the Narhaganjets; or Home-bred Enemies, if they could but fortifie themfelves by a League of Friendfhip with any of their foreign Neighbours that were newly come to plant in thefe Parts. To this End they fent Meffengers with Gifts to the Majfachnfets in the latter End of the fame Year 1634,5 the firft Meffengers were difmiffed without an Anfwer: but they being fenlible of their own Danger, and of the great Importance a Peace with the   Englifh  of the  Majfachufets
157.    Tatobam had fold the Land    two Bundles of Sticks, whereby he
on the River to the Dutch, on which    fignified how many Beaver and Ot-
they erecled a Trading houfe, which    ter Skins he would give us for that
they named Fort Hope.    Ibid,           End, and great Store of Wampom-
peage (about  two Bufhels,   by his
5 Under Date Nov. 6th,   1634,    Description).    He brought a fmall
Winthrop entered in his Journal, i,    Prefent with him, which Mr. Lud-
147, "There came to the Deputy    low received, and returned a Moofe
Governor    [Mr.   Roger  Ludlow]    Coat of as good Value, and withal
about fourteen Days fince,  a Mef-    told him he mull fend fome Perfons
fenger from the  Pekod Sachem, to    of greater   Quality,  and* then   our
deiire our Friendfhip.    He brought    Governor would treat with him/'
118 ]   with the Indians in New-England.    9
might be, purfued the Bufinefs very earnestly, fending MelTengers a fecond Time, who offered much Wamp am [Indians Money) and Beaver; with thefe fecond Meffengers the Governour and Council of the Majfachufets had much Conference many Days ; and at laft after the beft Advice they could take amongft themfelves, concluded a Peace and Friendfhip with them upon thefe Conditions :6
1.   That they fhould deliver up to the Englifh thofe Perfons amongft them that were guilty of Captain Stones Death, and the Reft that were with him.
2.   That if the Englifh defired to plant in Connecticut they lhould give up their Right to them.
[118] 3. That the Englifh fhould thenceforward Trade with them as their Friends, which was a chief Thing aimed at, the faid Pequods being at that Time in War with the Dutch, and the Reft of their Neighbours, on the Reafon fore-mentioned ; to thefe Conditions they readily agreed, and alfo cunningly infinuated their Defire that their new Confederates, the Majfachufets, fhould mediate Peace for them with the Narha-ganfets; intimating likewife their willingnefs that a Part of the Prefent which they promifed to fend, fhould be given to them ; ftanding fo much upon
G The Treaty appears  to   have    " The Agreement they made with
been made on the 7th of Novem-    us was put in Writing, and the two
ber.    I   have   not   met   with   the    Ambafladours   fet to   their Marks.
Original,   and   Winthrop's   Note    One a Bow with  an Arrow in it,
of it is all we have, which is this:    and the other Hand."
i o         A Narrative of the Troubles    [ 118
their Honour, that they would not be fent to give any thing themfelves; fuch was the Pride and Height of Spirit lodged in this Company of treacherous Villains, the Dregs and Lees of the Earth, and Drofs of Mankind.7
As for Capt. Stone's Death, they flily evaded the Guilt of it, falfly adding that ther.e were but two left that had a Hand therein, and that it was a juft Quarrel wherein he was flain : for, laid they, he furprized fome of our Men, and would by Force have compelled them to fhew him the Way up the River; whereupon the faid Stone coming alhore, with two more, was watched by nine of our Men (fay they) who finding them afleep in the Night, flew them to deliver our own Men, one of whom going afterward to the Barque, it was fuddenly blown up. Whereas the Truth of the Matter was thus :8
The faid Capt. Stone formerly belonging to Chrijlophers in the Weft Indies, occafionally coming to thefe Parts, as he palled between this Place and Virginia, put in at that River, where the Indians after they had been often on board his VelTel to trade with him, at the laft came friendly on Board as they ufed to do, but finding the Captain afleep in his Cabin, took the Opportunity to Murther him as he lay, calling a Covering over
7 This feems quite too be-         8 This is abridged from Win-nighted, even for the Times of our    throp, Journal, \, 148, which an-Author, and but illy agrees with the    fwered very well for that Time, but Catholicity with which he is ufually    is not fatisfaclory now. See Ma-credited,                                            ther's Relation, 114, &c.
119] with the Indians in New-England.    11
him that he might not be difcerned by the Reft, whom they prefently after difpatched one after another, all but Capt. Norton, who made ftout Refiftance, for a long Time defending himfelf in the Cook-room of the Bark, till the Gun-powder which he had fet in an open Veffel, to be more ready for his Ufe, accidentally took Fire, by which fatal Accident he was fo burned, and his Eyes fo blinded, that he could not make any longer Refiftance, but forthwith fell into the Hands of thefe cruel and blood-thirfty Wretches, who after they had taken away his Life, made a Prey of all that was in the Veffel.?
As for Mr. Oldham he was indeed Murthered at an Iiland called by the Indians ManiJJes (fince known among the Englifh by the Name of Block-Ifland) but thofe that murthered him (probably Inhabitants of the faid Iiland) fled prefently to the Pequods, by whom they were fheltered, and [119J fo became alfo Guilty themfelves of his Blood, which ere long was revenged by them, as is in the next Place to be declared.10
The Englifh of the Majfachufets after the Peace concluded with  the   Pequods,   fent a Bark
9 It would have been  far  more    isfactory to the Inquirer.    Dr. Ma-
fatisfadlory if the Author had told us    ther fays,   that   with Norton  and
on what Evidence this   Statement    Stone   "all their   Ship's Company
refts.    It was not an Englifh State-    were barbaroufly murdered."    Re-
ment, for all the  Englifh   knowing    lation,  112. to the Facls were killed.    The Information came moll probably from        10Befides what is contained here
the   Narraganfets,    their   Enemies,    refpedling Capt. O'ldham's Murder,
Yet it is quite likely true as we have    fee Cobbet's Narrative in  N. Eng.
it, but it can never be entirely fat-    Hijl. and Gen, Rcgr., vii, 211-12.
12        A Narrative of the Troubles     [119
thither for Trade, that Trial might be made of the Reality of their Friendfhip; but they found them Treacherous and Falfe, and that no Advantage was to be had by any Commerce with them, infomuch as they took up a Refolution never more to have to do with them ; which the faid Indians perceiving, made no Account of the former Peace, but took all Advantage to do us Mifchief, not only by harbouring thofe who had murthered Mr. Oldham,11 but furprizing many of the Englifh in the Year 1636, when Connecticut River began firft to be planted, divers of whom were killed (nine12 at one Time in April 1637.) by them about IVetbersfield, when the Plantation then firft began, fo as they could not pafs up and down the River without a Gaurd, but they would be in Danger of being cut off, or carried away, as two Maids were faid to be;13 thirty Men have been killed by them in all; thofe who fell into their Hands alive, were cruelly tortured after a moft barbarous Manner, by infulting over their Prifoners in a blafphemous Wife, when in their dying Agonies, under the Extremity of their Pains (their Flefh being firft flafhed with Knives, and then filled with burning Embers) they'called upon God and Chrift with gafping Groans, re«
] 1 The real Murderers, at leaft    were killed, and two Girls carried
one of them, named Audfah, were    off alive.    Re/atio?/, ng. afterwards difcovered, but whether        13 There is no uncertainty about
taken and  punifhed, does  not ap-    the " two Maids."    One of them
pear.    See Mather, Relation, 149.    was a Daughter of William Swain,
12 Six  Men and one Woman    Ibid.
119] with the Indians in New-England.    13
ligning up their Souls into their Hands; with which Words thefe wretched Caitiffs ufed to mock the Englifh afterward, when they came within their Hearing and View.14
About the fame Time fome Agents fent over by the Lord Say, and the Lord Brook, built a Fort at the Mouth of Connecticut River, wherein was placed one Lieutenant Gardener,1"* and a convenient Number of Soldiers to fecure the Place intended foon after to be planted, but all the Winter following (fcil.) in the End of the Year 1636, they were little better than befieged by the faid Salvages, not daring to ftir out of Command of the Fort, but they were ready to be feized by thefe their barbarous Enemies : At one Time the Lieutenant himfelf with ten or twelve of the Soldiers marching out of the Fort, with an Intent to pafs over a Neck of Land to burn the Marfhes; as foon as ever they were palled over the Streight of the Neck, they efpyed a Company of Indians making towards the faid Iftmus, which if they could not recover, they fee they muft all perifh ; whereupon returning back with all Speed, they very narrowly efcaped, and were two or three of them killed notwithftanding, before they could get back into the Fort, which was prefently furrounded  with Multitudes of them; but the
14 This has reference, doubtlefs,    out his own Work. His Defcend-to the Torture and Murder of Mr.    ants, however, have it Gardiner, John Tilley and Mr. Samuel But-    Lieut. Gardener's Chriftian Name terfield.                                             is always found Lyon or Lion. Per-
15 The Name is thus fpelt through-    haps an early Abbreviation of Lionel.
B2
14        A Narrative of the Troubles    [12 o
difcharging of a Peice of Ordnance gave them Warning to keep further from the [120] Walls;, Sometimes they came with their Canoos into the River in View of the Soldiers within the Fort? and when they apprehended themfelves out of reach of their Guns, they would imitate the dying Groans and Invocations of the poor Captive Engliih, which the Englifh Soldiers were forced with filent Patience to bear, not being then in a Capacity to requite their infolent Blafphemies. But they being by thefe horrible Outrages juftly provoked to Indignation, unanimoufly agreed to joyn their Forces together to root them out of the Earth with Gods Affiftance.16
The Colony of the Majfachufets did immediately fet about it in the latter End of the Summer (1636) by fending out fourfcore Men under the Command of Capt. Endicot of Salem; who went to the Pequod Country by Water, with Commif-fion to treat with the faid Pequods, firii offering Terms of Peace, if they would furrender the Murtherers of the Englifh, and forbear further A&s of Hoftility or elfe fight them.
The Captain aforefaid coming afhore with his Company, by a MefTage fent them by an Interpreter, obtained fome little Speech with a great Number of them at a Diftance; but after they underftood what was propounded to them, firft cunningly  getting behind a Hill, they prefently
16 Gardener's own Account hav-    makes Abftracls from it unneceflary ing been feveral Times reprintec),    here.    See Mather's Relation.
120] with the Indians in New-England.    15
ran away into the Woods and Swamps, where there was no purfuing of them : however one difcharging a Gun among them as they were taking their flight, flayed the courfe of one, which was all that could be done againft them for that Time.
Winter approaching, and no Encouragement prefenting further to purfue them at that Time, it was refolved better to return back for the pre-fent, and wait a further Seafon when more Forces could be gathered together to purfue the Quarrel to the utmoft.17
During this Interim the Pequods perceiving that they had by feveral late Injuries and Outrages, drawn upon themfelves the Hatred of all the Englifh, as well as of their own People18 by former Wrongs; and diftrufting their own Ability to deal with them all at once, did at the laft: by all fubtil Infinuations, and Perfwaiions, try to make their Peace with the Narhaganfets, urging fuch Arguments as to right Reafon feemed not only pregnant to the Purpofe, but alfo (if Revenge that bewitching and pleafing Paffion of Mans Mind hath not blinded their Eyes) moft cogent and invincible : But they were by the good Providence  of God witheld from embracing thofe
17 Capt.   John   Underhill   pub-    the Quaintnefs of an old Soldier of
lifhed a moft interefting Hiftory of   that Day. the Expedition of General Endicot,
which,   like Gardener's, has been        18 By " their own   People"   is
reprinted.    It carries the Evidence    meant the Narraganfets,   fo lately
of Truthfulnefs with it, as well as    Seceders from them.
16        A Narrative of the Troubles    [121
Councels, which might otherwife have proved moft pernicious to the Defign of the Englifh; viz. That the Englifh were Strangers, and began to overfpread the Country, the which would foon be pofleffed by them to the depriving the ancient Inhabitants of their [121] Right, if they were not timely prevented; and that the Narhaganfets would but make Way for their own Ruin, by helping to deftroy the Pequods; for after them-felves were fubdued, it would not be long ere the Narhaganfets themfelves, would in the next Place be rooted out likewife: Whereas if they would but join together againft the Englifh, they could demonftrate how the Englifh might ealily either be deftroyed, or forced to leave the Country, and that without any Danger to themfelves: telling them alfo, that they never need come to any open Battels, they might deftroy them only by firing their Houfes, and killing their Cattel, and lying in wait for them as* they went out about their ordinary Occafions; which Courfe if it were purfued, they faid, their new and unwelcome Neighbours could not long fubfift, but would either be ftarved with Hunger and Cold or forced to forfake the Country. MachiaveM himfelf, if he had fat in Counfel with them could not have infinuated ftronger Reafons to have perfwaded them to a Peace.
19 Nicholas Machiavel, celebrated    his argumentative Powers, perhaps,
for his  Hiftory of Florence, or,    as he was for the Abfurdity of the
The Florentine Hiftory, as the Title    Doclxine which he maintained in
runs.    He  was not fo famous for    his Book called The Prince,
121 ] with the Indians in New-England.    17
It is faid, that fo much Reafon was apprehended in thefe Motives, that the Narhaganfets were once wavering, and were almoft perfwaded to have granted an Ear to their Advice and Per-fwafion, and joyned all againft the Englifh ; but when they confidered what an Advantage they had put into their Hands by the Strength and Favour of the Englifh, to take a full Revenge of all their former Injuries upon their inveterate Enemies: the Thought of that was fo fweet, that it turned the Scale againft all other Confiderations whatsoever.20
The Report of the unheard of Cruelties fore-mentioned, filling the Ears of the Englifh throughout the Country; it was agreed by the joynt Confent of the Englifh throughout the three Colonies, to unite all their Forces together, for the fuppreffing the common Enemy, early in the Spring Anno 1637, who were alfo moved thereunto by their own Neceffities, as well as by the earneft Requeft of their Friends at ConnedJi-cut.
Thofe of Plimouth, being written unto by the Governour of the Majfacbufets, appeared very cordially willing thereunto :21 to which End they
20 The Scale of War or Peace    at this Time. It may not have been
thus fearfully balancing and trem-    known to the Author, but  it was
bling, as here reprefented, is true to    well known to   Winthrop, one of
the Letter; but, it is alfo now known    his chief Authorities, to be equally true, that Roger Wil-        21 This Statement is hardly borne
Hams prevented the  Alliance  be-    out by certain original Documents
tween the Pequots and Narraganfets    in my poflfeffion.
18        A Narrative of the Troubles     [12 2
agreed to fend fifty Men at their own Charge, with as much fpeed as the Matter required, with fufficient Leaders appointed, and a Bark provided to carry them Provifions, and tend upon them on all Occafions ; but before they could be difpatched away the next Spring, News was brought: that the Enemy was wholly routed, fo as their Journey was flopped, and their good Will accepted for the Deed, as if they really had been there to have born their Part in the Service; their Non-appearance in Time and Place being not to be imputed to any Backwardnefs in their [122] Minds ; but to their too late Invitation to the Service ; the Motion fetching a large Compafs from. ConneSlicut down to the Majfachufets, from whom in the laft Place they were folicited thereunto. And for the other two Colonies, thofe of Con-neBicut being quickned on by the Spur of Ne-ceffity, and prefent Senfe of the Infolency daily a&ed at their veryDoors, were fooneft upon their March, and by the good Hand of God upon them, had given the main Stroak before their Friends of the Majfachufets ctmld come up with them ; yet was there no repining for the Want of the Glory of the Victory, nor was there any Caufe, thofe that were the chief A&ors therein being forward to give God the Glory of the Whole, arid not willing to pocket up anything thereof themfelves, acknowledging that they never faw more of God, or lefs of Man, in any buiinefs of that Nature, as may more fully be understood by Particulars enfuing.
12 2] with the Indians in New-England.    19
The Colony of the Majfachufets determined to fend an hundred and fixty, of whom an hundred and twenty were ordered under the Conduit of Capt, Patrick of Watertown, and Capt. Trajk of Salem, Capt. Stougbton of Dorcbejler, being to command in Chief; with whom was fent that holy Man of God Mr. John Wilfon (Paftor of one Church of Bofion) the Charets [Chariots ?] and Horfemen of our Ifrael, by whofe Faith and Prayer, as fometimes was faid of Luther (in reference to Germany) the Country was preserved, fo as it was confidently believed that no Enemy fhould break in upon a Place whilft he furvived, which as fome have obferved, accordingly came to pafs.
The Matter requiring great Expedition, and it being long before the whole Company could be difpatched away, Capt. Patrick with forty Men were fent away beforehand,22 to be fure to meet with thofe of ConneSlicut, in Cafe they fhould be in Adlion, before the Reft of our Forces could get into a Readinefs, which accordingly came to pafs ; for the main Bufinefs in taking the Fort was over, even before the faid Patrick could get thither.^    Capt.  Underhil was fent by Mr. Vane
22 See Winthrop, Journal, \, 222.     ure, it was found that fome of the
23 << The March of thofe from     Officers, as well as of the private Maflachufetts was retarded by the    Soldiers, were ftill under a Cove-moft Angular Caufe that ever in-    nant of Works; and that the Blef-fluenced the Operations of a mili-    ling of God could not be implored fary Force. When they were    or expected to crown the Arms of muftered previous to their Depart-     fuch unhallowed Men with Succefs.
2 o       A Narrative of the Troubles     [123
the Governour to Saybrook, the Winter before, to ftrengthen the Garifon there. The affaulting and furprizing of which,24 being the mod: Remarkable Peice of Service in that whole Expedition, take it as it was delivered in Writing by that valiant, faithful, and prudent Commander Capt. Mafon, Chief in the A6Hon, who lived long after to reap the Fruit of his Labour, and enjoy the Benefit of that Day's Service, having an Inheritance given him in that Part of the Country, as a juft Reward of his faithful Service on that Day, as well as at other Times. Wequajh^ a Pequod by Nation, but difgufted by the Sachim, proved a good Guide, by whofe Direction they were [123] led to a Fort near Mijlick River, fome Miles nearer than Sajfacous his Fort, which they firft: intended to aflault.2^
On the fecond Wednefday of May> being the
The Alarm was general, and many        24 The Pequot Fort, and not the
Arrangements neceiTary in order to    Garifon at Say brook, as would na-
caft out the Unclean, and to render    turally be inferred from the Con-
this little  Band fufficiently pure to    text, fight the Battles of a People who
entertained high Ideas of their own        25 Of this Renegade, Roger Wil-
Sanctity."     Robertfon's   America,    liams gives no favorable Character.
Bookx;   Neal's  Hijigry of New    See Mather's Relation,  149;  but
England, i,   184.     The  Date of   in New England's Firft Fruits he
Patrick's March from Boflon is not    is  made   a   Saint   of.    See   that
given by Winthrop, who had been    Work, p. 5-7. fo much occupied in engineering at
the Election, that he neglected the        26 This Account, purporting to
Dates to his Entries in his Journal,    have  been received from Captain
therefore how much   Patrick  was    Mafon,  was probably an Abftraft
delayed   by    the    "Covenant  of   of what was  afterwards publifhed
Works" is not known.                      as his Hiftory.
123]  with the Indians in New-England.  21
tenth Day of that Month, we fet fail with ninety Men of the Englifh in one Pink, one Pinnace, two Boats, towards the Pequods, with feventy River-Indians. Having fome what a long Paffage to Saybrook Fort, about forty of our Indians defired to go down by Land on Saturday, but on Monday they went forth from the Fort, and meeting feven Pequods and Ny antic ks, they flew five outright, took one Prifoner, and brought him into Saybrook Fort, where he was executed by Capt. Underbill, the other efcaped.27
On Monday we all landed at Saybrook Fort, and ftayed there till Teujday, Capt. Underhil joyning nineteen Men with himfelf to us: whereupon we fent back twenty of ours to ftrengthen our Plantations : and fo let fail on Tburfday towards Nar-haganfet, and arrived there on Friday.
On Saturday, myfelf, with Capt. Underhill, Lieutenant Seafy, with our Guard marched to Canonicus by Land, being about five Miles diftant, where we were kindly entertained after their Manner : having had Parley with him, we fent to Miantonimo who would give no prefent Anfwer; and fo our Sabbath being on the Morrow, we adjourned our meeting until Monday, at which Time there aflfembled Miantonimo with the chiefeft of
27 One of the moll revolting Ex-    Prince, it is faid that thofe Indians
ecutions on Record.    The Name    fell upon thirty or forty of the Ene-
of the Sufferer  was   Kifivas.    See    my near Saybrook Fort, and killed
Mather's Relation, 167.    In Ma-    feven of them outright.   This (in the
fon's Hiftory as published by Mr.    Text) is the moll rational Account.
c2
22        A Narrative of the Troubles      | 124.
them, about two hundred Men; and being fo-lemnly fet for Confultation after their Manner, we told them, we were now going, God aflifting, to revenge the Wrong committed, and Bloodfhed by their and our Enemies, upon our native Country-men, not any Way defiring their Aid, unlefs they would voluntarily fend, which they did exceedingly approve of. Moreover we told them, that the Englifh and they had always been Friends for ought we knew, and fo we were with the Indians that had not wronged Englifh-men, the which they acknowledged, and fo made a large Defcription of the Pequods Country, and told us, they would fend Men with us; fo we refolved there to keep our Rendezvous at Canonicus his Plantation on the Morrow Night, being Ten/day : but the Wind being ftiff, we could not land our Men till five or fix of the Clock in the Afternoon, at which Time I landed on Narhaganfet Shore with thirty two Men, and fo marched to the Place of Rendezvouz formerly appointed : Capt. Underbil and my Lieutenant landed the Reft, and fo came up to me that Night. About two Hours before Day came an Indian with a Letter from Capt. Patrick?* being then at Mr. Ro. Williams his Plantation with forty Men, who defired us to flay for his coming, and joyning, not [124] intimating when that would be : the which being confidered and debated, we thought could not be
28 This Circumftance is not mentioned in Mafon's Narrative.
124]  with the Indians in New-England.  2 3
our fafeft Courfe   (though  his  prefent Affiftance was much defired) for thefe Reafons.
Firft, Becaufe the Day before when we had abfolutely refolved to go, the Indians plainly told us, they thought we were but in jeft, and alfo that Englifh Men did talk much, but not fight :2? Nay, they concluded that they would not go out: and befides if we fhould defer, we feared we fhould be difcovered by Reafon of the frequent Recourfe between them by certain Squaws (who have mutual Recourfe): whereupon we were con-ftrained to fet forward toward the Pequods, with feventy feven Englifh, and about fixty River-Indiansy and as I fuppofe near about two hundred Narbaganfets, and marched that Night to the Eaftern Nianticks, where we kept our Rendez-vouz that Night; The Sachim of the Place adding about an hundred of his Men unto us.
We fet forward and marched about ten Miles, where making an Alta (or Halt) there we held a Confultation with the Indians that defired to know what we intended ? We told them that we refolved to Affault Sajfacous his Fort, at which they were all ftricken, and as it were amazed with Fear, as they plainly confefied; and fo after long Debate and preffing of them, taxing them with Cowardize, fome of them refolved to go along with us, though I fuppofe they had no fuch Intent, as appeared afterward ; fome of them left
29 " They had frequently de • upon a Pequot, but themfelves would fpifed us, faying, we durft not look    perform  great Things."    Mafon.
24      A Narrative of the Troubles       [_12S
us, to the Number I fuppofe of an hundred or lefs; and marching on five Miles further, we made another Alta, where they told us, we had near a dozen Miles to Sajfacous his Fort, as we gathered by their Relation : Being very weary in travelling with our Arms, Amunition and Pro-vifion, we were conftrained to alter our Refolution, and refolved to attempt that Fort, the which they had formerly defcribed to be three or four Miles nearer ; and alfo one of Captain Underbills Men failing, put it out of Doubt. But whofo-ever faith that Capt. Underbil had any falling out about that or any Thing elfe, doth fpeak Untruth : for we both refolved to Sajfacous his Fort, as we concluded in our Confultation at Narha-ganfet, and fo continued our Refolution till we received the former Reafons as grounds fufficient to perfwade us to the Contrary, and to profecute that which was moft likely to be accomplished.
They drew a Plot of the Situation of the Pe-quods and defcribed Sajfacous his Fort to be the neareft, which was the chief Caufe we determined to affault that firft, and had no Reafon leading till our laft Alta, where upon the Reafons formerly mentioned, we changed our Refolution : this they much defired, and very much rejoyced ; for it was dreadful to them to hear the Name of Sajfacous.
[125] From thence we marched two or three Miles where we kept our Rendezvouz, fuppofing we had been within one Mile of the Fort: They
125]  with the Indians in New-England.   25
having fent an Indian to difcover before-hand, brought us News that they were fecure, having been fifhing with many Canooes at Sea, and Divers of them walking here and thereJ0
About two Hours before Day we marched to-^ ward the Fort, being weary and much fpent; many of us having flept nothing at all.
And fo we began to march toward the Fort, the Lord being pleafed wonderfully to affift and encourage us. After a tedious March of three or four Miles, about Break of Day we came Fair in View of the Fort, ftanding on the Top of an Hill, not fteep, the Indians all falling back, were fud-denly vanifhed out of Sight: fo we made an Alta, and fent back for our Guide, who had promifed to go with us to the Fort; but his Heart we faw much failed him. We afked him what they intended who promized to wing us, and to furround the Fort ? He told us they were much afraid ; but he feeing our Refolution, went to them and prevailed with Divers of them to come up to us. We told them their beffc Courfe would be to flank the Fort on both Sides, and having no Time longer to confer, we proceeded. Capt. Underhil to the Weftern Entrance with one Divifion, my felf with the other to the Eaftern, as filently as poffibly we could; fo it pleafed God we came up with the Pallifado within two Rod, before we were difcovered ;   at
30 This brings us to the Night of the 25 th of May.
2 6        A Narrative of the Troubles   [125
which Time a Dog began to bark, and an Indian cried out,31 but not being myfelf rightly informed by the Indian Guide of the right Entrance, though there was a little poftern Door, the which I had thought to have attempted to break dowrn with my Foot; but the Lord directed me otherwife for the better; for I then feared we could not there enter with our Arms, which proved true ; fo I fuddenly hafted to the Pallifado, and putting in the Muzzle of my Peice, difcharged upon them, and fo the Reft, with all Celerity ; and fuddenly haftned on toward that Side which ftood toward the Water; where I concluded was an Entrance and inftantly fell upon it, being only barred with two great forked Boughs, or Branches of fome Tree, and hafting over them, I drew one after me, my Lieutenant, the other Way outward. Then we fuddenly fell upon the Wigwams: the Indians cryed out in moft hideous Manner, fome iffuing out of the Wigwams, fhooting at us defperately, and fo creeping under Beds that they had. We had refolved a while not to have burned it; but being we could not come at them, I then refolved to fet it on Fire, after Divers of them were flain, and fome of our Men fore wounded: So entring one of their Wigwams, I took a Fire-brand, [at which Time an Indian drawing an Arrow had killed him, but one Davis
31 The Cry was, " Owanux! " Wanux!" in Allyn's Tranfcript, Owanux ! " which is €* Englifhmen! Mather's Relation ; *f Wannocks ! " JEnglifhmen!"       Mafon's   Hijiory.    in the Anonymous Account.   Ibid%
126] with the Indians in New-England.    2 7
his Serjeant cut the [ 126] Bow-Jiring with his Court -lace]*2, and fuddenly kindled a Fire in the Mats wherewith they were covered, and fell to a Retreat, and furrounded the Fort. The Fire encreafing Violently, infomuch as that they were constrained to climb to the Top of the Pallifadoe, from whence they were foon fecht down, I fup-pofe to the Number of an hundred and forty. Many of them iffuing forth were fuddenly flain, either by the Englifh or Indians, who were in a Ring without us, All being difpatched and ended in the Space of an Hour ; having two of our Men flain, and fixteen wounded.33
Being very hot and dry, we could very hardly procure any Water, where we continued one Hour not knowing what Courfe to take, or which way to go, our Pinnaces not being come in, neither did we know how far, or which way to go to them; our Interpreter being an Indian, and they [the Indians] fo hurried and diflxa£ted with a few hurt Men, but chiefly, as I conceive, with Fear of the Enemy, who fuddenly approached, that we could hardly come to fpeak with him [the Interpreter,] who knew nothing what they intended. But the Enemy approaching, they began to cleave unto us, and I verily think they durft not leave us.
32 This is the Author's Interpo-    the Pequot Fort was on the Morn-lation. Mafon does not refer to it    ing of Friday, May 26th. Win-in his Hiftory, though he mentions    throp records the Information he Serjeant Davis.                                  received refpe&ing it in his Journal,
33 The   Fight  and   Capture of   i, 225.
28         A Narrative of the 'Troubles    [126
Our Pinnaces then coming in View with a fair Gale, being guided as it were to ferve our Neceffity by the good Hand of God, which I think was never more eminently feen in a Matter of like Moment, and lefs of Men in feveral Paflages. Then we fet our Men in order, and prepared for fight and began to march toward the Harbour where the Pinnaces were to ride: The Enemy approaching, Capt. Underbil with divers Indians and certain Englifh iflued out to encounter them, but they would not ftand to it; for the moft Part they lay behind Rocks, Trees and Bufhes. We marched on they flill dodging of us; fometimes defperately hazarding them-felves in open Field, where fome of them were flain in open View, and as we hear, many wounded . I was fomewhat cautelous in beftowing many Shot upon them needleffly, becaufe I expected a ftrong Oppofition ; and thus they continued to follow us till we came within two Miles of our Pinnaces, where they wholly left us, which was near fix Miles as I conceive, having then about two Miles more to the River.
Four of our wounded Men we were forced to carry ourfelves, while at length we hired the Indians to bear them, both in this and all their following Enterprifes againft the Pequods.^
3i"Four or five of our  Men    that were wounded, to others:   So
were fo wounded that they muft be    that we had not above forty Men
carried, with  the Arms of twenty    free.    At length we  hired  feveral
more.    We alfo being faint, were    Indians, who eafed us of that Bur-
conftrained   to   put   four to   one    then   in   carrying   our   wounded
Man,   with   the Arms of the reft    Men."    Ma/on.
127] with the Indians in New-England.  2 9
Here Note that one Wequajh^ a Pequod fell from his Country-men, and proved a Guide to the Englifh.
This Service being thus happily accomplifhed by thefe few Hands that [127] came from Connecticut, within a while after the Forces fent from the Majfachufets under the Condud: of Captain Stoughton^ as Commander in Chief arrived there alfo, who found a great Part of the Work done to their Hands in the furprizal of the Pequods Fort, as aforefaid, which yet was but the breaking of the Neft, and unkenneling thofe falvage Wolves; for the Body of them, with Sajfacous the chief Sachim (whofe very Name was a Terrour to all the Narhaganfets) were dif-perfed abroad and fcattered all over their Country; yet fo far difmayed, that they never durft make any AfTault upon the Englifh, that in feveral Parties were fcattered about in Purfuit of them.
It was not long after Capt. Stoughtons Soldiers came up, before News was brought of a great Number of the Enemy, that were difcovered by the Side of a River up the   Country,  being firft
35 The fame before noticed.   See    lonel by the Parliament and fought
Note, 470.                                        under Cromwell.    He did not re-
•   36 Ifrael Stoughton of Dorchefter,    turn   to   New England.     A Letter
the   Father  of Governor William    from him while in this Expedition
Stoughton.    When the Civil War    againft the Pequots may be feen in
broke   out   in   England,   he,  with    the Appendix to Mather's Relation,
feveral other prominent New Eng-    285,   &c. ;    and   another,   feveral
land Men returned to that Country    Weeks later,   in   the   Appendix to
and took part in the War.    Capt.    Winthrop's Journal, i, 399, and an-
Stoughton was commiflioned a Co-    other in Hutchinfon's Papers, 61-3.
D
3 o       A Narrative of the Troubles       [127
trepanned by the Narhaganfetsy under Pretence of fecuring [protecting] them, but they were truly hemmed in by them, though at a Diftance, yet fo as they could not, or durft not ftir from the Place, by which Means our Forces of the Majfachufets had an ealie Conqueft of fome hundreds of them, who were there couped up as in a Pound; not daring to fight, not able to fly away, and fo were all taken without any Oppofi-tion : The Men among them to the Number of thirty were turned prefently into Cbarons Ferryboat, under the Command of Skipper Gallop, who difpatched them a little without the Harbour.w The Females and Children were difpofed of according to the Will of the Conquerors; fome being given to the Narhaganfets and other Indians that affifted in the Service.
The reft of the Enemy being firft fired out of their ftrohg Hold, were taken and deftroyed, a great Number of them being feized in the Places where they intended to have hid themfelves, the reft fled out of their own Country over ConneBi-cut River, up towards the Dutch Plantation. Our Soldiers being refolved, by Gods Afliftance, to make a final Deftru&ion of them, were minded
37 To refleft upon this and kin-    Veflelfrom the Indians at ManifTes, dred Adls is no agreeable Tafk to    after a defperate Fight, in 1636. the Annotator. To be compelled    He was a prominent Man in Con-to review them partakes fomething    ne&icut, and had a Son, alfo named of the Nature of witneffing them.    John, a Captain in Philip's War, The Skipper Gallop here mention-    and was killed at the Narraganfet ed was the fame Capt. John Gallop    Fort Fight, Dec, 19th, 1675. See who   recaptured   Capt.   Oldham's    Mifs Caulkin's, Hift. New London.
128] with the Indians in New-England.    31
to purfue them which way foever they fhould think to make their Efcape; to which End in the next Place, our Soldiers went by Water towards New-Haven, whither they heard (and which in Reafon was moft likely) they bent their Courfe: Soon after they were informed of a great Number of them that had betaken them-felves to a neighbouring Place not far of, whither they might Hope it was not like they fhould be purfued ; but upon Search they found fifty or fixty Wigwams, but without any Indians in any of them, but heard that they had paffed along toward the Dutch Plantation; whereupon our Soldiers that were before, all embarked for Quit-lepiack, afterwards called New-Haven, and being landed there, they had not far [128J to march unto the Place where it was moil probable they fhould either find or hear of them. Accordingly in their March they met here and there with fundry of them, whom th£y flew or took Prifoners; amongft whom were two Sa-chims, whom they prefently beheaded. To a third, that was either a Sachim or near a kin to one, they gave his Life upon Condition that he fhould go and enquire where Sajfacous was, and accordingly bring them Word. This Indian, overlooking all other national or natural Obligations, in Consideration of his Life that was received on that Condition, proved very True and Faithful to thofe that fent him. His Order was to have returned in three Days, but not being able
32        A Narrative of the Troubles    [128
within fo ihort a Time to make a full Difcovery of the Bufinefs, and alfo find an handfome Way to efcape, he made it eight Days before he returned, in which fomething fell out not a little remarkable; for thofe he was fent to difcover, fufpe&ing at the laft by his withdrawing himfelf that he came for a Spye, purfued after him; fo he was forced to fly for his Life, and getting down to the Sea-fide, he accidentally met with a Canooe a little before turned adrift, by which Means he padled by fome fhift or other fo far out of the Harbour, that making a Sign he was difcerned of fome on board of one of the VeflTels that attended on our Soldiers, by whom being taken up, he made known what he had difcover-ed: But after he was gone, Sajfacous fufpedting (and not without juft Caufe) what the Matter was, made his Efcape from the Reft with twenty or thirty of his Men, to the Mohawks, by whom himfelf and they were all murthered afterward, being hired thereunto by the Narhaga?ifets9 as was confidently affirmed and believed.
Thus this treacherous and cruel Villian with his Companions, having againft his Faith and Promife, as well as contrary to the Laws of Nature and Nations, murthered feveral others, both of the Dutch and Englifh Nation, is in the fame Manner himfelf againft the Laws of Hofpitality murthered by thofe to whom he fled for Refuge; Vengeance is mine, faith the Lord, I will repay it.
It is worthy our Obfervation, that this Sajfacous the chief Sachim of the Pequods, as Philip of
129] with the Indians in New-England>   %%
Mount-Hope, (both of them in their feveral Times and Places the contrivers of many bloody and cruel Mifchiefs, yet) efcaped the Hands of thefe whom they had fo many Ways provoked to the utmoft Degree of Indignation, that fo they might not too much gratifie their own Spirits in taking Revenge; but it muft be brought about by thofe Means, in which the Glory of Divine Vengeance and Juftice fhall more eminently fhine forth that it might be truly faid of them as Adonibezek, confeflfed of himfelf, As I have done, fo God hath [129]   requited me.    But to return.
The reft of the Pequods from whom Sajfacous had made an Efcape, fliifted every one for himfelf, leaving but three or four behind them, (when a Party of our Soldiers according to the Direction of him that was fent as a Spy came upon the Place) who would not or could not tell them whither their Company were fled; but our Soldiers ranging up and down as Providence guided them, at the laft, July 13. 1637, they lighted upon a great Number of them, they purfued in [to] a fmall Indian Town, feated by the Side of an hideous Swamp (near the Place where Fairfield or Stratford now ftand) into which they all flipt, as well Pequods as Natives of the Place, before our Men could make any Shot upon them, having placed a Centinel to give warning. Mr. Ludlow** and Capt. Mafon with half a Score of their Men hapned to difcover this Crew.    Capt. Patrick and Capt. Trajk with about
38 Mr. Roger Ludlow.    He had    recently removed to Connecticut.
34        A Narrative of the Troubles    [129
an hundred of the Majfachufet Forces came in upon them prefently after the Alarm was given. Such Commanders as firft hapned to be there, gave fpecial Order that the Swamp fhould be fur-rounded (being about a Mile in Compafs) but Lieutenant Davenport^ belonging to Capt. Trajk his Company, not hearing the Word of Command, with a dozen more of his Company in an over-eager Purfuit of the Enemy, ruihed immediately into the Swamp, where they were very rudely entertained by thofe Evening Wolves that were newly kennelled therein; for Lieut. Davenport was forely wounded in the Body, John Wedgwood of Ipfwich in the Belly, and was laid hold on alfo by fome of the Indians. Thomas Sherman*0 of the faid Ipfwich, in the Neck ; fome of their Neighbours that ventured in with them were in Danger of the Enemies Arrows, that flew thick about them, others were in as much Hazard of being fwallowed by the miery Bogs of the Swamp, wherein they ftuck fo faft, that if Sergeant Riggs of Roxbury had not refcued two or three of them, they had fallen into the Hands of the Enemy; but fuch was the Strength and Courage of thofe that came to the Refcue, that fome of the Indians being flain with their Swords, their Friends were
39 Afterwards Capt. Richard Da-    Fort Fight was his Son. venport, of the Caftle in Bofton        40 Perhaps the fame whofe Name Harbor, where he was killed by    we find in a Lift of PafTengers who Lightning, July 15th, 1665, at the    ihipped for Barbadoes from Engage of 59. Captain Nathaniel    land, in February, 1634-5. $ee Davenport killed at the Narraganfet    Founders of New England, 101.
130] with the Indians in New-England.    3 5
quickly relieved, and drawn out of the Mire and Danger.
But the Indians of the Place, who had for Company fake run with their Guefts the Pequods into the Swamp, did not love their Friendship fo well as to be killed with them alfo for Company fake; wherefore they began to bethink them-felves that they had done no Wrong to the English, and defired a Parley, which was granted ; and prefently underftood by the Means of Thomas Stanton^ an exaft Interpreter then at Hand, upon which the Sachim of the Place with feveral others, their Wives and Children, that liked better to live quietly in their Wigwams than be buried in the Swamp, came forth and had their Lives granted them : After [130] fome Time of further Parley with thefe, the Interpreter was fent in to offer the like- Terms to the Reft, but they were polfefed with fuch a Spirit of Stupidity and Sullennefs, that they refolved rather to fell thair Lives for what they could get there; and to that End began to let fly their Arrows thick againft him, as intending to make his Blood fome Part of the Price of their own; but through the Goodnefs of God toward him, his Life was not to be fold on that Account, he being prefently fetched off.
By this Time, Night drawing on, our Commanders perceiving on which Side of the Swamp the Enemies were lodged, gave Order to cut through the Swamp, with their Swords, that they might the better hem them round in one Corner,
36        A Narrative of the Troubles      [130
which was prefently done, and fo they were begirt in all Night; the Englifh in the Circumference plying them with Shot all the Time, by which Means many of them were killed and buried in the Mire, as they found the next Day. The Swamp by the forementioned Device being reduced to fo narrow a Compafs, that our Soldiers, ftanding at twelve Foot Diftance, could furround it, the Enemy was kept in all the Night: but a little before Day-break (by Reafon of the Fog that ufeth to arife about that Time, obferved to be the darkeft Time of the Night) twenty or thirty of the luftieft of the Enemy brake through the Befiegers, and efcaped away into the Woods; fome by Violence and fome by ftealth, dropping away; fome of whom notwithftanding were killed in the Purfuit; the Reft were left to the Mercy of the Conquerors, of ^hich many were killed in the Swamp like fullen Dogs, that would rather in their Self-willednefs and Madnefs lit ftill to be fhot through or cut in Peices, than receive their Lives for the afking at the Hand of thofe into whofe Power they were now fallen. Some that are yet living and worthy of Credit do affirm, that in the Morning entring into the. Swamp, they faw feveral Heaps of them fitting clofe together, upon whom they difcharged their Peices laden with ten or twelve Piftol-bullets at a Time, puting the Muzles of their Peices under the Boughs within a few Yards of them; fo as befides thofe that were found Dead (near twenty) it was judged that many more were killed and funk into the
131] with the Indians in New-England.    3 7
Mire, and never were minded more by Friend or Fo : Of thofe who were not fo defperate or ful-len to fell their Lives for Nothing, but yeilded in Time, the male Children were fent to the Bermudas ; of the Females, fome were diftributed to the Englifh Towns, fome were difpofed of among the other Indians, to whom they were deadly Enemies as well as to ourfelves.
This Overthrow given to the Pequods ftruck fuch a Terror into all the Indians in thofe Parts (fome of whom had been ill-affe6ted to the Englifh before) that they fought our Friendship, and tendered themfelves to be un[i3i]der our Protection, which they then obtained, and have never fince forfeited it, any of them, till this late Rebellion of Philip, the Subject of the Difcourfe foregoing. Amongft the Reft of the Prifoners, fpecial Notice was taken of the Wife of a noted Indian called Mononotto, who with her Children fubmitted her felf, or by the Chance of the War fell into the Hands of the Englifh : it was known to be by her Mediation that two Englifh Maids (that were taken away from Wethersfield upon Connecticut River) were faved from Death, in requital of whofe Pity and Humanity, the Life of her felf and her Children was not only granted her, but fhe was in fpecial recommended to the Care of that honourable Gentlemen Mr. John Winthrop, for that Time being the worthy Gov-ernour of the Majfachufets; who taking Notice of her modeft Countenance and Behaviour, as E2
38       A Narrative of the Troubles      [131
well as of her only Requeft (not to fufFer Wrong either as to the Honour of her Body, or Fruit of her Womb) gave fpecial Charge concerning her according to his noble and Chriftian Difpofition.
After this Slaughter at the Swamp, the Pequods being upon every Turn expofed to Revenge of the Mohegins on one Side, and Narhaganjets on the other, chofe rather to.fubmit themfelves to the Englifh, by whom they were put, fome under the Mohegins, and fome under the Narhaganfets, which at laft proved the Occafion of the prefent Quarrel, as is conceived, through the Ambition of Miantonimo, as was at firft related.
This was the Iffue of the Pequod War, which in the Day of it here in New-England was then as formidable to the Country in general as the prefent War with Philip; the Experience of which, becaufe it may adminifter much matter of Comfort and Encouragement to the furviving Generation, as well as of Praife and Thankfgiving to Almighty God from all thofe who have thus long quietly enjoyed the Benefit, and reaped the Fruit of their Labour, and Courage, who engaged therein, the more Pains hath been taken to fearch out the broken Peices of that Story, and thus put them together before the Memory thereof was buried in the Ruins of Time, and paft the Recovery and Knowledge of the prefent Age; the which though it be here in the laft Place recorded, ihould in the firft be remembered.
i]       with the Indians in New-England.   39
[1]41 A Table /hewing the Towns and Places which are Inhabited by the Englijh in N ew-England; thofe that are marked with Figures, as well as exprejfed by their Names, are fuch as were ajfault-ed by the Indians, during the late awful Revolutions of Providence.
Numb. 1.42 Mount-hope. A gallant Neck of Land where Philip dwelt, who firffc began the Infurre6tion againft the Englifh ''fun. 24, 1675.
2. The Place where ftands the Town of Swanzy confifting of forty Dwelling-houfes, moft of them very fair Buildings, juft at the Entrance on to Mount-hope, where were {June 24, 1675.) flain fix Men at Bourn's Garifon, in Metapoifet (another Neck marked* not far from the former) and three wounded as they came from the publick Meeting, two kill'd that went for the Surgeon : and a Negro of Mr. Mile's wounded, fo as he died foon after. Alfo Layton Archer and his Son were flain, June 25, which three belonged to Road-Ifland, but were kiled at the Fall-River, though by Mifinformation it is elfewhere published that it was done June 24.43 Alfo eighteen Houfes were burnt within Mount-hope, that belonged to Swanzy Town ; the Reft of the Town being all burned the next Year, June 16, 1676,  fave fix
41 There is no Paging to this Ta-     above,  have reference alfo  to the ble in the Original.                                Map. •
42 The Numbers, befides denot-        & See Dr. I.Mather, Brief Hif-ing as mentioned  in the Heading    tory, 221.
4»o       A Narrative of the Troubles           [i
Houfes that are yet ftanding: befides the barbarous Murther of Mr. Hezekiab WMet,June 26, 1676.^
3. Middleborough, formerly called Namajket, where Saufaman was flain : It is fcituate between Plimouth and Taunton and is mifplaced in the Map. Here one J. Marks was walking in a Field of Indian-corn, in July 1675, had his Thigh-bone broke by a Shot from an Indian; after which he lay forty-eight Hours before he was found, and yet was alive, but his Wound, was fo putrified, that he died thereof. When the Town was firft aflaulted, the Miller running back to ihut down his Mill, was affaulted by feven Indians at one Time, by eleven at another; had feveral Bullets fhot through his Coat, yet gat fafe to the Garifon ; but the People were forced to retire to Plimouth with their Goods foon after, when the whole Village was deitroyed by the Indians.^
44 See Note 379, ante, page 240.    Danfon, his Neighbdr, was fhot on
45 Some Traditions refpe£ting the    his Horfe and killed, as he was Affairs in Middleborough in the    letting his Horfe drink at a Brook, Time of Philip's War, were gath-    while making his Efcape to a Gar-ered among the Inhabitants of that    rifon, at or near what Is fince Town, and printed in the Notes to    called the Four Comers" . There Church's Entertaining Hiftory,    is an Extract from a Letter of this (1827.) There is an additional Tra-    John Thomfon, in Davis's Edition dition in the Thomfon Genealogy,    of Morton's Memorial, Page 430, pages 7 and8, to this efFect: "The    dated July 10th, which, doubtlefs, Houfe of John Thomfon was burnt    fixes the Time of the 7Var factions by the Indians on a certain Even-    alluded to in the Genealogy, The ing.    On the fame Evening' a Mr.    Letter is  addrefled  to Gov. Win-
n]    with the Indians in New-England.     41
4.   Dartmouth, where in June 1676,46 a Man and a Woman were flain by the Indians; another Woman was wounded and taken ; but becaufe flie had kept an Indians Child before, fo much Kindnefs was fhewed her, as that £he was fent back, after they had drefled her Wound; the Indians gaurded her till (he came within Sight of the Englifh.
5.  Seaconke or Rehobotb, where were burned eight Farm-houfes in the End of June, and Beginning of July 1675. On March 28, 1676, forty [11] five Dwelling Houfes were there burned, whereof thirty eight were inhabited, and the Owners thereby turned out of Doors, and left without Houfe or Harbour. Befide twenty-one Barns, two Corn-mills, one Saw-mill burnt
flow at Plymouth, from which it     the Plymouth Colony Records, vi, appears that the Town's Court of    70, mention is made of George Guard was ftationed in a Mill, and     Danfon, 1673. In ibid, Vol. V, were not ftrong enough to a£l on     156, " George Danfon of Middle-the OfFenfive, and hence the In-     berry, for doeing feruill worke on dians fwept around and fet fire to     the Lord's Day, fined 40 Shillings." moft of the Houfes. "Towards         4r> Should be 1675. See Mather, Night," fays Thomfon (or as Mr.     Brief Hiflory, 61, 252, and Note Davis has his Name, Tomfon) '' they     395, ante, I had hoped to find returned to the Top of Tifpaquin's     fome Account of thefe early Affairs Hill [on the oppofite Side of the     in a Centennial Work lately iflued Nemafket from the Four Corners]     at New Bedford, but looked only with great Triumph and Rejoicing,     to be difappointed. The Work is with a Shout. But we firing our    entitled, Old Dartmouth Centennial long Gun at them, they fpeedily     Celebration, but a more appro-went away.'" Whether the Perfon     priate Title would have been, The killed were a Mr. Dawfon or a Mr.     Celebration of New Dartmouth, or Danfon, I have not afcertained.   In     rather, New Bedford.
42        A Narrative of the Troubles        [n
at the fame Time. June 16, 1676, eight Farm-houfes were there alfo confumed by the Fire of the Enemy. The Perfons flain here were feven, four with Capt. Pierce, March 26, 1676, another March 28, another Apr. 28, the laft, May 2(?.47
6.   Pocajfet, where were fome Houfes burned "July 1675, and fevtn or eight flain in the Swamp near the Place : here alfo Capt. Church gave the Enemy a notable Defeat the fame Month.48
7.   Taunton, where were fifteen Perfons flain by the Indians; eleven Men, two Maids, and two Youths : befides a Man flain in the Fight with Capt. Beers; fome in the Year 1675, and fome 1676, pag. 25, 26.49
7. Mendam, where were the firft Englifh flain within the Majfachufets Colony, to the Number of five or fix,  July  1675, within a few  months
47 The Hiftorian of Rehoboth eould not profit by the Information here given, as he ufed a modern Copy of Hubbard which did not contain it. See No. 20, of this Table,
4 8 The " Houfes burnt in July, 1675," may refer to thofe burnt in Dartmouth ; but I do not find anything correfponding to it in other Accounts.
49 No Data will be found at the Pages referred to for the above Statement. Taunton covered a large Territory then, and the Author has given the Aggregate of the flain on all Parts thereof, probably.    In
March, 1677, three Indians were arraigned at Plymouth " for murdering John Knowles, John Tifdall, Sen., and Samuel Atkins." Their Names were " Timothy Jacked, alias Canjuncke, NafTamaquat, and Pompacanfhe." The Verdicl of the Jury was, " We find they are very fufpifious of the Murder charged on them/' that is, the two firft named. <{ And in reference vnto Pompacanfhe, wee find nothing agai nil him/' However, they were all " centanced to be fent out of the Country fpeedily." Pompacanfhe was included, " as hee is a Prifoner taken inWarr."
n]    with the Indians in New-England.    43
after the whole Village was   deftroyed, pag. 26, 27, 31.
9.   Brookejield, or Squaboag was deftroyed by the Indians Aug. 2, 1675. whereof the cheif Inhabitants, viz. John Fires, Jo/on Pritchet, and Rich. Coy, treacheroufly flain under pretence of a Treaty, pag. 32, 3 3.5°
10.   Deerfield or Pocwnptuck, a Village newly planted, where Sep. 12. 1675, Divers were flain, and the Houfes burned by the Enemy. Between this Place and Northampton was a Skirmifh with the Enemy 1675, eight or nine of the Englifh were there flain, and twenty fix of the Enemy. Near unto this Place was Captain Lothrop fet upon with feven or eight hundred Indians, whereby himfelf, and moft of his foldiers, to the Number of feventy three, were cut off, Sept. 18, 1675, pag. 36, 37, 38, 39. The Fight at the Falls, a little beyond Deerfield, pag. 91. It is Confidera-ble that the Evening before Capt. Turner and Capt Holioke gave the Enemy a Camizado in the Wigwams, they had been feafting and dancing, having before they laid down to fleep, filled their Bellies with fome new Milk, (as an Englifh Woman then in their Hands, did declare, who was made
50 u There were then ilain to our    drack   Hapgood of Sudbury, Ser-
great   Grief,   eight Men,   namely,    jeant Eyres, [John Ayres] Serjeant
Zechariah Phillips of  Bofton, Ti-     [Jofeph]   Prichard,   and Corporal
mothy Farlow [Farley] ofBillerica,     [John] Coy."    Wheeler's Narra-
Edward Coleborn of Chelmsford,     tive, in Foot's Weft Brookfield Dif
Samuel  Smedly of  Concord,   Sy-    courfe, 35.
44        ^4 Narrative of the Troubles         [in
to milk Hatfield Cows, which a Day or two before they had driven away.) So that when they wrere moft fecure, Deftruftion came upon a great Part of them, to the Number of three hundred and fifty, as was judged by fuch as were there, vide pag. 91.
11.   Squakheag, |Northfield| another Village newly begun, which was alfo deftroyed Sept. 1675, near unto this Place Capt. Beers was flain, and nineteen of his Men, as they went to relieve tlie Garifon there, pag 37.
12.   Springfield, which was treacheroufly af-faulted Odtob. 5, 1675 by [in] three or four hundred Indians, when L[ieutenant] Cooper and two more were flain, and thirty five Houfes burned with other Buildings belonging thereunto. Some others were there flain in the Winter following, Pag. 41. Within a few Miles of this Place Capt. Samuel Holioke handfeled his Office with the Slaughter of four or five of the Enemy. Three or four were here flain the Winter following.
13.   Hatfield, a fmall Town feated on the Weft-fide of Connecticut River, over againft Hadly, which was furioufly aflaulted by feven hundred Indians, Offob. 19, 1675, yet was the Place preferved by the Valour of the Englifh with the Lofs but of one Man, Serj. Norton by Name Pag. 42, although feven or eight of the Scouts were that Day furprifed and flain by the Enemy, and one or  two of the Town.    It was
in]   with the Indians in New-England.    45
affaulted  alfo   1676, when five  Men  were   flain that came to their Relief from Hadly, Pag. 93.
14.   Northampton, a fair Town three or four Miles diftant from Hatfield, which was feveral Times affaulted by the Enemy, yet was preferved with the Lofs but of a Few of the People and the burning of feven or eight of the Houfes thereof, Page 44, jj.
15.   Had/y, a confiderable Town on the Eaft-fide of ConneSiicut River, violently affaulted by the Enemy, yet no confiderable Hurt done, June 12, 1676,51 only fome Few were furprifed and flain, Pag. 94, that without Order would venture without the Pallifadoes. In the March before, one Goodman, Deacon of the Church, was flain at Hoccanum, belonging to Had/y, and two more that went againft Order and Command to the Top of Mount Holioke.
16.   Wejifield, a fmall Town feven Miles Weft
51 It is fince well known that General William GofFe, one of the Signers of the Death Warrant of Charles I, lived fecreted many Years in Hadley. In an Attack on the Town fometime during this War by the Indians, he is faid to have faved the Place by fuddenly appearing among the frightened People, and routing the Indians. The Date of this Event is uncertain, but is fuppofed to have been on September the ift, 1675. The flrft to publifh the Story, fo far as
F2
is known to me, was Governor Hutchinfon, who tells us it was handed down through Governor Leverett's Family. See Hiftory of Maffachufetts, i, 219, ill Edition, (1764). The next Author who fpeaks of it is that ubiquitous Singularity Ifaac Bickerftaff,Efq., in his Almanack for the Year 1769. He probably took his Account from Hutchinfon. Then Prefident Stiles has it fomewhat enlarged and em-bellifhed, in his Hiftory of the Judges, 109.
46         A Narrative of the Troubles       [in
from  Springfield, where  fome  few   Houfes were burned before, or in the Winter, 1675, and three or fourPerfons flain, as they paifed toward Springfield, Pag. 44.
17.   A Village called Quonfigornog in the middle Way between Marlborough and. ^uabaog, con-fifting of about fix or feven Houfes.
18.   Jer. Bulls, Garifon-houfe at Pettiquemfcot, furprifed, and fundry Perfons flain ; a very great Damage to the Defign then in Hand againft Narhaganjet Fort,52 Pag. 50, 51.
19.   Canonicus Fort taken by the Forces of the three Colonies, Decemb. 19, 1675, though with the Lofs of many of the Englifh, feventy nine being flain right out, an about an hundred wounded ; of the Enemy were flain by the Con-feffion of fome Prifoners about three hundred of their beft Men; though Ninicrafts Men who buried the Dead there left, fpeak not of a third Part fo many,53 Pag. 51, 52.
20.   Warwick, a Town near Providence, feated upon a Neck of Land, environed by the Sea, was all of it burned by the Enemy at feveral Times,
52 See Mather's Brief Hiftory,    Englifh, and that his Men have 105-6.                                              buried the Englifh that were flain at
53 While Major Bradford, who    the Fort, which were about twenty-was wounded in the Narraganfet    four, and defires for every one he Swamp Fight of Dec. 19th, 1675,    buried a Charge of Powder. He lay at Newport on Rhode Ifland, he    certifieth alfo of the Enemy's wrote to the Rev. Mr. Cotton at    Flight." " Ninigret and his Ny-Plymouth: " Ninicraft has fent    antick Subjects dwelt from Point down divers MefTengers to the    Judith up to Wefterly." Backus, General, pretending   Love   to   the    Hiftory of 'New-England, i, 437.
iv]    with the Indians in New-England.    47
[iv] the chief Mifchief there done was upon March 16, 1676, and the Place wholly deferted by the Inhabitants for a Time, yet but one Man killed, that was too confident of his Safety, as is faid.54
Providence is the Town next Warwick, where were eighteen Houfes burned, June 28, 1675. March 29 following, fifty-four Houfes were there burned, and moft of the Reft as they were deferted by the Inhabitants withdrawing to Road-Ifland.
Petuxet is another fmall Place within, four Miles of Providence, where were twelve Houfes burned in the Beginning of March 1676, Pag. 66, 67. It was by a fmall Brook called Abbots Run, that falls into Patuxet, (a River near Providence) where Captain Peirce and his Men were flain. Ibid.
Bridgewater, a fmall Town between Taunton and Weymouth Pag. 68.
21. Lancajier, or Najhaway, a fmall Town of about fifty Families, was afiaulted Febr. 10, 1675, by five hundred Indians in five feveral Companies; yet they took but one Garilbn-houfe; wherein were forty two Perfons, but eight or nine Soldiers, whereof but one efcaped; the Reft were Women and Children, who were moft of them
51 This probably  has  Reference    fhield him from all Harm from the
to " one Wright," who was fo crazy    Indians.    See Old Indian   Chroni-
from fanaticifm, as  to fuppofe that    cles,   85.     Wright    probably   be-
carrying a Bible about with  him,    longed to Warwick.  See Note 248,
finging Pfalms and   praying would    and Mather's Brief Hiftory, 126.
48         A Narrative of the "Troubles        [iv
returned after fome Months Captivity.5* And to prevent Miftakes, let it here be obferved, that none of the Women were abufed, or murthered, but one that was big with Child, unable to travel, and much difcontented; whom the Indians, having made a great Fire, and gathered a Ring about her, firft knocked her on the Head, after they had pulled off her Clothes, then barbaroufly caft her into the Fire. No Credit is to be given to any other Reports of Cruelty towards any Englifh Woman in that Part of the Country.
23. Grot on furprized March 2, as is related Pag. 60, and 61; the Place confifting of about fixty Families, was foon after deferted, yet are there fourteen or fifteen Houfes left ftanding to this Day, though not  inhabited for the prefent, Pag.
73-
25.   Wickford, where  was  Mr. Smith's  Houfe
the Rendezvouz of our Soldiers the laft Winter,
when they fpoiled the Narhaganfet Fort.
28. Medfield, a midling  Town,  ten  or twelve
Miles beyond Dedham, furprized by the Indians ;
55 A welcome Ray of Light is    The Lads Names are Jofeph Joflyn
Ihedon this PafTage from an Extract    and John Jacus." [Jacobs?] Talcott
of a Letter written by Major Tal-    mentions a " Mayd" as one of the
colt,   dated   Norwich,   May   31ft    Captives, and fays he had <( given an
(1676).    " The Day before,   18    Order to ihip the two Lads and the
WabaquafTet Indians, with feventy    Mayd on Scippr Prentice, now at
Women and Children,  came in to    Norwich with his Veflel,"   to be
Norwich, bringing with them two    conveyed to Bofton and delivered to
young Englifh Captives, of 12 and    Gov. Leverett.    CoL Rec. Gonnec-
10 years of Age, belonging, one to    ticut, ii, 450-1. Sudbury and the other to Nafhaway;
v]      with the Indians in New-Rngland.    4.9
feventeen Perfons flain, and much of the Town burned, Pag. 61, 62.
31.   Marlborough, a Town ten Miles beyond Sudbury, in the Way to ConneBicut, the People repairing in Time to Garifon-houfes, were not many of them ilain ; yet were many or moft of their Houfes burned that were deferted, March 26, 1676.
32.   Sudbury, a convenient Town, violently affaulted Apr. 18, 1676, [v] Page 79. by eight or nine hundred Indians (the Inhabitants fpeak of fourteen hundred) a tripartite .Company intending to have carried all before them, yet flew but three of the Inhabitants, befides ten or eleven that came to their Relief from Concord, that were fadly loft for want of good Conduit, Febr. 1. 1675.56 Tho. Eames his Houfe at a Farm three Miles dif-tant from the Town, his Corn, Cattel, Barns all burned, his Family captivated, the next Day his Son's Wife died, Eames himfelf being from Home.
33.   Concord, a confiderable Town five or fix Miles to the North-weft of Sudbury; they fuf-tained not much Damage in the Town, fave only fome Farms that were at fome Diftance therefrom : two Men threfhing at a Barn, a young Maid fet to Watch, was carried Captive, and the Men both Ilain, the Maid ftrangely efcaped foon after, Pag. 80.
56 This probably has Reference Bofton, who had been to Quabaog to the Attack on a Company of Men Fort as a Convoy to Provifions for under   Capt.   Edward  Cowell   of   that Garrifon.
50        A Narrative of the Troubles         [v
34.    Chelmsford, where were many deferted Houfes burned in the Beginning of April 1676. belonging to one Ed. Colburn, that had formerly purchafed the Seat of Capt. Web.57 And to Samuel Varnham, who had two Sons flain in the Boat as they were paffing the River.
35.   Andover, a fmall Town fifteen Miles weft from Ipfwich; where alfo in April was one or two killed, and one taken Captive.58
36.  37, 38. Hingham and Weymouth, in each of which was one or two killed, Apr. 19, 1676, in the fame Month two or three were killed at Andover, Haverhill, Bradford.
39.   Woburn, where fome fkulking Indians that had robbed fome of their Gardens at Cambridge, of Linnen, came into a Houfe, killed a Woman and two Children ; but being purfued and fliot at, as they fat by a Swamp fide, they dropped their Bundle of Linnen, in which was found wrapt up the Scalp of one or both the Children.5?
40.   Cafco, a large Bay fcatteringly inhabited and full of Iflands, where Sept. 1675, Mr. Pur-chafe his Houfe was plundered.
Sept. 9, following, Wakely's Houfe and Family was fpoiled.
57 Capt. John Webb.    He is the    fore the Commencement of the War.
fame who came over in the James of      *58 See Page 221, ante ; alfo a Note
London, which failed from Hampton    in Mather's Brief Hiftory, 132-3.
"aboute the 5th of Aprill, 1635."        59 Hannah, wife of Samuel  Ri-
In a Lift of the PafTengers his Name    chard, and her only Child Hannah,
is   <( John  Euered,  alias   Webb."    one Week old are killed at Woburn
See Founders af New England, 56,    by the Indians.    Alfo Thomas, Son
by which it appears he came from4   of faid R.     Woburn Records, April
Marlborough in Wilts. He died be-    10th, 1676.
vi]    with the Indians in New-ILngland.    51
12. ditto. Two  Houfes burned of Mr. Mount-joy*s9   and   two   young  Men flain as they  were fowling.
19.   One flain at Blew-Point, another wounded, fo as he died the next Day.
20.   A Man and Wife flain.
Oftob. 19. following, eleven or twelve Houfes burned at Scarborough a Place not for from Cafco, with five hundred Bufhels of Corn in Barns.
OBob. 9. Lieut. Augur mortally wounded, and his Brother flain; and two more wounded.
10. ditto. Henry Williams forely wounded on Sawco Sands or Downs, marveloufly efcaped from two Indians pafling to Black-point.
J vi] 13. Capt. Wincol, that came to relieve Black-Point had two of his Men flain, and two more with an Inhabitant wounded; himfelf and his Party engaged the fame Day with an hundred Indians or more, yet was delivered by the Shelter of an Heap of Bolts: But nine Men coming to their Relief from Sawco, were all flain on the Downs the fame Day : Thomas Rogers, one of the nine, his Houfe burned the next Day. Part. 2. Page 25, 26.
15.  Lieutenant Alcock of Kittery buried them.60
16.  ditto., The Body of Winter-harbour Houfes were fired by the Enemy; three Men flain, and one Woman carried away.61
60 This Note of the Author has    Page [26, Vol. ii. See alfo FolfonVs reference to the Men who went to    Saco and Bid., 159. the Relief of Capt. Wincall.    See        6l Winter  Harbor  is fome   fix
52        A Narrative of the "Troubles         [vi
17.   Six Houfes fired on the North-fide of Sawco River.
18.   Six or feven Houfes fired by the Enemy at Sawco by NighV which were the firft that were fired in the Night-time.61 .
50. Sawco, where Major Philips his Habitation was affaulted, Sept. 18. 1675. Pag. 16, 17.
The 3d of November, twenty of the Inhabitants of Scarborough, or Black-Point, were fet upon by fixty Indians, by whom they had been deftroyed, but the Enfign, Tipping, the Week before, fent from Bojion for the Relief of that Place, came feafonably to their Relief.62
6. ditto, A Bojion Soldier was mortally wounded: feveral Houfes that Day burned; yet were they by the Valour of the Engliih beaten into Swamps,
Miles, from Saco, and was fo named .  empted   from   Imprefle  vpon   any
from an early Settler named Winter,     other of the Countrys Imploy ; and
doubtlefs the well known Mr. John     Bartholomew    Tipping   comended
Winter.                                                  as a fitt Perfon  to  take the Charge
611 do not find any Statement as     of fuch as are to land,  in Cafe he
to  the Locality of the Houfes de-     fhall judge   the   Place  tenable, he
ftroyed, or to. whom they belonged,     fhallbe  and heereby is impowered
62 Under   Date  of   Oft.   25th,     to imprefle the Company now fent,
1676, is found the following Order    and any other of the Inhabitants, or
upon the  General Court  Records;     other Perfons which may be there
" Whereas Jofhua Scottow is now     found,   to   looke after  Plunder or
fending forth a fmale Veflell or two     their oune Eftates,   and to defend
with Company for the Difcouery of    and keepe the Place from  the En-
the State of the Fort at Black Point,     nemy vntil further Order; and the
and tranfport of what may be there    faid Scottow hath Liberty  to im-
recouerable, either of his or any of    prefle   fome Inhabitants   of  Black
the Inhabitants, if it is ordered, that     Point, who lye latent; he,   the faid
the faid Veflells and Perfons by him     Scottow,  carrying it on at his oune
fent  fhallbe and   hereby   are   ex-     Charge,"
vi]    with the Indians in New-England.   53
but what Number of them was flain is uncertain.
21.  Two Houfes more burnt at Sawco.
51. Wells, Where two or three were killed, Part 2. Page 26.
55. Falmouth, on the hither Side of Cafe a Bay, where Auguft 11, about thirty four Perfons were killed and taken by the Indians, P. 32, 33, 34.
54. Spurwinek and Riebmonds IJland, where Mr. Friers Ketch, with ten Men, was taken, O£iob. 11, 1676, Part 2. Page 45, 46.
47, York: At Cape Nidduck, belonging thereunto, were feven barbaroufly murthered, Sep. 25, 1676.  Part 2. Page 51.
58. Totonnock Fort, which lies up Kennibeck River, whither the Indians are faid to have fled, when Major Walden arrived there with his Soldiers in February laft, 1676, and from whence the Enemy came down when they feized the Inhabitants of Kennibeck, and Arrowjick Ifiand, Aug. 11, 1676. which is fcituate in the Mouth of the faid River. 63
It is reported by fome of the Inhabitants of Kennibeck, lately fled, or rather driven from thence, that about five Years fince four Englifh-men were llain by the Amorofcoggin Indians up Pegypfcot River, that runs into Kennibeck; but it was con-
63 Waldron's Expedition was in    as the mode of Reckoning then was.
February, 1677 ; yet the Author is    See Belknap, Hiftory of New Hamp-
right in placing it in 1676,  becaufe   Jhire, 7$, Edition 1831.    See alio
it was before Newyear's Day, 1677,    Hubbard's Hifi. N. Eng., 630,631.
G2
54       A Narrative of the Troubles       [vii
cealed by the wicked Traders of thofe Parts, for fear of difcovering their wicked Manner of trading with the [vii] Heathen ; which if it had been duly enquired into when it was firft done, much of what followed might have been prevented,64
------Quid non mortalia petlora cogis
Aurijacra Fames ?
But fuch Gains have proved like Aurum Tbou-loufanum to fome of the Inhabitants of thofe Parts.
Kennibeck, How taken and when, Part 2. Page 41 ; there is faid to be about fifty three killed and taken about Kennibeck, and at Arrowjick IJland Aug. 13. 1676.
641 have met with no Particulars of this Affair.
[*"■] A Poftfcript.65
CONCERNING the Narhaganfets, this is further to be added here, That Mr. "Thomas Stanton, and his Son Robert, who having a long Time lived amongft them, and beft acquainted with their Language and Manners of any in New- England, do affirm, that to their Knowledg the Narhaganfet Sachims, before the late Troubles, had two thoufand fighting Men under them, and nine hundred Arms ; yet are they at this Day fo broken and fcattered, that there is none of them left on that fide of the Country, unlefs fome few, not exceeding feventy in Number, that have fheltered themfelves under the Inhabitants of Road-IJland, as a Merchant of that Place worthy of Credit lately affirmed to the Writer hereof. It is confiderable by what Degrees they have been confumed and deftroyed.
The firft Week in April laft, viz. 1676, Canon-chet their chief Sachim, having with this People been driven out of his own Country by the Sword of the Englifh the Winter before,  breathed ftill
^ This "POSTSCRIPT"  ap-    Information obtained after the pre-pears to  have been   the Refult of    vious Part was printed.
56        A Narrative of the Troubles        [ix
nothing but Rage and Cruelty againft them, bearing himfelf upon his great Numbers: yet as appeared in the Iffue, himfelf and they that efcaped with him, were not fo much preferved from the prefent Calamity that befell the Reft in their Fort, as referved to another and more 'ignominious Death. For all the whole Body of the Indians to the Weftward trufting under the Shadow of the afpiring Bramble; he took a kind of Care of them upon himfelf. Wherefore forefeeing fo many hundreds could not well fubfift without planting: he propounded it in his Council, that all the Weft-plantations upon Connecticut River, taken from the Englifh, ihould this laft Summer be planted with Indian-corn ; which was indeed in it felf a very prudent Confideration : To that End he refolved to venture himfelf with but thirty Men (the Reft declining it) to fetch a Seed-corn from Seaconk, the next Town to Mount-hope; leaving a Body of Men, not fewer than fifteen hundred to follow him or meet him about Sea-conk the Week after. This Adventure brought him into the Snare, from whence he could not efcape : For Capt. George Denifon of Stonington, and Capt. [James] Avery of New-London, having raifed forty {even Englifh, the moft Part Volunteers, [ix] with eighty Indians, twenty of which were Narhaganfets belonging to Ninigret, commanded   by   one   called   Catapazer.^    The reft
66 Catapazet in the firft Edition;    fpelling the  Name is Catapazat, as but the Author's ufual method of   will be feen.
ix]     with the Indians in New-England.    5 7
Pequods under Cafalinnarnon, and Mohegins under Oneco, Son to Uncas, being now abroad upon their third Expedition, which they began March the twenty feventh, 1676, and ended on the tenth of April following. They met with a ftout Indian of the Enemies, whom they prefently flew, and two old Squaws, that confeffed Nanunttenoo, alias Canunchat (thofe chief Sachims ufually changing their Names at every great Dance, and by that Name of Nanunttenoo was he then known) was not far off; which welcom News put new Life into the wearied Soldiers, that had travelled hard many Days, and met with no Booty till now; efpecially when it was confirmed by Inteligence the fame Inftant, brought in by their Scouts, that they met with new Trails which brought them in View of fome Wigwams not far from Patucketf1 by fome called Black/tones River, in one of which the Said Sachim was at that Moment divertizing himfelf, with the Recital of Capt. Pierces Slaughter, furprized by his Men a few Days before ;68 but the Alarm of the Englifh at that Time heard by himfelf, put by that Difcourfe,  appalled with
67 Since ufually written Pawtucket.
r,s This, I believe, is the only Authority for the Statement that Nanunttenoo was at the Fight at Abbot's Run, on the 26th of March, 1676. The Language of the Author will admit of two Conftrudtions, as is fecn by an Analyfis of it; that Nanunttenoo was, or that he was not at that Fight. If the Chief was diverting himfelf by his own Recital
of it, it would be quite clear that he was in it; but on the other Hand, if he were being diverted by the Recital of another, it is quite as clear that he was not in that Fight. Again, the Phrafe, " furprijed by his Men a few Days before," feems to be pretty conclufive that he was not there. However, the Reader is at Liberty to fettle the Queftion as he pleafes.
58         A Narrative of the Troubles        [ix
the fuddennefs thereof, as if he had been informed by fecret Item from Heaven, that now his own Turn was come: fo as having but feven Men about him, he fent up two of them to the Top of the Hill to fee what the Matter was; but they, afrighted with the near Approach of the Englifh, at that Time with great Speed mounted over a fair Champagn on the other Side of the Hill, ran by, as if they wanted Time to tell what they faw. Prefently he fent a third who did the like. Then fending two more on the fame Errand; one of thefe laft, either indued with more Courage, or a better fenfe of his Duty, informed him in great hafte that all the Englifh Army was upon, him : Whereupon, having no Time to confult, and but little to attempt an Efcape, and no Means to defend himfelf, he began to Dodg with his Purfuers, running round the Hill on the contrary Side; but as he was running fo haftily by, Catapa%at with twenty of his followers, and a few of the Englifh, light of Foot, gueffed by the Swiftnefs of his Motion, that he fled as if an Enemy, which made them immediately take the Chafe after him as for their Lives; he that was the fwifter Pur-fuer, put him fo hard to it, that he caft off firfl his Blanket, then his Silver-lac'd Coat (given him at Bojhn as a Pledg of their Friendfhip, upon the Renewal of his League in October before),6? and Belt of Peag9 which made Catapazat conclude it was the right Bird, which made them purfue
69 See Note 389, Page 182, ante,
x]      with the Indians in New-England.    5 9
as eagerly as the other fled ; fo as they forced him to take the Water, through which as he over haftily plunged, his Foot flipping upon a Stone, it made [x] him fall into the Water fo deep, as it wetted his Gun, upon which Accident, he con-fefled foon after, that his Heart and his Bowels turned within him, fo as he became like a rotten Stick, void of Strength ; infomuch, as one Mono-poide a Pequod, fwifteft of Foot, laid hold of him within thirty Rod of the River Side without his making any Reflflance; though he was a very proper Man, of goodly Stature, and great Courage of Mind, as well as Strength of Body. One of the firft Englifh that came up with him was Robert Stanton, a young Man that fcarce had reached the twenty fecond Year of his Age, yet adventuring to afk him a QuefHon or two, to whom this manly Sachim looking with a little Negledt upon his youthful Face, replyed in broken Englifh ; you much Child, no understand Matters of War ; let your Brother or your Chief come, him I will Anfwer, and was as good as his Word. Adting herein as if by a Pythagorean Metempfy-chofisy fome old Roman Ghoft had poffefled the Body of this Weftern Pagan : And like Attilius Regulus, he would not accept of his own Life, when it was tendered him, upon that (in his Account) low Condition of Compliance with the Englifh ; refufing to fend an old Counfellor of his to make any Motion that Way; faying, he knew  the  Indians  would  not  yield;   but  more
60       A Narrative of the Troubles          [x
probably he was not willing they fhould, chuiing rather to facrifice his own, and his Peoples Lives to his private Humour of Revenge, than timely to provide for his own, and their Safety, by entertaining the Counfels of a Peace, fo neceffary for the general good of all. He continuing in the fame his obftinate Refolution, was carried foon after to Stonington, where he was fhot to Death by fome of his own Quality, Jc. the young Sachim of the Mohegins, and two of the Pequods of like Quality. This was the Confufion of a damned Wretch, that had often opened his Mouth to blafpheme the Name of the living God, and thofe that make Profeffion thereof. He was told at large of his Breach of Faith, and how he boafted he would not deliver up a JVampa?2oogy or the paring of a Wampanoogs Nail; that he would burn the Englifh alive in their Houfes ; to which he replyed, others were as forward for the War as himfelf, and that he defired to hear no more thereof. And when he was told his Sentence was to dye, he faid, he liked it well, that he fhould dye before his Heart was foft, or had fpoken any thing unworthy of himfelf. He told the Englifh before they put him to Death, that the killing him would not end the War; but it was a con-fiderable Step thereunto, nor did it live much longer after his Death, at leaft not in thofe Parts : For after Sudbury Fight, when the Sun of their Hopes was at its higheft, April the I %th follow-
xi]    with the Indians in New-England.    6 r
ing,7° it vilibly declined, till it fet in a Night of obfcure and utter Darknefs upon them all, as is to be feared.
[xi] The Inhabitants of New-London, Norwich, and Stoningtony apprehenfive of their Danger by Reafon of the near bordering of the Enemy, and upon other prudent Confiderations, voluntarily lifted themfelves under fome able Gentlemen, and refolute Soldiers, amongft themfelves, Major Palmesy71 Capt. George Denifon, Captain Avery, with whom or under whom, within the Compafs of the Year, 1676, they made ten or more feveral Expeditions ; in all which, at thofe feveral Times they killed and took two hundred and thirty nine of the Enemy, by the Help and Affiftance of the Pequods, Mobegins, and a few friendly Narbagan-fets. Befides thirty taken in the long March homeward, after the Fort Fight, December the 19M, 1675, and befides fixteen captived in the fecond Expedition, not reckoned within the Compafs of the faid Number: together with fifty Guns; and fpoiling the Enemy of feven hundred Bufhels of Corn.72
™ This Date mould be April z ift. The Error has been already pointed out. There appears to have been an earlier Attack on Sudbury, which caufed the Author to confound the Latter with the Former. See Mather, Brief Hif ory, 123.
71 Major Edward Palmes. In the late Editions  of this Work the
H2
Name is printed Palmer, mifleading us among others. He was a dif-tinguifhed Gentleman of New London, and died there, 21ft March, 1714-11;, in his 78th Year.
72 See Trumbull, Hifl. of Conn , i, £43. Holmes's Amer. Annals, i, 381-2. Concerning the Long March, fee News from N. England, P. 10.
62         A Narrative of the Troubles        [~xi
In "January they went again in Purfuit, and took five Men and a Boy.
Certain Nipnets intended to have fheltered themfelves under Uncas; but he perceiving it would be diftaftful to the Englifh, foon fhab'd them off; fo as they were in the Beginning of the Winter brought into Bojion, many of them by Peter Epbraim, and Andrew Pity me, with their Fellows.73
In all which Exploits, neither they nor any of their Followers fuftained any Lofs by the Sword of the Enemy, or Sicknefs: As is expreffly declared by the Reverend Minifter of Stonington, Mr. James Noyce, which is a Matter very admirable to confider, engaging all that were any Way concerned in fuch fignal Testimonies of Divine Favour, to be ready to pay their Vows to the Moft High, who alone teacheth the Hands of his People to war, and their Fingers to fight.
But the greateft Blow given to the Narhagan-fets  was   by   Connecticut   Forces   under  Major Talcoty July the fecond,   as  is related,   Part I. Page 97.
Amongft the Reft of the Prifoners then taken, was a young fprightly Fellow, feized by the Mo-begins ; who defired of the Englifh Commanders that he might be delivered into their Hands, that
73 Thefe two Indians had been    to the Laft.    Ephraim had a Com-
fubjedted   to   great   Hardfhips  and    million as Captain at the  Clofe of
Wrongs by the rough Ufage of Men    the War.    See Book of the Indians,
m Power.    But they proved faithful    276.    See alfo ante 285.
xn]    with the Indians in New-England.    63
they might put him to Death, more majorum; facrifice him to their cruel Genius of Revenge, in which brutifh and deviliih Paflion they are moft of all delighted : The Englifh though not delighted in Blood, yet at this Time were not unwilling to gratify their Humour, left by a Denial they might difoblige their Indian Friends, of whom they lately made fo much ufe : Partly alfo that they might have an occular Demonftra-tion of the Salvage, barbarous Cruelty of thefe Heathen : And indeed, of all the Enemies that have been the Subjects of the precedent Difcourfe, this Villian did moft deferve to become an Objed: of Juftice and Severity: For he boldly told them, that he had with his Gun difpatched nineteen Englifh, and that he had [xn] charged it for the twentieth; but not meeting with any of ours, and unwilling to lofe a fair Shot, he had let fly at a Mohegin^ and killed him, with which, having made up his Number, he told them he was fully fatisfied. But as is ufually faid, Juftice VindiBive hath Iron Hands, though Leaden Feet; this cruel Monfter is fallen into their Power, that will repay him feven-fold: In the firft Place therefore, making a great Circle, they placed him in the Middle, that all their Eyes might at the fame Time, be pleafed with the utmoft Revenge upon him. They firft cut one of his Fingers round in the Joynt, at the Trunck of his Hand, with a fharp Knife, and then brake it off, as Men ufed to do with a flaughtered  Beaft, before they un-
64        A Narrative of the Troubles        [xn
cafe him ; then they cut off another and another, till they had difmembered one Hand of all its Digits, the Blood fometimes fpirting out in Streams a Yard from his Hand, which barbarous and unheard of Cruelty, the Englifh were not able to bear, it forcing Tears from their Eyes; yet did not the Sufferer ever relent, or fhew any Sign of Anguifli: For being afked by fome of his Tormentors, how he liked the War ? He might have replyed, as the Scotch Gentleman did after the Lofs of a Battel, that being afked how he liked the Match, fc. with our Prince of Wales, (which then was the Occafion of the Quarrel) made Anfwer, he liked the Match well enough, but no whit liked the Manner of the Wooing written by fuch Lines of Blood; but this unfenfible and hard-hearted Monfter anfwered, He liked it very well, and found it as fweet, as Englifh Men did their Sugar. In this Frame he continued, till his Executioners had dealt with the Toes of his Feet, as they had done with the Fingers of his Hands; all the while making him Dance round the Circle, and Sing, till he had wearied both himfelf and them. At laft they brake the Bones of his Legs, after which he was forced to fit down, which 'tis faid he filently did, till they had knocked out his Brains. Inftances of this Nature fhould be Incentive unto us, to blefs the Father of Lights, who hath called us out of the dark Places of the Earth, full of the Habitations of Cruelty. When the Day-fpring from on high fhall vifit thofe that
xin]   with the Indians in New-England.    65
fit in this Region of Darknefs, another Spirit will be poured upon them, and then the Feet of them that bring the glad Tidings of Gofpel-Salvation will appear more beautiful to them than at prefent they feem to do. And when thefe Mountains of Prey fhall become the holy Mountain of the Lord, they fhall neither hurt, nor deftroy, nor exercife Cruelty therein.
Moreover in the beginning of April, 1677, certain Intelligence came from Pafcataqua that fome ftrange Indians had fallen upon Major Wal-derns Indians, and deftroyed feveral of them.
It is alfo informed, that the Indians of Kenni-beck have lately furprized [xin] five or fix of the Soldiers by an Ambufh, as they were about to have buried fome of the Bodies of their Friends, flain in thofe Parts before the laft Winter: And that they had the laft Week done the like Mif-chief to fuch a Number of the Inhabitants of Black-Point, which isafolemn Prefage of another Storm like to fall upon thofe Eaftern Parts, unlefs God prevent, this Summer enfuing.
66        A Narrative of the "Troubles       [xnr
For the further Satisfaction of the Reader concerning the perfidioufnefs and falfnefs of our Enemies, and the Juftice of our Caufe, we fhall clofe this Narrative with the Articles which Philip, Sachim of Paukamaket, or Mount hope, fubfcribed in the Year, 1671.74
WE PHILIP and my Council and my Subjects, do acknowledg our felves SubjeB to his Ma-jejly the King of England, and the Governement of New-Plimouth, and to their Laws.
2.   / am willing, and do promife to pay unto the Government of Plimouth,  one hundred Pounds in
fuch  Things as I have: but I would intreat the Favour that I might have three Tears to pay it in, forafmuch as I cannot do it at prefent.
3.   I do promife to fend unto the Governor, or whom he fhall appoint, five Wolves Heads, if I can get them: or as many as I can procure, until they come to five Wolves yearly.
4.   If any Difference fall between the Englifti and my felfi and Peeople, then I do promife to repair to the Governor of Plimouth, to reBifie the difference amongfi us.
5.   I do promife not to make War with any, but with the Governors Approbation tf/^ Plimouth.
6.  / promife, not to difpofe of any of the Lands
74 The full Date was perhaps ac- Date is not the only Omiffion, as cidentally omitted. It ihould be will be feen by the Signatures on "September 29th, 1671."    But the    the enfuing Page.
xiii]  with the Indians in New-England.   67
that I have at prefent, but by the Approbation of the Governor ^/"Plimouth.
For the true Performance of the Premifes of the faid Sachim, Philip of Paukamakett, do hereby bind my felf, and fuch of my Council as are pre-fent, our felves, our Heirs, our Succeffors, faithfully, and to promife, in witnefs whereof, we have hereunto fubfcribed our Hands, the Day and Year above written ;
In the prefence of the    The mark P of Philip, the Court and divers of the    SachimofPaukamakettJ* Magijlrates   and other    Themark[ofVncompaen. Gentlemen of the Majfa-     The mark^ of Wolokom. chufets and ConneBicut.     Themar-kj of SamkamaJ6
7:>"Paukanaukettr in the original        The Marke   of  q   WUTTA-
Records.                                           KOOSEEIM.
7(j The Signatures to the original        The Marke of A SONKANU-
Treaty are as follows :                       HOO.
The Marke P of PHILLIP, Sa-        The   Marke   of J)   WOONA-
chem.                                               SHUM, alias NIMROD.
The Market  of WOHKOW-        The   Marke of  Y WOOSPA-
PAHENITT.                                   SUCK, alies CAPTAINE.
NARRATIVE
TROUBLES
WITH THE
INDIANS
NEW-ENGLAND,
From Pafcataqua to PemmaquidJ1
HE Occafion, Rife and Progrefs of the War with the Indians in the Southern and Weftern Parts of New England, together with the Iffue and Succefs thereof, hath in the former Part of this Narrative been already declared. Before an Entrance be made into a Relation of thofe Troubles that befell the Eaftern and Northern Parts of the faid Country
77 Some Copies of this Part were that is the only Copy I ever heard iflued by themfelves, or at leaft one of. It is our only Record of many was fo iflued, which I pofleffed, but    highly important Events.
12
no        A Narrative of the Troubles         [2
from the Indians inhabiting thofe Parts, it will be requifite to give fome general Defcription of the Place, as being lefs frequented, and fo more unknown than the other; like Heraulds that ufe to Blazon the Field before they meddle with the Charge, as an Hiftorian once faid; that fo the Reader may not mifs the Truth in Story, by being unacquainted with the Places whereon the Difcourfe proceedeth. Briefly therefore, that more Coft and Pains be not fpent in the furvey-ing a barren and rocky Country, than will quit Coft, the Lift or Border here being known to be more worth than the whole Cloth, that whole Tra£t of Land, being of little worth, unlefs it were for the Borders thereof upon the Sea-coaft, and fome Spots and Skirts78 of more deiirable Land upon the Banks of fome Rivers, how much foever it be valued by them that know nothing [2] thereof, but by the uncertain and fallible Reports of iuch as have only failed by the Country, or viewed fome of the Rivers and Havens, but never palled through the Heart of the Continent. The whole being fcarce worth half thofe Mens Lives that have been loft thefe two laft Years, in hope to fave it.
78 The  Sea Border  of Maine,    fomething like the  Border he was
when Mr. Hubbard wrote, was in-    defcribing.    Could his Vifion have
deed a narrow  (l Skirt,"   and  was    grafped   200 Years  he would have
peopled by not more probably than    feen that Border expand into a great
5000 Inhabitants.    As Affairs then    Commonwealth, maintaining at lean:
flood it is not ftrange that the Au-    700,000 Souls, and capable of fuf-
thor's Views were alfo a little narrow,,    tianing 700,000 more.
2<]      with the Indians in New-England*    71
This north Part of New-England, did fir ft, like Zarab,79 put forth its hand, thereby inviting the Adventurers to twift the Scarlet Tbred of their Hopes about the fame: By that aufpitious Beginning, they were ready to promife themfelves great Profperity, in having that Advantage before others, to plant and people that Part of the Country.80
But that fair Opportunity was almoft quite loft, by fome fatal and michievous Accidents happening foon after that noble Enterprize was firft fet a-foot, as hath been already in part, and may hereafter more fully be declared.
The firft Place that ever was pofTeffed by the Englifh, in the Hope of making a Plantation in thofe Parts, was a Trad: of Land on the Weft-fide of the River of Kennibeck, then called Saga-tawocke, fence Saga-de-bocke; other Places adjoining were foon after feized, and improved for Trading and Fifhing. The more Remote and furtheft Northward, at the Time belonging to the Englifh [Penobfcot, forty Years fince being furprized by the French, and by them held at this Day,81 is called Pemmaquid) diftant feven or eight Leagues from Kennibeck, and is the utmoft Boundary of New-England, being about forty Leagues  diftant  from the Mouth of Pafcataqua
79 Zarai? " Zara, a City of B1 This Conquefr. was in 1635. Moab. It was taken by Alexander    See the Particulars in Bradford's Janaeus."    Parifh, Sac. Geog.             Hijh   Plymouth  Plantation;    alfo
80 This is in reference to the Sa-    Winthrop's Journal. I do not fee gadehock Colony.                              that Charlevoix takes Notice of it.
72        A Narrative of the Troubles         ["3
River. That Pemmaquid is a very commodious Haven for Ships, and hath been found very advantageous to fuch as ufe to come upon thefe Coafts to make Fifhing-voyages ; South-weft, or South-eaft, from whence, about fix or {even Leagues lies an Ifland called Monhiggon, of much ufe on the fame Account for Fifhing, it lying three or four Leagues into the Sea from Damarils Cove (a Place of like Advantage for the Stages of Fifhermen in former Times). There have been for a long Time {even or eight confiderable Dwellings about Pemmaquid, which is well accommodated with Pafture Land about the Haven for feeding Cattel, and fome Fields alfo for Tillage; All the Land improvable for fuch Ufes, being already taken up by fuch a Number of Inhabitants as is already mentioned.
1$ the Mouth of the River of Kennibeck lies a confiderable Ifland called Arowjick, fome Years fince purchafed by Major [ThomasJ Clark, and Capt [Thomas] Lake two Merchants of Bojlon: on which they built feveral large Dwellings with a Warehoufe, and many other Edifices near the Water-fide ; it being intended by the Owners for a Place of Trading, as well as [3] Planting ; there being many of late feated there, fit to carry on each Defign; where alfo was built a Fort, which if it had been carefully defended, might have proved the Defence and Security of all that Side of the Country, as it ufed to be their Magazine up higher beyond the River of Kennibeck.    Four
3 ]       with the Indians in New-England^  7 3
Leagues Eaftward, toward Pemmaquid, is another confiderable River called Ships-coat*'1 upon the Banks of which were many fcattered Planters, who lately flying from their Dwellings for Fear of the Indians, left, as was judged, a thoufand Head of Neat Cattel for the Ufe of the Indians, that made the late Infurreddon againft the Inhabitants of thofe Parts, befides the Fields and Barns full of Corn.
There is another River that iiTues into Kenni-beck, a little higher up into the Country, called Pegypjcot, that comes down from behind Cafco Bay. This Pegypfcot is the Seat of the Amofcogging%^ Indians, who have had a great if not the principal "Hand in the late Mifchiefs.
Some few Leagues to the South of Kennibeck, lies that famous and fpacious Haven called Cafco Bay : The North-eaft Cape of which is made by an Illand called Saguin ; The Southern or oppo-fite Point of Land is called Cape Elizabeth, which is in the Bofom of this Bay, being about eight or nine Leagues over at the Mouth of it, and abundance of fmall Iflands, many of them being inhabited by Fifhermeri, and others : One of the Principal of that Sort is called Jewel's ljland. There are many Places about this Bay, fit to make commodious Habitations; and on the South-fide
S2 The modern Sbeepfcot> in Lin-    Androfcoggiri) or gave Name to that
coin County ; long fmce lined with    River.    On a very beautiful Map
flourifhing commercial Towns.           of New England, publifhed in Eng-
83 Thofe Indians took their Name    land in 1774, the Name is fpelled
from the River Amofcoggin, (now    Ammorjkoghin.
74        A Narrative of the Troubles          [4.
of it, is a fmall Village * called  Falmouth; all, or moft of it, lately deftroyed by the Indians.
Not far from Cafco to the Southward, or South-weft, ftill is a River called Spurwinks, over againft which lies Richmond ljland, not far from the main Land, being divided therefrom by a fmall Channel, fordable at Low-water ; It hath for a long Time been the Seat of Mr. Jordan, in right of Mr. Winter, the former, if not the firft Proprietor thereof, whofe Daughter he married.
The next Plantation Southward is called Scarborough, a fmall Village feated upon Black-point; over againft which is another Point, for Distinction from the former called Blue-point: This Black-Point was lately the Seat of Mr. [Henry] Jojfelin, being a Parcel of the Province of Maine, or falling within the Precindts thereof, and was formerly by Patent granted to the faid Jojfelin or his Predeceflbrs, fince pur chafed by Mr. [Joj/kua] Scott0 of Bojion.
Saco River lies next in Order to Pafcataqua, a navigable River; where Major Philips had a commodious Scituation lately ; at the Mouth of which River lies Winter-harbour, encompaiTed on one Side by a [4] Neck of Land, formerly the Property of one Mr. Winter, whofe Name it ftill retains, but lately pur chafed by Major Pendleton** where he enjoyed a very comfortable Seat and Habitation.
84 Major Bryan Pendleton,    His    Editor.    See   Memoir of him   in Autograph is in Pofleffion of the    Williamfon, Hiji, Maine, i, 686.
4-]     with the Indians in New-England.    75
There is another Harbour lying a little Southward of Saco, made by that which is called Cape Corpuijfe; a convenient Seat for Fifhermen, as are moft of the other Places above named. Between Cape Porpuijfe and Pafcataqua, there are but two fmall Towns more (though ambitious of great Names) the one called Wells, the other Tork: Wells is feated upon a fmall River85 or Creek, affording a fmall Harbour fit only for Barks and fmaller Veffels : on each Side of which Town lies a fmall River, the firft called Kenni-bunk, the fecond Maguncuck: the other Town is called York, formerly known by the Name of Agamenticus, from an high Hill of that Name, not far off therefrom. The Point of Land which lies between the faid Towns, is called Cape Nid-duck, making a fmall Harbour likewife, into which iffues another pretty River, on the Banks of which is fcituate the Town of Tork. All or moft of forementioned Towns and Plantations are feated upon, and near fome River greater or leffer, whofe Streams are principally improved for the driving of Saw-mills : Thofe late Inventions, fo ufeful for the Deftrudtion of Wood and Timber, fpecially of Fir-trees, which no doubt fo abound in thofe Coafts, that there is fcarce a River or Creek in thofe Parts that hath not fome of thofe Engines eredted upon them.
The   upper   Branches   of   the   famous   River Pqfcataqua,   being   alfo   employed   all  of them
S5 Called Webhannet.
76      A Narrative of the Troubles           [4.
that Way : namely, Sturgeon-Creek, Salmon Falls, Newechewannik,u <$uechecbo,*7 Oyjler'-River',88 Swamfcot,*9 Greenland, Lamprey-Eele-River, together with the Towns of Exeter and Dover, feated upon, or near fome of the main Branches thereof, whofe principal Trade is in Deal-boards, cut by thofe Saw-mills, fince their Rift Timber is near all confumed. On each Side of that brave navigable River of Pafcataqua down towards the Mouth of it, are feated on the North-fide the Town of Kittary (a long fcattering Plantation made up of feveral Hamlets) : on the South-fide the Town of Port/mouth, to which belongs the great Ifland, lying in the Mouth of the faid River, a Place of confiderable Trade thefe late Years, the which together with Strawberry-bank, the upper Part of the faid Town * of Portfmouth, are the Magazine, and chief or only Place of Commerce and Trade for all the Plantations, betwixt it and Cafco Bay: All the faid Plantations have in thefe laft two Years, viz, 1675, 1676, felt more
86 In, or a Portion of the prefent    Head of Tidewater. It is ufually Town of Berwick, Maine. The    written Squamfcot, They were fo River bears the Name of Neweche-    named by the Indians on account zvannik, or as it is now written—    of fome peculiarity, and for the fame Newichawannock.                               Caufe the Falls in the Connecticut
87 This Name was changed to    River, elfewhere noticed, bore the Gocbeco, long fince; the principal    Name of Swam/cot. Mr. John Settlement upon it taking the Name   ""Wheelwright purchafed a large of the River.    It is now Dover,         Trad  of Country including thefe
88 The principal Settlement was    Falls, in 1629, and in 1637 fettled fo called, and finally Durham.            there, called the Place Exeter, and
89 This is the Name of the Falls    thus became the Founder of New in a Branch of the Pafcatacma, at the    Hampfhire,
5 ]      with the Indians in New-England.    7 7
or lefs of the Rage and Cruelty of the barbarous and perfidious Indians belonging to that Side of the Country, as fhall more particularly be declared in what [5] follows, after a fhort Difcourfe of the firft Planting that Side of the Country which may ferve as a kind of Prologue to the following Tragedy.90
This Part of New-England began firft to be planted about the fame Time with Virginia, viz. in the Year 1606. There the firft Letters Patents granted by the King for the Limitation of Virginia, did extend from 34 to 44 Degrees of North Latitude, and was divided into two Parts, namely the firft and the fecond Colony; the former was appropriated to the City of London, the other to the Cities of Brijlol, Exeter, and Town of Plimouth, each of which had Laws, Priviledges, and Authority for the Government and advancing their feveral Plantations alike, as faith Capt. Smith in his general Hiftory of Virginia and New-England. This fecond Colony of New-England promifing but little Advantage to the Undertakers, by Reafon'of its mountainous and rocky Scituation, found but few Adventurers forward to promote the Planting thereof, after the Death of Sir John Popham, who was the firft that ever
90 The Geography of the Coaft    tion of the Bays, Rivers,  Harbors
of Maine being much better known    and Iflands of that extenfively in-
than in the Author's Time,  Notes    dented Seaboard,  the Student will
here to elucidate it would be out of    find   Gratification  in   recurring  to
Place,    For an interelting Defcrip-    Williamfon's Hiftory of Maine.
K2
78         A Narrative of the Troubles        [5
procured Men or Means to poflefs it; for when the main Pillars are removed, what can be expected but that the whole Building fhould fall to the Ground ? Yet, notwithstanding the Difcour-agements the firft Planters met withal in their firft Winter feafoning, in that cold and rocky Defert (which made them all return Home in the Year 1608,) did Sir Francis Popbam his Son, having the Ships and Provifion which remained of the Company, and fupplying what was necef-fary for his Purpofe, fend divers Times to the Coafts for Trade and Fiihing, of whofe Lofs or Gain, as faith my Author,91 himfelf was beft able to give Account. And fome of the Ships fent by him, and the Earl of Southampton, with other noble Adventurers, did bring Home a Son of the Natives of the Place in one of the next following Years, by whofe Informations, fome of the firft Undertakers were encouraged once more to try the verity of their Hopes, and fee if poffibly they might find Something that could induce a frefh Refolution to profecute fo pious and honourable a Work.92
But in the mean Time before there was yet any Speech or Endeavour to fettle any other Plantation in thofe Parts, that about Sagadehock being thus abandoned for the prefent by the firft Undertakers,   the   Frenchmen  immediately  took
91 Capt. Smith. See his Hiftorie ^ See Mather's Early Hift. New of Virginia, &c, ii, 174, Edition England, Page 53, Sec, where thefe Richmond, J 819.                              Events are more fully fet forth.
6]       with the Indians in New- England.   79
the Opportunity to fettle themfelves within our Limits, which being understood by thofe of Virginia, they difcreetly taking into their consideration the Inconveniences that might arife by fuffering them to harbor there, Sir Samuel Argal was fent with Commiffion to difplace them, which he with great Difcretion, Dex[6]terity and Judgment performed about the Year 1613. The which made Way for the Plantation at Nova-Scotia, granted afterwards by King "James to Sir William Alexander, one of his Majefties moft Honorable Council of Scotland. The faid Argal feized the Forts which the Frenchmen had built at Mount Manjel, St. Croix, and Port Real, and carried away their Ordnance, with other Provisions, to the Colony of Virginia, to their great Benefit. The faid Places were held by the Englifh divers Years after, till about the Year 1635, by Commiffion from the Scotch Lord aforefaid; but how his Right came afterwards to be alienated to any of the French Nation, doth not concern us with Reference to the Bulinefs in Hand, further to enquire.
Things remaining in this PoSture for the Space of near {even Years, fome of the firSfc Adventurers apprehenSive of better Hopes of good that might enfue by a freSh Attempt, refolved to fet the Defign a Foot a fecond Time; to which End, feveral Ships were fent on that Account in the Year 1615, but with as bad Succefs as the former; for in the Year before, viz.   1614,  Capt. Smith
80        A Narrative of the Troubles         [6
defirous to promote the Colony of New England, as well as that of Virginia, came thither with two Veffels, and returned back to England in the leffer of them, with intent to be there again that next Year to promote the faid Plantation ; But after he was gone, one Thomas Hunt, Matter of the Ship, he left behind, like a wicked Varlet, to prevent the carrying on the Plantation; that he and a few Merchants might wholly enjoy the Benefit of the Trade of the Country, after he had made his Voyage, feized upon four and twenty of the poor innocent Natives, that in Confidence of his Honefty, had put themfelves into his Hands; then clapping them under Hatches, carryed them away to Ma/ego, whither he was bound with the Fifh he had made upon the Coaft, for that Market :^ But this vile Ad:, although it kept him forever after from any more Imployment in thofe Parts, yet that was the leaft Part of the Mifchief that attended his wicked Practice; for upon the Arrival of the Adventurers Ships the next Year, two Natives of the Place that had been fome Years in England, and coming back unto the faid Ships, as foon as they understood the Injury fo treacheroufly done to their  Coun-
93 It is hardly probable that the true Caufe of Hunt's kidnapping Operation was underftood by the Author. It would rather feem that Hunt did not imagine that Healing a few Indians would operate to cut off future Commerce, but that his fole Obje6t was the immediate Profit
he might realize from the Sale of thofe Indians; for, his being debarred further Employment "in thefe Parts," is Evidence that he intended to continue his Traffic here in the fame" Line, which he could not have expected to do if the Re-fult was as ftated by the Author.
7]      with the Indians in IVew-England.    81
trymen, they contracted fuch an Hatred againft our whole Nation, that although one of the faid Natives dyed foon after, yet the other, called Epenow, ftudied how to be revenged, which he fo far found Means to efFe£t, that he fruftrated this fecond Attempt of fetling a Plantation in thefe Parts.?4
Yet did not the Adventurers caft off all Hope of carrying on their Deiign, wherein Providence within a few Years after fo favoured them [7] that one or more of the Salvages called Tifquantum and Samojet,95 carried away by Hunt, was brought back to New-found Land, from whence he was foon after conveyed by the prudent Endeavour of Capt. Ma/on96 (then Governour of the Plantation begun upon New-found-Land) into the Hands of fome of the Adventurers, by whofe Means they hoped to work a Peace betwixt the faid Natives on that Coaft where the Fire had been kindled before, for the Adventurers imployed Capt. Thomas Darmer, a prudent and induftrious Gentleman, to fettle the Affairs of the Plantation,
94 I have pretty fully narrated     come from Sir Ferdinando's Colony thefe Tranfaftions in the Book of    of Somerfet, they took his Pronun-the Indians, and in the Hiftory and    ciation of the Name of that Place to Antiquities of Boflon.                             be his own Name.
95 Suppofed by fome to have de-         9(i There were three Captain Ma-rived his Name from Somerfet, a    fons living at this Period, which has Tracl: of Country in Maine {o named    led at leaft one of the Writers on by Sir Ferdinando Gorges; and that    New England Affairs into crediting when Samofet appeared among the    one with what belonged to another. People at Plimouth, in attempting to     This Capt. Mafon, was never in make them underftand that he had     New England.    He died in 1635.
82         A Narrative of the Troubles         [7
now a third Time revived again about Kennibeck in the Year 1619, or thereabouts. By his Prudence and Care a lafting Peace was made betwixt the Natives of the Place, and the Englifh, who were but a little before fo abhorred by them, for the Wrong formerly received : fo as the Plantation began at laft to profper, and continue in good liking, and aiTurance of the Friendship of their Neighbours, that had been lately fo exafperated againft them. This Tijquantum forementioned was not a little instrumental and helpful to the Plantation begun at New-Plirnouth about the following Year, viz; 1620. In their weak Beginnings, there being frequent mention of his Name, as alfo of one Samofet, a Native of the fame Place, by the like Providence brought back to Kenni-beck, and from thence with Tifquantum came to the New-planters at Patuxet or Plimoutb, and brought them into acquaintance with Majfafoit, the great Sachim about thofe Parts; without whole Friendfhip that New Plantation would hardly have fubfifted long.97
This Story premifed is the more to be minded in this Place, becaufe the Friendfhip upon the Means and Occafions aforefaid, confirmed betwixt the Indians in thefe Eaftern Parts, and the Englifh, had continued ftedfaft and conftant to this Year, when it was broken by another treacherous and wicked Practice of a like Nature, and
97 See Vol. I, Pages 44-49.
8 ]      with the Indians in New- England.    8 3
Parallel  to   that  of the  forefaid Hunt: As may more fully be declared afterwards.
Poffibly the like Satisfaction may prove the more probable Means to procure a fettled Peace. But to return, whence this Degreffion hath been made. Some Years were fpent to bring Things to this Iffue. The Adventurers were put to much Care and Pains before they could get their Patent confirmed, and renewed again ; many Obftruc-tions they met withal from fome Interlopers that began to look into the Trade of this Country, and would irregularly have had a Share therein, or made it common to all Traders, to which End they petitioned to a Parliament then called, to bring about their Ends; but at the laft it was fettled firmly in the Hands of fundry noble and worthy Patentees, Lords, [8 J Knights, Gentlemen, and Merchants, commonly known by the Name of the Council of Plimouth, who had the abfolute Power under the King, for making all Grants, and difpofing of all Lands from the 40M to the 48A& Degrees of North Latitude ; All which was accomplished about the Year 16 21. Some printed Relations that fpeak of thefe Tranfaitions, write much of the flourishing State, and hopeful Prof-perity of this Plantation, published about forty or fifty Years fince, yet did it never appear by what followed, that any confiderable Advantage did ever accrue to the firft Undertakers from this their new Plantation of the Eaftern Parts, unlefs by the Trade of Fifh, and Furs, which latter con-
84        A Narrative of the Troubles          [8
tinued not long; As for the former, the chief Benefit redounded only to them that managed it by their own particular Stocks, and perfonal Endeavours: And if without Offence it may be fpoken, the Multitude of Patents foon after granted to feveral Gentlemen of broken Fortunes have provided but Places of an honourable Exile or Confinement, whither many deferving Perfons of better Education than Fortune, were put to fhift for themfelves ii> a Foreign Land, without being further troublefom to thofe nearer Home, on whom they had their Hopes and Dependance; yet it muft not be denied but that fome of the Undertakers were at vaft Expences, cafting their Bread upon thefe Waters, where none of their Friends and Relations have as yet had Opportunity to find it.
The Reafon of which is not hard to give, in Reference to all thofe Lands and Territories that lye to the Eaftward of Pafcataqua River. One main Caufe hath been the Multiplicity of Grants and Patents for the dividing of the faid Trait of Land : for befides the Strife that hath been occa-fioned by the Intricacy and Indiftindtnefs of their Liberties and Bounds (enough to have maintained a greater Number of Lawers, than ever were the Inhabitants), if the Grantees had been fup-plyed with Monies proportionable to their Suits and Controverfies about their Bounds and Jurisdictions, which fometimes they have been ready to decide with  their  Swords, witnefs thofe fatal
9 ]     with the Indians in New-England.    8 5
Names impofed on fuch Accounts upon fome Places belonging to thofe Parts as Bloody-Point, Black and Blew Point** and every considerable Parcel of Land being by Patent granted to feveral particular Perfons, hindered the erecting of Town-fhips and Villages, which if it had been otherwife difpofed of, might have been full of Towns, and well peopled, and thereby the Inhabitants had been able to have ftood upon their Guard, and defended themfelves againft the common Enemy; whereas now they were but likey^^ dijjolute, for like his Arrows, that being bound up in one Bundle, could not be broken by an ordinary Force; but being loofe, were eafily fnapt [9] afunder, by any fingle Hand. Another Reafon might be, the imploying of fuch Agents and In-jiruments as either wanted Skill or Fidelity to manage what they were betrufted with, which made many of the Adventurers long ago complain, that (inftead of Bills of Exchange and other Returns which they expedted) they received nothing but large Inventories of the Wants of their feveral Plantations, and the Servants fent over to
98 A Gentleman of Maine, many    blueifh Appearance in the Winter. Years ago, informed the Editor, that    Thefe Definitions are doubtlefs cor-Black Point was fo named from the    red. They are both in the Town Appearance given to it by hemlock    of Scarborough. As to the Pro-Timber ; that being the principal    montory called Bloody Point, it is Growth upon it. This in the Winter    quite likely it may have received its Time gave it its black Appearanee;    Name from fome of the many per-and that the Point to the Weft of    fonal Encounters thereabouts. Its it, being covered with Wood of the    Locality I have not found. It may hard kind, as Oak,  &c, it wore a    have been Black Point.
L2
86        A Narrative of the Troubles         [9
improve them, which were all the Returns that many of them ever received for the large Sums of Money many difburfed for the carrying on their Affairs.
A third Reafon may be the feveral Changes of Government the Inhabitants have paffed under, which have occafioned not only much Vexation and Expences to fuch as were upon the Place; but much Difcouragement to feveral others, who by the Commodioufnefs of the Seat, would willingly have chofen Station in thofe Parts, had they feen any Hope of a fettled Government ever like to have been obtained; which is not hard to demonftrate, by giving a little Touch as we pafs along, on the feveral Changes of Government, the Places forementioned have been moulded into, and the feveral Proprietors that of late have claimed Intereft in the Land. In the Year 1624, a Patent was granted by the Council of Plimouth the grand Proprietors, to Capt. Ma/on for a large Trad: of Land about Pafcataqua; but it not being diftindtly bounded, himfelf with Sir Ferd. Gorges, obtained a joynt Patent in the Year 1639, for the Land betwixt Sag. a de Hock Eaft, and Naum Keag Weft; but that alfo interfering with the Bounds granted before that Time to fundry Gentlemen and Merchants that had obtained a Patent from the South of Charles River to the Northward of Merrimack; Capt. Mafons Bounds were afterwards by Confent (as is faid) of his Agent or Agents, reduced to fome Branches about
i o]    with the Indians in New-England.   8 7
Pafcataqua River (who yet could not agree with thofe that ad:ed in the Name of Shrew/bury-NLen) but being wholly neglected by the pretended Proprietor or his Succeffors (till of late Days) was by the Defire of the Inhabitants yeilded up to the Majfachufets Government, near twenty Years fince.99
In the Year 1630, a Patent was granted by the faid Council of Plimouth, (iigned by the Earl of Warwick, and Sir Ferdinand Gorges, and fealed with the common Seal of the Council aforefaid) to John Dye, "Thomas Loupe, Grace Harding, and John Roach of London, for a large Tradt of Land on the South of Saga de Hock forty Miles fquare by the Sea-fide, and fo up into the Country : John Dye aforefaid, and his Partners took in another as Partner and Affociate with them, Mr. Richard Dummer100 of Newbury in New-England, in the Year 1638, to whom they delivered the original Patent, with an Order from them and in their Name, to take up the Land defcribed in the Patent; but he being denied Oppor- [10] tunity to effect it, as alfo a Ship formerly fent by the Patentees for that End, not accomplishing their
99 For fome further Elucidation    Dummer, the weJI-known Author of the Statements in the previous    of the Defence of the New-England and following Paragraphs upon the    Charters. Jeremiah was the younger Geography of the Coaft of Maine,    Brother of Gov. William Dummer, the Antiquary is referred to Bel-    and brother of Anna, who married knap, Hiflory of New Hampjbire,    John Powell, Efq., ofBofton. From Folfom, Hiflory of Saco and Bidde-    this   Marriage   are   defcended  the
ford,  and   Willis,  Hift.  Portland,    prefent   Wm.   P.,   and   Jonathan
100 The Grandfather of Jeremiah    Mafon of Bolton.
88       A Narrative of the Troubles      [10
Defire, they not long after fold all their Intereft in the faid Patent, to one Mr. Rigby101 a La?tcajhire Gentleman, who made Mr. Cleaves107- his Agent to manage the Bufinefs of his purchafed Intereft in the faid Patent: to whom Mr. Dummer was ordered to deliver the original Patent, which accordingly he did : What Trouble was occafioned foon after between the faid Mr. Cleaves, and Mr. Vines10?* Agent for Sir Ferdinand Gorges, is well known to the Inhabitants of the Place, and need not be here mentioned; nor yet how the faid Mr. Rigby came afterward to lofe his Intereft (at leaft with the Inhabitants) in the Patent*
101 Col. Alexander Rigby. He    Authors ought to be able fatisfac-was a Sergeant-at-Law, and one of    torily to explain. He appears to the Barons of the Exchequer,    have been an Epifcopalian. It Willis, 81. He was a Son of Ed-    would be interefting to know his ward Rigby. During Gov. Le-    Relationfhip, if any exifted, to the verett's Agency at the Court of    famous old Puritan of the fame England he referred to a Petition    Name and his Cotemporary. There of Mr. Geo. Rigby refpedting    is an elaborate Biography of the Lands in Maine. See Hutchinfon,    Latter in Brooks's Lives of the Collection of Papers, 274, 320.          Puritans,   but   nothing   about   his
102 An extended and interefting    Family. Our Richard was one of Account of Mr. George Cleves may    the firft Englishmen who ventured be found in Williamfon's Hiftory of   aim oft alone to winter amongft the Maine, i, 668-9. See alfo Sullivan,    Indians in Maine, fleeping with them Hiftory of Maine, 312, &c. Thofe    in their fmoky Cabins, and minif-bearing the Name at the prefent    tering to their Wants in Sicknefs. Day are probably his Defcendants.    He came over as early as 1609, in
ioa Mr. Richard Vines. There    the Employ of Sir Ferdinando are coniiderable Materials for a    Gorges. He finally left the Country Biography of this Gentleman. He    after a Relidence of about 22 Years, occupies a confpicuous Place in the    and fettled in Barbadoes. See Hutch-early Affairs of New England. Why    infon, Collection of Papers, 112, his Name does not appear in our    122-3, where Letters from him Biographical    Dictionaries,     their    may be feen.
i o]    with the Indians in New-England.   89
In the Year 1632, Sir Ferdinand Gorges not refting in the joynt Patent obtained for himfelf and Capt. Mafon, obtained a diftindt Patent for himfelf, and got it confirmed by King Charles the firft of blefled and famous Memory, for all that large Tra6t of Land from Saga de Hock to Pajcataqua River, and fo about an hundred Miles up into the Country, by the Name of the province of Maine.104 What Benefit and Improvement was ever made thereof by his Agents or Succeflbrs is beft known to themfelves : But for the Inhabitants, who upon one Account or another had been induced, either by any precedaneous Grant or Liberty from himfelf, or his Agents, to take up any Land within the Bounds of the faid Province ; they finding much Inconvenience and Trouble for Want of an orderly and fettled Government, did at the laft petition the General Court of the Majfachufets to be taken under their Jurifdiftion and Government (referving the Liberties and Priviledges of their former Purchafes and Grants, as to Title, Pojfejjion and Propriety, to themfelves) which was granted them, though not only and altogether upon the Grounds on which it was de-fired by the Petitioners. Yet notwithffcanding all this, were not Things fettled either to the Comfort or Content of the Inhabitants: for fometimes fome demanded Right or Jurifdicftion over them by Virtue of Sir Ferdinandds Patent,
104 See Hutchinfon, Collection of Original Papers, 423.
90        A Narrative of the Troubles        [i i
fometimes Commiffioners imployed by his Higb-nefs the Duke of York™*> attempted to fettle a Government amongft the People; fometimes they tried what might be done by Agreement amongft themfelves: but after their Return for England, by one Means or other, the Government relapfed again into the Hands of the Maffa-cbufets, although a Superfedeas thereunto feems to have put by an Order from his Majefty this laft Year.106 '
By thefe feveral ViciJJitudes and Changes of Government, the flourifhing of the faid Province hath been much obftrudted, which elfe might have been much advanced, and the Inhabitants been put into a Capacity [n] to have fecured themfelves againft the late barbarous Incuriions 9f the Indians, and poffibly thofe Exorbitancies that many of the prefent Proprieters have run into, to the juft Provocation of the Indians, might thereby have been prevented, and fo the Mif-chief alfo which hath enfued, might thereby have have been averted : for a well ordered Government would never have fuffered thofe things that now were connived at, which if they had been timely lookt into by fuch as had abfoluteorpofitive
105 James Stuart, fecond Son of   Nicholas, Synop/zs, ii, 708. King Charles I, declared  Duke of        J03 A good deal of partial Light
York at his Birth, bat not fo created    is thrown on   the Tranfaclions  of
until 27 Jan., 1643;   afcended the    this Period  by a Narrative of the
Throne as King James II, 6 Feb.,     Commiffioners from England, about
1685, when this Dukedom became    New   England,    in   Hutchinfon's
merged in the Crown.    Sir N. H.     Collection of Papers.   Set page 422.
11 ]  with the Indians in New-England.   91
and unquestioned Power of Rule in their Hands, would have been otherwife ordered, the prefent Mifchief that is come upon thofe Places, might thereby have been, if not prevented, yet more eafily redrefled, than now is like to be.
As for the Tra£t of Land that lies Eaftward beyond Kennibeck, betwixt that and Pemmaquid, it is faid to have belonged to one Mr. Aldworth101 and his Succeffors, who was Alderman of Briftol, and one that had a Patent thereof, and imployed fome as his Agents, that did fometimes refide upon the Place; and was lately fettled in fome Order of Government by his Higbnefs the Duke of York's Commiffioners, by whom alfo was an Agreement made betwixt the Sagamores of the Indians in thofe Parts, and the Englifh, at a Court kept by their Appointment in Kennibeck, which if it had been obferved, might in all Probability have prevented in a great Meafure the Quarrel which is now fain out betwixt the Englijh and the faid Indians: For upon fome Jealoufies of the riling of thofe Indians about twelve or thirteen Years fince, it was agreed, That if any Mifchief
107 March I ith, 1582, Sir Fran-    faid Mr. Aldworth replied, that the
cis   Wallingham   wrote   to     Mr.    Weftern Voyage  intended for the
Robert Aldworth, then Mayor and    Difcovery of the Coaft of America,
Merchant of Briftol,  commending    to the South weft of Cape Breton,
his good Inclination to the Weftern    was well   liked  there, and that the
Difcovery, and   recommending   to    Merchants of Briftol fubfcribed one
add the two Ships or Barks he was    thoufand Marks immediately  to it,
then fitting out, to the Fleet of Sir    &c.   See Barrett's Hijiory of Briftol,
Humphry Gilbert;   to   which   the    176.
92         A Narrative of the Troubles       [12
fhould happen to be done by the Englijh or Indians one againft another, though it were to the killing any Perfon, neither Side fhould right themfelves, but Complaint fhould be made to the Sagamores, if the Indians did the Wrong, and to the Court if it were done by the Englijh. Both which did promife Satisfaction fhould be made for the preventing any Quarrel; the Names of the Sachims, as likewife of them that were in Power at the Court, do ftill remain upon publick Record, But Matters of Government in thofe Parts being fince collapfed, no Authority more than what was meerly Voluntary and Perfwafive being owneds Things are brought to that miferable State, which follows next to be declared.
Ever fince the firft fettling of any Englijh Plantation in thofe Parts about Kennibeck for the Space of above fifty Years, the Indians always carried it Fair, and held good Correfpondence with the Englifh, until the News came of Philip's Rebellion, and rifing againft the Inhabitants of Plimouth Colony in the End of June 1675. After which Time, it was apprehended by fuch as had the Examination of the Indians about Kennibeck, that there was a general Surmife amongft them, that they fhould [12] be required to aflift the faid Philip, although they would not own that they were at all engaged in the Quarrel. The like Jealoufie did appear in all the Indians that inhabited to the Eaftward of Pafcataqua, which plainly fhews that there was a Defign of a general rifing of the Indians againft the Englijh, all
12]   with the Indians in New-England.   9 3
over the Country/08 (poffibly as far as Virginia?0* the Indians there making Infurreftion the fame Year) and that many if not moft of them were willing it fhould fucceed, although the elder and wifer of them liked it not, fearing the Iffue, as they had Caufe : But many of the Young Men about Cafco Bay, and Amonofcoggan were certainly known to flock thither the laft Year, and did, Sundry of them, come fhort Home.110 For herein they afted but like Salvages, as thofe in Virginia did fifty Years before, fhewing them-felves friendly and courteous to their new Neighbours, till they had an Opportunity to do them Mifchief.111 So that notwithftanding many of the Inhabitants in the Eaftern as well as in the Weftern Parts  of the Country, that  were  wont
108 Although this was the preva-     War firft broke out, many of the lent Opinion of that Time, it does    Inland Indians were amazed, and not appear to have been true. In    for fome Time wavered, not know-all of the Tribes and Clans of In-     ing what to do. dians, the Propenfity of the young         10!} This has reference to what is Men for War is and always has    called Bacon's Rebellion, and a been manifefl, and that many of    War between the Virginians and thefe were glad of an Opportunity     the Sufquehannah Indians. See to indulge that Propenfity is clear;     Holmes's Annals, i, 385. but that there was any fyftematic uo That is, they were killed, or Confpiracy between the Indians in     did not come Home at all. the Eafr. and King Philip does not         111 The Blow was as terrible appear to be borne out by the Facls.     on Virginia as this War was upon For it is very certain that but an    New England. It was of fhort inconfiderable Part, even of the    Duration, beginning on the 22d of Indians in Weftern MafTachufetts     March, 1622, under the Direction were expecting a War, at the Time     of a noted Chief named Qpekan-this War began. Our Author has    kanougb. See Book of the Indians. himfelf obferved,  that,   when   the     Book iv, Chap, ii, Page 361.
M2
94        ^ Narrative of the Troubles       [12
to trade with the Indians•, were not willing to believe any fuch Purpofe amongft them, but were ready to think fome of the ruder fort of the Englijh, by their imprudent and irregular Actings, had driven them into this Rebellion ;112 yet it is too evident, that the faid Indians (who naturally delight in bloody and deceitful Actions) did lay hold of any Opportunity that might ferve for a
112 The Author has, in nearly all fuch Cafes, avoided Specifications. The Enormities of the Englifh could not always be kept out of Sight, and yet the Hiftorians of the Time have barely given us but an apologetical glimpfe of them in a few Cafes. Original Depofitions in the Editor's PofTeffion relate to what is fo vaguely Hated in the Text: On the 13th of Nov., 1676, Thomas Miller, aged about 42, depofed before Commiffioner Elias Stileman, at Strawberry Bank, that being at Feall [Fayal, one of the Azores] he met with a Vefle] which had come in fome feven or eight Days before, which, on Inquiry he learned was from " Bofting," having failed thence about " Crefmas/' or before. Saw Indians on board, but how many he could not tell, but being on Shore next Day, and in Difcourfe with " Mr. Fifher about the Ketch and the Indians, he told me he had proffered the Merchant thirty feven or thirty eight Pipes of Cong Wines for his Indians. He faid to me there were feventeen     He further learned they
were gotten at the Eaftward, and that the VefTel (Ketch) belonged to Mr. 'Lines.'"
At the fame Time " John Sher-burn, aged about 26, and William RacklifFe, aged about 46," teftified, "That fometime the laft Aprill, being in Fyall, they faw a fmall Ketch there which came from New England, and had feverall Indians aboard. One of us faw about five or fix, the other about half a fcore, and fome of the Company faid they brought faid Indians from New England, and got them to the Eaftward. They faid the Ketch was Mr. Lines's and belonged to Bofton; but we remember not the Name of either of Ketch or Mafter or Merchant. The Indians were landed the Day before we came away. Wee afkt the Company what particular Place they had them from at the Eaftward, but they would not tell us/' Sherburne was Mate, and RaclifFe Boatfwain of the Ship " Im-ployment." They were before the Commiffioner " in Company with Capt Daniel and Mr. William Vaughan."
12]   with the Indians in New-England.   9 5
Pretence to be put upon their barbarous Practices. The Indians about Wammefet and Pafcataqua, that had joyned with their Country-men in their riling againft the Englijh the laft Winter, when they were pinched with Hunger in the cold Winter following, returned back to the Englijh, and defired to make Peace, and firmly engaged to continue their wonted Friendfhip ; yea fome of them as if they were really forry for their Murthers and Cruelty, of their own voluntary Motion, came with the Prifoners they had taken, and refigned them up to the Englijh; yet when their own Ends were anfwered, and another Opportunity was offered of doing further Mifchief of like Nature, they prefently returned to their former Praftice, as is well known of Simond and Andrew, that had killed fome, and led others Captive in the laft Spring from Bradford and Haverhill, who came in the End of June to Maj. Walderns, bringing Home Englifh Prifoners with them,113 yet did the very fame Indians within lefs than two Months after join with the Amonofcoggan and Kennibeck Indians, in committing the fad Tragedies that were laft a£ted in thofe Parts ; yet was he and the other his Partner fuffered to efcape for Want of fufficient gaurding the Prifon, where they were put in Order to further Trial. But Serofapiunt Phrgyes. It is hoped that we fhall after a few more Experiences of this
113 This will be more particularly noticed a few Pages hence.
96.       A Narrative of the Troubles        [13
Nature [13] learn to beware of this fubtle Brood, and Generation of Vipers. Ever lince Enmity was put between the Seed of the Woman, and the Seed of the Serpent, it hath been the Portion of her Seed in, every Generation, and in every Nation, to meet with the fad effects of that Enmity ; nor can they ever expert to find better dealing from any of the other Sort, further than either Fear of their Power, or Hope of Benefit by their Favour, may induce them to another Difpofition, as we the Inhabitants of New-England have found by this late and fad Experience in Reference to thefe Pagans in the Weft amongft whom our Lot is caft; they proving, as one fays of the Mahometans in the Eaft, like a Neft of Hornets, that if any one of them chance to be provoked, they will be all about his Ears that comes near them. But it is now Time to begin with the Particulars of the Tragedy it felf, that the Reader account not the Prologue too long.
It was June 24, 1675, when the firft Mifchief was done by the Indians about Mount-hope: before twenty Days were over, the Fire began to kindle in thefe the moft Remote and moft Northernly Bounds of the faid Country, or two hundred and fifty Miles diftant, and upon this Occafion : July 11, 1675, a Letter was brought to Kennibeck from one Henry Sawyer an Inhabitant of Tork, figni-fying the News of the Indians rifing about Pli-mouth, and that a Courfe was taken to difarm the
13]   with the Indians in New-England.   9 7
Indians along the Shore. This Rumor did fo far awaken the Inhabitants of thofe Parts, that the very next Day at a general Meeting of the Eng-lifh at one Capt. Pattifhals11* Houfe, feveral offered themfelves as Voluntiers to go up the faid River of Kinnibeck, to make Difcovery of the Indians Fidelity, or elfe to fight them if Occafion were.11^ The third Day after, marching up the River to Quegefeck11** they met with the Inhabitants of Ships Cot River, which is a River lying about twelve or fourteen Miles to the North-eaft of Kennibeck. Divers of the Indians thereabouts, by the. Perfwafions of one Mr. Walker,111 that ufed to trade with them, brought down an inconfi-derable Part of their Ammunition, as a few Guns, a little Powder and Shot, with a few Knives. About feven of the Kennibeck Indians, and five of thofe called Ammo/cogging Indians, about Pegyp-fcot11% (a River more Southward toward Cafco)
114 Farmer prefumed this was Hichard Pattejkall, of Bofton, 1665, and Freeman 1673; but according to Savage it was probably Robert Pattijball, " a Captain and Magiftrate in the temporary County of Devonshire, Me., and was killed by the Indians at Pemaquid in 1689. See alfo, Mather, Magnalia, Book vii, Page 65.
115 This Proceeding was certainly enough to affirm to the Indians that the Englifh had commenced a War upon them.
116Poflibly   the   fame called by
Sullivan Whijkeag, and by Refi-dents Whifgig.
1 ] 7 Perhaps Samuel Walker, who fubfequently married the Widow of Andrew Augur. Her Hufband (Augur) was killed at Scarborough. See Page [25, forward. See alfo Folfom, Hiftory of Saco, &c, 175.
118 Since written Pejepfcot. It is generally underftood to be the Tracl: where Brunfwick now is ; but the Indians feem to have applied it to that Part of the adjacent Androfcoggin, from what is fmce Brunfwick Falls to Merrymeeting Bay.
98        A Narrative of the Troubles       [14
made this Shew of bringing in their Arms. Capt. Lake, Capt. Pattijhal, with Mr. Wifwal, in whofe Hands was fettled a Kind of military Power for thofe Parts, were fent for to examine the faid Indians further, of whom upon Examination they faw Reafon to fufpe£t fome, if not all; whereupon they fent Meffengers the fecond Time to the Ammofcoggin Indians, and alfo a Letter to Mr. Walker to fend down their Arms and Ammunition to them for their greater Security.IJ9 After Mr. Wifwall was returned Home, the five Ammo/cogging Indians aforefaid brought in their Guns, but with no good Intent [14] probably; for an Indian called Sowen, having an Axe in his Hand, ftruck at one Hofea Mallet a French-man, but was prevented from doing him Mifchief; however the faid Indian was prefently bound and put into a Cellar. Some of the Englifh that ufed to trade with thofe Indians, were ready to execute the Indian, faying he was drunk, or that he was a diftradted Fellow ; but Mr. Wifwall with the other two Examinants lookt upon thofe as meer Excufes, and altogether Groundlefs ; for one of them to this Day affirms, that he was as Rational and Senfible as any of the Reft.
The ancient  Indians being   afked what they thought was meet to be  done in the faid Cafe ?
119 It will fcarcely be  doubted    for them to  plead  that they muft
now that this Management was not    have the Means to procure  Game
alone fufficient to caufe the Indians    or ftarve,  as   they   did on   many
to begin a War.    It was  in  vain    Occafions.
14-]   with the Indians in New-England.   99
faid, he was worthy to die for fuch an Affront, yet they would be glad if his Life might be fpared, offering to be jointly bound in his Behalf, to pay forty Beaver-fkins at the next Fall Voyage, giving their Hands in Token of their Fidelity, and alfo leaving their Arms in the Hands of the Englifh as a Pledg of their faithful keeping thofe Articles of Peace concluded on betwixt them. If they proved themfelves honeft Men, they were to have their Arms delivered them again, which was accordingly performed the laft *Juney 1676. They having in the mean Time carried themfelves peaceably toward the Engli/h. The Day after, viz. July 19, 1675, an Indian of great Note amongft them, called Robin Hood™0 with great Applaufe of the Reft, made a Dance, and fung a Song to declare their Intent in what was tranf-afted. And fo they parted, fetting the Indians at Liberty, that had engaged thus for their Friend Sowen the Indian; but yet to this Day one Skin of Beaver was never paid to the Englifh as was pro-mifed, The Indians all this Time were well provided for of Vi&uals by Capt. Lake, with other Supplies of Rhum and Tobacco, even to the difgufting of fome Englifh then prefent.
But the Indians left as Hoftages upon Sowen's Account, how civilly foever they were treated, ran all away at the Laft,  trufting more to  the
120 His Indian Name was, at one Chief for many Years. I learn no Time, Wobawa, and perhaps Ra- more of him than is contained in the megin at another.    He was a noted    Book of the Indians^ 284.
too     A Narrat ive of the Troubles         [15
Celerity of their own Feet than to the Civility of their EngliJI: Friends ; who after they were escaped, joined with a Parcel of their Fellows foon after, about twenty in all, in robbing the Houfe of one Mr. Purchafe™1 an ancient Planter about Pegypfcot River, and a known Trader with the Indians. Whatever Wrong may be pretended by the faid Indians, as done them in their trading (of which more may be fpoken afterwards)122 that will no Whit excufe their perfidious Treachery and Falfehood in breaking Covenant with the EngHJh, diiTembling, and feeking all Advantages of Cruelty againft their Englijh Neighbours, of which in the following Winter and Summer, 1676, there will be a more full and undeniable Difcovery. This was done in the Beginning of September, 1675,123 Thofe Indians that firft af-faulted Mr. Purchafe his Houfe, did no other Mifchief, [15] fave plundering it of ftrong Liquor, and Ammunition, alfo killing a Calf or two, with a few Sheep, but no more than what they eat, and fpoiling a Feather-bed, by ripping it open   to   turn out  the   Feathers, contenting
121 Mr. Thomas Purchafe.    He        1>22 Not much, however, is found,
and George Way  had   a Grant of    But the Nature of the Complaints of
Land between   the Kennebeck and    the Indians are   eafily conjectured.
Androfcoggin   Rivers    and   Cafco    An   " Amonofcoggin   Indian  once
Bay, but its   Date is   not  known,    complained that he   had given an
the Original having been long fince    hundred Pounds   for Water drawn
loft.    Willis, Hiflory of Portland,    out of Mr. Purchafe his Well."  See
64.    See alfo ante, Table, Page 5 ;    Page [jj of this Volume, and I. Mather, Brief Hiftory, 89.          123Sept. 4th,  1675.
15]  with the Indians in New-England,   i o i
themfelves with the Cafe, which they might more eafily carry away. They offerred no Incivility to the Miftrefs of the Houfe, (her Hufband and her Sons being at that Time from Home) yet one of her Sons approaching near the Houfe, and finding it poifeffed of thofe new Inhabitants, he rode away with all fpeed, and yet no fafter than there was Need ; for an Indian followed him with a Gun under his Coat, to have Shot at him, if he could by his Flattery and Diffembling have got him within the Reach of his Peice.
It is faid, that at the firft they ufed fair Words, and fpake of Trading; but as they went away, told thofe of the Houfe, that there were others coming after, that would deal far worfe with them, which within a fhort Time after came to pafs, for thefe were but the Meifengers of Death, which was foon after infli£ted, and that in a moft barbarous Manner upon fundry Inhabitants of the neighbouring Plantations.
The Englifh in thofe Parts being much in-cenfed hereat, twenty five of them foon after going up Cafco-Bay in a Sloop and two Boats to gather Indian Corn, and to look to what they had upon the faid Bay near Amonofcoggen River: When they came near the Houfes, they heard a Knocking and a Noife about the Houfes, and prefently efpied two or three Indians, who did not yet fee them : The Engltfh being come a good Way from their VeiTel, endeavoured to get between the Indians and the Woods, which when they perceived, N2
102      A Narrative of the Troubles        [16
they ran toward the Water-fide, but the Englifh in Purfuit killed one of them, and wounded another, who yet efcaped away in a Canoo crofs the River; a third running back toward the Woods, fled to the other Indians, and acquainted them with what was done, who prefently came down, and lay in wait to intercept the Englifh, that thought of no Danger, but Scattered them-felves all about the Place to gather their Corn, and lade the Boats therewith ; but before they were ready to go away, the*Indians coming down fired upon them, and forced them all into the Sloop ; had not fome of them been better prepared than the reft, they might all have been cut off, for fome little Refiftance being made by them that were ready with their Guns, it gave the Reft an Opportunity to get all into the Sloop, yet not without many Wounds : So with much ado, they all efcaped with their Lives, leaving the two Boats almoft laden with Corn for a Prey to the Indians, who prefently burned one, and plundered the other of all that was therein. Some are ready to think that [16] the Englifh did imprudently to begin the Quarrel, and not firft enquire into what the Indians were about in the Houfe, and feek Redrefs according to the forementioned Agreement made at the Court in Kennibeck. But if this hapned  after what  follows next  to be related,124
124 Sept. 9th, 1675. Itis hardly     Employment here of a Figure of to be fuppofed that the Author did     Speech which Logicians term Sub-not know which Affair happened     terfuge, is rather probable, and for firft.    That he is chargable with the    Reafons elfewhere explained.
io]   with the Indians in New-England\   103
viz, that which was done to old Wakely ,I25 and his Family (the EngHJh can be blamed for nothing but their Negligence and Security, in that having alarmed their Enemies, they flood not better upon their Guard) which is not very certain. For 'tis thought that within a few Days after, or the next Week, more horrible Outrage was committed upon the Family of an Ancient Man, whofe Name was Wakely, an Inhabitant of Cafco-Bay, who had fome Years before removed from Gloucejler, or Cape Anne, out of fome dif-content, which afterwards he often bewailed, re-folving either to have returned back, or elfe to have removed to fome fecurer Place; but he was arretted by the Sons of Violence, before he could effeft his Purpofe. This old Man with his Wife, his Son, and his Daughter in Law (at that Time great with Child) with three grand Children, were cruelly murdered by thofe barbarous Salvages at one Time : another of his grand Children was taken alive, and led into Captivity. A Daughter of his was faid to be carried to Narhaganfet, which fhews they joined with the Southern Indians in the Rebellion. When once thefe Indians had imbrued their Hands in Englifh Blood, they were emboldened to the like bloody Attempts in the adjacent Places.
This Wakely lived fo far from Neighbours, or
125 He mull have  been  an  old    find him in Cafco Bay (Falmouth)
Gentleman in 1675, as he was made    as   early   as   1661.    See   Babfon's
a Freeman of MafTachufetts in 1636,    Hiftory of Gloucejler, 174.   Hutch-
and was at Hingham in 1635.   We    infon, Col. Orig. Papers, 398.
104      A Narrative of the Troubles        [16
or elfe was encompafled with Creeks or Rivers, that no Relief could prefently be fent to him: however Lieut. Ingerfon126 of Cafco the next Day with a File of Men, repaired to the Place where his Houfe ftood, to fee what was the Reafon of the Fire they difcerned the Day before. There they found the Houfe burned to Afhes, the Bodies of the old Man and his Wife half confumed with the Fire, the young Woman killed, and three of the grand Children having their Brains dafhed out, and their Bodies were laid under fome oaken Planks, not far from the Houfe ; one Girl of about eleven Years old, was carried Captive, by them, and having been carried up and down the Country fome hundreds of Miles, as far as Nar-haganfet Fort, was this laft June returned back to Major Walderns, by one Squando the Sagamore of Saco :127 A ftrange Mixture of Mercy and Cruelty. Soon after Capt. Bonithon's12* and Major Philip's
12 s George Ingerfoll. He lived at a Place called Capi/tc, and was the firft who difcovered the Murders at Mr. Wakely's. See Willis, Hif tory of Portland, 197.
12?The "Girle" liberated by Squando was Elizabeth Wakely, as appears by a Depofition taken at Saco in 1723. Robert Evans tefti-fied that " the now Elizabeth Scam-man was brought in by the Indians to Cochecho/' and that her Name was Elizabeth Wakely, who " fome time in a War that was called Philips War, was taken at Cafco Bay, her Grand-Father and Father were killed."    She was then (1723) about
60 Years of Age, which pretty nearly agrees with the Author's Statement of her Age when taken captive. See Folfom's Saco, Sec, 157, and Willis, Hiftory of Portland (firft Edition), i, 137.
imJohn Bonithon,Son of Richard. Sullivan gives the Name Benython, and appears to have confounded John with his Father who " could never be cordial to Maflachufetts which had invaded and taken the Province of Maine from Gorges. The Parties were warm and abuiive in thofe Times, which caufed an ill-natured Infcription on the Grave of the Patentee; which Grave remains
17]  with the Indians in New-England.   105
Dwelling were affaulted ; one on the Eaft, the other on the Weft-fide of Saco River. It is faid, they had feafonable Notice of what was intended againft them by their barbarous Enemies. Thofe Amonofcoggon Indians, viz. by an Indian of Saco, their Neighbour, better minded than the Reft of his [17] Country-men, who obferving a ftrange Indian coming to his Wigwam in Company with fome of his Acquaintance, one of whom informed him, after the Reft (with the Stranger) were gone, that the faid Stranger came from the Weft-ward, and that his Bufinefs was to purfwade the Eaftern Indians to fall upon the Englifh in their Dwellings here, as the Reft had done to the Weftward. Captain Bonithon, either upon this Information, or upon the Knowledge of what was done a little before at Gafco, had left his Houfe, and was retired over the River with his Family to Major Philips his Garrifon.12?    Thus
on the Earr Side of Saco River, at a       ] 29 William Phillips\ who removed
Place called  Rendezvous Point, in    from Bofton to Saco in 1660.    His
thefe Words:                                         Wife was the Widow of John San-
" Here lies Benighton the Sagamore of     ford of Rhode Ifland,   and Mother
Saco,                                             of Peleg Sanford, Governor of that
" He lived a Rogue, and died a Knave,      Colony   from   1680  to  1682.     He
and went to Hockomoco."                 wag a Man   q£   extenflve   Bufinefs,
That this Infcription was to John     and became one of the largeft Land-and not to his Father Richard, it    holders in the Country. The Con-would be eafy to mow. The latter    nexion between the Family of Major died in 1648, refpefted for his up-    Phillips and the Hutchinfons of Bof-rightnefs, and fo far as known, with-    ton,was the Occafion, probably of out Enemies; while the Son had     fome of the latter Family being pof-many Enemies, which his haughty     fdfed of Lands at Saco, noticed by and turbulent Character had caufed,     the Author a few Pages further on. and he died in 1684.                            See Page [24 and Note.
106      A Narrative of the Troubles       [17
two are better than one: for otherwife, both might have been deftroyed. For upon the eighteenth of September following, being the feventh Day of the Week, about eleven a Clock, they at Major Philips his Garifon faw Capt. Bonithons Houfe on Fire on the Eaft-fide of Saco River, which by the good Providence of God was to them as the firing of a Beacon, giving them Notice to look to themfelves, their Enemies being now come; for otherwife, they might to their great Difadvantage have been too fuddenly fur-prized ; for within half an Hour after, they were upon them, when a Sentinel placed in the Chamber gave Notice that he faw an Indian by the Fence-fide, near a Corn-field. Major Philips not willing, to believe till he might fee with his own Eyes, ran haftely up; another of his Men, coming after, cryed Majier, What mean you, do you intend to be killed? at which Words he turned fuddenly back from the Window, out of which he was looking, when prefently a Bullet ftruck him on the Shoulder, grazing only upon it, without breaking the Bone. The Indians upon the Shot, thinking he had been flain thereby (as they heard afterwards) gave a great Shout, upon which they difcerned that they were furrounded by them; whereupon they prefently fired upon the Enemy from all Quarters, and from the Flankers of the Fortification, fo as they wounded the Captain of the Indians, who prefently leaving the Aflault, retired three or four Miles from the Place.
18 ]  with, the Indians in New-England, 107
where he foon after died, as they were informed. He counfelled them to leave the Siege, but they were refolved not fo to quit the Place, nor were thofe within, lefs refolute to defend it. One of the beft Men was foon after difabled from any further Service by a Wound which he received in one of the Volleys made upon them by the Affailants. But that no whit daunted the Reft of the Defendants, who continued ftill firing amain upon the Enemy: This Difpute lafted about an Hour, after which the Enemy defpair-ing to take the Houfe by Affault, thought upon a Device how to burn it.
Firft, firing the Houfe of one of his Tenants, then his Saw-mill, after that his Corn-mill, hoping by that Means to draw them out of the Gar[i8]ifon to put out the Fire; but miffing of their Purpofe in that they called out, Tou Englifh cowardly Dogs, come out and quench the Fire: They continued this Sport all the Afternoon, continually almoft without any Intermiffion firing upon them : The Befieged hoped for Relief from the Town, but none came. The Major ftill encouraging his Men to ftand it out, which they manfully did all that Night, when they were alarm'd almoft every half Hour ; and betwixt whiles they could hear their Axes and other Inftruments, knocking about the Mills till the next Day: They within the Houfe conceived they were preparing fome Engin wherewith to burn the Houfe, which proved accordingly ; for about four or five
108       A Narrative of the Troubles       [18
a Clock in the Morning, at the fetting of the Moon, the Major was called by one of his Men to look out, when he faw a Cart with four Wheels, having a Barricado built in the Forepart to keep off Shot, and filled with combuftible Matter, Birch-rinds, Straw, Powder, and Poles twenty Foot long, apt to Fire the Houfe. He bid them let them drive it within Piftol-fhot, before they made any Shot againft them: His Men were a little difcouraged at the Sight of this Engine; but he bid them be of good Courage, and ufe the Means, putting their Truft in God, who he was confident would deliver them. The Cart, when brought a little nearer, became unwieldy by Reafon of the Barricado planted in it, and being to pafs through a fmall Gutter, one Wheel ftuck faft in the Slough, which brought the Cart fuddenly to the Left, whereby the Drivers lay all open to their right Flanker, when prefently they fired upon them out of the faid Flanker ; and having fo fair a Shot upon them, and not being above Piftol-fhot from the Place, they killed fix of the Enemy, and wounded fifteen,130 as they found afterwards, which no doubt made them too late to repent of their Refolution, not to follow their Captains Counfel and Example
130 This was quite an ingenious    by a fudden Shower of Plain which
Device for a movable Fortification,    put out the Fire.    Viewed as a re-
or Terraqueous Fire-Jhip. The fame    markable Providence at the Time.
Artifice had before been reforted to    See Book of the Indians, B. iii, c. ii,
at Brookfield, it will be remembered,    214. I. Mather, Brief Hift., 67-70,
and was only prevented taking effect    Hoyt, Antiquarian Kefearcbes, 101.
19]  with the Indians in New-England. 109
in leaving the Siege, for now they prefently departed. So as at Sun-rife, they within the Houfe efpyed forty of them marching away, but how many more were in the Company they could not tell.
The Indians it feemed went towards Blue-point, where it is faid they killed feveral Perfons : but thofe in the Houfe feared they went for more Help, and expected their Return ; but it feems their Courage failed them as to another Attempt upon an Houfe fo well garifoned, and manfully defended. Major Philips fent to the Town for Help, acquainting them with what had palled, but none was fent them, either that Day, or the next: fo as having fpent almoft all their Ammunition, the People that were with him, would not be perfwaded to tarry longer than the Thurfdav Morning, which conftrained him and his Family to remove to the Town ; about a Fortnight after, the Indians hearing thereof, came and burnt down [19] the empty Houfe. There were fifty Perfons in the faid Houfe during the Time of the Siege, and but ten able Hands : they had five more that could do fomething, but through Age or Minority not able to make any notable Refiftance; yet it pleafed God, in whofe Hands are all Mens Lives and Limbs, and who is never wont to fail them who in Time of Danger are fo ready to confide in his Power and Goodnefs, as not to negledt the ufe of due Means for their own Prefervation : fo to order Things that not one Perfon of all thofe O2
no      A Narrative of the Troubles *     [19
fifty, was either killed, or mortally wounded. Major Philips himfelf was wounded, but not dan-geroufly, at the Beginning of the AfTault : his Mills with other Edifices were the firfl: Day burned by the Enemy, and fo were all the Houfes at Saco9 or moft of them foon after, that were above the Fifher-mans Stages. One Mrs. Hitcock being carried Captive by the Enemy from the fame Place, died in the Winter following, by eating fome poyfonous Root inftead of a Ground-nut, as was reported by the Indians afterwards.
Much about the fame Time, five Perfons going up the River of Saco, were all killed by the fame Indians.1^1
Thefe Tragedies being thus adted at Cafco Bay, and Saco,thofe barbarous Enemies difperfed them-felves in Parties, intending to do all the Mifchief they could to all the Englifh inhabiting about that Side of the Country. In the fame Month of September, they came down towards Pafcata-qua, doing the like Spoil upon the Inhabitants of the feveral Branches of that River, which they had been doing elfewhere: In the firft Place, they burned   the   two   Chejlies1^   Houfes   about
131 The Name of this Captive    was killed at Dover by the Indians, was doubtlefs Hitchcock. Richard    15 th Nov. 1667, and refers to Bel-Hitchcock was at Saco in 1636, who    knap, i, 72, as his Authority; but died in 1671. In his Will mention    Belknap does not name Thomas is made of Wife Lucretia, and Child-    Chefley, nor has he any thing about ren, Thomas, Jerufha, Lydia, Ann,    the Chellies except what: he has and Margaret.    Farmer.    Savage,    copied from this Text of Hubbard,
and the  Date  is given corre&ly,
J32 Savage fays Thomas Chefley     1675.
19]  with the Indians in New-England, in
Oyjier River, and killed two Men that were paff-ing along the River in a Canoo; and carried away an old Irifh-man, with a young Man taken from about Exeter, who yet both of them foon after made an Efcape to a Garifon at Salmon Falls in Kittary, by the help of an Indian better minded than the Reft : the firft after {even Weeks the other after a Months Captivity.
Much about that Time, one Goodman Robin-fon1^ of Exeter with his Son, were travelling toward Hampton, where, as they [were] palling a-long, they were way-laid by three Indians, viz. John Sampjon, Cromwel, and John Linde, who fhot down the old Man, whom they left dead upon the Place; his Son, hearing the Guns efcaped their Hands by running into a Swamp whither the Indians purfued him, but could not overtake him, fo as he got fafe into Hampton about Midnight, where he declared what befell him by the Way, and how narrowly he avoided the Danger, intimating likewife, that he feared his Father was killed, which was found too true, by Lieut. Swet1^
133 There was a John Robinfon among the firft Settlers of Haverhill, Mafs., 1640. In 1657 he bought a Houfe lot in Exeter and foon after removed there. He was a Black-fmith, and was probably the Goodman Robinfon mentioned in the Text. See Chafe, Hiftory of Ha-verhill, 38, 45, 68.
134 Benjamin Swett, afterwards a Captain. He was in Command of a Garrifon at Wells in the Spring
of 1677, and on the 29th of xA.pril of that Year was drawn into an Ambufh and llain, with feveral of his Men. See Hubbard's Hiftory of New England, 632. He was Son of John Swett of Newbury, according to Topham's MS. Hiftory of Hampton, and married Hefther, Daugher of Nathaniel Weare of Hampton. Thomas Sweete came to Newbury in 1634. See Founders of New England, 70.
ii2       A Narrative of the Troubles      [20
who the next Day with a Dozen Soldiers of the Town went to fearch thofe Woods, where they found the poor old Man, fhot [20] through at his Back, the Bullet having peirced through his Body, and was flopped by the Skin on the other Side : Another of Exeter, called Foul/am,1** was at the fame Time driving a Pair of Oxen in the fame Road : where, foon after he heard the Report of the Guns when Kobinfon was killed, he efpyed the three Indians creeping upon their Bellies towards him, to do as much for him as they had done for Robinfon; but leaving his Oxen, he put on his Horfe with all Speed, and fo was delivered from the Danger that the other fell into; it is reported that one of the Indians made a Shot at him, but he was either gotten out of their reach, or elfe they miffed their Aim at that Time. The fame Indians had a little before met with another Englifh-man in thofe Woods, one Charles Randlet j^Vhom they carried Captive, although he foon after efcaped out of their Hands by the Help of another Indian called James.    It is faid,
135 Probably John Fouljkam,    feen it fo printed elfewhere. Charles who went to Exeter, N. H., from    Randlet was theAnceftor of a highly Hingham, Mafs., about 1659. He    refpeclable Family, one of whom emigrated from Hingham, England,    was a Printer and Bookfeller many 1638, married Mary, Daughter of    Years in Exeter. Henry Ranlet Edward Gilman.  Farmer. Savage,    was Printer to the General Court
136 Thofe who defire to fee what    of New Hamplhire, and in 1792 is contained in Savage's Dictionary    printed the Laws of the United upon the Family of Ranlet muft: look    States for that State. One of our under the Head Rundlet! The Name    moft accomplished and able Sea in Country Parlance is thus pro-    Commanders of this Day, bears the nounced, fometimes, but I have never    Name of the Indian Captive.
2 o]  with the Indians in New-England.   113
there were four Indians of that Company, and that the fourth was fent away with Randlet, fo that there were but three feen together at the killing and purfuing the other forementioned. One of the faid Indians viz. John Sampfon, was killed by fome of Capt. Hathorns Soldiers at Cafco Bay, in September following 1676, when the Scouts of our Forces came upon the Indians on the fud-den, and had a fmall Brufh with them, but all the Reft made fhift to get away : As for the other two, viz. Cromwell, and "John Linde ;137 one of them, it is faid, is fince killed, or taken and fold away, the other is at Kennibeck, whom Vengeance may alfo in due Time overtake, as it hath done the other.
Within a few Days after the barbarous Fa£t at Oyjler-River, two Indians, viz. one named Andrew,1^ and the other Hope-Hood, the Son of him called Robin-Hood, affaulted the Houfe of one Tozer1^ at Newechewannick, wherein were fifteen Perfons, yet all Women and Children, who with-
137 There is a mournful Letter of an Indian ofthis name in Gen. Gookin's Hiftory, written during his Wanderings through the Wildernefs toward Canada. He was a principal Praying Indian among the Wamefits, and when that little Community of Friendly Indians was broken up by the ruthlefs Violence of fome neighboring white Ruffians, he with a few others efcaped being mafTacred by Flight.
138 He is believed to have be-
longed to Saco. His Career of Blood is traced as far as the Year 1677. See Book of the Indians, 275. ™»Richard Tozer, killed foon after, as will be feen in thefe Pages. His Reiidence was about a Mile from Salmon Falls, N. H , in what is fince known as the Old Garrifon Houfe, a Portion of which exifts to this Day. He married Judith Smith, at Bofton, in 1656. Hon. John Wentworth in N. Et Hift. and Gen. Reg., xvii, 212 ; Vol. xviii, 50.
114       A Narrative of the "Troubles        \21
out all doubt had all of them fallen into the mercilefs Hands of the two cruel and barbarous Caitiffs, had not a young Maid of about eighteen Years of Age firft efpyed them: who being endued with more Courage than ordinarily the reft of her Sex ufe to be (the Bleffing of Jael light upon her) firft fhut the Door, whereby they were denied Entrance, till the Reft within efcaped to the next Houfe, that was better fortified; That young Virago1*0 kept the Door faft againft them fo long till the Indians had chop'd it in Peices with their Hatchets: when entring the Houfe, they knocked the poor Maid down with their Hatchets, and gave her many other Wounds, leaving her for dead upon the Place; after which they paired on toward the next Dwelling; in their Way meeting with two Children, that had efcaped the Houfe firft broken open by them, they killed one of them, of three Years old, which could not follow faft [21] enough, or elfe they that carried it, could not convey it over a Fence foon enough to fave themfelves and it; and carried away the other of feven Year old, which yet was returned fafe within half a Year after : The poor Maid that had ventured her own Life fo far, to fave many others, was by a ftrange Providence enabled
140 An Appellation   not exa&ly    bard's Time the Definition of Virago
fuited to our Ideas of a  Woman    was fimply " a Woman of manly
exerting her utmoft Energies,  and    Courage;"   whereas   the  Term is
expofing her own Life to apparently    now  almoft exclulively   applied  to
certain   Deftrudtion   to    fave   the    quite a different Clafs of Females.
Lives of others.    But in Mr. Hub-    Compare Kerfey and Webfter.
21 ]  with the Indians in New-England.   115
to recover fo much Strength after they were gone, as to repair to the next Garifon, where fhe was foon after healed of her Wounds, and reftored to perfed: Health again.
The next Day toward Night more of the barbarous Enemies being gathered together, they made another Affault upon the neighbouring Dwellings.
The Englifh, as many as could be fpared out of the Garifon, (not above eight in Number) purfued after them about half a Mile, but Night coming on, it was judged belt to retreat, left otherwife they might have been intercepted in their return Home, by any of them lying in Ambufh, which is their ufual Way of doing Mif-chief. After divers Shot made on both fides, but five of the Enemies appeared; who yet took the Advantage of Captain Wincals1*1 Abfence, (whofe Dwelling was not far off) to burn his Houfe and Barn, with another Houfe, and two Barns more, where was much Englifh Corn ; above an hundred Bufhels was fuppofed to be in one of them. After they had done this Mifchief, they fled away.
The next Day after, the fame Indians, or others of their Fellows, came upon the other Side of the
141 John Wine all.    He was Son    John Wincall in the Bofton News
of Thomas of Watertown ; a Man,    Letter and Weekly Journal, 1734,
it feems of much  Activity in thofe    but  whether a Connection  of the
fearful Times.    Very little has been    before mentioned Capt. W., I have
learned   about    his    Family.    See    no Information.    The   latter  died
Bond's Hit. ofWatertown.   There    in  1694.     Williamfon   writes   the
are Notices of the Death of a Capt.    Name Wincoln.
116     A Narrative of the Troubles       [22
River, from whence they fhot over feveral Times, to fome that were grinding in the Mill, but after the exchanging of many Shot on both Sides of the River, betwixt them, fix of the Enemy fhewed themfelves in the Twilight, uttering feveral info-lent and barbarous Speeches, calling our Men Englifh Dogs, &c. Yet all this, while out of reach of their Shot, and then they ran all away like Dogs after they had done barking.
After this, thofe very Indians, as was fuppofed, burned five or fix Houfes about Oijler 'River, and killed two Men, viz. one William Roberts1*7* and his Son in Law. The Inhabitants of Dover, with fome other refolute young Men, being much provoked by thefe many Infolencies and Injuries done by the Enemies, obtained Liberty from the Major of the Regiment, to try whether they could not meet with fome of the Indians, by fecret Ambufhes, and fculking amongft the Bufhes and Trees, as the Indians ufed to do with them, to which End about twenty divided themfelves into feveral fmall Parties: Soon after as they were looking after the Enemy, a Party of ours efpied five of the Indians, fome gathering [22] Corn in the Field, while the Reft of them were bufied in heating of an Oven to bake fome of the Fruit which they gathered alfo in the fame Field.
The Englifh were at fuch a Diftance that they
142Nothing further has been dif-    was a Captive among the Indians in
covered  refpe&ing this Sufferer or    Canada, and belonged to a neigh-
his Connections.   In one of the later    boring Locality.    See New Hamp-
Indian Wars, one Alexander Roberts   Jhire Hiflorical Collections, iii, 74.
22]  with the Indians in New-England. 117
could not make any Sign to their Fellows, without being difcovered by the Indians in the Field; wherefore two of them crept as near as they could to the Houfe, at one End of the Field, where they fuddenly rufhed upon two of the Wretches, and knocked them down with the butt End of their Mufkets, which was done filently; but the other three in the Field took the Alarm, and fled away, who elfe might as eafily have been furprized as the other two.
Thefe Outrages thus daily committed, filled all the Plantations about Pafcataqua with Fear and Confufion ; fcarce any Place, where there was not either Reafon for fome to complain of the Lofs 6f their Friends, or burning of their Houfes, which caufed moft of them that lived fcatteringly, at any Diftance from their Neighbours, either to Garifon their Houfes, or elfe defert their own Dwellings, and to repair to their next Neighbours that were better fortified than themfelves; but all the Inhabitants in thofe Parts in general, were alarmed to ftand upon their Guard.143
143 In the midft of thefe Diftrefles, Application from the Inhabitants beyond Portfmouth was made to the Commiffioners of the United Colonies at Bofton for Afliftance, as appears by the following Memorandum:
"Bofton, Oftob. ift, 1675. The Commiffioners underflanding that the Inhabitants of Pafcataque, and fo Eaftward,are under greatDiftrefs, by Reafon of the Rage of the Com-
P2
mon Enemy, Doe commend it to the honourable Governor and Councill of the Mattachufets, that fome pre-fent Releife may be fent vnto them according to the prefent Exigent; the Charges whereof mall be allowed in the general Account of the Colo-nyes.
Thomas Danforth, Prefidt. In  the name,   and by the order of the Commiffioners" Original Paper,
118     A Narrative of the Troubles         [22
On the feventh of OBober following, being a Day of publick Humiliation, a Man was fhot down, as he was riding between two Grarifon Houfes about Newechewannick, and dyed of his Wounds within two Hours after ; about the fame Inftant of Time two young Men were fhot dead about a Mile from that Place; Thefe two had their Arms or Guns with them, which were carried away by them that killed them, together with their upper Garments : It is not faid that thefe three laft, (though killed upon a Day of Humiliation) were furprized in their repairing to, or returning from the Place of publick Wor-fhip, which would in a great Meafure have abated the Sorrow of their fad Funerals, if when they were fuddenly arretted by the Harbingers of Death, they had been found fo doing.
Soon after this, they affaulted another Houfe at Oyjier River, the which, although it was Gar-rifoned, yet meeting with a good old Man, whofe Name was Beards without the Garifon, they killed him upon the Place, and in a barbarous Manner cut off his Head, and fet it upon a Pole in Derifion. Not far off about the fame Time they burned another Houfe and Barn.
• Upon the fixteenth of Odiober, being Saturday, about an hundred of the Indians were gathered together,  to affault  Newechewannick; they began
144 There was a William Beard fame killed as mentioned in the at Dover, 1640, according to Far- Text. Others of the Name, killed mer, and  Savage fays  he was  the    at a later Period, are met with,
23]  with the Indians in New-England. 119
with one named Tozer,1^ half a Mile from the Upper Garifon, at Salmon Falls. The faid Tozer was prefently killed, his Son taken [23] Captive (but returned after fome Months Reftraint) feveral Guns being £hot at this Affault, alarmed Lieut. Plaijled at the next Garrifon, who like a Man of publick Spirit immediately fent out feven Men from the Garifon under his Command, to fee what the Matter was; but being met by an Ambufh laid in the Way as they went, loft two or three of their Company, the Reft hardly efcap-ing back to the Place whence they came, whereupon the faid Lieut. Plaijled immediately dif-patched away a Meffenger to Major Waldern at ^uecheco, which becaufe it feems to be the laft Time that ever that good and ufeful Man fet Pen to Paper, fhall here be inferted.
Salmon Falls, OSiober 16, 1675. Mr. Richard Waldern and Lieut. Coffin, Thefe are to inform you, that juji now the Indians are engaging us with at leaf one hundred Men, and have fain four of our Men already, Richard Tozer, James Barney,146 Ifaack Bottes,147 and Tozer's Son, and burnt Benoni Hodfdens Houfe;1^  Sir, if ever you
115 According to Sullivan his name        147 As no other mention of thefe was John; but according to the    two Perfons, Barney and Tozer, is Letter immediately following in the    found, it is probable they were fingle Text it was Richard.                         Men,   and  perhaps  had not been
116 Mr. Farmer does not feem to    long in the Country.
have noticed this Perfon, though he        14S This  Name  is ufually fince
found a Jacob Barney, at Salem, and    fpelt Hodgdon.    There are many of
Mr. Savage could not add much, at    the Name at the prefent Day in New
leaft he did not, to Farmer.                Hampfhire and adjacent States.
12 o     A Narrative of the Troubles        [2 3
have any Love for us, and the Country,  now jhew yourfelf with Men to help us, or elfe we are all in great Danger to be flain, unlefs our God wonderfully appear for our Deliverance.     They that  cannot fight, let them pray; Nought elfe, but I reft, Yours to ferve you, Signed by    Roger Plaifled,
George Broughton.1^
What Anfwer was returned to this importunate and pathetical Letter, is not fully known at pre-fent; moft probably he that was moft concerned in the Contents of it, was either abfent from Home, or in no Capacity to fend the Relief de-fired; which if it could have been had, might have prevented the faid Mifchief that fell out the next Day; when Lieut. Plaifled being more ear-neftly bent to perform that laft Office of Love to his deceafed Friends, whom he could not by all his Endeavours fave from the Danger of Death, while they were in the Land of the Living, would
149 As early as 1654, "Mr. Broughton's Man " is found in a Lift of" Troopers who had been in Service 16 Days, under Major Simon Willard. This refers to Mr. Thomas Broughton probably. But the Petitioner below, is no doubt the Widow of George Broughton the Signer of the above Letter: iC Petition of Paren Broughton, Widow of George Broughton, deceafed," fetting forth that fhe "hath been drouen [driven] out of Houfe and Home by the Indians, with the Loft
of her Eftate, and meeting with another great Loft, the Death of her Hufband, and after that the Loft of her Son, which was the only Support fhe had/' and that fhe is " brought very low," and her "Condition is very meane." She therefore defires to be allowed tc to retail Wine, Ale and Sider." The Date of the Petition is July 6th, 1696. Whether the General Court took any Aclion in the Matter is not known. See Majf. (MS.) Archives.
24]   with the Indians in New-England. 121
needs venture himfelf with   twenty Soldiers out of his Garrifon, to fetch off the dead Bodies.
To that End he ordered a Pair of Oxen to be yoken to bring them to his Garrifon, in order to their Chriftian buryal, not coniidering that the Indians lay fculking thereabouts, waiting for fuch Opportunities. They went firft to the furtheft Place, where they found Ro. "Toners Body, and put it into their Cart; but coming back to take up the other two Bo[24 (dies, which were fallen in a little Swamp nearer to the Garifon, they were fet upon by an hundred and fifty of the Enemy, that had hid themfelves in the Bufhes, and under a Stone-wall, and Loggs in the Way, as they were to pafs; by the fudden Noife of the Guns, the Cattel being frighted, ran away to the Garifon with fuch of the Dead as were firft laid up thereon, (and poflibly with one of them wounded at that Inftant) leaving their Owners to fight it out with their Enemies. Lieut. Plaifted being thus defperately affaulted, he with his twenty Men, was forced to retreat to a Place of better Advantage; but being there fo hotly purfued, they were not able to abide it long; although they killed and mortally wounded feveral of the Indians, as themfelves have fince confeffed; but they moft of them being fo much overmatched, took the Opportunity of a fair Retreat, and fo got fafe to their Garifon, while Lieut. Plaifted out of the height of his Courage, difdaining either to fly from or yield himfelf (for 'tis faid the Indians
122       A Narrative of the Troubles      [24
were loth to kill him, but defirous rather to take him Prifoner) into the Hands of fuch curfed Caitiffs, did fight it out defperately, till he was flain upon the Place, his eldeft Son and another Man were flain in their too late Retreat; and his other Son was forely wounded, fo that he dyed within a few Weeks after.15°
The Indians were contented with this'Mifchief for the prefent (and indeed if all the Englifh they had to deal with, had (hewed the like Refolution with this Plaijied9 they would not have done half the Mifchief that fince hath been done by them) and flunk away into the Woods before the next Day, when Captain Froji1^1 came up from Sturgeon Creek, (a few Miles below the River) with a Party of- his Friends, and buryed the Dead: During thefe Onfets, the Enemy alfo took their Advantage to burn three Houfes, and two Barns before they left the Place.
The latter End of the fame Month they burned
150 There is a Tombftone near the Road in Berwick, on the Land which was Plaifted's, near where this Battle was fought, upon which there is the following Infcription: " Here lies interred, the Body of
Samuel Plaisted, Esq., who departed this Life, March
20TH, 1731, je. 36. Near this Place lies buried the
Body of Roger Plaisted, who was killed by the Indians, Oct.
i6th, 1675, m. 48 years; also the Body of his Son,  Mr.
Roger Plaisted, who was killed at the same Time."
Sullivan, 250. 151 Charles, afterwards Major Froft. He lived at Sturgeon Creek in Kittery ; was often in active Service againft the Indians, and had excited their Envy and Hatred, and hence they longed for an Opportunity to deftroy him. This they at length fucceeded in doing, by am-burning him and mooting him from his Horfe as he was going to Meeting, July 4th, 1697.
25]  with the Indiatts in New-England.   123
a Mill near the fame Place belonging to Mr. Hutcbin/on1^ a Merchant of Bo/ion ; from whence they came down lower toward Sturgeon Creek, where they burned one Houfe, and killed two Men, not far from Captain Frqft's Dwelling; he efcaping himfelf very narrowly, being fhot at by the Enemy, about ten in Number, who might eafily have burned his Houfe, and taken all that were in it, being but three Boys beiides himfelf, had'he not ufed this Policy; to call out to fome to march this and the other Way, to look after the Indians, as if he had had many at hand to Command, which under God was the Means of his Efcape; for his Houfe was neither fortified, nor well manned, yet was far from Neighbours.
The next Day the faid Indians palled down the River on Kittary Side, killed one Man, whofe Houfe they firft plundered, and then fet it [25] on Fire. All this was done juft over againft Portfmoutb, from whence out of a fmall Battery was difcharged a Peice of Ordnance, which by a good Providence was directed fo to fling its Shot, as it fell very near a Party of the Indians for they were fo affrighted therewith (if none of them were killed) that they left a good Part of their Plunder near the Place. They were purfued by fome of the Englifh before they could recover their Home,  and by the Help of the Snow that
152 This Mr. Hutchinfon, I fup-    of London.    In this Light the Ac-
pofe, was Edward Hutchinfon.. who    counts in Folfom's Saco and Bidde-
adted as  Agent for :i Mr. Richard   ford, and Williamfon's  Maine be-
Hutchinfon/, his Uncle, a Merchant    come intelligible.
124      ^1 Narrative of the Troubles        [2 5
fell about that Time, were traced till they were overtaken: but being near a Swamp, themfelves efcaped, for itafte leaving two of their Packs behind them.
Soon after they went up the River again to Quechecho, where they burned an Houfe, and two or three Barns. Another Party of them got over beyond the other Branches of Pafcataqua River, toward Exeter, and Lampray Eyl River, where they killed one Man : Sundry of them were feen in the Woods about Exeter; and between Hanpton and Exeter, where they killed one or two Men in the Woods as they were travelling Homewards, occafioned the People of thofe Towns to ftand continually upon their Guard, which proved a great Annoyance to the Inhabitants.
But to look a Little back to the Plantations more Eaftward from Pafcataqua River, where thefe Outrages of the Indians firft began.
At Cafco Bay, Lieut. Ingerfons Son, with another Man, going out afowling about this Time, were both killed before they returned Home, his Fathers Houfes being burned, with many others alfo thereabouts.
At Black-point, Lieut. Auger1 ^ with two more
153 This Name is differently writ-    Land of the Indians.   They named
ten in the fame Works, as Aulger,    their Purchafe Dunfton,   that being
Alger and Augur.   The two killed    the Name of the Place in Norfolk,
at this Time were Arthur and An-    England, whence   they  emigrated,
drew Augur.    They were fettled in    See   Colleclions,   Maine   Hiojirical
Scarborough, where, about   1651,    Society, iii, 27.    There are no Male
they   purchafed   1,000   Acres   of   Defendants of the Name.    Willis.
2 6]    with the Indians in New-England. 125
were affaulted by the Indians, where after many Shot exchanged betwixt them, himfelf was fo wounded that he died foon after, and his Brother was alfo killed in a few Days afterwards, not far from the fame Place.
When the Riling of the Indians firft began in thofe Eaftern Parts, (with us called the County of Tork-JIoire,1^ Captain Wincol of Newechewan-nick, with fome others, having a Sympathy for the Sufferings of the Neighbours, marched up that Way with a fmall Party of Men : In his firft Skirmifh with the Enemy, he chanced to lofe two or three of his Company ; the Reft being not above eleven in all, as they were marching along by the Sea-fide, were affaulted by a great Number of the Indians, judged to be an hundred and fifty : he being hard befet with fo great a Number, retreated to an Heap of Bolts that lay near the Water-fide, by the Shelter of which they lay fafe from the Indians Guns, and fo well plyed their few Guns, that they flew many of their Enemies, and put them all to a Kind of Rout at the laft : After which by the Help of an old Canoo, they recovered fafe to the other [26] Side of the Bank. But nine Saco Men had worfe Succefs, who yet came with a very good Inten-
154 It was called Devonihire alfo    humble   Petition   of the diftrefled by fome of its   Inhabitants, as ap-    Inhabitants of the Countie of De-pears by a Petition  drawn up the    von:   fufFering by the  treacherous following Year.     The Preamble to    and bloodthirfty Heathen/' &c, which   thus   commences :    " The    Original Petition, MS.
Q2
126      A Narrative of the Troubles r    [26
tion to help their Friends, upon the hearing of their Guns ; but as they came to refcue Captain Wincol with his fmall Party, they themfelves fell into an Ambufh of the Indians, and fo were all cut off, with two other Men alfo, near the Place where the firft Skirmifh was ; for the Indians from the Shore Side could difcern any that were coming towards them, when they were a great Way off, and fo might eafily way-lay them, before they could come up to them. Near upon feven Houfes were burned about this Time, and fome perfons killed at Black-point.1^
155 An additional Note is given to thefe Events in " The Table/' ante, No. 40, by the Author. But from all he has given us we have but a faint Shadow of the Perils and Trials which then actually exifted in that Country. As Capt. Jofhua Scottow of Bofton had an Eftab-lifhment at Black Point, and was there at the Time of the Attack with a Company of Soldiers, it is Singular that he is not noticed by Mr. Hubbard. The following Extracts from certain original Papers in my Poffeffion will fhow that Capt. Scottow was feverely cenfured for his Conduct for refufing to affift the People when attacked by the Indians, and that he brought in a Bill againft them for his and his Men's Services afterwards. " Miles Edgcomb" depofed that he was aged about 25 Years; that he was at Black Point when " nine of Winter Harbour Men were fighting
with the Indians upon the Sands oppofite faid Place, and faw fundrie Men come to Mr. Scottow importuning and profefing themfelves that he would fend over fome Ayde to thofe poore diftreffed Men, whoe they were afraide would be overcome by the Indians except they had fpeedie Reliefe, being within foe fmall Compafs that they plainlie did fee that the Number of the Heathen was farr exceeding the Englifh: notwithstanding all this Mr. Scottow would not fuffer a Man to goe to help them. Then came John Lux and afckt him if he was not afhamed to ftand ftill with fo manie armed Men and fuffer nine Winterharbour Men to bee murthered by the curfed Heathen ! Come, faies Lux, putt mee fome Men into my Shallopp and I will foarthwith, by the Helpe of God pull them on Shoare in Little Rivver: being  then neare high Water, and
26]  with the Indians in New-England.   127
Two Perfons likewife were killed at Wells,1*6 in the Beginning of the Winter, one of them was a Servant of Mr. William Simons (one of the principal Men in the Town aforefaid) : the Gentleman himfelf with his Family, were removed to a Garifon-houfe in the Middle of the Town ,
thereby, I doubt not but wee mall faive fome of their Lifes. All which, boathe talkeing and haveing in his View that fad Sight, would not moove Mr. Scottow to releife thofe poore Englifh, whoe for Want of Helpe weare found flaine neare to the aforefaid River, wheare Lux would have landed Ayde if hee could have gott anie from faid Scot-tow." Sworn before Brian Pendleton, July  20th, 1676.
John Jackfon, aged 40 Years, or thereabouts, teftified that when the Indians were burning Dunfton he heard Mr. Foxwell urge Capt. Wincoll to go out with his Company to fight the Indians; that Wincoli declined, having no Com-miffion from Capt. Scottow to do fo ; that Mr. Foxwell's Garrifon was fhorr of Powder, and that he (Jackfon) went to Capt. Scottow to get fome belonging to the Company; that the Captain replied that if the Bofton Soldiers wanted Powder, they could have it, but if the Inhabitants wanted it they muft buy it. The Price was half a Crown the Pound.
This was alfo fworn to before Mr. Pendleton, as was another by Giles Barge, but too long to be here
inferted. Walter Gendall likewife teftified to the Inhumanity of Capt. Scottow. His Depofition was taken by " Henry Jocelyn, the laft of July, 1676."
Scottow drew up a long Defence of his Conduct, in the Form of a Petition to the General Court. A Report was made upon it by a Committee, confirming of Nathaniel Sal ton ft ally James Ruffe11, 2Jhomas Brattle, Samuell Appleton and John Wayt, from which Report the Cap tain does not appear to have had the Sympathy of the Court. The Committee remark that they did not think it Expedient to grant him a Hearing, as the Parties concerned, " by late Tranfaclions are put under another Government, viz., in the Province o^ Main./V Both the Magiftrates and Deputies approved the Action of the Committee.
15' The Author feems to have omitted to notice the Condition of the People at Saco in the early Part of the War. Copies of two original Letters will be found in Mather's Brief Hiftory, Edition 1862; one written at Saco, Sept. 18th, 1675, the other at Wells, on the following Day. Thefe throw much Light on that fearful Period.
128     A Narrative of the Troubles         [2 6
his Servant going early in the Morning to look after fome Bufinefs there, tarryed longer than was needful to provide fomething for himfelf, the Indians invited themfelves to breakfaft with him, making the poor Fellow pay the Shot, when they had done, with the Lofs of his Life.
A Week after, one Crofs1*7 was flain at Wells likewife, who was a Kind of diftra&ed Fellow. Alfo one Ifaac Coujins,1^ was there killed in the Beginning of Winter, after there had been fome Overtures of Peace betwixt Major Waldern and the Indians.
With fuch Kind of mutual Encounters was the latter Part of the Year fpent bewixt the Indians and the Englifh from Pafcataqua River to Kenni-beck, from the Beginning of Augujl to the End of November, wherein many were flain on both Sides, in one Place, and in another ; of the Englifh in thofe Parts were flain upwards of fifty. The Enemy loft, as appeared afterward by their own Confeflion above ninety, partly in the fore-faid Skirmiihes, and partly in their joyning with the Indians to the Weftward, whither it is faid, many of them were invited to repair, to help to
157 From   Mr.   Savage's    Crofs    being  "a   diftraded   Fellow,"   he
Article   {New   England    GeneaL    did not  probably meet  with   this
Dictionary) this Man is  prefumed    Paflage of Hubbard,
to have  been John   Crofs   " who        15S Perhaps the fame whom Mr.
died at Wells about 1676/' leaving    Savage lofes Track of after follow-
a Widow Frances, and Sons, John    ing   him   from   Rowley   to   New
and Jofeph.    But  as  my  Author    London and back to Rowley again,
fays  nothing about his John Crofs    See Genealogical Dictionary.
27]   with the Indians in New-England. 129
deftroy the Englifh, in Hope to enjoy their Poffeffions afterwards. But God had otherwife determined, who did arife at laft to fave the meek Ones of the Earth, and plead the Caufe of his People.
The Governour and Council of the Majfachu-fets9 had at this Time their Hands full with the like Attempts of Philip and his Complices to the Weftward ; yet were not Unmindful of the deplorable Condition of thefe Eaftern Plantations ; having committed the Care thereof to the Majors of the refpedtive Regiments of the feveral Counties on that Side of the Country, but more ef-pecially to the Care and Prudence of the honoured Major D. Denifon,1^ the Major General of the whole Colony ; a [27] Gentleman, who by his great Infight in, and long Experience of all martial Affairs, was every Way accomplished for the Managing that whole Affair. He had, to eafe the other Side of the Country, drawn out a Sufficient Number of Soldiers from the next Countries, to have reduced all the Indians Eaft-ward to their Obedience; but juffc as they were intended to march up to the Head-quarters of the Indians, to fall upon them there, viz. to OJfapy, and Pigwauchet, about an hundred Miles up into the Country Northward,  the  Winter, fetting in
159 The  Author's    Friend   and    brilliant   Services   in    the   prefent
Neighbour at Ipfwich, and Brother    War are duly noticed in this Work,
of the dillinguilhed   Major George    His Autograph in Fac-fimile is given
Denifon   of New London,  whofe    on Page 4 of the firft Volume.
130      A Narrative of the Troubles       [2 7
fo fharp and fevere in the Beginning of December, and latter End of'November', it was not poffible to have marched a Days Journey into the Woods, without hazarding all their Lives that (hould venture up : The Snow being found generally in thofe Woods four foot thick on the tenth of December, fo as it was not poffible for any to have travelled that Way, unlefs they carried Rackets under their Feet, wherewith to walk upon the Top of the Snow. This alone Confideration, forced them to lay afide their Defigns for the Prefent, but foon after it was done to their Hands; for the Depth of the Snow, and Sharp-nefs of the Cold were fo Extream, that the In-dia?2s in thofe Parts were fo pinched therewith, that being hunger-ftarved, they began to fue for Peace; making their Addrefs, firft to Major Waldern on that Account, by whofe Mediation that whole Body of Indians Eaftward were brought to an hopeful Conclufion of Peace, which was mutually agreed upon; and poffibly might have remained firm enough to this Day, had there not been too juft an Occafion given for the Breaking of the Same by the wicked Pra&ice of fome lewd Perfons, which opened the Door, and made Way for the bringing in all thofe fad Calamities and Mifchiefs that have fince fallen upon thofe Parts of the Country, as fliall be hereafter declared.
In the latter   End of "June  1676, the Indians that had made a general Confpiracy againft the
28]  with the Indians in New-England.   131
Englifh were ftrangely difperfed, and difpirited, fo as they from that Time began to feperate one from another, and every Nation of them to ftiift for themfelves, as hath been already mentioned in the former Part of this Narrative. Canonicus the great Sachim of the Narhagaiifets, diftrufting the Proffers of the Englifh, was flain in the Woods by the Mohawks, his Squaw furrendring herfelf:  by this Means her Life was fpared.l6°
Many of thofe about Lancajler, and the Places adjoyning thereunto, did cunningly endeavour to hide themfelves amongft thofe Indians about Paf-cataqua, that had newly made their Submiffion to the Englifh, by Major Walderns Means, and concluded a Peace ; yet could nei-[28]ther diffemble their Nature and Difpofition paft before from Sufpition of Mifchief, nor yet fo artificially conceal their Perfons, but they were eafily difcerned by fuch as in former Times had any Acquaintance with the Eaftern Indians by Way of Trade, or other Converfe : Whereupon the Forces newly raifed in the Majfachufets, under the Command of Captain William Hathorne, and Capt. Jofeph Sill, defigned for the fubduing of thofe Indians about the River of Merrimack, and Pafcataqua, that ftill ftood out in Hoftility againft: the Englifh, meeting with thofe under the Command of Major Waldern aforefaid, and Capt. Froji of Kittary, it was mutually agreed betwixt
160 rf his is the only  Mention I    What Difpofition was made of her find   of the   Wife   of Canonchet.    does not appear.
[32     A Narrative of the Troubles         [2 8
thofe feveral Commanders, to feize upon all thofe Indians that at that Time were met together about Major Walderns Dwelling at §>uecbecbo. The Contrivement fucceeded according to Expectation, and all the faid Indians were handfomly furprized, September 6tfo, 1676, without the Lofs of any Perfons Life, either Indian or Englifh, to the Number of near four hundred: by which Device, after our Forces had them all in their Hands, they feperated the Peaceable from the Perfidious, that had been our Enemies during the late Troubles: finding about two hundred involved in the former Rebellion, more or lefs, accordingly they fent down to the Governour and Council at Bojlon, who adjudged feven or eight of them immediately to die ; fuch as were known to have had their Hand in the Blood of the Englifh, or that had been fhed by their Means: the Reft that were found only Accef-fories to the late Mifchiefs, had their Lives fpared, but were fent into other Parts of the World, to try the Difference between the Friend-fhip of their Neighbours here, and their Service with other Mafters elfewhere.161
161 The Surprife of thefe Indians    Part in a Treaty of Peace.    But the
then aflembled   at   Cochecho,  has    Commanders of the Englim Forces
been viewed as an Aft of bad Faith    probably argued, that as the Enemy
an the Part of their  Captors.    It    had, on many Occasions  hitherto,
has been called a   Surprife, and no    been Faithlefs, they were not bound
Doubt the Indians were really fur-    to be Faithful on fuch an Occafion,
prifed, as they had come there un-    But the   Indians   were Numerous,
der a Flag of Truce, or with the    and many of them   armed.    The
Understanding that they were to take    Englifh therefore devifed a Plan to
29]  with the Indians in New-England.   133
Thofe who had been always either Peaceable and True to the Englifh never intermedling in the Quarrel, as Wannalancet the Sagamore of Pen-nicook, and fome others, were quietly diffmiffed to their own Places.
Befides thefe that were furprifed at the Time aforefaed, there were feveral others, who had been the chief Aftors, that were taken up and down in thofe Woods beyond Merrimack, and fo were delivered up to Juftice ; as John Monoco, Sagamore Sam, Old Jethro, with fome others, as hath been already mentioned; yet young Jethro brought in forty at one Time. It was a fpecial Favour from God, fo to order it, that the Indians aforefaed were fo furprized ; for had they continued in their former Rebellion, and had taken the Opportunity to have joyned with the Eaitern Indians, as fome of them did a few Months before, they would in all Likelihood have utterly de-ftroyed all the Plantations of the Englifh beyond Pafcataqua River; as manifestly appears by t e Mifchief [29] which was lately done by the Means of a Few, that by too much Connivance
capture them.    It   can   hardly be    dians) in Florida.    General Jeffup
called a Stratagem.    They got up    having invited   Ofceola  and  other
a mock Training, and invited the    Chiefs to   meet him   and' make a
Indians to take Part in it. This they    Treaty, and they having appeared
aflented to;   and in the Sham fight    at the  appointed Time and Place,
which was to clofe   the Exercifes,    under a   Flag of Truce, he made
were all made  Prifoners.    A par-    them  all   Prifoners.    Jeflup's Con-
allel Cafe occurred within my  Re-    duel: was condemned by all but in-
membrance  (which  I   recorded at    terefted Partizans.   Thefe A£ts can-
the Time in the Book of the In-    not be forgotten.
R2
134      A Narrative of the Troubles     '[29
of fome in thofe Parts, that entertained a better Opinion of them than it feems they deferved. For whereas Mention formerly was made162 of a fmall Party of Indians, that on the third of May in this prefent Year, had murdered one "Thomas Kembal of Bradford, and carried away his Wife and five Children Captive yet two or three of the Adiors did, upon what Confideration is not known, return the Women and Children again within fix Weeks: and becaufe of their voluntary Returning of them, were dealt more favorably withal, being only put into Prifon at Dover for a Time; yet poffibly conceiving that a Prifon was but a Preperation for a worfe Evil, they took an Opportunity (two of the chief Adtors in the fore-faid Mifchiei, called the one Simond, the other Andrew) to convey themfelves out of the Place of Reftraint, and afterwards going amongft the Amonofcoggin and Kennibeck Indians, have joyned with them in thofe bloody and cruel Depredations lately made in thofe Parts, which follow in Order next to be related.163
Some little Colour or Pretence of Injury was alledged  before   thofe    Eaftern    Indians  began
162 In   the   firft   Volume,   Page    upon it.    If they viewed  it  as  a
224, and References.                         favorable Way of dealing with In-
1(i3Tofeize and imprifon thofe    dians,   thefe   People   evidently did
who had not only brought in and    not fee it in that Light.   The great
reftored  Captives, but had furren-    Maflacre   of the   11 th of Auguft
dered   themfelves, was   certainly a    following,  led  by one or more of
faithlefs Proceeding on the Part of   thofe thus trepanned, is a fufficient
the  Englifh  Commanders,  to put    Commentary on the bad Faith thus
the beft   Conftru&ion it will   bear    put in Practice,
29]  with the Indians in New-England.   135
their Outrage both in the former, as well as in the prefent Year. The chief Aftor or rather the Beginner of all the aforefaid Mifchiefs Eaftward, is one Squando, the Sagamore of Saco Indians, whofe Squaw, as is faid was abufed by a rude and indifcreet A6t of fome Englifh Seamen in the laft Summer, 1675, who either overfet the Canoe wherein the faid Squaw with her Child were fwimming in a River thereabouts, or elfe to try whether the Children of the Indians as they had heard, could fwim as naturally as any other Creatures, wittingly caft her Child in the Water ; but the Squaw immediately diving into the Water after it, fetcht it up from the Bottom of the River : yet it fo falling out that within a While after the faid Child dyed (which it might have done if no fuch Affront had been offered) the faid Squando Father of the Child hath been fo provoked thereat that he hath ever fince fet himfelf to do all the Mifchief he can to the Englifh in thofe Parts, and was never as yet fince that Time truly willing to be reconciled :l64 Although he is faid to have fent Home fome that were taken Captive the laft Year. Surely if their Hearts had not been fecretly filled with Malice and Revenge before, they might have obtained Satisfaction for the Wrong done at
J64 If fuch Infults and Barbarities    Text, the Impreflion of impartial
were   viewed   by the  Bell   of the    Juftice towards the Indians will be
Englifh as   " fome little  Colour or    very faint in the Minds of intelligent
Pretence of Injury," and glofTed over    Readers even in this femi-barbarous
with fuch  Arguments  as  are  con-    Age.   But I have already remarked
tained in the laft Parenthefis in the    on fimilar Proceedings.
136      A Narrative of the Troubles       [3 o
an ealier Rate. More probable it is, that this was only an Occafion to vent the Mifchief they formerly had conceived in their Hearts.
There is an Injury of an higher Nature, mentioned as the Ground of their Quarrel with us, who live about Pemaquid, and Kennibeck, which hapned the laft Spring, viz. one Laugbton^ with another Perfon [30] or more, who having obtained under the Hand of Major Waldern, a Warrant to feize any Indians Eaftward, that had been Guilty of any Murder or Spoil done to the Eng-lifh in thofe Parts, did moft perfidioufly and wickedly entice fome of the Indians about Cape Sables who never had been in the leaft Manner guilty of any Injury done to the Englifh, aboard their VeiTel, or elfe fome other Way, and then carried them away to fell them for Slaves;166 which the Indians in thofe Parts look upon as an Injury done to themfelves, and have alledged it to the Inhabitants of Pemmaquid, as one of the principal Grounds of their prefent Quarrel: The Thing alledged is too true as to Matter of Fad:, and the Perfons that did it, were lately committed to Prifon in Order to their further Tryal. Yet all thofe Indians do, or may know full well, that they who did them that Wrong, were lyable to due Puniftiment, (or elfe their Quarrel might be
165.There was a Thomas Laugh-        i6GSee  ante, Note   113, which
ton at Bofton in 1660, but whether    would, perhaps, have been more ap-
he was the Kidnapper of the Indians    propriate in this Place.    It is not
I have not been able to afcertain.        Material, however.
3 o]  with the Indians in New-England.  137
accounted Juft, and they conlidered as Indians, muft have the more Allowance) if they could be found; nor ever were any countenanced amongft us, that had done them any Kind of Injury, nor did thofe that take upon them the Revenging of the Injury, know that they were Inhabitants of this Country that did the Wrong; nor was there ever any orderly Complaint made thereof: but this cannot excufe their Perfidioufnefs and Cruelty. Some other Pretences were alledged by the faid Indians, that yet do bear no Proportion to the Mention of a Wrong or Injury, viz. be-caufe our Traders were forbidden to fell any Ammunition to any Indians whatfoever, which thofe Indians fay they cannot live without; yet feeing themfelves, as well as the Weftward Indians have fo ill improved, that which they had before, there was little Reafon why they ihould quarrel with us for felling no more.
Further alfo it is affirmed by fome Perfons worthy of Credit, that for divers Years paft have lived in thofe Parts, that the Indians thereabouts need not have wanted Powder or Shot, only they wanted Something wherewith to cloak their ma-litious and barbarous Praftifes of late committed againft us; but there being different Opinions about this Point we fhall leave it at the prefent.
But thefe being premifed in Reference to the pretended Ground or Occafion of the Quarrel: It remains that the Effe&s thereof be now related.
138      A Narrative of the Troubles        [31
Before the War with Philip was well ended to the Southward, there was a frefh Alarm founded again to the Eaftward ; for on the eleventh of Augujl, 1676. The very Day before Philip's Heart (that had harboured fo many mifchievous and treacherous Devices againft the Englifh) was by one of his own Company fhot through, did a Party of Indians begin their [31] Outrages at Cafco in a moft perfidious and treacherous Manner, killing and carrying away Captive to the Number of thirty Perfons, and burning their Houfes :l6? amongft whom was the Family of one
167 The  following  well   written Letter will give a better Pi&ure of that fad Friday at Cafco, than anything elfewhere publifhed upon it: " Honoured Mother,
" After my Duty and my Wife's prefented to yourfelf, thefe may inform you of our prefent Health, of our prefent Being when other of our Friends are by the barbarous Heathen cutoff from having a Being in this World. The Lord of late hath renewed his WitnefTes againft us, and hath dealt very bitterly with us, in that we are deprived of the Societie of our nearefl Friends, by the breaking in of the Adverfarie againft us. On Friday laft, in the Morning, your own Son, with your two Sons-in-law, Anthony and Thomas Bracket and their whole Families were killed and taken by the Indians, we know not how; tis certainly known by us that Thomas is flain and his Wife and Children   carried    away   Captive.
And of Anthony and his Familie we have no TidingSj and therefore think that they might be captivated the Night before, becaufe of the Remotenefs of their Habitation from Neighborhood. Gm. [Goodman] Corban and all his Family; Gm. Lewis and his Wife, James' Rofs and all his Family, Gm. Durham, John Munjoy and Daniel Wakely, Benjamin Hadwell and all his Family are loft : All flain by Sun an Hour high in the Morning and after. Gm. Wallis his dwelling Houfe and none belides his is burnt. There are of Men flain 11 ; of Women and Children, 23 killed and taken. We that are alive are forced upon Mr. Andrews his Ifland, to fecure our own and the Lives of our Families. We have but little Provifion, and are fo Few in Number .that we are not able to bury the Dead till more Strength come to us. The Defire of the People    to  yourfelf is,   that  you
31 ] with the Indians in New-England.   139
Anthony Bracket Inhabitant of Cafco, who was thought to have been killed ; but he himfelf with his Wife and one of his five Children carried away Captive with a Negro, did happily make an Efcape from their bloody and deceitful Hands, in November next enfuing.
The Manner how Anthony Bracket and his Wife168 made their Efcape was very remarkable, and therefore judged worthy to be inferted here, although out of due Place. The Indians that led them Captive, having brought them to the North-fide of Cafco Bay, News was brought to the faid
would be pleafed to fpeak to Mr. Munjoy and Deacon Philips, that they would entreat the Governour, that forthwith Aid might be fent to us, either to fight the Enemie out of our Borders, that our Englifh Corn may be inned in, whereby we may comfortably live, or remove us out of Danger; that we may provide for ourfelves el/ewhere ; having no more at Prefent: but de-firing your Prayers to God for his Prefervation of us in thele Times of Danger, I reft
" Your dutiful Son
" Thaddeus Clark.
" From Cafco-bay " H. 6, 76. " Remember my Love to my Sifter, &c."
[Direction] " Thefe for his honored Mother, Mris. Elizabeth Harvy living in Bofton."
It will be feen that the Number of the Killed and Captured men-
tioned in this Letter, is greater than is ftated by our Author, namely, 34 By a Recurrence to Mr. Willis's Hiftory of Portland\ 205, fome Elucidation may be found to the Fa6ls given by Clark. We fee by this Letter that "Benjamin Hadwell and all his Family are loft/' Hadwell is, no doubt, the Atwell of Mr. Hubbard. Jtwell, Hatwell and Hadwell were eafily confounded in thofe Days of un-fettled Orthography. Benjamin Hadwell of our Letter is, doubtlefs, the Benjamin Hatwell of Hutchin-fon, Original Papers, 398.
168 She was a Daughter (Ann) of Michael Mitton, who came to Maine as early as 1637. Her Mother was Elizabeth, only Daughter of Geo. Cleeves. Thaddeus Clark married Elizabeth a Sifter of Mrs. Bracket who was Mother to the Writer of the foregoing Letter. See Willis, Hiftory of Portland, 50, 141.
14-0      A Narrative of the Troubles       [31
Indians of the Surprizal of Arrowjick Houfe in Kennibeck, withal the Store therein, which did fo rejoyce them, that they made all hafte to fhare in the good Things there to be had. Thus eager to be gone they promifed Bracket and his Wife that they fhould have alfo a Share therein if they would make hafte after them, bringing along a Burthen allotted to each of them: The Woman having a little before obferved an old Birchen Canoo lying by the Water-fide, hoped it was an Opportunity Providence offered for their Efcape; whereupon fhe firft prudently aked of the Indians to let the Negro their own Servant (at the fame Time carried Captive by them) help them to carry their Burthens, which was granted: then fhe begged of them a Peice or two of Meat, which was not denyed them. Thus being fur-nifhed with Help and Provifion, the Indians leaving them thus behind to come after with their feveral Burthens and a young Child; They could not but look upon it as a Nutus Divinus, to bid them fhift for themfelves: the Woman alfo found a Needle and Thread in the Houfe, where they ftayd on that Side of the Bay, with which having mended the Canoo, they ventured to get away ; which profperoufly fucceeded ; for in that old Canoo they crofted a Water eight or nine Miles broad, and when they came on the South-fide of the Bay, they might have been in as much Danger of other Indians that had lately been about  Black-pointy  and had taken it; but they
32]  with the Indians in New-England* 141
were newly gone : So Things on all Sides thus concurring to help forward their Deliverance, they came fafely to the Fat at Black-point, where alfo by fpecial Providence they met with a VeiTel bound for Pafcat aqua, that came into that Harbour, but a few Hours before they came thither, by which Means they arrived fafe in Pafcataqua River, foon after, all which Circumftances are very worthy to be noted.
Amongft thofe Indians that feized this Brackets Family, the chief was one Sitnond, that newly or a little before had efcaped out of Dover [32] Pri-fon, where he was not over carefully lookt to ; he had had his Hand in the Murder of fundry English, as himfelf confefled ; not miffing fave one in the which he had difcharged his Gun upon; but becaufe he came in voluntarily, bringing in a Woman and five Children of the Englifh, who had been carried Captive a little before, it was queftioned, whether his laft A6t of Submiffion might not Ballance his former Tranfgreffion, and therefore was he committed to that not fo fecure a Prifon, till his Cafe might be further confidered of.169 It is faid that coming to that Brackets Houfe over Night he pulled forth a counterfeited Pafs, under the Hands of fome publick Officers,170 or Men intrufted with that Service, making fhew of all Friendfhip; but  in  the  Morning or foon
i6:) See Note 165, ante, of this    a little further along,  that the Pafs Volume.                                           purported  to have  been given by
170 It would feem by what is faid    Major Waldern,
s2
142      A Narrative of the ^Troubles        [3 2
after, he pulled off his Vizour of a Friend, and difcovered what he was, yet granting Life to this Perfon and his Family, that did not, or could not refift, which he denyed to fome of the Neighbours not far off, who were many of them killed by this bloody Villian and his Partners.
There are fome Circumftances in the AfTault of Anthony Brackets Houfe very confiderable, which, becaufe it was the firft Outrage committed by the Indians in this their fecond Infurrec-tion, 1676, are worthy of a more particular remembering.
This Indian forementioned called Simond, after he had efcaped out of Prifon at Dover, came up to Cafco, and either in the End of "July, or Beginning of Auguji, acquainted himfelf with this Anthony Bracket, and oft frequented his Houfe: Upon the ninth of Auguji, fome of the Indians having killed a Cow of his, the Indian Simond coming to his Houfe promifed to bring the Indians to him that killed his Cow. In the mean Time they of the Place fent two Men to Major Walderns at Dover, to complain of this Injury done by the Indians; but before their Return, very early in the Morning on the eleventh of Auguji, Simond with a Party of Indians came to Anthony Bracket's Houfe, and told him there were the Indians that killed his Cow; but as foon as they had faid that, the Indians went further into his Houfe and took hold of all the Guns they could fee.    Anthony Bracket afked what was the
3 3 ]   with the Indians in New-England.   143
meaning of that; Simond prefently replyed, that fo it muft be, afking him withal, whether he had rather ferve the Indians, or be flain by them : Anthony Bracket anfwered, that if the Cafe were fo, he would rather chufe to ferve them, than be killed by them: Simond replyed that then they muft be bound, which prefently was done. The faid Bracket, his Wife and a Negro were all bound by the Indians; his Wife had a Brother,171 who offering to refift was killed forthwith, the Reft with five Children were led away Prifoners.
[33] Two Hours after, one Pike,17* that lived not far off, but knowing nothing of all this, went up in a Canoo toward one Robert Corbins Houfe, where he found one Humphry Durham, and Benjamin Atwel at Work about their Hay ; after a little ftay, he left them, intending to go up higher with his Canoo, but as foon as he was a little paft, he heard Guns /hot off, which made him, with another Man he had with him, prefently return back; before he came beyond Corbins Houfe he faw an Englijh Boy running with all Hafte, which made him Fear fome Mifchief was in Hand, and prefently a Volley of Shot came againft them, but the Bullets flying over their Heads, did them no
171 Nathaniel Mitton. He was    not find. Coffin does not claim the only Son of Michael Mitton,    him, and probably knew nothing and dying unmarried, the Name be-    about him. Major Robert Pike came extinct in Maine.                      was confpicuous in the later Eaftern
172 Richard Pike lived on the    Wars, as aflbciated with Colonel Weft Side of Mufcle Cove. He    Church. I have an original Letter had a Son Samuel. Willis. Whe-    of his concerning the prefent War, ther he originated at Newbury I do    dated March ift, 1677.
144      <d Narrative of the Troubles       [3 3
Hurt: prefently Simond Indian appeared, and called them to come ajhore; but they liked not his Cour-tefy, but" prefently turning their Canoo into the Stream got out of the Reach of their Guns, hailing down to his own Houfe with all Speed. When he came near to his Houfe, he called to the People to make hajl away, towards the Garrifon Houfe, and bid the Reft look to them)elves, and fire upon the Indians, that were coming againft them : In the mean while, the Indians paffing from Anthony Brackets to Corbins, killed Corbin himfelf with Humphrey Durham, and Benjamin Atwel fore-mentioned : Then paffing on to other Houfes, carried away fome of them Captive, and killed others. At one of the next Houfes, the Woman and Children got off into the Water by a Canoo; but one James Rofe, his Wife and Children were carried away : Corbins Wife with one of the other Mens Wives; and the Children of another of them, they likewife carried away.
In another Side of the Town, three were, as they were going to reap at Anthony Brackets, paffing from an Houfe where they left their\Canoo, met with by J. Mount-Joy and one Wakely,17* to whom they told what had hapned. Soon after they heard two Guns fhot off, whereby it feems two Men were killed, wherefore coming back towards Thomas Brackets where they had left their Canoo, they faw him Jhot down by the Indians; one of
173 John Munjoy and Ifaac Wake-    of George Mungoy.    Wakely was ly.    The former was the oldeft Son    probably a Son of Thomas. Willis.
34-]  with the Indians in New-England. 145
the three, not fo well able to run, hid himfelf in the Bufhes in Hope to make his Efcape more conveniently afterwards, which accordingly he did; but in the mean Time he faw the Indians carry away Thomas Brackets Wife and Children. Soon after, the three Men aforefaid got fafe to Mr. Mount-Joys Garrifon, but not trufting to the Security of that Garrifon, they foon after repayred to an IJland in the Bay, called James Andrews IJland.1™
One George Lewes and his Wife tarried all this Time in their Houfe till the next Day, when the'y had Opportunity to get fafe to the IJland aforefaid, together with the two Men that were now returned from Major Waldern ; whither they had been fent, but too late, to make Complaint [34] of the Indians that had counterfeited his Pafs to travail into thofe Parts, and had done this Mif-chief.
The Day after one George Felt17* fufpefting the worft by Reafon of a Smoak he faw on the opposite Side of the 'Town, took his Wife and Children into a Canoo to fee what the Matter was, but when he came near a Point of Land not far off, he found feveral of his Neighbours Gfiods, which made him conclude their Owners were killed, which
174 Now Bangs's Ifland.    It has    and Peaks.    Willis, 132-3.    James
been known under various Names.    Andrews is found living on the Ifland
Its firft Owner feems to have been    eight Years after Philip's War.   See
George Cleeves, as early as 1637.    Papers ReL to Pemaquid, 63. It bore  fucceflively the Names of        175 He was killed foon after, as
Pond,  Michael,   Munjoy,   Palmer    will be feen prefently.
146     A Narrative of the 'Troubles        [34
was a fujjicient Warning to him likewife to fly for his Life, which he did to the fame Iftand. After they had fundry of them efcaped thither, fome of them remembered that they had left Powder behind them in one or two Places; whereupon they refolved to venture a Party of them in the Night, partly to prevent the Indians from having any Advantage thereof, and partly for their own Defence if Occafon fhould be ; Their Attempt fucceeded well, for they brought away a Barrel of Powder from one Willes his Houfe, and likewife a confiderable Quantity out of a Cheft in a Storehoufe, where the Indians had been ranfack-ing, and had taken Things out of the other End of the Cheftj yet overlooked the Powder: In this Sur-prizal of the Plantations in Cafco Bays9 called Falmouth there were thirty four Perfons killed and carried Captive.I?6
That this was not a cafual Attempt, but a de-ftgned Plot, it will appear, in that juft about the very fame Time, the Indians at Kennibeck, made the like InfurreBion, whereby it is concluded, either that the Indians which efcaped from Dover, ftirred them up thereunto, or elfe that the faid Indians finding them in a Difpofition tending that Way, by Reafon of fome Injuries done them that dwelt farther Northward, they offered their Service to help forward the Defigne.
176 It will be remembered that is    ter Harbor, two Days after the Maf
the exact Number of the killed arid    facre, it is ftated that ten Men, fix
captivated as mentioned in Clark's    Women and fixteen Children were
Letter.   In a Letter of Brian Pendle-    loft—being   32   in all,  killed and
ton, copied by Willis, written at Win-    carried away.
35]   with the Indians in New-England.   147
It is to be noted here, that the Indians about Kennibeck, were perfwaded to continue their former Amity with the Englifh notwithftanding the Report of Philips Ri/ing that Tear before, and the Outrages committed the laft Autumne, and Winter following, yet which is more, they had lately renewed their League with the Englifh in thofe Parts, although they had often complained to thofe of Pemmaquid, of the Injury they fuffered in the withholding from them the Trade of Powder, and Shot, without which they faid they cannot fubf/l, and for Want of which it is alleaged by themfelves, that fome of them perijhed the laft Winter.
But the Quarrel of late fallen out betwixt the the Englifh, and the Indians about Kennibeck, and Eaftward thereof, being a Matter of great Confe-quence; for the farther Satisfaction of the Reader, it fhall in what follows, be more particularly deferred; it being the Duty of every one [35] that publifhed Things of this Nature, to do the Right of an Hiforian to all Sorts of Perfons any Way concerned in what is made Publick; the Information was received from a prudent Perfon, an Eye and Ear Witnefs of all that hapned amongft the faid Indians, both the former and prefent Tear, and one that was of more publick Concernment in thofe TranfaBions then fome others, therefore may the more heed be given thereto.177    Mention is
177 It may not be worth while to probably, to whom it would equally hazard a Conjedture as to who this apply. Perhaps fome Ipfwich Man Perfon  was; fo   many   there are,    —one of the Author's Neighbors.
148     A Narrative of the Troubles      [35
already made of what hapned in September, 1675, to the Company belonging to a Sloop, and two other Boats, that went up Cafco Bay to gather Indian Corn. Upon that Accident it is faid, divers Indians on the Eaji Side of Kennibeck River repaired to their Fort at Totonnockll% (a Place up higher into the Country beyond Kennibeck and Shipfcot River) where was an Engli/h trading Houfe. And the Indians Eajiward of the faid River, had as yet done no Harm to any of the Englifh, yet did Captain Sylvanus Davis Agent for Major Clarke, and Captain Lake of Bojlon, upon thefe Overtures think it fit to fetch down the Powder and Shot with other Goods from the faid Trading Houfe, telling the Indians, by the Meflenger fent up, he would have them come down and live below in that River, to take off Jealoujies, and that he would then fupply them with what was needful.
But the Mejfenger told them in Cafe they would not come down and deliver up their Arms, the Englifh  would  kill  them.    He  that fendeth a
178 A very noted Point on the Kennebec, at the Confluence with it of the Sebafticook, now in the Town of Window. The original Indian Fort was at the Tongue of Land formed by the two Rivers. It is 64 Miles from the Sea, by the Courfe of the Kennebec, and 18 Miles from Augufta. Here Fort Halifax was built by Order of Governor Shirley in 1754.* Col. Church purfued the Indians to Taconock in
his Expedition of 1692. Thirty feven Years ago I faw a Block Houfe ftanding near here, in a good Mate of prefervation. As early as 1653 Chriftopher Lawfon purchafed a large Tracl: of Land on both Sides of the Kennebeck, including " To-conock," which in 1752 was owned or claimed by " Sir Byby Lake and Hutchinfon." A good Gazetteer and convenient Map of Maine are much needed.
36]  with the Indians in New-England.   14.9
Mejfage by the Hand of a Foolfaith Solomon, cutteth off the Feet and drinketh Damrnage. This Meffage was delivered by him that went, as was confeffed by himfelf, who put it into his Mouth, or whether it was deviled in his own Heart, it concerns not us now to enquire, but the Damrnage that Side of the Country hath been made to drink thereby, is not eafy to recount; for upon this threatning Meffage the Indians forfook their Fort prefently, and went Eafiward, and fent abroad to Johns River and to the Sea Side to get all the Indians they could together to come up Penohfcot River.
A Gentleman who at that Time lived at Pema-quid,179 a kind of Superintendent over the Affairs of that Place, confidering the fad State things were running into, laboured to obtain a Parly with the faid Indians, or fome of them, which after much Trouble and Coft, he did accomplifh. But in the mean Time, fuch was the Violence ufed by fome refraBory Englifh in thofe Parts, that they could fcarce be refrained from offering Violence to the Perfons he fent up as Meffengers, or others that lived quietly amongjl them, and did alfo as violently fet themfelves to oppofe himfelf, or any others that adted with more Moderation than the Reft; protecting againft them, as thofe who for Gain fupplyed the Indians with [36] Powder and Shot, and faid they would kill any Indian they met; others at Monhiggan offered five Pound for every Indian that fhould be  brought, yet would
179 Mr. John Earthy, whofe Name will appear a few Pages hence.
T2
150      A Narrative of the Troubles       [3 6
not thefe Perfons that were Jo violent againft the Indians in their Difcourfe, be perfwaded upon any Terms, then, or afterward, to go out to fight agairift the Indians in an orderly Way; as appeared both by their Security in not fianding better upon their Gaurd, and by their fudden Flight afterward, running away like a Flock of Sheep, at the Barking of any little Dog: Things being in this Pofture, what could be expected but a prefent Warr with the Indians, although as it feems, there were few or none like to be found, willing to undertake it, or fit to manage it in thofe Parts. However, the Perfon aforefaid, underftanding the General Court at Bojlon had appointed a Counfel of Warr at Kennibeck, applyed himfelf to them, laying before them the defperate Ejlate things were falling into; whereupon they iffued out Warrants to reftrain all Manner of Perfons from medling with the Indians without farther Order, which within a few Days fhould be had. In the mean Time the Sachems of the Indians meet at Pemaquid; where, after many Complaints made of the hard dealing of the Englifli in Kennibeck River, they came to Tearms of Peace, promifing to keep true Friendship with the Englifh ; and to hinder the Amono-fcoggan Indians from medling with the Englifh; if by any Means they could, and alfo to return peacably in the Spring of the Year. This Gentleman aforefaid, having a long Time waited to go to Bofion, was willing to take the Opportunity of the prefent Winter, hoping Things were now pretty well fettled in thofe Parts  betwixt the In-
37]   with the Indians in New-England. 151
dians and the.'Englifh; found foon after, that he was cited ihither to Anfwer fome Complaints (though made without Ground) for felling Powder and Shot to the Indians contrary to Order.
But thofe falfe Opinions being eafily blown away by his own Appearance at Bojlon, and fo having difpatched his Occafions there, he returned before the Winter was over to Pemaquid, where hearing of a Vejfel that intended to take Indians in thofe Parts, and carry them away to a Market, the which he had many firong Reafons to believe (it being no hard Matter to furprize many fuch, that fufpeiting by [no ?] Fraud, would eafily be enticed aboard a Veffel to Trade, or may be to drink Liquor) fent both the Majler and Company, if they had any fuch Intent to forbear, feeing thofe Indians were at Peace with us, and likewife to the Indians, to inform them of fuch a Veffel, and to beware thereof but yet it feems the Majler and Company took feveral Indians Eajlward, who were alfo at Peace with us, and to our great Sorrow fhipt them aboard for a Market.,l8°
[37] The Winter being now over, the fore-named Agent of Pemaquid, went to a Meeting of the Indians Eajlward, to perfwade them of the Cuntrys Willingnefs to continue a Peace with them. They feemed very joyful thereat, and in the Spring brought fome Prefents to confirm the Peace, and to that End alfo delivered up an Englijh Captive Boy to thofe of Kennibeck.    But when the Sum-
iso Whether this PafTage has re-    tioned in the Depofitions of Miller ference to thofe Indians before men-    and Sherburn, I am not allured.
152      A Narrative of the Troubles       [3 7
mer came on, that the faid Indians had Liberty to travel up and down the Country to vifit their Friends as they ufed to do; they miffed thofe their Friends who had in the Winter perfidioujly been carryed away, and as is related, they fell into a Rage againft the Englijh, making Complaint thereof to the faid Agent, Mr. Earthy,1*1 Mr. Richard Oliver, and others: They were told, Means fhould be ufed for bringing them back again, which had been fo tranfported ; thofe to whom the Complaint was made did fcarce believe it to be true, as not having heard thereof 'from any other Hand, and probably hoping none, efpecially after folemn Warning, would deal fo perfidioujly with Heathens, to lay fuch a Stumbling Block before them.
The Indians being certain of the Thing done, could not be eafily pacified, being likewife increafed [incenfed] againft the Englijh, for withholding the Trade of Powder and Shot the lafi Winter, faying, they were frighted from their Corn the laft Year by the People about Kennibeck, fo as many of them dyed in the following Winter for want of Powder and Shot, wherewith to kill Venifon and Foul; adding withal, that if the Englifh were their Friends as they pretended, they would not fuffer them to dye, for Want thereof: However, the faid Agent making the beft he could of a bad Caufe, ufed all Means to pacifie the Complaynents,
181 Mr. John Earthy. His Name lowing. I have met with no other again appears to the Treaty with mention of him. The Name is an Mugg, at Bofton; Nov,   13th fol-    uncommon one.
38]  with the Indians in New-England.   153
and to that End promifed them, that if they could meet with any of the Amonofcoggan Indians (who it feems all along had the bittereji Enmity againft the Englijh) he would give them a Meeting to treat in Order to a Peace, Major Waldern having already concluded a Peace with the Pafcataqua and Cafe0 Indians,1*2- and by that Means, if they could conclude the like Peace with the Amonofcoggan Men (that could not yet be found) there would be a general Peace with all the Indians Eafward of Pafcataqua, which the Indians that were prefent at this Difcourfe, feemed very joyful at: yet ftill by one fatal Accident or other, Jeal-oufes ftill feemed to i?icreafe in their Minds, or elfe the former Injuries began to boy I afrejh in their Spirits, as not being ealily digefied, what ever had been faid or done to allay the Offenfvenefs thereof. Soon after comes a Pof from Totonnock, to defire him to repair thither according to his Promife, where they told him he fhould meet with Squando and divers Amonofcoggan Sachems, and that Mug was fent Pof to fetch the faid Squando: [38] This Gentleman183 mindful of his Promife, went with the Poft to Kennibeck, and finding Captain Lake at his Houfe in Arowfick, it was judged meet that Captain   Sylvefer  \Sylvanus\   Davis   fhould   go
182 That of July 3d, 1676, is pro-    was a very old Man at this Period ; bably the Treaty referred to. It is    as by a Depofition of his dated De-printed in the Book of the Indians,    cember 26th, 1662, he was then 80 eleventh Edition, Page 699.               Years of Age.    In the fame Depo-
183 Mr. Shurte, according to Wil-    fition he fays he came to New Eng-liamfon.    If Abraham  Shurte   he    land in 1626.
154-       ^ Narrative of the Troubles      [3 8
along with him, with Inftrudtions from the Counfel then fitting in Kennibeck, how to carry on their Treaty. After they had gone Part of their Way towards Totonnock, they came to an Englifh Houfe, where they were told, what great jfeal-oujies of Deceit in the Indians were upon their Spirits, from what they had heard of Muggs, and Tarumkin an Amonofcoggan Sachem; going farther to a Place called Kedonu Cook,1** they met with Indians, who were very Jhy of telling them any thing, which added to the former Intimation, greatly increafed their Fears: But being refolved of their Voyage, they went onward ftill in their Way, yet falling fhort of the Place, on perpofe that they might finifh their Bufnefs with them the next Day: When they came to their Fort, they were firft faluted with a Volley of Shot, then brought into a Wigwam where their Sachems were: Madockawando fate as Chief, who now ftiles himfelf their Minijler: Being fet in a Coun-cel, they made AJfiminafqua their Speaker, whofe adopted Son was the faid Madockewando : He told them it was not their Cujlome, if any came as MeJJengers to treat with them, to feize upon their Perfons, as fometimes the Mohawks did with fuch as had been fent to them : Captain Davis and the other Gentleman told them, therein they dealt like Men: Anfwer was prefently made them ; you did otherwife by our Men, when fourteen came to treat with  you; and fet a Gaurd over them, and
184 Probably Meduncook.
39]  with the Indians in New-England. 155
took away their Guns: And not only fo, but a fecond Time you required our Guns, and demanded us to come down unto you, or elfe you would kill us, which was the Caufe of our leaving both our Fort, and our Corn to our great Lofs.
It was without doubt no fmall Trouble to their Minds, in a Treaty with thefe Pagans, Htec dici potuijfe, non potuijfe refelli: Yet to put the befl ConfiruSlion might be, on fuch irregular ABions, which could not well be juftified, they told them, the Perfons who had fo done, were not within the Limits of their Government, and therefore though they could not call them to account for fo aBing, yet they did utterly difallow thereof: Adding farther, as foon as we underftood thereof, we fent for you to Pemaquid, and treated you kindly, and kept you, as you know, from the Violence of the Englifh. The Indians replyed, we do but inform you, and will Treat further in the Afternoon. But when the Afternoon came, our two Meffengers told them, their Bufinefs was to treat with the Amonofcoggan Sachems, and that they were forry Squanda was not there : Then having confirmed their Peace with [39] thofe Eafward Indians, they intreated the Amonofcoggan Men to fpeak, who likewife urged Taremkin, the chief Amonofcoggan Sachem, to fpeak, who after fome Pauze, faid he had been to the Wefiward, where he had found many Indians unwilling for Peace : But, fays he, I found three Sachems (whom he named, though thofe he fpake to knew them not)
156     A Narrative of the'Troubles      [39
willing to have Peace; and for my own Part, I am willing for Peace, and gave them his Hand with Proteftation of his continuing in Friendfhip ; fo di&feven or eight more of the Amonofcoggan Men, whofe Names they took, of whom Mug and Robin Hoods Son were two. After this Madochewando afked them what they (hould do for Powder and Shot, when they had eaten up their Indian Corn, what they (hould do for the Winter, for their hunting Voyages; afking withall, whether they would have them dye, or leave their Country, and go all over to the French. Our Meilengers told him they would do what they could with the Governor; fome might be allowed them for Necejfity : He faid they had waited long already, and therefore would have them now fay Yea, or Nay; whether they (hould have Powder as formerly or not ? Our Meffengers then replyed; your felves fay, many of the Wejlern Indians would not have Peace, and therefore if we fell you Powder, and you give it to the JVeJlern Men, what do we but cut our own Throats ? Adding further, it is not in our Power, without leave, if you (hould wait ten Tears more, to let you have Powder ; at which Words they feemed much to be offended.
But yet the next Day they refolved to go down with them and to fpeak with the Weftern Men, thereby, if it might be, to ftop their further proceeding.
So going down with them the next Day,  they
4-o]  with the Indians in New-England.   157
met with fome Indians who had got ftrong Liquor with whom they fell a drinking : Our Meffen-gers flayed at two Places for them, and finding that ftill they tarryed behinde, not knowing what farther to do, they went Home, it being the Jixth Day of the Week. But the next Night fave one, News came to Kennibeck, that the Indians had killed divers Englilh in Cafco, although it was not yet known at Pemmaquid. Upon this News Capt. Davis fet out one Sentinal the next Night; the reft, (fuch was their Security) went all elfe to bed, and in the Morning were all like Laifh fur-prized : thus might it be faid, Invadunt JEdem fomno (fl non) vinoq; fepultam. The Particulars of the furprizing of Kennibeck, and Arowjick Houfe are thus related by fuch as were acquainted therewith.
Upon the thirteenth of Augufl, 1676. feveral Indians repaired in the [40] Evening to the Houfe of one Mr. Hammond, an ancient Inhabitant and Trader with the Indians up Kennibeck River. His Daughter or a Maid that was Servant in the Houfe either, naturally afraid of the Natives, or elfe upon fomething jhe obferved in their Countenances, or Carriage manifefted fo much Fear9 as made her run out of the Houfe to hide herfelf in fome Place abroad. The Indians perceiving it, the more to dijfemble their Treachery, ran after her, and brought her into the Houfe, telling her (although they could not perfwade her fo to believe) that there was no Reafon to be afraid of U2
15 8      A Narrative of the Troubles        [40
them ; prefently after, more of the barbarous Vil-lians coming into the Houfe, fhe grew more afraid than before, being now more ftrongly perfwaded that they came on purpofe to kill or Jurprize thofe in the Family; whereupon (he fuddenly made an Efcape out of the Houfe, and prefently paffed into a Field of Indian Corn, whereby fhe might the better avoid the Danger of any Purfuer, and fo ran acrofs over the Land that Night ten or twelve Miles, to give them Notice that lived at Sbipfcot River; it is faid that after fhe got out, fhe heard a Noyfe in the Houfe, as if they were Fighting or Scuffling within Doors; but fhe did not count it Wifdom to go back to fee what the Matter was, knowing enough before of their Villanys, how well foever her Mrs. (that was more verfed in the Trade of the Indians) might think of them. Thofe of Shipfcot taking this Warning efcaped away as foon as they could, leaving their Cattel and their Dwellings as a Prey to the Indians. What befel Majler Hammond and his Family is not yet certainly known : Reports paft up and down, that fome who came down the River afterwards, fowfome of the Dead jlripped upon the Bank of the River, which makes us fear the worft, concerning all the Reft ; for certainly the whole Family, fxteen in Number, were all at that Time either killed, or carryed away Captive, none fave the Maid aforefaid, being known to make any other Efcape, to inform their Friends, like Jobs Mejfen-gers, what befel the Reft of the Family.187
185 •< At the fame Time, Auguft    13, a Blow was flruck at the Life
41 ]  with the Indians in New-England. 159
The Indians having in this Manner furprized Mr. Hammonds Houfe, they pafled down the River the fame Night; but going by another Houfe, meddled not with the People, only turned their Canoos a drift, that they might not finde Means afterwards to efcape themfehes, or help others to do fo : poffibly their chief Aim being at Arowjick Houfe, they would not for Fear of being difco-vered, make any Attempt upon any Place near by : wherefore Augujl the fourteenth very early in the Morning, having in the Night, or before break of Day palled over on to the I/land called Arowjick, feveral of them undifcovered lay hid under the aforefaid Houfe behinde a great Rock near adjoyning, till the Sen\\\\tinel was gone off from his Place (who went off it feems fooner than was Reafon, confidering the Danger) when pre-fently fome Indians followed him in at the Fort-Gate, (as fome Report) while others of them immediately feized the Port Holes thereof, and /hot down all they faw paffing up and down within the Walls, and fo in a little Time became Majlers of the Fort, and all  that was within it.    Captain Lake (joynt
and  Poffemons of Richard Ham-    Georgetown,    One   Hammond,  a
mond, at Stinfon's Point   (Wool-    Trader, lived in the Fort, and pro-
wich).    He had been for a long    bably was the Perfon who built it.
Time a Trader   with  the Indians ,*    The Bufinefs of his trading carried
and ihey complained, as they were    him up to Teconnet Falls,  where
wont to do, of his cheating them."    he was imprudent enough  to rob
Williamfon, Hift. of Maine, i, 535.    the Indians of their Furs while they
" In the  Year   1676,  there was a    were intoxicated."    Sullivan, Hifl.
Fort on the Eaft Bank of Kenne-    Maine, 171.    It is probable that but
beck River,  within   the  Town of    few of fuch Outrages were recorded.
160     A Narrative of the Troubles         [41
Owner with Major Clark1*6 of the whole I/land) hearing the Bufle that was below, betwixt the Indians and thofe that belonged to the Place, was flrangely fur prized, yet him)elf with Captain Sylva-nus Davis and two more, underftanding that the Indians had feized the Fort, and killed divers of the Engli/h, apprehending it bootlefs, or rather heartlefs to ftay, as not being able to ftand upon their Guard, or make any Refiftance, made a fhift to find fome PaiTage out at a back Door, whereby they efcaped to the Water fide, where they found a Canoo, into which they all entered and made away toward another IJland near by : this was not done fo fecretly but the Indians difcerned them before they were gone farr; four of them therefore halted after thofe that had efcaped, in another Canoo, and coming within Shot, difcharged their Guns upon them, whereby Sylvanus Davis was forely wounded; yet making hafte, as generally they ufe to do that fly for their Lives, timor addidit alas, they got a Shore before the Indians overtook them. It is faid they were jlrangely difpirited, or elfe they might eafily have defended themfelves againft their Purfuers: But when once Mens Hearts are funk with Fear and Difcouragement, upon a fudden Surprizal, it is hard to buoy them up, to make any competent Rejiftance: Capt. Davis being fadly wounded, could neither truft to his Legs to fly, nor yet make ufe of his Hands
186 Thomas Clarke.   See Hiftory    Copy of his Autograph may be feen and Antiquities of Bofton, 422.    A    at Page 341 of the fame Work.
4.2]  with the Indians in New-England. 161
to Fight, yet was Jlrangely preferved; Providence direEiing him to go into the Cleft of a Rock hard by the Place, where he firft landed. The Indians by the glittering of the Sun beams in their Eyes as they came a Shore, did not difcern him; fo as lying hid under the Covert of the Hand of Providence, for two Days, he at laft crawled a little about the Water Side, till he found a Canoo, whereby he efcaped away with his Life, much adoe.197 The other two Men, were better foot Men, and parting from Captain Lake made their efcape ten or a dozen Mile, to the further End of the IJland, and fo efcaped from the Indians, till they found Means to get off. Poor Captain Lake, that a few Hours before, flept quietly in his Man-lion Houfe, furrounded with a ftrong Fortification, defended with many Soldiers, is now forced to fly away with none to attend him. And as the Awful Hand of Divine Providence ordered things, was as fome fay, pur[^2]fued by fuch Indians as were meer Strangers to the Place, that knew not the Maflers from the Man, by one of whom he was (hot down, as is fuppofed, foon after his coming alhore. Lieut. Davis heard two Guns by which was thought, and foon after was known fo to be, by an Indian which fince hath confeifed to Cap-
187 He lived many Years  after    John Dering, in compelling him to
this, dying in Bofton, early in 1704.    leave his Houfe and to remove from
An original  Paper   of his in the    the Weft to the Eaft Side of the
Editor's pofTeffion, dated 28th Feb.,    Kennebec.    Capt. Davis defervedly
1679-80, fets forth the Proceedings    finds a Place in Dr. Allen's valuable
of "Sir Edmond Androws" towards    American Biographical Diclionary.
162       A Narrative of the Troubles      [42
tain Davis, that he fhot him that Day Arowfck was taken, which he intended not to have done, but that he held up his Pijiol againft him, whereas if he had but ajked Quarter he ihould have had his Life. Captain Lake was flain at that Time, although many Hopes were for fome Time maintained, that he was taken alive and kept with other Captives, amongft the Indians; and 'tis faid the Indians of thofe Parts did not intend to kill him, if they could have helped it: But it was known, that his Hat was feen upon an Indians Head not long after, which made his Friends conclude what had befallen the Owner, that good Man, who might imphatically be fo termed in DiJlinBion from them that may truly be called yujl Men, and no more: For it feems according to the jujl Agreement betwixt himfelf and his Part-owner of Arowjick IJland, it was not his turn this Year to have been upon the Place, but fuch was his Goodnefs, that he yeilded to the De-fire of his Friend and Partner, as in his Room and Stead to take upon himfelf that Service in this Time of Danger; it is hoped his Goodnefs in future Time will not be forgotten by fuch as were any way concerned therein, or had Advantage there by.1%%
158 Capt. Thomas Lake was Son    wounded in the Battle of Edge Hill,
of Richard Lake,  Efq.   of Erby,    He left a Son Thomas, born in Bof-
County of Lincoln, England, and    ton, Feb. 165 6, who went to England,
halfBrotherofSir Edward Lake, who    became a Barrifter of the Middle
diltinguifhed himfelf in the bad Caufe    Temple, arid died 2 2d May, 1711.
of Charles the Firft, being feverely    Sir Bibye Lake was Son of this Son,
4 2 ]    with the Indians in New- England. 163
This Ifland (called Arowfck from an Indian fo named, that formerly pofTeffed it, and of whom it was purchafed by one Mr. Richards1^ who fold it to Captain Lake and Major Clark) lyes up ten Miles within the Mouth of Kennibeck River ; it is fome Miles in Length, and containeth many thou-fand Acres of very good Land; where Meadow and arable Ground are in a good Proportion well fuited together; within the Fort aforefaid were convenient Buildings for feveral Offices, as well for W.ares and Trading, as Habitation : fx feveral Edifces are faid to have been there ere&ed. The Warehoufe at that Time was well furnijhed with all Sorts of Goods; befides a Mill and other Accommodations, and Dwellings within a Mile of the Fort and Manfon Houfe; fome of whofe Inhabitants hardly made their Efcape upon the firfi fur-prizal of the Fort.
All which confidered, the Lofs that befel the Proprietours at the furprizal of this If andTeems to be very great, valued at many thoufands: but thofe that were the Owners with others of late Times, have found in their own Experience what Solomon faid of old, There is a Time to get, and a Time to loofe, a Time to keep, and a Time to cajl
and inherited Lands in Maine in    Lake it appears that he was born in Right of his Grandfather. Capt.     1615; and hence was 61 at the Lake's Daughter, Anne, married,     Time of his Death, ill, the Rev. John Cotton of Hamp-         1P9Mr. John Richards. Inter-ton, N. H., and 2dly, Increafe Ma-    efting Particulars of this enterpriiing ther, D. D. MS. Pedigree ofLake,     Man may be feen in Farmer's Re-in PofTeihon of J. W. Thornton,    gifter, and Savage's New England Efq.    From a Depofition of Capt.     Genealogical Dictionary.
164     A Narrative of the Troubles        [43
away ; a Time to [43] break down, as well as a Time to build. The Perfons killed and taken at Kennibeck, both at Mr Hammonds and at Arrow-Jick, are faid to hz fifty three.
Upon the Report of this fad Difafier, all the Plantations of the Englifh in thofe Parts were foon after left, and forfaken by Degrees. All the Reft of the Inhabitants of Kennibeck River, Shipfcot River, Sagade-hock, Damanicottee, fearing to be ferved in the fame kind, fled to the Iflands of Cape Bonawagan and Damorils Cove.
On the fecond Day at Night a Pojl was fent to Pemmaquid to inform them of what had hapned, who being but eight or ten Men, were minded to go to the Ifland called Monhiggon, having fecured the bejl of their Goods, but the Wind taking them fhort, they were forced to turn into Damorils Cove, where they found Mr. Wifwal and Mr. Colicot. There they laboured two Days to fettle a Garrifon; But partly by the Mutinoufnefs of the People, and partly by the Want of Provifion nothing could be done to fecure the Ifland, fo that it was prefently deferted: From thence they went to Monhiggon, refolving there to tarry till they had heard from Bofton, from whence Mr. Colicot and Mr. Wifwal promifed to do their ut-mojl Endeavour to fend help. There they fettled three Gaurds^ and appointed five and twenty to Watch every Night, not knowing but that the Indians might come every Hour. But continuing there a Fort-night, and finding no Relief like
43 ]  'with the Indians in New-England.   165
to come ; and feeing all the Country burned round about, (for after they had gotten all that could be faved from Pemaquid, they faw all the other Iflands Windgins Corbins Sound, New-Harbour, Pemaquid, all on fire in two Hours Time) then confidering what was belt to be done, they found no Boats could bejent to Sea for fear of weakning the IJland, and that moft of thofe that were upon the Ifland, were Strangers, Coajiers, and fuch as came from the Mayne, and were ready to be gone upon every Occaflon, they laid an Imbargoe for one Weeks Time; after which a Letter was received from Major Clark, deiiring their AJJijlance for enquiring after Capt. Lake if alive, ^° faving what could be had at Kennibeck, &c. but intimating nothing of any Help like to come, befides thofe that brought the Letter told them, it was in vain to expeSi any Help from Bojlon. It being quef-tioned there, what they had to do with thofe Parts,  upon which  the  Inhabitants  coniidered,
190 A Ray of Light is fhed here from a Paper found in the Archives at: the State Houfe. John Lake, brother of the lamented Capt. Thomas, petitioned the General Court to delay the Execution of a certain Indian then in Prifon under Sentence of Death, hoping by the Means of the condemned Prifoner, to redeem his Brother, who he trailed might be a Captive in the Indian's Hands fomewhere in the Eaftern Wildernefs; as his Death was unknown for fome Time after
v2
the Deftru&ion of Arrowfick. The Petition is dated at Bolton, Sept. 15th, 1676. He fays, "there is, and hath been Common Fame of my Brother being Captive . . . and hearing nothing to the Contrary, gives fome Hopes that it may be fo." He therefore prayed that the Execution of the condemned Indian (Sagamore Sam) might be delayed for the prefent. But his Prayer was "denied," and Sam was executed " at the Towns End/' only ten Days thereafter.   See Page [72, forward.
166      A Narrative of the "Troubles       [44
that if they fhould tarry there, and fpend all their Provijion, and neither be able to go to Sea, nor yet to live, or be fafe ajhore for want of Help, it: were better for them to remove, while they had fome-thing to live upon, and feek Imployment elfewhere; fo by Confent they refohed forthwith to tranjport themjelves, and what they [44] had faved of their Goods to fome Place of Security, fo they took the fir ft Opportunity to fet fayle, fome for Pafcataqua, fome for Bojlon, and fome for Salem, at one of which three Places they allfafely arrived.
Having thus efcaped at firft as Lot out of Sodom, but not counting themfelves fafe in that Zoar, where for a little while they made fhift to hide their Heads, till they might Efcape to fome furer Place, there waiting for better Times, when they may with Peace and §>uietnefs return to their former Habitations, or feek fome other elfe where.
When the forefaid Exploits were done by the Indians in and about Cafco Bay, feveral of the Engli/h removed to Jewels ijland, where they hoped to be more fecure from the Indians, but their barbarous Enemy finding fo little Refijlance made againft them on the main Land, a coniider-able Party of them came with their Canoos to de-ftroy that Ijland alfo, about three Weeks after the aforementioned Mifchiefs.
There was a fortifyed Houfe upon the faid
Ijland, where the Englifh that either kept upon
the Ifland,  or  repayred  thither,  hoped to have
fecured themfelves.    But at that   Time when the
4.4]  with the Indians in New-Rngland.   167
Indians affaulted the Place, many of the Eng-lifk were abfent, few left in the Garrifon, but Women and Children: fome were gone to other Places to fetch Indian Corn, others were in a Boat employed about Fijh9 amongft whom was one Richard Pots1?1 with two more. The Wife of the faid Pots was Wajhing by the Water Side, where {he was fur prized with her Children, and carryed away in Sight of her Hufband, who was not a little dif treffed with that fad SpeSlacle, but was not able to afford any Relief either to Wife or Children, although one of the Children efpying his Father in his Boat, ran into the Water, calling out for Help, but an Indian ran after him to catch him up, the poor Man in a great Agony being within half/hot, was about to have fired upon the Indian, but then fearing he might wound his Child which the Villian had laid hold of, he fobore, rather fuffering him to be carryed away alive, than be expofed to fo manifefl Danger of his Life, or Limbs, by ihooting at the Indian.
It is faid that fome of the Indians were killed by them in the Garrifon: They fpeak of a Lad that at one Shot killed two or three of them. Some Guns were found afterwards under the Fort, which were fuppofed to have belonged to fome of the Indians that were killed. Some that were abroad when the Fort was affaulted, defperately broke in
191 Richard Potts, as Mr. Willis    the Grafp of the Indians at that has the Name. Nothing is heard    Time. In 1666, his Name occurs of him after this Deftruclion of his    as a Juror in a murder Trial at Scar-Family.    He feems to have efcaped    borough.
168      A Narrative of the Troubles       [45
through the Indians, whereby at the laft, many of the People were preferred: fome flying away from "Jewels IJland in a Canoo toward Richmond IJland, they met with a Ketch, to which they made known the Diftrefs the People were in, who thereupon went to the Place, and took in all the People they found [45] there, and carryed them off to a Place of more Safety. Yet were there feveral Perfons faid to be killed and carryed away at that Time, viz. three Men, who were known to be killed, two Women and two Children, that are fuppofed to be yet alive, though in the 'Enemies Power.
From thence they went to Spurwinks, where they affaulted one Place or more, and killed one Man, wounded another, and carryed another away Captive: Amongft them that were in Danger of furprizal, one that could not run, hid himfelf in a Garden of Cabbages fo as he was not found, yet was very near them; for he over heard feveral ^uejlions, they afked him they took; by which Means he was the better enabled afterward to prevent the Danger two more were coming into; for the poor Fellow that they had taken, told them that one Ghendal1^ with another Man were to come that Way by and by; whereupon this Man that hid himfelf, meeting that Ghendal and the other Man, gave them Notice of the Danger,
192 Walter Gendally as his Name Parts, as the Hiilories of Maine is ufually written. He was a Man fhow. A Part of his Record when of confiderable Diftindiion in thofe    a Prifoner will be given farther along.
4.5]   with the Indians in New-England. 169
whereby they were delivered out of the Snare for that Time; not long after one of them, viz. Mr Ghendal fell into their Hands as fhall be declared afterwards. Within a while after, or much about that fame Time, another fad Accident befel Jix or/even of them that belonged to Cafco. For upon the twenty third of September fome Perfons that belonged to a Sloop and a Schallop, that were prejfed into the Service (one Reafon of which was to prevent their ftragling, they being Perfons that belonged to thofe Parts about Cafco) were over defirous to fave fome of their Provifon, to which End they firft made their Addrefs to Captain Hathorne,1^ (under whom they were ordered to ferve) defiring they might be releafed; the Captain told them he could not do it, but defired them to have Patience for a while, they told him, that they muft and would go, elfe their Families muft Jlarve at Home:    The Captain told them further
193 William Hathorne.    Some of    the Indians in the Fall of 1676;
the Family of a   later   Day write    and a Copy of his Inftruclions are
Hawthorne.    The old Captain was    now before me, figned by Maj. Gen.
a Man of Note,   and although he    Denifon.    In thefe he was ordered
finds a Place  in Dr. Allen's Amer.     " with all  Expedition to march his
Biog.   Dictionary, the Doctor did    Forces to Exeter, and   to  inform
not find anything of Confequence    himfelf by Major Waldron and the
about him; for the fimple Reafon,     Committee (if they may be had) of
perhaps, that he did not look for    the State of Affairs in thofe Parts,
anything.    His Autograph, and alfo     and the Pofture of the Enemy, and
that of the mifguided Judge in the    with their Advice and the Council
Witch Trials, are before me, both     of the other Captains, apply himfelf
well and plainly written Hatborne.     vigoroufly to profecute the Enemy,"
Although then near 70 years old,     &c.    The Instructions bear  Date
he had been appointed Commander    Auguft 29th, 1676.    He died about
in Chief of the Forces fent againft     1681, aged 74.
170      A Narrative of the Troubles       [46
of the Danger, and bid them not ftir at their Peril: However they would go, and foon after wen to Mount-joy es IJland to fetch Sheep, where they landed [even Men; but the Indians prefently fet upon them, they prefently betook themfelves to the Ruines of a Stone Houfe where they defended themfelves as long as they could; but at laft they were all dejiroyed either with Stones cajl in upon them, or elfe with the Enemies Shot, except one, who, though at the firft it was hoped his Wounds were not Mortal, yet foon after dyed thereof: amongft thefe was one George Felt, much lamented, who had been more adrive than any Man in thofe Parts againft the Indians, but at the laft he loft his own Life among them, in this too defperate an Adventure.194
The Indians growing more bold by thefe Attempts in thofe remote Places, drew down nearer towards Pafcataqua, for not long after a Party [46] of them came upon Cape Nidduck, where they killed and carried away all the Inhabitants of a few fcattering Houfes, to the Number of Jeven in all, and fuch was their Salvage Cruelty exercifed in this Place, as is not ufually heard of; for, having dajhed out the Brains of a poor Woman that
194 « He was a ufeful and enterprif-    he had three Sons, George, Samuel, ing Man, and had been more active    and Jonathan. The Father of Geo. againft the Indians than any other    Felt was born in 1601, lived in N. in this Vicinity. He left a Family    Yarmouth three Years, was one of who moved to Chelfea, in which    the Maiden Settlers, where he died Neighborhood his Defendants are    in 1693, aged 92. The Rev. Jo-yet living. His Wife was a Daugh-    feph B. Felt, of Salem is of this Fami-ter of Jane Mackworth, by whom    ly."     Willis.
46]  with the Indians in New-England.   171
gave fuck, they nay led the young Child to the dead Body of its Mother, which was found fucking in that rueful Manner, when the People came to the Place. The Day before a Man and his Wife were killed by them at Wells, and two Men more foon after.195
195 It appears from a Statement fworn to at Bofton the following March, by Henry Horwood and Thomas Richardfon, that, " About the 16th of O£tober, being att Wells under Command of Lift. Edward Crick \Creeke\ thur cam Indians and fell vpon the fame; kiled one Antient Man and a Youth about 16 Years old, and wounded three as they war in the Fort. I [the faid Horwood] being in the Garifon called the Mill Garrifon after feueral Shott, fliut in vppon vs, came in one Walter Gendle to treat with vs. His iirft Salutation was with Tears, that he was a poor Captiue and that he was fent by Generall Mogg to know whar [whether] we would furrender our Garifon. The faid Gendle came dericlly from Frances Little-field's Garifon, that fame timewharof Lift. Cricke was then Comander. The faid Gendle told vs that thar was one kild, and that he was fent for to look ? for old Frank Littlfield whar [whether] he was att that Garifon, becaufe that his Wife had a Defire to haue him com home. The Ouiftion was afked by me, how he mold gett home. Gendle anfwared that he wold ingage his Life, if tenn of vs wold goe from Garifon to Garifon, or any Part of
the Town, if he went with vs holding vpp a Stick with a whit Cloth one itt, if we war without Armes, he wold ingage his Life to conuoy vs without any Moleilation, and further beged that we wold furrender our Garifon for Gods fake and the poor Women and Children Sake, and that itt was his chief End in getting leaue of Mogg to parfwad vs that we might not be cut of; he faid further that they had many Inuentions with burch Rinds and Brimftone, and other Combuftables that they wold com in the Neight and burn our Fortifications and Houfes within them and deftroy vs if we war a Hundred in a Garifon, and if he had £20 to pay his Ranfome they wold nott kill hime, and if itt was his Cafe as itt was ours, if he had a 100 Houfes he wold giue them all. And further faid that the High ways war all waylaid, and the Sea-lide and the Woods round the Town, and that if we did fend any Poll he wold certainly be cut of likewife. I defired him to carry a Letter from vs; his Anfwer was that if he had moor then his own or Moggs Concerns, if taken they wold kill him and the reft of the Cap-tiues; for he had nine [of the Captives] ingaged for him ; and further,
172     A Narrative of the "Troubles         [46
On the twelfth of OSiober following, near an hundred of the Indians made an Aflault upon Bladk-pointj all the Inhabitants being gathered into one fortify ed Place upon that Point, which a few Hands might have defended againft all the Indians on that Side of the Country. But as it feems, one called Mugg was the Leader of the Indians; one that had from a Child been well acquainted with the Engli/h, and had lived fome Years in Englifh Families, who though a cunning Fellow, and had prevailed much in his Attempts, yet at this Time fhewed more Courtefy to the Engli/h, than according to former Outrages could be expe&ed from any of thofe barbarous Mifcre-ants; and was willing to make offer of a Treaty to Mr. JoJ/elin, Chief of the Garrifon, to whom the faid Mugg promifed Liberty for all that were there, to depart with their Goods upon the Surrender of the Place:   The  faid  Jojjelin Reports,
that he did conuoy Frances Littlfield    Mr. Friers, he did not qaeftion but and his Sone from the Mill Garrifon    his Word wold pall with them for to faid Littlflelds Houfe and within    a £100, and that thar was in a Bagg a Rhod of the Indians; the faid    about 30 Waight of Pouder att Littlefield hauing noe Armes nor his    Black Point, which the Indians made Son that went with him. Likewif   faid Gendle cary, and the Indians the faid Gendle told me thar was 140    took the Pouder away from him and Indians lying in the Goly between    hiditt, I aiked him how he knew thar Frances Littlflelds and the Mill    was 140 Indians in that Gully. He Garifon, and that they wold fight    [the] faid Gendle anfwered, by the vs euery Day in a Month but they    Number of the Cannous.'3' Richard-wold haue vs: Further, faid that he    fon fwore to all except the Bag of neauer faw moor than ii Indians to-    Powder. See Page [52. geather, and Mogg was one of the        This Henry Horwood is the ii: And further faid when he had    Henry Harwood of Mr.- Willis. his Liberty for 5 Days to goe to    Of Richardfon he is filent,' at leaft Pafcattaqua to fetch his Ranfom, and    his Index is fo.
46]  with the Indians in New-England.   173
that when he came back from his treating with Mugg9 that all the People were fled away out of the Garifon, having carryed away their Goods by Water before his Return, infomuch that having none but his Houfehold Servants to ftand by him, he was capable to make no Refiftance, and fo fur rendered.*9 6        m
When People have once been frighted with Reports and Senfe of Danger, they are ready to fly away like a Hart before the Hunter or his Hounds; one of the Inhabitants of the Place affirmed he faw an hundred and fifty Indians, which was more by an hundred than any Body elfe ever faw near the Fort.^7 But when a Place is de-Jigned to Ruine, every Thing they take in Hand fhall tend that Way.
The Lofs of Black Point was accompanyed with another fad Accident, that fell out about the fame Time at Richmonds IJland. For young Mr. Pryer1^ with fome others at Pafcataqua, to whom it feemed grevious that the Indians fhould make all that Spoyle in every Place in thofe farther Plantations, ventured upon the great Importunity
196 There is not much to be add-        198 A further and particular Ac-ed concerning Henry Jocelyn to Mr.    count of Mr. Fryer and his Father Willis's excellent Article in the N,    will be found in fucceeding Pages. Eng. Hifl. and Gen. Regr., Vol.    It will be feen that Gendall was con-XI, 31, &c., and the Article to    veyed to his Deftination by Mr. which it is a Supplement in the fame    Fryer and Thomas Cobber. Alfo Work.                                              that one John Abbot was of the
197 This may refer to Harwood    Party, who made a wonderful and and Richardfon's Report of Walter    no lefs defperate Efcape, as will be Gendall's Statement,                          found in future Pages.
w2
174-      ^ Narrative of the Troubles       [47
of M. Ghendal, with a Ketch to try what they could fave of fuch Things that the Indians had left. But things were fo ordered, that before they had laden their Ketch, coming too near the Stage Head, they prefently found themfelves in Danger of a Surprizal, for Part of their Company being a [47] Shore, were feigned by the Indians, or in Danger thereof, whom they were not willing to leave behinde; and befides the Wind blowing in hard upon them, they could not get out of the Harbour, but were forced to abide the Danger of an Affault. The Indians getting many of them into the Stage Head, annoyed them fo fail with with their Shot, that not a Man of them was able to look above Deck, but he was in Danger of being Jhot down; amongft the Reft Mr. James Fryer venturing too much in View of the Enemy, received a Wound m his Knee, which appeared not dangerous at the iirft, but for Want of better looking too, then could be found amongft that black Regiment, into whofe Hands he foon after fell; it proved mortal unto him, within zfew Days after; he being by zjlrange Accident brought Home to his Fathers Houfe at the great I/land in Pafcata-qua. Mr. Fryer being thus wounded, the Reft of the Company defended themfelves for a while with much Courage and Refolution, till they were brought to the fad Choice offalling into the Hands of one of thefe three bad Mafters, the Fire, the Water, or the barbarous Heathen, to whom  at laft  they thought it beft to yield, in
47 ]    with the Indians in New-England. 175
Hope of Liberty afterwards, at leaft of lengthing out their Lives a little longer, for the Indians had manned out a Canoo with feveral Hands to cut their Cable, and others ftood ready within the Defence of the Stage Head to fire upon any one that ftirred in the Ketch, by which Means the VeiTel (after the Cable was cut) foon drove afhore; and then was it threa' ned to be prefently burned, if they did not all yield, to which they all at laft confented.
The Indians how barbarous foever in their own Nature, yet civilly intreated their Prifoners, and upon farther Difcourfe fent one or two of them to Pafcataqua, to give them there an Opportunity to Ranfome their Friends.1" The Perfons fent Home to procure a Ranfome, were to return with fuch a Quantity of Goods as the Indians had defired, by fuch a precife Time: but they that brought the Things for their Ranfome, coming a Day or two before the Time, when thofe that fent them were gone up the River at Black Point, and not returned. Some other Indians waiting for fuch an Opportunity feized the Goods, at leaft that Part which they moft defired, and through Miftake killing one of the three Men that brought them, difmifled the other two, without Return of the Prifoners as was e^peited.
As to what hapned afterward, we are yet much in the Dark,  and for the Prefent  can write but
399 This  is   explained   to  fome    Pafcataqua (Portfmouth) to obtain Extent in  Note  195.    Mr. Gen-    Goods for his own Ranfom. dall was allowed five Days to go to
176     A Narrative of the Troubles         [48
by guefs; for within a few Days after the Return of Mr. Ghendal, and the other Man that went to carry the Ranfome, before November firfi, Mugg himfelf came to Pafcataqua [48] bringing Mr. "James Fryer, who foon after dyed of his Wound ; one'of the Prifoners along with him complaining that without his Knowledge fome of the Indians had feized what was fent for the Ranfome of the Reft, promifing upon his Faith, that he would make good his Word for the fending Home all the Prifoners, and offered alfo in the Name of the other Indians, to confirm a new Peace with the Englijh for the Future : The Major General100 of the Majfachufets Colony was then at Pafcataqua, but not willing to tranfadt a Matter of that Nature and Moment by his fole Authority, ordered the faid Mugg (fuppofed to be the chief Leader of the Indians) to be carryed down to Bofion to the Governour and Council there, to conclude the Bufi-nefs, with whom he foon after agreed upon ^firm Peace with the Englijh of the Majfachufets in the Name of Madockawando, the Chief of all the Indians in the Eafiern Parts about Penobfcot engaging alfo to remain himfelf, as Hofiage aboard the VeJJel (in which he was fent Home from Bofion November the twenty firfi following) until the Prifoners (which are faid to he fifty or fixty that they have ftill in their Hands) be fent Home, and the Reft of the Articles performed.201    The Iifue of
200 Daniel Denifon of Ipfwich.        are given at length in Pages [54-56, 291 The Articles of the Treaty    enfuing.
4.8]  with the Indians in New-England. 177
which we as yet wait to hear in Gods good Time: This 12th of December following, 1676. when they there have made an End of the Reckoning, 'tis hoped we may have our Right again.
There are two principal ABors among the Indians that have all along promoted thefe Defigns amongft them, one named Squando, Sagamore of Saco, and the forementioned Madocawando, the chief Commander of the Indians Eajiward about Penobfcot, who are faid to be, by them that know them, 2cftrange kinde of moralized Salvages. Grave andferious in their Speech and Carriage, and not without fome fhew of a Kind of Religion, which no doubt but they have learned from the Prince of Darknefs, (by the help of fome Papift in thofe Parts) that can transform himfelf into an Angel of Light; under that Shape, the better to carry on the Delignes of his Kingdome. It is faid alfo, they pretend to have received fome Vifons and Revelations, by which they have been commanded to Worfhip the great God, and not to Work on the Lords Day. We know where that Fountain hath its Rife, that fendeth forth at the fame Place fweet and bitter Waters, and from whence their Hearts are infpired, that joyn bleffing of God, with curling and killing his Servants.
It is reported by fome that came lately from thofe Parts, that the Indians there do as yet re-fufe to have any Peace with the Englijh, and will not as yet return any of our Captive Friends, till God fpeak  to  the forefaid  Enthufajls,  that are
178     A Narrative of the Troubles        [49
their Leaders that they fhould no longer make Warr with us, and the like.
[49] But not to trouble ourfelves farther with thofe Minijlers of Satan, or thofe that are afted by the Angels of the bottomlefs Pit, (who poffibly lince their Delufons are but two fold more the Children of Hell then they were before) we know better how to uirderftand the Minde of the great God of Heaven and Earth then to depend on fuch lying Oracles.
That God who hath at prefent turned their Hearts to hate his People, and deal fubt illy with his Servants, we hope in his Time, will either turn the Stream, and caufe them to deal friendly and Jin-cerely with his People as heretofore, or give us an Opportunity to dejlroy them.
In the next Place it remains, that fome Account be given of our Forces under Captain Hathorne, and of their feveral Expeditions into the Eafern Parts, lince the middle of September lajl; firft, up towards Cafco, by the Sea fide, then afterward through the Woods direftly Northward toward OJfapy, and Pigwauchet, in Hope to have found the Enemy there at their Head Quarters.
Upon the firft Report of thofe Devajlations and Spoyls that had been made by Fire and Sword in thofe Eajlern Plantations, it was judged neceflary to fend fome Forces that Way to put a Stop unto the Current of thofe Outrages, before the Remainders of the Southern Indians could have Opportunity to joyn with them :    To that End about an
50]   with the Indians in New-England. 179
hundred and thirty Englifh, with forty Indians were difpatched awa^ into thofe Farts, under the Command of Captain William Hathome, Captain Sil, and Captain Hunting,  who were  to joyne  with fuch as could be raifed in thofe Parts, under Major Waldern, and Captain Frojl;    After they had furprized the Indians that flocked into thofe Parts, (as was related before)202 which was done upon September the 6th, 1676.     Captain Hathorne who was Commander in Chief marched the Forces by the   Sea-fde towards   Cafco;    For at that  Time they were upon fome demurre, whether to march diredily towards OJfapy,  and  Pigwauchet, where the Head Quarters of the Enemy was fuppofed to be, or elfe to march directly towards Cafco Bay, where they   heard  Parties  of the   Enemy were daily fpoyling the Plantations of the Englifh.    At the laft it was judged moft Expedient, to try if they could not meet with fome Parties of the Enemy amongft thofe  Plantations  near the   Sea-fde, by that Means  at laft to prevent  them from doing any more   Mifchief if they  could not  finde an Opportunity to fall upon fome of them, and deftroy them;    But  their  Time was  not yet come,   nor were all the Deflations as yet accomplijhed, which God had a Purpofe to bring about by their Means. For notwithstanding there was a fufficient Force to have fuppreifed all the Numbers of the Enemy, if they had been many more [50] then they were; yet being  emboldened and grown fubtile  by their
-(1~See Page [38, ante, and Note  163.
180      A Narrative of the Troubles       [50
former Succeffes, they had fo difperfed themfelves all about the Woods in thofe Parts, that when our Forces were in one Place, they would be in another; and fo did much Mifchief thereabouts, while our Soldiers were out after them: For after they had by feveral Steps in ten Days Time gotten to Cafco, from NewehenJbannick (about the eighth of September) they marched to Wells, and from Wells to Winter Harbour', and fo from thence to Black Point they palfed by Water, and then arrived at Cafco Bay, about the twentieth of September, yet about that very Time, were feveral of the Englifh cut off at Mount-joyes Ijland, and that in Sight of our Forces, when they were not able to come at them for want of Boats, the Inland lying two Leagues off in the Bay; (this hapned the twenty third of the fame Month, as was faid before), and within two Days after another Party of the Enemy were doing Mifchief at Wells, and Cape Nidduck and yet efcaped away when they had done.
Nor could our Forces in all their Expedition meet with any of them, but two; one of which, foon after he was taken, was let go, by the Treachery or Careleffnefs of them that held him. For when our Forces were come within a few Miles of the higher Side of Cafco Bay, fome of our Natick Indian Scouts going in Company with the Indians under Blind Will™* (a Sagamore of Pafcataqua, who went in Company with eight of his Men,
203 He was the next Year killed    Indians, 322.    See alfo Hubbard's by the Mohawks. See Book of the    Hi/lory of New England, Page 630.
51 ]   with the Indians in New-England.   181
fuppofed to be good Pilots for the Places more Ea/lward) met with fome of the Enemy, and laid hold of a couple of them. Juftice was done upon one of them, the other, although he was led by two of Blind Wills Indians, they made a Shift to let go, who efcaping away, got over a River, and gave Notice to the Indians who were on the other Side, and were heard but a little before threjhing in a Barn that belonged to one Anthony Bracket, (whom they had lately furprized.) Another Difappointment our Forces met withal about the fame Time, for when Captain Hathorn was up at Cafco Bay with his Souldiers, he never could come up with the Indians, either through want of Skill in them that were his Scouts, or rather want of Faithfulnefs in one that Jhouldhave been his Guide, who had got his living by Trading with the Indians, therefore feemed unwilling to have the Brood of them deftroyed as was known afterwards, and by that Means a Party of the Enemy efcaped the Hands of our Soldiers: Yet it pleafed God at one Time to bring the Forlorne of our Forces upon a Party of the Enemy, who efpying the Engli/lj, presently fled away into the Woods, like fo many wild Dear; yet one of them, viz. that J. Sampfonzo* who had been of the Company, that killed Robinfon7-0* the Year before, was by the [51] fpecial Hand of Divine Juflice, fuffered to fall, by fome of our Forces: He was a very lufly, flout Man, and one that was armed with feveral
204 John Sampfon, the fame In-        ~i]5 John   Robinfon   of   Exeter,
dian mentioned before, Pages [in,    See Note 135, ante.
mi 8 2      A Narrative of the Troubles       [51
forts of Weapons, but there is no Weapon £hall defend them, whom Death hath a Commijjion to deftroy : There is no Ranfome in that War: The Reft of the Indians that were fcattered about Cafco Bay, having difcovered our Forces, made their Efcape : But, we hope their Time is fhort, and that God will find fome Way to cut off the bloudy and deceitful Enemies of his People, and not fuffer them to live out half their Dayes.
But by one fuch Accident or other, our Soul-diers could not meet with any of them that had done all the Mifchief about thofe Parts. And while our Forces lay about Cafco Bay, a fmall Party of the Enemy came down upon the Borders of the Town of Wells, where they lay in Ambujh near a Garrifon Houfe, at one End of the Town, and ihot down Mr. "James Gouge106 from his Horfe, September the twenty fourth, being Lords Day, as he was going Home from the Met-ting; and then knocked down his Wife, giving her feveral Wounds with their Hatchets about the Head, of which fhe dyed within three Days after.
The next Day September the twenty fifth, the fame Party, being not above feven in Number, went toward Tork and furprized Cape Nidduck in a barbarous Manner, killing moft of the poor People  belonging   thereunto:    Some   of   their
206 ]y[r Savage is not willing to hence gives it no feparate Article in allow the Legitimacy of this Name, his Dictionary; but it is a good old as a New England   Surname,   and    Englifh Name notwithstanding.
51 ]  with the Indians in New-England.   183
Neighbours hearing of the Guns, came to their Rejcue: The Indians being on the further Side of the River, dared them to come over and fight with them Man to Man : uiing feveral reproachful Tearms to them, making a Shot at them alfo, which fome of the Company not being able to bear, did very refolutely adventure through the River after them ; but they were not willing to try the Valour of the Englifh ; when they perceived they found a Way to pafs over the River upon them, but returned back towards Wells; where they killed another, one George Farrow™7 September the twenty /eventh, as he was too careleflly venturing to his Houfe without any Company: Thefe Things hapned while our Forces were at Cafco, where they tarryed feven or eight Days. And hearing of thefe Outrages committed in fome of thofe Places which they left behind them, and not being able to meet with any of them in the Place where they were, they returned back towards Wells and York; but the Indians were efcaped away into the Woods after their Companions before they came there : Our Soldiers having thus fpent much Time and Pains in a fruitlefs Expedition toward Cajco, they refolved to venture another March after them, up towards OJfapy, fuppofing they might by that Time be drawn
207 The  Author of the  Farrar    the   Wildernefs  with   his   Family.
Genealogy, in Vol. vi, New Eng.    He is fuppofed to have been a Son of
Hil. and Gen. Regr., fails to con-    George Farrow of Ipfwich. The Fa-
ne£t very diftindtly this  Martyr of   mily is probably diftindl from Farrar.
184      A Narrative of the Troubles       [5 2
homewards toward [52] their Winter Quarters; or elfe, that they might deftroy what they had left behind them, to prevent their harbouring there for the Future : But it feemed good to him, who by his Sovereign Power and Infinite Wifdom ordereth all Events and Purpofes (wherein his People or others are concerned) to difappoint all Endeavours ufed at that Time for the fuppreffing of the Enemy, or putting any ftop to their wonted Succeffes: For foon after our Forces were returned back from Cafco, News was brought of" the Surprizal of Black Point, on the twelfth of OElober, as was mentioned before ;2°8 which notwithstanding, it was judged more advifeable to venture and proceed on with the Expedition toward OJfapy (whether it was fuppofed by this Time, the greateft Number of them were retired) rather than to. return back again to recover Black Point, where was nothing to be expected but an empty Fort, and fome deferted Houfes, which it feems the Indians had forfaken by that Time.
And befides that other Forces were about the fame Time ordered to repair thither, fufficient for the repairing and fecuring of the Place, with what elfe was left remaining from the Hands of
20S See Page [46, ante.    Before    dron, by him to be ordered  under
the News of the Fall of Black Point    meete Conduct,  as Scouts to fcour
could have reached Bofton, namely,    the Woods betweene Kittery, Yorke
Oft. 13th, the Governor and Coun-    and Wells,  to  purfue  and deftroy
cil iflued an Order to Maj. Gookin,    the   Enemy,   what  in them lyes."
" forthwith   to imprefle   and   fend *  Maffl Archives.    Thefe Indians did
away 16 able Indians to Maj. Wal-    good Service.
52]  with the Indians in New-England.   185
the Enemy; And likewife feveral Souldiers were ordered to Garrifon the Towns thereabouts, to prevent them from making any further Affault upon them. However, they were fo far emboldened by the taking of Black-point, and the Ketch at Richmond Ijland?ox> with feveral Prifoners alfo, which were furprized at the fame Time, that a Party of them came the very next Week after, toward Wells, hoping to attain that, and all the Towns, and Places elfe betwixt Cafco Bay and Pafcataqua, as they had done Black-point. For a Party of them under Mugg their chief Leader, brought Mr. Ghendal along with them to Wells, where they fummoned the firft Garrifon as (at] the Towns End. To facilitate the Bufinefs, they fent the faid Ghendal as their Agent, or Meifenger to move them to furrender, without hazarding an Onfet; but the People were not fo defpondent, to yield up the Place upon fo flight an Occafion; which when the Enemy difcerned, they foon drew off, after they had done fome little Mifchief to the Inhabitants : For firft they killed Ifaack Littlefeld, not far from the Garrifon, it is faid, they would willingly have had him yield himfelf Prifoner, but he refufing they fhot him down, yet they were fo civil, as to fuffer his Friends to fetch away his Body, without offering any further Ad: of Inhumanity to it, or Hojlility toward them th&t fetcht it off.    An old Man called Crofs,210 was
209 The Ketch of Mr. James Fryer, 21° The " Ancient Man and one the Capture of which is mentioned about 16," as mentioned in Note Page [46, ante, and [57, forward.      197, ante.     Crofs may have been a
18 6     A Narrative of the "Troubles        [ 5 3*
killed by them likewife about the fame Time, and another, Jofeph Big ford111 by Name, belonging to the Garrifon, was forely wounded at that Time, fo as he dyed foon after. Thirteen Head of Neat Cattel were alfo killed by them, out of which they only for Hafte, took the 'Tongues, leaving the Bodies of all the Rejt [53] whole to the Owners, unlefs it were the Leg of one of them, which was alfo taken away.
This was all the Mifchief [that] was done by them, after the taking of Black-Point: The Inhabitants of Winter Harbour, near adjoyning thereto, being alarmed with the furprizal of the other Place, fled away with their Goods, for a Time, till they heard the Enemies were removed farther Eajiward, and then it was faid, they returned to their Place again ; In this Pofture have Things in thofe Places remained ever fince, in thofe Eajlern Plantations betwixt Pafcataqua and Cafco Bay.
But our Forces uijder the Command of Captain Hathorn, and Captain Syl, having at the laft obtained all things neceffary for a Winter March into the Woods,  did upon the firft of November
Son of John Crofs,  named Jofeph.    Bickfords, and all unqueftionably of
If fo both Father   and   Son fell by    the fame Paternity of Jofeph Bick-
Savage Hands.   See Note 159, ante.   ford.    Indeed the Name Jofeph is a
213 Now,  and for more than  a    prevailing one in Families to the pre-
Century  written Bickford, and yet    fent Time.    The   Name  Bickford
Dr. Savage   recognizes   only Beck-    is extenfively borne in New England,
ford, while none of the Family write    efpecially in New Hampihire, where
it thus.    We have known probably    it is firft found, and whence it has
not lefs than twenty Families—all    fpread into other States,.
5 31 w*th the Indians in New-England.   187
following, fet forth towards OJJapy, where, after four Days March of very difficult Way, over many Rivers not eafy to pafs at that Time of the Year, they arrived; but found never an Indian, either there, or in the Way, as they marched along: The Indians belonging to thofe Parts, had not many Years before hired fome EngliJJi Trades to build them a Fort for their Security againft the Mohawks, which was built very ftrong for that Purpofe fourteen Foot high with Flankers at each Corner. But at this Time the Souldiers intending to dijappoint them of their Rfuge, made Fuel thereof which at that Time was very needful for our People, who had marched many Miles throughout deep Snow in a very cold Seafon, when they could hardly keep themfelves from freezing as they palled along fo early in the Winter: None of the Enemy being to be found there in their Jlrongeji Fort, it was not counted worth the while for all the Company to march any farther: Wherefore a fmall Party being fent up eighteen or twenty Miles farther Northward among the Woods, where as they paffed along they met with many vajl Lakes,7'12, (fuppofed to be the Caufe of the Sharpnefs of the Cold, in that Side of the Country) making the Place fcarce habitable for any befides thofe Salvages that ufe to hunt thereabouts, for Moofe in the Winter, and Beaver in the Summer,
21?It is  not eafy  to determine    Oflapy; nor are there any vajl Lakes
what Lakes they went to.    There    till we reach Umbagog and Moofe-
are certainly no vajl  ones within    head, and thefe are fome 65 Miles
18 or  20  Miles  to the  North of    diflant.
18 8      A Narrative of the Troubles        [54
(a Sort of Creatures, whofe Skins are of more account than all their Bodies.) But at this Time it is fuppofed they were all gone lower toward the Sea Side, to Jhare the Spoyls of the Englifh Plantations, lately furprized by them; which is all the Reward they have met withal, who in former Years, for the Sake of a little Lucre by Traffick with them, have run themfelves there into the very Jaws of DeJiruBion, either by irregular Dealing with them, or by their too much Confidence in their deceitful Friendship.
November the ninth, our Forces having fpent nine Days in this Service, returned fafe to Newe-cbewannick, from whence they fet forth at the firft, [54] having run more hazard of their Limbs, by the Sharpnejs of the Froji, than of their Lives by an Affault from their Enemies.
There was great Probability that the Defigne might have had fome good EfFe6t, if Mugg, a chief Leader of them, did not much abufe thofe he fled unto, with a proffer of Peace; for he told them that there were about an hundred of them about OJfapy, not many Days before : But it becomes us to look beyond fecond Caufes, in Events of this Nature; and conclude, that God had raifed up thefe barbarous Enemies to bring alike Cbajtife-ment upon the Englifh in this Side of the Country, with that which others had endured elfewhere, in the End of the former, and Beginning of this prefent Year.
Whereas mention  was formerly made213 of a
213 See Page [48, ante.
5 4-]   with the Indians in New-England.   189
Peace concluded at Bojlon betwixt the Governour and Council of the Majfachufets, and Mugg an Eajiward Indian, in the Name of Madockawando, chief Sagamore of all the Indians about Pemaquid and Penobfcot, which faid Mugg was fent from Bojlony November the zijl9 with two Vejfels, to receive the Prifoners there detained by the Indians, and alfo to fee the Ratification of the feveral Articles of the faid Peace concluded upon. Which Articles for the better Satisfaction of thofe that have not been acquainted withem, are thought fit here to be inferted?1^
Bofton, November the 6th. 1676. Covenants and Agreements made and concluded by and between the Governour and Council of the Maffachufets Colony in New-England of the one Part, and Mugg Indian, in the Name and behalf of Madockawando, and Chebartina215 Sachems of Penobfcot, on the other Part. Wit-nejfeth:
Impr. Whereas the faid Mugg hath been fent
214 Mugg feems to have been an able Diplomatift, and to have been treated with due Confideration, as an Enemy having Wrongs to be re-dreffed as well as the Englifh them-felves; in other Words, and in the Language of the Drefent Day there were accorded to him the Rights of an independent Belligerent. He therefore demanded and received Letters of fafe Conduct to Bofton from Governor Leverett, dated Oft.
Y2
19th, 1676. Mugg had previoufly written to the Governor, filling him-felf General. This Letter was conveyed to Pafcataqua by Mr. Gendall. From Pafcataqua Mugg paffed by Land to Bofton, vifiting the Rev. Mr. Thomas at Ipfwich, and probably the Author alfo.
21 ■' In the firit Edition this Name is Cheberrina, and Sullivan has it Churribina. In fome other Documents it is written Cherubina.
igo     A Narrative of the Troubles       [55
and imployed by the faid Sachems upon a treaty with the faid Governour and Council relating to a Conclufion of Peace, doth hereby Covenant and engage for himfelf and in behalf of the faid Sachemo, that from henceforth they will ceafe all AEls of Hojiility, and hold an entire and firm Uuion, and Peace with all the Englifh of the Colony es in New-England.
2ly. That immediately upon the faid Muggs Return, the faid Sachems fhall deliver up unto fuch Englifh Man, or Men, as fhall by Order [55] of the faid Governour and Council, be fent with him, all fuch Englifh Captives, Veffels, and Goods whatfoever, Arms and great Artillery belonging to tlie Euglifh, as are in their Cujlody, or under their Power, as have been taken from them during the Time of the late Hoftility.
3ly. That they will ufe their uttermoft Endeavour with all poffible Speed to procure pay, wherewith to make full Satisfaction unto the Englifh for all fuch Injuries, LoJJes, and Damages, as they have fuftained by them, in their Houfing, Cattle, or other Efiate, during the Time of *the late Hojiility ; or elfe to pay fuch a Number of Beaver Skins, yearly, in order thereunto, as fhall be agreed on between the faid Sachems, and fuch Perfon or Perfons as fhall be fent unto them from the faid Governour and Council for the Ratification hereof, to be paid at fuch Time and Place as fhall be then agreed upon.
4-ly. That upon Confideration of the Englifh
56]  with the Indians in New-England. 191
furnifhing of them with Powder and Amunition for their necejfary Supplyes and Maintenance, they do Covenant and Promife not to Trade' for or buy any Powder, or Amunition, but of fuch Perfons as fhall from Time to Time be deputed by the Gov-ernour for that End.
5ly. That if it do appear that Walter Gendal and the Men fent with him in the Vejfel from Pafcataqua (with Goods from Mr. Fryer for the Redemption of the Captives according to Agreement) or any of them are furprized and flain by any of their Indians, or any others whom they can bring under their Power, that they fhall forthwith execute fuch Murtherer, or Murtherers, or otherwife deliver them up into the Hands of the Englifh.
61y. That if the Amonos Coggin, or any other Indians in the Eajiern Parts, that are in Hojiility with the Englifh, fhall not fully confent unto thefe Covenants and Agreements, but fhall perfift in ABs of Hojiility againft the Englifh, that then the faid Sachems fhall, and will hold all fuch Indians to be their Enemies, and take up Arms againft them, and engage them as fuch.
[56] Lajlly. The faid Mugg as a Pledge and AJfurance of his own Fidelity, and that he is im-powred by the faid Sachems for the End aforefaid, and for the Performance of the aforementioned Agreements, doth freely and willingly depofte him-felf  and his Life in the Hands of the Englifh;
192       A Narrative of the Troubles       [56
to remain with them as a Hojiage until the /aid Captives, Goods and Veflels flhall be delivered up.
Bojlon, Novemb. 13. 1676.         The Mark of
Signed in the Prefence of        Mugg W Indian. John Earthy Richard Oliver*1* Ifaack Addington.
The faid Mugg lifting up his Hand to Heaven for the tru Performance thereof, efteemed among them, a firong Obligation to performe what they promife.
Things were fo ordered by the good Providence of God, that the faid Veffels'111 arrived fafely at Penobfcot in the Beginning of the next Month, where they found the faid 'Madockawando, who was ready to confirm and make good the Articles of the Peace concluded at Bojlon by his Agent in his Name; and was willing alfo to deliver all the Prifoners that were then in his Power, or under his Command, which were but two, who were taken in the Veflel at Richmonds Ifla?id, the twelfth of OBober laft. The faid Mugg likewife being fenfible of the Obligation he lay under, to make good his Word, did venture to go up himfelf to another Plantation of the Indians, where was fuppofed fome more of the Englifh Prifoners were, to fee whether he could obtain their Releafe,
2!6This  Oliver does not find a        2l7 Mentioned Page [54, preced-
Place in the Pedigree of the Mafla-    ing.    One of the Veflels was com-
chufetts Family.    He is once men-    manded by Capt. Moore; perhaps
tioned before.    See Page 152, ante.    Capt. Richard Moore of Salem.
57]  with the Indians in New-England.   193
as alfo to perfwade with the Refi of the Indians thereabouts to joyn in the Confirmation of the Peace. It appeared to the Perfons belonging to the Veffels, that the faid Mugg went with fome ReluSiancy, as fearing the Indians he was going amongft, would either kill him, or keep him Pri-foner; to which End, he ordered the Commanders belonging to the Vejfels to tarry for him about three Days, or four at the mofi, alluring them that if he did not return by that Time, they might certainly conclude that either his Life or Liberty was taken from him ; however the Veffels tarried about or near a Week beyond the Time limited, in Expe£ta[57]tion of his coming; but after fo long fiay> they neither feeing, nor hearing from him, were ready to fear the worfi, viz. that his Country Men had made him fure from having more to do with the Englifh. Whereupon for Fear of being Jhut up by the Sharpnefs of the Winter from returning themfelves, they took the Opportunity of the next fair Wind of fetting fayle for Bofion, (only turning into Pemmaquid to fee if they could hear any further News there) where they arrived with fuch Prifoners, as were freely delivered by Madockawando, the twenty fifth of December following, Anno, 1676. Amongft which Prifoners, befides the two forementioned, who were found at Penobfcot, there was a third, by a more remarkable Providence then ordinary, added unto them, Mr. Thomas Cobbet, Son of that Reverend and worthy Minifier of the Gofpel, Mr. Tho-
194       ^ Narrative of the Troubles       [57
mas Cobbet, [Pajlor of the Church at Ipfwitch, a Town within the Majfachufets JurifdiSlion) who had all the Time of his Sons Captivity, together with his Friends, wrejiled with God in their daily Prayers for his Releafe, and accordingly he was with the more foy received by his Friends, as an Anfwer and Return of their Prayers. The faid young Man had lived with Mr. Fryer, Merchant of Port/mouth for fome Years before, and had been oft at Sea with Mr. James Fryer the eldeft Son of the faid Merchant, and who had after much Experience of his Faithfulnefs, Dexterity, and Courage on all fuch Accompts, borne him fo much Refpedt, that when he was urged by his Father to go along with Mr. Ghendal, as was faid before, he would not venture unlefs his Friend Thomas Cobbet would go along with him; the which Service he only for his Friends fake accepted, which proved a fatal Adventure to Mr. fames Fryer, and might have done to the other alfo, had not God otherwife difpofed of him, having, as is hoped, more Service for him in the Land of the Living. Amongft all the Prifoners at that Time taken, the fad Thomas Cobbit feemed to have had the hardeji Portion: For befides the defperate Dangers that he efcaped, before he was taken, Firjl, by a Bullet, ihot through his Waft-coat, Secondly, by a drunken Indian, who had a Knife at his Throat to cut it, when his Hands were bound: When the Indians came to /hare the Prifoners amo'ngft them, he fell into the Hands
58]  with the Indians in New-England.   195
of one of the ruggeddejl Fellows, by whom within a few Days after his Surprizal, he was carryed firft from Black-point, to Shipfcot River in the Ketch, which the Indians made them to fayl for them, into the /aid River, from thence he was forced to travel with his Pateroon four or jive Miles overland to Damanifcottee, where he was compelled to row, or paddle in a Canoo about fifty five Miles farther to Penobfcot, and there taking leave of all his Englilh Friends and [58] Acquaintance at leaft for the Winter, he was put to paddle a Canoo up fifty or fixty Miles farther Eajlward, to an Ijland called Mount Defart, where his Pe-teroon ufed to keep his Winter Station, and to appoint his hunting Voyages; and in that Defart-like Condition was the poor young Man forced to continue nine Weeks in the Service of a Salvage Mif-creant, who fometimes would tyranize over him, becaufe he could not underftand his Language, and for Want thereof, might ocoafion him to mifs of his Game, or the like. Whatever Sicknefs he was obnoxious unto, by Change of Dyet, or other Account, he could expert no other Allowauce than the Wigwam will afford. If Jofeph be in the Prifon, io long as God is with him there, he (hall be preferved, and in due Time remem-bred.
After the End of the nine Weeks, the Indian whom he was to ferve, had fpent all his Powder, whereupon on the fudden he took up a Refolu-tion to fend his young Man down to Penobfcot to
196      A Narrative of the Troubles        [58
Mounjier Cafieen2lS to procure more Powder to kill Moofe and Dear, which it feems is all their Way of Living at Mount Defart. The Indian was certainly over ruled by Divine Providence in fending his Captive down thither ; for a few Days before, as it feems, after the Indians in that Place had been Powawing together, he told him, that there were two Englifh Vejfels then come into Pemmaquid, or Penobfcoty which proved fo indeed: yet was it not minded by him furely, when he fent his Captive thither for Powder', for it proved the Means of his Efcape, which his Pateroon might eafily have conjeffiured, if it had not been hid from him. As foon as he arrived at Penobfcoty he met with Muggy who prefently faluted him by the Name of Mr. Cobbet9 and taking him by the Hand told him, he had been at his Fathers Houfe, (which was November the firJl or fecond before, as he paired through Ipfwitch to Bojion) and had promifed to fend him Home, fo foon as he returned. Madockawando taking Notice of what Mugg was fpeaking that Way, although he were willing that he fhould be releafed according to Agreement, (his Pateroon being one of this Sagamores SubjeSis, though during the Hunting Voyage
218 In Memoires  de VAmerique,    See   Hifloire Gen. de la Nouvelle
his Name is given le Baron De St.    France, ii, 178,    He had an Eftate
Caftiens, where it is faid he was a    in France, to which he retired after
Gentleman   of Oleron   in   Beam.     1707.    The Town of Cajilne on
From  the fame Work an Account    the eaft Bank of the Penobfcot, is
of him is tranflated and printed in    the  Site of his Refidence, and was
the   Book   of the  Indians,   293.    named from him.   It was broken up
Charlevoix has the Name Gajlin,    by the Englifh in 1688.
59]   with the Indians in New- England. 197
of the Winter', he lived at fuch a Diftance from him) began to demand fomething for Satisfaction, in a Way of Ranfome, not understanding before that his Father was a great Preachman, as they ufe to call it : Reply was made to him, that he fhould have fomething in lieu of Ranfome, viz. njine Coat, which they had for him aboard the Vejfel; the which the Sagamore defired to fee, before he would abfolutely grant his Releafe: But upon fight of the faid Coat, he feemed very well fatis-fied, and gave him free Liberty to return Home. Whilft this Mr. Thomas Cob bet was a [59] Pri-foner at Mount Defart, going along with the Indians to hunt, in an extream cold Day, he was fo overcome with the Sharpnefs thereof, that all his Senfes were fuddenly benumbed, fo as he fell down upon the Snow, not being able to ftir Hand or Foot, and had without doubt there perifhed in a little Time, but that the Indians he was going along with, miffing him, prefently ran about the Woods to feek him, and when they found him, they were either fo pitiful to him, or fo careful of their own good, as not to cajl away a likely young Man, from whom they expected either much Service, or a good Ranfome, for Want of a little Care, and Pains to preferve his Life ; wherefore taking him upon their Shoulders, they carryed him into the next Wigwam, fo as he foon after revived, and came to himfelf again, without any farther Mifchief.
At another Time the Salvage Villain whofe Z2
198      A Narrative of the Troubles       [59
Prifoner he was,, fo long as he had Jlrong Liquor, for Jive Days together was fo drunk, that he was like a furious mad Beajl, fo as none durft come near him; his Squaws he almoft brained in one of thofe drunken Fits.
The faid Thomas was forced to get out of his Sight into the Woods all that Night, for Fear of being mifchiefed by him; where making a Fire he kept himfelf alive : The Squaws being by Gods fpecial Providence fo inclined to Pity, that they came to him daily with ViBuals, by which Means he was at that Time alfo preferved. All which put together, makes his Deliverance the more remarkable, as an Anfwer of Prayer^
As for the  Refl of thet Pr if oners,  (which  are
faid to heffty or fxty) they were left with them
who firft furprized them at Kennibeck,  and Ship-
fcbt River: The Women are imployed it feems to
fow and make  Garments for  them; they having
pluudered much Engli/h Goods at Arowfick.    They
are fo much elevated with their late Succejfes, in
fpoyling fo many of the Engli/h Habitations, that
they feem not very ready to hearken to Tearms of
Peace,   as   their   Sagamore   Madockawando   doth
Defire: Nor are  the  Engli/h able  to come near
them with any of their Forces this Winter Seafon,
in regard both of the Remotenefs .of the Place, and
Sharpnefs of the Cold, which ufes to be extream in
219 As a Supplement or Sequel to Father, published for the firft time, the Story of Mr. Cobbet, the Reader by the Editor, in the New England is   referred to a Narrative by his    ///'/?. and Gen, Reg., vii. 216-17.
60]  with the Indians in New-England,   i 99
thofe Parts. How their Hearts may be inclined in the following Year, or what the Englijh may be enabled to do againjl them, is known unto God only, on whom we dejire to wait for a comfortable IJfue of thefe our Troubles. But until they have fpent all the Plunder that is taken, it is no doubt but they will feem averfe from having Peace, as others to the Wejlward did, whofe Hearts were hardened againjl all Proffers of that Nature, till they were dejlroyed. Poffibly fome Remnants of them that efcaped in thofe other Parts, are got hither amongft thefe, and do animate them all they can in [60] Hojlility againjl us, till they make thefe as miferable as themfelves, and fo forced at the laft to fly their Country. Many have been the Troubles we have met withal from thefe our Barbarous Neighbours round about us, but God we trujl-will deliver us out of them all, as he hath promifed to do for the Righteous, who may in the darkejl Night of Affliction fay, Light is fown for them, which fhall fpring up in the appointed Time thereof.
No farther News came to hand concerning the Englijh Prifoners at Kennibeck, after the Return of Captain Moor from Penobfcot, till the fifth of January. When one Francis Card with another young Man formerly an Inhabitant of fome Place about Kennibeck, or of Arowfick, (but then zPrifoner with the Indians) made an Efcape from the Indians, and fo got over Cafco Bay, and then to  Black Point, from thence he was con-
200      A Narrative of the troubles       [60
veighed  to Pafcataqua foon  after,  and then to Bofton.
The Manner of his Efcape, as he reports was this : He was imployed by the Indians to threfh Corn at a Barn a little lower in the River than the Place where the Indians commonly kept; being trufted alone to go and come of himfelf becaufe there was no Sufpition of any coming to carry him away, or feeming pojjibility to get away without being difcovered, he found Means to plot with another young Man, who was fent to look Horfes, whofe Flejh, it feems, is, by thofe wild Salvages, preferred before the bejl Beef; fo as having their Choice of both, they took what they liked beji: And this being the Imployment of the young Man, he had the fitter Opportunity when he was in the Woods to make any Contrivance to get away. Thus being refolved upon their Defigne, they provided Necejfaries accordingly, and fent fuch a Meflfenger Home to their Majlers, as might Occalion them not to exped: them very foon that Night: Thus refolved, they marched away, as foon as ever they perceived the Coafl was clear; and having provided a Canoo accordingly, fit for the Defigne, by the help of it they got over the Waters, by which they were to pais, which were not frozen; and in the Night-time turned into a Swampe, where they might make a Fire to keep them from Jlarving with the Cold, without being difcerned; fo as within two or three Days they recovered the Fort, and Garrifon at Black point,
61 ]   with the Indians in New-England. 201
from whence they were foon convieghed to Bof-ton.
This Francis Card made this Relation of Matters when he came to Bojlon, viz. that the Prifon-ers which he left behind were well9 and not much mifufed, only put to do the fervile Work about the Indians: Wo muft it needs be with Chrijlians, when put not only to fojourne, but to ferve in thofe Tents of Kedar. Such of the Women as were gifted 2X [61] knitting and fewing, were improved to make Stockings and Garments for their Pateroons: So as it feems the Ware Houfe at Arowfck fur-nifhed them with Cloth, Stuff, and Linnen, and the Inhabitants ferved for Artificers to cut it out, and make it up. He reported alfo that the Indians fpake nothing of any Peace, but rather being height-ned with their late and great Succeffes, were contriving how to get Poffeffion of the other Places in the Hands of the Englifh, on that Side of the Country, which God forbid Jhould ever come to pafs; but finding fo eafy Work of their former Exploits, they hope they fhall accomplifh their Purpofes with the like Facility in all other Places where they come.
It feems Squando is their chief Leader, that en-thujiajlical, or rather diabolical Mifcreant, who yet hath put on a Garbe of Religion, and orders his People to do the like ; performing religious Worjhip amongft the Indians, in his Way, yet is fuppofed to have very familiar Converfe with the Devil, that appears to him as an Angel of Light, in fome Shape or other very frequently.
2 o 2      A Narrative of the Troubles        [61
This Francis Card alfo affirmeth, that there is nothing fo great a Number of the Indians as is here reported; for he faith, when they were going out upon fome Dejigne, while he was in their Hands, he had Opportunity to count them all, and could find but ninety eight of them, that were Men :22° Neither could he difcern that there were any of the Wejlern Indians, unlefs Simon and Andrew, that formerly efcaped out of Dover Prifon: Although it was before apprehended there were Multitudes of them flocked together.
Francis Card his Declaration of their Beginning, Augujl the fourteenth.'2''2'1
The Indians came to Richard Hammonds, and there killed Richard Hammond, Samuel Smith, Jojhuah Grant, there parting their Company ; eleven Men came up Kennibeck River to my Houfe, and there took me and my Family. Therefore the Reft of their Company went to Arowflck*'1'2' and there took the Garrifon : About a Fortnight after came down Kennibeck River, and fo went down to Damaris Cove, and there burnt Houfes, and killed Cattle, there coming back parted their Company, one Party went to "Jewels Ifland, and the other Party went to Saga-de-Hock, being in  Number
220 Whenever there is found any        221 There is a Copy (perhaps the
reliable Evidence as to the aftual    Original) of Card's Declaration, in
Numbers of the Indians, in any given    the Maff[  Archives, Vol. 69.    It
Time and Place, it always makes    differs flightly from this, them far below the Statements gen-        222 Spelt Woufok'm Card's Manu-
erally circulated at the Time.             fcript.
62]  with the Indians in New-England.   203
eighty one. Thofe that went to Saga~de-Hock took a Shallop, from thence came to Kennibeck River, and then went to killing and deftroying of Cattel and Houfing, for they had Inteligence of a Ketch and a Shallop at Damaris Cove, and going there they /0fl£ ^ Shallop, and £/7W /?£w Af*#, being in Number about eighty. The next Day made [62] up their Forces, went out to Black-point, being about one hundred fighting Men, and are now in two Forts about fixty at a Place, with fix or eight Wigwams between the two Forts.
Now the beft Place to land Men is in Cafco Bay, and in Kennibeck River ; the one Place being eight Miles, the other about fourteen Miles from the Fort where I was kept : And if the Army do not go now with Speed, they will be gone forty Miles farther up in the Country. At the firit taking of me they carryed me up to Taconet, and the Men coming down they brought me and two Men more down for Fear of our killing their Women and Children; for they kept their Women and Children at Taconet all the Summer. As foon as the warm Weather doth fet in, they do intend to go away to Taconet, and there to build two Forts ; for there is their fijhing Places, and planting Ground. Squando doth inform them that God doth fpeak to him, and doth tell him that God hath left our Nation to them to deftroy, and the Indians do take it for a Truth all that he doth tell them; becaufe they have met with no Affront. Now Mugg the Rogue, he being come again to the Fort, he doth make his Brags and laughs at the
2 04    A Narrative of the Troubles         [6 2
Englifh, and faith that he hath found the Way to burn Bojion™* and doth make Laughter at your kinde 'Entertainment. They make their Brags, now they do intend to take Vejfels, and fo to go to all the Jifhing IJlands; and fo to drive all the Country before them, fo reckoning to be a great Number in the Spring. There is a great many Indians at Cannada that have not been out this Summer, both of Kennibeck and Damarajcoggin, therefore a great many of thefe Indians at Kennibeck do intend to go to Canada in the Spring to them. And they do give Gifts both of Captives and of Goods to the Eajlern Indians, to have them to go out with them ; but as yet I do not know what they will do. For Madockawando and Squando are of feveral Judgments, and fo have parted, and Madockawando doth pretend Love to the Englifh, they do ufe our Englifh Captives as civilly as we can expedt by fuch a People. That this is Truth is declared by me Francis Card^ Jan. the 22. 1676.
323 This kind of Gafconade is not        224 Francis Card is one of thofe peculiar to Indians, although it may    Individuals who appears in Hiftory be to Savages; as the Progrefs of   like the Meteor in the Atmofphere, our gigantic Rebellion, from Begin-    which no one is able to tell whence ning to End, has mown; two notable    it came 01 whither it goeth. Mr. Inflances will be remembered: the    Savage has a Surmife that his Name Threat "to unfurl the Flag of Trea-    was Carder; but fuch Surmife is fon on Faneuil Hall/' and "to call    hardly tolerable, unlefs the Name the Roll of the Planter's Slaves on    Card were unknown, which is no-Bunker Hill!" A Nipmuck Chief,    torioufly not the Cafe. Mr. Willis after his Victory at Sudbury, fent    kills our Francis Card in his Index Word to the Authorities at Bofton,    to Portland, but nowhere elfe. "To make good Chear, for he    Card is a well known Name in would dine with them on Election    Rhode Ifland, throughout its Hif-Day!"                                              tory.
63]  with the Indians in New-England. 205
By the Report which he brings it doth not appear fo difficult a Matter to make an Attempt to recover the Place, and Jeftroy them that hold it, as was before apprehended : Infomuch, as that Defign, that was under Debate before the Go-vernour and Council a little before, and was let fall for the Prefent, as a Matter not Feafible, hath fince been fet a foot with a frefh Refolution. And another thing alfo occured about the fame Time, which put new Life into the faid Defigne, viz. an Apprehenfion that there were feveral of the Narrha[6^]ganfets fcattered about in thefe Woods near Pafcataqua, who it was feared might joyne with thofe of Kennibeck in the Spring, and fo come down upon the Englifh Plantations, and fpoyle them all that are thereabouts. For foon after Francis Card coming to Bofion, fome of Major Waldrens Indians at Quechecho, as they were hunting in the Woods chanced to meet with three ftrange Indians, the which had Guns, at leaft two of them ; but thofe of ^uechecbo were without. The other Indians began to infinuate into them, to fee if they could make Way for their Acceptance with the Englifh : Thofe Indians that this Motion was made unto, in a moft perfidious Manner gave them Encouragement in the Bufinefs, and appointed a Place where to meet them the next Day; faying, they would not have them now go Home with them to their Wigwams, leaft their Women and Children fhould be frighted with the Sight of their Guns. All Aa2
206      A Narrative of the Troubles       [63
which was fpoken upon a treacherous Account, by that Means to betray them; for they had neither Women nor Children at their Wigwams ; but not having Guns themfelves, as the others had, they durft not then feize upon them. The next Day therefore according to Appointment, their Guefts expecting a Treaty and a friendly Com-plyance, (yet coming apart, as was ordered the Day before to be the more eafily furprifed) arrived at the Place appointed; and there prefently, the firft being thus treacheroufly brought into the Snare, was difpatched out of Hand. The like was alfo done to the fecond ; the third was not at fuch a Diftance, but he either difcerned or fufpe<5ted, what became of his Fellows, and therefore made the more hafte to efcape but his deceitful Friends were too quick for him, who fhot him down before he could get out of their Reach : So as they took him alive, as is faid : but he could not live much longer by Reafon of his Wounds : Thefe Quechecho Indians cut off the Scalps of their poor Countrymen, (which is their ufual Manner, when it is too far to carry the Heads,) which being brought to Major Waldems Indians, they were prefently difcerned to be Narrhaganfets by the cut of their Hair. This Inftance is a fufficient Evidence of the Subtilty, Guile, and Falfhood natural to all thefe Indians; and may fatisfie any rational Per-fon, what little Truft there is to be put in their Words, Promifes or Engagements, though never fo  folemnly made, farther  than they that make
64]  with the Indians in New-England.  207
them fee Advantage in the keeping and performing. Subtilety, Malice, and Revenge, feems to be as infeperable from them, as if it were Part of their Effence.
Whatever Hopes may be of their Converfion to Chrijlianity in after Time, there is but little Appearance of any Truth in their Hearts at pre-fent, where fo much of the Contrary is fo ordinarily breathed out of their Mouths.
[64] Thefe were the Manners of the Gentiles in former Times, while they remained Children of Difobedience, until they were renewed after another Image : nor are thefe uncapable Subjects for Divine Grace to work upon, yet are there fome natural Vices proper to every Nation in the World, as Paul fpeaks of the Grecians, from the Teftimony of one of their own Poets: Kprjteg ael
But to return ; thefe things fo concurring, and feveral Gentlemen from about Pafcat aqua re-payring to Bofon, fo reprefented the State of Things Eaftward before the Governour and Council, as that it was apprehended not only Neceflary, but Feafible alfo to fupprefs the fore-faid Indians in thofe Parts : Whereupon it was forthwith concluded that an Expedition fhould be made againft them. To which End two hundred Souldiers, whereof about fixty were of the Natick Indians, that have given good Proof of their Valour, and Faithfulnefs to the Englifh ; all which were   immediately difpatched away, the
208      A Narrative of the Troubles       [64
firft Week in February by Water, under the Conduit of Major Waldern as Commander in Chief; a Perfon well approved for his Activity, as well as Fidelity and Courage in Concernments of that Nature: They had to encounter with rough and contrary Winds, and much Cold Weather the firft Week after their fetting forth: But having fo much Experience of the Favour and Goodnefs of the Almighty, who is wont always to be prefent with his Servants in like Cafes, though he has often for a Time deferred for the Tryal of their Faith, and Exercife of their Patience : yet ufeth not to fail his People, that put their Truft in him, and diligently feek his Face. A folemn Time being appointed for that End; to the which we expedt a comfortable Anfwer: We that have fent forth our Friends on the publick Service, being thus engaged to follow them with Prayers, at the Prefent in Silence wait upon the Lord of Hofts to give a Bleffing to the Defigne; hoping our Friends in this -neceffary, though difficult Service, thus called forth, have gone out with the like Encouragement, and Refolution, that fometimes Joab did: Let us be of good Courage-, and play the Men for our People', and for the Caufe of our God; and let the Lord do that which feemeth him good.
Upon the eleventh of February two Indian Squaws, that had run away from Major Walderns in the Beginning of Winter^ out of Difcontent, becaufe the Hufband of one of them, and fome
65]  with the Indians in New-England. 209
of the Relations of the other were fent away, came back again with more Wit, than they carried with them, though with lefs Flefh upon their Backs; for having wandred up towards Pigwachet, till they were almoft ftarved there, they fay, fome Indians were feen by them, pretending they were going to the Head [65] of ConneSlicut River, with hoftile Intents againft the Englifh : but they going away as they did, little Heed is given to the Storyes they tell upon their Return.
February the nineteenth following, John Abbot™* the Matter of Mr. Fryers Ketch taken October the twelvth, before at Black Point, came in to the Ifleof Shoales, having made a defperate Adventure to efcape; he gave a more probable Account of Things in thofe Parts.
He faith, they were firft carryed to Sbipfcot River, where the VeiTel in which they were taken, was moored for all the Winter: In which Time the Indians having fpent all their Amunition, and moil of their Provifion, counted it high Time now to be looking out for more : to which End, they caufed the faid Abbot to fit up the VeiTel (being a Pinnace of about thirty Tun) as well as he could, with fuch  Affiftance as they could af-
225 Tnis Abbot does not feem to    then accepted into  the Town, and
have  been   known  to  any of  the    to   enjoy its   Privileges. • He   was
Genealogifts.      He   may   be   the    afterwards   " chofen  Clerk of the
fame whom Folfom  met with   at    Town and to  keep the Town Re-
Saco, "At a Town-meeting, June    cords."    Like Francis  Card he   is
12,   1680."    A  John  Abbot was    of the meteoric Clafs of Heroes.
21 o      A Narrative of the Troubles       [65
ford him ; and ten of them fhipped themfelvesdn the fame, intending for Penobfcot; from thence to fayl up that River as far as they could, and then leaving their VeiTel to proceed on with their Canooes, as high up the River as the Stream would permit, and fo to pafs on to Cannada to buy Powder of the French there ; it being at this Time two and thirty (hillings a Pound amongft the Indians at Kennibeck. But as Providence ordered it, after thefe Marriners were launched into the Deep, a fmall Storm with contrary Wind began to arife ; of which the Englifh Skipper found Wayes in his fleering to make the Danger feem more than really it was, infomuch that they refolved to put in at Cape-bona-waggon?^ three Leagues to the Eaftward of Sbipfcot, where eight of them went a Shore, leaving two Indians aboard with the Englifh Skipper: After he had got fo well rid of them, he contrived how to get fhut of the other alfo: Therefore he perfwaded them, that the VefTel would not ride fafely in that Place, fo as he prevailed with them to let him go to another Harbour, called Damaris Cove, two or three Leagues more Eaftward : In the Way as he fayled, he fo ordered his fleering, that fome-times the Waves were   ready   to   overtake the
226 Doubtlefs the fame, called on    that  they notice   this    prominent
a Map of 1774, Nawiggon, and on    Headland.    The former is without
the Maps of the Coaft Survey, Ne-    any Index, and the latter has a very
waggen.    Both Sullivan and Wil-    poor and defective one;   by which
liamfon  pretend  to    defcribe  the    one is never fure that what he looks
Coaft of Maine, but I do not find    for is not in the Work.
66]  with the Indians in New-England.  211
Veffel, which put his two Indians into a Fright, fo as they made all the haft they could to get a Shore, as foon as ever they came within the Harbour, urging him to go along with them ; but he pretended a neceffary excufe to ftay behind to look after the Veftel but with Intent, as foon as ever he fhould fee them a Shore to hoyfe fayl for fome English Harbour, having no Body Aboard with him, but a fmall Englith Child about three Years old: It feems the Indians had a Child or two of their own dead in the Veflel, who dying after they began their Voyage, they were the forwarder to go a Shore with them, for Buryal: the faid Abbot now perceiving he had obtained his Purpofe; (for he oft refolved [66] on this Project before) firft tallowing the Mail with a Piece of fat Pork left by the Indians, as high as he could reach; that he with his own Hands might the more eafily hoyfe the Sayl, fo chooiing rather to caft himfelf upon the Providence of God in the Waters, than to truft himfelf any longer with perfidious Salvages on the dry Land; he came fafe to IJle of Shoals before the Evening of the next Day, February the nineteenth.
Within a few Days after, John Abbot, aforefaid made his Efcape in the Veflel, there came an Exprefs from Major Waldern that Commander in Chief over our Forces fent to Kennibeck to fubdue the Indians in thofe Parts, and deliver the Eng-lifh Captives that have been detained in their Hands, fince Auguft laft, which giveth this Account of their proceeding.
212       A Narrative of the Troubles      [66
February the feventeenth, this Morning the Wind North Eajl, foon after South, and South Weft, we fet fayl with our Vejfels from Black Point for Portland™1 but on the Eafifide of Cape Elizabeth, we efpyed John Pain,™* (who was fent out a Scout) who brought Word the Way was clear of Ice, and Indians, whereupon we fteared for Mary Point at the Head of Cafco Bay, and got there this Night, but too late to get to the Fort before Morning.
February the eighteenth, we fent this Morning our Scouts out by Land, who returned about eight of the Clock, brought Word they efpyed the TraSls of three Indians, and found a Birch Canoo at Muckquet7-^ ahoutfour Miles off, by which we feared we were difcovered, the Companyes about four a Clock were drawn forth, and juft beginning their March, when we efpyed five Canoos of the
227 This is the earlieft  Mention    have  had fome fignificance in the
that I remember to have feen of the-   Center of the Ifle of Wight, but we
Place being called Portland.    It was    can fee none in a maritime Port in
not incorporated by that Name till    Cafco Bay.
after the Revolution (1786). It 228 A John Payne fome Time was for a long Time known as Cafco;    before this* kept " Capt. Walden's at length Falmouth fully obtained.    Houfe at Penecock/' and was fum-When it was to be incorporated    moned before the General Court, there were, as ufual on fuch Subjects,    with feveral Wamefit Indians re-various Expreffions of Opinion as to    fpecliing the Murder of one Thomas an appropriate Name; but that of    Dickinfon, in the Year 1668. Ori-Portland was finally adopted; en-    ginal MS. Documents. The John tirely, I believe, becaufe fomebody    Pain of Waldern's Expedition is liked the Sound of it. By limilar    probably the fame, whimfical Fancies our Maps are dif- 229 Maquoit, Called now Ma^ figured from one End of the Coun-    quait. It is about two Miles below try to the  other.    Port Land may    Brunfwick.
67]  with the Indians in New-Englana. 213
Enemy about half a Mile off, they landed over againft us on an IJland, and holloed to us, whereby we perceived they delired a Treaty, hoping to gain the Captives; we fent John Pain to them, they promifed him to bring the Captives by Morning, and defired Peace. After this John Pain was fent again, and ftayed among the Indians in the Room of Simon, who came to the Major. He was queftioned, and anfwered as fol-loweth.
^uejl. How came you to know we were here ?
Anfw. We continually keep out our Scouts, and Yefterday our Indians left a Canoo at Muck-quitt which this Day we miffed, and perceived the Englifli had taken it, and our Men that left the Canoo, efpyed you a great Way off at Portland.
Quejl. Why did you break your Covenant with me.
Anf. Blind Will ftirred us up to the War here, and faid, he would kill you at Quecbecho. Simon having faid this, afkt the Major what his Bufinefs was here ? to whom it was anfwered, we came to fetch off the Captives and make War as we fee good, Simon alfo told us that the [67] Captives were all well, that we fhould have them by Morning, that Squando was there, and would give the Captives to Major Waldern : that they intended Peace, and had fent to Bojlon before now, but that Mugg told them the Englifh would be here fhortly.
Bb2
2 14     ^1 Narrative of the Troubles         [67
The Major upon this difmiffed Simon, and fent for Squando, to which Squando anfwered, he would meet him Half-way if he would come alone in a Birch Canoo. To this the Major anfwered, he would not venture himfelf in your Leakie Canoo, and that if he had no more to fay, the Treaty was ended.230 To this Squando anfwered, he would be with us again at ten a Clock and bring the Captives.
On the nineteenth, Wind North Eaft, the Weather thick, about Noon we difcovered a Party of Indians in fourteen Canoos about three Mile above us in the Bay. They landed on a Point of Land and burnt one Englifh Houfe, and fhouted to fome of our Men that were Scouts, challenging them to fight: Immediately on the Return of our Scouts we marched againfl them as fecretly as we could: Upon Sight of us they fled; but Captain Froji^1 came upon them with his whole Body before they were half out of Gun Shot. In this Skirm-ifh, we judged we killed and wounded feveral of them without any Damage, yet fome of their Bullets hit fome of our Men. For the Captives Sake immediately after this, we hung out a Flag of Truce, and the Enemy did the like: John Pain was  fent  to them  to demand  the  Reafon
230 The Major was a very unfuit-    to conciliate an Enemy goaded by
able Agent to manage Matters with    continued Affronts and Abufes. the Indians at this critical Period, if
I have been able fairly to eftimate        231 Capt. Charles Froft of Stur-
his   character.    Arrogance   and   a    geon Creek, Kittery.  See Note 153,
haughty Deportment were not likely    ante.
68]  with the Indians in New-England. 215
why they fired the Houfe, and brake their Pro-mife.
Simon met him Half-way, and anfwered, the Houfe was fired accidentally without Order from Squando; that they had fent for the Captives who were a great Way off, and the Foul-weather hindred their coming : He queftioned John Pain alfo why he fought them while we were in Treaty.
Pain anfwered they brake it themfelves in not performing their Promife, challenging our Soul-diers to fight; this latter Simon denyed, and anfwered the other as before : Simon told him they had two Men wounded, and expected Satisfaction, but alfo promifed the Captives the next Day, and fo left us.
On the twentieth, the Wind North Eaft, and Snow, it was refolved to fayl for Kennibeck the firft fair Wind, whether we had immediately gone, upon our Knowledge, that we were dif-covered by the Enemy, but that the Winds and Weather hindred us hitherto.
February the twenty firjl\ this Morning the Wind North Weft, we fet fayl for Kennibeck, and arrived at the Harbours Mouth at four a Clock: About Sun fet we fet fayl up the River, and got to the lower End of Arowjick.
[68] Twenty feeond, we fet fayl this Morning, but could not get to the Head of the River for Ice, whereupon we landed our Soldiers about two a Clock, about twelve Miles off AboundeJJit
216       A Narrative of the Troubles      [68
Fortf*7, and immediately began our March, about eight a Clock at Night came to the Fort, we found no Indians, there we took uy our Quarters this Night.
Twenty third we fent our Scouts to difcover the March of the Enemy, but found fo many Trails every Way, that we knew not what Way to follow them. At a Council of War it was refolved that Major Waldern ihould fayl for Penobfcot, with two of the Ketches, and Part of the Souldiers to feek after the Captives, and fight the Enemy if he had Opportunity, the Reft to build a Garrifon. In the Abfence of our Forces the Veffels efpyed feveral Fires below the River, and one Englifh Houfe was burnt, about Sun fet, the Souldiers returned to the Veffels*
Twenty fourth this Morning the Major with two Boats and a Shallop went to fpy out a Place to fettle a Garrifon, and found one againft the lower End of Arowfck Ijland, and the Veflels are brought to it.
Twenty fifth, We refted here this Sabbath.
John Bakers'1^ Houfe oppofite to the lower End of Arowfck, being judged the moft convenient Place for their Purpofe, as well for the Convenience of Water for the Souldiers, as of a Cove wherein   Ships   might  ride,   within   Command
232 dbbigadaffit, as fince written.    Land " in the new Townfhip at the A River fo named from a Chief   Head of Berwick" for Chrijiian who refided upon it. See Book of   Baker, This Chrijiian Baker is the Indians, 285.                               doubtlefs the Chrijfina Baker of the
233 in 1734, the Hon. William    New England Hiftorical and Gene-Pepperrell had in truft 500 Acres of   alogical Regifter, Vol. ii, p. 283-4.
69]  with the Indians in New-England.   217
thereof, their VelTels therefore were immediately anchored there, where they refted on the Lords Day, February the twenty fifth.
The next Day according to the Advice of the Commanders, Major Waldern embarqued fixty Men in two VelTels, with which he fet fayl immediately for Penobfcot, leaving the Reft to be imployed in making Preparation for fetling a Garrifon in the faid Place.
In their Way, off from Gy-obfcot Point, they efpyed two Indians in a Canoo, that waved their Caps, as if they defired Speech with them. John Pain and Wat. Ghendal were prefently fent; they gave them Intelligence that many Indians were at Pemmaquid with Englifh Captives, upon which they bent their Courfe thither, where arriving they anchored at four a Clock, the fame Day. Soon after two Indians hollowed to them from Mr. Gardners Fort.z^ John Pain was fent a Shore to enquire who they were, and what was become of the Captives : Sundry forts of Indians were found upon the Place, with feveral Sagamores, the chief of whom, was Mattahando, who told he was glad to fee Englifh Men there, and that he defired Peace, and promifed to deliver fuch Captives as were at Penobfcot then, the next Morning; adding alfo, that he defired to fpeak with Captain Davis. After John Pain  returned to  the [69] Major,  he was
234 Probably Mr. Thomas Gardi* diner refided at Pemaquid, and was tier's. He was of the Rhode Ifland a Man of fome Note. See William-Gardiners. Before the War Mr. Gar-    fon, Hijiory of Maine> i, 421, 443.
218      A Narrative of the Troubles        [69
fent back with the faid Davis, and ftaid a Shore, till three Sagamores went aboard, and fignified as much to Major Walder n, as they had faid before to "John Pain. While they were in Difcourfe, an Englifh Captive was efpyed in a Canoo with his Pateroon, with whom they defired to fpeak, but it was not granted at that Time, he being carryed farther up the River out of Sight.
Soon after the Major went a Shore with fix Men, yet carrying no Armes with them. He found their Words fmoother than Oyl, yet were there drawn Swords in their Hearts, of which fome of their Actions, gave no fmall Ground of Sufpi-tion : for they deferred all till the next Morning; nor were they willing to let the Man that was efpyed before in the Canoo come aboard to fee his Friends without leaving an Hoftage in his Room, of which the Major was very glad, that he might have an Opportunity of a little Difcourfe with one whom they might truft. When they returned from the Shore, a Sign was promifed to be given for the Appearance of the Indians by the firing of three Guns. The next Morning, February the twenty /eventh, the Major with the fame Number as before, went to Treat with them : They with John Pain having firft hollowed to them, upon their coming afhore their Perfons were fearched on both Sides and all Arms laid afide. The whole forenoon was fpent in a Treaty, whereat they feemed much to re-joy ce in Expectation of a Peace with the Englifh;
69]    with the Indians in JVew-England. 219
yet when Major Waldern defired a prefent Delivery of the Captives, with Affiftance of Men and Canoos to fight the Monofcoggin Indians, Enemies to them both, it was denyed, though they could not have had a fitter Teftimony of their Fidelity.
They alleaged that the Captives were given them by Kennibeck Indians, and they muffc have fomething for keeping them all Winter, and therefore were not willing to let them go without Ranfome. And for their Canoos, they faid they had them in prefent Service, being then bound for Penobfcot. The Price demanded, viz. twelve Skins a Perfon, was yeelded to; upon which they prefently delivered William Chad-burn^ "John Whinnick^ and John Worwood^1 which were all that they would own, or could be proved they had.
That Part of the Pay, which was to be in Liquor, was prefently laid down, the Reft was promifed   to  be   fent   in   the   Afternoon.    The
235 Doubtlefs a Connection, and perhaps a Member of the Family of Humphrey Chadbourne of Ne-wichawannock (South Berwick). When or how he became a Captive does not appear. There has been from the firft Emigration in 1631, always a Humphrey Chadbourne, to this Day. When James Sullivan was writing his Hiftory of Maine, the Hon. Benj. Chadbourne was in PofTeffion of the Eftate purchafed by his Great-grandfather (?) of the Indian Sagamore Rowles, in 1643;
(not of Mr. Knowles as Sullivan has it), that he was then (1793) 75 years old; alfo that he could remember when there was not a Houfe between his own and Canada.
230 This Name is probably TVin-nock. Jofeph Winnock was a Reii-dent of Scarborough before 1675. See Colls. Me. Hijl Soc, iii, 83.
•237 The Name Worwood is of rare Occurrence in our Hiftorical Materials. Farmer found a Richard Worwood of Charleftown, 1644. Savage places him in Cambridge.
2 2 o     A Narrative of the Troubles       [7 o
Commanders debated what was farther to be done, one or two of the old Sagamores, (who were believed) feemed fincere about the Peace, prof-fefed that none of them had any Hand in the War, but only fome of their young Men, whom they could not Rule: But feveral of the Company affirming they faw fome of the faid Indians at Cafco engaged in Hoftility [70] againft the Engliih, it was refolved not to enter into any League of Peace with them, but rather to fight them, or furprize them after they had difpatched the Bufinefs about the Captives.238
This being determined, the Major with five of his Men went a fhore, with Part of the Ranfome, the better to beget a Confidence in them; and then prefently to return aboard, and fit his Men for farther Service. But if he had not wifely provided againft all Exigencies afore hand, he might have been prevented from ever going aboard more; for ftepping afide a Rod or two from the Place, for better Circumfpedtion, he efpyed the Point of a Lance from under a Board, hid there, as were other Arms near by for a treacherous Defigne that was in their Mindes, foon after, upon the receiving the Reft of the Pay, to have been put in Execution. Whereupon Major Waldern took up the Lance, and came towards them, charging them with Falfehood and Treachery,
238 The Identification of partial-    Part of the Englifh during this Ex-Jar Indians under fuchCircumflances    pedition, the Indians could expert may well be cjiieftioned. From the    nothing but a fteady Purpofe to de-whole Cdurfe of Proceeding on the    cejve and circumvent them,
70]   with the Indians in New-England. 221
for hiding Weapons juft by, wherewith to deftroy them as foon as they had delivered the Goods : The Indians difcovered their Guiltinefs by their Countenances, fome of them making towards him, thinking to get the faid Weapon out of his Hands; but he bid them ftand off, threatning to kill every one that offered to touch him. And immediately waved his Cap over his Head, (which was the Defigne agreed upon, for the Souldiers to come all a fhore, in Cafe of need) upon which token the Souldiers all hafted away. In the mean while the Englifh that went afhore to wait upon the Major, were forced to beftir them, both to fecure the Goods from being carryed away, arid to defend Major Waldern: Some of the Squaws with others of the Enemy ran away, one of them catched up a Bundle of Guns that were hid near by, and ran away with them. Captain Frofi feized an Indian called Megunaway, a notorious Rogue, (that had been in Arms at Connecticut laft June, at the Falls 9 and faw the brave and refolute Captain 'Turner when he was flain about Green River; and helped to kill Thomas Bracket at Cafco, Auguft laft.) And with the Help of Lieutenant Nutter**? according to the Majors Order carryed him aboard, while himfelf fearch-ing about farther found three Guns hid in a Cow-houfe juft at hand, wherewith he armed the other three Men that were with him : By this Time fome of the Souldiers were got afhore,  and in-
239 Perhaps Anthony, fon of Hatevil Nutter, of Dover. CC2
222      A Narrative of the Troubles       [71
ftantly according to their Majors Command pur-fued the Enemy towards their Canoos. In the Chafe, feveral of the Enemies were flain, whofe Bodies they found at their Return, to the Number of feven, amongft whom was Matthando the Sagamore, with an old Powaw, to whom the Devil had revealed, as fometimes he did to Saul, that on the fame Day he fhould be with him : for he had a little before told the Indians, that within two Days, the [71] Englifh would come and kill them all, which was at the very fame Time verified upon himfelf: The Body of our Men overtook them before they all recoVered their Canoos, fo as without doubt, divers others of them were flain likewife: for they funk a Canoo, wherein were five drowned before their Eyes; and many others were not able to paddle : four they took Prifoners, whom they brought away with them. There being about five and twenty of the Indians prefent at the Encounter.
Much more Damage might have been done by our Men upon the Enemy, if they had known the ready Way to their Canoos; but the Indians having prepared all Things ready for Fight, in Cafe, as well as for Flight, the more eafily made their Efcape. One of the Captives taken was Madockawando1 s Sifter, who was entertained very courteoufly by the Commander in Chief, and had been carried forthwith to her Brother, in Hope by her Means to have gained the better Tearms for our remaining Englifh Captives, but it was
71 ]  with the Indians in New-England.  223
certainly known that he was gone from Home upon an Hunting Defigne, and not to return in two Months.
The Englifh took much Plunder from the Indians, about a thoufand Weight of dried Beef, with other Things. Megunnaway was Shot to Death, the fame Day or the next, fo as Juftice is by Degrees purfuing thofe perfidious Villains, and one after another they are brought under the the Wheel of Definition. Simon that Arch Traytor, feems as is faid by his confumptive Looks, to have received the Sentence of Death, which may bring him into the fame Place or State with the Reft.
Feb. 2%th. they fet fayle for Ship/cot, but the Wind failing, they were put in at Kennibeck, from whence Captain Fijk2*0 with forty Men were fent to the faid Place to feek after Plunder, where they found between thirty and forty Bufhels of good Wheat, which they brought away with them, feveral other Things they lighted upon here and there, fome of which were brought away ; as one or two great Guns, and fome Anchors from Saga-de-Hock> Boards from Arowjick, where they found an hundred thoufand Foot, of which they brought Home enough for the Lad-
240 There   were   two   Captain    conjefture   that   he   was the Capt.
Fifkes living in thefe Times; Phin-    Fifke of this Expedition.    If fo, or
ehas and Thomas, both of Wenham.    if either were he, the Author of that
From what is faid about the Promi-    Work (Dr. M. O. Allen) did not
nence of Capt. Thomas Fijke in the    difcover it. Hijiory of Wenham, we are led to
224      A Narrative of the Troubles        [ J 2
ing of their Veflels, leaving the Reft to be tranf« ported in a more convenient Seafon.
While our Souldiers were upon Arowfick, two of the Enemy chancing to come upon the Place, one of them prefently received his Reward, the other received his in Part, which yet is fuppofed to amount to-the Whole. The Canoo wherein he feemed to efcape, being found the next Day all bloody and fplit afunder.
March the firfi, one of the Indian Squaws, a Captive, was fent to Jaconet Fort, with a Meffage to the Sagamores to Treat for the Reft of the [72] Captives: Five Days were given her for her Return, which were not expired, when Major Waldern, with moft of the Souldiers were called to return Home towards Bojion, where they arrived March the eleventh, 1676. jy. having firft put in at Port/mouth; bringing along with them the Bones, rather the Body of Captain Lake, pre-ferved entire and whole and free from Putrefaction by the Coldnefs of the long Winter, fo as it was when found by the Difcretion of one that was near him when he was flain, eafily difcerned to be his, by fuch as had known him before.241
It is hoped by thofe that returned, the E^nemies are by this Encounter of the Engliih fo fcattered and broken, that they will not be able to rally again fuddenly, or make any after Attempt, if the prefent Advantage be ferioufly purfued. And thus have our Enemies themfelves many of them
241SeePage 165, Note 190, *»/*.
72]  with the Indians in New-England.  225
fallen into the Pit which they have been digging for others.
This. Day alfo Letters were received from Major Pinchon of Springfield, but without mention of any Appearance of Enemies in that Quarter, whereby we are encouraged to believe, that they have ftumbled and fallen down backward, fo as they fhall never rife any more to make farther Disturbance. That which crowned the prefent Service was the performing it without Lofs of Blood ; they all returning Home in Safety, not any one being miffed. Let them accordingly remember to pay a fuitable Tribute of Thankful-nefs to him under whofe Banner they went forth, and returned in Safety; and fay with Mofes the Servant of the Lord, JEHOVAH NISSI.
226      A Narrative of the Troubles
A further Continuation of the Narrative of the Troubles with the Indians in New England, from April 1677 to "June 1680.242 [Pages 629 to 639 of the printed Work,]
An Attempt was made againft our Indian Enemies, by way of a Diverfion, in the Spring of the laft Year, 1677, by treating with the Mohawks or Mawques Indians, partly to fecure them to be our Friends, as hitherto they had been, and partly to fee if they could not be induced to profecute their inbred antipathy againft our Indian Enemies, with whom they have had a long and deadly Feud heretofore. Something was done that way by the Help and Advice of Major Andros, the Governor of New York ;24^ and probably the Fear thereof was the only thing that awed the Indians about Pemaquid into a ftridler Correfpondency and
242 This Part of the Hiflory was    Addition to the original Work, written after the preceding was pub-        243 Mr. Andros became Governor
lifhed, and not printed till long after    of New  England   in   1686.    His
the Author's Death.    It forms one    Adminiftration   was  any thing but
Chapter of his Hiftory of New Eng-    agreeable to the Country, and isfuf-
land, namely, Chapter Sixty-four,    ficiently  animadverted  upon in all
It gives a Completenefs to the Hif-    our Hiftories.    To thofe who de-
tory of the INDIAN WAR of this    lire a  nearer View than is to  be
Period,  and could not, with Pro-    obtained from the General Works
priety be omitted in a new and com-    may   confult A  Narrative of the
plete Edition of this Hiftory.    To    Mij'eries of New England\   1689;
omit it would indeed be an A6l of    New England Juftified, printed in
Injuftice to the Author.    This Note    1691;   The   Deplorable   State  of
therefore is made as an Explanation,    New England,   1708,  and   divers
and   not as   an  Apology   for this    other Tracts of that Period.
with the Indians in New-England.  227
more ready Compliance with the Englifh ; but the Truth of this will be judged by the Event hereafter.
A long, troublefome, and hazardous Journey was undertaken by the Hon. Major Pinchon, of Springfield, and Mr. Richards of Hartford, in behalf of thofe two Colonies : they were followed with as much Succefs as they could expeft. The Mawque Indians made a great (hew of cordial Friendship to the Englifh, and bitter Enmity againft the Indians that have rifen againft them, making large Promifes of purfuing their Quarrel againft them to the uttermoft in their Power; but Diftance of the Place, and Difficulty of the Journey, hath prevented any great Matter of Effe<5t in that kind, as was expe&ed.
For though fome armed themfelves and came down within the Territories of thofe Indians that have of late fo much infefted the Englifh Plantations, yet the Diftance between their own Place and that of the other Indians was fo great, that they did little Execution upon their own and our Enemies.244    The moft good it is hoped they did,
244 There is a Letter of James Parker, dated " From Mr. Hinch* mans Far me tier Meremack, 23:1 mo : 1676-7," direcled to the " Honored Govner and Council at Bof-town," faying Wonalanfet had juft informed him that his Son and Daughter being hunting up the River Merrimack, over againft Souhegan, upon the 22d of this Inflant, dif-covered 15 " Indens which he fo-pofed to be Mohokes by their Speech.
They fhot about 30 Guns at him," though he received no Harm. See Colls. N. H. Hift. Society, iii, 100. It appears that Major Pynchon had been employed to engage the Mohawks to come againft the New England Indians; that in May of this Year, 1677, his Expenfes in that Service amounted to £128. Twelve Men attended him, to whom he was to pay £30. Gen. Court Records, v, 138.
228      A Narrative of the Troubles
was by the Rumor of their coming down upon the Backs of our Enemies ; it being known to be their natural Temper to be very fearful of any Evil while it is far off, and very ftupid and block-ifh whenever it actually falls upon them.
Some of the Country were not well fatisfied in the Defign, as queftioning the Lawfulnefs of making Ufe of their Help, as they were Heathen ; but the General Court and the moft confiderate of the Country, apprehended it lawful to make ufe of any Advantage Providence put into their Hands, whereby to weaken or abate the Force and Power of their Enemies,
Abraham entered into a Confederacy with the Amor it es, among whom he fojourned, and made ufe of their Afliftance to aflift him in the vindicating of the Quarrel of his Kinfman, Lot% and recovering of him and his Family out of the Hands of the common Enemy of them all. That which was now done by the General Court of the Majfacbufetts was no other. And this further Benefit did redound to them thereby, that Blind Will, a Sagamore at Pafcataqua^ that was a fecret Enemy of the Englifh, and one [that] contrived much of the Mifchief that was done by the Indians of thofe Parts againft the Englifh, was killed by thofe Mohawks or Mawques9 as they ranged through thofe Woods in the Beginning of the Year 1677, which the Englifh much rejoiced in, although they knew not well how to put him to Death themfelves, becaufe he pretended a kind of Friendfhip to*
with the Indians in New-England.   229
wards them, without provoking the other Indians, his Neighbors, againft whom they had no fuch Caufe of Exception.
But to return to the other Part of the Narrative, concerning the further Mifchief ad:ed by the Indians Eaftward againft the Englifh in thofe Parts.
It was hoped in the Beginning of that Year, 1677, that the Warfare of New England had been accomplished ; but it appeared by the Sequel that the Storm was not yet over, nor were they as yet called to put on Beauty for Afhes, or the Garments of Praife for Heavinefs. For early in the Spring that Year, the Country was alarmed by the uncomfortable News of the Slaughter of nine of the Garrifon left before Winter at Kennebeck, who, going fecurely to Arowjick IJland to inter fome of the Englifh that were left unburied before Winter, and not having feen an Indian ftir for many Weeks together, were apprehenfive of no Danger till they fell into the fame; for as they went to perform the funeral Obfequies to their Chriftian Friends, they were fuddenly fur-prifed by a number of Indians that intercepted them before they could recover their Boat, and fo all cut off but three or four that hardly efcaped by fome other Way than they came; which doleful Accident put the Governor and Council upon a Refolution to fetch off the Reft of the Garrifon, not accounting it worth the while to run fo much  Hazard  to fecure it; fo that poor
Dd2
230     A Narrative of the Troubles
Remnant returning back, arrived at Bojion with Captain Hunting, who was fent for them, April the 19th, 1677.
The Soldiers being thus drawn off from the Garrifon, more Mifchief was done by the barbarous Enemy in fcattering Parties down lower towards Pafcataqua, for April 6th three were killed at the Town of Wells, and April the 12th two more, the one named John Weld, the other Benjamin Storer.
About the fame Time a Man and a Boy were fowling in the Marfhes, and fuddenly the Boy efpyed {even Indians * coming near them, while the Man was mending his Flint; but at the Notice, fuddenly rifing, he prefently feared them away by holding out his Gun and faying, " you Rogues, I have been looking for you."
About April the 7th fix or feven Men were flain by the Indians near York, while they were at work two Miles from the Town, whereof one was the Son of Lieutenant Smith, of Winnifimet, near Bojion, a very hopeful young Man, who went in his Brother's Room, yet his Brother's Turn is to come foon after. April the 14th Simon and Andrew, the two Brethren in Iniquity, with a few more, adventured to come over Pafcataqua River on Port/mouth Side, when they burnt one Houfe,245 within four or five Miles of the Town, and took a Maid and a young Woman captive; one of them had a young Child in  her Arms,
245 The Houfe of Edward Weymouth at Sturgeon Creek,
with the Indians in New-England.   231
with which not willing to be troubled they gave leave to her that held it to leave it with an old Woman, whom the Indian Simon fpared becaufe he faid fhe had been kind to his Grandmother ; yet one of the two Captives efcaped from their Hands two Days after, as did the other April 22d, who giving notice of the Indians, (being not fo narrowly looked to as they ufed to do others,) thirty Soldiers were fent in that Purfuit into three Places, by one of which the Indians that had done the Mifchief were to pafs, but difcovering the Englifh at a Diftance they efcaped away through the Woods.
Soon after three more were flain in thofe Woods near Portfmouth, whereof one was riding to give Notice of the Danger to others in the Outparts of the Town, which himfelf it feems could not efcape. Two of the Men flain were very much lamented, being fober, active young Men; but the Sword, when it hath its Commif-fion, will devour one as well as another.
April 29 an Indian difcovered himfelf near Wells, on purpofe, as was judged, to draw out the Englifh into a Snare. Lieutenant Swett, that commanded the Garrifon at that Time left for fecuring the Town, fent out eleven of the Soldiers under his Command to lie in wait in fome convenient Place; but as they pafled along they fell into an Ambufh of the Indians, who fhot down two of them and mortally wound a third. The Lieutenant hearing the Guns, fent with all
232     A Narrative of the 'Troubles
Speed upon the Enemy, and fhot down five or fix of them; but was prevented of doing any con-fiderable Spoil upon them by the Folly of an Irishman that was in his Company, who gave the Notice of the Lieutenant's Approach, by calling out aloud, "here they be, here they be;" for upon that Alarum they prefently ran all away out of Sight, and too fall to be puriued.
May 16 another Party of the Enemy refolved to try their Valor once again upon the Garrifon at Black Point, not doubting  but to carry the Place with a bold Onfet, which they made with much Refolution and Courage, for they aflaulted the Garrifon three Days together, in which Space of Time they killed three of the Englifh and took one Prifoner,  whom, as is faid, they miferably tormented.    The  Garrifon,  on the other Hand, as ftoutly defended themfelves, by the  Courage and Valor of Lieutenant Tippin, that commanded them, and at laft made a fuccefsful Shot upon an Indian, that was obferved to be very bufy and bold in the AfTault, whom at that Time they deemed to be Simon, the arch Villain and Incendiary of all the  Eaftward Indians, but proved to be one almoft as good as himfelf, who was called Mogg9 that had been an Author of much Mifchief the Year   before.     The   Slaughter   of   him   much damped the Courage of all his Companions, fo as they foon after quitted the Siege, flying away in eleven Canoes towards the Eaftward;   yet  five paddled their Canoes down towards Tork, where
with the Indians in New-England.   233
they killed fix of the Englifh and took one Captive, May 19 following; and May 23, four Days after, one was killed at Wells, and one taken by them betwixt York and Wells; amongft whom was the eldeft Son of Lieutenant Smith foremen-tioned : his younger Brother was flain in the fame Town not long before; fo as their Father might well mourn as Ephraim did of old, for the Evil that befel his Houfe, the Memorial of which was fignalized by the name Beriah, in Remembrance thereof, given his next fucceeding Child.
May 28 fix Indians that were of the Englifh Side, having drunk too much ftrong Liquor, [it] made them fottifh and alfo carelefs of their Lives, fo as that next Morning they were taken Prifon-ers by the Enemy Indians, who carried them twenty Miles up into the Woods, where they let them loofe again, for Fear of the Mohawks, whofe very Name is a Terror and Dread to them.
Yet ftill, their Malice againft us being implacable, they ranged from one Town to another, obferving where they could do any further Mif-chief; for June 13 two Men, upon a Surprize, were fuddenly fhot down, that belonged to Hampton, above two Miles diftant from the Town; for two fprightly young Men of the Place, hearing Guns, mounted their Horfes and prefently made to that Place, to fee what the Matter was, bu not looking about them fo carefully as they fhould, were both mortally wounded, whereof one was  called Edward Colcot, a fober and well
234     ^ Narrative of the Troubles
difpofed young Man, much lamented at his Death, by all that knew him. He died foon after, if not the next day, of his Wounds.246
The Indians thus making daily Inroads upon thefe weak unfenced Places, the Governor and Council refolved to raife new Forces, and having had good Experience of the Faithfulnefs and Valor of the Chriftian Indians about Natick, armed two hundred of them and fent them together with forty Englifh, to profecute the Quarrel againft thofe Eaftward Indians to the full; but not judging aright of the Number of the Enemy, they much underdid their Bufinefs, for befides that the Number they fent of Englifh was a great deal too fmall, thofe that were chofen this Bout to take their Turns in the Service Abroad, were many of them young, raw, and unexperienced Soldiers, who were not able to look Danger, much lefs Death, in the Face, in cool Blood, by which Means it came to pafs that the Enterprife fucceeded fo ill; for Captain Swett, with Lieutenant Richardfony that was fent with him to command the friendly Indians, coming to Black Point June 28th, he began to try the Valor and Courage of his Company before he had dif-ciplined them, or had any Experience of their Ability to fight.    The very next Morning after
246 The Names of the four Per-    Colcord   was  a   promifing   young
fons killed/according to the Records    Man and was much regretted.    He
of Hampton were Edward Colcord,    was killed in that Part of Hampton
Jr., Abraham Perkins, Jr., Benja-    called Pages Town.    Toppan's MS.
min  Hilliard   and   Caleb Towle.    Hi/}. Hampton Families.
with the Indians in New-England.   235
he had landed his Men, underftanding by his Scouts that many of the Enemies were up and down upon the Place, he made too much Hafte to fall upon them, and not miftrufting their Number, while he was marching upon the Edge of an Hill with one Party and his Lieutenant with another, the Indians, that had hid them-felves in the Swamp on each Side of the Hill, fuddenly fired upon the Englifh on both Sides, which not a little difcouraged his young and un-difciplined Company, fo as they could not or did not keep their Ranks, but while fome were ready to run and ihift for themfelves, the Captain ftrived to keep them together, to bring off the dead and wounded Men, fo long that he brought himfelf9 and all the Company in Danger of an utter Overthrow, which foon after took place; for the poor unfkilful Soldiers, being fcattered, were fhifting for themfelves, while a few refolute Men of Courage bore the Brunt of the Service till they were in a Manner all knocked down. The Lieutenant was killed foon after the firft Onfet; the Captain having received near twenty Wounds, yet ftill held out, defending and encouraging his Men, till he was furrounded with more of his Enemies than he was able to grapple with, and fo was at the laft barbaroufly murdered by them within a little of the Garrifon-houfe. There were flain at this Time fomewhat above forty of the Englifh, and twelve of the friendly Indians that affifted, very few efcaping but were
236     A Narrative of the Troubles
either killed right out or dangeroufly wounded.247 Thus was another Summer fpent in Calamities and miferable Occurrents amongft the Eaftern Parts. Yet was not this all the Miferies that the poor Englifh had to endure this Year; for after the poor Hufbandmen and Planters had drunk their full Share of the Cup of Affliction, that the other Sort, who trade by Sea, and ufe to follow Fifhing upon thofe Eaftern Parts, might not take themfelves to be fecure, or think better of them-felves than their Brethren, who had fuffered all the Calamities forementioned, July 15th News came of feveral Ketches that were furprifed as they lay fecure in the Harbors whither they ufed to turn in upon every Occaiion as they were making their Fifhing-voyages. There were near twenty of thofe fifhing Ketches thus furprifed fir ft and laft, moft of which carried five or fix Men apiece, but they being many of them a dull and heavy-moulded fort of People, that had not either Skill or Courage to kill any thing but Fifh, were eafily taken, and had not Heart enough either to make Refiftance when firft attacked, nor afterward to make any Attempt for an Efcape to free themfelves, as fome did, and fo delivered themfelves, with the Slaughter of them that held them Prifoners aboard their own Veffels, when fome others, that had more Courage and # Spirit than
%17 The Names of thofe killed be- were four, viz., John and James longing to Andover, are entered Parker, John Phelps and Daniel upon the Town  Records:   They    Blackhead.
with the Indians in New-England. 237
the Reft, were fadly deftroyed for want of Courage in them that were in their Veffels to ftand by them while they were attempting to deliver themfelves, which was the Cafe of one or two of the Veffels, whofe Companions were all cut off by that Means.248
248 On the 8th of July, 1677, five fifhing VefTels were furprized near Cape Sable, in which were 26 People, all of whom fell into the Hands of the Indians. Among the VefTels thus captured, was the William and Sarah of Salem, of which Jofeph Bovey was Mailer, whofe Crew confuted of four Men. The Indians, fome ten in Number, approached in Canoes, while the Vef-fel lay at Anchor in Port La Tour, and at Dawn of Day faluted the Englifh with a Volley of Bullets, but hurt no one, as thofe on Board had time to run below. The Indians immediately boarded them, faying if the Englifh refilled they were all dead Men. They then bound the Men after gripping them of their Clothes, and made them lit on Deck till towards Evening, when they unbound them and ordered them to fail the VefTel into the Mouth of the Penobfcot. In all the five VefTels (or Ketches) were from 70 to 80 Indians. The Wind "fhortning" they were forced to anchor, where they remained about two Days. In the mean time they chafed and took a Bark belonging to Mr. Watts, in which was one William Bufwell. Then the Indians mixed up the Crews,  fending fome
Ee2
out of Bovey's Ketch and taking in others. There was with Bovey one Robert Roules of Marblehead, him the Indians ordered to fail the VefTel, and it was immediately put in Purfuit of a fail they had jull discovered ; but Night coming on, one of the Indians ordered him to bear up to return to his Companions. Meantime it feems the Englifh had determined to wrefl their VefTel out of the Enemy's Hands. Roules re-fufed to obey the Indian Captain; whereat he began to be angry and to utter Threats; whereupon Buiwell feized him by the Throat, threw him upon the Deck, flopped his Mouth with his Hat and held him down with his Knee. At .the fame Time Richard Downs grappled another Indian, and, with fome help from Roules threw him overboard; foon after another fhared the fame Fate. The remaining two Indians they were able to bind, and then made fail for Marblehead, where they fafely arrived on the 15th of the fame Month. On taking their Prifoners on Shore, " the whole Town flocked about them; efpe-cially the Women," who foon overpowered their Keepers, " got the Indians into their own Hands, and with Stones and Billets, and what
238      A Narrative of the Troubles
But the Indians finding their inability to manage fuch kind of Veflels, much too heavy for them to wield with paddles, grew foon after weary of that fport, and were pretty willing to return the Veffels to the Englifh, after they had pillaged out of them what was for their turn. The Merchants about Salem, to whom the faid Ketches principally belonged, fitted up a Veflel in the Nature of a Man-of-war, which they had fur-nifhed with feveral refolute, ftout Hands, but they were ftrangely difappointed of coming up with any of the Indian Mariners, fo that they were forced to return without doing any confid-erable Execution upon them.249
During thefe Troubles Major Andros, the Governor of New York, being willing to fecure the Intereft of his Highnefs the Duke of York in thofe Parts, left, in the Abfence of the Englifh, fome foreign Nation ihould take the Advantage of poffeffing themfelves of any Part of the Dominions belonging to our Nation, timely fent a Sloop with a confiderable Number of Soldiers to the Parts about Pemaquid, which when the Indians, that had all this while been up in Rebellion, underftood, they were at  the laft willing to fall
not elfe,  made an  End of them."    tivate   the  Men  (though divers of
In fhort, they literally tore them in    them cleared themfelves   and   came
Pieces.    Original Depofition of Ro-    Home) it ftruck great Confternation
bert Routes*                                       into all People here, and it was agreed
that the Le&ure Day fhoirld be kept
2l9 " July 25th. The Lord having    as a Faft."    Felt's Annals of Salem,
allowed the Indians to take no lefs    out of FirJl Cb. Records,    See alfo
than 13 Ketches of Salem and cap-    Mather's Relation, 263.
with the Indians in New-England. 239
into a kind of Amity and Friendship. In the Beginning of Auguft News of this Overture came to the Majfachufetts, the Comfort of which was not a little augmented by the certain Information that came foon after of fifteen Englifh Captives returned to the Soldiers of Major Andros, and Hopes of a general Peace ; and the Confirmation thereof was more increafed by the News of the Return of the Reft of the Veifels, that were taken by the Enemy; into the Hands of the Englifh. In which Pofture were Things left in thofe Parts in the Beginning of Winter, and nothing of another Nature was difcourfed in the End of February following, nor yet in the End of June that next enfued.
But the tragical Sufferings of the poor Englifh are not as yet all accomplished in other Parts of the Country, for about September the 19th following, forty or fifty River Indians fell fuddenly upon the town of Hatfield, about Connecticut, who were a little too fecure, and too ready to fay the bitternefs of Death was paft, becaufe they had neither feen nor heard of any Enemy in thofe Parts for half a Year before. But at this Time, as a coniiderable Number of the Inhabitants of that fmall Village were employed in railing the Frame of an Houfe without the Palifadoes, that defended their Houfes from any fudden incur-fions of the Enemy, they were violently and fuddenly affaulted by forty or fifty Indians, when they  were  in  no  Capacity  to  refift   or  defend
240     A Narrative of the Troubles
themfelves, fo as feveral were fhot down from the Top of the Houfe which they were railing, and fundry were carried away captive, to the Number of twenty or more, which was made up [to] twenty-four with them they carried away the fame or the next Day from Deerfield, whither fome of the Inhabitants had unadvifedly too foon returned.250 One of the Company efcaped out of their Hands two or three Days after, wrho informed that they had palled with their poor Captives two or three times over the River of Connecticut to prevent being purfued. It was faid, alfo, that about a Fortnight after the fame Indians attempted to take a Mill at Hadley, two Miles from the Town, and miffing their End, pretended a kind of Parley, and promifed to return thofe they had" captivated a little before; but it proved but one of their ufual Deceits, whereby they were wont to abufe the Englifh ; for where, or in what Condition, thofe Captives are at prefent, muft be the Subject of the Reader's Prayers rather than of the Author's Story,
Yet fince the writing of the Premifes, Benjamin Wait and Stephen "Jennings, two Men of Hatfield, whofe Wives were amongft the Number of the forementioned Captives, having obtained a Com-miffion from the Government of the Majfachu-
'250 An extenfive Addition to our    Source will be found in the Narra-
Text refpe6ling  the great Tragedy    tive of Quintin   Stockwell,  one of
of the 19th of September, was pub-    the Sufferers in that Depredation, re-
lifhed in 1859,  and  forms the firft    publiflied in the  Tragedies   of the
IiTue of the Bradford Club.   Another    Wildernefs.
with the Indians in New-Rngland. 24.1
fetts, purfued after them in the depth of Winter, (though not with fuch a Number as thofe with which Abratn purfued after the Army that carried captive his Kinfman, Lot,) and overtook them about Canada, and, by the help of the French there feated, recovered their Wives, with other Captives, which they brought back by way of Ranfom, and not by Force of Arms.251
Their Adventure being attended with fo many Difficulties and Dangers, in the depth of Winter, not to be paralleled with any Attempt of that Nature fince the Englifh came into thofe Parts, wherein they were furely led along by a divine Nutus, as well as by the innate Love to their Wives, (which would have afforded Matter for a large Fi&ion to fome of the ancient Poets,) is as followeth from their own Mouths. On the 24th of October,   1677, they advanced towards  Weft-
field, and from thence to Albany, where they arrived the Thurfday feven-night after, diftant at leaft two hundred Miles from Bofton, and inftead of being encouraged and furthered in fo commendable an Enterprife, they were by Force and
251 There was a fmall Broadfide    has ever heard of any other Copy.
or Handbill printed by order of the    This was preferved by an Attempt
Maflachu fetts   Government,  giving    at its complete Deftruclion :   It was
the Particulars of Expenfes, Lilts of   ufed as a Lining to the Covers of a
Contributions   from   Towns,   and    Book, and was taken off with great
other Items about the Ranfom of   Difficulty, and not in a perfect State,
the Deerfield and Hatfield Captives,    becaufe it was  mutilated in making
Of thofe Handbills but one Copy    it fit the Covers to which it was a
has ever come to my Knowledge,    Lining.    It was iflued Auguft 22d,
nor have lever heard of any one who    1678.
242       A Narrative of the Troubles
ftrong Hand, after two or three Attempts to pafs on towards Canada, (whither it was conceived their Wives, with the other Captives, were carried by the Indians,) carried back above twenty Miles from Sconektoket [Schenectady] to Albany, where they were detained Prifoners till they could be fent down to the Governor of New York, upon Pretence of an Order at that very Time newly come from the faid Governor, that none, either Christian or Pagan, fhould go that Way to the French, but firft to be fent down to him, which was about one hundred Miles down Hudfon's River. Being thither brought, it appeared he had little to fay to them, and at laft, by the In-terceffion of Captain Brockhurji, they were fent back again to Albany with a Pafs. It was now the 19th of November before they recovered that Stage.
And there they alfo met with no fmall Dif-couragements, by.Rumors and other falfe Sug-geftions, fufficient to have diverted the moft conftant Undertakers from their Purpofe, had they not been carried with an invincible Refolu-tion. Thereabouts they tarried till about the 10th of December, in Expectation of having the Lakes, over which they were to pafs, frozen hard enough to bear them. They found no fmall Difficulty in procuring a Pilot; Captain Salijbury, the Governor there, difcouraging a Frenchman which they had hired from undertaking that Service,  fo as they were forced to agree with a
with the Indians in New-England. 243
Mohawk Indian to condud; them to the firft Lake, which was iixteen Leagues over, which he faithfully performed. It was about the 16th of December when they came thither; they found it open, but their Pilot finding a Canoe, fitted it up for them and drew for them a Draught of the Lakes by which they were to pafs. They were three Days paffing the firft Lake, and then carrying the Canoe upon their Backs two Miles over a Neck of Land, they entered the Great Lake, which, the fecond Day, they hoping to truft to the Ice, left their Canoe, but having travelled one Day upon the Ice they were forced to return back to fetch their Canoe, and then went by Water till they came to the Land, being wind-bound fix Days in the Interim ; fo as they made it about the firft of January, having travelled three Days without a bit of Bread, or any other Relief but of fome Racoon's Flefh, which they had killed in a hollow Tree. On the 6th of January they came to Shampley, [Chamblee]-a fmall Village of ten Houfes, belonging to the French ; only by the Way they met with a Bag of Bifcuit and a Bottle of Brandy in an empty Wigwam,, with which they were not a little re-frefhed; and in travelling towards Sorre/I, fifty Miles diftant from thence, they came to a lodging of Indians, amongft whom was Steven Jennings Wife, by whom they underftood how hard it was with the Reft, yet refolved, according to Advice, to give them good Words,  and haften-
244-      ^t Narrative of the Troubles
ed to bargain for their Redemption. At Sorrell they found five more of the Captives, two of which the Indians had pawned for Drink; the Remainder of them were in the Woods. From this Place they had two hundred Miles to Kebecky [Quebeck] which in the next place they'travelled to, where they were civilly entertained by the French Governor, who at the laft granted them, a Guard of eleven Perfons towards Albany, whither they began to march on the 19th of April, 1678, and arrived there about the Middle of May following, having fpent fixteen Days upon the Lake, two Days in croffing the Neck of Land betwixt the upper Branches of Canada and Hudforfs River\ which they came fwiftly down in two Days more; the Reft of the Time they fpent in hunting. They tarried at Albany from Wednefday, May 22d, till Monday following, from which they came on Foot twenty Miles to Vanterhooky [Kin-derhook] where they were met with Horfes and Men that carried them fafely to Wejlfield, a few Days after. They brought with them nineteen Captives, which had been carried away by the Indians September before.25*    Their Ranfom coft
252 A Lift made at the Time of    Wife,   a Child of John Wells, a
the Killed and Captivated is as fol-    Child of Philip Ruflel], a Child of
lows: The Attack was made at 11     Goodman  Beldings:    in   all    12.
o'clock in the Morning.    The Kill-    Taken captive : John Colman and
ed were Sergt. Graves, John Graves,    2 Children, Goodwife Waite and 3
John Atchefon, John Cooper, Philip    Children,   Goodwife Foot   and  2
RufleU's Wife, John Colman's Wife    Children, Goodman Jennings and 2
and one of his Children,  Samuel    Children, Obadiah Dickinfon and
Kellogg's   Wife,   Samuel Billings's    one of his Children, a Child of Sam],
with the Indians in New-England.  245
above £200, which was gathered by Contribution among the Englifh.253
Kellog, a Child of Wm. Bartlemow [Bartholomew], a Child of John Alline. Wounded : John Colman, a Child, John Wells his Wife and Daughter, and Obediah Dickinfon's Wife. Buildings burnt: John Col-mans Barn, John Ailices [Ellis?] Barn, Obediah Dickinfon's Houfe, Benjamin Waite's Houfe and Barn, and Samuel Kellog's Houfe and Barn. At Deerfield were taken, Jno. Plympton, Jr., John Root, Quintin Stockwell, Benoni Stebbins and a Child of Philip Ruflell. In all 21. This is the Subftance of a Communication made by "Sam11 Partrigge," to the Authorities at Bofton, and was found among the Archives in the   State  Houfe.    From   another
Source we learn that Plympton was burnt alive, Root was killed, Stebbins made his efcape, and Stockwell was ranfomed, after extreme and protraded Sufferings.
253 The exadl: Amount of Receipts and Expenditures was, according to the beforementioned Broadfide, £345, is. \d. And the Council mention other Colle&ions in Places not heard from. Nothing can more forcibly imprefs us of the Reality of thofe Days of New England fmall Things than a View of the pecuniary Effort of the whole Country to raife the neceflary Funds to redeem a few Captives out of Indian Bondage.
Wfo.
[73] ^ 1 ^O this IJfue were our Troubles with I the Indians brought in the End of ■*■ the Year 1676. That which hath been already in that kind, may ferve to give an Account of the Murthers, Slaughters, Captivities of feveral Perfons of the Englifh Inhabitants of New-England, together with the burning and fpoyling of divers of their Villages and Houfes, fpoyling of their Eftates, by thofe their perfidious and barbarous Enemies. That which remains, is only to fatisfie the Inquifi-tive Reader about fome other Particulars, which have a Relation unto or Dependence upon the former: as to fhew what may be the principal and leading Caufes, Civil or Moral, of thofe ftrange Succefles of the Indians, in fome of their firft Encounters with the Englifh there ; what Prefages or other ominous Accidents were ob-ferved aforehand, what Affiftance they received from other Forreign Nations, French, or Dutch, what is fince become of thofe Indians that were the Authors of the forefaid Mifchiefs, what Pro-grefs Chriftian Religion hath already made, or is like further to make amongft the Reft, all which may ferve as an Epilogue to the Tragical Hiftory foregoing.
248       A Narrative of the "Troubles      [74
It is no doubt but that (as fometimes was faid of the Divifions of Reuben) there have been and are great Thoughts of Heart amongft them that wifh well to this poor Country; for the Calamities that of late have here fallen out, every one taking Occafion to put that Conftru&ion upon what had hapned, which fuits beft with his own Underftanding and Humour. Poffibly thofe that live at a Diftance have made many uncertain Guefles at Things which have pafled here. For thofe that lived upon the Place have very fad Apprehenfions both concerning the Rife and Iffue of them. In a Matter therefore of fo much Difficulty, to give the beft Account we can of the Things under Debate: It cannot be denyed but that Things ever fince the Planting of thefe Colonies of New England, they have been fignally bleifed of God, and made to flourifh above many other Forreign Plantations, both for the Number of Towns and Villages, Increafe of Families, Growth of Trade, Flourifhing of Religion, probably therefore, this fudden and unexpected Turn of Providence, may occafion many to think, that either there hath been fome notable Declenfion from former Principles and Wayes, or elfe the World hath been [74] much abufed by former Reports of our profperous Proceedings here. But it fhould be obferved that Arguments taken barely from Succefs, and the Event of Things, like Cyphers ftanding alone and not joyned with others, as fome have faid, do not increafe the Number, when the whole Summe is to be made
74] with the Indians in New-England.  249
up, they will fignifie what they were intended for; every thing is beautiful in its Seafon, but in the mean Time fad Events fhould rather be improved to our own Inftrudtion, than the condemning of others : following the dark Cloud of Providence without the fiery Pillar of the Scripture, will lead into uncertain Paths. This is not the firft Time that Chriftian People have been expofed to many Outrages, and barbarous Calamities from their Pagan Neighbours, to whom they have been many Ways officious. It is well known what hapned in the Neighbour Colony of Virginia on the twenty fecond of March, 1622. when by a general Confpiracy of the Indians three hundred and fourty feven Perfons of the Englifh Planters, were barbaroufly mafTacred; at that Time when they had the greateft Hopes of converting them to Chriftianity ; yet need not this any where dif-courage charitable Endeavours that Way; for if it had not been for one converted Indian, that revealed the Plot, in all likelihood all the Reft of the Englifh there planted, had been in like Manner cut off at the fame Time.*54 The Heathen in New-England are fcituate in the fame Climate, therefore cannot be fuppofed to be much differing in their Manners and Difpofition. But befides that we are hemm'd in on both Sides, and almoft round about, with People of Forriegn Nations, whofe   Defigne  is   neither   Religion,    nor  yet
254 The Particulars of that great    therefore only neceflary to refer our
MaiTacre were recorded by the fanv    Readers to his Hijtory of Virginia,
ous Founder and Hiilorian of that    Vol.   ii,   Pages   71-76,   Richmond
Colony,   Capt.  John Smith; it  is    Edition.
250      A Narrative of the Troubles      [75
planting Colonyes of Civil People, fo much as prefent Emolument by Commerce and Traffick with the Indians, who notwithftanding their barbarous Manner of living, are yet furnifhed with fome rich and ufeful Commodities, for the obtaining of which, thofe that come amongft them have not been unwilling to offer them in Way of Exchange, fuch Commodities, as the Indians moll fancy and defire, as Powder and Amunition, not confidering how Deftru&ive the Trade thereof may prove to others, which hath made fome wife Men both fear and foretell the dangerous Iffue of trading thofe Things with the Indians here. It hath been faid the Hollanders ufed fo to deal with the Spaniards, at fuch Times as they had their fierceft Wars with them, faying, that if they did not others would carry thofe Commodities to their Enemies, which they thought they were as good to do themfelves, that fo in Cafe of bad Succefs in the Wars, the gain of the Barter might help to make amends for the Lofs of the Battle. The fame Reafon poffibly put them upon the like Practice in that Part of this Country called the New-Netherlands: for which [j$] they have pretty well fmarted themfelves, as now they have helped others to do by their Example. Some prudent Gentlemen that governed in Virginia at the firft, were aware of-this Mifchief; wherefore it was ftri&ly forbidden them, upon pain of Death to fhew an Indian the ufe of a Gun; if the like Courfe had been continued here,  it had fcarce
75]  with the Indians in IVew-England. 251
been poffible according to the Eye of Reafon that fo much Mifchief could have been done us by our Indian Neighbours, at this Time more than in former Years. Their Wills were as good heretofore, but when they had nothing but Bows and Arrows to truft unto, they were capable of no fuch Mifchief: But now by their frequent Con verfe and Trading with the Dutch and French on each Side of us, they are as well fkil'd in the ufe of fmall Artillery as many other Nations.
Their young Men fo much delighting therein, that upon point they minde little elfe, and are fo proud of their Skill, that they thought they could eafily deal with, if not over-match their Mafters that firft inftru&ed them.
It is reported by an Ancient Marriner yet living in thefe Parts, a Perfon of good Credit, that above twenty Years fince being in the Eaftern Parts about Kennibeck, he heard an old Indian tell this Story; that when he was a Youth, there was a Fort built about Saga-de-Hock (the Ruines of which were then fhewn this Relater, fuppofed to be that called St. Georges Fort in honour of Captain George Popham, the Prefident of the Company fent over Anno, 1607.) and pofleffed for fome time by the Englifh : But afterward upon fome Quarrel that fell out betwixt the Indians and them, the Englifh were fome of them killed by the faid Indians, and the Reft all driven out of the Fort, where there was left much of their Provifion and Amunition; amongft which there
252       A Narrative of the Troubles      [7 6
was fome Barrels of Powder; but after they had opened them, not knowing what to do therewith, they left the Barrels carelefly open, and fcattered the Powder about, fo as accidentally it took Fire, and blew up all that was within the Fort, burnt and deftroyed many of the Indians, upon which they conceived their God was angry with them for doing hurt to the Englifh. It had been well thefe Indians never had had any other Acquaintance with the Nature of that Commodity, then by fuch Experimental Knowledge of its Force and Power. But Covetoufnefs was and will be the Root of all Evil in every Age of the World, of which this may be reckoned one, and not the leaft, that for the Sake of a little Lucre, Civil and Chriftian Nations have been induced to in-ftruft a barbarous and falvage People, before ever they had been reduced to good Order or civil Manners, much lefs Chriftianity, in the Ufe of our Artillery [76] and furnifh them likewife with Ammunition, to improve that Skill to the Deftrudion of themfelves and their Pofterity. Thomas Morton was faid to be the firft that like Epimetheus opened this Pandora's Box, but he was not the Vulcan that forged all their Guns, with other Weapons of War they are found fo well furnifhed withall.
The Commiffioners of our United Colonyes have for a long Time carefully and ferioufly endeavoured the preventing this Inconveniency in every of the three Colonyes, by ftridt Prohibition of
76]  with the Indians in New-England.  253
trading Amunition with the Indians; nor hath it been given way unto, till of late Years, when by the continual Solicitation of fome of our own People (that poffibly fince have paid dearly for their forwardnefs therein) who alleadged the Example of the French and Dutch, and of fome of our own Nation bordering upon us. The former Reftraint hath been taken off, and it is verily fuppofed that as to fome of our People, that in the laft Infurrediion of the Indians amongft us, have felt both the firft and worft Part of their Rage and Cruelty; it was efFedted by the Amunition not long before purchafed of themfelves, which it may be was referved for that very End and Purpofe. It is no fmall Aggravation of the Mifery befalling a Place or Perfon, when it is known to be brought about, by Means of their own projecting: As fometimes was faid to the Tyrant flain by a Weapon of his own forging, fuojibi hunc jugulo gladio.
But if Enquiry be made into the moral and procuring Caufes, whereby God hath been provoked to let loofe the Rage of the Heathen thus againft us, it is not hard to give an Anfwer. The Sovereign Ruler of the World need never pick a Quarrel with any Sort of Men (the beft of his Servants at all Times giving him too juft Occa-fion of Controverfy with them) or be to feek of a Ground why to bring a Scourge upon them, having alfo the other holy Ends why he contends with his People, of which he is not bound to Gga
254      <A Narrative of the Troubles       [77
render the World an Account: It may be Reafon enough to work in them a Sympathy for the Sufferings and Calamities of others; or to keep them from being exalted above Meafure; or to humble and prove them, that they fhould by their long Peace, and Profperity be ready to look upon themfelves as lefs Sinners than others, who have drunk deep of the Cup of Trembling before them: To prevent what Evil may, as well as reform what is already grown up amongft them. Standing Waters are moft apt to corrupt. Gods Difpenfations of this Nature in the World, are ufually obferved to be for Correction of the Vices, as well as for the Tryal of the Virtues found in his Servants. And what People or Perfon is there upon the Face of the Earth, who hath not Reafon to lay their Hand upon their Mouths, and to abhor them[77]felves in Duft and Afhes, if the Almighty fhould go about to enter into Judgment with them: No ddubt but after fo long a Time of Peace and Profperity, as hath been enjoyed, the like Corruptions have began to bud forth, as are ufual in fuch a Cafe, as Pride, Luxury, Inordinate Love of the World, &c. Nor need He be inftrudted by Men, what Inftruments to make ufe of, in the chaftning of his People : Why may not God as well as Gideon teach the Men of Succoth, and of other Places, by the Briers and Thorns of the Wildernefsy if a more particular Indagation of the Original Offence in this Matter be expe&ed.
77]  with the Indians in New-England. 255
All Things confidered, it may be feared to fpring from fome Irregularities and Mifcarriages in our Tranfa&ions and Dealings with the Indians themfelves, according to that known Rule, In quo quis pec cat in co punitur, yet muft not this be underftood, fo as to reflect upon the People of the United Colonyes in the Grofs: Whofe Supream Courts in their feveral Jurifdi&ions, have endeavoured by the fharpeft and fevereft Laws imaginable to prevent any Mifcarriage of fuch a Nature; but it hath arifen only from fuch Places and Perfons as border upon us round about, both Southward and Eaftward, yet never were, nor would be, fubjed: to the Laws of our Jurifdidtion, nor had any Reprover in the Gate, or Magistrate to put the Offenders to Shame. Such as make the Advantage they have in their Hand the Rule for their Confciences to a£t by; it is no wonder if they be ready to tranfgrefs the Rules both of Sobriety and Righteoufnefs in their Dealings with Men, as well as Piety before God. The Things that the Indians are more eager to Trade for, being known to be either ftrong Liquor or Powder, and Amunition. And many have been found indirectly and under hand to gratifie their Humour therein. The one hath proved always moft hurtful to themfelves, the other feared (and juftly as it hath ever proved) moft deftrudive to our felves. The more fober and prudent of the Indians have always moft bitterly complained of the Trading of ftrong Liquor in our Englifh, as
256     A Narrative of the Troubles       [78
well as in the French and Dutch, whofe ordinary Cuftome is firft to make them, or fuffer them to make themfelves drunk with Liquors, and then to Trade with them, when they may eafily be cheated both in what they bring to Trade, and in the Liquor itfelf, being one half or more nothing but Spring Water, which made one of the Amo-nofcoggin Indians once complain that he had given an hundred pound for Water drawn out of Mr. P. his Well But this is not all the Evil that attends this wicked Trade of ftrong Liquor, for when they are drunk therewith, they are ready to fight with their Friends, Parents, Brethren, &c. Yea, often have murthered one another. Should I not be avenged on fuch a People, [78] or Perfons as thefe faith the Lord? Good old Jacob fometimes complained after the Villany of his two Sons, committed upon the Sechemites, that he was made to Jlink in the Sight of the People of the Land, and that he fhould be deflroyed he and his Houfe : It is well if fome of our Borderers have not had caufe not only to fear, but to feel the like Calamity in Reference to themfelves, or fome of theirs, thus what hath been gotten over the Back of the evil Fiend is loft under his Belly, according to the Proverb.
Befides all this, it hath been obferved of many of thefe fcattering Plantations in our Borders, that many were contented to live without, yea, defirous to fhake off all Yoake of Government, both facred and civil, and fo transforming them-
78]  with the Indians in New-England.  257
felves as much as well they could into the Manners of the Indians they lived amongft, and are fome of them therefore moft defervedly (as to Divine Juftice) left to be put under the Yoke and Power of the Indians themfelves, and hence it is that in many Parts, the People void of Council and common Prudence as well as Courage, have fo frightfully deferted, or Cowardly delivered up feveral Places of Strength (though tenable enough of themfelves) into the Hands of contemptible Enemies; and fo like ripe Figs upon the firft fhaking of the Tree have been ready to fall into the Mouth of the Eater, as the Prophet fpeaks ; as hath been too fadly verified in fome of the Southern, and all the Eaftern Parts.
If it be here objected that the fame or like Calamities have befallen many of thofe Places and Perfons where no fuch Evils could juftly be complained of, it may as eafily be anfwered, and that from the Obfervation of Heathen themfelves, that in fuch publick Calamities, it is not eafy to diftinguifh between the good and the bad, ftfpe Die fpiter, iratus incejlo addidit integrum. The Righteous many Times have an equal Share with the Wicked. In thefe Cafes faith Solomon, all things come alike to all, no Man knoweth Love or Hatred by all that is before him : The confufed Events of worldly Affairs, are oft times fo limited and reftrained by the holy Hand and wife Providence of God, that it is hard to find a Difference,  therefore  concerning  fuch Places which
258      A Narrative of the Troubles        [79
may be thought not touched with the Guilt of the forementioned Mifcarriages, yet have by the overruling Hand of Providence been notwithstanding made to fuffer as deeply as others. I judge them not, yet hope, if they have ought for which to judge themfelves before him that fearcheth the Hearts, they will take occafion hereby to humble themfelves under the mighty Hand of God that in his due Time they may be exalted to their former Tranquility and Peace.
[79] When Gods Judgments are abroad in the Earth, then fhould the Inhabitants of the World learn Righteoufnefs. This Caution is judged the more neceffary here to be added, in that it is the general Obfervation of all indifferent and unconcerned Perfons about the like Troubles: That they have ordinarily either begun, or have fallen heavieft upon thofe Places and Perfons that have had moll to do in the Trading with Indians.
If any fuch have as yet efcaped their Hands, to be fure they have been threatned, as if they had been before others, particularly lookt upon by them, as the Objedt of their Revenge, which makes fome moderate Perfons Fear, that thofe Men have either themfelves offended in that kind, or elfe have connived at others under them, to carry on the Traffick with the Indians, by fuch Ways and Means, that have been as well offensive to God, as injurious to thofe they have traded with.
In the fecond Place, touching the various Sue-
79]   with the Indians in New-England.  259
cefs we have met withal, in our feveral Encounters with the Indians, Vi6tory and Conqueft did for a long  Time  feem to ftand Neuter,  and our Condition   and   Warfare   not   much  unlike  the Conflict between Ifrael and Amelek in the Wil-dernefs,   nor   can   it   be   denyed   but   that   our Enemies  for a Time  had great Succefs in their Outrages, Providence  as it were feeming to offer them Opportunities of doing us much Mifchief, when we could find none of taking juft Revenge: Things of that Nature being ftrangely either hid from the Eyes of the Leaders, or elfe the Weather hath fo fallen out as that it was not poflible for our Men to have purfued them :   Although both the Commanders  and  Souldiers,  fent forth from all the three  Colonyes,  have joyntly  and feverally purfued their Advantages, with incredible Hazard and Diligence, and with as invincible Courage as ordinarily hath been found amongft Men.    But as it is faid, the Battle is not always to the Strong, nor the Race to the Swift, but Time and Chance hath  ftrangely interpofed  to the  prolonging  of our Miferies, and the hardning and emboldning of our Enemies :   Much of our Difappointments, and the Lofs  of many of our  Forces  engaging with them, muft be imputed in a great Meafure to our Mens unacquaintednefs with the Manner of their fighting, they doing moft of their Mif-chiefs either by Ambufhments, fudden Surprizals, or overmatching  fome of our fmall  Companyes with greater Numbers, having had many Times
2 60     A Narrative of the Troubles       [80
fix or feven to one: Poflibly alfo many of our Overthrows have proceeded from our too much Confidence in our own Weapons, Courage and Martial Difcipline (Not making Allowance for the Difference of Times, when they before engaged us, only with Bows [80J and Arrows ; but now came to fight us with our own Weapons) which hath proved no fmall Advantage to our Enemies, and Difadvantage to ourfelves ; or elfe to the Diftance of our Towns one from the other, fo as ofttimes they were destroyed, or in Danger thereof, before any Notice was taken of their Danger. If that be a fure Rule whereby Valour is to be judged plus animi eji inferenti periculum quam propulfante, fcy that there is more Courage feen in the Aflaylants, than in the Defendants; a few of our Men have frequently defended them-felves againft Multitudes of them, unlefs at fuch Times when Providence feemed as it were to Trouble the Wheels of our Motions, and fight againft us, fo as ordinarily our People ufed not to want Courage: For at Lancajier where they feemed to have had the greateft Caufe of boafting for their Succefs in any Aflault (although it were fince known, that they had five hundred fighting Men when they aflaulted that fmall Town of about fifty Families) yet were they able to fur-prize but one Garrifon Houfe, which neither was fenced round, nor were the Defendants able to ply their Shot behind it, but fo as the Enemy came to the very Walls, and Roof on the back
80]  with the Indians in New-England.   261
Side with their Fuel, or elfe they had never been able to have difpofelfed the Inhabitants. The fame Indians within awhile after, had not been able to have done the Mifchief at Groaton which they did, had not a Garrifon been unadvifedly as it were delivered into their Hands. In one Word they were more beholding to their perfidious Subtlety and Falfehood, or to the Advantage of Seafon, Place, and Number than any Valour or Courage in all their Vi&oryes, (hewing only a Belluine Rage and Fiercenefs, when they had an Opportunity in their Hands to deftroy or do Mifchief. For foon after when the Time of Vengeance was come, and God feemed to own the Caufe of his People, a fmall Handful of our Men hath furprized hundreds of theirs, as hath been already declared in the Narrative. The Difpenfations of the Almighty have been very awful towards us, for a long Time, not feeming to go forth with our Armies, nor helping us in defending our felves, or defeating of our Enemies, as if he had a Purpofe and Defigne to bring a {harp Scourge upon us, by that Means to humble us, and prove us, and then (as we truft) to do us good in our latter End: afting therein as wife Parents that after they have corrected their Children, to caft the Rod into the Fire. For our Enemies to the Southward, were in the Beginning of thefe Troubles, poifelfed of many goodly Havens, many rich and fertile Places, as at Mount-Hope, and all along the Narrhaganjit Country. Hh2
262      A Narrative of the Troubles       [81
But are by this Occafion, (quarrelling with us without Caufe) themfelves in a Manner all deftroyed by the fpecial Hand of God, and [81] their Pofterity quite rooted out, as were the Pequods before them, whereby it may be gathered as we hope, that God is making way to fettle a better People in their Rooms, and in their Stead ; when the whole Frame of Gods Counfels, and Purpofes are put together, and accomplifhed by the Iffues of his Providence, it will, no doubt, appear a Work very beautiful in its Seafon, not only for the Glory of the Author but for the Good and Benefit of his People, that are concerned therein.
Something of that Nature hath been obferved by fome judicious Perfons in Reference to the prefent Calamities, of which fomething hath already been published to the World,2** concerning which I have nothing to add, only that fome fuch Things have been affirmed by credible Perfons, as Prefages of what hath lately come to pafs. The Noyfe of Guns is affirmed by many, to have been heard in the Ayer> in fundry Places not many Years before; concerning which the judicious Reader may take what Notice he pleafeth.2*6 Although I would not be too forward in obtruding uncertain Reports upon the Belief of the far
255 The Author probably has re- his Age, in mental Culture; an Age ference to Dr. I. Mather's Brief manacled with Superftition. And Hijiory of the War.                            although he does not refer to the
Stories of the Ship, and Sword feen
256 This Remark is Evidence that in the Clouds, they were doubtjefs the Author was far in Advance of   familiar to him.
81 ] with the Indians in New-England.  263
diftant Reader, efpecially conlidering how much the World hath oft been abufed with falfe Coyne of the like Nature.
But for other Predictions of the prefent Calamities, fome wife Men have thought it not unworthy to be communicated to Pofterity what hath been ob-ferved amongft the Indians themfelves, as if either God himfelf had left fome Impreffion on the Minds of fome of them this Way, or that by fome ftrange Inftind: or other, they had fome Reafon to forebode the Troubles now begun, although not yet ended, fed dabit Deus his quoque finemy in his own Time.
There was within the Compafs of the laft feven Years now current a Sagamore about Kittary, on the North-eaft Side of Pafcataqua River, called Roulsfv or Rolles; who lying very fick, and bedrid, (being an old Man) he expected fome of the Englifh, that had feized upon his Land, fhould have fhewn him that Civility, as to have given him a Vifit in his aged Infirmityes and Sicknefs. It matters not much, whether it was totally neglected or not; to be fure at the laft, he fent for the chief of the Town, and defired a Favour of them, viz. that though he might, as he faid, challenge all the Plantation for his own, where they dwelt, that yet they would pleafe to fell or give him a fmall TraCt of Land, poffibly an hundred or two of Acres, and withal defired it might
257 The fame mentioned in a pre-    Berwick to Humphrey Chadbourne. vious Page, who fold the Land about    See Note 237, ante.
2 64      A Narrative of the Troubles       [8 2
be recorded in the Town Book as a publick A£t, that fo his Children which he left behind, might not be turned out, like Vagabonds, as deftitute of an Habitation amongft or near the Englifh, adding this as the Reafon : That he knew [82[ there would fhortly fall out a War between the Indians and the Englifh all over the Country, and that the Indians at the firft fhould prevail, and do much Mifchief to the Englifh, and kill many of them; but after the third Year, or after three Years, all the Indians which fo did, fhould be rooted out, and utterly deftroyed.
This Story is reported by Major Walderny Mr. Jojhua Moody ?& Captain Froft, that live upon, or near the Place. And one of the three foremen-tioned Perfons was defired by the faid Sagamore to make a Record hereof. Valeat quantum valere potefi aut debet. Many Stories of like Nature are confidently told, by fuch as have been more con-verfant with the Indians, which fhewed that either the Confpiracy was a long while in contriving, or elfe that fome Impreffion was by a Divine Hand made upon the Minds of fome of them.
For the Actings of our Neighbour Nations round about us, whether they have had actually any Hand in our Sufferings, either inftigating of our Enemies, or fecretly and underhand fupplying
258 Mr.  Moody was   of Portf-    count of him may be found in a
mouth, and deferves honorable Men-    little unpretending Volume, publifh-
tion, as one of the Few who Hem-    ed by Mr. C. C. P. Moody of Bof-
med the overwhelming Current of   ton in 1847,  entitled Biographical
the Witchcraft Delufion.    An Ac-    Sketches of the Moody Family.
82]   with the Indians in New-England. 265
them with Neceflaries wherewith to carry on their Deligne againft us, without whofe Affift-ance, it is fuppofed they could hardly thus long have held out. It is no queftion but there are thofe in the World, that fay, Aha, at the Calamities of our Sion, and that like Edom in Jerufalems Day, cry, Rafe it, Rafe it, even to the Foundation thereof: But for our near Neighbours, whether Dutch or French, their Defigne in their feveral Plantations, being folely, or principally Trade, and knowing that as formerly they had, fo may they ftill have more Benefit and Advantage by our Commerce and Traffick than by our Ruine; it feems therefore not fo probable, that they Ihould promote or Defigne fuch a wicked End to themfelves, much lefs that they Ihould joyn with Pagan Infidels therein; more Charity we judge is due to them that profefs the Chriftian Name, whatever Errour or Superftition their Religion or Worfhip may be blinded with.
We may well conceive that either of them would not be much unwilling to part with any Thing they have to fell for Beaver, nor would they very fcrupuloufly enquire what the Indians do with their Powder, provided they could get their Pay for it, no more than the Cutler did, to know (as the Tale goes) what the Cutpurfe did with the Knife he made him : But that purpofely either of them have furnifhed our Enemies with Means to do us Mifchief, we are not forward to believe.
266     A Narrative of the Troubles         [8 3
As for the French at Cannada they live at too great a Diftance to have much Commerce with our Enemies : And befides they are not them-felves fo fecure of the Indians they deal with as to be forward to fet them againft others, left thereby they come to learn the Way to [83] fall upon themfelves. And befides it hath been affirmed by fome of their own Nation, that not long fince were there, and paffed Home this Way, that they are more afraid of Attempts from hence, than we have Caufe to be from them.
Other Reports poflibly have been taken up concerning us, as if we were divided in our Counfels and were too tenacious of our Goods, and readier to keep them for our Enemies, than prudently to lay out what was Neceflary for our own Defence and Prefervation : No queftion but many fuch Rumours as thefe have taken place, in the Minds of fome; but it is hoped that fuch as are wife and ferious, will not give too much to finifter Reports till they are rightly informed. Greater Unity of Minde in Things of fuch a Nature, hath feldome been found amongft Men, that might all along have been obferved here. If in any Thing propounded for the better carrying on the War againft the Indians, there hath been fome Difference of Apprehenfion either from the feeming Impoflibility and Arduoufnefs of the Attempt, or Difficulty of the Seafon ; it never oc-cafioned the leaft Remora of the Action, though
83]    with the Indians in New-England. 267
in Things of the greateft Moment. Nor was there ever any Difficulty in the difburfing what was NeceiTary for carrying on the Affairs of the War, how chargeable foever and expenfive it hath been found. The Scarcity of Coyne, hath occafioned a little Trouble in fome prefent Exigent, otherwife no Reafon hath been given of any juft Complaint this Way. But it being the ufual Lot of them that are moft forely afflicted of God, to be moft deeply cenfured of Men, but we muft expe£t to pafs through evil as well as good Report.
Pofiibly alfo fome may here take notice of a very diftinguifhing Providence in thefe our late Troubles, in that this Rod of Affliction hath feemed not to ly in an equal Proportion upon the Body of the People of New-England; which is no new Thing to obferve in Calamities of this Nature ; wherein it is very ordinary for thofe Parts of a Country that lye next bordering upon the Coaft of the common Enemy to be moft obnoxious to their Incurfions, and to be more frequently then others harneifed [harraffed ?] thereby; as hath been the Cafe of us here in thefe Parts of the Earth, ever fince the firft planting thereof. The great Numbers of the Salvages being fwept away by fome unufual Mortality in all thofe Places, where the Body of the People that came over hither firft feated themfelves ; fo as they were not fo lyable to their Injuries and Infolencies, as thofe were, who  not  long after were called  to
268  with the Indians in New-England.   [84
plant the more remoter Parts of the Country, where were greater Numbers of them left: Which was the Occafion that the faid Colony of ConneSiicut was then forely afflicted with the Pequods at their firft planting, when above thirty of them fell into the [84] Hands of thofe cruel Mifcreants, they bordering next or near upon them, fo as they had an Opportunity to aflault them in their firft Attempt for planting that Side of the Country, as fometimes Amalek did unto Ifrael of old. Further alfo it may be con-fidered, that our Brethren of ConneSlicut have had no fmall Part of this prefent Tryal, in that they have been neceflarily called to lend their Affif-tance to the other Colonyes, which they have upon all Occafions (to their Honour be it fpoken) mod readily and freely done, not only by their Articles of Confederation, but as they were of Neceflity conftrained in common Prudence for their own Safety to do, jam proximus ardet Vcale-gon : He that will not help to quench the Fire in his Neighbours Houfe, may juftly fear to lofe his own. It may truly be faid alfo, that they have had their turn in like Troubles at the firft Hand, their Fleeces being only watred with a like bloody Showre, when the Ground all about was dry ; as now the Contrary hath feemed to fall out. To be fhort we are all but one political Body, which ought to be fenfible of the Sorrows that befell any particular Members thereof: We all came over into thofe Parts of America, with
84]   with the Indians in New-England.  2 69
one and the fame End and Aim, viz. to enjoy the Liberty of the Gofpel in Unity and Peace, and to advance the Kingdome of our Lord yefus Chrijl, and being in our firft fettling (by the wife Providence of God) farther difpofed upon the Sea Coafts and Rivers, then was at firft intended, fo that we could not, according to our Defire, communicate, in our Government and Juridic-tion, and being likewife where we live, encom-pafled with People of feveral Nations, which may prove injurious, as they have formerly committed Infolencies, and Outrages upon feveral of our Plantations, we were neceffitated to enter into a Confociation amongft ourfelves for mutual Help and Strength in fuch Concernments as have now fallen out, as is exprefled in the Preface to the Articles of Confederation, agreed upon May twenty ninth, 1643.
In the laft Place, upon the Confideration of thefe late Uproars amongft the Indians, fome may be like to enquire, what is become of the Converfion of the Natives, fo much famed abroad, and what Progrefs the Gofpel hath made amongft them, fearing (as well they may) it is like to be not a little obftrudted hereby.2^ It may probably be fuppofed, that the pious Endeavours of fome to
259 There will be found in the and Progrefs of the Gofpel amongft Author's Hiftory of New England a the Indians in New England." See Chapter devoted   to  " the Succefs    alfo Vol. xxiv, Mafs. Hit. Soc. Colls.
Iia
270      A Narrative of the Troubles        [8 5
preach the Gofpel amongft feveral of the Indian Natives, hath given the firft Occafion of the Quarrel, as ufually it hath done in the World. But that Oppofition meeting with no better Suc-cefs in the Southern Parts, than the Ruine of thofe that made the firft Rebellion againft us, Satan hath lately changed himfelf into an Angel of Light, under that Shape, making this his laft Attempt, to the Eaftward. [85] For the chief Leader of thofe Indians is a Sagamore called Squando, who hath (as is faid by them that lately efcaped from their Hands) familiar Converfe with the Prince of Darknefs, though under the Notion of a good Deity, putting him upon a Form of Religion, and forbidding any A6ts of Cruelty and and Murther to be ufed againft any they oppofe, if they be willing to yeild, and in that Way promifing great Succefs to his Followers; what the Iffues of his Proceedings will be, God only knows, and a little Time may difcover : But for thofe that before thefe Troubles have profefledly owned the Chriftian Name, many of them have given notable Proof of their fincerity, by fighting againft their, and our Enemies, and have been very fucceffful in their Endeavours : As well thefe in the upper Parts of Cape-God, commonly called Cape Indians, as thofe about Natick and Hajjina-mejet, within the Majfachufet Jurifdidtion. It is not my Purpofe to enlarge much on this Hand, that I   might   not raife the Expectation of the
85]  with the Indians in New-England. 271
World to greater Matters than for the prefent do appear.
There are about fix Societies of Indians in the Country, who have profeffedly owned themfelves Chriftians.260 In every one of which it is fuppofed there are fome that do make a ferious Profeffion of the Chriftian Religion. The Salvation of whofe Souls is worth far more Pains and Coft than ever yet was laid out upon that Work.
It is not a fmall Thing, that in thefe dark Places of the Earth, which in all Ages paft, fince Mankind had any Knowledge thereof, have been full of Nothing but the Habitations of Cruelty, the Light of the Gofpel fhould take fo much Place, as to caufe any Number of thofe Vaffals of Satan where he fo long hath had his Throne, profeffedly to own the Name of the Lord Jefus Cbriji. What Harveft is like to be of the Body of them, in the prefent, or in the future Time, is not for any of us to fpeak : Neither at what Hour, or under what Viall, they fhall be fent to labour in God's Vineyard, left we fhould thereby feem to intrench upon the Sovereignty of the Almighty, in whofe Hands are the Time and Seafon of Grace, as well as of Nature. There are many Nations in the World, to this Day, lying out from
260 Gen. Gookin gives the fol-    (now fufficiently pointed out by-lowing Account of the Praying In-    Nafhua) ; Haflannamefit (Grafton); dian Towns, whichhe denominates    Makunkokoag (Hopkinton); Nat-the " Old Praying Towns:" Wa-    ick; Punkapog(Stoughton); andOk-mefit (formerly Chelmsford, chiefly    kokonimeiit (Marlborough). Goo-included   in  Lowell);   Nafhobah    kin's Hiftorical Collections.
272       A Narrative of the Troubles        [86
the Kingdome of the Lord Jefus, who were never yet known profeffedly to own his Scepter, although probably the Gofpel hath at fome Time or other been preached unto them, or fent amongft them. It may be, only to be a Teftio-nomy unto them, and fo to leave them without Excufe another Day.
Whether any farther End in Reference to thefe amongft ourfelves is aimed at, in the wife and unfearchable Counfels of the great God, is known only to himfelf, and may be thought more convenient for him that writes, and them that read the prefent Narrative, to leave to the [86] after Determination of future Events, rather than to intrude our felves into that which is out of our Line, or beyond our Sphere. Thus much without Offence may be affirmed, that in all the habitable Places of the Earth, wherever God hath, or ever had a People calling upon his Name, never any notable Work of Religion was known to take much Place, where fome Kind of Civility, and Culture of good Manners, had not gone before.
Aide quod ingenuas, didicijfe Fideliter Artes: Emollit mores, nee Jinit ejfe feros.
God in his natural Providence, hath taught the Hufbandman to plough the Ground, to break and open the Clods thereof, before he cafts in the Seed : In the Difpenfation of his Grace he ufually
86]  with the Indians in New-England. 273
obferves the fame Method to break up the fallow Grounds of the Nations of the World, and not to fow among Thorns. When he that fits upon the white Horfe, with his Bow and his Crown, and went forth conquering and to conquer, it was amongft the civil, and not amongft the barbarous and falvage Nations of the World: They that preach the Gofpel elfe will have a double Tafk (the leaft of which hath been found hard enough for the beft of Men, Who is fufficient for thefe Things ? faith St. Paul) the great Apoftle of the Gentiles, to convert Men, Firft, from falvage Paganifme, then to Chriftianity. It is commonly faid that the Turks will not admit a Jew to become a Mahometan, till he hath firft turned Chriftian. To be fure we rarely find any Gentil Nation turned Chriftian before they became humane, Divine Providence hath improved the Roman Sword to make way for the Scepter of the Gofpel of Peace. That Civility that is found amongft the Natives of this Country, hath hitherto been carryed on and obtained, only by the gentle Means of Courtefy, Familiarity, and fuch like civil Behaviour, which in other Places was never yet attended with any eminent Succefs that Way. It feems fome religious Gentleman in Virginia, had great Hopes of the Converfion of the Indians to Chriftianity, a little before the Maflacre there. The Means principally ufed by them was Familiarity and Kindnefs :   One  Mr. Thorpe^1 well
261 Mft George Thorpe, He lived    at Burkley Hundred, five Miles from
274      A Narrative of the Troubles       [87
reputed for Religion, and in Command of one of the principal in Virginia, did fo truly affe£t the Converfion of the Indians there, that whofoever under him did them the leaft Difpleafure, were puniflhed feverely. He thought Nothing to dear for them : And to content them in all Things, he caufed many Englifh Maftives to be killed, and would have taken a Courfe to have fuffi-ciently tamed the Reft. He confered often with their great Sachem about Religion, and made him confefs that the Englifh Mans [87] God was better than the Indians : This Gentleman out of his good meaning was fo full of Confidence and void of Sufpition, that he would never believe any Hurt of them, till he felt their cruel Hands imbrued in his own Blood ; they barbaroufty mur-thering him among the Reft. Mr. Stockainz6'1 a ferious and judicious Minifter in Virginia and pious alfo, for ought is here of his Life, at that Time when all Things were fo profperous there, and the Salvages were thought to be at the Point of Converfion, againft the Opinions of all others, both Governour and Council, wrote his Mind to the Council and Company in England about this Point in thefe Words.
* For the Converfion of the Salvages, I wonder i you ufe not the Means : I confefs you fay well to
Charles  City.     Ten   others   were    the Treafurerfhip of Virginia by the
murdered   with   him.    He   was  a    Earl of Southampton (Henry Wri-
Gentleman   of Confideration, and    othefley).
one of a Council of Seven fent over        232 " Mafter lonas Stockam" ac-
as Regulators on the Affumption of   cording to Capt. Smith.
8y~]   with the Indians in New- England. 275
6 have them converted by fair Means; but they fcorn < to acknowledge it. As for the Gifts beftowed ' on them, they devour them,, and fo they would the ' Givers if they could :    Many have endeavoured
*  by Kindnefs to convert them, yet find nothing ' from them but Derifion and ridiculous Anfwers: ( We have fent Boyes among them to learn their c Language, but they return worfe than they ' went: But I am no States Man, nor love I to ' meddle with any thing but my Books. But I ' can find no probabilty, by this Courfe to draw
*  them to Goodnefs: And I am perfwaded if ' Mars and Minerva go Hand in Hand, they will € effect more Good in an Hour than thofe verbal ' Mercurians in their Lives : Adding that there ' will be no Hope of their Conversion till their 6 Priefts^ (poffibly he meant  their  Powaws) be
*  removed from them. The natural Barbarous-' nefs and Perfidioufnefs of their Difpofition may in ( Part be gathered by this Story.'
When fome of Pocajfet Indians in Plimouth Jurifdidtion had profeffed their Services to Captain Church; as they were in Purfuit of the Indians our Enemies, one of the faid Indians from the Top of an Hill difcerned a Company of Wigwams, where thofe they went to feek, had taken up their Stations, he called to his Captain, and pointing to one of the outermost Wigwams, told
2(53 After Priefts the Letter thus bring them to Converfion." By clofes: " and Ancients have their Priefts and Ancients Powaws and Throats cut,  there is no Hope to    old People are meant,
276      A Narrative of the Troubles        [8 8
him that was his Fathers Wigwam, and afk'd if be muft now go and kill his Father f No faith Captain Church, do but fhew me where he is and I will deal with him ; do you fall upon fome others: to which the faid Indian only replyed in broken Englifh. That very good fpeak ; whereby their natural Perfidioufnefs even to their neareft Relations may be obferved, which makes their Treachery towards us their Foreign Neighbours, the lefs to be wondred at.264 And therefore till they be reduced to more Civility, fome wife Men are ready to fear Religion will not take much Place amongft the Body of them.
Likewife when Philip was kept in the Swamp at Pocajfet, it is certainly affirmed that feveral of their young Children were killed by them-[88] felves, that they might not be betrayed by their Crying, or be hindred with them in their Flight, when they made their Efcape.265
The generality of the Indians in New-England are in their Manners and natural Difpofition, not much unlike thofe in Virginia living much in the fame Climate; who have likewife made an In-furredtion much about the fame Time this Year, as our Indians did with us: But God who is able to graft in again the unbelieving Jews, is able alfo of thefe Stones to raife up Children unto Abraham: And if it be the Pleafure of the Sovereign Lord
264 This Circumftance is not related in Capt. Church's"Hiftory by his Son.
2651 do not remember to have feen this ftated by any other Author; yet it is not unlikely to be true.
88]  with the Indians in New-England. 277
of Heaven and Earth to impart the Salvation of the Gofpel to any of thefe, far be it from any of us to repine at his Grace, or negleft any due Means lying in our Capacity or reach to help forward that bleffed Work. Who knows what Tendency the prefent Troubles may have to fuch an End. For though a great Number that are implacable and imbittered againft us in their Spirits, may be for the Sake of our Religion, found hardned to their own Deftrudtion; yet a Remnant may be referved, and afterward called forth, by the Power of the Gofpel, to give Glory to the God of all the Earth.
FINIS.
Kk2
INDEX.
A BBIGADASSIT, Aboundeffit, ^^ ii,   215, 216. Abbot's Run, Battle at, 175, ii, 47,
Abbot, George, Sons killed and taken, 221.
Abbot, John, efcapes from Captivity, ii, 173, 209.
Acofta, Jofeph, Natural and Moral Hiftory of India, 23.
Adams, Henry, killed, 170.
Adams, Samuel of Chelmsford, 195.
Addington, Ifaac, ii, 192.
Agamaug, a Narraganfet, j6, 78.
Agamenticus, its Situation, ii, 75.
Akkompoin, Uncle to Philip, killed, 258.
Albany, Fort, 279, 2S0.
Alcock, Lieut., ii, 50.
Alden, Timothy, Epitaphs, 46.
Alderman, kills Philip, 267.
Aldworth, Robert, ii, 91.
Alexander, Treaty with, 46, 49; Capture and Death, 50-52.
Alexander, William, Sir, ii, 79.
Allen, John, Secretary of Ct., ii, 6.
Allice, John, Barn burnt, ii, 245.
Alline, John, Child killed, ii, 245.
Amos; Captain, Stratagem of, 175.
Amorofcoggin Indians, Murders of, ii, 53; Indians of, 73; fome with Philip, 93; Attempt to treat with, 98, 150; bitter againft the Englifh, 153, 191 ; Damarafcoggin, 204; Monof-coggin, 219 j Complaint of, 256.
Andover, Mifchief done there, 221 ; ii, 50; Men killed, 234-5 » Names of killed, 236.
Andrew, a Depredator, ii, 95, 113, 134, 202, 230.
Andrews, Henry, killed, 184.
Andrews Ifland, li, 138, 144.
Andros, Edmund, xxvii; urged to employ the Mohawks to deftroy Philip's Indians, 133; indignant at the Propofal, 217-8 ; in New-England, ii, 238; in Maine, 161 ; Agency in engaging the Mohawks, 226.
Androfcoggin—See Amorofcogin.
Annawan, efcapes when Philip is
28o
Index.
killed, 267 ; fubtle and politic, 275 ; his Place of Retreat; 276; Circumftances of his Capture, 277, Confeffions of, 278 $ inhumanly executed, ib.
Antietam, Battle, referred to, 91.
Appleton, Samuel, xxvii, xxix; at Connecticut River, 111 ; Commander-in-Chief, 123 ; Defence of Hatfield, 124; narrow Efcape, 125 ; appointed to command the MafTachufetts Troops at Narra-ganfet, 138 ; Services there, 150; Report on Scottow's Petition, ii, 127.
Archdale, John, xxviii.
Archer, Layton, killed, ii, 39.
Argall, Samuel, difpoflefTes the French at Sagadehock, ii, 79.
Army, what conftitutes, 15.
Arowfick Ifland, ii, 53-4; de-fcribed, 72; Houfe furprifed, 140 ; Men killed, 229 ; further Particulars, 157-63 ; the Number killed, 164, 229.
Afliminafqua, Treaty with, ii, 154.
Aflawamfet, Pond, 62.
Atkins, Samuel, killed, ii, 42.
Attawamhood, Services, 116; faves Mofely and his Men, 119.
Attilius, Regulus, ii, 59.
Atwell, Benjamin, ii, 139, 143.
Audfah, a Pequot, murdered John Oldham, ii, 12.
Augur, Andrew, killed, ii 51, 97, 124.
Aufotunnoog—See Houfatonic.
Avery, James, Expedition of, ii, 56-60, 61.
Awafhonks, Squaw Sachem, 251, 258; erroneoufly called Weeta-moo in Note 419.
Ayers, John, killed, ii, 43♦
O A CON'S Rebellion in Virginia,
"' '93-   ..      , Baker, John, ii, 216.
Baker, Jofeph, Jr., killed,  128.
Balaam, Indians compared to, 49.
BarifFe, William, 25.
Barnes, Nathaniel, 138.
Barney, James, killed, ii, 119.
Bartholemew, Wm., Child killed, ii, 245.
Beard, William, killed, ii, 118.
Beers, Richard, Capt., at Nafhua, 97 ; fights Indians at Sugar-Loaf Hill, 109-10; marches for Squa-keag, 110; defeated and flain, 111,11,44.
Beer's Plain and Mountain, 111.
Belcher, Andrew, Corp., wounded, 69 ; provifions the Army at Nar-raganfet, 153.
Bell, James, killed, 184.
Bennet, George, killed, 95.
Bennet, John, in Narraganfet Expedition 140.
Benfon, Egbert, 126,
Bent, Peter of Marlborough, 130.
Bickford, Jofeph, mortally wounded, ii, 186.
Billerica, Houfes burnt, 221.
Billings, Samuel, Wife killed, ii, 244.
Black Point, Fight there, ii, 51 ; Mifchief there, 65, 126; Scarborough, 74; origin of Name, 85, 172; again attacked, 223; Date of Attack, 184; furrendered,
173-
Blackhead, Daniel, killed, ii, 236.
Blind Will, ii, 180; accufed by Simon, 213; murdered by Mohawks, 228-9.
Blifs, Leonard, Notice of, i8o-i.
Index.
281
Block, Adrian, his Difcoveries, 37. Block Ifland, Murder there, ii, 11. Bloody   Brook,   Lothrop's   Defeat
there, 114. Bloody Point, why fo named, ii,
85. Blue  Point, Depredation,  ii,   51 ;
why  fo   named,   85 ;    Perfon's
killed there, 109. Bogifton (Sherburne) attacked, 219. Bonawagen   Ifland,   ii,   164—See
Cape Bonewegan. Bonithon, John,   ii,   104;   Houfe
burnt, 106. Bonithon, Richard, ii, 104. Book of the Indians, Origin of, vii,
xv. Bofton, its crooked Streets a Monument, 261 ; great Fire in,  292 ;
Indians threaten to burn, ii, 204;
Boftingy 94; Boftown9 227. Bottes, Ifaac, killed, ii, 119. Bourn's Houfe, 186; Garrifon, ii,
39-Bovey, Jofeph, captured, ii, 237.
Boyle, John, Printer, x, xii.
Bracket,   Anthony,   and   Family,
captured,   ii,   138;    remarkable
Efcape,  139;   Narrative of   its
Incidents, 139. Bracket, Thomas,  killed,  ii, 138;
Family taken, 144; his Murderer
killed, 221. Bradford, Man killed, 224; ii, 95,
134-
Bradford, William, Baptifm of, 34.
Bradford, William, in Narraganfet Expedition, 139; orders Men to Matapoifet, 186; in purfuit of Philip, 250, 257; wounded, ii,
46.
Broadfide, Angular Prefervation of one, ii, 241.
Bradftreet, Simon, Govr., endorfes Mr. Hubbard's Hiftory, xxiii, xxxii, 3, 4.
Branch, William, 122.
Brattle, Thomas, Capt., at a Treaty, 55, 193; fent againft the Nip-nets, 225 ; an Exploit, 226 ; Report on Scotrow, ii, 127.
Bridgewater, burnt, 184; lofes no Men, 185 ; attacked, 190-2.
Brockhurft, Capt. (Breakholes, Anthony), ii, 242.
Brocklebank, Samuel, killed, 212.
Brook, Lord, a Proprietor of Connecticut, 36, ii, 13.
Brookfield, taken by the Nipnets, 94, 100, ii, 43; faved by a Shower, ii, 108.
Brooks, John, killed, 127.
Brooks, William, Jr., killed, 127.
Broughton, George, Letter of, ii, 120.
Brown, John, vifited by Philip, 46 ; of Swanzey, 65 ; 90.
Browne, Nathaniel, wounded, 121.
Buckley, Gerfhom, wounded, 204.
Bukow, Pecot, a Witnefs, 79.
Bull, Jireh, his Garrifon taken, 142 ; iii 46.
Bumftead, Jeremiah, Bookfeller, vi.
Bufwell, William, retakes a Veflel, ", 237.
PJABOT, John, Difcoveries of, 28.
Cabot, Sebaftian, 28.
Csefar, an Incident of, 8-9.
California, an Ifland, 26.
Canjuncke, tried for Murder, ii, 42.
Canonchet, Treaty with, j6 ; Brother a Prifoner, 160 ; young in-folent Sachem,   161 5  captured,
282
Index.
182;   Circumftances of, ii, 55* 60 ;   Death of, ib, Nanuntenoo,
57.
Canonicus, his Attornies at a Treaty, 76; alks for a Truce, 161 ; vifited by^Mafon, ii, 21 ; his Fort, 46; killed by Mohawks, 131. In Note 160, Page 131, read Canonicus.
Cape Bona Waggon, ii, 210.
Cape Elizabeth, ii, 73.
Cape Nidduck, Murders at, ii, 53; Situation of, 75 ; furprifed, 182 ; Barbarities there, 170, 180.
Cape PurpunTe, ii, 75.
Cape Sable, Indians kidnapped, ii, 136; fifhing  VeiTels   taken  at,
237-Captives, Return of, 247 ;  ii, 95,
104,   111,   176 ;    pawned  for
Drink, 244.
Card, Francis, Narrative, 199, 204.
Carter, a Daughter of Lieut., ran-fomed, 216.
Cafco Bay, defcribed, ii, 73 ; Indian Mifchiefs, 124 ; great Maf-facre there, 138.
Caflafinamon, Expedition under Talcot, 244; in Purfuit of Ca~ nonchet, ii, 57.
Caftine, whence named, ii, 196.
Catapazat, Expedition under Talcot, 244; at taking of Canon-chet, ii, 56-8.
Caulkins, Hiftory of New London, 288.
Chadbourne, William, a Captive, ii, 219.
Chadbourne, Humphrey, and Family, ii, 219, 263.
Chalons, Henry, Capt., fent on Difcovery, 16, 17.
Champney, Daniel,  Meffenger  to the Indians, 105.
Chapman, Edward, killed, 156.
Chapin, Samuel, Deacon, 133.
Charles I, Patent from, 35; ii, Sgt 90.
Charon's Boat, 231.
Cheberina, a Penobfcot, ii, 189.
Chelmsford,    partly  burnt,    195 ; other Mifchief, 222 ; ii, 50.
Chefley, Thomas, Houfe burnt, ii, 110.
Choos, Confeffion  of, at Albany, 281 ; executed, 282.
Chowahunna, furrenders, 258.
Chowohumma, David, a Friend of SafTamon, 62.
Chubbuck, Nathaniel, Houfe burnt, 209.
Church, Benjamin, Capt., at Swan-zey, 70; feeks the Enemy at Po-caflet, 79; fevere Fight there, 80-3 ; his Opinion of Proceed* ings, 86; accompanies Gen. Winflow to Narraganfet, 145; wounded in the Fight, x 49; Advice to hold the Fort rejefted, 151 ; at Plymouth, 186 ; fecures Awafhonks, 251; purfuing Philip, 257 ; faves the Lives of Prifon-ers, 258 ; large Capture, 262 ; takes Philip's Wife and Son, 263 ; kills Philip, 266; previous Operations and Interview with Awafhonks, 270; captures many at Lakenham, 274; others, 275 ; furprifes Annawan, 276 ; grieved at the ChiePs Execution, 278; at Totonnock, ii, 148.
Church, Thomas, Compiler of the Entertaining Hijiory, v. xvi, 70.
Clarke, Thomas, ii, 72 ; 148, 160; Inquiry for Capt. Lake, 165.
Index.
283
Clarke, William, Family murdered, 178-9;   fomc   executed   for   it,
253-Clark, Thaddeus, Letter  from, 11,
*39-
Cleaves, George, ii,   88;   Cleves,
"39-
Cluff, William, killed, no.
Cobbet, Thomas,  xxi;   vifited by
Mugg,   ii,   189;   fon  of,   173;
Captivity of, 193. Cochecho,  Dover, ii, 76;  Indian
Depredations,   124. Coffin, Lieutenant, ii, 119. Cogepiefon—See Cofpechy. Colburn,   Edward,   Houfe   burnt,
222 ; killed, ii, 43, 50. Colcot,  [Colcord] Edward, killed,
"* 233-. Colicot, Richard, ii, 164. Colman, John, Wife killed, ii, 244 ;
Child wounded, 245. Columbus, his  Hiftorian, 23 ;   his
Ghofl, 24;  Omiffion of, by the
Author, 27. Concord,    attacked,    222;    Men
killed, 223 ; ii, 49. Confederation of the   Colonies of
New England, ii, 269. Cooper,   Thomas,    Lieut.,   flain,
107, 121 ; ii,  4A. Cooper,   John,  killed at Hatfield,
ii, 244. Corban,   Robert,   killed,   ii,   138,
H3-4-Corman, a Narraganfet Chief, y6,
78. _
Cornelius, taken Prifoner, 286. Cornifh,   [James ?]   Houfe  burnt,
127. Cofpechy,   furrenders   at   Albany,
218; taken, 255. Cotton, John, of Yarmouth, xxxii. Council    of   Plymouth,    Powers
granted to, ii, 83; Grant to Mafon, 86 ; to others, 87.
Coufins, Ifaac, killed, ii, 128.
Cowell, Edward, defeated, 213, 224; ii, 49.
Coy, Richard, killed, ii, 43.
Creeke, Edward, ii, 171.
Cromwell, Oliver, for republican Principles, 7 ; joined by Men from New England, 29.
Cromwell, and others kill J. Robin fon, ii, 111;  fuppofed killed,
"3-Crofs, John, killed, ii, 128 ; Jofeph,
185-6. Cudworth, James, Gen., in Philip's
War, 68, 69 ; Operations in the
Field, 72, 73 ;   garrifons Mount
Hope Neck, 74 ;   fends Church
to Pocaflet, 79. Curtice, Ephraim, Meffenger to the
Nipnets,   105;    Philip,    Lieut.
under Henchman,  130;   killed,
131. Cutler,   Capt.,   narrowly  efcapes,
212;   on   another   Expedition,
124.
T\ AM ARIL'S  Cove,  Situation
"■-^ of, ii, 72, 164; Veffel taken, and Men killed, 203 ; Damaris Cove, 210.
Danforth, Thomas, Commiffioner, 56, 135 ;ii, 117.
Danfon, George, killed, ii, 40-1.
Dartmouth, burnt, 80; Difcovery of a Perpetrator, 254; Perfons killed at, ii, 40-1.
Davenport, John, his Settlement over the South Church oppofed, xxi.
Davenport, Nathaniel, in Narraganfet Expedition, 138; purchafes Indians, 142; killed, 146.
284                      Index.
Davenport, Richard, Lieut., in the Pequot War, ii, 34.
David, difcovers the Murderers of SaiTamon, 62; another, 258.
Davis, Jefferfon, fituated like Philip, 126.
Davis, John, his Morton's Memorial, 45, 156.
Davis, Serjeant, in the Pequot War, 26-7.
Davis, Silvanus, ii, 148, 1535 Ef-cape from Arowfick,  160.
Davis, William, Witnefs to the Treaty of Taunton, 55.
Dawfon, George, ii, 41.
Dedham Woods, Indians furprifed there, 255, 259.
Deerfield, (Pecomptuck) 106; attacked, 110; again, 117-18; other Particulars, ii, 43; De-fcent upon, 239-45.
De Laet, John, 23.
Denifon, Daniel, Funeral Sermon on, xxvi; recommends the Author's Hiftory, 3,4; General-in-Chief, ii, 129,  169.
Denifon, George, Expedition againfl the Indians, 181; another, 183, 251 ; captures Canonchet, 56-60; in other Expeditions, 61; Brother to Gen. D., ii, 129; fends Mugg to Bofton, 176.
Dermer, Thomas, Capt., difcovers Namaiket, 61; pacifies the Indians, 81-2.
Dering, John, ii, 161.
Devil, " a Murderer from the Beginning/' 53 ; the Hobamock of the Indians, 176; deceives the Indians, 213; appeared to Philip, 266 ; to Squando, ii, 201 ; a Revelation to a Powow, 222 ; Angel of Light, 270.
Devonlhire, a County in Maine, ii, 125.
Dexter, Henry M., 34. Dibble, Ebenezer, killed, 156. Dickinfon, Thomas, murdered, ii,
212. Dickinfon, Azariah, killed, 110. Dickinfon, Obadiah,   and  Family
taken, ii, 244-5. Diefkau, Gen., Reference to, 10. Dighton Rock, Note on, 28, 88. Divens, Goodwife, redeemed, 216. Dodge, William, Exploit of, 163. Dogs,   (Indian)   without  Matters,
72. Doublet,  Tom, [Nepannet]  Am-
balfador, 117; Pilot, 236. Dover, (Quochecho) ii, y6, Downes, Richard, retakes  a  captured VeiTel, ii, 237. Drake, Francis, Sir, 24, 29. Drake, Geo. B., Col., iii. Drake, John L., Capt., iii. Drought, fevere one, 289. Druce, John, killed, 73. Dudley, (Hockanum)  228, 244. Dudley, Jofeph, 3, 4, j6. Dummer, Richard, Patentee, ii, Sj,
88. Dumbleton, John, killed, 127. Dunton, John, xxvii, xxxi. Durham, (Oyfter River) ii, j6. Durham, Humphrey, ii, 138, 143. Dutch, affift the   Indians, 265, ii,
247 ; queftioned, 246, 253. Dutch River, 126, 133, 279. Dutch, Robert,  fmgular Preferva-
tion of, 116. Dwight, Timothy, 36. Dye, John, Patentee, ii, 87.
THAMES, Thomas, Houfe burnt, J"-J 222; Efcape of one, 223, ii,
49. Earthy, John, ii, 149, 152, 192. Eclipfe of the Moon, of evil Omen,
67-8.
Index,
285
Edgecomb, Miles, Depofition of, ii, 126.
Edmunds, Andrew, Capt., 90, 174.
Eel River, Maflacre, 178, 254.
Eglefton, James, killed, 110.
Eires, John, killed, ii, 43.
Eliot, John, Indian Apoflle, 48; Inftrudtor of Saffamon, 60.
Elizabeth, Queen, 36.
Ellis, John, [Allice] ii, 245.
Elton, Richard, 25 ; Romeo, 24.
Endicott, John, Governor, 35 ; Expedition  againfl the Pequots, ii,
Epanow, one kidnapped, ii, 81. Ephraim,  Peter,  captures Nipnets,
ii, 62. Everett, E. at Bloody Brook, 114. Exeter, Settlement of, ii, 76 ;   Per-
fons taken, 111; fome killed, 124. Eyeres.    See Ayres.
PALCONER   [Faulkner,   Ed-
mund], Houfe burnt, 221. Fall Fight, 230-1;  ii, 43. Falmouth, many killed there, ii, 53,
74-
Fall River, Men killed there, ii, 39.
Farley, Timothy killed, ii, 43.
Farmer, John, vr.
Farmington, a Murder at, 18.
Farrar, Jacob killed, 95.
Farrow, George, killed, ii, 183.
Fail proclaimed,   16.
Fayal, Indians fold there, ii, 94.
Fellows, Richard, killed, no.
Felt, George, ii, 145; killed, 170.
Felt, Jofeph B., xxi, xxix.
Fenwick, George, Efq., 36.
Fenner, Arthur, captures Tift, 162.
Fines, William, 36.
Fifher, Daniel, one of thofe appointed to examine Hubbard's New England, xxiii.
LI2
Fifher, Mr., buys Indians, ii, 94.
Fifk, Thomas, in the Eaflern War, ii, 223.
Fitch, James, 88, Anecdote of a Powwow, 288.
Flagg, William, killed, 95.
Fletcher, Samuel, of Chelmsford, 195.
Fletcher, William, 195.
Foot, Family taken, ii, 244.
Fort Albany, 279.
Fort Halifax, ii, 148.
Fort St. George, ii, 251.
Fofter, John [firft Printer of Bof-ton], 1.
Foulfam, John, ii, 112.
Fowler, Samuel P., Antiquary, ix.
Foxwell, Richard, ii, 127.
Francis, Sachem of Naufet, 5 2.
Franklin, Benjamin, his Portrait fraudulently entitled Roger Williams, 24.
French among the Indians, 203 ; feize Penobfcot, ii, 71; occupy in New England, 78-9, 247; did not aid the Indians as fuppofed, 246, 253, 268.
Froft, Charles, at Cochecho, 281 ; Note on, ii, 122; narrow Efcape, 123 ; at Dover, 131, 179, 214; feizes Megunaway, 221, 264.
Fryer, James, ii, 173, 185 ; wounded and taken, 174; returned by Mugg, 176, 191.
Fuller, Matthew, Capt., Expedition to PocafTet, 79-81.
Fuller, Samuel, Lieut., at Pawtucket Fight, 173.
Fufill, John, killed,  170.
OALLOP, John, in Pequot War,
ii, 3°-Gallop, John, Capt., in Narragan fet Expedition, 139.
286
Index.
Gammel,  William, Life of Roger
Williams, 24. Gardener,  Lion,  at Saybrook, ii,
13 ; his Hiftory, ii, 14. Gardiner, Thomas, his Fort, ii, 217.
Gardner,   Jofeph,   in   Narraganfet Expedition, 138, 141, 142; killed, 147. George, a Sogkonate, 258.
Gendal, Walter, ii, 127; a Captive, 185 ; a narrow Efcape, 168; fent to induce the Surrender of Wells Garrifon, 171, 173 ; how captured, 74 ; granted Liberty to go to Portfmouth to obtain Ran-fom, 175, 189, 191, 217.
Ghendal—See Gendal.
Gilbert, Ralegh, Capt., at Sagada-hock, 17, 29.
Gilbert, John, a Captive, 229.
Gilbert, Humphrey, Sir, ii, 91.
Gilman, Edward, ii, 112.
Globes, Improvement of, 25.
Glover, Pelatiah, Library burnt, 112.
Goff, William, at Hadley, ii, 46.
Golding, Roger, Capt., relieves Capt. Church at PocafTet, 82 ; at the killing of Philip, 267.
Goodman, Richard, killed, 228 ; ii, 46.
Gookin, Daniel, Gen., 59, 76 ; fends out Spies, 202 ; raifes Men to go Eaft, ii ;  184.
Gorges, Ferdinando, his Grant of Maine, 31. New Somerfe tfhire, ii, 81 ; Grant from, 87 ; obtains another Patent, 89.
Gorham, John, in Narraganfet Expedition, 139 ; had ferved againft theNipnets, 155 ; dies, 156.
Granger [Lancelot ?], wounded, 127.
Grant, Jofhua, killed, ii, 202.
Grants, of Territory, conflicting^.
Graves, Thomas, 247 ; Sergeant, killed, ii, 224.
Gofnold, B., Voyage to New England, 29.
Gouge, James, killed, ii, 182.
Greenland, Situation of, ii, j6.
Greenleaf, Daniel, Printer, xin.
Green River, 237.
Greville, Fulke, Lord Brook, 36.
Groton, attacked, 193; burnt, 194; Circumftances attending, 195-200 ; ii, 48 ; how the Indians came to be fuccefsful there, 261.
Gyobfcot Point, ii, 217.
UADLEY, Expedition  to, 97 ; •*•      Head-quarters  of the Army,
112;  Indians   there   plot  with
others,  120;   Men flam,  228;
Men killed, 234; aflaulted, 244;
ii, 45, 240. Hadwell, Benj., killed,   11, 138—
See Atwell. Hakluyt, Richard, 23. Hall, Richard, killed, 235, Haman,  Capt.,   Voyage   to  New
England, 17. Hampton,    Indian   Mifchiefs,   ii,
124 ; Men killed, 233-4. Hammond, Richard, his Daughter's
Adventure, 157-9; killed, 202. Hammond, William, killed, 69. Hapgood, Sydrack, killed, ii, 43. Harding, Grace, Patentee, ii, 87. Harris, William    Thaddeus,  xxv,
xxvi. Harris Andrew, LofTes of, 164. Haflanamefit,  95 ;   Expedition to,
128,   225;  Praying Town,  ii,
271. Harvy, Elizabeth, ii, 139. Harwood,   Henry,  Depofition of,
ii, 171, 173.
Index.
287
Hathorne, William furprifes Indians at Cochecho, 281 ; at Dover, ii, 131; foiled by Guides, 181 ; marches for OfTapy, 186; People defert him, 169 5 other Expeditions, 178-80.
Hatfield attacked, 124; Army Quarters, 133; partly burnt, 234;   attacked,   ii,   44;   again,
239-45«
Haverhill, Men killed, 224 ; ii 95.
Hawlaws, Henry, 79.
Henchman, Daniel, Capt., marches for Mount Hope, 6y; Operations there, 74; atPocaffet, 86; at Narraganfet, 79 ; Indians fent to, 89; purfues the Enemy, 90; in the Nipmuck Country, 94-5; fent againft Haflanamefit, 128; refcues a Captive, 129; repulfed, 130-1 ; marches for Brookiield, 235; Exploit at Wefhacom, 236; Letter detailing his Expedition, 237; executes Prifoners, 238 ; Service during his Expedition, 239;   Farm, ii, 227.
Hendrick, a Mohawk Chief, 10.
Higginfon, John, xxviii.
Hilliard, Benjamin, killed, ii, 234.
Hinckley, Thomas, on the Juftnefs of the War, 56, 66 ; Commif-fioner, 135.
Hingham, Indian Mifchief at, 209 ; ii, 50.
Hitchcock, John, Houfe burnt, 122 ; Richard ii, 110.
Hoar, John, AmbafTador to ranfom Captives, 217.
Hobart, Ifrael, Houfe burnt, 209.
Hobomock, the Devil of the Indians, 176.
Hockanum, Men killed, 228 ; Chabonakongum, 244; ii, 45.
Hodgdon, Benoni, Houfe burnt, ii, 119.
Holbrook, John, Expedition of, 225.
Holioke, Samuel, Exploit, 227; dies, 228 ; at the Fall Fight, 231; narrow Efcape, 233 ; ii, 43 ; kills Indians, 44.
Holmes, Abiel, 10, 36.
Hopehood, noted Eaftern Chief, ii, 113,156.
Horwood, Henry, ii, 171.
Howland, Jabez, at the killing of Philip, 267.
Hoyt, Epaphras, 112, 115.
Hubbard, William, his Hiftory of Indian Wars, v ; why no Edition for fo long a Period, ix; the various Editions, xv ; Life of, xix-xxix; careful not to criticife Officials, 87 ; his Hi lory of New England, xxv; confufed, no; his Hi fory of the Pequot War, ii, 6 ; a Chapter from his Hift, of New England, 226- 45 ; in Advance of his Age, 262.
Hudfon, Henry, his Difcoveries. 29.
Hudfon, William, at the Taunton Treaty, 55.
Hunt, Thomas, kidnaps Indians, ii, 80-1.
Hunting, Samuel, 179 ; brings off Eaftern People, ii, 230.
Hutchinfon, Anne, Mrs., Fate of, 18.
Hutchinfon, Edward, Capt., fent to treat with the Narraganfets, 74, j6; to the Nipnets, 98 ; ambufhed and flain, 99.
Hutchinfon, Edward, ii, 105 ; Richard, 123, 148.
288
Index.
NDIANS, inftigated by Satan, 52; none to buy their Lands without the Confent of the Government, 57; their Numbers, 58; begin War, 64; fail in Part for Want of Difcipline, 103 ; thofe about Deerfield not Nipnet's, 108; join Philip, 109; Barbarities to the Slain, ill; dare not look an Englifhman in the Face, 115; Lofs at Bloody Brook, 118; begin to talk of great Matters, 119; fome difarmed, 121; burn Springfield, 122; Children of the Devil, 123 ; Attack Hatfield, 124; retire to Narraganfet, 125, 133; Lofs at the Swamp Fight, 151, 159; Fugitives Purfued, 154-5 ; Overture for Peace, IS7~ 60; Flight to the Nipmuck Country, 162-3 > rendezvous at Wa-chufet, 168; Lofs in Pawtucket Fight, 180; Barbarities at Gro-ton, 199; Numbers and Condition in the Winter of 1675-6, 203 ; befet Northampton, 205 ; inclined for Peace after Sudbury Fight, 214; Wamesits af-faulted, 220 ; Exploit of fome Naticks, 226; congregate at the great Falls, 229; Lofs at Swam-fcot Falls, 233 : Torture of Captives, 237; divided and feparated, 239, 248; repulfed at Hadley, 244 ; fue for Peace, 249 ; great Lofs in Narraganfet, 252-3 ; in a trembling Condition, 259, 262; efcape Weftward, 279; fome to Cochecho and are captured, 281 ; unjuftly judged, 288 ; do not abufe female Captives, ii, 48; Chiefs change their Names at every great Dance, 57; Torture of one WitnefTed by the
Englifh, 63-4; Eaftern, deny being incited by Philip, 92; driven to War, 94, 102; like a Nefl of Hornets, 96; device to burn Forts, 108; fue for Peace, 130; bad faith of the Englifh at Cochecho, 132, 134; fome kidnapped, 136; Retreat to To-tonnock, 148; to the eaft o^ St. John's, 149; again pacified, 150; again outraged, 151; capture fifhing VefTels, 237; Children of Hell, 178 ; Numbers exaggerated, 202; thofe weft of Pafcataqua, not in the eaftern War, 202; treat Captives as well as can be expected, 204; nefarious Conduct of fome, 205-6; Reflections on their Treatment, 256-8; why fuccefsful at firft in the War, 259-60; Chriftianity among, 269-79; kill their Children 1:0 prevent Difcovery, 226.
Indian Biography, origin of, vii.
Ingerfol, Geo., ii, 104; Son killed, 124.
Irving, Wafhington, 126.
Ifle of Shoals, a Captive efcapes to, ii, 209.
JACKED, Timothy, fufpected of Murder, ii, 42.
Jackfon, John,  Depoiition, ii, 127.
Jacob, captured, 275.
Jacobs, John, a Captive, ii, 48.
Jacobs, Richard, Exploit, 208.
James I, grants N. England, 30; Pilgrims apply to for Liberty to fettle in N. England, 33; on detecting Murder, 63.
James II, 3; grants Novafcotia, ii, 79, 90.
James the Printer, 96, 171; fur-renders, 249.
Index.
289
Jennings, Stephen, goes to Canada
to redeem Captives, ii, 240-5. JefTup, Gen., Conduct in  Florida,
»* x33-Jethro, Peter, furrenders, 250.
Jethro,   (Negro),   ill requited   for
great Service, 256. Jethro.—See Old Jethro. Jewell's  Ifland,   ii,   73;    Tragedy
there, 166-7, 202. John,   a   Nipnet Sachem,   efcapes,
286. Johnfon, Edward, xx. Johnfon, Ifaac,   killed at Narragan-
fet, 139, 146. Johnfon, William, xxiii,  10.
Jones,------■-, killed at Swanfey, 188.
Jones, Jofeph, Houfe burnt, 209. Jofhua,—See Attawamhood. Jordan, Robert, ii, 74. Joflyn, Jofeph, a Captive, ii, 48. JofTelin, Henry, of Black Point, ii,
74,   127,    172;   furrenders   to
Mugg, 173.
I/"ATENANIT, Job, ferves as a
Spy, 202-3. Kedonukook [Medunkook?] ii, 154. Keekamuit,    People   killed   there,
Kellogg, Samuel, wife killed, ii, 244-5.
Kemball, Thomas, killed, 224; other Fads, ii, 134.
Kennibunk, fituation of, ii, 75.
Kettle, Goodwife, a Captive, 216.
Kewenam, executed, 254.
Kingsbury, Ephraim, killed, 224.
Kiswas, barbaroufly executed, ii; 21.
Kittery, Situation of, ii, y6'7 Sturgeon Creek, 214.
Knapp, Samuel L., xiv.
Knowles, J. D., Life of Williams,
24. Knowles, John, killed, ii, 42.
T   AKE, Thomas, ii, 72, 98, 99,
""^  148 ;     Surprife   and    Death,
161-2; John, 165 ;  Remains of
Thomas difcovered, 224.
Lakenham,   Situation   and  Name,
268 ;   Surprife   of   Indians    at,
274-
Lamprey-eel-River, ii, y6 ; Indians Attack, 124.
Lancafter, attacked by Philip, 126 ; by the Nipnets, 165 ; duly warned, 203 ; attacked, ii, 47 ; Reflection upon, 260.
Land, obtained of Indians only by Purchafe, 56-7.
Landing of the Pilgrims at Plymouth, 33.
Laughton, Thomas, kidnaps Indians, ii, 136.
Lawrence, John, of Ipfwich, xxxii.
Lawfon, Chriflopher, ii, 148.
Leet, William, Gov. of Connecticut, 7, 9.
L'Eftrange, Roger, Licencer, ix, 3.
Letter written by Indians, 171.
Leverett, John, Gov., xxxii, 7; ii, 88, 189.
Lewes, George, efcapes, ii, 145.
Lewis, James, killed, no; another, ii, 138.
Lind, John, and other Indians kill John Robinfon, ii, 111; fup-pofed Murderer killed, 113.
Littlefield, Francis, ii, 171-2.
Littlefield, Ifaac, killed, ii, 185.
Local Hiftories, Sources of Information, xvi.
Lok, Michael, Hakluyt's Tranf-lator, 23.
290                        Index.
Long Ifland Indians, murder fhip-wrecked Mariners, 18.
Long Meadow, People attacked, 206.
Lothrop, Thomas, Capt, fent into the Nipnet Country, 106; Fight at Sugar-loaf-Hill, 109-10; is furprifed and flain, 112-14; mif-taken Way of fighting Indians, 115-16;    other  Particulars,   ii,
43-Loupe, Thomas, Patentee, ii, 87. Lucas, Thomas, killed, 262. Ludlow, Roger, ii, 8; in the Pequot
War, 33. Lux, John, at Black Point, ii, 126.
A/TACHIAVEL, ii, 16.
-LVA Macleod, Mordecai, killed, ii, 95.
Madocawando, Treaty with, ii, 154, 156; chief Leader of Eaftern Indians, 176; Refidence about Penobfcot, 177, 189; re-leafes T. Cobbet, 197; difagrees with Squando, 204; his Sifter met with, 222.
Magnus—See Sunke Squaw.
Maguncook,   Situation, ii, 75, 154.
Maine, Province, Name, 31; comparative View, ii, 70; granted to Gorges, 89.
Makunkokoag, praying Indian Town, ii, 271.
Mallet, Hofea, ii, 98.
ManhTes, (Block Ifland) ii 11.
Maquait, Muckquitt, ii, 212-3.
Marblehead, Women murder Indian Captives, ii, 237-8.
Marks, J., killed, ii, 40.
Marks, Roger, wounded, 221.
Marlborough defolated, 95-6; 129, 179, 208, 2H; faved by Accident, 247; aflaulted, ii; 49.
Marfhall, Samuel, 139; killed, 156.
Martyr, Peter, his Hiftory, 23.
Mafon, John, Governor of Newfoundland, reftores captive Indians, ii, 81; his Patent of New England, 86-89.
Mafon, John, defends Uncas, 52; Services in the Pequot War, ii, 20; at the Pequot Fort, 26.
Mafon, John, killed in Narragan-fet, 139.
Mafon, Samuel, killed, 110.
MafTafoit, Treaty with, 44-5; called Woofamequin, 47; rejefts Chriftianity, ib.; Death of, 49, 52; brought to Plymouth by Samofet, ii, 82.
Matantuck—See Quaiapen.
Matapoifet, where fituated, 84, 186; ii, 39.
Matataog, at Narraganfet, 76.
Mather, Cotton, affifted by Mr. Hubbard in his Magnalia, xxviii.
Mather, Increafe, Hiftory of Philip's War, xv; goes to England, xxvii; about Armies, 15; his Brief Hiftory} ii, 262.
Mathews, Penticoft, killed, 121.
Matoonas, a Murderer, 44; his Father, 98; executed, 105; betrayed, 260; like Simon Magus, 261.
Mattahanado, Eaftern Chief, ii, 217, 222.
Matthias, ferved under Church, 262.
Mawtamp, of Qabaog, executed, 105, 202.
Medfield, deftroyed, 16y-j 1; Indians repulfed, 219; Army Quarters, 226; ii, 48.
Meduncook, ii, 154.
Megunaway, captured, ii, 221; executed, 223.
Index.
291
Meminimefit, Situation,  107, 203.
Mendham—See Mendon.
Mendon, attacked, 86; deftroyed, 97; 11,42.
Menowniett, teftifies againft Choos, 282.
Miantonimo, Lord of Narraganfet, 39; ordered to Bofton, 40; Capture and Death, 41-2; a magnanimous Chief, 59; vifited by Mafon, ii, 21; caufed Philip's War, ii, 38.
Middleborough, early vifited, 61; threatened by Indians, 80; burnt, 120; ii, 40.
Miles, John, Minifter of Swanzey, 69; ii, 39.
Miller, Joleph, 203.
Miller, Thomas, Depofition of, ii, 94.
Miller's River, 204.
Minfhew, John, Lexicographer, 24-5.
Miraculous Deliverances, 12.
Mifquamicok, (Wefterly) 160.
Mitchell, Jacob, murdered, 254.
Mitton, Michael, ii, 139, 143.
Mohawks, Englifh defire to employ, 133; Rumor of their Attack on Philip's Men, 217, 226, 228, 239, 243.
Mohegans, Country of, 36; fome purfue Philip, 88, 94; accufe the Nipnets of Perfidy, 108; fend 150 Men againft the Nar-raganfets, 142; fhare the Pequots, ii, 38;  on the Hudfon, i, 282.
Monoco, Sachem of Nafhua, 105; One-eyed John, 199; Gafco-nades of, 200; hanged, ibid; protected Quanapohit, 202; captured, ii,  133.
Monhiggon Ifland defcribed, ii, 72; a Place of Refuge,   164.
Mononotto, Pequot Chief, 37. Moody, Jofhua, his Story of an Indian's Prophecy, ii, 264. Monopoide,   a Pequot, feizes Ca-
nonchet, ii, 59. Moore, Richard, redeems Captives,
192, 199. Morfe, Samuel, Bravery of, 170. Morton, Thomas, not the  Vulcan who forged   the   Indians' Guns, ii, 252.
Mofeley, Samuel, marches for Mount Hope, 68; commands Privateers, 70; his Operations, 74, 75; returns to Bofton, 86' fent to Mendon, 94; to Qua-baog, 95; to Hadley, &c , 96-7; at Deerfield, 112; attacks the Enemy, 115; a drawn Battle, 119; at Hatfield Fight, 124; in Narraganfet Expedition, 138; furprifes 36 Indians, 139; escapes an Ambufh, 141; Inhumanity of, 216; on another March, 240, 257.
Mofs, John, ranfomed, 216.
Mount Defart, ii, 197.
Mount Hope, never to be bought of the Indians, 57; defcribed, 46; Mount Mifery, 248; a gallant Neck of Land, ii, 39.
Mountjoy's Garrifon, ii, 145.
Mountjoy's Ifland, Men killed there, ii, 170, 180.
Mountjoy, John, Houfe burnt, ii, 51; killed, 138, 144.
Mount Manfel, taken from the French, ii, jg.
Moxon, Jofeph, Aftronomer, 25.
Mrikfah, Son of Canonicus, 144.
Muchin, Chriftopher, a Captive, 130.
Mug, a noted Eaftern Chief, ii, 153,156; appears at Wells with
292
Index.
W. Gendal, 185, 188; ftyles himfelf General, 171; takes Black Point, 174-5; goes to Pafcataqua, 176; at Bofton, 189; Efforts for Peace, 193.
Mun, Benjamin, dies, 133,
Munjoy—See Mountjoy.
XTAMASKET, Middleborough,
-^  61; Tifpequin, Chief of, 19Q; burnt, 220 ; ii, 40.
Nantucket, Indian Murder there, 17.
Nanuntenoo—See Canonchet.
Narraganfets, warlike and fierce, 38; Caule of their Ruin, 41 ; civil and courteous to the Englifh, 47; Attempt to prevent their joining with Philip,  75 ; Treaty with, 76-7 j old Men not inclined to War, 92 ; why they did not at once join  Philip,  93 ;   Winter Campaign againft, propofed, 134; moft numerous of all the Indians, 135 ; break their League, 136 ; attacked by Connecticut Forces, 243 ; old Queen of taken, 253 ; War with the Pequots, ii, 7-8 ; refufe to unite with them againfi the   Englifh,   15 ;   dreaded   the Name ofSaflacus, 24 ; join with the   Englifh and deftroy them, 22-33 j fhare the captive Pequots, 38 ; Stanton's Account of, 55. Narraganfet Fort,   126,   133 ; defended, 145 ; captured, 146-7 ; Condition of,   151 ; called Ca-nonicus's Fort, ii, 46. Nafhobah, Praying Indian Town,
ii, 271. NafTamaquat, tried for Murder, ii,
42. Natick, Refidence of Praying Indians, 60 ; Exploit of fome, 226,
285 ; fought for the Englifh, ii,
234-5-Naum Keag, ii, 86.
NefF, Job, at Narraganfet, jg. Negro, one Captured, 241 ; efcapes and faves Taunton,   240 ; further Account of him, 256 ; another, ii, 39 ; another, 140, Nepannet, Tom, ferves the Englifh,
217. Netop, a Friend, 177. Netus, killed, 223. Newbury, Benjamin, Expedition to Narraganfet,     251 ;     furprifes many, 252. Newechewannik (Berwick), ii, 76; afTaulted,  113-14; Men  killed, 118. New England, Town Hiftories, xvi; Hubbard's Hiftory of, xxv ; Extent, 28, 30 ; eafterly Boundary of, ii, yy ; promifed little, ib.\ Capt. Smith's Voyage  to,  80 ; fignally  blefTed  of God,  248 ; Day of fmall Things, 245 ; Confederate Colonies of, 269. Newman, Noah, Exertions againfi
the Indians, 90. New Netherlands, ii, 250. New Plymouth—See Plymouth. Nianticks, Tribe of Narraganfets,
93 5 »> 46-Nichols, Stiles, Printer, xiri.
Nimrod, Counfellor to Philip, 55, ii, 67.
Ninigret, Treats with Englifh, 76 ; they are greatly his Debtors, 93; burys the Dead in Narraganfet, 152 ; a Friend, 160 ; a Narraganfet, 181 ; abandons Philip, 248 ; buries the Dead in Narraganfet Fight, ii, 46 ; his Men take Canonchet, 56-7,
Index.                      293
Nipmug Plantation, Brookfield, S6] Forts, 90.
Nipnets, Inland Indians, 37 ; fub-jedl to Philip, 97 ; Border of Philip's Country, 97 ; chief Seat of, 98 ; had no Caufe for their Perfidy, 104 ; Names of Chiefs, 105 ; accufed of Treachery by the Mohegans, 108 ; join in the War, 165 ; defert Philip, 248 ; flee to Uncas, ii, 62.
Nipfachet, Indians purfued to, 90.
Nixon, Capt., Lines on, 207.
Northampton, Men killed, 127 ; Palifades broken through, 132, 205 ; Houfes burnt, ii, 45.
Northfield, Squakheag, 106 ; Battle there, 111 ; deftroyed, ii, 44.
Northmen, Stories refpefting, 28.
Norton, Freegrace, killed, 124 ; ii, 44.
Norton, Capt., Murder of, 38 ; ii, 7 ; Indian Account of, ion.
Nutter, Anthony, feizes Meguna-way, ii, 221.
Noyce, James, of Stonington, ii, 62.
Num, John, executed, 254.
CRAKES, Thomas, 72 ; Exploit,
73-.
Okkokonimefit,     praying    Indian
Town, ii, 271. Oldham, John,  murdered, 38 ; ii,
7,  11. Old Jethro, taken, 96, 105 ; hanged,
200 ; Manner of his   Capture,
", 133-
Oliver, James, in Narraganfet Expedition, 188, 141.
Oliver, Richard, a Witnefs, 192.
Oneko, Son of Uncas, at Bofton, 88 ; Expedition with Talcot, 244 ; at the taking of Canonchet, ii, 57.
Mm 2
One-eyed John, 95, 105 ; Info-lence at Groton, 199-200; protects Englifh Spies, 202 ; captured, 281.
Onopequin, a Quabaog, 52.
Opekankanough, his MafTacre of Englifh in Virginia, ii, 93.
Ofceola, a Parallel to fome early Cafes, ii, 133.
OfTapy, Expedition to defeated, ii, 129, 183 ; another, 186-7.
Oyfter River, Durham, ii, 76 ; Houfes burnt, 111 ; others burnt, 116, 118.
OACKACHOOGE, Expedition X    to, 128.
Paige, Nicholas, 74, 79, 86. Pain,   John,  in   Eaflern  War,  ii,
212, 218. Paine, Elizabeth, killed, 170. Pallifadoes, Conftrudlion of, 132. Palmes, Edward, fervices of, ii, 61. Pandora's Box, ii, j6. Panoquin.—See Quinapin. Paquage River, 204. Parker,  James,   of  Groton,   101;
Petition of,   193;  Garrifon fired
upon,    198;    Conference   with
Monoco, 199,  ii,   227 Parker,   Jofeph,   wounded,    195;
John and James, killed, ii, 236. Parfons, Jofeph, killed, 11 o. Partrigge, Samuel, ii, 245. Paflaconaway, of Merrimack River,
48.
Patrick, Daniel, marches againft the Pequots, ii, 19; delayed by a Covenant of Works, 20; Service at Stamford, 33-4.
Pattifhal, Robert, ii, 97, 98.
Patuckfon, 63.
Patuxit,   confounded   with   Paw-
294                      Index.
tucket, 172; ii, 47; Plymouth, 82.
Pawaw, a Sorcerer, 48.—See Powow.
Pawtucket, Indian Rendezvous, 172; deadly Battle there, 173-7; Incident of, 180; Error in Spelling, ii, 57.
Pearce, Samuel, xxx, xxxii.
Peafe-field, Battle of, 81-3.
Pecowfick Brook, Springfield, 207.
Peebe.—See Thebe.
Pegypfcott River, ii, 53; defcribed,
73> 97-Pennycook, Expedition to, ii, 96.
Pendleton, Bryan, ii, 74, 127.
Penobfcot,   feized by the French,
Pemmaquid, defcribed, ii, 72.
Pepperrell, William, ii, 216.
Pequods, 36; Murders by, ^2; Services againft Philip, 183; War with, ii, 5-38; Country of, 6; War with the Dutch, 7; Children of Ammon, 8; fome vifit Bofton, ib.] Treaty with, 9; begin a War, 12; Cruelty of, ib.; wretched Catiffes, \ 3; Infults of, 14; Attempt to unite the Narraganfets againft the Englifh, 15; Arguments of Machiavel, 16; Many taken and executed, 30; purfued to a Swamp and furrounded, 33; defperate Re-fiftance, 34; killed like fullen Dogs, 36; fome fold as Slaves, 37 j fome afligned to the Mohe-gans and others to the Narraganfets, 38; the War with as formidable in its Time as that with Philip, ib.; cruel Mifcreants, 268.
Pequod River, mifnamed Thames,
37-
Percivale, Richard, 25.           [234.
Perkins,   Abraham,  Jr., killed, ii,
Peter Jethro, furrenders with 40 Indians, ii, 133.
Peter, taken by Mofely, 139; faved the Army, 140; faithful to the Englifh, 152; AmbaiTador, 217; Peter Awaftionks, 258; Peter Ephraim's Exploit, 285.
Pewkes, a Hoftage, yj.
Phelps, John, killed, ii, 236.
Philip, accompanies his Father to Plymouth, 46; nicknamed King Philip, 52; a Mifcreant, 53; makes a Treaty at Taunton, 54-5; fells Land, 57: a Caitiff, ib.* Plots of difcovered, 58; a Coward, 59; fends Women and Children to Narraganfet, 64; his Wigwam taken, 72; his Brother killed, j^; Reward offered for, 78; in Pocaffet Swamps, S^^ like a wild Boar, 84; efcapes, 87; his Rear attacked, 89, 90; joined by Springfield Indians, 108-9; cowardly and contemptible, 126; Winter hiding Place, 126, 133; Malice againft Gov. Winflow, 185; orders that Taunton and Bridge-water be not molefted, 189; at Medfield, 200; near Albany, 202; heard of by Henchman, 238; his Men attacked by Mohawks, 239; again in Plymouth Colony, 240; the Nipnets quarrel with, 248; hunted near Re-hoboth, 250; his black Regiment, 251; Deftgn on Taunton defeated, 256; eludes Purfuit, ib.; again, 257; Wife taken, 258; was at Brookfield, 260; going down the Wind, 261;  diiguifed
Index.
295
by cutting off his Hair, ib.\ efcaped leaving his Wife and Son, 263; hunted like a wild Beaft, 265; furprifed and flain, 266-7; Heart broken, 271; his Head fet upon the Fort at Plymouth, 272; had 300 Men when the War began, 278; like Saf-facus, ii, 32; Caufe of the War with, 38; makes Treaty at Plymouth, 66] his Confpiracy not General, 93.
Phillip, Samuel, xxvii.
Phillip's Sergeant, killed, 184.
Phillips, William, Houfe aflaulted, ii, 52, 104-5; narrow efcape, 106; defends his Garrifon fuc-cefsfully till deferted, 109-10.
Phillips, Zechariah, killed, ii, 43.
Phips, William, Sir, xxvii.
Pickering, John, 115, 118.
Pierce, Michael, 172 ; marches againft the Enemy, 173 ; Defeat and Death, 174-7 ; other Fa6ts, n, 42, 47.
Pierce, N. xxxii.
Pigwauchet, Expedition againft prevented, ii, 129, 178, 209.
Pike, Richard, of Falmouth, ii, 143.
Pilgrims, of Plymouth, 33-4 ; Land-m ing of, 44.
Pity me, Andrew, capture of Nip-nets, ii, 62.
Plaifted, Roger, defperate Encounter and Death, ii, 119-22.
Plimpton, John, Jr., a Captive, burnt, ii, 245.
Plummer, John, killed, 110.
Plymouth, fettled, 33, s$, 44 ; threatened, 168, 172; Families murdered, 178-9; Buildings burnt, 220 ; by Tifpequin, 273 ; backward in the Pequot War, ii, 17; Indian Name Patuxit, 82.
Pocaflet, referved to the Indians, 57 ; a Neck of Land, 73 ; Expedition to, 80 ; Fight, 81-3 ; Grant to Capt. Golden, 82 ; Swamp Fight, 84-5, 87 ; Queen of drowned, 264 ; Houfes burnt, ii, 42 ; Anecdote of a PocafTet Indian, 275.
Pocomptuck, Springfield, ii, 43.
Pompacanche, tried for Murder, ii, 42.
Pond, Nathaniel, killed, 156.
Poole, Jonathan, Capt., at Hatfield Fight, 124.
Pope, Alexander, xxxi.
Pope, John, murdered, 254.
Popham, Francis, trades to New England, ii, 78.
Popham, George, 17, 29.
Popham, John, 16 ; the firft to pof-fefs New England, ii, yy.
Portland, early mention of, ii, 212.
Port Real, taken by Agall, ii, 79.
Portfmouth, Indians driven from, ii, 123 ; Houfes burnt, 230 ; Per-fons killed, 231.
Poft, Richard, killed, 86.
Poftfcript, ii, 55.
Potock, a Narraganfet Chief, 75 ; protefts againft Religion, y6.
Potts, Richard, Family captivated, ii, 167.
Powell, John, of Bofton, ii, 87.
Powows, Powwows, Pawaws, &c, Conjurers, 213 ; one fails to produce Rain, 289 ; more fuccefsful in another Cafe, ii, 196, 222 ; in Virginia, 275.
Pratt, Sergeant, jtiain, 209.
Prentice, Thomas, marches for Mount Hope, 6y ; at Seakonk, 72 ; feeks the Enemy, 74; at the Narraganfet Treaty, 79 ; in Narraganfet Expedition, 139 ; in
296
Indt
Pumham's Country, 159 ; fuc-cefsful, 163 ; againft the Nip-muks, 225 ; an Indian efcapes from his Houfe, 286.
Prin, Martin, Voyage to New England, 17.
Pringridays, E., wounded, 121.
Prince, Thomas, 168.
Princeton, why fo named, 168.
Pritchet, John, killed, ii, 43.
Privateers, under S. Mofely, 70.
Providence, many Houfes burnt, 181 ; ii, 47.
Pumham (mif-fpelt Pompham), 76; his Country, 75 ; Treaty with, 76 ; his Town raided, 159 ; a Grandfon taken, 183 ; belt Soldier of the Narraganfets, /<£.; killed, 259 ; Son taken, ib.
Punkapog, praying Indian Town, ii, 271.
Punkateefet, Battle, 83.
Purchafe, Samuel, 23.
Purchafe, Thomas, Family deftroy-ed, ii, 50, 100; Dealings with Indians, 258.
Pynchon, John, xxxii, 104, 107 ; recommends Employment of Indians, 116; Buildings burnt, 122; refigns, 123 ; Letter from, ii, 225 ; Agent to enlift the Mohawks againft the New England Indians, 227.
Pythagorean   Metempfychofis,   ii,
59-
QUABAOG, its Situation, 98, Ambufh there, 99 ;  protected by Major Willard, 107.    Squa-baog, ii, 43. Quaiapen,  a  Narraganfet  Queen,
76 ; other Names,  144. Quannapohit, Services for the Eng-lifh, 202-3.
Quananfhit, make a Treaty, j6; See
Canonchet, Quanapawhan, executed, 254. Quechecho—See Cochecho. Queen of PocafTet—See Weetamoo. Quegefick (Whifkeag?), ii, 97. Quillepiack (Newhaven) ii, 31. Quinapin, 161 ; his Wife Queen of
PocafTet, 264 ; Quenopin,   278. Quinfhepauge, Mendon, &6. Quonfiquomon,held by Henchman,
238 ; burnt, ii, 46.
T3ACKLIFFE,      William,      at
A^- Fayal, ii, 94.
Rain,   Powow   fails   to   produce,
289. Rains, John, Hifiory of BIytbe, 34. Ranlet, Charles, taken, but efcapes,
ii, 112-13. Read,  Thomas,   a  Captive,   228,
249. Rebellion—See Southern Rebellion. Records,   Colonial, Publication of,
218, 249. Rehoboth, Bought of the Indians,
57j   near Swanzey,  72;   Fight,
89; burnt, 180; Indians furprized
there, 226; burnt, ii, 41. Rhode    Ifland,     difcovered   and
named, ^7. Richards, James,  CommiiTioner to
engage Mohawks againft the N.
England Indians, ii, 227. Richardfon, James, 56. Richardfon, John, xxvii, ii, 163. Richardfon, Lieut., killed, ii, 234. Richardfon,  Samuel,   Family murdered, ii 50. Richardfon,   Thomas,  Depofition
of, ii, 171. Richmond's  Ifland,  ii,   74,   185;
fad Accident at, 173. Rigby, Alex., Patentee, ii, 88.
Index.                      297
Rigs, Sergeant, in Pequot War, ii,
.34-      . River Indians,  defert  Philip, 248;
go with   Mafon  againft  the Pe-
quots, ii 21. Roach, John, Patentee, ii, 87, Roberts, John, killed,   128. Roberts, William, killed, ii, 116. Robinhood, of great Note, ii, 99,
Father of Hopehood, 113, 156. Robinfon, John, 32; killed, ii, 111;
his Murderer killed, 181. Rogers, John, xxx, xxxii. Rogers, Nathaniel, xxx, xxxii. Rogers, Thomas, Houfe   burnt, ii,
Rolles, Prophecy of, 263-4.    $ee
Rowles. Root, John, a Captive, ii, 245. Rofs, James and Family, taken, ii,
138, 144. Roules,  Robert, Adventures of, ii,
237-Rowe, Owen, 25.
Rowlandfon, Jofeph, 165. Rowlandfon, Mary, 95;  captured,
165-6;   on Sudbury Fight, 213;
redeemed,   216;   Narrative   of
her Redemption, 217. Rowles,  of Newichawannock,  ii,
219. Rufs, Richard,  wounded, 178. Ruflell,  John,   Rev.,   of   Hadley,
no. Ruflell,   Philip,   Child   killed,  ii,
244-5. Ruflell, Thomas, Report on  Scot-tow's Petition, ii, 127.
CACKETT,    John,     Buildings ^ burnt, 127.
Saco,   Depredations  at, ii,   51-3; River,   74;    Town   deftroyed,
105-10; Fight on the Downs, 125-6; Letter concerning, 127.
Saffin, John, 256.
Sagadehock, Settlement at, 17; Colony of, 29; ii, 71; abandoned and pofTefled by the French, 78-9; Grant there, 87; Traditionary Hiftory, 251.
Sagamore John, furrenders, 260.
Sagamore Sam, 105; facks Lan-cafter, 165; furrenders and is hanged, 200, 281; ii, 133, 165.
Sagum, [Seguin,   Segume,   Sagum]
"> 73-
St. Croix, taken  by Argall, ii, jg.
Salisbury, Capt., of Albany, ii, 242.
Salmon Falls, ii, j6) Garrifon, 1 n.
Salmon, Thomas, killed, 128.
Saltonftall, Gurdon, xxxii.
Saltonftall, Nathaniel, ii, 127.
Sampfon, John, kills John Robinfon of Exeter, ii, 111; killed, 113; lufty, flout Man, 181.
Samofet, at Plymouth, 34; one kidnapped by Capt. Hunt, ii, 81.
Sanford, Peleg, at the flaying of King Philip, 267; Governor of Rhode Ifland, ii, 105.
SafTacous, Succeflbr of Totobam, ii, 7; Fort, 20; much feared by other Indians, 23, 29; flies Weftward, 31; to the Mohawks who murder him, 32; compared to Philip, 33.
Satan, inftigat.es Indians, 52; an Angel of Light—See Devil.
Sauk, the Name of the Sachem's Wife, 270; and here ftands for Awafhonks, and not Weetamoo as in the Note, 419.
298                      Index.
Saufaman, Secretary to Philip, 52: informs againft him, 60-1; murdered, 62; ii, 40.
Savage, Perez, wounded, 70; Lieut, under Mofely in the Weft, 115, 118.
Savage, Thomas, at Swanzey, 71; at Narraganfet, 76; returns to Bofton, 86; in theNipnet Country, 204.
Sawyer, Henry, of York, ii, 96.
Saxton, Richard, killed, 156.
Say, Lord, 36, ii, 13.
Scales, Matthew, killed, 110.
Scarborough, Murders at, ii, 51-2; Situation of, 74; Indian Mifchief, 124.
Scituate, Houfes burnt, 184.
Scott, Thomas, xxxii.
Scottow, Jofhua, ii, 52, 74; at Black Point, 126; cenfured, 127.
Seaconke, burning of, ii, 41.
Seconet, [Sogkonate] 62; Indians of Surrender, 251; Soldiers under Captain Church, 270-1; one kills Philip, 272.
Seely, Sealy, Siely, which See.
Senecas, fome enlift againft the N. England Indians, 218.
Sewall, Samuel, xxvii, xxx.
Shackfpeer, Uzackaby, killed, 127.
Shatemuck, Hudfon's River, 126.
Shawfhen, Billerica, Houfes burnt, 221.                                      [223»
Shepard,   Mary,   lingular  Efcape,
Sherburn, John, at Fayal, ii, 94.
Sherburne, Boggeftow, 229.
Sherman, John, 22.
Sherman, Roger, 22.
Sherman,   Thomas,   wounded,  ii,
34-Shipfcote River, defcribed, ii, 73,
97; People efcape from, 158.
Shirley, William, Fort named for,
ii, 148. Shurte, Abraham, ii, 153. Siely,   [Seely]    Nathaniel,   Capt.
in the Narraganfet Fort   Fight,
Siely, Robert, Lieut, in the Pequot War, ii, 21.
Sigourney, L. M., Lines on Bloody Brook Difafter, 114.
Sill, Jofeph, fent into Nipmuck, 128; at Groton, 194; kills two Indians, 201; at Haffinamefit, 224; at Cochecho, 281; ii, 131; marches againft the Northern Indians, 179, 186.
Simon, a noted Depredator, ii, 95, 134; at Cafco, 138-40; impri-foned and efcapes, 141; captivates Anthony Bracket and Family, 142; fpares Captives, 231; burns Houfes at Portfmouth, 230; parleys with Waldron, 213; an arch Traitor, 223.
Simons, William, ii, 127.
Skippon, Philip, 25.
Smedley, Samuel, killed, ii, 43.
Smith, Beriah, why  fo   named, ii,
233-
Smith, Jobama, killed, 235.
Smith, John, on naming New England, 28; Travels, 29; in Virginia, ii, yy; Voyage to New-England, 80; on Chriftianizing Indians, 240-1.
Smith, Judith, ii, 113.
Smith, Lieut., Sons  killed, ii, 230,
233-Smith, Richard,   j6,   yS;   Houfe guarded by Indians, 135 ; a Pilot,
139, 153-Smith, Samuel, killed, 202. Smith, Zachary, murder of, 44,98.
Index.
299
Sonkonewhew, Brother of Philip, 73; his Counfellor, ii, 6j.
Southampton, Earl of, ii,   78, 274.
Southern Rebellion, Reference to, 9, 32, 91; ii, 204.
Southworth,   B., [William ?] 267.
Sowams, its Situation, 73.
Sowen,an Androfcoggin, ii, 98, 99.
Sprague, Anthony, Houfe burnt, 209.
Springfield, Indians of, join Philip, 108, 120; difarmed, 121; defert Philip, 248; Town burnt, 122; other Mifchief, 128; alarmed, 132; one killed there, 133; People furprifed on a Sunday, 206; Indians killed there, 227; again aflaulted, ii, 44.
Spurwink River, ii, 74; People killed there, 168.
Squaboag—See Quaboag.
Squakheag, 106; Attack on, no; ii, 44.
Squando, returns Captives, ii, 104; ill treated, 135; ftrange Kind of a moralized Savage, 177; Mi-nifter of Satan, 178; diabolical Mifcreant, 201; God fpeaks to, 203; difagrees with Madocka-wando, 204; roughly treated by Waldron, 213-14; has familiar Converfe with the Devil, 270.
Stanton, Jofeph, Interpreter, 79; allures the Fidelity of Ninigret, 160; conduces Indians to Sea-konk, 283.
Stanton, Robert, Son of Thomas, ii, 55; at the Capture of Canon-chet, 59.
Stanton, Thomas, an exact Interpreter in the Pequot War, ii, 35; gives Account of the Narra-ganfets, 55.
Stebbins,  Benoni,   a    Captive, ii,
245; efcapes, ib, Stebbins, Edward, a Captive, 229. Stevenfen,   Cornelifen,   MefTenger
from Albany, 218. Steward, John, Houfe burnt, 122. Stileman, Elias, of Portfmouth, 94. Stiles, Ezra, 56, 46. Stockaine, Jonas, on the Character
of the   Indians   of Virginia, ii,
274-. Stockbridge,   Surprife   of   Indians
there, 280. Stockwell, Quintin,   a   Captive,  ii,
240, 245. Stone, John, murdered by Pequots,
38; ii. 7; Pequot Account of his
Murder, 10-11. Stone-Mill at Newport, 28. Stone-wall,  John,   propofes Terms
of Peace, 140-1. Storer, Benjamin, killed, ii, 230. Stoughton,   Ifrael,   in   the   Pequot
War, ii, 19, 29. Stoughton,   William,    xxxiii,   96,
*35-Stow, John, wounded, 235.
Sturgeon Creek, ii, 76; Indian Mifchief at, 123, 230; Kittery, 214.
Sudbury, attacked, 210; Wadf-worth's Difafter, at, 211-2; of Eame's Family, 222; ii, 49; Date of Wadfworth's Defeat erroneous, ii, 61.
Sugar-loaf Hill, Difafter at, 109-10.
Sunke Squaw, 143; Sifter to Ninigret, 144; killed, 253. See Sauk.
Superftitions, 18, 262; in Religion, 265.
Swain, Jeremiah, in the Narraganfet Expedition, 245.
300                       Index.
Swain, William, Children taken, ii, 12; preferved by Mononot-to's Squaw, 37.
Swamfcot, (Turner's  Falls)   106;
ii, 76-
Swett, Benjamin, killed, ii, ill; Detail of the Difafter, 231-2.
Symon, Major, his Exploit, 283; another, 284.
T^ABLE of the Places aflaulted,
ii. 39-
Taconet—See Totonnock.
Taitfon, a Narraganfet, j6, 78.
Talcot, John, fent againft the Indians, 240 ; Expedition to Nip-muck, 243-5 j t0 Narraganfet, 251; Expedition to Aufotun-noog, 279, 280 ; liberates Captives, ii, 48 ; gives the greateft Blow to the Narraganfets, 62.
Tantamous, of Mufketaquid, 105.
Tatobam, a Pequot Chief, ii, 7-8.
Tarumkin,   an   Androfcoggin,   ii,
!54> 155-
Taunton, People killed, 148 ; faved by a Negro, 242 ; his Reward, 256 ; Numbers flam, ii, 42.
Tavofer,  a Narraganfet Chief, 55.
Tawagefon,  a Narraganfet  Chief,
76, 78. Thames (River), a Mifnomer, 37. Thankfgiving ordered, 246, 268. Thebe, a Wampanoag Chief, flain,
73-Thomas, Ifaiah, x, xii.
Thomas, Macia A., Memorials of Marfhfield, 57.
Thomfon, John, Houfe burnt, ii, 40.
Thompfon, Benjamin, 26.
Thorpe, George, ii, 273 ; murdered, 274.
Tiafhq, Tyafks, furrenders, 273.
Tift, Jofhua, Capture and Death, 162-3.
Tilley, John, tortured by the Pe-quots, ii, 13.
Tipping, Bartholomew, relieves Scarborough, ii, 52 ; kills Mugg, 232.
Tifdale, John, killed, ii, 42.
Tifpequin, Tufguogen, 190; Family of taken, 273 ; furrenders and is murdered, 275.
Tifquantum, one of the Indians kidnapped by Capt. Hunt, ii, 81.
Torrey, William, xxiii.
Toto, reveals an Indian Plot, 121.
Totonnock Fort, ii, 53 ; Indians retreat to, 148; Conference there, 154; Women and Children kept there, 203 ; Captives fent there, 224.
Totofon, Leader in the Eel River MafTacre, 254 ; Death of, 275.
Towle, Caleb, killed, ii, 234.
Town Hiftories, xvi.
Tozer, Richard, Houfe afTaulted, ii, 113 ; killed, 119, 12X.
Trafk, William, fent againft the Pe-quots, ii, 19, 33.
Treat, Robt., Major, buries Beer's Slain, in; Commander-in-Chief, 112; refcues Mofely's Command, 116, 119; refcues Springfield, 122 ; Northampton, 124, 127 ; appointed to the "Narraganfet Expedition, 135, 139 ; returns home, 157.
Treaty, at Plymouth, 45 ; Taunton, 54-5 ; Narraganfet, 76-8 ; a Sham, 92 ; with the Narraganfets, omitted, 182 ; with the Pe-quots, ii, 9 ; with Philip, 66 ; with Eaftern Indians, 91-2.-153, 176 ; with Mugg at Boilon, 189.
Index.
301
Trumbull, John, xiii.
Tunefen Gerett, Meflenger from Albany, 218.
Turner, Paifever, killed^ 127.
Turner, William, at the Swamfcot Fight, 233 ; his Body found, 237 ; in Command at Hadley, 244-5 J "» 43 5 Megunaway helped to kill him, ii, 221.
Turners Falls—See Swamfcot.
Tyng Edward, at Narraganfet Fight, 146.
TJNCAS, a deteftable Charafter, 40; aided and advifed by the Englifh, 43 ; affaults theQuabaogs, 52; comes to Bofton with his Sons to fight againft Philip, 88; his Son Attewamhood, 116; entertains other Indians, 287; Character of, 287-8; puzzled in a Drouth, 289; declines to fhield the Nipnets, ii, 62.
Uncompaen, Counfellor to Philip, ii, 67.
Underhill, John, Hift. Pequot War, ii, 15; fent to Saybrook, 19; executes a Prifoner, 21; attacks the Pequot Fort, 25-7.
United Colonies, formation of; advife the Death of Miantonimo, 41-3; a Declaration of, 55; determine upon an Expedition to Narraganfet, 134; Number of Men each to fupply, 137; mull not be reflected on, ii, 255.
Upham, Phinehas, dies ol Wounds, 148, 155.
Ufkutugun, Sachem of Wefhacum, 105.—Sagamore Sam.
T7ANE,   Henry,   Governor   of ^    MafTachufetts, ii, 19.
Nn2
Varnham, Samuel, Sons killed and
taken, 222; ii   50. Vaughan, Daniel, ii, 94. Vines, Richard, Agent of  Georgs,
ii, 88. Virago, mifapplication of the Term,
ii, 114-Virginia, planting of, ii, yj; enriched by French Spoil, ii, 79; Indians of, fuppofed in the Con-fpiracy with thofe of New England, 93; Maflacre of, 622, 249; view of Chriftianity among the Indians of, 273-5.
V\7\ABAQUASSET, Indian VV    Town, ii, 48.
Waban, apprifes the Englifh that the Indians are hoftile, 59.
Wachufett Hills, 168.
Wadsworth, Samuel, relieves Lan-cafter, 167; ambufhed and flain at Sudbury,  211.
Wait, Benjamin, 155; extraordinary efforts to redeem Captives, ii, 240-5; Houfe and Barn burnt, and Family captured, ib.
Wait, John. Committee on Scottow's Cafe, ii, 127.
Wakely, Daniel, killed, ii, 138.
Wakely, Ifaac, killed, ii, 144.
Wakely, Thomas, Family deftroy-ed, ii, 50; killed, 103, 144.
Waldron, Richard, enfnares Indians at Cochecho, 281; Expedi-tion againft the Northern, ii, 53; concludes a Treaty with them, 130-1; another, 153, 179; Journal of his eaftern Expedition, 21 2-24; Relation of Rolles, Prophecy, 264.
Walker, Samuel, ii, 97, 98.
Wallis, [Nathaniel ?] ii, 138, 146.
302
Index.
WaHingham, Francis, Sir, ii, 91.
Wamefits, cruelly aftaulted, 220-1; fome attack Chelmsford, 122; fome join the Enemy, ii, 95; a Praying Town, 271.
Wampanoags, King Philip's Tribe, Pokanokets, 36.
Ward, Samuel, xxxii.
Warwick, Earl of, 37; Town of, 159; a Captive from, 160; Mif-chief at, 164, 179; Enemy's Lofs there, 252; attacked, ii, 46; Earl of, 87.
Watts, Mr., his VefTel taken by-Indians, ii, 237.
Watts, Thomas, Captain in the Narraganfet   Expedition,    107,
Watufpequin.—See Tifpequin.
Way, George, ii, 100.
Wayte.—See Wait.
Webb, John, alias Evered, ii, 50.
Webfter, Daniel, 132.
Wedgwood, John, wounded, ii, 34.
Weenew,   a Narraganfet   Hoftage,
77-
Weetamoo, vifited by Church, 186; betrayed, 263; drowned in attempting to efcape, 264; in Note 419, for Weetamoo read Awas-honks; Kinfwoman of Philip, 278; powerful when the War commenced, 279.
Weld, Daniel, Chirurgeon, 137.
Weld, John, killed, ii, 244; Wife and Daughter wounded, 245.
Wells, John, Children killed, ii, 224; Wife and Daughter wounded, 245.
Wells, Town of, ii, 75; Indian Mifchief at, 53, 127, 128; People killed, 171, 180, 230, 231.
Weothim, a Narraganfet Hoftage,
77-Wequafh, a Pequot, Traitor, ii, 20;
a Guide to the Englifh in the Pequot War, ib,; Cowardice of 25; a Seceder, 29.
Wefhacum, a Pond in Nipmuck, 105, 236.
Weftfield, Men killed there, 127-8; ii, 45-6.
Wethersfield, People murdered, ii, 12.
Weymouth, Colony of, 34; attacked, 178, 209; ii, 50.
Weymouth, Edward, his Houfe burnt, ii, 230.
Wheeler, Jofeph, killed, 95.
Wheeler, Thomas, fent to treat with the Nipnets, 98; ambufhed and defperately wounded, 99.
Wheelwright, John, founds Exeter, ii, 76.
Whiton, James, Houfe burnt, 209.
Whittingham, John, xxxii.
Wickford, ii 48.
Wickabaug, a Pond in Nipmuck, 107.
Wilder, Jofeph, a Printer, xiii.
Willard, Herman, a Printer, xiv.
Willard, Samuel, 194, 199.
Willard, Simon, Major, relieves Brookfield, 101-3; baffled by the Nipnets, 106; his March to Brookfield, 107; Petition of, 193;   marches to Groton, 194.
Willes—See Willis.
Willet, Hezekiah, killed, 240-1, 256; ii, 40.
Williams, Henry, forely wounded,
Williams, John, at the taking of Philip, 271.
Williams, Roger, Notice of Biographies of, 24; on Indian Bounds, 37; Letter about Tift, 162; difluaded from expofing himfelf to  the   hoftile   Indians,
Index.
303
181; prevents a League between the Narraganfets and Pequots, ii, 17; Chara&er of Wequafh, 20; vifited by Capt. Patrick, 22.
Wilfon, John, Chaplain in Pequot War, ii 19,
Wincall, John, Fight on Saco Sands, ii, 51, 125, 127;   Houfe burnt,
Winimazeag, Locality of, 219.
Winnick, Winnock, John, a Captive, ii, 219.
Winflow, Jofiah, Dedication to, 7; feizes Alexander, 50-2; on the Caufe of the War, 56; Narrative relative to 57; Commiffioner, 135; Commander-in-Chief, and firft native born Governor, 138; March to Narraganfet, 145; Philip's Malice towards, 185.
Winter Harbor, Mifchief at, ii, 51, 74; abandoned, 186.
Winter, John, ii, 52, 74.
Winthrop, John, 10; on Mianto-nimo, 40; a CommilTioner of the United Colonies, 56, 135; dies, 290-1; engineering at the Election, ii, 20; has Charge of Mo-nonotto's Squaw, 37.
Winthrop, Wait, at Narraganfet Treaty, j6] Commiffioner, 135.
Wifpoke a Narraganfet, 55.
Wifwall, Ichabod, ii, 98, 164.
Wobequob, a Narraganfet Hoftage,
77-Woburn, Indian Murder there, 18,
ii, 50. Wohkowpahenitt,   Counfellor    to Philip, ii, 67.
Wompfh,   a   Narraganfet  Sachem,
76,78
Wonalancet, Son of PafTaconaway,
49; avoids  the War,  96; taken
Prifoner, ii,   133;   difturbed   by
Mohawks, 227. Wonomenok   Pond,   Situation   of,
219. Woodcock,    John,    thirty    Miles
from   Bofton,   68;     about   27
Miles, 139; Son killed, 209. Woodcock, executed for   Murder,
254. Woonamum, Counfellor to Philip,
ii 6j. Woonkaponehunt,   a Counfellor to
Philip, 55. Woofamoquin, a Name of MafTa-
foit, 47;   his  SuccefTor, 49;   his
Death, 52. Woofpafuck, Connfellor  to Philip,
ii, 67. Woquogan,   Chief of   Springfield
Indians, 120. Worwood, John, a Captive, ii, 219. Wowaus,—See James-the-Printer. Wrentham, deferted and burnt, 209. Wright,—a   Fanatic, murdered ,ii,
46.
Wuttakoofeim, Counfellor to Philip, ii, 6j.
YAMOYDEN, a Poem on Phi-1    lip's War, 46; a Failure,^265. York, Duke of, ii, 90, 238. York, People   killed, ii,   53, 233;
ambitious of a great Name, 75. Yorkfhire, a   County in Maine,
ii, 125.
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