r/£e
YOUNG SPIRIT
171
AN OLD PARTY
National Union op Conservative and Unionist Associations, Palace Chambers, Bridoe Strbbt, Westminster, S.W. 1.
PRICE 6d.
By Post, 8d.(Jhe
YOUNG SPIRIT
in
AN OLD PARTY
National Union of Conservative and Unionist Associations, Palace Chambers, Bridge Street, Westminster, S.W.l.
PRICE 6ih By Post, 8d.Reprinted, by permission, from “The Daily Telegraph. ”
Feb., 1925.CONTENTS.	Page
Saving the State -	- 5
Democratic Methods -	- 16
Junior Organisations	- 30
Training in Politics	- 44
Co-operation in Unionism	- 59
London Experience -	- 69
“Pals” Battalions -	- 82THE YOUNG SPIRIT
IN
AN OLD PARTY.
Saving the State.
IT is a holy thing to see a State saved by its youth.” The task of saving the State is more stupendous now than it was in the day when Disraeli put those arresting words into the mouth of Coningsby ; and it is as true as ever that, as the illustrious leader himself said in a speech delivered at the Manchester Athenaeum in 1844, “ the youth of a nation are the trustees of posterity.” It is curious, at a moment when Mr. Lloyd George describes the present position of political power as representing “ a state of rest from high ideals,” that a careful investigation into the ideas and the intentions of Unionism, particularly young Unionism, over mostSaving the State
parts of the country, should reveal a situation the very reverse of “ a state of rest,” and an intensive interest in high ideals, accompanied by a determination that they shall be carried into practical effect.
These are assertions founded upon visits to many areas, upon an accumulation of remarkable evidence as to the growth of political activities among young Unionists in a variety of organisations—some old, some resuscitated, others new—and upon conversations with every class of worker in the Unionist cause. The word “ class ” is used because of the impossibility of finding a satisfactory synonym ; but if one fact has been forcibly impressed upon me in the course of this prolonged inquiry it is the existence throughout the party of a firm resolution to sweep away class distinctions from a crusade in which men and women of every walk in life are banding themselves together in a common army to resist undermining influences set in motion by the only people who have raised the class banner. All over theSaving the State
country there exists at this moment an enthusiasm unsuspected even by many well-informed Unionists, and the particulars of which—solid facts capable of verification—as I unfold them will seem incredible to the mighty h of indifferentists in politics. It is an enthusiasm engendered by an ever-growing realisation of the real dangers with which the State, its people, and the Empire are faced in the forces that make for class hatred and national disruption. “ Socialism,” remarked one of those with whom I conversed, “ is either going to be the ruin of the country or the salvation of the Unionist party.” That is an eloquent description of a consciousness, uttered or unexpressed, that one may find in existence north and south, east and west.
In this attempt to present in summary form a general impression of a movement phases of which will be described in some detail, it will not be inappropriate to quote at the outset some striking remarks made to me by the Marquis of Londonderry in an interview which he accorded
7Saving the State
me. No one is more intensely interested than is Lord Londonderry in the efforts now in progress to encourage the youth of the land to take an active and intelligent part in political affairs. At the present time he is doing all he can to further schemes having as their object the education of young people in Unionist principles, and the Durham county miners who are members of the National Conservative League know how, as their Grand Master, his lord-ship is carrying out his influential part in the task of dissipating the old idea that the party is “ run ” by “ the classes.”
One of the most remarkable results of the political eagerness of many among the youth of modern Unionism is that it has led young professional, commercial, and business men, formerly impervious to party appeals, to band themselves together to fight Socialism. This is a development of engrossing interest; it possesses some features that invest it with nothing less than an aspect of romance ; and a peculiarity about it in some areas sSaving the State
is that it does not identify itself with any particular recognised Unionist organisation. It is an ever-growing force, which is certain to play a tremendously powerful rôle in national affairs in the immediate future. It is a confraternity composed chiefly of men who fought in the war, either as officers or in the ranks, and the underlying tenet of its faith is a desire to continue in peace the “ palship ” that existed on the battle-front. Its adherents are young fellows who, formerly ignoring or despising politics, have, as a result of their observance of the advance of Socialism and the preaching of Bolshevism, been won-drously transformed into keen, active Unionists, and they have made up their minds to “ ginger up,” as one of them put it to me, the party in its programme of social reform.
I was fortunate enough to meet, in widely-separated parts of the country, several typical leading spirits among these gospellers of a new fresh force in Unionism, and to hear the eloquence of their burning words was both a revelation and an inspiration. Could
9Saving the State
anything be more illuminating or more stimulating than the description which one of them, in Hull, gave me of the circumstances which brought about a widespread conversion from political apathy to political keenness ?
I was present (he said) at a gathering ox people listening to the announcement of the results of the General Election of December, 1923. There were many young fellows there—Unionists nominally, but contemptuous up to then of participation in politics—and all they could do, as one Socialist success after another was recorded, was to indulge in expressions of amazement and disgust. 66 Good God !” “ Good God l” they kept exclaiming. But to-day in this city, as a result of those Socialist successes, we can get a body of young men of that type to turn out, at practically a moment’s notice, to perform any service in the Unionist cause. They were a power at the last General Election, I can assure you.
This new force is in some places included in the ordinary Unionist associations, in other cases it is forming special societies, and in yet others it is not yet definitely organised, though in even these instances it has a wonderful way of getting its adherents together at short notice. This 10Saving the State
is how a Huddersfield man, a young mills director, summed up the view of affairs held by himself and those associated with him :
A growing number of young men who Helped tlie country to win tlie war now realise that it is tlieir duty to help the nation in times of peace. This is a perpetuation of the spirit that won the war. Fellows who fought side by side on the battle-front are determined to continue to work together now in furtherance of social reform. Formerly I, like my friends, would not touch politics; but to-day we are united in a resolve to help the Unionist party to carry out greatly-needed measures for the welfare of the people.
Evidence of this determination on the part of young Unionism to lend the full weight of its support to Mr. Baldwin in his desire to push forward social reform was to be met with in many quarters. And here it should be said that the personality of the Prime Minister is obviously an important factor in the situation of to-day. He is liked and trusted by all sections. Lord Londonderry said to me, “ The great mass of the people of the country believe in Mr. Baldwin ; they are impressed by the simplicity
uSaving the State
of his character, and by the obvious sincerity of his intentions ; and they are determined to afford him their full support.” And a miner, with whom I conversed in a Northumberland colliery village—just now, alas ! a place of uncanny quietude, for the local pits are idle—summed up his admiration of and belief in the Premier by declaring, “ Aa’d do owt for such a man.”
The new spirit in Unionism is, as will be shown, expressing itself through a variety of channels. Some party agents expressed to me the opinion that there is a danger of overlapping, and advocated the utilisation of one widespread organisation, such as the Junior Imperial League, as the vehicle for the political education of young people. But while the Junior Imperial League is making most gratifying progress—no fewer than thirty new branches have been formed since the beginning of this year in London and the provinces— it is found that many areas prefer their own distinctive local organisations ; and emphasis should here be 12Saving the State
laid on the fact that in the latter cases the local party associations are extending their sympathetic support to the new bodies. One hears a great deal about the “ old fossils,” who are supposed to exercise a dominating influence in so many Unionist associations, but even they, though they were up to a short time ago inclined to regard all junior innovations with a certain amount of suspicion, are coming to perceive the imperative necessity of giving consideration to and providing an outlet for the ideas and the aspirations of the young members of the party. As one of them, holding forth from the depths of a comfortable chair in a Constitutional club, put it to me, “ These young associations have their functions and duties, and I hope we still have ours.” The fact is that the need for junior branches all over the country is recognised by all who pay any attention to events of the day.
It is, indeed, astonishing that there are still so many people, nominally Unionists, who seem to be incapable of grasping the true significance of
18Saving the State
the Socialist effort to get hold of the young people of the country. Sir Alexander Leith, chairman of the Northumberland County Unionist Association, and chairman during 1922-23 of the national organisation, expressed himself strongly on this point in an interview that I had with him in Newcastle.
And the same thought was voiced very forcibly by Sir Alan Sykes, chairman and hon. treasurer of the Lancashire and Cheshire Federation of Junior Unionist Associations, with whom I talked in Manchester.
If (said Sir Alan) Unionists generally could see the evidence, as I have had occasion to see it, of the tremendous schemes of Socialism to get hold of the young they would be astounded. Unflagging education is needed to combat it.
Enough has been said in this preliminary article to prove that political activity among young Unionists is a very real thing to-day, and to indicate that it is going to be a still more wonderful factor to-morrow. Numerous agencies are working, each in its own way, with the common purpose of educating the young people
HSaving the State
of the country in the principles of sane and ordered progress and of counteracting the assiduous efforts of destructive «Socialism. Up and down the country a great work of propaganda, destined to become much greater in the immediate future, is being carried on by the Junior Imperial League and by other bodies, of whose particular operations it is proposed to give some account.
Then, no less, if not more, important than all these phases of Unionist activity is the wonderful work being done by the women’s organisations. There are few districts in wrhich the inquirer does not hear glowing tributes to what Unionist women did in the last General Election—in many constituencies seats wrere won largely, if not principally, by their enthusiastic and devoted labours ; and now, not content with those records, they are engaged in a ceaseless strengthening of the various bodies through which their cumulative influence is felt.
15Democratic Methods.
“ The Unionist party must be a people’s party.” These words, uttered by the Marquis of Londonderry, strike the keynote of the wonderful new spirit that is showing itself capable of adapting an historic party’s policy and machinery to the peculiar needs of the day. In my tour of the country I found widespread evidence of a determination to make Unionism a really democratic organisation. As a matter of fact there is little room to carry the process of démocratisation any further in some places—in Birmingham City, for instance, where the Central Council of the Association has, I was informed, a majority of working men and women representatives. But there are other districts that certainly cannot be accused of any tendency to over-democratisation, and these would do well to ponder over Lord Londonderry’s suggestive observations.
If any Unionist feels in need of a stimulation of his political enthusiasm, he could not do better than pay a
16Democratic Methods
visit to the headquarters of the Durham county organisation in Durham City. There he will find, in an historic environment, carrying the mind back to far-distant ages, in an atmosphere impregnated with memories of which the glorious cathedral is the conspicuous symbol, that a comprehensive scheme of propaganda in sane and sound national principles is being carried out on the most up-to-date lines. And it is a hard task that lies before the party in Durham county, for there the Socialist campaign is being pushed forward with exceptional determination. In no other part of the country that I visited did I find a more profound conviction of the necessity of engendering political interest in the young. Mr. Allan Hand, Secretary of the Durham County Unionist Association, informed me that a great educational work is being performed through the Junior Imperial League, of which there are now forty-nine branches in the county, with an approximate membership of 6,000. Besides political lectures and debates, many social gatherings are B	*	17Democratic Methods
held, and most of the branches devote a good deal of attention to instrumental and vocal music. The fact that the miner dearly loves a band has not been lost sight of. Last year several branches sent students to the Philip Stott College, and they are making arrangements to do so again this year.
Unionism in Durham county owes much of its inspiration to the Marquis of Londonderry, who, besides being President of the Durham County Unionist Association, is Grand Master of the National Conservative League, an organisation which, through its forty-five county branches, is evidently going to play a great rôle in the advance of Unionism in colliery districts, so many of which are hotbeds of Socialism ; and, while other Unionist organisations might be singled out for a similar purpose, this National Conservative League lends itself admirably to a setting forth of the democratic processes now in being in the Unionist party. It must be remembered that there are colliery villages in Durham in which hitherto 18Democratic Methods
any Unionist propaganda was regarded as entirely hopeless, but that despondent view finds no favour nowadays, and great hopes are entertained that the National Conservative League is going to be a powerful force in the breaking down of old deep-rooted prejudices.
Questioned with regard to the spirit of to-day in the Unionist party, with particular reference to the efforts being made to rouse the enthusiasm of the youngsters of the party, Lord Londonderry said :
The Unionist party must be a people’s party, and one of the most important results of the growing activity among young Unionists will be to impress upon the country, by solid reasoned argument, the fact that it is going to be the people’s party. The days of traditional Conservatism are gone for ever—just as the days of traditional Liberalism are gone—and one of the tasks devolving on young Unionists is to show their fellows that the old idea that the Conservative party is tarred with aristocracy bears no resemblance to truth in the conditions of to-day. That impression that Conservatism is synonymous with aristocracy has always been our great difficulty so far as the workers are concerned, but I think it is now well on the way to
19Democratic Methods
being exploded. There is no comparison between the conditions of to-day and those which existed many years ago, and anyone who still clings to the view that modern Conservatism has its mind hopelessly coated in bygone times would be wonderfully disabused if he or she were to participate in the proceedings of, say, the National Conservative League.
If I may say so of an organisation which has honoured me by electing me its Grand Master, I think that this National Conservative League is furnishing what is badly needed throughout the country and in the Conservative and Unionist party—a real live piece of machinery, which, working in every centre that has a lodge, will radiate the influences which we wish to bear on the people of the country. The elaborate organisation fashioned with so much energy and design by Socialism makes counter-organisation on our side a prime necessity, and it is such bodies as the League that are needed to take in hand the propaganda of Unionist principles. The great point about the League is that its membership comprises all classes—that is to say, it is the negation of class hatred and of class wTarfare. Its roots are brotherhood, fellowship, sympathy, and mutual support in face of the dangers with which this country is faced. We will have nothing to do with a policy of negation; we must dissociate politics from any idea of axe-grinding ; and through our National Conservative League we are 20Democratic Methods
seeking to inculcate and to propagate the doctrine that not only is it to the material interest of every man and woman, that the country should be well governed, but that it is the duty of everyone professing Christian ethics to do all within his or her power to improve the character of the nation and to advance the march of civilisation.
Insistence on the democratic constitution of the Unionist party is one of Lord Londonderry’s favourite themes, and, speaking further of the National Conservative League, he laid emphasis on the fact that practically all its officials are working men ; that is to say, of course, mostly miners. Intimately acquainted as he is with the pitman of Durham county, he is convinced that he does not naturally lend himself to class hatred, and that he is becoming more and more inclined to listen to reasoned debate ; hence the great opening for active propaganda presented to the speakers who are being trained in the lodges of the League.
The intelligent man (said his lordship) must necessarily be asking himself some interesting questions regarding the wholesale promises that were made to him by
21Democratic Methods
the Labour party. The country is sick of party promises, which are incapable of realisation—sick of Lloyd Georgian promises of 9d. for 4d. and of Socialistic promises of a new heaven and a new earth. It is up to the Unionist party to convince the country of its sincerity and honesty. We must produce houses, wTe must relieve unemployment, we must improve trade; but we must refute the foolish idea that these things can be done with the mere wave of a magician’s wand, and must devote ourselves to showing that only by solid hard work can they be achieved—hard work, not by one class or by several classes but by all classes of the community. It is only by genuine endeavour by the citizens as a whole that the country can hope to be brought into a healthy normal state. The present Government—a labour Government in the real good sense—has as its watchword the co-operation of all classes as opposed to sectional warfare, and it has a great opportunity before it; and it will go ill with it if it neglects that opportunity.
The great personal success of Mr. Baldwin is a tremendous factor of good omen. The experiment of the Socialist party in power has demonstrated that no political party can achieve the impossible, and, on the other hand, the people of the country are impressed with the present Prime Minister’s dependable character, with the obvious sincerity of his opinions, and with his determination to make no promise unless 22Democratic Methods
there is strong presumption of the feasibility of its being carried into execution. It should be borne in mind that there is a considerable mass of the population bound to no political party, that will acknowledge no political trammels; and it is upon that mass that the record of the present Government will have an incalculable influence after the short-lived Socialist experiment. And this is the moment to broaden the basis of the Unionist party—to make it in reality the party of the whole people. If it fails to make itself the people’s party it will be of no use; the present opportunity will have been given it in vain.
Asked what particular questions appeal to the members of the National Conservative League, Lord Londonderry said that attendance at meetings of the lodges showed that the subjects mostly discussed are unemployment, housing, and education; while a matter that has a very special local interest in a county dominated by a great trade union, the Durham Miners5 Association, is that of the political levy on the contributions of trade unionists.
Unemployment (said his lordship) is a devastating disease which, if not arrested, must in the end destroy the vital forces of our race. It is of no use playing with that
23Democratic Methods
question; it calls for vast yet carefully-considered schemes to provide work on a sound economic basis. As for housing, that question is at the root of our national difficulties. Conservative policy is in favour of ownership as opposed to tenancy; and in this northern part of the world there is a growing body of opinion strongly in favour of seeing a larger number of people owning their houses, and thus having a stake in the country. Regarding education, apart from the great question of ordinary school instruction, there is the question of the education of our young people in sound, sane political principles, and this is a matter in regard to which the National Conservative League is bound to make its influence felt in the future. It is the task of the members to show their fellows, and through them the younger people, that the only policy to be commended and supported is the policy of doing right, and that it is the Unionist party that is committed to such a policy. In effect, the leader of the party, the Prime Minister, has said : “I am a plain, honest Englishman, determined to do my best for my country,” and a man of that sterling type makes an irresistible appeal to the average citizen.
Regarding the question of the political levy on trade union funds, a subject of such burning interest to the great body of members of the Durham Miners’ Association who are 24Democratic Methods
not Socialists, Lord Londonderry said that the members of the National Conservative League and other working-men members of the Unionist party desired that, on the ground of political freedom, the Act of 1913 should be amended and the employment of the contributions of non-Socialist trade unionists for the furtherance of Socialist propaganda and ends made impossible.
The Labour party (his lordship remarked) are leaving no stone unturned to convert the electorate. They ruthlessly employ the trade union machinery and organisation to promote their policy, and it behoves us, in the interest of individual freedom, to resist most energetically this widespread exploitation of, in some cases, the ignorance, and, in other cases, the fears, of masses of workers who have no sympathy with the doctrines of class hatred and of national and imperial disruption. The ceaseless dissemination of Socialistic doctrines makes this the opportune moment to provide ourselves with equally efficient machinery of propaganda. To do them justice many of the Socialists of this country are possessed of considerable debating power, and they must be met by trained speakers on our side. In the lodge meetings of the National Conservative League and in the special
25Democratic Methods
classes of instruction in public speaking, such training is being carried on. The movement is really only in its infancy, but there is every reason to hope and believe that it will grow enormously, and that the Unionist party will soon have at its disposition a large body of trained young men competent to convince their hearers that all classes of the nation must work in cooperation, and that the interests of employer and employed are one and the same.
A discouraging feature about the fight in which we are engaged is the indifference, or worse, on the part of so many Unionists in regard to the dangers of Socialism. There is far too much what might be called sloppy sentimentalism to be heard on the subject—the sloppy sentimentalism which seeks to suggest that the picture of Socialistic or even Bolshevik danger is painted too black. But we in our League are setting ourselves out to expose the unvarnished truth of the position, and here in Durham county we have had abundant opportunity of being made acquainted with what it is that the country and the Empire are up against.
The National Conservative League is not, in name at any rate, a new body; it is an old piece of Unionist machinery being adapted to the circumstances of to-day. It was in a moribund state before the war, and 26Democratic Methods
the war practically wiped it out, though branches continued to linger in some parts of the country. It had almost disappeared from Durham county, and its resuscitation, begun there only some eight months ago, has been carried on with such energy that already, as has been stated, there are forty-five lodges. The organisation may be likened to a mild form of Freemasonry. It has its ritual and its official titles. That it is a democratic confraternity is indicated by the fact that while in the county of Durham a Marquis is its Grand Master, it has installed a pitman, Mr. D. M. McCarthy, of Birtley, as Deputy Grand Master. The Grand Treasurer is Captain J. E. Rogerson, and Mr. Allan Hand is Grand Secretary and Registrar. At the present moment there are about 4,000 members in the county, the majority being miners. Some lodges have been successfully established in the “ blackest ” of Socialist strongholds. The League seems to have made a special appeal to the Durham miner’s temperament, and Mr. Hand, an experienced and
27Democratic Methods
talented organiser whose opinion is worth something, told me he is convinced that it is going to be a most powerful adjunct to the Unionist forces. An indication of the great part that it is likely to play in the near future was afforded by the enthusiastic work of its members at the last General Election. They were very largely responsible for winning Barnard Castle. The league is not strictly a junior organisation, though it accepts members from the age of 18 years ; and its members, as well as members of the Junior Imperial League and members of the various women’s organisations, attend classes for the training of public speakers.
There is every likelihood that this revival of the National Conservative League will spread to Northumberland shortly. It is, in fact, bound to do so, for Sir Alexander Leith, whom I saw in Newcastle, told me that he intends to start the movement there —and those who know the former chairman of the National Unionist Association are aware that when he 28Democratic Methods
takes up an idea it is soon carried out. Sir Alexander was greatly impressed by what he saw at a recent gathering of the League in Durham City. It was attended by over 500 delegates from all the lodges of that county— most of them had made considerable journeys at their own expense—and the proceedings were of a nature eloquently indicative of the hold that the League has obtained over its miner members. Sir Alexander was initiated a member with all the prescribed ceremonial, and is therefore already “ Brother Leith.” “ I was tremendously struck by the extraordinary earnestness and enthusiasm of the members of the Durham lodge, ”s Sir Alexander said, “and I determined that we must have the League in Northumberland. If it makes such a wonderful appeal to the Durham miners it ought to appeal equally to the Northumberland men.”
29Junior Organisations.
There are in progress in many parts of the country movements for the education in Unionist principles not only of the young, but of the very young. There is a diversity of opinion as to the age at which children should be instructed in elementary political matters. The most enthusiastic of the organisers in this department whom I met consider that, in view of the Socialists’ activity in their Sunday schools and in their general attempt to impregnate the young mind with revolutionary ideas, the Unionist party ought to organise special bodies for children so young as to come almost within the category of infants, but this view does not commend itself to others. There may undoubtedly be something weird in the idea of the most juvenile members of the family indulging in political discussions ; it may be disconcerting to the average parent to envisage the time when, in addition to having' to assist Nancy in her computation of the number of Henry YIII.’s wives
30Junior Organisations
and to invest Alfie’s French exercise with a little idiomatic flavour, he is suddenly asked by exceedingly small Bessie, “ What did Mr. Gladstone say in 1888, Daddy ? ”
The subject certainly lends itself to much interesting speculation, and a very suggestive line of thought was opened out by Sir Alexander Leith, in my interview with him in Newcastle. Sir Alexander gave strong expression to his conviction that parents are to blame for the ignorance of their children regarding politics.
The great trouble (said Sir Alexander) is that Unionist parents themselves are so indifferent to the welfare of their party—that is to say, to the welfare of the nation and the Empire. They reserve their interest in politics until within a few days of a general election, and that, of course, is all wrong. The apathy of so considerable a proportion of Unionists is always incomprehensible to me. Many of them never get roused until it becomes a question of the prospect of their losing something as a result of Socialist action. But an interest founded merely on the fear of losing something is not the right spirit; what is wanted is earnest conviction founded on an intelligent comprehension of the matters at issue.
31Junior Organisations
People insure themselves individually against fire and against the burglary of their own houses; yet, amazing as it seems to me, it is going to take an enormous amount of propaganda and preaching to induce them to insure the nation against a wholesale ruinous burglary by Socialism. The nation must insure itself against the dangers of Socialism—that is what it all amounts to—and therefore it behoves the Unionist party to do all it possibly can to stimulate the interest of the young in constitutional and political issues. We could sweep the country—nothing could stop us— if men and women would make a study of political questions, and would discuss them with their children. This is my firm conviction, the result of twenty-five years* active political work and of observation.
Thus it is particularly gratifying to one like myself to see the present movement to guard the enthusiasm of young Unionists. Most unfortunately, parents do not realise that politics, instead of being a dry-as-dust subject, are really interesting, and can be made intensely interesting to children and young people. Why don’t parents make a habit of talking to their children about our Parliamentary institutions, and of explaining to them the political questions of the day? Socialism is being taught .on all hands; there is on foot a most vigorous movement throughout the country to impregnate the young receptive supple mind with Bolshevik doctrines; and Unionists 32Junior Organisations
need to be stirred up to the supreme importance of a counter-activity in this field. We have to deal, it must be remembered, with fanatics. A fanatic may be a danger at any time, but when fanaticism is allied to Bolshevism it is a very grave danger.
Another ardent advocate of the political education of the very young is Lieut.-Colonel Vivian Henderson, M.P. for Bootle, with whom I had a talk in Liverpool, and an account of what he, with the enthusiastic cooperation of Alderman J. Booth, chairman of the Bootle party organisation, and some others, is doing in this matter should be instructive to those who are contemplating the establishment of schemes with a similar object. I give this story of the origin and the rise of the Bootle Junior Conservative Association as related to me by one of Colonel Henderson’s staunchest supporters :—
Shortly after the General Election of 1923, when Colonel Henderson failed, though by only a narrow margin of votes, to capture the seat, it was decided by him and his supporters that it was highly desirable to form a junior Unionist organisation, not only to furnish a recruiting-ground for future members of adult associations, but
S3
cJunior Organisations
also to infuse enthusiasm into the party organisers and to counteract the effect of Socialist teaching on the young mind. One of the points clearly in the minds of the founders of the organisation was that it should take in members at a lower age than is done by the Junior Imperial League, and the age was therefore fixed at from 10 years to 18 years, and another point agreed upon was that both sexes should be admitted. Moreover, the association receives applications for membership from children of 8 and 9 years of age whose parents are members of the adult association or who have elder brothers or sisters in the junior organisation itself.
Each of the six wards in Bootle runs its own organisation, and has, besides its adult chairman, vice-chairman, and secretary, its junior officers. Junior as well as senior officers are taught matters of organisation and to take charge of meetings. Each ward branch holds regular meetings, at which there are debates on subjects of general topical interest, lectures, or readings, while the musical tastes of members are cultivated by part-singing. Prom time to time there are gatherings of the combined ward branches, and in every way great care is taken to provide opportunities for the members of the association as a whole coming into personal contact.
Means are taken, apart from the meetings, to keep up the interest of the members; for instance, elementary political literature 34Junior Organisations
is circulated among the older members, and prizes are offered in essay writing and other competitions. A matter that arouses tremendous interest is the competition among the wards for a championship banner, the award of this being decided on the yearly records of work in the various departments of activity. This banner, which is presented by Colonel Henderson’s mother, is a beautiful work of embroidery art executed by disabled ex-Service men, and the whole intention of its design and its mottoes is to inculcate lessons of Christian principles and of good citizenship. Children pay 6d. a year as a membership fee.
The system generally in the minds of those responsible for the formation of the Bootle Junior Conservative Association is one of consecutive education in sound principles, begun at an early age in this organisation, and continued subsequently in adult bodies ; thus at the age of 18 the boys enter the Working-men’s Conservative Association, while the girls are enrolled in the Women’s Conservative Association—and here it should be recorded that Bootle is happy in the possession of a remarkably powerful body of Unionist women with a membership of 1,500, the
35Junior Organisations
present position of this association being due principally to the untiring labours of one of the most brilliant of women organisers, Mrs. Coombe. As further proof of the thoroughness and the completeness of the Bootle system of junior organisation it should be added that, following a similar adjunct to the women’s association, it has a welfare scheme, which is proving very successful. Each ward has a visitor, who is responsible for the visiting of members who are lying ill, either at home or in hospital. If the circumstances should demand it a case is reported to the Visiting Committee for the whole constituency, and the patients are sent fruit, flowers, and other suitable gifts.
One might give many other details of the operations of this junior organisation at Bootle, but sufficient has been written to show the earnestness, founded upon conviction, with which Colonel Henderson and his mother and his wife, Alderman Booth, and others are carrying on the work of instructing the young of the constituency in the principles of Unionism
36Junior Organisations
and the duties of citizenship, thus arming them against the insidious propaganda of Socialism. Colonel Henderson is strongly of opinion that junior Unionist organisations should take members from the age of 10 years.
It is essential in my view (lie said to me) that we must get hold of the very young and save them from the pernicious Socialist propaganda that is so rampant. It is terrible to reflect on the wholesale efforts now in operation to make little Communists. Surely it is the bounden duty of the Unionist party to do everything possible to train children, in their most susceptible years, in the principles of patriotism and religion.
In some other parts of Lancashire, and also in Cheshire, organisations have been formed for boys and girls even from the tender age of 8 years upwards. They receive instruction, not in serious partisan politics, but in patriotism—they are taught to love their country, and to grasp to some degree the significance and the extent of their Empire. In constituencies where the party colour is blue these very young Unionists are known as “ the Blue Birds,” while in others their organisation is called
37Junior Organisations
“ the Children’s Loyalty League.” Then there are the Primrose League “ Buds.” Lancashire and Cheshire seem to be taking the lead in looking after the very young. Liverpool has a scheme for the creation of special junior organisations, and Mr. E. S. Murch, the secretary of the Constitutional Association of that city, told me that it is intended to taclde the whole question of juvenile education very thoroughly. Sir Archibald Sal-vidge, the leader of the party on Mersey-side, is strongly of opinion that to be really effective a junior movement must attract the children, and he has made some caustic observations on the number of greybeards to be found in many existing so-called “ junior ” clubs and associations.
This is an appropriate point at which to give some account of that very widespread organisation the Lancashire and Cheshire Federation of Junior Unionist Associations, though here it is not, of course, exclusively a question of the education of the very young. All acquainted 38Junior Organisations
with political events in the Lancashire and Cheshire area will recall how deep an interest the late Mr. Gerald Arbuthnot took in the foundation of the Federation, of which he was made chairman. One of his most ardent collaborators was Lieut.-Colonel (now Sir) Alan Sykes, who sat for the Knutsford Division of Cheshire from 1910 to 1922. Sir Alan Sykes succeeded Mr. Arbuthnot as chairman, and, despite the many calls upon his energies and time, it may be said that the furtherance of the interests of the Federation is his pet hobby.
It is the ambition of the officers of the Federation to see its membership not only reach, but surpass, its prewar total of 40,000, and surely the personification of this determination to resume a youthful vigour is its hon. secretary, Alderman T. H. Hay-thornthwaite of Bolton. “ Alderman ” is altogether a misleading title in the case of one whose chief characteristics are an ever-effervescent enthusiasm and a radiating and infectious geniality, which make him one of the most popular and likeable public men in
39Junior Organisations
Manchester as well as in Bolton, and endear him to the juveniles on whose behalf he labours. The war proved disastrous to the Lancashire and Cheshire Federation of Junior Unionist Associations, as it did to most organisations, but as the result of very determined work branches have been gradually re-established, and the Federation, which is the recognised body in its great area— the whole of the two counties, Liverpool excepted—has now entered on a new lease of life. At the present time the membership has been brought up to about 15,000.
This great junior movement, Aider-man Haythornthwaite said, had been built up by men to whom the terrible struggles of the war had given “ almost a new soul, and certainly a fresh purpose in life.”
The war (he continued) left us bare. Our officials and our members volunteered almost to a man in the early days. The lives of those young fellows, with those of such of their leaders as Gerald Arbuthnot, our founder and leader, left us confronted with a sacred purpose. It has been the great aim of our present head, Sir Alan Sykes, to 40Junior Organisations
keep alive that flame of service and sacrifice for the common good. It is because we hold that such a work can best be achieved by concentration, and because we look with suspicion on the possibilities of distraction from the social element that, whilst we have not barred the introduction of the gentler sex into membership, we have not encouraged it. In this part of the North a one-sex membership for such a movement as ours seems best. Nobody has more reason than I to appreciate the efforts of the womenfolk. They did magnificently at the last election. But in this case our work is too serious to admit of the possibility of divided interests.
I have been greatly impressed with the character of the young men who have joined us. Youths from all classes, in which the working-class predominates, have come together under conditions in which snobbery is absolutely unknown. Each of these young fellows has serious politics in mind; each grasps the great essentials of life, and is ready to put youthful energy and purpose into everything he does. Talk about the youth of England going over to Communism and Bolshevism never need worry people whilst we are getting on with our job and keeping real politics before our young people. It is simple fact that the young men of the country are ready to give themselves to this work, and that they are being trained by our organisation, which is producing the finest type of politician it is
41Junior Organisations
possible to conceive. These young men, educated, trained to think out problems for themselves, and to give expression to the conclusions at which they arrive, are a veritable bulwark against the revolutionary madness with which the Socialist party today are toying.
Our system of education is sound and comprehensive. We have volunteer lecturers in considerable numbers who deal with subjects covering the whole range of politics. Never shirking any issue, we put the young fellows on their political feet; and, though some appear to think politics uninviting and uninteresting, we find our members responsive, enthusiastic, and, once they have broken the ice of sharing in debate, quite happy in their incursions into the politics of the day.
I put it that this year is of vital importance in view of its relation to the future. It is nearly certain that it will be four years before we have an election. By that time youths who are now 17 will have become voters. Most assuredly they will use their votes. It was never more important than it is to-day to teach them to use those votes in the interests of the country and for the well-being of the people—never more necessary than when there are so many people who apparently care for nothing and for nobody so long as they secure power for themselves to tyrannise over everybody else. Withal, we instill the idea of business methods into our members, so that when 42Junior Organisations
they go out into the larger spheres of effort they may bring thoroughness, directness, promptness, and efficiency to everything they do, leaving nothing to rule of thumb or chance, but working all the time towards victory and the right.
It should be added that the Federation has a working agreement with the Junior Imperial League — an arrangement that has been all for the good of the common movement.
43Training, in Politics.
While, as has been shown, many Unionist leaders and organisers hold it to be supremely essential to have special associations for very young children, to forearm them against the influence of a propaganda that is, as its adherents publicly boast, “ cutting out ” religion from its “ Sunday schools,” there is unanimity of opinion that there should be no constituency without its organisation for youths and young women, so as to secure a regular flow of recruits for the efficient working of the adult party machinery. The need for these junior bodies is becoming more and more apparent every day; in no part of the country did I meet anyone who did not admit this. In mining districts, in congested industrial areas, and even in comparatively rural places, poisonous Communism is being unremittingly preached, verbally and by pamphlets, to young workers fresh from school. The position has been set forth very vividly in one of the reports of that powerful 44Training in Politics
organisation, the Lancashire and Cheshire Federation of Junior Associations, to the general operations of which I have already referred :
It should be remembered that as soon as a boy leaves school and enters upon his business career he at once comes into touch with Socialist and revolutionary agents, who are cleverly doing their dangerous work, at a time and in places very difficult to combat.
The views of so experienced a politician and so prominent a commercial man as the chairman of the Federation, Sir Alan Sykes, are extremely valuable. He has watched the progress of Socialist propaganda with increasing apprehension, and has for long been seeking to impress the reality of the danger on Unionists. In an interview that he gave me he expressed the opinion that the Unionist party has a tremendous amount of work to do before it will be justified in considering itself adequately equipped in regard to its organisation and training of young people.
It has (Sir Alan said) always been the fault of the Conservative party to wait until they are beaten before putting their
45Training in Politics
shoulders to the wheel, and at that stage, of course, there is a tremendous lot of leeway to be made up. It is all a question of the methods of organisation, and, without indulging in any boasting, I think that the officers of the Lancashire and Cheshire Federation of Junior Unionist Associations can fairly claim that they have shown what can be done by a policy of interesting the young in party affairs—that is to say, the policy of giving them something to do. This is what Socialism is taking care to do. Our Federation recognised the necessity of this stimulation of the interest of the young before the war, but the need for the general application of the principle throughout the whole party is infinitely greater to-day. Young men of to-day—I am not entering into controversial or critical aspects of the tendency, but content myself with stating the fact—feel that they are as good as their elders, and they want to get on with some practical work—to “ get on with the job,” as they put it. It is for the organisers of the party to find them that work. There are plenty of people and agencies anxious to find them other work.
There may be ground for some of the criticism levelled at the older organisations of the party. But, after all, you cannot expect bodies composed of adults to enter so intimately into the aspirations and ideas of youth as organisations composed of juniors; and, moreover, it is only natural that able and ambitious young fellows 46Training in Politics
should prefer being among the picked members of their own junior organisations rather than being mere units in bodies in which, shall I say, the shining lights are older men—in some cases venerable men! We need junior branches in all the areas of the country—this is incontrovertibly an absolute vital need of to-day, and the attempts being made to supply it indicate no hostility to the senior bodies. Quite the contrary, indeed, for it is the function of the junior agencies to perform work of a special kind that cannot be done by the older bodies. And it is, I am convinced, advisable to have junior branches affiliated to area federations—bodies which the young members regard as kind of little parliaments to which they elect their own delegates and at which resolutions may be passed expressive of the desires and views of the younger element in the party—the element, that is, which is going to be the party a few years hence. An important matter is the training that members of such organisations acquire in propaganda—a propaganda that will expose the fallacious arguments or rather the stock assertions of the Socialists. I wish it were generally realised how earnestly Socialism is exerting itself to capture the young people of this country.
If Unionists generally could see the evidence, as I have had occasion to see it, of the tremendous scheme of Socialism to get hold of the young they would be astounded.
47Training in Politics
The facts have often been set forth on the platform and in the Press, but, unfortunately, the revelation of those facts is treated with amazing apathy. And is it realised, on the other hand, how little we are doing to inculcate our principles in these youngsters? There, in brief, are the two facts— on the one hand the enthusiasm and the completeness of Socialist propaganda, and on the other the utter inadequacy of our efforts in an opposite direction. One cannot repeat too often that the country does not know what the Socialists are doing; and in my view, and in the view of those associated with me in the work of the Lancashire and Cheshire Federation of Junior Unionist Associations, the Unionist party has laid on it to-day a solemn duty to enlighten the country on the dangers confronting it as a result of this Socialist propaganda. A large proportion of propaganda work is not showy; it is done behind the scenes; and federations such as ours have an enormous amount of quiet persistent effort in front of them.
Unflagging education is needed, and in this connection it should be remembered that whereas formerly Socialist propaganda was very largely, though not entirely, carried out at the street corner, those responsible for it to-day understand the vital role of educative agencies; therefore we, too, must educate, educate, educate. As things are, we are behind in the race—it is futile to pretend to be blind to the fact—and if we don’t 48Training in Politics
set ourselves now to catch up we may find the opportunity gone later on.
Is Unionism now rising to the duty imposed upon it of supplying an efficacious antidote to the pernicious creed of a host which, though routed at the last General Election, remains
In arms not worse, in foresight much advanced?
There is every reason to believe that it is. Up to quite recently the Unionist party was poorly equipped with young and efficient debaters, but today a great work of educating and training speakers to expose the fallacies of Socialism is being carried on by branches of the Junior Imperial League and by numerous other organisations. In the course of my investigations I encountered two sets of opinion regarding the variety of the bodies catering for youth. Some public men and agents deprecate strongly what they regard as overlapping, and urge that all the activities of young Unionists should be concentrated in one organisation, such as (it is with hesitation that oneTraining in Politics
mentions any particular association, but it was generally the League that was singled out in this connection) the Junior Imperial League. On thé other hand, it must be recorded that I came across a more considerable body of opinion favourable to the running of societies considered to be peculiarly adapted to particular localities. Perhaps the ideal arrangement is a working agreement, as it may be conveniently termed—an entente cordiale—between special local associations and the League. Such an agreement exists in the immense area covered by the Lancashire and Cheshire Federation and in other parts of the country.
It is important to remember that the formation of independent local or regional bodies, objectionable as it may be from the standpoint of many party organisers, is the outcome of an enthusiasm that no one would wish to damp, of an abounding energy which none would seek to discourage. I recall an amusing instance of inconsistency in this matter. Among those who expressed to me the opinion
50Training in Politics
that there are too many organisations was Sir Alexander Leith, yet, scarcely had he made this observation, than— laughing heartily at the contradiction —he declared, “ But I am going to start another—in Northumberland,” referring to the National Conservative League, which, as already described, is evidently making a particular appeal to the Unionist miners of Durham county. Then, to make a big territorial jump, a society called the Young Conservatives’ Association, is forging ahead in Leicester, under the chairmanship of Mr. C. H. Chandler, editor of the Leicester Mail. It was started after the General Election of 1923, and the motives which brought it into being and the general trend of its operations are sufficiently indicated in the slogan that it adopted—“ We want more vim.”
At the same time the Junior Imperial League has taken on a new lease of life in Leicester, and it and the Young Conservatives’ Association may be said to be working side by side. Mr. Frank Morrish, the party’s chief agent for the East Midlands area,
51Training in Politics
paid a generous tribute to the work that the Young Conservatives’ Association is accomplishing, but expressed a hope that a mutually acceptable scheme of fusion with the Junior Imperial League will be devised. A vigorous movement for the setting up of junior organisations—mostly branches of the Junior Imperial League—is on foot in the West Midlands area, the chief agent for which, Mr. H. Pratt, some time ago called a meeting, attended by fifty-two district agents, to go thoroughly into the whole question. Birmingham, I was informed by the joint secretaries of the city’s Unionist association, Mr. R. G. Hewins and Mr. A. J. King, is catering for a little army of young people through junior branches of that association. The Birmingham association is so great, so powerful, and so democratic that it can cater for every section, junior and adult, of the party. And it has now, it should be added, a wonderfully fine — superb indeed—headquarters building, a present from an anonymous donor.
52Training in Politics
The Junior Imperial League is strong in Durham county, and it has a good number of branches in Northumberland. Information supplied to me by Mr. Charles Cockburn, Northumberland county agent, showed that a great deal of valuable work was performed during the past General Election, both throughout the county and in the city of Newcastle, by the members of the League and members of other junior associations, and that at the present moment measures are being taken to increase generally the strength of all the agencies through which the activities of young Unionists receive their impetus. Liverpool is busy with a scheme for raising a junior organisation that will have branches in every constituency of the city. Hull, where, as in Liverpool, there is a very strong “ forward ” movement in the Unionist ranks, has the Junior Imperial League and the Hull and District Junior Unionist Association. A feature of the latter body’s programme is an occasional address from a Socialist. “ We believe in having their doctrines from their
53Training in Politics
own mouths,” the president of the Association, Mr. J. W. Hindle, told me. “ We don’t take anything secondhand.”
Taking another big territorial leap, one might cite the Ramsgate League of Young Conservatives, with its motto of “ Right, Liberty, Youth, and Country,” as one of the numerous Southern organisations that are taking their part in the junior movement. Though formed only seven months ago, it has already 700 members, and the number is increasing daily. During the General Election members of the Ramsgate League took a prominent part in the campaign which resulted in its president, the Hon. Esmond Harmsworth, being returned with the huge majority of 14,351—a record for the Isle of Thanet constituency. Since the election numerous public debates have been held, and altogether the League, under the chairmanship of Mr. E. Noel Lodge, is making remarkable progress. Similar leagues have been formed in Broadstairs, Sandwich, and Westgate-on-Sea ; and Margate is to be similarly equipped.
54Training in Politics
Classes for the training of speakers, run in connection with the various junior associations mentioned, as well as others, are becoming more numerous every day, for it is being increasingly borne in upon Unionist leaders and organisers that a well-instructed force of capable speakers is a clamant necessity of the day. In some places debates with Socialists are organised, and these seem to be growing in popularity, though there are officials who do not approve of them. The Socialist party has some very glib talkers among the miners of the North, and they have been allowed a practically free run up to quite recent times ; but it is significant, as indicating the gradual change being effected by the training of young Unionist workmen, that a challenge to debate recently made to the Socialists in a Yorkshire district was not accepted.
One of the strongest assets of the Unionist party in this connection is the Philip Stott College at Overstone Park, near Northampton. Last year over 900 students went through the
55Training in Politics
fortnightly course there. The college is to be reopened in May with a programme of twelve intensive courses of instruction, each lasting a fortnight, in constitutional history, economics, and public speaking. This training, all too brief though it be, is keenly appreciated by young workmen in the great industrial areas, where the task of fighting Socialism is peculiarly difficult. To be an apostle of Unionism in many areas calls indeed for considerable moral courage. Happily, old-rooted prejudices are being gradually broken down; and Mr. A. B. Stewart, secretary of the Unionist Labour organisation for the county of Northumberland and the city of Newcastle, informed me that his campaign is now making some progress in colliery centres which used to be regarded as impossible.
The work that women are performing for Unionism is a factor the value of which cannot be overrated. A striking of the same note, whatever the note may be, is tedious; and even a recording of the glowing tributes that I heard paid to women’s devoted
56Training in Politics
labours in the last General Election would be tedious owing to the similarity of the story as it was related in every quarter. I quote only one testimony, which by the suppression of the name of the agent and of his area, may be accepted as a fair setting down of what was told me all over :
The women are the backbone of the party. At the last General Election their services were simply invaluable, and now it is largely to them that we must look to sustain the enthusiasm in our organisations.
The great majority of Unionist women workers are, of course, organised in their own associations, which are generally part of the local machinery. There is a conflict of opinion as to the usefulness or otherwise of the admission of both sexes to the same societies. Some of the independent local junior bodies, formerly for young men only, have decided to widen their constitutions so as to accept girls, too, and several have this subject under consideration at the present moment. There are others that continue to hold that the
57Training in Politics
most practical work can be achieved in associations either exclusively for youths or exclusively for young women. The Junior Imperial League is for both sexes, though it is open to localities, if they wish, to have branches for youths only or branches for girls only.
58Co-operation in Unionism.
It has been shown how widespread is the determination that Unionism is to exist for all classes of the community banded together to confront and avert the dangers which beset the nation and the Empire; it has been shown that all over the country there is a movement, not only deriving its impetus from a young and vigorous advance guard, but encouraged and facilitated by sensible and far-seeing leaders and organisers, to make the party a thoroughly democratic force. There is another service that the growing consciousness of the evils of Socialism and the horrors of Communism is rendering the Unionist party—it is more and more bringing together employer and employed into a co-operative combination destined to ensure the impossibility of a constitution-wrecking conspiracy ever having the slightest chance of commending itself to the people of this kingdom.
Many examples of this increasing tendency of employer and employed
59Co-operation in Unionism
to recognise in a rejuvenated and revivified Unionist party a most powerful confederation for the protection of mutual interests came under my notice. Even in areas impregnated with Socialism, where lack of an intelligent grasp of rudimentary economics is made up for by a ceaseless iteration of the shibboleth, “ work or maintenance,” the propaganda of young Unionist speakers is having its effect, and a constantly increasing number of unemployed, formerly hypnotised by Socialism’s vain and foolish promises, are beginning to perceive that there is no likelihood of work except under that sound and ordered government which alone inspires confidence in world’s trade, and that maintenance itself must have some solid economic foundation. One of the most striking instances of a Unionist organisation’s great possibilities in the direction of industrial harmony came under my notice in Huddersfield. In this West Riding of Yorkshire textile centre there is a Junior Conservative Association, which promises to become a regional power to 60Co-operation in Unionism
reckon with, and from the story of its origin and rise the party in some other areas may derive a much-needed stimulation.
Like the founders of the Young Conservatives’ Association in Leicester, a small band of Huddersfield young men decided that they wanted “ more vim ” in the political machine, and as the result of a few preliminary meetings it was resolved to establish a really democratic body, with the specific objects of educating the youth of the locality in Constitutional principles and of giving definite assistance to the Unionist party in the execution of a programme of social reform. The Huddersfield Junior Conservative Association had no difficulty in the choice of its first president, for the leading spirit in its inception was Mr. D. R. H. Williams. He is a young man, the very embodiment of the high aspirations which brought the association into being, and upon him, with the help of the Chairman, Mr. Philip Moxon, has fallen the task of guiding the new organisation. Mr. Williams is one of the directors of theCo-operation in Unionism
Colne Road Mills—that is to say, he is a “ capitalist,55 but he is not “ bloated,55 and it is safe to say that if an audience of workmen gathered together with the intention of listening to some Socialist orator were first to have an opportunity of hearing this ardent young Unionist expound his views on social reform, they would have no subsequent use for the tub-thumping revolutionaries. I asked Mr. Williams to give me an outline of the motives which induced him and his associates to enter the political arena.
A lot of young fellows who had been together in the Army began to realise (Mr. Williams said) that though they had done their best to help to win the war they were doing nothing to “ win the peace/’ and, without any official prompting, they agreed that the time had come when they ought to band themselves together for this task. The outcome of that resolve was the Huddersfield Junior Conservative Association. In our opinion there had not, in the past, been a sufficient realisation of the imperative need to run the party machinery on democratic lines. We are an industrial population here, and there was a widespread feeling that the working-class element had
62Co-operation in Unionism
not been adequately represented in the councils of the party. The young men who started our forward movement are Conservative at heart, and would not vote Labour at any price, but, while we felt that the methods of the Unionist party were not democratic enough, it is only fair to say that I and those associated with me had hitherto neglected to take any step to bring our aspirations before the party organisation. As a matter of fact, our association has been most sympathetically welcomed as a valuable adjunct to the ordinary adult machinery, for which our fellows worked like niggers at the last General Election.
Before the decision to form this association was arrived at neither I nor my companions would touch politics. We regarded politics as a lot of useless nonsense; we were incapable of understanding a something which seemed to us to be always talking but never getting anything done. We are all practical men, and, just as our job in the war was a practical one, so we could have no concern with politics which we regarded as theoretical vapourings. But the continued advance of Socialism opened our eyes to the fact that there was a really practical job for us to do in peace, and for myself I may say that one of the factors that caused me to take a live interest in politics was the personality of Mr. Baldwin. Here was a man, I decided, honestly imbued with a determination to better the lot of the people of the country, and I determined
63Co-operation in Unionism
that it was my duty to give my quota of support to such a man.
The gradual accretion to the band of enthusiasts who eventually insti-stuted the Huddersfield Junior Conservative Association seems to have been accomplished by means of the “ snowball ” system—that mysterious indefinable process which rallies like-minded people to the standard raised in a noble crusade. In age its members range from 16 to 45, and there is no member, young or old, who, under the inspiration of the president, does not feel that upon him individually there rests a responsibility to strengthen the Association and to do all possible to further its great cause. It is a confraternity bringing into common partnership men in professional and business positions and manual workers. The spirit which animates all was eloquently epitomised by a working-man member, who said, “ We all feel that we are not out for ourselves, but for the community.”
The Association has organised classes in the study of citizenship and
64Co-operation in Unionism
its obligations, and, with the object of acquiring facility of expression on the public platform, debates with young Liberals have been arranged. The local Labour party was challenged to engage in a debate on the suggested subject of the nationalisation of industries, but—conclusive proof of the public estimate of the mental equipment and the debating power of the young Unionists—the invitation was not accepted. One of the means that is adopted for the cultivation of speaking is the taking of “ teams,” consisting of five members, to party clubs in the various wards, where debates with picked teams of the clubs are indulged in. Some of the wards of the town are hotbeds of Socialism, but even these are, when the Association’s schemes are complete, not to be immune from the propaganda of the young Unionists.
A visit to the Colne Road Mills reveals the springs of the enthusiasm of the president of the Huddersfield Junior Conservative Association in the cause of social reform. The employees constitute a happy family,
65
ECo-operation in Unionism
and if the “ young guv’nor ” comes across anyone looking unusually glum he inquires anxiously if the serious countenance is the result of illness or of domestic trouble. Mr. Williams, in short, is one of those employers keenly and sympathetically solicitous for the welfare of the workers, and he considers that at the present time the Unionist party has a great opportunity to prove to the country the substantiality of its programme, in contrast to the emptiness of Socialistic promises. While I was in the Mills, Mr. Williams, by the way of showing why he feels so strongly on the housing question, called up a man of about 30 years of age and presented him as a glaring example of the significance of the nation’s difficulty of finding living accommodation. This employee, it appeared, has been engaged to be married for nine years, but is forced to put off the happy day from year to year owing to the impossibility of securing a dwelling. On the occasion of his last application for a house he was informed that there was a local waiting list of 2,000!
66Co-operation in Unionism
This is the man, typical of many thousands (said Mr. Williams), who needs to be furnished with convincing proof that the Unionist party is sincerely desirous of doing something for him. Housing is one of the practical subjects calling for immediate attention by a practical party, as distinct from a party of visionaries or worse. This is the opportunity of Unionism. One of our great jobs in such an industrial centre as this is to disabuse the working man of his old idea that the party is run in the interests of “ the classes,” to dissipate his suspicion that capital is out for its own interests, and to convince him that the prosperity of the employer and his own prosperity are one and the same thing. The members of our Junior Conservative Association are out for the good of the country, and I believe we will be able bit by bit to persuade the local workers of that fact.
All must extend their best wishes to the members of the Huddersfield Junior Conservative Association in the 46 job ” to which they have set their hands—and their hearts, too. It is an organisation similar to others that have been established in various parts of the country, and the description that has been given of it is really an account of a movement that is taking shape in many places. It is the story
hiCo-operation in Unionism
of a newborn national force of young enthusiasm, of a spirit of poetic, chivalrous impulse allied to a fiery resolve to demonstrate to the people that it is in the Unionist party that is to be found the popular political confederation of the country.
68London Experience.
Nowhere more than in London do Conservative circles appreciate the urgent necessity of interesting young men and women in political subjects. The importance of the matter from the point of view of the future fortunes of the party cannot be doubted, and the activities of other parties in the same direction show that Unionists are not singular in the belief they hold. The Socialists boast of their recruiting of youth. By means of Sunday schools and other agencies they even endeavour to sway the minds of children at their most impressionable age. The Liberal party also would appear to have given up all hope of securing converts among adults, and for a long time past their leaders have been devoting themselves largely to addressing meetings of young Liberals. These efforts are symptomatic of the zeal with which all parties are endeavouring to secure new adherents among the rising generation. They might not, however, count for so much were it not that
69London Experience
young people of both sexes are nowadays keenly interested in political matters, and desire to be educated concerning them. It is consequently important that there should be efficient machinery to take their training in hand.
Fortunately for the Conservative party, there are organisations in existence capable of doing the work thoroughly, but it is desirable that they should be strengthened and extended. The most striking feature which emerges from inquiries made in London is the desire of young people to take part in various forms of social service. Their abounding energy needs an outlet, and it suggests some defectiveness in organisation when Miss Fardell, the founder of the Young Conservative Union, has to report that she found the young people in the upper and middle classes were turning to the Labour party, believing that in its ranks they would have more opportunities of doing service to the public. Miss Fardell’s action shows how such foolish notions may be countered. Believing that 70London Experience
the Conservative party has the finest ideals, because its policy is designed to promote the self-respect, independence, and prosperity of every individual within a union of all classes, she asked her youthful friends to form themselves into a body under the Primrose League. They have done so in the Young Conservatives’ Union, at present a small but expanding body. Its keynote is social service, and its aim is to break down class barriers. Its membership is practically confined to people between the ages of 18 and 30, and everyone must be a worker. The point is that the public service which these young people are called on to perform has created quite a new feeling among them. They see things in a fresh light, and their apathy has vanished. It is remarkable, Miss Fardell says, with what energy they throw themselves into their work, and how quickly their interests have deepened. Inevitably, perhaps, housing conditions and unemployment are the subjects with which they have become most greatly concerned.
The advice which Miss Fardell gives
71London Experience
is to get the young people interested in social work. If they have an opportunity within the Conservative party of making themselves useful there is no risk of them being attracted by other bodies. It is also important that they should be made to run their own committees and organisations, preside at meetings, and generally be charged with full responsibility. This quickly gives them confidence by enlarging their experience.
Another body which reports the keen interest taken by young people in political questions is the City of London Conservative Association. It is the headquarters of the 1912 Club, which was started to encourage young men to meet and discuss political subjects. It might hardly be thought that young men would care to spend their evenings in the City after a hard day’s work. As a matter of fact, they do so, and even come from all over London to take part in the weekly debates. Captain Gerald Coningham, the secretary of the Association, states that the meetings held at 36, Bucklers-bury, are always largely attended, 72London Experience
mostly by young men who are keen to be able to discuss political subjects ■with insight and knowledge. Since the Club was started it has produced many brilliant debaters, who have carried the flag of Conservatism into every constituency in London. Speakers are sent to Hyde Park and Victoria Park every Sunday, while open-air meetings are addressed in many other parts of London. In Captain Coningham’s opinion, nothing could be better than that similar clubs should be started all over the country. He insists, however, that there must be continuity of effort, and not mere spurts at election times. In the City of London there is never any slackening, except at holiday time. Even in the summer months it is found that the meetings are well attended. And since the City of London is a sufficiently safe Conservative stronghold, it means that the association is an educational centre for the benefit of other London constituencies, and for many much further afield. Captain Coningham’s conclusion is that the young men and women
73London Experience
are exceptionally keen and anxious to hear political subjects discussed, and to discuss them themselves. With a little guidance and encouragement, he says, they work with enthusiasm.
But it is in a branch of the Conservative official headquarters at Palace Chambers, Westminster, that the party has the best-equipped organisation for attracting young people to politics. This is the Junior Imperial and Constitutional League, of which Mr. H. H. Cannell is secretary. The League was founded a score of years ago, with the avowed object of creating a practical interest in political work and organisation amongst the young men and women of the Empire by forming branches in the Metropolis and other centres to co-operate with existing Conservative and Unionist bodies in advancing the cause of Imperial unity and upholding constitutional government. The Marquis Curzon described this organisation as “ The League of the Wide Horizon,” and this has been adopted as its motto. The League sets out to enrol in its ranks the young men and women
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who are not attached to any party organisation, and who, under ordinary circumstances might not for some time take part in political work. It promotes friendly intercourse among them, and educates them in political and social questions by means of lectures, discussions, and debates. At times of political activity the “ Junior Imps,” as they are colloquially termed, are called to the assistance of the senior association, and the enthusiasm which they throw into their work proves of invaluable service to the party.
The age for membership of the Junior Imperial League is from 14 to 25, “ the danger zone ” period, it is called—although in a few branches the age is extended to 30 years. When the age limit is reached members pass automatically to the senior associations. If everything works well, there should be a steady stream of recruits to the party from the junior branches —recruits of a type particularly welcome, since they have already proved themselves in service. Since its formation, however, the Junior Imperial
75London Experience
League has come through a searching time. When war broke out the bulk of its members, then numbering about 100,000, were from 18 to 25 years of age. Before the Derby recruiting scheme was started, 60 per cent, of the members of the League had joined the colours, and it is claimed that no purely political body sent more men to the services. Out of 350 honorary secretaries who joined, ninety-five were killed, and a similar proportion of casualties occurred among the members. The war, in fact, more than decimated the League. At its close there were only six working branches in existence, run by disabled men. The period of political uncertainty following the war militated against the success of the attempts to rehabilitate the League, so that it is only within the last two years that it has got into its stride. Now, however, it is forging ahead, and has more than attained its former numbers and vigorousness.
Since the war women have been admitted to membership. It is possible to establish separate branches for
76London Experience
them, but in 90 per cent, of the cases they join on an equal footing with the men, and the mixed branches are believed to be the best. The growing menace of Socialism has proved to be the strongest recruiting force for the League, which now has about 500 branches, covering about 400 constituencies. In London alone there are fifty branches. It is surprising to find in certain districts that there is a feeling of apathy with regard to the importance of interesting young people in politics, the idea apparently being that the senior associations should do the work. This mistaken suggestion of rivalry is to be deplored. There is ample scope for the work of the Junior Imperial League, which, it is felt, can do invaluable service in many directions not strictly political in character. Entertainments of many descriptions keep the young people together, and as the members of the League are encouraged to devote themselves to forwarding the interests of every good cause, a corporate feeling is established. The headquarters of the party are fully alive
77London Experience
to the importance of organisations taking an interest in budding politicians, and it is even suggested that efforts might be made to . do something for juveniles under 14 years of age. Mr. Cannell himself is an enthusiast in the cause of his “ Junior Imps ” and a firm believer in catching them early. He also urges the necessity of letting the young people manage their own committees, in order to give them a feeling of responsibility. According to his idea, no constituency has a complete fighting machine unless it has a vigorous junior organisation, and the formation of such a body he regards as one of the best purposes to which the party can devote its energies. If the tenure of office of the present Government extends to four years, 25 per cent, of the male members of the Junior Imperial League will automatically come on the register of voters at the next election. It is important, therefore, that their numbers should be as large as possible. That the League had a considerable influence on the result of the last General Election would not
78London Experience
appear to be open to doubt. As soon as there was a prospect of the election taking place the branches were asked to give their help, and within twenty-four hours 84 per cent, of them had replied that they were already at work. The educational value of the League may also be judged by the fact that fifty of the principal Conservative agents in England at the present moment were formerly honorary secretaries of branches.
Another body which devotes itself to interesting the youth of London in political subjects is the Junior Conservative Association. It was founded by Viscount Curzon, M.P. for South Battersea, in conjunction with some of his friends, and has the official blessing of the Conservative and Unionist Central Office. The aim of this association is to support the existing order of society as against Socialism and Communism. Discussing the subject, Viscount Curzon said he takes the view that the Conservative party is the mainstay of the country against the forces of revolution, and there are many able young men who
79London Experience
would not ordinarily interest themselves in politics, who, under present conditions, are anxious to support those who are fighting reactionary influences. Recruits for the Junior Conservative Association are drawn largely from students at the universities, technical schools, and colleges, and embrace all classes of society.
The danger to the country (said Viscount Curzon) has only to be realised by young men, and they will take very effective action to deal with it. It is the fashion to-day for gloomy pessimists to declare that we are becoming a degenerate race. On the contrary, the spirit of the young men of to-day, is splendid, and I can speak from a good deal of knowledge of them as I command a division of the Royal Naval Volunteer Reserve.
With regard to the necessity for getting young people interested in political affairs, Viscount Curzon is very emphatic. In collecting members for the Junior Conservative Association, he does not desire to compete with other organisations. The rule is laid down that recruits should not be identified with any existing political body. But he maintains that it is 80London Experience
of vital consequence, not only to the Conservative party, but to the country, that the young people should be taken in hand. While admitting that a good deal has been done, he is satisfied that there is still room for great improvement.
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Diverse and wonderful are the young and vigorous forces now at the disposition of the Unionist party; more wonderful still are some of the battalions which are prepared to offer their services under its standard. The origin of certain of these is invested with a romantic vagueness, and there is an intriguing mystery about the precise channels through which they operate. Two places, widely distant, may be selected to furnish examples of the birth and growth of a movement more important and interesting than any manifestation known to modern politics—Hull and Liverpool. It is the stirring of a Young England imbued with a spiritual faith, identical in some of its broad principles— though there, of course, the comparison ends—with that which runs like an electrifying current through the political novels of Disraeli.
There is a certain difficulty in writing about this movement, for the young men who form its ranks have adopted as one of their mottoes “Work 82“Pals ” Battalions
not Talk,” and they have an intense dislike of publicity—of being “ in the limelight,” as they are fond of putting it. It is useless to go to any association, or presumed association, to obtain information about the aspirations and the performances of this “ get-on-with-the-job ” confraternity ; it is only by some fortunate accident that one may learn anything. But there is every reason to believe that within a short time it will be a tremendous factor in contributing its impulse to that programme of social reform to which Mr. Baldwin has set his hand ; and with the spirit now animating headquarters direction there is no ground for imagining that any objection will be raised to the forward impetus supplied by these progressive knights who, while fiercely intent on the betterment of the people of this country, are convinced that the only agency through which that betterment can be effected is the Unionist party. They are really a good product of an evil, for it is Socialism that has brought them into an arena which formerly they kept clear of.
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To listen to the eloquence of the burning words of these gospellers of a fresh force in Unionism is both a revelation and an inspiration. “ A few years ago I would not touch politics with a barge pole ; I regarded politics as a dirty business,” was the graphic way in which a York-shireman described his former state. To-day he is an ardent politician, whose platform equipment is directed with deadly effect to the exposure of the wild-parrot-like shibboleths of Socialism. The members of this sodality of social reformers are drawn from all classes—professional men, heads of businesses, and manual workers—and the enthusiasm with which they have taken up what they regard as a sacred duty is a something indescribably wondrous. It is an obsession almost — a consecration. Two professional men who talked of the new movement seemed to have forgotten all about the matters on which they had been engaged before my entry into their offices ; and the head of a great commercial house was interrupted in his furious denunciation 84“Pals ” Battalions
of the housing scandal by a reminder that he had just time to catch a train to fulfil an important appointment. Many of these young men were officers in the war, and they are determined to sustain with the humbler members of the confraternity that “ palship 55 which existed on the battle-front. Some indication of the political faith of these young men who are holding up a fiery cross just outside the regular hosts of Unionism was given to me by a typical representative of them in Lancashire.
We believe (he said) that what is needed in political affairs to-day is the active participation of the type of man, officer or private, who won the war. The country needs that sort of man to 66 win the peace.” There is a large force of men of my own generation—men who volunteered for service in the field on the outbreak of the war—who, while Conservative by birth, conviction, reflection, and study, have come to the conclusion that there has been far too much talk and far too little work in the party, so far as the generality of its membership is concerned. Those of my opinions demand that the party should set itself to the carrying out of a definite social reform programme that will inevitably draw the people to its side—a programme that will, if you
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care to put it that way, command votes at election time. It is most unfortunate that a really good type of citizen has come to acquiesce in the vulgar idea that politics is a “ dirty game.” This is unspeakably deplorable, for politics means running the Empire, and the type of man whom I have in mind ought to bestir himself and refuse to allow what should be running the Empire to degenerate into ruining the Empire.
There is going to be trouble, I am convinced, if the men who won the war, as officers or in the ranks, now stand aside and allow politics to be used for purposes subversive of the Empire. I do not attach undue importance to the common talk of the danger of “ revolution ”—I understand the fundamental temperament of my fellow-countrymen too well to fall into such an error. But it is certain that if the old negative attitude prevails in the Unionist party the Socialists will, as a result of their unceasing propaganda, come into real power, as distinct from the fettered power of the late Labour Government, and that will mean the beginning of the end so far as our Empire is concerned. Credit and sound commerce are the foundation of our national and Imperial vitality ; and who will say that a dominant Socialism would mean anything but the upsetting of credit and sound commerce? What I and those of my way of thinking are asking is this: What is the Unionist party—to which, despite all our criticisms and condemnations, 86“Pals ” Battalions
we are proud to belong—going to do to combat the menace of Socialism and to introduce real social reforms?
We are out for practical schemes of social reform and a determination to carry through those schemes with the minimum of talk and the maximum of downright earnest effort. If I may put it quite bluntly, we want to anticipate the lapse of time in removing from office in the Unionist party men who persist in refusing to recognise that a policy which may have been all right a generation or two ago is not adapted to the necessities of to-day. There is no virtue, intellectual or political, in such an attitude. For God’s sake, let the Unionist party demonstrate that it and it alone contains the policy and the personal elements that make for real progress, and let it utilise the brains, the talents, and the convictions of all classes. This is a task, just as the war was, for the co-operation of professional men and manual workers—convinced Unionists and all men, whatever their “ class,” to whom the tenets of Socialism, to say nothing of Communism, are abhorrent.
First and foremost among the social work to which the party should set itself is housing. As a result of earnest discussions that have taken place among the “ hotheaded ” young Unionists with whom I am associated, we have arrived at the definite conclusion that everything else in this country sinks into insignificance by comparison with the housing question, and,
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with a full consciousness of what we are saying, we submit that if the people of this country cannot be decently housed there is going to be most serious trouble. We have gone thoroughly into the matter so far as it affects the towns in which we live—towns in which thousands of families are herded in one room per family—and we are setting ourselves to the task of impressing upon the Unionist party that in the housing question there lies ready to their hand a reform calling loudly for immediate attention. Others have talked of housing; let the Unionist party set about the serious, the vital business of securing decent dwellings — houses not necessarily 66 fit for heroes,” but fit for ordinary human beings to live in.
How are these young spirits in Unionism organised ? Have they any definite formal organisation ? One wonders. There was a piquant mystery about many of the things that happened at the last General Election in Hull and Liverpool, which are selected as the centres in which, up to the present, the new movement has most particularly manifested itself. Sometimes an eminent Unionist speaker reinforced the platform of a candidate, but no one seemed to know through exactly what agency his 88“Pals ” Battalions
services had been secured. Or a body of young men was sorely needed for electoral work in some constituency. They were forthcoming and rendered yeoman service. But who brought them together ? No official organisation. It was sufficient to let it be known that they were wanted, and, in response to some machinery, unknown to oi’thodox channels, there was an immediate gathering of the clan. It must not be supposed from the use of the words “ yeoman service,” that these stalwarts are gangs of stalwart “ chuckers-out ” at election meetings, though they could undoubtedly discharge that sometimes necessary function with rare efficiency if called upon to do so. But they do not seek that role. They were prepared to perform it at some of the meetings held in East Hull in support of the candidature of Mr. L. R. Lumley, but Mr. Lumley invariably insisted that even the worst type of interrupter needed to be taught, not thrown out.
Some of the junior associations up and down the country have, as has
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been shown, been started with the avowed purpose of infusing more vim into Unionism. The most pushful and resolute brotherhood now under consideration declares its intention to “ ginger up ” the party, and it was appropriate that, after a series of vain attempts to learn something about them, I found a disciple in that well-known quaint old-world thoroughfare in Hull which bears the name of Land of Green Ginger. There Mr. H. Shand Carter was persuaded to unfold, to some extent at least, the fascinating story of how, stirred up by a realisation of the danger of the Socialist advance, numerous young fellows gradually banded themselves together round the Unionist banner.
It is difficult (he said) to explain exactly how the thing happened. But fellows who had been at school together, members of the same football or other sports clubs, and most of them pals in the war, in the same regiment, began in some mysterious way to take an interest in politics, to which hitherto they had scarcely ever given a serious thought. A kind of subtle freemasonry seemed to be set in motion. At first it was just a case of ordinary conversations between several chaps, but the snowball 90“Pals ” Battalions
went rolling on, and only a little while later, at the last General Election, we found that it was possible to get together 150 to assist in any constituency that needed help badly. A great deal of the enthusiasm thus suddenly engendered found its inspiration in Mr. Lumley, whom we all regard as the highest type of a young Unionist who is out, not to grind any axe, but to do his very best for the country. Mr. Lumley has said to tis, “ If this Government does not do something substantial and practical you won’t find me standing again,” and we all know that in him we have returned to the House of Commons a representative who will support with all his great heart measures for the betterment of the people. We feel very keenly, with Mr. Lumley, that something practical and tangible has to be done for the working man in the way of housing and in other directions. Officers and men were in the same boat in the war, and there is a growing feeling in this movement that they ought to be in the same boat now in peace time. It is painful to us who are comfortably circumstanced to know how many fine men, with their wives and families, have to live in slums.
A question of tremendous significance obtrudes itself on the mind of anyone listening to these denunciations of admitted social ills by these young auxiliaries of the Unionist army
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—these fine athletic young Enghsh gentlemen who burn with indignation as they talk of conditions in the lives of their humbler pals that cry for remedy. What a corps d’élite, fired with an enthusiasm bordering on exaltation, is here ready to be marshalled in the Unionist forces ! “ What will you do,” I asked Mr. Carter, “ if the Unionist party does not get on with the job in the way you demand.” He gave an answer none the less interesting because of its evasion of the question :
The fellows of whom I speak consider that it is to the Unionist party that they must look for the carrying out of social reforms, but they have made up their minds to keep the party up to the scratch. We realise here full well what Socialism means, even if it be Socialism that is not of the Bolshevik type, and we want to do our bit to help the Unionist party in the fight against that national danger.
As indicated above, Mr. L. R. Lumley, M.P., who is the nephew and heir-presumptive of the Earl of Scarbrough, is greatly indebted to the young local progressives for the retention of his seat against a powerful
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Socialist opposition, which, but for this aid, might have been successful. An instance of the kind of service rendered by these irregulars was furnished by the expedition with which 120 of them distributed leaflets in Lieut.-Commander Kenworthy’s constituency, Central Hull, after the publication of the Zinovieff letter.
The exact way in which this movement of “ pals ” in war and “ pals ” in peace will develop is a matter for engrossingly interesting speculation. It is a potent influence, with the likelihood of ever-growing additions to its ranks in different areas of the country, determinedly prepared to support the Prime Minister in his policy of social reform; and, convincing as were all the evidences set down in these articles of activities so various among junior Unionists, none was so impressive as the glimpse afforded into the movement unconnected with the ordinary avenues of political expression. While the young “ pals ” protest that they have no political organisation, and are determined to avoid the limelight which
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a society definitely consecrated to their crusade would entail, it may be said that some of them are gravitating towards what is known as the 1924 Club. Up to the present this exists in Liverpool and Hull only, but I gathered, from inquiries made in other areas, that there is a probability of its spreading to many cities and towns.
But however that may be, a study up and down the country of all that the Unionist parity is now doing for its juniors and, more interesting and more significant still, of all that the juniors are doing for themselves, furnishes most abundantly justification for ending with the immortal sentence with which the first began—“ It is a holy thing to see a State saved by its youth.”
Published by the National Union oi Conservative and Unionist Associations, Palaoe Chambers, Bridge Street, Westminster, 8.W.1 and Printed by Bemrose & Sons Ltd., London and Derby.
94
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