ILLINOIS

UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS AT URBANA-CHAMPA1GN

PRODUCTION NOTE

University of Illinois at
Urbana-Champaign Iibraiy
Brittle Books Project, 2014.COPYRIGHT NOTIFICATION

In Public Domain.
Published prior to 1923.

This digital copy was made from the printed version held
by the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign.
It was made in compliance with copyright law.

Prepared for the Brittle Books Project, Main Library,
University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
by

Northern Micrographics
Brookhaven Bindery
La Crosse, Wisconsin

2014STANDARD WORKS PUBLISHED BY

Hew Edition [1880], with a Supplement of upwards of 4600 New Words || j
and Meanings.	!

WEBSTER'S DICTIONARY

OF THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE.

dictionary are

England

fa of the Work

revised and im-|,
& Noah PobterIJ

ps. the most
le of the

L I B R.A R.Y

OF THE
U N I VER.5 ITY
Of ILLINOIS
From the library of
Albert Anderson Pease
1873-1949

¥

nciples
ve spelling is given. |j|

This has been en-ill"'
K Webster and Mr.,™:!',!;
y other scholars. Thelili

l word is indicated
which are

937.6
D3B
1663

Citations.

NO

ired to embody such jjfci&iiiisjij::;:;
idard authors as may

definitions, or nos-

terest of thpught or;

These are sub-
to which they belong, ij1

(,which exceed 3000, m

the sake of ornament

le meaning of words

tisfactorily explained:]

without pictorial aid.	~

illailisifi'iilSISIilii!

TheVoIume contains 1628 pages, more than 3000 Illustrations* and is sold;

To be obtained through all Booksellers*

lOglSt, Dr. U F. MAHN, naB aevoieuTMW
years to perfecting this department.

The VoIume cc

for One Guinea. It will be found, on comparison, to be one of the cheapest!
Volumes ever issued, doth, 21s.; half-bound in calf, 30s.; ralf or half-russiajl
31s. Qd.j russia, £2,	iiHNew Edition, with a New Biographical feuppieuw,^ ,-x______

of 9700 Names.

WEBSTER'S COMPLETE DICTIONARY

OF THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE, AND GENERAL BOOK
OF LITERARY REFERENCE. With 3000 Illustrations. Tho»
roughly revised and improved by Chauncey A. Goodrich, DJX,
LL.D., and Noah Porter, D.D., of Yale College.

a One Volume, Quarto, strongly bound in cloth, 1919 pages, price £1 lit, 6<f.; half-calf,
£2; calf or .half-russia, £2 2s.; russia, £2 10s.

Besides the matter comprised in the Webster's Guinea Dictionary, this
olume contains the following Appendices, which will show that no pains have
een spared to make it a complete Literary Reference-book

A Pronouncing Vocabulary o£ Greek

and Latin Proper Names. By Professor
Thachee, of Yale College.
An Etymological Vocabulary of Mo-

i Brief History of the English Lan-
guage. By Professor James Hadley,
This Work shows the Philological Rela-
tions of the English Language, and traces
the progress and influence of the causes
which have brought it to its present con-
dition.

Principles of Pronunciation. By

Professor Goodrich and W. A. Wheeler,
M.A, Including a Synopsis of Words
differently pronounced by different au-
thorities.

L Short Treatise on Orthography.

By Abtbur W. Wright. Including a
Complete List of Words that are spelt in
two or more ways.

In Explanatory and Pronouncing

Vocabulary of the Names of Noted Fie-
Miious Persons and Places, &cs. By W. A.
i Wheeleb. M.A. This Work includes not
only persons and places noted in Fiction,
whether narrative, poetical, or dramatic,
but Mythological and Mythical names,
names referring to the Arigelology and De-
monology of various races, and those
found 'iii,. the romance writers; Pseu-
donymC' Nick-names of eminent persons
and parties, &c.s &c. In fact, it is best
I described as explaining every name which
is not strictly historical. A reference is
given to the originator of each name, and
where the origin is unknown a quotation
is given to some well-known writer in
which the word occurs.

This valuable Work may also be ha A
separately, post 0w>., 5s,

Pronoiincing Vocabulary of Scrip-

tars Proper Names, W. A. Wheeler,
M.A, Including a List of the Variations
that occur in the Douay version of the
Bible.

dera Geographical Names. By the Rev.
G.H. Wheeleb. Containing:—!. A List,
of Prefixes, Terminations, and Formative
Syllables in various Languages, with their
meaning and derivation; ii. A brief List
of Geographical Names (not explained by
the foregoing List), with their derivation
and signification, ail doubtful and obscure
derivations being excluded.

Pronouncing Vocabularies of Modern

Geographical and biographical Names.
By J. Thomas, M.D.

A Pronouncing Vocabulary of Com-
mon English Christian Names, with their
derivations, signification, and diminutives
(or nick-names), and their equivalents in
several other languages.

A Dictionary of Quotations. Selected
and translated by William G. Webster.
Containing all Words, Phrases, Proverbs,
and Colloquial Expressions from the
Greek, Latin, and Modern Foreign Lan-
guages, which are frequently met with in
literature and conversation.

A New Biographical Dictionary of

i upwards 9700 Names of Noted Persons,
Ancient and Modern, including many now
living—giving the Name, Pronunciation,
Nationality, Profession, and Date of Birth
and Death.

A List of Abbreviations, Contrac-
tions, and Arbitrary Signs used in Writing
and Printing,

A Classified Selection of Pictorial

Illustrations (70 pagss). With references
to the text.

The cheapest Dictionary ever published, as it is confessedlyone cf the best. The fafco-
[uction of small woodcut illustrations of technical and scientific terms adds greatly t6 the
itility of the Dictionary."—Churchman^

To be obtained through aU Booksellers*

0 2	3STANDARD WORKS PUBLISHEL tis

WEBSTER'S DICTIO NARY.

From the Quabtbely Review, Oct 1878.

'' Seventy years passed before Johnson was followed by Webster, an
American writer, who faced the task of the English Dictionary with a
fall appreciation of its requirements, leading to better practical results,"

" His laborious comparison of twenty languages, though never pub-
lished, bore fruit in his own mind, and his training placed him both in
knowledge and judgment far in advance of Johnson as a philologist.
Webster's 4 American Dictionary of the English Language ' was pub-
lished in 1828, and of course appeared at once in England, where
successive re-editing hm as yet kept it in thehighestplaceas m practical
Dictfonmy"

" The acceptance of an American Dictionary in England has itself
had immense effect in keeping up the community of speech, to break
which would be a grievous harm, not to English-speaking nations
alone, but to mankind. The result of this has been that the common
Dictionary must suit both'sides of the Atlantic." ....

" The good average business-like character of Webster's Dictionary,
both in style ana matter, made it as distinctly suited as Johnson's was
distinctly unsuited to be expanded and re-edited by other hands.
Professor Goodrich's edition of 1847 is not much more than enlarged
and amended, but other revisions since have so much novelty of plan
as to be described as distinct works." ....

" The American revised Webster's Dictionary of 1864, published in
America and England, is of an altogether higher order than these last
[The London Imperial and Student's]. It bears on its title-page the
names of Drs. Goodrich and Porter, but inasmuch as its especial im-
provement is in the etymological department, the care of which was
committed to Dr. Mahn, of Berlin, we prefer to describe it in short as
the Webster-Mahn Dictionary. Many other literary men, among them
Professors Whitney and Dana, aided in the task of compilation and
revision. On consideration it seems that the editors and contributors
have gone far toward improving Webster to the utmost that he will
bear improvement. The vocabulary has become almost complete, as
regards usual words, while the definitions heep throughout to Webster's
simple careful style, and the derivations are assigned with the aid of
good modern authorities."

" On the whole, the Webster-Mahn Dictionary as it stands, is most
respectable, and GEBTAIWLY THE BEST PRACTICAL ENGLISH
DICTIONARY EXTANT."

LONDON'. GEORGE B1LL & 'mm, YORK STREET, COVENT GARDEN,
4GEOBGE BELL & SONS.

SPECIAL DICTIONARIES AND WORKS
OF REFERENCE.

Dr. Richardson's Philological Dictionary of the

ENGLISH LANGUAGE. Combining Explanation with. Etymology,
and copiously illustrated by Quotations from the Best Authorities.
New Edition,with a Supplement containing additional Words and
further Illustrations. In 2 vols. 4to. £4 14s. 6d. Half-bound in Russia,
£5 15s. M. Russia, £6 12s.—The Supplement separately. 4to, 12s.
An 8vo. edition, without the Quotations, 15s. Half-russia* 20§»
Russia, 24s.

A Supplementary English Glossary. Containing 12,000

Words or Meanings occurring in English Literature hot found in any
other Dictionary. With Illustrative Quotations. By T. Lewis O.
Davies, M.A. Demy 8vo, 16a.

Folk-Etymology, A Dictionary of Corrupted Words which
have been Perverted in Form or Meaning by False Derivation or
Mistaken Analogy. By the Rev. A. S. Palmer, Author of " A
Word-Hunter's Note-book.'' Demy 8vo. 21s.

"Most interesting, instructive, and valuable contribution to the study of language."—
Athenceum.

Synonyms Discriminated. A Catalogue of Synonymous
Words in the English Language, with their various Shades of Mean-
ing, &c. Illustrated by Quotations from Standard Writers. By the
late Ven. 0. J. Smith, M.A. Demy 8vo. New Editim, revised and
enlarged. 14 s.

A Dictionary of Quotations. From the English Poets.
By Henry G. Bohn, F.R. A.S., F.L.S., &c. 4thEdition. Post 8vo, 6s.

"Mr. Bohn's volume has the rare recommendation of being entirely free from the
rubbish which is commonly thrust into similar collections. His selections have been
made from a long and extensive course of reading, and it every where bears evidence of a
scholar's eye and taste. There must be, as we judge, nearly 8,000 quotations in the
volume, ranging from Chaucer to Tennyson."—Times.

A Biographical Dictionary. By Thompson Goopeb, F.S.A.,
Editor of "Men of the Time," and Joint Editor of " Athen® Ganta-
brigienses" 1 vol. 8vo. With Supplement to 1883. 15s. Supple-
ment separate, 3s. 6d.

This volume is not a mere repetition of the contents of previous works,
but embodies the results of many years' laborious research in rare publica-
tions and unpublished documents. Any note of omission which maybe
sent to the Publishers will be duly considered.

"It is an important original contiibution to the literature of its class by a painstaking
scholar. .... It seems in every way admirable, and fully to justify the claims on its
behalf put forth by its editor."—British Quarterly Review.

Bryan's Biographical and Critical Dictionary of Painters

and Engravers. With a List of Ciphers, Monograms, and Marks.
Enlarged Edition, thoroughly revised by R. E. Graves, British Museum.
In monthly parts, 5s. each. Parts 1-4 ready.

The Cottage Gardener's Dictionary. With a Supple-
ment, containing all the new plants and varieties to the year 1869,
Edited by George W. Johnson. Post 8vo. Cloth. 6s. 6d.

LONDON j GEORGE BELL & SONS, YORK STREET, COVENT GARDEN.

6STANDARD WORKS PUBLISHED BY

THE ALDINE SERIES OF THE BRITISH POETS.

CHEAP EDITION.

In Pifty-tw© Volumes, Bound in Olotk, at Eighteenpence each
Volume,

4kenside, with Memoir by the Bev.
A. Dyge, and additional Letters, is. 6d.

Beattie, with Memoir by?the Rev,
A. Dyge, is. 6d.

Burns, with Memoir by Sir Harris
Nicolas, and additional Copyright Pieces,
3 vols. 4s. Qd.

Butler, with Memoir by the Rev. J.
Mitfobd, 2 vols. 3s.

Ohaucer, edited by B. Morris, with
Memoir by Sir Habbis Nicolas. 6 vols.
9s.

0hurchill, Tooke's Edition, revised,
with Memoir, by James Hannay. 2 vols,
3«.

Oollins; edited, with Memoir, by W,

Moy Thomas. 1*. 6cl

Oowper, including his Translations.

Edited, with Memoir, and Additional
Copyright Pieces, by John Bbuoe, F„S.A.
3 vols. 4s. 6d.

Oryden, with Memoir by the Bev.

R. Hooper, F.S.A, Carefully revised,
5 vols. U. 6(2.

Falconer, with Memoir by the Bev.

J. Mitford. if. 6<2.

Goldsmith, with Memoir by the Bev,

J. Mitfobd. Revised. 1*. 6d.

$ray, with Notes and Memoir by the
Rev. John Mitfobd. It. 6dL

Xirke White, with Memoir by Sir H.

Nicolas, and additional Notes. Carefally
revised, is. 6(2.

Milton, with Memoir by the Bev, I,
Mitford, 3 vols. 4*. 6d*

Parnell, with Memoir by the Rev,
J. Mitfobd. Is. Qd.

Pope, with Memoir by the Bev, A.
Dyob. 3 vols. 4s. 6d.

Prior, with Memoir by the Rev. h
Mitford. 2 vols. 3s.

Shakespeare, with Memoir by th&
Rev. A. Dyoe. is. 6d.

Spenser, edited, with Memoir, by
J. Payne Collieb. 5 vols. Is. 6<£.

Surrey, edited, with Memoir, by
James Yeowell. is. 6d.

Swift, with Memoir by the Bev.
Mitfobd. 3 vols. 4s. 6d.

Thomson, with Memoir by Sir H,

Nicolas. Annotated by Peter Cunning-
ham, F.SJL, and additional Poems, care-
fully revised. 2 vols. 3s.

Wyatt, edited, with Memoir, by
James Yeowell. is. 6<X.

Young, with Memoir by the Bev, S*

Mitfobd, and additional Poem*. 2 vol©,
3s.

Complete sets may be obtained, bound in half-morocco. £9 9s.

N.B.—Copies of the Fine Paper Edition, with Portraits, may still be had, price IS#, pm
volume (except Collins, 3s. 6d.).

LONDON • GEORGE BELL & SONS, YORK STREET, COVENT GARDEN,
6GEORGE BELL & SONS.

THE ALDINE EDITION OF THE BRITISH POETS.

f SUPPLEMENTARY SERIES,

The fiffcy-two volumes which have hitherto formed the well-known
Aldine Series, embody the works of nearly all the more popular English
poetical writers, whether lyric, epic, or satiric, up to the end of the
eighteenth century. But since that time the wonderful fertility of English
literature has produced many writers equal, and in some cages far superior,
to the majority of their predecessors; and the widely augmented roll of
acknowledged English poets now contains many name$ not represented
in the series of " Aldine Poets."

With a view of providing for this want, and oi making a series which
has long held a high place in public estimation a more adequate represen-
tation of the whole body of English poetry, the Publishers have deter-
mined to issue a second series, which will contain some of the older poets,
and the works of recent writers, so far as may be practicable by arrange-
ment with the representatives of the poets whose works are still copyright,

One volume, or more, at a time will be issued at short intervals 5 they
will be uniform in binding and style with the last fine-paper edition of the
Aldine Posts, in fcap. 8vo. size, printed at the Ohiswick Press. Price
58. per volume.

Each volume will be edited with notes where nacessary for elucidation of
the text; a memoir will be prefixed and a portrait, where an authentic
one is accessible.

The following are already published

The Poems of William Blake. Witt Memoir by W. M« Rossetti,
and portrait by Jeens.

The Poems of Samuel Rogers, With Memoir fey Edward Bell3 and
portrait by Jeens.

The Poems of Thomas Chatterton. % vola. Edited by the Boy,
W. Skeat, with Memoir by Edward Bell.

The Poems of Sir Walter Raleigh, Sib Henry Wottost, and Selec-
tions from other Courtly Poets. With Introduction by the Rev« Br.
Hannah, and portrait of Sir W. Raleigh,

The Poems of Thomas Campbell, With Memoir by W, Allingha-m,
and portrait by Jeens.

The Poems of George Herbert. (Complete Edition.) With Memoir
by the Rev. A. B. Grosart, and portrait.

The Poems of John Keats. With Memoir by Lord Houghton, and
portrait by Jeens.

Sacred Poems and Pious Ejaculations by Henry Vaughan. With
Memoir by Rev. H. F. Lyte.

Coleridge's Poems. By T. Ashe.	[In the Press..

L)NDON: GEORGE BELL & SONS, YORK STREET, COVENT GARDEN.

18TANDABD W0MK8 PUBLISHED BY

In Tm Yohmmyprice 2a. M. each; in half-morocco, £2 10s.,
or, with Plates, £3 the set

CHEAP ALDINE EDITION OF

SHAKESPEARE'S DRAMATIC WORKS,

Edited by S. W. SINGER.

Uniform with the Cheap Edition of the Mdim P&ets.

The formation of numerous Shakespeare Beading Societies has created
a demand for a cheap portable edition, with legible type, that shall pro-
vide a sound text with such notes as may help to elucidate the meaning
and assist in the better understanding of the author. The Publishers
therefore determined to reprint Mr. Singer's well-known Edition, published
in 10 vols., small 8vo., for some time out of print, and issue it in a cheap
form, uniform with the well-known Aldine Edition of British Poets.

CONTENTS,

Vol. L The Life of Shakespeare. The Tempest. The Two Gentlemen
of Verona, The Merry Wives of Windsor. Measure for
Measure.

Vol II. Comedy of Errors. Much Ado about Nothing. Love'sLabom:
Lost. Midsummer Night's Dream. Merchant of Venice,

Vol. IIL As You Like It. Taming of the Shrew. All's Well that
Ends Well. Twelfth Night, or What You Will,

Vol. IV. Winter's Tale. Pericles. King John. King Bichard II.

Vol. V. King Henry IV.? Parts L and II. King Henry V.

Vol. VI. King Henry VI., Parts I. II. and IIL King Bichard III,

Vol. VII. King Henry VIII. Troilus and Cressidia. Coriolanus.

Vol VIII Titus Andronicus. Borneo and Juliet. Titnon of Athens,
Julius Csesar,

Vol. IX, Macbeth. Hamlet. King Lear.

Vol. X. Othello. Antony and Cleopatra, Cymbeline*

Uniform with the above, price 2g. 6d; in half-morocco, 5#.

GBXTICAL ESSAYS ON THE PLAYS OF SHAKESPEAB®,
By William Watkiss Lloyd;

Giving a succinct account of the origin and source of each play, where
ascertainable and careiul criticisms on the subject-matter of each.

A few copies of this Work have been prinita to range with the fine-paper Edition of the
AMinePoets. The price for the Eleven Volumes (rni sold 8eparately) u £2. lfci.

mrnxmi george bell & sons, york street, coveot garden.
8GMOBGJE BELL <fe SONS.

POCKET VOLUMES.

& Series of Select Works of Favourite Anthors, adapted for general reading, moderate In
price, compact and elegant in form, and executed in a style fitting them to be perma-
nently preserved. Imperial 32mo., cloth.

0att>y's Parables • from Nature.

2 vols. 5s.

Captain Marryat's Masterman.

Ready, 2s. 6 d.

Lamb's Elia. Eliana and Last Essay
vwith Memoir, by Babbx Cornwall. 2
vols. 6s.

Bacon's Essays, 2s. Qd.

Burns's Poems. Ss.

-Songs. 3s.

Coleridge's Poems, 3s.

0. Bibdin's Sea Songs and Balla&i,

And others. 3k.

Midshipman, The. Autobiographical
Sketches of Ms own early Career, by Cap-
taln BAsiL HAm, R.N., F.R.S. 3s. 6d.

Lieutenant and Commander. By

Captain Basil Hall, R.N., F.R.S. 3s. 6d.
Cleorge Herbert's Poems. 2s. 6cf.
* Semaifts;

George Herbert's Works. Bs. 6d.
The Sketch Book. By Washington

Irving. 3s. Qd.

Tales of a Traveller By Washiho-
ton Irving. 3s. 6d.

Charles Lamb's Tales firom Shak-

gpeare. 3s.

Longfellow's Evangeline and Voices,

Sea-side, and Poems on Slavery. 3s.
Milton's Paradise Lost. 3s.

	--Eegained, & other Poems. 3s,

Bobin Hood Ballads* 3$.

Southey's Life of Nelson, 3®,

Walton's Complete Angler. Por-
traits cmd Illustration*. 3s.

—	Lives of Bonne, Wotton,

Hooker, &c. 3s. 6d.

White's Natural History of Sal®
borne, 3s. 6&

Shakspeare's Plays & Poems. Reightley's Edition, 13 Vols, in cloth case, 21 #e

ELZEVIR SERIES.

Small fcap. 8vo.

______i Volumes are issuedunder the general title of "Elzevir Series," to distinguish

them from other collections. This general title has been adopted to indicate the spirit in which
they are prepared; that is to say, with the greatest possible accuracy as regards text, and
the highest degree of beauty that can be attained in the workmanship.

They are printed at the Chiswick Press, on fine paper, with wide margins, and issued isa
a, neat cloth binding.

Longfellow's Evangeline, Voices,

Sea-side and Fire-side. 4s. 6& With
Portrait.

«-Hiawatha, and The ftolden

JLegend. 4s. (kZ,

--Wayside Inn, Miles Standish,

Spanish Student. 4s. G&.

Burns's Poetical Works. <4a. 6d
With Portrait.

■ Songs and Ballads. 4$, Qd.

These Editions <m,tamallihe
piccespubiished in theAldim

Gowper's Poetical Works. 2 ¥ols,.

each 4s< With Portrait.

Coleridge's Poems. 4s, Qd. With
Portrait.

Irving's Sketch Book. 5s. With
Portrait.

—— Tales of a Traveller. 5s.

Milton's Paradise Lost. 4s„6d, With
Portrait.

--Begained. 4-8. Qd.

Shakspeare's Plays and Poems.

Carefully edited by Thomas Ksightls?.
In .seven volumes. 5s. each.

Southey% Life of Nelson.

With Portrait of Nelson.
Walton's Angler. 4s. Qd.

Qd,

With eg

-Lives of Donne, Hooker,

Herbert, &c. 6s. With PvrtmiL

LONDON; SEORGE BELL k SONS, YOKE STREET, COVENT GARDEN,

9STANDARD WOBKS PUBLISHED BY

HISTORY AND TRAVELS.

Rome and the Campagna. A Historical and Topo-

graphical Description of the Site, Buildings, and Neighbourhood of ancient Rome. By
the Kev. Robert Burn, late Fellow and Tutor of Trinity College, Cambridge. With
eighty engravings by Jewitt, and numerous Maps and Plans, and an Appendix,
bringing the Work down to 18?6. Demy 4to, *63 3s.

Old Home. A Handbook of the Kuins of the Ancient City

and the Campagna, for the use of Travellers. By R. Born, M.A. With Illustra-
tions, Maps, and Plans. Demy 8vo. 10s. 6cL

Ancient Athens; its History, Topography, and Be-

MAINS. By Thomas Henry Dyer, LL.D., Author of The History of the Kings of
v Borne." Super-royal 8vo. Illustrated, cloth, £l 5t.

The History of the Kings of Rome. By Dr. T. H.

Dyer, Author of the "History of the City of Rome;" "Pompeii: its History,
Antiquities," &c., with a Prefatory Dissertation on the Sources and Evidence of Early
Boman History. 8vo. 16#.

Modern Europe, from the Fall of Constantinople in

1453. By Thomas Henry Dyer, LL.D. Second Edition, Revised and Continued,
In 5 vols. £2 12s. 6d»

The Decline of the Boman Republic. By the late George

Long, M.A., Editor of "Caesar's Commentaries," "Cicero's Orations," &c. 8vo.
Vol. I. From the Destruction of Carthage to the End of the Jugurthine War. 14s.
Vol. II. .To the Death of Sertorius. 14s.

Vol. III. Including the third Mithridatic War, the Catiline Conspiracy, and the Con-
sulship of C. Julius Caesar. 14s.

Vol. IV. History of Caesar's Gallic Campaigns and of contemporaneous events, 14».
Vol. V. From the Invasion of Italy by Julius Caesar to his Death. 14*.

A History of England during the Early and Middle

, AGES. By C. H. Pearson, M.A., Fellow of Oriel College, Oxford, and late Lecture?
in History at Trinity College, Cambridge. Second Edition, revised and enlarged. 8vo.
Vol. I. to the Death of Cceur de Lion. 16*. Vol. II. to the Death of Edward I. 14*.

Historical Maps of England. By 0. H. Pearson, M.A,

Folio. Third Edition, revised. 31s. 6<2.

An Atlas containing Five Maps of England at different periods during the Early and
Middle Ages.

The Desert of the Exodus. Journeys on Foot in the

Wilderness of the Forty Years' Wanderings, undertaken in connection with the
. Ordnance Survey of Sinai and the Palestine Exploration Fund. Ey the late E. H.
Palmes, M.A., Lord Almoner's Professor of Arabic and Fellow of St. John's College,
Cambridge, Member of the Asiatic Society, and of the Societe de Paris. With Maps,
and numerous* Illustrations from Photographs and Drawings taken on the spot by the
Sinai Survej Expedition and C. F„ Tybwhitt Drake, 2 vols. 8vo. 28s.

LONDON; GEORGE BELL & SONSs YORK STREET* COVENT GARDEN
10GEORGE SELL & SONS*

8TANDARD WORKS.

Corpus Poetarum Latinorum. Edited by J3. Walker.

One thick vol. Svo. Cloth, 18s.

Containing:—Catullus, Lucretius, Virgillus, Tibullus, Properties, Ovidins, Horatius,
Phaedrus, Lucanus, Persius, Juvenalis, Martialis, Sulpicia, Statius, Silius Italicus, Valerius
Fiaccus, Galpurnius Siculus, Ausonius, and Claudianus,

Cruden's Concordance to the Old and New Testament,

or an Alphabetical and Classified Index to the Holy Bible, specially adapted for Suaday
School Teachers, containing nearly 54,000 references. Thoroughly revised and con-
densed by G-. H. Hannay. Fcap. 2s,

Perowne (Canon). The Book of Psalms. A New

Translation, with Introductions and Notes, Critical and Explanatory. By the Very Rev.
J. J. Stewart Perowne, Dean of Peterborough, 8vo. Vol. I., Fifth Edition, 18#.:
Vol. IL, Fifth Edition, IQs.

—--Abbidged Edition for Schools. Fourth Edition, Crown

8vo. IQs. tid.

Adams (Dr. E.). The Elements of the English Lan-

GrQAGE. By Ebnest Adams, Ph.D. Twentieth Edition. Post 8vo. 4s. 3d.

Whewell (Dr.). Elements of Morality, including Polity.

By W. Whewell, D.D., formerly Master of Trinity College, Cambridge. Fourth
Edition. In 1 vol. 8vo. 15s.

BIOGRAPHIES BY THE LATE SIR ARTHUR HELPS, K.C.B.
The Life of Hernando Cortes, and the Conquest of

MEXICO. Dedicated to Thomas Carlyle. 2 vols. Crown 8vo. 15s.

The Life of Christopher Columbus, the Discoverer of

AMERICA. Fourth Edition. Crown 8vo. 6s.

The Life of Pizarro. With Some Account of his Asso-

dates in the Conquest of Peru. Second Edition. Crown 8vo. 6s.

The Life of Las Casas, the Apostle of the Indies.

Second Edition. Crown 8vo. 6$. <9\

The Life and Epistles of St. Paul. By Thomas Lewin,

Esq., M.A., F.S.A., Trinity College, Oxford, Barrister-at-Law, Author of "Fasti
Sacri," " Siege of Jerusalem," "Caesar's Invasion/' "Treatise on Trusts," &c. With
upwards of 350 Illustrations finely engraved on Wood, Maps, Plans, &c. Fourth
Edition. In 55 vols., demy 4to. £2 2s.

"This is one of those works which demand from critics"and from the public, before
attempting to estimate its merits in detail, an unqualified tribute of admiration. The first
glance tells us that the book is one on which the leisure of a busy lifetime and the whole

resources of an enthusiastic author have been lavished without stint.....This work is a

kind of British Museum for this period and subject in small compass. It is a series of
galleries of statues, gems, coins, documents, letters, books, and relics, through which the
reader may wander at leisure, and which he may animate with his own musings and reflec-
tions. It must be remembered throughout that this delightful and instructive collection is
the result of the devotion of a lifetime, and deserves as much honour and recognition aa
many a museum or picture-gallery which has preserved its donor's name for generation*,"
*~Times.___

LONDON i GEORGE BELL & SONS, YORK STREET, COVENT GARDEN.

IISTANDARD W0MK8 PUBLISHED BY

ILLUSTRATED OR POPULAR EDITIONS OF
STANDARD WORKS.

Dante's Divine Comedy. Translated by the Bev. Henry

Francis Caby. With all the Author's Copyright Emendations. Post 8vo. 3s. 3d.

Shakespeare. Shakespeare's Plays and Poems, With

Notes and Life by cshablf-s Knight, and 40 engravings on wood by Habvey. Iloyal
8vo. Cloth, 10i. 6cJ.

Fielding. Works of Henry Fielding, complete. With

Memoir of the Author by Thomas Roscoe, and 2<J Plates by Gteokxje Cseikskans,
Medium 8vo. 14s.

Fielding. The Novels separately. With Memoir by

Thomas Roscoe, and Plates by Gteobge Cruikshank, Medium 8vo. Is. 6&

Swift, Works of Jonathan Swift, D.D. Containing

interesting and valuable passages not hitherto published. With Memoir of the Author
by Thomas Roscoe. 2 vols. Medium 8vo. 24*.

Smollett. Miscellaneous Works of Tobias Smollett

Complete in l vol. With Memoir of the Author by Thomas Roscoe. 21 Plates by
Geobgk Ckuikshank. Medium 8vo. 14s.

Lamb. The Works of Charles Lamb. With a Memoir

by Sir Thomas Noon Talfoubd; Imp. 8vo. XGf. 6$.

Goldsmith's Poems. Illustrated. 16mo. 2«. Qd.
Wordsworth's White Doe of Rylstone; or, the Fat© of

THE NORTONS. Illustrated. 16mo. 3$. tid.

Longfellow's Poetical Works, With nearly 250 Illustra-
tions by Bibket Fosteb, Ten*./el, Godwin, Thomab, to. in 1 vol. 21*,

Longfellow's Evangeline. Illustrated, 16mo. 3», 6d.
Longfellow's Wayside Inn. Illustrated. I6mo. 3s. 6<J.
Adelaide Anne Procter's Legends and Lyrics. The

Illustrated Edition; With Additional Poems, and an Introduction by Charles
Dickens, a Portrait by Jeens, and 20 Illustrations by JEminent Artiste, and a short
Memoir by Mrs. Ewing;, Fcap.4to. Ornamental cloth. 21s.

Mrs. Gatty's Parables from Mature. A Handsomely

Illustrated Edition; with Notes on the Natural History, and numerous Full-page
Illustrations by the most eminent Artists of the present day. New oam^lete edition,
with Short Memoir by J. H. Ewtng. Ecap. 4to. 21s.

The Book of Gems. Selections -from the British

POETS, Illustrated with upwards of 160 Steel Engravings, Edited by S. C. H*rx,
a vols.. Handsomely bound in walnut. 213. each.

First Series—Chaucer to Dryden.

Second Sebieb—Swift to Bubns.

Therd Series—Wobdswobth to Tennyson.

LONDON : GEOBGE BELL & SONS, YORK STBEET, COVENT GAPDE5T.
la 1&EOBGE BELL & 80MB.

BOOKS FOR THE YOUSNQ.

■mFTAlS aWRTATB BOOKS FOB BOYS.

Poor Jack. With Sixteen Illustrations after Designs by

Clabkson Stanfield, R.A. Twenty-second Edition. Post 8vo., 3*. 6<2. Gilt, 4s.

- People's Edition, Illustrated. Demy 4to., 6d.

--Cheap Edition. Fcap. 8vo., 6d.

The Mission ; or, Scenes in Africa. With Illustrations

by John Gilbekx. Post 8vo., 3s. 6cL Gilt, 4*. 6d.

The Settlers in Canada. With Illustrations by Gilbert

and Dalziel. Post 8vo., 3s. 6d. Gilt, 4s. 6d.

fie Privateers Man. Adventures bjr Sea and Land

IN CIVIL AND SAVA0E LIFE, ONE HUNDRED TEAKS AW. Illustrated
with Eight Steel Engravings. Post 8vo., 3s. $d. Gilt, 4s M.

M&sterman Beady; or, the Wreck of the Pacific.

Embellished with Ninety-three Engravings on Wood. Post 8vo., 3«. M> Gilt, 4*.6d.

—- People's Edition, Illustrated. Demy 4to., Qd.

-Cheap Edition, Fcap. 8vo., Qd.

The Pirate and Three Cutters. Illustrated with Eight

Steel Engravings from Drawings by Clabkson Stamfield, E.A. With a Memoir
of the Author. Post 8vo„ 3s. 6<2. wilt, 4s. 6$.

A Boy's Locker. A Smaller Edition of the above Tales,

in 12 volumes, enclosed in a compact (doth box. 21s.

Hans Christian Andersen's Tales for Children. With

Forty-eight Full-page Illustrations by Wehnerfc, and Fifty-seven Small Engravings
on Woodby W. Thomas. A new Edition. Very handsomely bound. 6i.

Hans Christian Andersen's Fairy Tales and Sketches.

Translated by C. C. Peachey, H. Wabd, A. Plesneb, &c. With 104 Illustrations by
Otto Speckteb and others. 6*.

This volume contains several tales that are in no other Edition published in this
country, and with the above volume it forms the most complete English Edition.

Mrs. Alfred Gatty's Presentation Box for Young

PEOPLE. Containing " Parables from Nature," " Aunt Judy's Tales/' and other
Popular Books, 9 volumes in all, beautifully printed, neatly bound, and enclosed in
a cloth bps. 31s. 6(2. Any single volume at 3s. 6(2.

Anecdotes of Dogs. By Edward Jesse. With Illustra-
tions. Post 8vo. Cloth. 5s, With Thirty-four Steel Engravings after Cooper,
Landsees, &o. Is. 6d.

The Natural History of Selborne. By Gilbert White,

Edited by Jesse. Illustrated with Forty Engravings. Post 8vo. Bs.; or with the
Plates Coloured, 7s.

A Poetry Book for Schools. Illustrated with Thirty-

seven highly-finished Engravings by C. W. Cope, R.A., Helmsley, Palmes, Skill,
Thomas, and H. Weir. Crown Svei- 1*.

Select Parables from Nature* By Mrs. Gatty. For

the Use of Schools. Fcap. lfe.

Besides bemg reprinted is America, selections from Mrs. Gatty's Parables have
. been translated .and published in t&eGermaai, French, Italian, Russian, Danish, and
Swedish languages.

LONDON: GEORGE BELL & SONS, YORK STREET COVENT GARDEN.

13STANDARD WOBKS PUBLISHED BY

SOWERBY'S ENGLISH BOTANY:

Containing a Description and Life-size coloured Drawing of every
British Plant, Edited and brought up to the Present Standard of
Scientific Knowledge by T. Boswell, LL.D,, F.L.S., fee. With
Popular Descriptions of the Uses, History, and Traditions of each
Plant, by Mrs. Lankester, Author of <£ Wild Flowers Worth
Notice," " The British Ferns," &c* The Figures by J. E. Sowerbys
James Sowerby, F.L.S., J. Dr. 0. Sowerby, F.L.S., and J. W.
Salter, A.L.S* In Eleven Volumes, super-royal 8vo.; or in 83 Parts
5s. each.

" Under the editorship of T. BoswelFSyme, F.L.S., assisted by Mrs. Lankester, ' Sowerby's
English Botany,' when finished, .will be exhaustive of the subject, and worthy of the
branch of science it illustrates. , • » In turning over the charmingly executed hand-
coloured plates of British plants which encumber these volumes with riches, the reader
cannot help being struck with the beauty of many of the humblest flowering weeds we tread
on with careless step. We cannot dwell upon many of the individuals grouped in the
splendid bouquet of flowers presented in these pages, and it will be sufficient to state that
he work is pledged to contain a figure of every wild flower indigenous to these isles."—

" Will be the most complete Flora of Great Britain ever brought out. This great work
will find a place wherever botanical science is cultivated, and the study of our native
plants, with all their fascinating associations, held dear."—Athenmum.

" A clear, bold, distinctive type enables the reader to take in at a glance the arrangement
and divisioas of every page. And Mrs. Lankester has added to the technical description by
the editor an extremely interesting popular sketch, which follows in smaller type. The
Ejnglish, French, and German popular names are given, and, wherever that delicate and
difficult step is at all practicable, their derivation also. Medical properties, superstitions,
and fancies, and poetic tributes and illusions, follow. In short there is nothing more left to
be desired."—Guardia/n.

" Without question, this is the standard work on Botany, and indispensable to every
botanist. . . . The plates are most accurate and beautiful, and the entire work cannot be
too strongly recommended to all who are interested in botanyIllustrated News*

Sold separately, prices as follows

Bound cloth,,	Half morocco.	Morocco elegant.

£ 8. da	£ t.	d.	£ 6. d>

Vol. L (Seven Parts) w H 1 18 0	2 2	0	286

II, ditto eJ ,s J 18 0	12	0	2 8 6

III.	(Eight Parts) ,« *1 8 0	2 7	0	2 18 6

IV.	(Nine Parts) ,* 2 8 0	2 12	0	2 18 6
Y. (Eight Parts) .... 2 8 0	2 7	0	2 18 6

YL (Seven Parts)	«,	„	1 18	0	220	286

VII. ditto	„	1 18	0	2 2 0	2 8 6

YIII. (Ten Parts)	„	2 18	0	2 17 0	S 3 6

IX. (Seven Parts)	..	1 18	0	2 2 0	2 8 6

X. ditto	..	..	1 18	0	2 2 0	2 8 6

XI. (Six Parts)	..	1 18	0	1 17 0	2 8 6

Or, the Eleven Volumes, 222. 8s. in cloth; 24L 12s. in half-morocco; and
282. 89. 6d. whole morocco.

Volume XII., by Prof, Bosweli, containing ferns and other cryptogamous
plants, with an Index to the whole work, is now being issued. Parts I.-IY,,
with coloured plates, now ready, price 5s. each.

LONDON: GEORGE BELL h SONS, YORK STREET, COYENT GARDEN.

14GEORGE BELL & SONS.

LIBRARY OF NATURAL HISTORY.

"Each volume is elegantly printed in royal 8vo., and illustrated with a very large

number of well-executed engravings, printed in colours.....They form a complete

library of reference on the several subjects to which they are devoted, and nothing
more complete in their way has lately appeared,"— The Bookseller.

BREE'S BIRDS OF EUROPE AND THEIR EGGS, not ob-
served in the British Isles. With 232 beautifully coloured Plates, Five vols. sL 5f.

COUCH'S HISTORY OF THE FISHES OF THE BRITISH

ISLANDS. With 252 carefully coloured Plates, Four vols, 4/. 4f.

GATTY'S (MRS. ALFRED) BRITISH SEAWEEDS, Nume-
rous coloured Illustrations. Two vols, a/. 10s.

HIBBERD'S (SHIRLEY) NEW AND RARE BEAUTIFUL-

LEAVED PLANTS. With 64 coloured Full-page Illustrations. Executed
expressly for this work. One vol. il. 5-s.

LOWE'S NATURAL HISTORY OF BRITISH AND EXOTIO

FERNS. With 479 finely coloured Plates. £ight vols. 61. 6s,

LOWE'S OUR NATIVE FERNS. Illustrated with 79 coloured

Plates and 900 Wood Engravings. Two vols. si.

LOWE'S NATURAL HISTORY OF NEW AND RARE FERNS.

Containing Species and Varieties not included in " Fems, British and Exotic."
72 coloured Plates and Woodcuts. One vol. x1. xs„

LOWE'S NATURAL HISTORY OF BRIT18H GRASSES. With

74 finely coloured Plates. One vol. xZ. is.

LOWE'S BEAUTIFUL-LEAVED PLANTS: being a description

of the most beautiful-leaved Plants in cultivation in this country. With 60
coloured Illustrations. One vol. il. x$»

MAUNDS' BOTANIC GARDEN. New Edition. Edited byj. C. Nivkn,
Curator of the Botanic Gardens, Hull. With 250 coloured Plates, giving 1247
figures. Six vols. 12/. 125-.

MORRIS' HISTORY OF BRITISH BIRDS. With 360 finely

coloured Engravings. Six vols. 61.6s.

MORRIS' NESTS AND EGGS OF BRITISH BIRD8. With

a»3 beautifully coloured .Engravings. Three vols. 3/, 3".

MORRIS' BRITISH BUTTERFLIES. With 71 beautifully co-
loured Plates. One vol. xl. is.

MORRIS' BRITISH MOTHS. With coloured Illustrations of

nearly 2000 specimens. Four vols. 6s«

TRIPP'S BRITISH MOSSES. With 39 coloured Plates, con

taining a figure of each species. Two vols. 2/. Io*.

WOOSTER'S ALPINE PLANTS First Series* With 54 coloured
Plates. 25f>

WOOSTER'S ALPINE PLANTS. Second Series. With 54coloured
Hates. 25*. _________

LONDON: GEORGE BELL & SONS, YORK STREET, 00VENT GARDEN,

15STANDARD W0BK8

PUBLISHED BY

GEORGE BELL & .SONS

♦* For List of Bohr's Libraries see the end of the Volume.Engra,vcS/ ty JB.Jilleru

Drmmby *f.

R&?7za,i7is of th,e>
TORUM OP NERVA.

See p. 276.

BOHN'S ILLUSTRATED LIBRARY.

THE CITY OF ROME.THE CITY OF ROME:

ITS VICISSITUDES AND
MONUMENTS

FROM ITS FOUNDATION TO THE END OF
THE MIDDLE AGES,

WITH REMARKS ON THE BE CENT EXCAVATIONS,
BY

THOMAS H. DYER, LL.D.,

AUTHOR OF THE "KINGS OF ROME," "ATHENS," " IMITATIVE ART," ETC

SECOND EDITION, BE VISED,

LONDON :

GEORGE BELL AND SONS, YORK STREET,
COVENT GARDEN.

1883.CHISWICK PRESS C. WHITTINGHAM AND CO., TOOKS COURT,
CHANCERY LANE.9 3 7, £

D9?

> IE 33
Ji)

N5

{

k
is

t>-	PREFACE.

Jc

Oj

rQ r I AHE design of the present work is to describe
Jl within a moderate compass the rise, progress,
and decline of the city of Rome, the origin and story of
its more famous monuments, and, without entering
into their political causes, the vicissitudes of the city,
[either through domestic discord or the attacks of
| external enemies. Even during the Middle Ages,
^ ancient Rome, or rather its remains, is principally kept
r in view. For it would have been impossible, within
^ the prescribed limits, to give a description of the
. modern city, or what may be called Christian, in con-
l tradistinction to pagan, Rome. On this head only a
few of the principal churches have been noticed, which,
as they date their origin from the time of Constantine I.,
or shortly after, may be considered to belong as much
(K£o the ancient as to the modern city. With a view to
^ add interest to the subject, a description of some of the
^ more striking scenes of which Rome was the theatre
^ has been attempted; and, when it was possible, brief
^ allusions have been made to the lives and residences ofvi

PREFACE.

those who have adorned it by their genius, or illustrated
it by the prominent part which they played in its
affairs.

As the present attempt to give a connected history
of the Roman city is, to the best of the writer's know-
ledge, the first that has been made in the English lan-
guage, he hopes that this circumstance may not only be
a recommendation of his book to the reader's notice,
but that it will also serve to excuse some of the defects
which may be observed in it. The sources from which
the author drew are noted at the foot of the pages;
but he is here bound to acknowledge his obligations
generally to the works of Dr. Papencordt, Herr Grre-
gorovius, and the late M. Ampere.

It only remains to say, that such passages in the first
edition of this work as recent discoveries have proved to
be wrong or inadequate have in this edition been cor-
rected. Fortunately they are neither very numerous nor
very important. The Introduction in the former edition
respecting the credibility of the early Roman history is
here omitted, because the subject has been treated in a
more elaborate manner in my subsequent History of the
Kings of Rome, and because the classical topographer may
very well content himself with the views which the
Romans themselves entertained respecting their ancient
monuments. It is only as illustrating these views, and
the texts which relate to them, that topography can havePREFACE.

Vll

any value in the eyes of the scholar, and not the mere
archaeologist.

In this edition several engravings have been intro-
duced, which, it is hoped, will add interest and value to
the work.

Boulogne-sur-Mer,

Oct., 1883.

The wood-engravings have been selected from Mr. R. Burn's large
work on " Rome and the Campagna," and the publishers desire to
thank Mr. Burn for permission to make use of them.LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.

Remains op the Forum of Nerva . . . {frontispiece)

Cloaca Maxima.......to face page 48

Remains of the Servian Wall . . .	„	„ 54

Muro Torto.......„	„ 184

Remains of the Aqua Claudia . .	„	„ 250

Tomb of C. Cestius and Porta di S. Paolo .	„	„ 302

Basilica of Constantine.......,,310

Arch of Constantine.....„	,, 312

Flavian Amphitheatre	396

MAPS.

The Forum, Capitol, and Palatine . to face page kkkxiii.
Ancient Rome ........ at end.

Erratum.—On page xxvii. footnote, for 242 read 241.CONTENTS.

PREFATORY REMARKS.

The Capitoline Temple, xv-xxv ; the Forum, xxv sqq. ; how en-
cumbered, xxvi; the Nova Via, xxvii ; the Sacra Via, ib. 5 Temple
of Divus Julius, xxviii; Rostra Julia, ib.; Lacus Juturnse, ib. j
Temple of Vesta, ib. $ Domitian's Statue, ib.$ Basilica Julia, ib. ;
Tabernse Veteres, ib.; Plutei, xxix ; Milliarium Aureum, xxxi $
Umbilicus Romse, ib. 5 Eostra, ib.; Graicostasis, xxxii; Comitium,
ib. 5 Senaculum, xxxiv $ Curia, ib. ; Diocletian's Baths, xxxvi 5
Chalcidicum, xxxyiii; Temple of Janus, ib.; Janus Quadrifrons, ib.

SECTION I.

From the Earliest Times to the Burning of the City by the Gauls:
A.u.c. 1—363, B.C. 753—390 (pp. 1-90).

Legends anterior to the foundation of the city, 1 sqq. Evander,
Carmenta, Faunus, Picus, Latinus, Janus, Saturnus, &c. ; the
Saturnalia, 5 ; Hercules, 6; Cacius, ib.; legend of iEneas, 8 sq.;
Castra Trojana, ib. 5 Alba Longa and its Kings, 10 sqq. ; lulus, ib. 5
Prisci Latini, ib. ; Rea Silvia, Romulus and Remus, 11 sqq. ; legends
about Rome's foundation, 13 sqq. 5 Tacitus' account, 14; Signor
Rosa's theory, 16 sqq.; date and name, 22 sq.; Romulean monu-
ments on the Palatine, 23 5 the Asylum, 24 ; rape of the Sabines, 25 j
Consualia, ib.; Spolia Opima, ib.; story of Tarpeia, 26; treaty with
Tatius, 28 5 name of Quirites, ib.; importance of the Sabine element jX

CONTENTS.

M. Ampere's theory, 29 sqq.; Sabine and Etruscan settlements,
31 sqq. 5 reign of Tatius and Romulus, 34 sqq. 5 disappearance of
Romulus, 35; reign of Numa, 36 sqq.; Quirinus, 38; Egeria, 40;
reign of Tullus Hostilius, 40 sqq.; Alba Longa destroyed, ib.;
reign of Ancus Marcius, 43 sqq.; origin and dynasty of the Tar-
quins, 45 sqq.; reign of Tarquinius Priscus, 48 sqq. ; of Servius
Tullius, 50 sqq.; of Tarquinius Superbus, 59 sqq.; expulsion of the
Kings, and establishment of the Republic, 61 sqq.; Tarquin, aided
by Porsena, attempts to return, 64 sqq.; Codes, ib.; CIselia, 65;
battle of Lake Regillus, 67 ; Coriolanus, 68 ; Sp. Cassius, 70 ; Her-
donius, ib.; Cincinnatus, 71 ; the Aventine Hill, Virginius, and the
secession of the people, 72 sqq. ; war with Veii, 74 sqq. ; Cossus
and the Spolia Opima, 75 ; draining of the Alban lake, 76; Yeii
captured, 77; triumph of Camillus, ib.; invasion of the Gauls,
battle of the Allia, 78 sq.; Rome captured, 80; assault and defence of
the Capitol, 82; Rome delivered by Camillus, 83 sq.; story of the
ransom examined, 84 sqq.

SECTION II.

From the Capture 0f Rome by the Gauls to the Accession of Augustus
Ccesar: a.u.c. 363—709, B.C. 390—44 (pp. 91—184).

Emigration to Veii agitated, 91 sq.; rebuilding of the city, 93 sq.;
trial and execution of Manlius Capitolinus, 94 ; reappearance of the
Gauls, 95 ; a pestilence propitiated, 97 sq.; Etruscan ludiones, 98 ;
the pipers abscond, 99 ; works of Appius Claudius Csecus, 100 sqq.;
Samnites subdued, 104; JEsculapius brought to Rome, 105 ; Pyrrhus
defeated by Dentatus, 106; end of first Punic war, 107; works of
Elaminius the Censor, ib. sqq.; defeat at Trasimene, 109 ; at Cannse,
110; Hannibal at Rome, 111; introduction of the drama, 112 sq.;
spoliation of Greek works, 113; Cybele brought to Rome, 115 ; first
apothecary's shop, 116; triumph of Scipio; his tomb, ib. $ great
fire, 117 ; first Roman Basilicse, 119 sqq.; triumph of iEm. Paullus,
123 sq.; Bacchanalia; introduction of luxury, 125; improvements
about the Circus Elaminius, 127 ; fall of Carthage; subjugation of
Greece, 128; introduction of the triumphal arch, 129 ; beginning of
civil commotions; the Gracchi, 130 sq.; works of Opimius, 132;
the Roman 'Change, 133 ; Scipio and the Terentian drama, 135 sq.;
the Palatine and its inhabitants, 136; Jugurtha in the Tullianum,CONTENTS.

XI

137 sq.; victories and influence of Marius, 138 sq.; defeated by Sulla,
140; the first proscription, 141 ; return of Marius, 142; his death,
143; the Capitol burnt, 144; cruelty of the younger Marius, 145;
return of Sulla, 146; proscriptions, 148; Sulla dictator, ib.; his
retirement and death, 150; rise of Pompey, 151; Crassus, 152 sq.;
Lucullus, ib.; Sallust and his gardens, 155; Basilica Paulli, 156 ;
Cicero, ib.; forensic tribunals, 157 ; Hortensius, ib.; Cicero and
Catiline, 159 sq.; Caesar and Clodius, 161; Cicero's Tusculan and
other villas, 163; Atticus, 165 ; violence of Clodius, Cicero's banish-
ment, 166 sq.; Cicero's return, 167 sq.; Milo and Clodius, 169;
Curia burnt, 171; Pompey's triumph and public works, 172 sqq.;
works of Julius Caesar, 176 sqq.; Caesar's ambition and murder,
181 sqq.; his funeral, 183; death of Cicero, 184.

SECTION III.

The Beign of Augustus Ccesar: a.u.c. 709—767, B.C. 44—a.d. 14
(pp. 185—244).

Accession of Augustus, 185; general aspect of Rome, 186 sqq.;
imaginary promenade, 190 sqq.; Forum Julium, 202; Campus
Martius, 203; Circus Flaminius, 204; fashionable promenades, 206 ;
life in the streets, 207 ; city police, 208 ; the Augustan Regions, ib.
sq.; Vici and Compita, 210; municipal administration, 211 sq.;
the Praetorian guard, 213; monuments restored by Augustus, 215
sqq.; new works of Augustus, 219 sq.; structures ascribed to Livia,
228 sq.; works of Agrippa, 229 sqq.; other works in the time of
Augustus, 234 sq.; games exhibited by that emperor, 235 sq.; his
literary patronage, 238 ; Esquiline Hill and house of Maecenas, 240
sq.; abodes of Yirgil, Horace, Propertius, ib.; Pedo Albinovanus,
Martial, Ovid, and Pliny, 241; mausoleum of Augustus, 242;
obelisk, 243; death of Augustus, ib.

SECTION IY.

From the Death of Augustus to the Death of Hadrian:
A.U.C. 767—891, a.d. 14—138 (pp. 245—288).

Accession and works of Tiberius, 245 sq. ; Caligula, his extrava-
gances, 247 sq.; Claudius, 250; accession of Nero, ib.; great fire,xii

CONTENTS.

ib. sq. ; the Golden House, 255 sq.; garden, 256; Nero's insane
projects, 257; death, 258; Galba, Otho, and Vitellius, ib. sq.;
death of Galba, 259 ; burning of the Capitol, 261 sq.; accession of
Yespasian, 263; triumph of Vespasian and Titus, 264; Temple
of Peace, 266; state of the Jews „at Rome, 267 sqq. ; the Flavian
amphitheatre and other works, i7&:s\q.; works of Titus, 274 sq.;
works of Domitian, ib. sqq.; he institutes games, musical contests,
&c., 277 ; his palace, 278 ; Nerva, 280; accession and works of
Trajan, ib.; his Forum, &c., 281 sqq.; literature of the period, 285 ;
accession and works of Hadrian, ib. sq.; the Moles Hadriani, 288.

SECTION Y.

From the Death of Hadrian to the Death of Constantine I.:
a.u.c. 891—1090, a.d. 138—337 (pp. 289—331).

Accession and works of Antoninus Pius, 289 sq.; M. Aurelius
Antoninus and his works, 290; Commodus, 291; Septimius Severus,
292; his works, ib. sqq.; Caracalla, his baths, 295; Alexander
Severus, 296 sq.; approach of the barbarians, 298; Aurelian and
his wall, ib. sqq.; his triumph, 303 sq.; games and spectacles, 306;
reign of Diocletian, 309; Maxentius, 310; accession and works of
Constantine, 311; seat of empire transferred to Constantinople, 313;
establishment of Christianity, 314 ; state of the Christians at Rome,
315 sq.; St. Peter at Rome, 317 sq.; St. Paul at Rome, 318 sq.;
the Catacombs, 319; persecutions, 320; first Christian churches,
321; the seven Christian Basilipse, 322 sqq.; patriarchal Basilicse,
326 ; Pagan rites in Christian worship, 327 sqq.

SECTION YI.

From the Death of Constantine I. to the Extinction of the Western
Empire: a.u.c. 1090—1229, a.d. 337—476 (pp. 332—362).

Struggle between Christianity and paganism, 332 ; state of Rome
in the fourth century, 333 ; manners of the Romans, 334 sqq.; visit
of Constantius II. to Rome, 339; mixture of pagan and Christian
worship, 342 ; the statue of Yictory in the Curia, 343; accession of
Theodosius, 344; visit of Honorius to Rome, 346 sqq.; approach ofCONTENTS.

xiii

the Goths, 348 5 Alarie at Rome, 349 sq.; second and third appear-
ance, 351 sq.; amount of destruction committed by the Goths, 352 ;
Jewish spoils, 353 ; death of Alaric, ib.; Honorius again at Rome,
ib.; progress of the Church, 354; Valentinian III. and Placidia, ib.;
Attila and Pope Leo, 356 ; Genseric and the Vandals at Rome, 357 ;
amount of destruction, 358; Ricimer, the king-maker, 359 sq.; he
captures Rome, 360; Odoacer, 361; extinction of the Western
Empire, 362.

SECTION VII.

From the Fall of the Western Empire to its Restoration under
Charlemagne: a.d. 476—800 (pp. 363—409).

Odoacer overcome by Theodoric, 363; condition of Rome, ib.;
visit of Theodoric, 364 sqq.; the Roman hierarchy, 367; accession
of Justinian, 369; Belisarius enters Rome, ib.; strengthens the
walls, 370; Vitiges besieges Rome, 370 sq.; defeated, 373; Totila
at Monte Casino, ib.; besieges Rome, 374; destruction committed
by him, 375 ; Belisarius again at Rome, 376; Totila's third appear-
ance, 377 ; exhibits the games of the Circus, 378; Narses recovers
Rome, ib.\ defeat and death of Tejas, 379; Justinian's Pragmatic
Sanction, 380; Narses dismissed, 381; appearance of Alboin and
the Lombards, ib.; Gregory the Great, 382; legend of the Angel,
ib.; increase of monachism, 384; political condition of Rome, 385
sq. ; position of the Pope, 387 sq. ; duchy of Rome, 388; classes of
the people, 389; Rome besieged by Agilulf, 390 ; Gregory and the
Emperor Phocas, ib. sq.; Phocas bestows the Pantheon on Boniface
IV., 393; visit of Constans to Rome, 394; plunders the city, 395 ;
pilgrimages to Rome, 396 sq.; prophecy respecting the Colosseum,
ib.; Anglo-Saxon kings at Rome, ib.; Scholas Anglorum, Eran-
corum, &c., 397 ; Schola Grceca, 398 ; Luitprand and Gregory II.,
399; Pepin and Zacharias, 401; Stephen II. crowns Pepin at Paris,
402; Astolphus threatens Rome, ib.; epistle of St. Peter to Pepin
and the Franks, 403; Pepin's gift of the Exarchate and Pentapolis,
404; Desiderius, King of the Lombards, 405; Rome becomes the
city of the Popes, ib.; Charlemagne at Rome, 406 ; second and third
visits, 408; revival of the Western Empire, ib.; degeneracy of
Roman manners, ib.xiv

CONTENTS.

SECTION VIII.

From the Bestoration of the Western Empire to the Close of the
Middle Ages: a.d. 800 sqq. (pp. 410—456).

The Saracens appear before Rome, 410 5 accession of Pope Leo
IV., 411; Ineendio del Borgo, 412 5 the Civitas Leonina, ib.; the
Saracens defeated, 413; Alfred the Great at Rome, 414 5 various
attacks on Rome, ib. sq.; appearance of the Magyars, 415 ; degra-
dation of the Papacy; Marozia and Theodora, 416 ; trade in relics,
417 ; Canute and Macbeth at Rome, ib.; Gregory VII. and Henry
IV., 418 sq.; Robert Guiscard and the Normans at Rome, 419;
destruction by fire, 420; Middle Age legends, 421; Rom^in nobles
and their fortresses, 423 sq.; the Anonymus of Einsiedeln, 425 sqq.;
medieval notices of the Capitol, 428; testimony of the Mirabilia,
429 ; of the Graphia, 431; description of that work, ib. sqq. ; and
of the Mirabilia, 435; the Ordo of Canon Benedict, and route of the
papal processions, 436 sqq.; causes of the decay of Roman monu-
ments, 439 sqq.; from floods, ib.; from the barbarians, 440; from
the civil strife of the Romans, 441 sq.; from the use and abuse of
the materials, 443 sqq.; from the conversion into lime, 447 sq.;
Poggio's description of Rome, 448 sqq. ; state of the city at the
return of the Popes from Avignon, 453 sq.; Petrarch and Rienzi,
454; state of Rome under various Popes, ib. sq.; visit of Charles V.
in 1536, 455 ; papal restorations, 456.PREFATORY TOPOGRAPHICAL REMARKS.

THE following work does not specially concern Roman
topography; but as the recent excavations at Rome,
which I Jaad the opportunity of examining in the winter of
1882-3, have thrown a new light on some important parts of
that subject, I shall here briefly advert to them, and consider
some of the inferences and arguments to which they have
given rise.

Of these points the most interesting and most disputed is
that respecting the site of the Capitoline Temple. No
excavations have been undertaken for the purpose of deciding
it, but some alterations made in 1865 and 1875-6, at the
German embassy, where formerly stood the Caffarelli Palace,
partially laid bare foundations evidently belonging to an
ancient temple. The former of these excavations was
examined by Oommendatore Rosa, who has given some
account of what he saw in the Annali del Institute for
1865. The chief points in his paper are, that in his opinion
'the foundation blocks of tufa are not cut in the Etruscan
style, being longer than they are high, though the Capitoline
Temple was built by the Etruscan, Tarquin, and in all proba-
bility by Tuscan workmen ; secondly, that the building must
have had a north-western aspect, facing the Campus Martius
and Circus Plaminius, or almost the reverse of that ascribed
by Dionysius to the Temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus.

This excavation, however, seems to have been too partial to
afford any satisfactory data; and I shall, therefore, pass on
to the second and more extensive one made in 1875. This
was conducted by the German architect, Herr Schupman,
who has described what he found in a letter published by
Signor Lanciani in an Article written for the AnnaU del
Institute, 1876. The letter states that it results, with much
probability—con molta probability—that the ground plan ofxvi PREFATORY TOPOGRAPHICAL REMARKS.

the building formed a rectangle of 51 x 74 metres; but he
adds that the breadth of 51 metres could not be measured.

But though Herr Schupman had not arrived at entire
certainty in this matter, Herr Jordan, now an eminent
authority on Roman topography, asserts that the breadth of
51 metres is fixed with indisputable certainty—unzw&ifelhaft
festgestellt1—and goes on to give the plan of his temple
accordingly. This point, however, I will not contest with
him; for if the breadth were either greater or smaller, it
would make still more against his view. If greater, though
it would better accord with Dionysius' account, that the
temple was very nearly square, it would still further disagree
with it as to the dimensions of the temple's circumference;
if smaller, it would make the oblong, instead of square,
shape of these foundations, still more remarkable. Besides,
there is enough, I think, in the data, as accepted by Herr
Jordan, to show that the remains could not have belonged to
the Capitoline Temple.

That gentleman, indeed, admits that he cannot reconcile
his plan with the description given by Dionysius, which shows
that the temple was on a lofty substructure, or platform, and
measured in circumference 8 plethra, or 800 Greek feet,2 which
is about the same In English measure. And it must have
been nearly square; for the two smaller sides were not quite
15 feet less than the greater ones. Dionysius further says
that the front faced the south and had triple rows of columns,
whilst the sides had only one row. About the back he says
nothing, whence it may be inferred that it was a plain wall.
The temple contained cells for three gods, Jupiter, Juno, and
Minerva.

I will now examine Herr Jordan's reconstruction of the
temple, of which he gives a plan in his brochure on the
Capitol. It presents an oblong building, whose longest sides
measure about 240 Greek feet (74 metres), and the shortest
about 166 (51 metres); thus forming a building longer than
the true one by 40 feet, and narrower, deducting the 15 feet,
by 19. This structure is traversed, it is said, throughout its
length by four parallel walls within the two exterior ones;
and, as the temple was hexastyle, it is supposed that these six
walls served to support the treble rows of six columns, which
formed the portico.3

1	Capitol, fyc., p. 58 : cf. Topographie tier Staclt Bom im Alterthum, B. i.
Abth. 2. Berlin, 1882.

2	Lib. iv. c. 61.	3 Topographie, B. i. Abth. ii. S. 84 sq.PREFATORY TOPOGRAPHICAL REMARKS. Xvii

I am no architect, but it seems to me surprising that walls
should have been built of the whole length of the temple
merely to support columns which were at one of its ends.
Again: as there were three cells in the temple, there must
have been two interior walls to separate them, and these
could have had no connection with the six walls mentioned.
For though the cell of Jove was larger than either of the
others, it could hardly have been three times larger; which
it would have been if its dividing walls had been built on the
two next to the exterior ones; and in that case, moreover,
why should the two middle walls have been carried through
Jove's cell ? where they could have served no purpose what-
ever. Further: Jupiter's cell, where he sat on his golden
throne, being broader than the others, as shown on a coin of
Domitian's, would have made a difference in the intercolum-
niation of the pronaos. For the columns, as shown on that
coin, standing at the side of the cell, and not before it—a
position which would have partially hidden the god from his
worshippers—must have rendered the intervals between the
six columns unequal, and they could not, therefore, have
rested on six parallel and equidistant walls, as shown in
Herr Jordan's plan.

The form and orientation of the building offer still more
ground for disputing that author's view. It is evident that
Dionysius meant his description to be strictly accurate, for he
gives the dimensions of the smaller sides to the fraction of a
foot, when he says that they differed from the greater ones
by not qwite 15 feet. Could he then have been so blind or
besotted as to give only 200 feet for the length of the building,
when it was actually 240 ? A difference that must have been
palpable even to the most casual spectator. Or to regard as
a square what was really a very pronounced oblong ? As to
the orientation, Herr Jordan, taking for the front of his.
temple the opposite end of it to Rosa's, makes it face nearly
south-east, instead of due south, as described by Dionysius..
And if it be said that a difference of some 80 or 40 degrees m
a very trifling matter, I will observe that it is sufficient to.
make it utterly impossible that the statue of Jupiter, which
stood before the temple, should, when turned to the east, have
.faced the Curia and Forum. I will only further observe
about the front that Herr Jordan places it at one of the
narrow sides, whereas, as there were three cells, it is more
natural to suppose that they would have occupied one of the
long sides. But then the temple would have faced north-

bXviii PREFATORY TOPOGRAPHICAL REMARKS.

east or south-west; and though in the former case, by* a
slight obliquity of vision, Jupiter might have caught a side
view of the Curia and Comitium, such an aspect would have
been almost directly opposite to that assigned by Dionysius,
and would also completely demolish the argument from the
six parallel walls.

Herr Jordan is not altogether insensible to these objections,
and meets them in a way only too frequent with some German
writers who find their theories at variance with classical
authority, namely, by contemptuously disputing it. Diony-
sius, it is said, is wrong both in the dimensions and the
orientation of the temple, that is, he has made two disgraceful
blunders in one sentence. He was, it is said, neither a land
surveyor nor an architect, and could not, or would not, make
himself either. But surely it required not the skill of a land
surveyor to know where lay the, south, nor that of an archi-
tect to measure the length of a wall. Such egregious mistakes
as he is supposed to have made would have been enough to
ruin his character as an author. It might be imagined that
Herr Jordan, entertaining such an opinion of him, would
have dismissed him altogether, as worse than useless. But
no: that seems to have been thought too bold a stroke; so
it is attempted to make his account tally, in some sort at
least, with Herr Jordan's notions. Although his reconstruc-
tion of the temple shows a very decided oblong, yet if the
sides be multiplied into one another, the product will differ
from that of Dionysius' square temple by only some 3 or 4
metres 1!! On such an admirable method of reasoning it is
unnecessary to waste a word. It implies that Dionysius was
calculating the cubic contents of the building, instead of
giving his readers an idea of its external shape and size.

It appears, then, that even Herr Jordan has some mis-
givings about altogether dismissing classical authority ; and
indeed it is plain that all that can possibly be known about
an ancient and non-existing building must be derived from
ancient descriptions of it. If any remains of such buildings
be discovered, the only method of identifying them must be
by comparison with the descriptions ; and if they should
widely differ, we can only conclude that they must have
belonged to some other structure than that of which we are
in search. In the present case, it may not be difficult to dis-
cover what that other building was.

The. temple of Juno Moneta stood on the Arx ; and that it
1 Topographies B. i. Abth. 2, p. 71.PREFATORY TOPOGRAPHICAL REMARKS, xix

was a large one is evident from the fact of its having even-
tually become the Roman mint. It occupied the site of the
house of Manlius, who repulsed the Gauls. Their assault was
made from the Porta Carmentalis, and was therefore directed
against the southern summit of the hill. Manlius is awakened
by the cackling of the geese sacred to Juno, which must have
been on that summit; for had they and Manlius been on the
northern summit, it is impossible to conceive how at such a
distance the geese should have heard the stealthily clambering
Gauls, or how Manlius also should have been awakened, and
should have arrived in time to cast them down. Cicero
expressly says that the attack was made upon the Arx;1 and
though it may be allowed that the whole hill was sometimes
figuratively called Arx, just as it was also termed Capitolium,
yet, in speaking of actual warfare, it is reasonable to
suppose that Cicero would have used the word in its proper
and restricted sense. Nor does it matter whether the story
of Manlius be a legend or not; for even if it were, it would
have been invented in a manner conformable to the actual
topography.

If the foregoing observations be just, then it follows that
the Capitoline temple could not possibly have been on the
southern height; for it would not have afforded space for
another temple of such large dimensions, and the two were
admittedly on different summits. The southern height being
thus negatived, we are necessarily driven to choose the
other; and consequently these remains prove exactly the
reverse of what Herr Jordan would make them.

That writer, however, though he asserts in the most positive
manner—no unusual resource with those who have a doubtful
case—that the Capitoline question is finally and irrevocably
settled by this discovery, yet it is plain enough that he feels
some misgivings. For if the matter is so certain, why should
he strive to support his view with passages from ancient
writers, and. inferences from Middle Age traditions, most of
which have been adduced and refuted over and over again ?
With regard to the latter, it was, he says, the learning of the
second half of the sixteenth century that revived the names of
Mons Tarpeius and Rupes Tarpeia, and baptized after them
the lanes and churches in the neighbourhood of the Capitoline
hill. Exactly so: of what value, then, these names, as proofs
of anything ? But it is not true, as he asserts, that they were
anciently used only in Rhetoric and Poetry; for Varro, who

1 De Bepublica, il. 6.XX PREFATORY TOPOGRAPHICAL REMARKS.

was an exponent of the vernacular tongue, tells us that the
Capitoline hill, called in his time Oapitolium, had once borne
the name of Mons Tarpeius.1

The way in which the scholars of the Middle Ages drew
their inferences may be seen from the fact that Blondus was
the first to give the name of Capitol to the ruins on the
southern height, because a church in the neighbourhood bore
the name of S. Salvator de, or in, Maximis, or Maximo ;
which appellation was incontinently thought to be derived
from Jupiter's second title of Optimus Maximus: and in this
he was followed by Albertini and Marliani. So also in the
present day by Herr Jordan,2 so far as the origin of the name
is concerned ; but he thinks it was first derived in the early
Middle Ages from the Porticus Maximae, near the Porticus
Octavise, and might then have been transferred to S. Salvator.
But the occasion of the title of this church was evidently
quite different. The Turin List of Churches, quoted by
Papencordt in his Stadt Bom. (§ 56), shows that it lay
beyond the still existing church of S. Giorgio in Velabro;
for, proceeding in a southerly direction, the List names other
churches beyond S. Giorgio before arriving at S. Salvator.
That church, therefore, must have lain at, or near, the
Circus Maximus, and therefore in Region XL, to which it
gave name; and hence doubtless the designation of the
church. It is impossible to have a more striking instance of
the uncritical spirit of the early topographers than their con-
necting this name with the ruins on Monte Caprino.3

All traces of the real Capitoline temple had vanished long
before the time of Blondus; since he mentions the church
and convent of Araceli, which occupied its site, and the
Senator's Palace, as the only buildings then existing on the
hill.4 After the temple had been stripped of its golden roof
by Genseric in the middle of the fifth century it went rapidly
to decay. Some writers assert that the Basilica of Araceli
was founded by Pope Gregory the Great towards the end of
the sixth century, and Nibby5 writes that a church dedicated
to the Virgin was founded there at the end of the seventh
century ; but Casimiro, who has written its history, says that

1	De Lingua Latina, v. 41.

2	« Von dem zweiten der Beinamen des Jupiter optimus maximus ware sicherlieh,
wennuberhaupt, der Beiname de (oder in) maximo gebildet worden."— Topo-
graphie, B. ii. Abth. 2 Anm. 33. S. 33.

3	The reader will find more on this subject in the 8th Section of the present
work.

4	Bern. Inst. i. 73, ap. Jordan ib. p. 33.	5 Moma Anticct, p. 570.PREFATORY TOPOGRAPHICAL REMARKS, xxi

its origin is quite unknown.1 All that is certain is that it
was called S. Maria in Gapitolio in the thirteenth century;
for that appellationis given to it in a Bull of Pope Innocent IV.,
ann. 1250, by which he transferred it, along with the monas-
tery, from the Benedictines to the Frati Minori,2 and it bears
the same name in a Bull of the Anti-pope Anacletus II. in
the early part of the preceding century.3 At that date the
site of the Capitol was doubtless known by tradition. The
same Bull mentions the Templum Majus super Alaphantum,
by which must be meant the large temple, or the remains of
it, on Monte Caprino, of which I have spoken. And, indeed,
at that time, as there are no records of its destruction by the
Barbarians, or of any church or other building having been
erected on its site, it was in all probability in a tolerable state
of preservation, and so remained till the Caffarelli Palace was
erected on its foundations. Nor can it be contended that the
term, majus, used in the Bull, means the Capitoline temple,
for the name, GapitoUum, is also employed in regard to
Araceli in the same instrument, thus showing that they were
separate and distinct things. It merely means, " the great
temple;" and, no doubt, the Capitoline having vanished, it
was then the greatest at Borne. In progress of time the
designation, "in Capitolio," was dropped, and the name of
Araceli substituted for it. About the etymology of this name
many conjectures have been hazarded, among which Nibby's
derivation from aurocielo, or the golden roof, is as probable
as any. At all events, however, it conveys the idea of some-
thing pre-eminently grand and sacred, as a church founded
on so famous a temple naturally would be.

It would be irksome minutely to re-examine the passages
from ancient authors adduced by Herr Jordan 4 to dissipate
the lurking mistrust he evidently feels about his theory.
Most of them have been frequently cited before, especially by
Becker; and the late Lord Broughton,5 no mean authority,
was of opinion that I had completely demolished, in my
article, " Boma," the arguments founded on them. I will
further observe that Herr Jordan does not insist upon the
arguments from the attacks made by Herdonius and the
Gauls, which may therefore be considered as refuted. I will
therefore only briefly advert to the more important and the
fresher points started by Herr Jordan.

It is asserted that the Capitoline temple stood over the

1 Storia, fyc., p. 5, sq. 2 Ibid. p. 17. 3 Nibby, Bom. Antica, p. 508.
4 See the Topographie, B. i. S. 65 sq.	5 Italy, vol. ii. p. 12 sq.xxii PREFATORY TOPOGRAPHICAL REMARKS.

Tarpeian rock on the Caffarelli height, or Monte Caprino,
whilst the Ars was above the Temple of Concord, on the
Clivus, and was, therefore, the Araceliheight. The Tarpeian
rock is now pointed out in the garden of the German hospital.
But that situation is utterly at variance with Dionysius'
account of it, who says that it overhung the Forum, whence
executions on it, by precipitation, might be seen :1 whereas
the rock alluded to faces nearly due south, and overlooks not
the Forum, but the Piazza della Consolazione, so that an
execution at it, from the distance and the outline of the .hill,
would have been visible only at the extreme eastern end of
the Forum, provided the Romans had had telescopes. I now,
therefore, recant what I have said on this subject in the
Article "Boma," for, in questions concerning Eoman topo-
graphy, one may tarry at Jericho till one's beard grows.

The only spot on the whole Capitoline hill which answers
to the description of Dionysius is where the guard-house now
stands at Araceli. This,. like the Career underneath, is
" imminens Foro," which, as Herr Jordan, rightly I think,,
assumes, extended somewhat further northwards than at
present, for want of excavation, it would seem to have done.
An execution at the spot indicated would have been visible
over the whole Forum.

Herr Jordan asserts (p. 65) that all attacks upon the
Capitoline hill are directed against the Capitol. This might
be true if the southern height were the Capitol. We know
of four attacks upon the Capitoline hill: by Herdonius, by
the Gauls, by Gracchus, and by the Vitellians. I have
shown (Momat p. 763) that Herdonius' attack was not on
either height, but on the Clivus Capitolinus between both,
and so proves nothing. That of the Gauls on the Clivus had
been repulsed, and therefore they tried to scale the southern
height, which, however, was the Arx. The last two attempts
were by Romans themselves, to whom not only did the
Clivus and other points accessible from the Forum offer
readier access, but also the temple formed a kind of fortress,
the possession of which was moreover desirable for a revo-
lutionary leader, by being the seat and home of the tutelary
deities of the city, and so lending a sort of prestige to his
undertaking.

Let us consider a little the revolutionary attempts made
by Tiberius Gracchus and by the Vitellians. In the former

1 Lib. vii. 35 sq.: viii. 78. Becker's attempt (Mom. Alt. i. s. 412) to explain
away the words antuvtw ofwvrwv is a good example of sophistry.PREFATORY TOPOGRAPHICAL REMARKS, xxiii

Gracchus is killed, either at the entrance of the temple or
on the Clivus, whilst some of his followers are hurled down
the precipices,1 by which, no doubt, the historian means the
precipitous part of the Oapitolium, hard by the temple, where
stood the Tarpeian rock. Even now, after the lapse of
2,000 years, during which it must have undergone many
changes, the aspect of the spot shows that an abrupt precipice
might very well have existed there. In the other attempt,
the Vitellians, having been repulsed at the Clivus, try to
mount at other places, and among them by the Hundred
Steps near the Career.

.These steps were near the Temple of Concord, on the
Clivus, and it has been assumed that Ovid alludes to this
temple in the following lines:

Candida te niveo posuit lux proxima templo
Qua fert sublimes alta Moneta gradus.

Nunc bene prospicies Latiam, Concordia, turbam, &c\—Fasti i. 638.

This obscure passage is said to contain a hypallage, and that
it was not Moneta that supported the steps, but, as is more
reasonable, the steps that supported Moneta; and hence it is
argued that the Arx containing her temple must have been
the northern height. Allowing the proposed interpretation,
there is still no proof that Ovid was alluding to Opimius'
Temple of Concord. There were on the Capitoline hill several
temples bearing that designation, and in my Article I
observed that Ovid probably meant that erected by Camillus.
But I had overlooked two passages in Livy,2 showing that it
was more probably the temple vowed by the Praetor,
L. Manlius, and dedicated A.U.C. 586. This was near the
pristine residence of the Gens Manlia on the Arx, and suits
well with Ovid's description of the prospect which it enjoyed.
As the temple of Moneta was on the highest point of the Arx
(Fasti, vi. 183), and raised on a lofty substruction, its " sub-
limes gradus," near that of Concord, may have been those
indicated by Herr Jordan in his plan of the Capitol near the
Palazzo dei Conservatori, but which, in accordance with his
theory, he assigns to the Capitoline temple.

Among the old arguments and passages raked up by Herr
Jordan he occasionally introduces a new one. I do not
recollect having before seen the argument from the head of

1	sis- ta txiroxfti/uva KctTspprnTow. Appian, Sell. Civ. i. 16.

2	Duumviri creati M. et C. Atilii sedem Concordise, quam L. ManJius praetor
voverat, dedicaverunt. Li v. xxiii. 21. The vow was : aedem inarce faciendam.
Id. xxii. 23.xxiv PREFATORY TOPOGRAPHICAL REMARKS.

an earthenware image of Summanus, which stood somewhere
on the Capitoline temple, having been carried by a flash of
lightning, or a thunderbolt, into the Tiber, whence it is
argued that this could not have been done unless the temple
stood on the height nearest the river. It is hardly necessary
to examine this inference seriously. Even had the head been
so carried a single stade, it would, I fancy, be a new fact in
natural science; and, by a little more stretching, it might
easily have been affirmed to have been carried two stades.

Another argument is drawn from a fire beginning near the
Pantheon and spreading southwards to the Porticus Octavise,
which was some 200 metres distant from the southern part of
the Capitoline. It is therefore impossible that the fire should
have caught a building there immediately, as Herr Jordan
says ('unmittelbar, p. 65). The Portico lay about opposite the
middle of the hill (see Becker's plan of Eome), and might
just as easily have extended to one height as the other. From
the situation of Herr Jordan's temple, too, the fire must have
caught the back of it, which was only a plain wall; whilst
in the other case it would have caught the front with its
wooden architrave and eagles, which is much more likely.

The argument from the words " templum majus quod
respicit super Alafantum," in the Bull of Anacletus is value-
less, or rather makes against Herr Jordan's view, for as I
have shown (p. xv), the word majus must be referred to the
temple of Juno Moneta.

Two or three of the arguments used by Herr Jordan are
also brought forward by Mr. Burn, as those from Caligula's
bridge and from the statue of Jove before the Capitoline
temple. These I have endeavoured to refute in my Article,
and will only observe now that when the bridge is said to
have reached the Capitolium, that may only mean the Capi-
toline hill; or, that being the act of a madman, it may really
have crossed the Forum. To say that Caligula could not
have done that, is to require "ut cum ratione insaniat." It
was probably only a light wooden structure, calculated for a
person on foot.

Employers of the argument from the statue of Jove turned
to the east before the Curia, appear to assume that his line of
vision must have been confined to a strictly straight mathe-
matical line, without allowing any latitude to the sidelong
power of the eye; and yet it may be supposed that the eyes
of Jove were thought to resemble those of a mortal. Any-
body placing himself on the little platform before the churchPREFATORY TOPOGRAPHICAL REMARKS. XXV

of Araceli and looking due east, will see the whole Forum
and the Arch of Titus beyond it; and even if a strictly
straight line were drawn, it would pass over the site of the
Curia, one of the chief objects, according to Cicero, in the
line of vision. But it is wonderful that Herr Jordan should
have used this argument (p. 66), for it is certain, that had the
statue been before the temple, as he places that building,
it could not have gotten a view of the Curia, and only a very
partial one of the Forum.

The argument from the number of temples, or shrines, on the
northern height, which Mr. Burn considers to be one of the
decisive proofs that the Capitoline temple could not have
been there, but which is not urged by Herr Jordan, seems to
me to be valueless. The greater part were small ex voto
affairs, nor was the difference between the size of the two
heights and the two temples so great as to make the argu-
ment more applicable to one than the other.

From what has been said, I think it follows that the
remains discovered at the German embassy, as well as all
passages in ancient authors relating to the matter, when
rightly interpreted, prove that the Capitoline temple could
not have been on Monte Caprino, and consequently must
have occupied the Araceli height. And I further think that
some of these passages indisputably establish that position.

I will now advert to the Forum, which, as the centre of
the political life of Rome, may be said to possess even more
interest than the Capitol.

When I first went to Rome, more than a quarter of a
century ago, to prepare my Article " Roma," the whole area
of the Forum was covered with earth and rubbish to a depth
of many feet, and the only object visible upon it was the
column of Phocas. That column proves that at the beginning
of the seventh century the Forum retained its ancient level.
It was at the same date that the temporal power and grandeur
of the Popes was founded by Gregory the Great; and it was
to succeeding Popes and the great families either directly
or remotely connected with them, that the destruction of
ancient monuments is chiefly to be attributed. Their riches
and power had been enormously augmented by what it is
now the fashion to call the "unearned increment," arising
from the natural progress in wealth of the papal city, which
had become the capital of Christendom. The princes of the
CHurch, and other nobles, required magnificent mansions
and palaces, the materials for which were gotten fromXXY1 PREFATORY TOPOGRAPHICAL REMARKS.

ancient buildings, and not only did the Popes sanction this
practice, but also often adopted it themselves, especially for
the erection of churches. Hence the line :—

Quod non fecerunt Barbari, fecere Barberini.

The custom grew with years, and it is perhaps in the
century or two preceding the papacy of Leo X. that the
greatest havoc in this way was perpetrated. It was in full
activity in the time of Julius II., Leo the Tenth's immediate
predecessor. Raphael, who was then in Rome, witnessed
the destruction of many ancient buildings, and he particularly
charged Bartolommeo della Rovere, apparently a relative of
that Pontiff, with being guilty of the practice.1 It was not
merely the carrying away of parts of these structures, and
the consequent ruin of them, which caused that accumula-
tion of rubbish under which the Forum lay buried. It
was the custom to get pozzolana from their foundations,2
and these being destroyed, the buildings of course fell in.
Hence, seeing how crowded the Forum and its vicinity were
with temples and other structures, much of the mass of
rubbish that formerly covered it may be accounted for.
Leo X. arrested, in its more destructive form, a practice
worthy only of barbarians; chiefly, perhaps, on the represen-
tations ' of Raphael, who was an enthusiastic admirer of
ancient art and architecture; but even Leo, by a Bull dated
in Sept., 1505,3 gives permission to carry away pieces of
ancient marble for building S. Peter's, on the condition, how-
ever, that they should first be examined by Raphael, whom
he had made architect of that Basilica, to see that there were
no inscriptions upon them.

Before the recent excavations, the appearance of the Forum
was most disappointing to anyone imbued with ideas of
Roman grandeur. The impression is considerably bettered
now that it has regained its ancient level, and almost its
ancient limits. But the north side4 is not yet excavated, and
probably never will be during the present generation, on
account of the buildings standing upon it; and we do not,
therefore, gain a complete idea of its breadth. Even at its
best, however, from the nature of its site, almost enclosed by

1	Projet d'un Rapport, ap. Passavant, Vie de Raphael, t. i. p. 510, note.

2	Ibid.	3 Ibid. p. 506.

4 The Forum, in its length, bears nearly south-east and north-west; but for
the sake of shortness and perspicuity, I call the side on which stands the churches

ofS. Martina andS. Lorenzo in Miranda, the north side; and the other sides
respectively, the east, the south, and the west.PREFATORY TOPOGRAPHICAL REMARKS. XXyii

hills, it could never have been,persef an object of superlative
grandeur. The Forum of Pompeii, from its commanding
situation, is much more striking than that of Rome; and
even in size, though belonging only to a second or third-rate
provincial town, it is not very much inferior. This last
defect in the Roman Forum was remedied under the Empire
by the addition of several adjacent ones; and it was these,
together with the magnificent temples and other buildings
which stood upon or surrounded the ancient one, that must
alone have given this quarter of Eome an air of splendour
unequalled in any other city.

Before the excavations were undertaken, the limits of the
Forum, except on its northern side, were known, and even
the sites of the principal objects upon it might be inferred
with tolerable accuracy. These, however, are now ascertained
and made palpable to the sight. The pavement is shown to
have sloped gently down from its western and eastern
extremities to a line that may be drawn across its breadth
passing between the Temple of Castor and the Basilica Julia.
The purpose of these slopes was apparently for draining off
the rain-water into an opening in the Cloaca Maxima, which
may be seen at the eastern end of the Basilica. They are
partly due to the nature of the ground, but were no doubt
improved by art.

Regarding the streets and roads over the Forum and in its
vicinity, the Nova Via, which skirted the northern side of
the Palatine, has been partially laid open; and the embou-
chure of the Vious Tuscus into the Forum between the
Basilica Julia and Temple of Castor has been uncovered.
With respect to the Sacra Via, little that is new or certain
has been established. It was known before that it passed
through the Arch of Titus and entered the Forum at the Arch
of Fabianus, and these portions of it are still the only ones
that can be fixed with certainty. Two roads are now shown
to have traversed the length of the Forum. One of these,
running along the northern side of the Basilica Julia, has by
some writers been called the Sacra Via, whilst others style it
the Via Triumphalis. Some, again, have given the former
appellation to a road skirting the northern side of the Forum,
of which there are partial and disjointed traces. But I am
inclined to think that the first-mentioned view has more
probability, judging from Horace's account of his walk.1 For,
having evidently entered the Forum at its eastern side, since

1 Sat. i. 9. See also the Text, p. 242.Xxviii PREFATORY TOPOGRAPHICAL REMARKS.

he tells his bore of an acquaintance that he is going to cross
the Tiber, presently, as they saunter on, they come to the
Temple of Vesta, which lay on the southern side of the Forum.

Finally, the road which spanned the upper part of the
Forum upon arches, from the Via Bonella to the Via della
Consolazione, has been demolished ; thus not only giving free
access to the Clivus, but also opening out an uninterrupted
view from the Forum of the objects upon it. This removal,
however, having occasioned a great detour for carriages, a
new road is to be made across the Clivus Capitolinus, but in
a way that shall not conceal the ruins upon it.

Having thus given an account of the clearance effected upon
the area of the Forum and its surroundings, I will now advert
to the objects discovered upon it.

Of these objects one of the most important is the Temple
of Divus Julius, of which the ground plan is laid bare. " It
appears to have been a small building erected on a lofty
substruction, and standing in the middle of the further, or
eastern half of the Forum, between the temples of Yesta and
Castor. It fronted the Capitol, and had a portico of six
Corinthian columns, under which were the Rostra Julia, at
the spot which I had before inferred.1

Opposite the middle of this temple, on its southern side,
and near the north-eastern angle of the Temple of Castor, a
small oval bason marks the Lacus Juturnje, where that
demi-god and his brother Pollux, are said to have watered
their horses after the battle at Lake Regillus. A little to the
east of this a lofty circular substruction marks the site of the
Temple of Vesta.

Proceeding to the upper or western half of the Forum, the
base of Domitian's Statue is seen, facing the temple of
Julius and opposite to the eastern part of the Basilica Julia.
The area of that building is now completely uncovered, so
that its ground plan may be accurately traced, and even
graffiti and drawings seen on the floors of its porticoes. At
the south-west corner are some remains of its architectural
elevation. Facing the northern side of the Basilica, on the
further side of the street, perhaps the Sacra Via, that runs
along it, are found disposed at regular intervals, seven
rectangular structures, which some archaeologists have taken
to be bases of statues, or honorary columns; whilst others,
with more probability, since they have a room or hollow in
them, consider to be the Tabernje Veteres.

1 Diet, of Anc. Geography, vol. ii, p. 792.PREFATORY TOPOGRAPHICAL REMARKS, xxix

The rude and monstrous base of the column of Phocas is
now uncovered, and offends the eyes of the spectator. Be-
tween it and the church of S. Adrianolie two curious Plutei,
or marble balustrades, sculptured in relief, discovered in 1872.
They are about 6 feet high and 16 long, and stand opposite
to each other at a distance of some 10 feet. They appear to
have rested on the pavement of the Forum without any
support but their own weight, a fact which seems to show
that they belonged not to any building permanently erected
at this spot, but had been taken from some structure and
placed there, most probably at a late period of the Empire,
and, perhaps, as Herr Jordan conjectures,1 at the time when
the column of Phocas was erected ; an inference strengthened
by the circumstance that no allusion to them is found in any
ancient author. But for what purpose this was done is
unknown. Being sculptured on both sides they evidently
formed part of an avenue, or passage, one side being seen
from within, the other from without. The reliefs on both the
inward sides represent the Suovetaurilia, or sacrificial pro-
cession of the boar, ram, and bull. Those on the outward
sides are far more interesting to the topographer, as they
show in perspective the buildings surrounding the upper part
of the Forum, and represent two historical scenes enacted in
it. On that facing the east an emperor is seated before the,
Basilica Julia, at the upper end of the Forum. He is sur-
rounded by attendants, and is setting fire to a heap of tablets,
whilst a line of soldiers issuing from the Vicus Tuscus are
bearing fresh tablets to the pile. On the other relief an
Emperor is seen standing on the Bostra, and looking also
towards the Yicus Tuscus, as shown by the statue commonly
called Marsyas, but which is more probably that of Yertumnus.2
The Bostra on which he stands must therefore be the old
Bostra, and the Corinthian portico on his immediate left,
approached by lofty steps, belonged to the Curia. The gate
on the extreme left is that of the Janus Temple, which, as I
have shown in my Article, and in the present work (p. 82),
lay at this spot. It is represented dn coins as having an
arched gate, which is seen in the relief. Beyond the portico
mentioned, and after an intervening space, the buildings on
which have been effaced, follows a structure whose architec-
ture resembles that of the Basilica Julia in the other relief;
but it is not so extensive, having only seven intercolumnia-
tions, whilst the Julia is represented with twelve, which it

1 Capitol, 8fc..8, 34,	2 See Property?, Lib. iv.'El. ii. yy. 4 and 56.XXX PREFATORY TOPOGRAPHICAL REMARKS.

actually had. This building, therefore, must be the Basilica
iEmilia, which was re-erected by Augustus, and is in the
same style as the Julia, which faced it.

It may be inquired how the Emperor, being in both reliefs
at the same end of the Forum, and looking in the same
direction, should in one of them see the right hand side of
the Forum and in the other the left ? To which it may be
replied, that by a slight inclination of the head, or of the
eyes, he might have seen both. But the point of view is
chosen, not with regard to the Emperor, but to the spectator,
who, in one relief is supposed to be placed in front of the
temple of Julius, and in the other near the old Rostra, the
object of which appears to have been that the artist might be-
able to delineate both sides of the Forum. Some critics,
indeed, think that the south side of the Forum is shown in
both reliefs, but this could not have been the case. The
points of view are different, since the buildings on the Clivus
Capitolinus, which are shown in one, appear not in the other.
On the north side, again, are seen objects totally different
from those on th£ south, as the Corinthian portico, the Janus,
and the tribunal. It may be objected that, in a view from
the old Rostra, the statue of Yertumnus could not have
been seen on the left of the spectator. But neither in the
other view could it have been seen on his right. That object
seems to have been introduced merely to indicate the limits
in which the scenes represented took place, that is, in the
upper half of the Forum. And this is shown by the circum-
stance that the statue is not in true perspective, but juts out
from the ground of the relief. In this relief an Emperor is
again introduced seated on the tribunal mentioned, in front
of what I have called the Basilica iEmilia.

That the three scenes represented in these reliefs relate to
some historical event can hardly be doubted, nor that all
three belong to one and the same event. In the western
relief the Emperor is addressing a group of men, of whom the
foremost, with uplifted right hand, is either requesting a
favour, or returning thanks for one conferred. Further on, at
the tribunal, with attendants behind him, he is addressing a
female who stands before him, and who bears on her left arm
something that, as far as its mutilated state permits to judge,
resembles the packages or tablets seen in the other relief.

Combining the. three scenes together, I will venture the
following explanation of them, which may be taken for what
it is worth. In the western relief the group of men before thePREFATORY TOPOGRAPHICAL REMARKS. xxxi

Emperor are representatives of foreign cities come to beg the
remission of their debts. The scene at the tribunal relates to
home affairs, and the female personifies Eoma, to whom some
favour is granted. In the other relief the Emperor himself
is seen setting fire to an enormous pile of bonds, and that
they are foreign bonds may be inferred from the circumstance
that they are borne into the Forum through the Vicus Tuscus,
thus showing that they have been brought to Rome by the
Tiber.

The Emperor has been variously called Augustus, Trajan,
Hadrian, and Marcus Aurelius, who are all known to have
done an act of this kind.1 But he cannot possibly have been
one of the three emperors last named, for the eastern relief
shows the temples of Concord and Saturn on the Clivus, and
between them an arch of the Tabularium. Now this interval
was filled up before the time of Trajan by Domitian's temple
of Vespasian, which would have hidden the Tabularium.
Palpable evidence like this in marble is worth more than all
inferences from texts, however ingenious they may be. We
know from Suetonius2 that Augustus burnt the tablets con-
cerning old debts to the Treasury. We also learn from the
following chapter of the same author that he was accustomed
to administer justice at the tribunal, as he is seen to be doing
in the western relief. It is, perhaps, not improbable that these
slabs formed a frieze at the sides of the arch erected on the
Forum in honour of Augustus. The fact of the reliefs with
the sacrificial animals being in so much better preservation
than those on the other sides, shows that they were inside
some arched, or covered building. And it may be added
that the sculpture is quite worthy of the Augustan age.

Some important objects have been discovered on or before
the Clivus. On the north, or right, looking from the Forum,
and close to the Arch of Severus, is seen a short conical
pillar on a pedestal, in all probability the Umbilicus Rom.®.
Some distance to the left of this, and in front of the Temple
of Saturn, is another small round pillar, which has been
identified with the Milliarium Aureum. Between these two
objects is a slightly curved terrace, and before it, towards the
Forum, a platform of large square stones, which is with
certainty identified with the Rostra, from holes in the stones

1	Mr. Parker, Architectural Hist, of Borne, p. 127, considers him to be Mar-
cus Aurelius, and attributes a like act to Hadrian. His assertion about the eight
fingers, or rather five and three, is fanciful.

2	Augustus, c. 32.xxxii PREFATORY TOPOGRAPHICAL REMARKS.

adapted for fixing the beaks of ships, from which it derived
its name. The curved terrace is undoubtedly the Gr^co-
f tasis, or station where ambassadors assembled before ad-
mission to the senate. It was probably in ancient times
raised a little higher than at present, and no more conspicuous
station could have been chosen to gratify the pride and
curiosity of the Eomans assembled in the Forum with the
sight of those representatives of vassal nations in their
various costumes. And the proof that it really was the
Graecostasis will appear from the following considerations
about the Comitium, which a very recent discovery enables
us to define with accuracy.

It is now ascertained that the Arch of Severus is built
upon an ancient platform, which those who think that the
Curia occupied the site of S. Adriano hold to have been the
Graecostasis; but, puzzled by the terrace just alluded to, they
are driven to assume that when the Graecostasis was sup-
planted by the arch, the terrace was made, as it were, in
memoriam of it.1 A preposterous idea! As if at a time when
it was grown so entirely out of use that it could be ruthlessly
destroyed, there should still have existed so great a veneration
for it as to make such a memorial—and altogether, in that
case, a false and deceiving one—necessary.

All this confusion arises from placing the Curia at
Adriano; for one error as surely begets another as night,
follows twilight and makes entire darkness. Assuming this
platform to have been the Comitium, everything proceeds
in clear and indisputable order. We know that the Comitium;
was approached by steps. 44 Statua Appi—in Comitio, irb
gractibus if sis, ad laevam2 Curiae." Looking from the porch
of S. Martina, the Forum lies on the left, and consequently
also the steps leading from it to the platform of the'
Comitium.

The Curia stood upon the Comitium, but somewhat higher,
being erected, like all such buildings, on a substruction, and'
thus had steps descending from it. But this did not hinder
them from forming a well-defined mass, and as it were, one
block, marked off from the surrounding area. For we find that
both were constructed at the same time, as parts of one plan,,
and hence they were capable of being surrounded with one>
and the same fence. " Fecitque idem (Tullus Hostilius) et
saepsit de manubiis Comitium et Curiam." 3

1	See an Archaeological Article in the Times, May 18, 1883.

2	Liv. i. 36.	3 Cic. De Mejp. ii. 17.PREFATORY TOPOGRAPHICAL REMARKS. XXX111

And now we begin to understand more clearly the innova-
tion of Gracchus in addressing his discourse from the Rostra
to the populace in the Forum, instead of to the Curia, and the
more select and aristocratic audience assembled on the
Comitium: that is, by turning to the east instead of to the
north. Which passage is also a proof that the Comitium
could not have extended into the Forum proper, so that part
of it at least was before the eastern side of the Rostra, as
some writers, myself included, have thought. It was, in fact,
well marked off from the Forum by the steps before mentioned.
And had the Curia been at S. Adriano, it is impossible to
understand Gracchus' innovation.

But the crowning proof of the site of the Comitium is
obtained by comparing the passages in Pliny and Yarro
respecting the observation of midday. The former says that
it was proclaimed from the CWmwhen the sun was perceived
between the Grsecostasis and the Rostra, whilst Yarro says
that the proclamation was made from the Comitium.1 This
is no contradiction, but proves that the Comitium stood, as I
have shown, just in front of the Curia. And the mid-day sun
can be seen between the Rostra and Grsecostasis, now laid
bare, only from the westernmost steps of S. Martina. The
interval between those two objects cannot be discerned from
S. Adriano, where, indeed, even to see them at all, one must
look nearly due west instead of due south. The passage in
Pliny is terribly in S. Lanciani's way; he calls it a rompica'po,
and says that it is quite unnecessary to examine it after the
convincing arguments, as he styles them, which he has
adduced.2 These arguments I shall presently examine, and
will here only observe that Pliny's words are as plain as the
noon-day sun to which they relate, and if some topographers
have misconstrued or misunderstood them, that is no proof
that the true meaning is doubtful, but only that these critics
have failed to discover it. And it must be remembered that
they had not the aid which we now possess of seeing the true
site of the Graecostasis and Rostra.

The site of the Curia at S. Martina, where I have always
placed it, tallies both with recent discoveries and with Yarro's
description, which I subjoin,3 from which also we further

1 Plin. H. N. vii. 60; Varro L. L. vi. 2, 5. 2 Curia Hostilia Julia, &c. p. 9.

3 " Curia duorum generum; nam et ubi curarent sacerdotes res divinas, ut

Curiae veteres ; et ubi senatus humanas, ut Curia Hostilia. Ante hanc Rostra,
quojus loci id vocabulum, quod ex hostibus capta flxa sunt rostra. Sub dextera
hujus, a Comitio, locus substructus, ubi nationum subsisterent legati, qui ad
Senatum essent missi. Is Grsecostasis appellatus, a parte ut multa. Senaculum

0xxxiv PREFATORY TOPOGRAPHICAL REMARKS.

learn the place of the Senaculum. The Rostra, he says,
were in front of the Curia; to the right of them, that is,
looking from the Curia, or Comitium, was the Grsecostasis,
just as we now see them, and above the Grsecostasis lay the
Senaculum, occupying part of the area before the Temple of
Concord. And these topographical details might be supported
by many other passages in ancient authors, which it would
be tedious to adduce.

It would require no little ingenuity to connect the objects
just described with the church of S. Adriano, which lies at a
considerable distance from them; a feat, however, which must
be attempted by those who would place the Curia at that
church. The principal exponent of this hypothesis is Signor
Lanciani, in the paper before alluded to, published in the
Transactions of the Accademia dei Lincei, and reprinted
in a separate form (Roma, 1883). Naturally enough, S. Lan-
ciani has no great predilection for ancient texts. He prefers
to be guided by remains; admirable proofs, no doubt, always
provided that they can be shown to agree with ancient de-
scriptions, to which in all cases the ultimate appeal must lie ;
and so they become not primary, but only subsidiary proofs.
In the present instance S. Lanciani calls in the aid of certain
plans and drawings made some three centuries ago by
Antonio Sangallo, Baldassare Peruzzi, and others, which he
found in the Uffizi at Florence. These drawings, plates of
which are given in S. Lanciani's tract, contain plans and
measurements of the churches of S. Adriano and S. Martina,
and of some adjacent objects. A vignette of the primitive
church of S. Adriano, by Du Perac, is also given.

We are not informed with what view these drawings were
made. It could hardly have been for the purpose of archaeo-
logical research. That subject had been officially assigned
by Pope Leo X. to Raphael, the contemporary of these artists,
who was commissioned to make a plan of ancient Rome, so
far as could be done, from extant edifices, for which purpose
Raphael studied many ancient authors, and made surveys
which appear to have extended over much the same ground
as those of Sangallo and Peruzzi. He drew up a rough
draft of a report upon the subject, which is preserved in the
library at Munich, and has been published by Passavant in
the first volume of his Life of Raphael. The MS. con-
tained several plans of buildings drawn, doubtless, by

supra Graecostasin, ubi aedis Coneordiae."—DeLing.Lat. iv. 32. In my Article I
wrongly referred the jronoun hujus to the Curia, instead of quojus loci.PREFATORY TOPOGRAPHICAL REMARKS. XXXV

Raphael, which would at least be as well worth consulting as
those which S. Lanciani has given us; but I know not
whether they have ever been published. Raphael appears to
have been well acquainted with the Forum Transitorium,
and had seen part of it destroyed only a little while before he
wrote.

It can hardly be supposed that Sangallo's and Peruzzi's
researches, which must have required a considerable outlay
both of time and money, were undertaken merely to gratify
private curiosity. It is more reasonable to suppose that they
were made with the view of using the area they embraced,
or the vacant spaces it contained, for building purposes, and,
perhaps, of combining the whole block into one magnificent
structure. Indeed, S. Lanciani is of opinion that this was
the object, at least, of B. Peruzzi's plan. "We are not, there-
fore, to look for much special topographical information in
these plans, and, indeed, the drawers of them seem not to
have been well up in the knowledge requisite for that pur-
pose. Some little research with that view may, perhaps,
however, have been made as a secondary object, and at all
events the plans, if correctly drawn, may afford some assis-
tance to the topographer.

If we inquire on what evidence S. Adriano is thought to
have been erected on the foundations of the Curia, we find
that not only is there none to that effect, but that what
there is runs the contrary way. The artists, so far from
thinking they were drawing the Curia, took it to be the
Temple of Saturn ! Further: all documentary evidence, as
quoted by Signor Lanciani himself, makes, as he admits,
against his assumption.1 The greater part of the authorities,
he says, give a purely Christian origin to S. Adriano; nor
does he adduce a single one to support his view. A negative
proof against it is, that though Maranzoni, whom he quotes
in a note, enumerates several heathen buildings which had
been converted into churches, he does not mention the
Curia, which, in the case of so famous a building, would have
been strange indeed had it really undergone that conversion.
The referring it, therefore, to the Curia, is the work of
S. Lanciani, or those who started and share a view which
not only is in contradiction of all classical authority, but also
rests solely on arbitrary assumptions.

He attempts, indeed, a kind of negative proof by asserting
(p. 18) that in the time of Pope Honorius I. it would have

1 See the reprint of his paper, p. 14,XXXvi PREFATORY TOPOGRAPHICAL REMARKS.

been impossible to build entirely de novo such a church as
S. Adriano; but this is only an arbitrary assertion. Collateral
proof tends the other way. Araceli, an infinitely finer church,
is by some said to have been built in the preceding century,
and though its real origin is obscure, it is certainly of high
antiquity. Several other fine Roman churches were built a
little before and a little after S. Adriano.

S. Lanciani not only takes that church to have occupied
the site of the Curia: he is even of opinion that Du Perac's
drawing, of which he gives a copy in Plate iii., shows not
only the church of Honorius, but also the actual Curia of
Diocletian; so that Honorius did not rebuild, but only con-
verted it. In support of this view he contends that it has all
the characteristics of the architecture of Diocletian's time,
and he finds that it bears a similarity to the remains of that
Emperor's Baths. If this be so, architecture must have
woefully degenerated at that period. In Diocletian's time
the splendid buildings which surrounded the Forum were in
a state of good preservation, and it is passing strange that he
should have erected, as a fellow to them, a building which
has all the appearance of a common mediaeval church. He
might, indeed, have been able to build nothing better, if it
were true that architecture had experienced so great a fall.
But it is not so. Architecture long survived the decay of the
plastic arts. In the opinion of Raphael1 it flourished till the
time of the latest emperors ; and he points to the Arch of
Constantine, Diocletian's successor, the finest at Rome, in
proof of his assertion; the sculptures on which, with the
exception of those taken from Trajan's buildings, exhibit a
terrible decline in art. These show the spoliation of Rome's
monuments begun by its own emperors, as it was after-
wards continued. It may be added that the Basilica named
after Constantine, but built by Maxentius, whose enormous
arches still astonish the spectator, must have been a mag-
nificent structure.

When S. Lanciani adverts to Diocletian's Baths we may
ask, what are the remains of them? Only a small portion—
the Tepidarium. But even this strikes with admiration the
spectator who enters. Of the outside, indeed, much cannot
now be said; but we may infer from the inside its former
beauty. And we have Raphael as a witness to at least part
of it. He mentions the Arch at the entrance of the Baths as
one of the beautiful things destroyed in his time.2 An

1 Projet, fyc. Passavant, t. i. p. 512,	2 Ibid, p 510.PREFATORY TOPOGRAPHICAL REMARKS. XXXV11

architect capable of such a building would surely have been
equal to the erecting of a handsome Curia, and would hardly
have disgraced himself and his art by putting so mean a
building as the church in question in juxtaposition and con-
trast with so many splendid ones.

To the topographer, however, this question is what the
Germans call a mere Neben-sacJie in comparison with that
respecting the Curia's site. It is difficult to see on what
grounds, and with what reason, S. Lanciani combines the
two churches of S. Martina and S. Adriano, and the two
spaces between them into one enormous building, having a
frontage of 50 metres. This, one would think, must have
been a great deal more than enough for the accommodation
of some 500 or 600 senators, who we know often assembled
in temples much smaller than the church of S. Martina.
And if S. Adriano was the Curia it must be on the Comitium,
which could hardly have extended so far eastwards. The
reason why S. Lanciani regards these separate blocks of
buildings as having in ancient times formed part of one and
the same enormous structure, seems to be that they adjoin at
the back a common wall, apparently belonging to a Forum.
But it is possible that several quite independent buildings
might have done that.

Again: let us look at the inconvenience resulting from
S. Lanciani's arrangement. Although he will not allow the
church of S. Martina to have been the Curia, he admits that
it was its Secretarium. That church is separated from
S. Adriano by an interval off some 80 feet, and it is not pre-
tended that there was any communication between them.
On the contrary, Sangallo's plan, as given and as described
by S. Lanciani, presents a wall, without any opening, between
the two buildings. When, therefore, the senators wanted to
communicate with their scribes, they would have had to walk
out of the Curia and proceed by the public road to their
Secretarium ! Again : pn area large enough to contain the
whole senate is assigned to the scribes employed in drawing
up their Consulta, which were neither long nor frequent, and
in cases requiring secrecy was done by the Patres themselves.
The apsis of S. Martina would have quite sufficed for this
purpose. I do not think, however, that S. Martina is built
upon the actual foundations of the Curia, and thus shows its
exact dimensions, but only that it occupies the Curia's site.
The latter building may have been larger, and particularly
may have extended rather more to the west.XXXviii PREFATORY TOPOGRAPHICAL REMARKS.

Signor Lanciani gives us no notion of what the two vacant
spaces between the two churches may have contained. They
surely cannot have belonged to the Curia, which, with S.
Adriano for its debates, and S. Martina for its scribes, would
have had ample room and verge enough for all its needs. I
will venture an opinion that they were occupied by the
Chalcidicum, which Augustus built in contiguity with the
Curia. That building seems to have occupied the site on
which the Basilica Porcia previously stood, which, after its
destruction by fire, does not appear to have been rebuilt.

There are other circumstances besides those I have before
adduced, which prove that the Curia was at S. Martina. I
have shown in the Article just referred to (p. 7801) that the
Janus temple, the index of peace and war, stood near the
Curia, and present Arch of Severus. I will admit that
Domitian erected a new Janus Quadrifrons near the present
church of S. Adriano, but he did not destroy the ancient and
venerable Bifrons. In fact he is known to have erected so
large a number of Januses and Arches in all the Regions of
the city that some wag, punning in Greek, wrote upon one
of them, aptcu.2 But it would be the height of absurdity to
suppose that these structures could have had any sanctity
attached to them. It is certain that the original Janus con-
tinued to retain its antique form and traditionary use. With
whatever faults Domitian may be charged, he cannot be
said to have been guilty of the destruction of ancient monu-
ments; on the contrary, he is known to have restored many.
And that the J anus Bifrons existed long after his time may
be shown from a passage in Dion Cassius,3 regarding Didius
Julianus: 87tel8t] irpog to avvsdpiov rj\0e, kcll t<$ Icivij) r<£ 7rpo rS)v
Qvp&v avrov Sfvaeiv sfisXKe: which shows that the sacrifice was
to be made to the Janus before the doors of the Curia, which
must have been that at S. Martina, for the Quadrifrons
erected by Domitian was not before the door of S. Adriano,
but at the junction of four streets by its side. So Martial4
says: " Et fora tot numeras, Jane, quot ora geris; " because
the streets it crossed seem to have been those leading to the
Forum Eomanum, and the Forums of Julius, Augustus,
and Nerva. That the Janus Bifrons existed till a late period
of the Empire is shown by passages in Lampridius and
Capitolinus, quoted by S. Lanciani himself (p. 28, note):
"Janus geminus sua sponte apertus est;" "Gordianus,

l See also the text of the present volume, p. 32, sq,

3 lxxiii. 13.

2 Suet. Dom. 13.
4 Lib. x. Ep. 27.—y s^^uTrmalrr^'art

rons
'abrvcius

Tiieatriim
MarceHi

"'%m. m&P?-.

Jixno^	-^p^L. ^ej*.

Moiietgg A RX Capitolma ^

*<M. jjff; «t

A V X

S.Jyzcoto

iOIYOlL

Olitor in hl







Wmm





SeruLCuZum,

Omoborw

■S.Ln£0,M0Tt

I Vulcan*^ U

vmw/M,

IlMartLs ultorvs

t:

[\% Satniiu

'JIi}\ ? i///|S Joi'iu^Tibe/

z,T.Jcw© CfTg)6'.A^y'Q ^

°ru3^er^

siv^y o«,

y Paclicitia Patricia

/J. Mca-vp .Egizuxca-

<5. Maria.' deilcu
ConsolcLziorb&

; ,- , > 0. QULTLGO (rltUliUb
!.

'f \\| USmiia ' jj	if&Tokcux# V

Reference
Aivdent Ruvxs and
Sites of Excavations
---'. Modjit'iv Streets
Mo de-vnuNcuries vvHcar lirw
AM. Dom.Anxii Martii
C'ic. .. dceronis
CLo. „ ClodiL
Con. Tempi. Concordia&
Do. Eqiuts Domhruiiam,
J. jtedes Divv JuliL
L. Ltcpet'cab
P. Futeal LibonLs
Pho. Co lumnaj Fhocae
S.J. Tempi. Jovis Statoris
farq Donv.Tarq uuuiJ) -is
TJF! Tugwr. Faiistali
Ve. Tempi. VespcLsvani

° \



Jamis

^ QuadrifrorLS ^^S.i} Lorgw

I	vxVel.abro ^ "V

<S>

Nova Via

'Auqustb





DaniiH

*3

V2? s

llpr"1

„ L-

Aiiqwqjb

T	"U/Collegium/

(ROJ^A qhadhata^

Wjfe'	to

V--MW	=*%];' ^

TiihliJ





/"■ G^diiu °	0 iTabli

■1_ °stili.umS 1 Jiruii 1 _

ty/tm i 000000000 'T^0^

torlaS*
iorvis

TAs

1. Grcecostasijs

2	. Rostra

3	. .Rostra, Jidzau

riims

Colossus
S a c r

Area

Metccsiodans

S.B'onave

btvetiite

■-tG

WTO/lilP

dWr1

§il®»





oeptizoiaiixni
Severi

Scales

300 Yards

The recent excavations on. theTaiatzn£jJ-Ul
are shewn rrorn Sionor HosasIJla?z.

25oJforrv. Fabns

TDyer, dir.; .E. &. liavenstcin, del.

Engraved. ^Edw^TVel]PREFATORY TOPOGRAPHICAL REMARKS, xxxix

aperto Jano gemino." Nor is it possible to stomach the
palpable contradiction advocated by S. Lanciani, that the
Quadrifrons had usurped the epithet " geminus " belonging
to the Bifrons. After this array of testimony I may, per-
haps, be allowed to appeal also to the Janus shown in one
of the Plutei, in further proof of its situation, and that of the
Curia. (Above, p. xxiii.)

Another very strong proof that the Curia was at S. Martina
is that the Tribunes Munatius Plancus, and Pompeius Rufus,
who were haranguing from the Rostra when the Curia was
on fire from the burning of Clodius' body, were driven away
by the heat of the flames.1 This might very well have
happened if the Curia was at S. Martina, but hardly if it
had been at B. Adriano, for at the former place the Rostra
were, as Asconius says, "prope juncta Curiae," as we now
see them to be, whilst S. Adriano is at too considerable a
distance to make such an event possible.

Asconius, in Cic. Milon.HISTORY OF THE CITY OP ROME.

SECTION I.

FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES TO THE BUKNTNGr OF THE CITY
BY THE GAOLS.

HE Palatine Hill is tlie proper nucleus of ancient

Rome; the centre -whence slie extended her'cir-
cumference as slie gradually became tlie mistress of
Italy, and at last of great part of tlie known world.

There are many traditions, or, as it has become usual
to call them, legends, connected with the Palatine Hill
before the foundation of Rome, which are useful to be
known from the frequent allusions to them which occur
in ancient writers in connection with the history of the
city. The most important of these traditions refers to
Evander, one of the representatives of the Pelasgian
immigration into Italy. Evander was a native of Pal-
lantium, an Arcadian town near Tegea, and is supposed
either to have seceded from, or to have lieen expelled,
his country about sixty years before the Trojan war,
or 1,244 years before the birth of Christ.1 He settled
on a hill near the Tiber, which, from the place of his

1 For tlie immigration of Evander, see Dionys. Hal. i. 31-33, 40;
Virg. Mn. viii. 333 sqq. 5 Ovid, Fast. i. 471 sqq.5 Varro, L. L. y. 53
(ed. Miill.) 5 Serv. Mn, viii. 51 sqq., &c.

B2

LEGEND OF EYANDEK.

birth, obtained tlie name of Pcdatium, or Mons Palatinus.
Virgil1 traces the name to Pallas, who was a son of
Lycaon, and founder of the Arcadian Pallantium ; but
there were several variations of the story which should
be mentioned here. Thus some2 traced the name of the
hill to its having been the burial-place either of Pallas,
son of Hercules and Dyna, a daughter of Evander; or
of Pallantia, another daughter of Evander.3 All these
names are connected with the Arcadian immigration ;
but some etymologies refer to a totally different origin :
as from Palanto, a daughter of Hyperboreus, and either*
mother or wife of King Latinus; from Palatium, a
colony of Aborigines in the district of Reflate ; and still
more improbably from balare, or palare, the bleating,
or the wandering, of sheep.4

According to the tradition received by the principal
Latin writers, Evander was the son of Carmenta, an
Arcadian nymph, and Mercury. Carmenta was regarded
by the Romans as a prophetess, prescient of the fortunes
of Rome. She is important in the history of the city
as giving name to one of its gates, the Porta Carmentalis;
so called from an altar dedicated to her which stood near
it.5 This altar was extant in the time of Aulus Grellius
and Servius.6

1	Mn. yiii. 51 sqq. Virgil, however, calls the city JPallanteimi;
and this name is adopted by the topographers of the middle ages:

Delegere locum et posuere in montibus urbem,

Pallantis proavi de nomine Pallanteum.

2	Poljbius, ap. Dionys. Hal. i. 32 5 Festus, p. 220 (ed. Mull).

3	Serv. Mn. yiii. 51.

4	Serv. loc. cit.\ Varro, L. L. v. 53 5 Festus, p. 220 5 cf. Klausen,
Mneas und die Bcnaten, p. 883 sqq.

5	Yirg. Mn. yiii. 333 sqq. ; Ov. Fast. i. 461-586; Liv. i. 7.

6	Gell. xviii. 7 ; Serv. ad Mn. yiii. 337.JANUS AND SATURNUS.

3

When Evander immigrated into Italy, Faunus was
king of the Aborigines, or primitive inhabitants of
Latium. According to the legend most commonly-
received, there were four kings of this dynasty ; namely,
Saturnus, the founder of it, Picus, Faunus, and Latinus;
but Janus is sometimes mentioned as a still more ancient
king, who hospitably entertained Saturn after his flight
to Italy. Both Saturnus and Janus are intimately con-
nected, as will appear in the sequel, with the traditional
or legendary history of Home; and they are represented
as established respectively on the hills known in later
times as the Capitoline and the Janiculum.1

Saturnus also plays a great part in the mythical history
of ancient Italy. According to Virgil, that country
derived from him the name of Saturnia Tellus ; and
Latium was so called because he lay hid there from the
pursuit of Jupiter, from whose attacks he had fled.2 The
name of Saturnus has been derived, regardless of prosody,
a sake, because he first taught the Italians to live by
agriculture. Hence an orderly state of society, civiliza-
tion, and peace were substituted for the nomad and semi-
savage way of life previously existing; the violence and
disorders of which are illustrated, so far as regards the
neighbourhood of Rome, by the story of Gacus, the
terror of the Aventine, and by other legends. From the
blessings flowing from the reign of Saturn, it was re-
garded as the Grolden Age, and the phrase " Saturnia
regna " became a synonym for human happiness. It
resembled the idealized state of socialism and equality
imagined by Rousseau and other enthusiasts, but unfor-

1	Virg. 2En. vii. 45 sqq., viii. 319 sq. $ Dion. Hal. i. 44 5 Macr.
Sat. i. 7, 9.

2	Mn. viii. 322; cf. Ovid, Fast. i. 237 ; Macr. Sat. i. 7 ; Varro,
L. L. v. 42, 64.4 HONS SATURNIUS—MONS TAKPEITTS.

tunately never since realized. For though Saturn liad in-
troduced agriculture, he had not sanctioned the institu-
tion of private property; the fields were tilled for the
common good, and were distinguished by no boundary
marks; even the houses had no doors to exclude the
visits of neighbours :

Non domus ulla fores liabuit, non fixus in agris,
Qui regeret cei'tis firiibus arva, lapis.1

Slavery existed not, and, as a consequence of the absence
of property, a court of justice was unknown. Another
result of the introduction of agriculture was wealth,
which is nothing but the accumulation of stores ; whence
Ops, or plenty, was said to be the wife of Saturn. From
all these blessings it is not surprising that Saturnus should
have been deified and worshipped by the Latins, and in
fact none of their deities better deserved it. The iden-
tification of Saturnus with the Greek Cronos, or Time,
seems to have arisen from his being the oldest of the
Latin divinities ; however, his scythe, or pruning hook,
might very well typify the operations of Time, as well as
his own more peculiar attributes.

We will now advert to a few things in the legend of
Saturn which connect him with the city of Rome.

"We have already mentioned that the Capitoline Hill
was originally occupied by Saturnus, whence it was
called Mons Satuknius. This name it appears to have
retained till the time of the Tarquins, though it also ob-
tained in the interval the additional, name of Mosrs
Tarpeius ; apparently from its having been the resi-
dence of Tarpeia's father.2 The memory of Saturn is

1	Tibull. Eleg. i. 3, 43.

2	Proper tius, iy. 4 ; Varro, L. L. v. 41 sq.; Festus, voc. Satumia,
p. 322 ; Justin, xliii. 1.TEMPLE OF SATURN.

5

still preserved at the Capitoline by the ruined portico of
his temple, which stands at its foot; one of the few
rnins which have partially escaped the stroke of his
own scythe. Here, in primaeval times, stood an altar to
him, probably on the same spot afterwards occupied by
the temple. From his being considered the founder of
wealth, the temple of Saturn was made the .ZErarium, or
public treasury ; though the money seems to have been
actually deposited in a small adjoining ^Edes, or Cella
Opis, dedicated to Saturn's consort, Ops.1 Other memo-
rials of Saturn at this spot, which have now vanished,
were a Sacellum Ditis,2 near his altar, which, during
the festival of the Saturnalia, was adorned with waxen
masks; and a Porta Stercoraria, situated somewhere
on the Clivus Capitolinus, or ascent to the Capitol. This
gate led to a place where, in the middle of June every year,
was deposited the night soil removed from the temple of
Yesta; a practice emblematical of Saturn's having taught
the use of manure, whence his epithet of Stercutus. An-
other object on the Capitoline, probably connected with
Saturn,'was the Porta Pandana, or ever-open gate; a
memorial, perhaps, of the absence of doors in the
Saturnian, or golden, Age.

Besides these material records of Saturn at Rome, we
may also mention the well-known festival of the Satur-
nalia, to which we shall have frequent occasion to advert
in the sequel.

As Saturn was the reputed introducer of the necessary
arts of life among the Aborigines, so to Evander was
ascribed the introduction of those arts which contribute
to polish and adorn it; as letters, musical instruments,

1	Cic. Phil. i. 7, ii. 14.

2	Macr. Sat. i. 7.6

LEGEND OF HERCULES.

civil laws, and other usages which characterize a more
advanced and refined society.1

The arrival of Hercules in Italy is placed a few years
after the settlement of Evander. However fabulous may
be this legend, it must find a place here. The Romans, at
all events, believed it, and thus it is connected with some
monuments and customs which existed at Rome. Her-
cules, returning from his expedition to bring the oxen
of Greryones to Argos, had reached the Tiber, when
Cacus, a robber who infested the Aventine Hill, stole
some of his cattle, and concealed them in a cave; but
the lowing of the animals betrayed the perpetrator of the
theft, and Cacus fell a victim to the vengeance of the
offended hero. In commemoration of this act, an altar,
called the Ara Maxima, was dedicated to Hercules on
the spot afterwards occupied by the Forum Boarium,
between the Palatine and the Tiber. Divine rites
celebrated in the Greek manner formed the worship of
the demigod; and two families, the Potitii and Pinarii,
were appointed to perform them, as priests of Hercules,
and to transmit them unchanged to their posterity.2 The
erection of the Ara Maxima is attributed by some authors
to Evander.3 Hercules obtained the epithet of " trium-
phalis," and during the celebrations of triumphs at Rome,
his statue was adorned with the dress worn by triumphant
generals.4 He was also worshipped under other titles, as
Hercules Custos, Musagetes, &c. The celebrity of his
legend, and the importance attached to his worship, are
attested by the numerous temples erected in after times
in his honour, particularly in the neighbourhood of the
Eorum Boarium.

1	Liv. i. 7; Tac. Ann. xi. 14; Dionys. Hal. i. 33.

2	Virg. Mn. viii. 190 sqq.; Ov. Fast. i. 543 sqq.; Liv. i. 7, ix. 29.

3	Tac. Ann. xv. 41.	4 Plin. H. N. xxxiv. 16.THE SCALES CACI.

7

Besides this legend respecting the advent of Hercules
into Italy, there are other versions pretending to a more
historical character which it is unnecessary to examine
here, as they have little or no connection with the history
of the city of Rome. It should, however, be mentioned
that Dionysius of Halicarnassus represents Hercules as
the leader of a great military expedition to Western
Europe, and as dismissing in Italy a portion of his army,
who took possession of Hons Saturnius.1 If this was so,
any settlement made by Saturn on that hill must then
have vanished; nor could the followers of Hercules have
founded there any permanent colony, since Mons Satur-
nius appears to have been uninhabited at the time when
Rome was built. Diodorus Siculus represents Hercules
as being hospitably received on the banks of the Tiber by
Cacius and Pinarius, and as instituting on the Palatine
certain sacred rites.2 The memorials which he intimates
to have been preserved of these events must have been
the priesthood of the Pinarian family and the Scal^
Caci on the Palatine.3

All these legends tend to show that the Romans be-
lieved the Palatine to have been occupied before the
advent of Romulus, which is, indeed, most probable.
The name of the hill, as already said, is thought to
have had its origin during the Arcadian occupation,
and all the ancient traditions derive it from a proper
name, except one from balare, or palare. Some modern
writers indeed refer it to Pales, the shepherd's god or
goddess, whence Palatua, the proper deity of the hill;4
but this rests apparently on no ancient authority. No
doubt, however, that the earlier occupiers were shep-
herds, down to the time of Romulus. The current

1 Lib. i. 34 sqq. 2 iv. 21. 3 Solinus, Polyhistor, i. 18.

4 Ignazio Guidi, Bull. Manic. 1881.8

THE LEGEND OF JENEAS.

legend of ISTumitor and Amulius is in accordance with,
this view, and a hundred times more probable than
Mommsen's extravagant and totally unfounded one,
that early Rome was a great commercial city. Till the
occupation of it by Romulus, the Palatine seems to have
been only a pasture ground, with shepherds' cottages and
ovilia. We may believe, therefore, as Tacitus and others
tell us, that Romulus first built a town there and that the
substructions now to be seen on the south side of the hill
are of his period.

Modern criticism has banished to the realms of fiction
the legend of ^Eneas' settlement in Italy, and apparently
with justice ; yet it has become so interwoven with the
history of Rome, that it must be briefly recounted here
in its more popular form.

Latinus, the last of the aboriginal Latin kings already
mentioned, ruled during the time of the Trojan war.
"When ^Eneas arrived in Italy, Latinus was already an
old man, having reigned thirty-five years in peace and
security. JEneas is said to have landed at or near
Laurentum, a town which had been founded by King
Latinus. Laurentum was the next coast town to Ostia,
and probably occupied the site of the present hamlet of
Capocotta, sixteen miles distant from Rome. But the
sea has receded on this coast, and Laurentum, like
Ostia, is at present about a couple of miles inland. In
other respects the situation of the coast towns agrees
with the description of Strabo.1 JEneas is related to
have established a camp or citadel at no great distance
from Laurentum, and to have called it Troy; and we
find the district alluded to by classical authors under
the names of Castra Trojana and Prsedium Trojanum.2

V Abeken MitteUtal. p. 62.

2 Cic. Ejpp. ad Atticum, ix. 13. See also Cato cited by Servius adKING LATINUS

I—LAYINIUM.

9

These names at least show what an early, firm, and lasting
hold the ^Eneas legend must have taken upon the Roman
mind.

At the time when iEneas landed, King Latinus was at
war with the neighbouring nation of the Rutuli ; but on
hearing of the invasion he marched against the Trojans.
A hostile encounter was, however, averted by divine in-
terposition, and a treaty was concluded between Latinus
and iEneas, by which all the land comprised in a radius
of forty stadia, or five miles, round a hill which the
Trojans had occupied, was granted to them, on condi-
tion of their assisting Latinus against the Rutuli. That
people was defeated by the united arms of the new allies ;
Lavinia, the daughter of Latinus, was given to ^Eneas in
marriage ; who then built a city on the land which had
been granted to him, and gave it the name of Lavinium
in honour of his consort. Lavinium was seated three
miles from the sea, and about the same distance from
Laurentum, on the tufo hill of Pratica, where the site of
the ancient town is still marked by precipitous walls.1
Lavinium became the proper centre of the .iEneas
legend, the holy place of the league, and was regarded
by the Romans of after times as their ancient cradle,
hereditary seat, and sacred repository of their national
Dii Penates, which JEneas was supposed to have brought
with him from Troy.2 At a late period of the Republic,
the Roman preetors, consuls, and dictators sacrificed at
Lavinium to Vesta and the Penates either when they
entered upon or quitted their offices ;3 and we learn from

Virg. Mn\ i. 5 ; cf. ad yii. 158, xi. 316 ; Liv. i. 15 Festus, p. 367 ;
Appian, Hist. Rom. i. 1.

1	Sir W. Gell, Topography, vol. ii. p. 80.

2	Varro, L. L. v. § 144.

3	Serv. ad Mn, ii. 296 5 Macrob. Sat. iii. 4.10

LATIUM—ALBA LONGA.

Dionysius of Halicarnassus that in his time, that is, in the
reign of the Emperor Augustus, most of the temples and
other buildings reputed to have been founded there by
iEneas were still extant.1

After these events, Turnus, a relative of the consort of
Latinus, who had been a suitor for Lavinia's hand, having
incited the Rutuli to rise, was defeated and killed by
-ZEneas. King Latinus also fell in this war, when his
dominions devolved to .iEneas in right of his wife
Lavinia; and the Aborigines and Trojans becoming
amalgamated received the common name of Latins.
^Eneas survived only three or four years the death of his
father-in-law; in the fourth he was drowned in the
river Numicius, during a war with the Tuscans under
their leader Mezentius. After his death he was deified
under the name of Pater, or Jupiter Indiges, as King
Latinus had previously become Jupiter Latiaris.2

Latium, the kingdom of Latinus, and afterwards of
-ZEneas, extended along the western coast of Italy, ac-
cording to Pliny, for a distance of fifty miles; a com-
putation, however, which is said to be deficient by ten
miles.3 The inhabitants of it, before the foundation of
Rome, were called Prisci Latini.4 Thirty years after the
death of .ZEneas, either his son Ascanius or lulus, or the
person who bore both these names, founded Alba Longa,
on a ridge of Mons Albanus, and made it the new

1	Lib. i. c. 64.

2	Dionys. Hal. i. 64; Liv. i. 2 ; Virg. JEn. xii. 794, and the note
of Servius; Ovid, Met. xiv. 581 sqq. $ Festus, pp. 106, 194.

3	Abeken, Mittelitalien, p. 61.

4	" Prisci Latini proprie appellati sunt hi, qui prius quam con-
deretur Roma fuerunt."—Paul. Diac. p. 226. Cf. Servius ad 2En.
y. 598. But according to Livy (i. 3) the Prisci Latini were the in-
habitants of certain colonies founded by Latinus Silvius, the sixth
Alban king. "Ab eo colonise aliquot deductse, Prisci Latini appellati."THE ALB AN KINGS.

11

capital of the Latin kingdom. Different lists are given
of tlie Latin kings, the successors of Ascanius or lulus,
who reigned at Alba Longa, the discrepancies of which
it is not necessary to record or discuss. It will be
sufficient for our present purpose to state that, ac-
cording to the most generally received account, there
were sixteen Latin kings of the line of JEneas, if we
include that hero, namely: iEneas, Ascanius, Silvius
Postumus, ^Eneas Silvius, Latinus Silvius, A]ba, Epytus
or Atys, Capys, Calpetus, Tiberinus, Agrippa, Aremulus
or Remulus, Aventinus, Procas, Amulius, Numitor.
The sum of the reigns of these kings is computed at
432 or 433 years,1 by those authors who adopt the era
of Eratosthenes, or the year 1184 B.C., as the date of the
fall of Troy. It should, however, be mentioned that
some writers allow only half this number of kings, and
deduct a whole century from the period of their reigns;
and especially that this latter computation is adopted
by Virgil,2 who assigns a term of only 300 years for
the reigns of the Alban kings after the death of
Ascanius.

The reigns of Amulius and Numitor, the last two
kings, bring us to the well-known legend respecting
the foundation of Rome, which our subject requires us
briefly to recall to the memory of the reader. Amulius,
younger son of Procas, having usurped the crown which
rightfully belonged to Numitor, his elder brother, caused
^Egestus, the son of Numitor, to be put to death, and
his daughter, Ilea Silvia, to become a Vestal virgin;
thus obliging her, by the vow of perpetual chastity im-
posed upon the priestesses of Vesta, to renounce all

1	Dionys. Hal. i. 71, ii. 2; Diodor. ap. Syncellum, t. i. p. 366
(ed. Bonn).

2	Mil. i. 272 sqq.12

ROMULUS AND REMUS.

hope of marriage, and consequently of giving a legi-
timate lieir to the throne which Amnliiis had usurped.
But Rea was robbed of her chastity either by a mortal
lover, or by the god Mars in mortal form ; and, having
become pregnant, in due time gave birth to male twins,
whom Amulius and his council ordered to be thrown
into the river Tiber, at some distance apparently from
the royal residence; while the mother was subjected to
the punishment incurred by the breach of her vow. The
servants of Amulius, proceeding towards the upper
part of the stream, crossed the Palatine Hill, in order to
carry into execution the sentence upon the children,
where, finding their further progress arrested by the
flooding of the river, they deposited on the water the
little cradle or skiff which contained the twins, and
abandoned them to their fate. The receding waters
having left the infants ashore on the western declivity
of the Palatine, they were there discovered by a she-
wolf, who gave them suck. A woodpecker also brought
them food; when certain shepherds, struck by the
marvel, and inferring from it the divine origin of the
children, carried them to Paustulus, a herdsman of
Amulius, residing on the Palatine, who gave them to
his wife, Acca Larentia, to nurse. According to some
authors, Acca Larentia, from her unchaste life, was
called Lurpa, and thus is explained the fable of the wolf.

In process of time, the twins, under the names of
Romulus and Remus, grew up to manhood on the
Palatine, whence all trace of Evander's settlement ap-
pears to have vanished. A quarrel between the herds-
men of Numitor and Amulius, in consequence of which
Remus was carried off to Alba Longa, induced Faustulus
to explain to Romulus the story of his infancy.1 At

1 Another yersion of the legend represents Numitor as hayingROME INAUGURATED.

13

Alba Longa, Remus is recognized by his grandfather,
Numitor, and undertakes, in conjunction with his
brother Romulus, who has also an interview with
Numitor, to dethrone and punish the usurper Amulius.
The arrival of Faustulus at Alba Longa, at this juncture,
with the cradle, or ark, in which the twins had been
exposed, confirmed the truth of the recognition. By
the aid of Romulus and Remus, Amulius is seized and
put to death, and Numitor recovers his rightful inheri-
tance. Romulus and Remus are soon after seized with
a desire to erect a new and independent city, an enter-
prise in which they are joined by many of the inha-
bitants of Alba, especially the Trojan families; and
ISTumitor supplies them with money, arms, provisions,
and other necessaries, to carry out their design. But a
dispute arises between the brothers as to the site of the
new city. Romulus chooses the Palatine Hill, the scene
of his marvellous escape and early education, while
Remus prefers a spot called Remoria, which appears
to have formed a portion of the Aventine. It having
been agreed to decide the matter by augury, Remus,
taking his station on the Aventine, first sees a flight of
six vultures ; a little after, a flight of twelve appears to
Romulus;1 a quarrel arises, whether the greater num-
ber of the birds, or the priority of their appearance,
should decide the point in question, and Remus is slain
in a fight which ensues. Romulus then proceeds to

substituted two other babes for the children of Rea Silvia ; that the
infants were put to death by Amulius, and that the genuine twins
were secretly entrusted by Numitor to Eaustulus for education.

1 Superstition has connected the twelve vultures seen by Romulus
with the twelve centuries during which Rome remained an inde-
pendent city, viz. from b.c. 753 to a.d. 476, when she fell under a
prince bearing the same name as her founder, Romulus Augustulus.14

FOUNDATION OF ROME.

build his city, after burying Remus on the Aventine,
and atoning for his death by certain expiatory rites.
Such is briefly the chief and most widely accepted
legend respecting the foundation of Rome; into other
accounts it is not necessary to enter.1 But it may be
observed that, although these legends vary with regard
to the name of the founder of Rome and the time of its
foundation, yet they all point to the Palatine Hill as
the original site of the city.

Tacitus, in a well-known passage, which we subjoin
at the foot of the page, gives the most precise account
of the foundation of Eome and the circuit of its walls.
Prom this passage it appears that the furrow which
marked the line of the pomoerium was begun to be
drawn from a spot in the Forum Boarinm, marked in
that author's time by the bronze image of a bull, as
typical of the animal which drew the plough. The line
was so drawn as to include the altar of Hercules, known
by the name of Ara Maxima. From this spot boundary
stones were laid down at certain regular distances round
the base of the Palatine. These stones ran first to the
altar of Consus, from that to the Curiae Yeteres, and
then to the Sacellum Larum; and the Forum and
Capitol were not thought to have been added to the city
till the time of Tifcus Tatius.2

1	The legends respecting the foundation of Rome have been dili-
gently collected by Sir G. C. Lewis, Credibility, §c.} vol. i. p.
394 sqq.

2	" Sed initium condendi, et quod pomoerium Romulus posuerit,
noscere haud absurdum reor. Igitur a foro Boario ubi eereum tauri
simulacrum adspicimus, quia id genus animalium aratro subditur,
sulcus designandi oppidi coeptus, ut magnam Herculis aram amplec-
teretur. Inde certis spatiis interjecti lapides, per ima montis Palatini
ad aram Consi, mox ad Curias Yeteres, turn ad sacellum Larum 5
forumque Romanum et Capitolium non a Romulo sed a Tito Tatio
additum urbi credidere."— Ann. xii. 24.THE WALL AND POMCERIUM.

15

The furrow here mentioned does not describe the
actual line of wall, but that of the pomoerium, or sacred
space around it, which could not be built upon nor
applied to profane uses. From the nature of the
ground, however, the outside line of the pomoerium,
marked by the cvpjpi, or stones, could not haye been at
any great distance from the wall. It was usual also to
reserve a similar vacant space within the walls. Rome
was founded after the Etruscan manner, and the plough
which traced the furrow, as we learn from other authors,
was drawn by a cow and a bull, the bull being on the
outside, the cow inside ; thus typifying the future male
and female inhabitants of the city, the latter of whom
were to stay at home, while the men were to be the
terror of external enemies.1 At the southern extremity
of the Palatine, near the Circus Maximus, remains of
the wall are still extant at the foot of the hill.2

Before proceeding any further, we must endeavour to
determine the outline and compass of the Romulean
city. Topographers have, we believe, almost universally
adopted the theory that Roma Quadrata, or the city of
Romulus, embraced the whole of the hill now known as

1	Joannes Lydus, De Mensibus, iv. 50. The reader will find a
full account of the ceremonies in the article Boma, Smith's Diet, of
Ancient Geography, vol. ii. p. 726.

We may here mention Bunsen's opinion (Beschreibicng der Stadt
Bom, B. i. p. 138) that Tacitus left off the description of the line of
the pomoerium at the Forum, without carrying it round to the
starting place, because no wall was needed on this side, the city
being protected here by a marsh. But we know that the Porta
Romanula was situated in this interval; and if there was a gate,
there must have been a wrall.

2	Ampere {Hist. Bom. h Borne, t. i. p. 282) observes that the site
of the Porta Romanula, infimo Clivo Vict or ire, shows that the wall
was at the foot of the hill.16 TOPOGRAPHY OF THE PALATINE.

the Palatine; and the author of the present work fol-
lowed the same view in an article on Rome which he
wrote for Dr. Smith's Dictionary of Ancient Geography.
But since that article was written, extensive excavations
have been made npon the Palatine by order of the
Emperor Napoleon III., who purchased from the ex-
King of Naples that portion of it which comprises the
Farnese gardens. Commendatore Rosa, the learned
and able superintendent of these excavations, whose
urbanity and kindness the author gladly takes this
opportunity to acknowledge, has thus been enabled to
make several important discoveries, not only with regard
to the palace of the Caesars, but also the ancient city of
Romulus, which have led him to an entirely new theory
respecting Roma Quadrata. The author must confess
that he finds a great deal of probability in this theory,
as obligingly explained to him by Signor Rosa in
several interviews during a residence at Rome in the
winter of 1864-5. It is also published in a paper in the
Bulletino clelV Instituto Archeologico for the year 1862.

The most important result of these excavations, with
regard to the topography of the Palatine Hill, is the dis-
covery of an intermontium, or depression, traversing the
hill from north to south, and dividing it, like the Capito-
line, though not so strikingly, into two distinct heights.
The eastern height embraces that portion of the hill
which contains the Villa Mills, now a convent, and the
Convent of S. Bonaventura, while the western is occu-
pied by the Farnese gardens, the place of the excavations.
From this division, or intermontium, Signor Rosa has
been led to assign the name of Yelia to the eastern
height, and that of Germalus to the western, and to
conclude that the city of Romulus occupied only this
latter portion of the hill. It must be confessed thatCIRCUIT OF THE WALLS.

17

this theory seems to agree better with the notices which
we find in ancient authors respecting the Romulean city
than that hitherto received, which makes it occupy the
whole hill; and we will here briefly state the reasons for
this conclusion. Some of these are taken from Com-
mendatore Rosa's paper before referred to, and some the
author has himself ventured to supply.

First, then, let us take the account of Tacitus already
given. If, as is commonly supposed, the Romulean city
embraced the whole of the Palatine Hill, it is surprising
that Tacitus should have defined such extensive limits
by mentioning so few objects. The situation of most of
the boundaries which he does mention is known with
tolerable certainty. There can be no dispute about the
site of the Forum Boarium. The Ara Consi, as I have
shown in the article Roma, must have stood near the
centre of the Circus Maximus, where Signor Rosa places
it. The situation of the Curiae Yeteres, the next object
named by Tacitus, has never been satisfactorily ascer-
tained. Signor Rosa places it a little beyond the Ara
Consi, about the middle of the south side of the hill, and
at the corner of the newly-discovered depression, thus
making it the turning-point of the Romulean wall on
the south-east. Concerning the site of the Sacellum
Larum, which Tacitus next mentions, little difference of
opinion can be entertained. It stood on the Summa
Sacra Via, near the existing Arch of Titus, and marked
another angle of the walls ; whence they must have pro-
ceeded onwards to the Forum, and thence to the starting-
point in the Forum Boarium, though Tacitus leaves this
part of the circuit undefined.

Let us now observe that the fewness, as well as the
situation, of the objects named by Tacitus, render it
highly probable that the Romulean city was confined, as

c18

ROMA QUADRATA.

Commendatore Rosa thinks, to the western half of the
Palatine, or, as he calls it, the Germalus. For we may
remark that all the objects mentioned by the historian
whose site is certainly Jcnoum lay on this portion of the
hill; and that the only one wThose site is not certainly
known, the Curiae Yeteres, could possibly have lain on the
other portion, or the Yelia. Is it then probable, if the
Romulean city covered the whole hill, that Tacitus
should have defined the boundaries of one half of it by
naming four objects, and those of the other and larger
half by naming only one, the Curiae Yeteres ? That is,
of course, conceding that this object lay on the Yelia, a
thing wholly uncertain, and quite incapable of proof.

By the new boundaries thus laid down, the Romulean
city still forms a Roma Quadrata, though of a somewhat
oblong shape, instead of the lozenge described by the
whole hill. Its dimensions, too, are reduced by one-
half : a circumstance, however, which, so far from being
an objection to Rosa's views, serves strongly to confirm
them. Most of those primaeval cities are known to have
been of very small dimensions—in fact, mere arces, or
citadels, rather than cities in the proper sense of the
term.

That the Romulean city occupied only the western
half of the Palatine Hill is also very strongly confirmed
by a passage of Solinus, who, speaking of Roma
Quadrata, observes that it began at a wood in the Area
of Apollo, and terminated at the top of the Scalse Caci,
where was the cottage of Faustulus,1 The Area Apol-
linis, with its wood or grove, must have formed part of
the precincts of the temple which Augustus erected on

1 u Ea incipit a sylva quae est in area Apollinis, et ad supercilium
scalarum Caci liabet terminum, ubi tugurium fiiit Faustuli."—
Cap. i. § 18.ITS GATES.

19

the Palatine to that deity, and in all probability occupied
the site on which now stands the convent of S. Bona-
ventura, extending also probably to the north of that
convent. This, then, would give us the eastern boundary
of the Romulean city.

It may be further remarked that all the objects con-
nected with the story of Romulus, as well as the ancient
traditions respecting the Palatine, belong to this western
side of the Palatine : as the Tugurium Paustuli or Casa
Romuli, the Scalse Caci, the Lupercal, the Porta Ro-
manula, &c. Not a single object of this kind can be
referred to the eastern portion of the hill: another con-
firmation of Rosa's theory. Neither can we place any
gate there. The two 'known gates of the Romulean city,
the Porta Romanula and Porta Mugionis, stood on the
western division of the hill. There was probably a third
gate towards the Circus Maximus. Its site is not ascer-
tained, but the only probable one is at the Scalae Caci,
at the south-western extremity of the hill. Rosa's dis-
covery of the Porta Yetus Palatii, which was identical
with the Porta Mugionis, affords another argument in
support of his theory. Prom the situation of this gate
and the direction of the ancient pavement, it is plain
that there could have been no entrance this way to the
eastern portion of the hill, but only to the western. The
position of the gate indicates, moreover, a line of wall
intersecting the hill nearly in its centre, and along the
intermontium, or - depression, to which we have already
alluded.

Thus far Commendatore Rosa's scheme seems pro-
bable enough. He may also be correct in assigning the
name of Yelia to the eastern half of the Palatine Hill.
But when he calls the whole of the western half Grer-
malus, we must confess our inability to follow him. It20

THE GERMALUS.

is evident that tlie component parts of what is now
called the Palatine Hill had originally three names,
Palatium, Yelia, and Grermalus or Cermalus, which are
mentioned separately by Antistius Labeo1 in enumerating
the heights which formed the primitive Septimontium.
Again, we learn from Yarro that the Yelia and Germalus
were annexed to the Palatine;2 after which the three
heights came to be regarded as one hill, under the de-
nomination of the Palatine; and the hill, thus regarded
as a whole, formed ultimately only one of the seven hills
of Rome. A similar process took place with regard to
the Esquiline, where the two distinct projections or
tongues, called Oppius and Cispius, were at length con-
founded in the common appellation of Mons Esquilinus.
If, then, Yelia was the name of the eastern half of what
in later times was called Mons Palatinus, and Grermalus
of the western half, where are we to place the original
hill called Palatium P It seems more probable that this
last name belonged at first to the greater portion of the
western division of the hill; and that Grermalus, a name
said by Yarro3 to be derived from the germani, or twin
brothers, Romulus and Remus, who came ashore there,
belonged only to that part of this division more especially
consecrated by this legend—that portion, namely, to-
wards the Forum Boarium, where the Tugurium Eaustuli
and other monuments of Romulus existed.

The discovery of the Yetus Porta Palatii, or Porta
Mugionis, identified by the ancient pavement, is most
important, as it serves to fix the site of other monuments
known to have stood in its vicinity. It is not far from

1	In Festus, p. 348 (Miill.).

2	" Huic (Palatio) Cermalum et. Velias conjunxerunt."—L. L, v.
§ 54 (Miill.).

3	Log. cit.THE YELIA.

21

the spot commonly assigned to it by topographers, but
somewhat higher up on the eastern front of the Eomu-
lean enclosure, as laid down by Rosa. It was entered
from the Summa Nova Via, as shown in his plan of the
excavations recently published:1 but the Nova Via
could hardly have run into the Sacra Via, as it is made
to do in that plan. It must rather have proceeded from
the Porta Mugionis close under the northern side of the
Palatine and skirted that hill onwards to the Velabrum :
as is evident from various passages in ancient authors
already cited in my article Roma.

It follows, from what has been stated, that the name
of Yelia, given by the German school of topographers
to the ridge which now separates the valleys of the
Forum and Colosseum, is incorrect. This view, which
was first adopted by Eiebuhr, cannot be established on
any good authority; and, if Rosa be correct, the ridge
in question is no natural hill at all, but made ground,
formed, probably, by excavating the lake for the garden
of Nero's Glolden House, at the spot now occupied by
the Colosseum (See sect. iv.). The Palatine, however,
must have thrown out a spur, or projection, to the
north, where the Arch of Titus now spans the Summa
Sacra Yia.

Roma Quadrata, as we have said, had two known
gates, which, indeed, are now laid open by the excava-
tions, namely, the Porta Mugionis near its north-
eastern, and the Porta Romanula near its north-western,
extremity, at the bottom of the Clivus Victorias. Topo-
graphers are at a loss to determine the site of a third gate,
and Commendatore Rosa is even of opinion that there was
none. But ancient cities had generally three gates, and
the most probable place for a third is, as M. Ampere
1 See the plan in this volume.22

DATE OF ROME.

observes,1 where there was a descent by means of steps
towards the Circus Maximus, at a place called by Plu-
tarch KaXr) 'Akx?7 ; which can be no other than the
Scalas Caci.2

The most commonly received date for the foundation
of Rome is that of Yarro, who assigns it to a year
equivalent to B.C. 753. Troy, according to the era of
Eratosthenes, was taken in the year B.C. 1184 ; and,
allowing 432 years for the reigns of the Alban kings,
we approximate very closely to this date. There is,
however, some difference on this point among Roman
authorities ; Cato placing the foundation two years later,
or in B.C. 751, Eabius Pictor in B.C. 747, and Cincius so
low as B.C. 728. According to the legend which as-
cribed the foundation of Rome to the Aberrigines, that
people gave the name of Vcdentia to their settlement on
the Palatine, which was translated into Rome (pu)/irj,
strength) when Evander, accompanied by many Greeks,
came to Italy.3 However that may be, Yalentia re-
mained the secret and mysterious name of Rome, which
was forbidden to be pronounced, lest, by so doing, the
Penates might be conjured from the city. Hence is
traced the worship of Angerona at Rome, the goddess of
silence, whose statue, with her finger on her lips, stood in
the little temple, or chapel, of Yolupia, near the Forum.4

1	Hist. Bom. a Bome, t. i. p. 292.

2	Plut. Bom. 20. The name of cale acte, which has puzzled topo-
graphers, perhaps arose from a conversion of the Latin name, Scalse
Cacl, into Greek. The first word wants nothing but a sigma, and
the second has two letters of Caci. Greek transcribers would natu-
rally blunder in such words, and turn them into something with a
meaning in their own language.

3	Eestus in Bomam, p. 266 : Solinus, c. i. § 1.

4	Plin. H. N. iii. 9, 12 ; Macr. Sat. i. 10, iii. 9 ; Yarro, L. L. vi,
§ 23 (Miill.) j' Serv. ad Mn. i. 277.THE CASA ROMULI.

23

All the ancient monuments on the Palatine, connected
with the Romulean or pras-Romulean times, were, as we
have said, on the western side of the hill, and apparently
on that part of it called the Grermalus. The Lupercal, a
grotto consecrated by the Arcadian colonists to Pan, lay
under a shady cliff, "gelida sub rupe," and, according
to Dionysius, on the road leading to the Circus^; accord-
ing to Servius, in the Circus: it, therefore, probably
stood near the south-western angle of the hill.1 Near it
was the sacred fig-tree, or Eicus Ruminalis, under which
Romulus and Remus were suckled by the she-wolf, and
the Tuguritjm Faustuli, called also Casa Romuli, where
they were brought up. The Scam Caci were also in
this neighbourhood, apparently near the modern church
of Sta. Anastasia: and were perhaps, as we have already
intimated, identical with the KciXi) 'Aktyj ; as steps are
mentioned in connection with the latter, which led down
towards the Circus Maximus.2 According to Vitru-
vius,3 there was also a Casa Romuli on the Capitol; but
this must have been built long afterwards, in com-
memoration of that upon the Palatine. Ovid also
alludes to a small cottage of Romulus extant in his
time :

Quae fuerit nostri si quseris regia nat.i,

Adspice de canna straminibusque domum.4

But there is nothing to show whether it stood on the
Palatine or the Capitoline, and it might possibly have
been removed to the Capitoline in the later times of
Rome.

The first memorable incident in the history of the
small city founded by Romulus was his care to increase

1	Virg. Mn. viii. 343; Dionys. Hal. i. 32, 79 ; Sery. ad 2En.
viii. 90.

2	Pint. loc. cit. 3 Lib. ii. 1, § 5. 4 Fasti, iii. 183, sq.24

THE ASYLUM.

its population by opening an asylum for fugitive slaves
and others on tlie Capitoline Hill, tlien called Mons
Saturnius; and probably on that side of it wliich faced
tlie east, and subsequent Forum.1 Romulus, then, must
have taken possession of Mons Saturnius; and though he
does not appear to have enclosed it with a wall, like the
Palatine, yet he must have erected some sort of fortifi-
cation for its defence; since, in his war with Titus
Tatius and the Sabines, as we shall see further on, this
hill was the chief point of attack, and appears to have
had a gate. It seems probable, therefore, that Romulus,
as Dionysius informs us,2 had surrounded both this hill
and the Aventine with a ditch and palisade, by way of
protection for herdsmen and their cattle. The method
of opening an asylum supplied, however, only a male
population; to provide them with wives, Romulus sent
ambassadors to the neighbouring nations, to solicit
alliance and intermarriage for his subjects. But the
rising power of Rome was already regarded with jea-
lousy. The proposals of Romulus were everywhere
rejected, and frequently with insult: he was advised to
open an asylum for women also : by such a method
would he procure wives who would be a proper match
for his own people. Thus foiled, the Roman king re-
solved to obtain by stratagem and force what he had
failed to procure by friendly solicitations. He prepared
some splendid games, called Gonsualia, in honour of the
god Consus, or the equestrian Neptune,3 which were to

1	Liv. i. 8, ii, 1 j Dion. Hal. ii. 15 ; Pint. Bom. 9; &c.

2	Lib. ii. c. 37.

3	The Consualia, however, according to a Saturnian verse pre-
served by Varro, De Vita Pop. Boon., as quoted by Nonius Marcellus,
p. 13 (ed. Basle, 1842), appear to have been rustic games, consisting
of running or jumping on oiled hides :

Sibi pastores ludos faciunt coriis -eonsnalia.THE SABINE RAPE.

25

"be celebrated in tlie Yallis Murcia, the valley dividing
the Palatine from the Aventine; and when everything
was prepared he invited the neighbouring peoples to the
spectacle. Thither flocked the Casninenses, the Cru-
stumini, and the Antemnates ; but especially the Sabines,
whose territory adjoined that of the Romans, a circum-
stance which enabled them to bring their wives and
children in great numbers. The guests were received
with a treacherous semblance of hospitality; but, while
all were intent upon the games, the Roman youths, at a
given signal, rushed forth and seized the unmarried
women, and their affrighted parents fled, invoking sthe
gods to avenge so gross a violation of the laws of
hospitality.

By this act the Sabines had been chiefly injured ; and
as their king Titus Tatius who resided at Cures, was
the most powerful in those parts, he was solicited by
the other nations to join with them in avenging the
common injury. But, Tatius delaying to act till he
had secretly made complete preparation, the impatient
Cseninenses invaded alone the Roman territory, when
their weak and disorderly forces were easily defeated.
Romulus killed and despoiled with his own hands their
king Acron, and took possession of their capital. This
deed of the Roman king is famous both as being the
first capture of spolia opima, of which, in the whole
course of Roman history, we find only two other in-
stances ; and, what is more to our present purpose, as
having occasioned, according to Livy,1 the consecration

They are thus explained by Varro : te Etiam pelles bubulas oleo per-
fusas percurrebant, ibique cernuabant." Ennius speaks of the in-
stitution of such games by Romulus at the dedication of the temple
of Jupiter Eeretrius (ap. Serv. Georg. ii. 384).

1 Lib. i. c. 10.26

THE LEGEND OF TARPEIA.

of the first Roman temple : that is, we may presume,
with the exception of those which, in a city founded
with Etruscan rites, must have been erected to Jupiter,
Juno, and Minerva within the walls of Roma Quadrata.1
For Romulus, bearing the spoils of the vanquished king
on a frame adapted to the purpose, deposited them on
the Capitoline Hill at an oak regarded as sacred by the
shepherds, vowing at the same time to erect there a
temple to Jupiter, with the surname of Feretrius, in
which in future times similar opima spoMa should be
deposited.2

Romulus overcame with similar ease the Antemnates
and the Crustumini, and converted their cities into
Roman colonies. His victory over the Antemnates was
celebrated by the institution of the Roman triumph.
But meanwhile the Sabines had prepared a more for-
midable attack. Having elected Tatius for their com-
mander-in-chief, they marched upon Rome, and obtained
by stratagem possession of Mons Saturnius, or the
Capitoline Hill. This brings us to the legend of Tarpeia,
of which there are several versions. According to that
most commonly received, Tarpeia agreed to open the
gate of the Capitol "to the Sabines, on condition of re-
ceiving what they bore on their left arms, meaning their
golden bracelets ; but the Sabines, availing themselves
of a subterfuge, after entering the gate, overwhelmed
and slew the traitress with their shields. Another ver-
sion represents Tarpeia as wishing to deceive the Sabines
and really bargaining for their shields, when, her inten-
tion having been betrayed to Tatius, he caused her to be
killed.3 Propertius describes Tarpeia as having sfcipu-

1 Servins acl JEn. i. 422. 2 Liv. i. 10 5 Dionys. Hal. ii. 33 sq.

3 Dionys. Hal. ii. 38—40 5 Liv. i. 11; Ovid, Fast. i. 261; Varro,
L. L. v. 41.BATTLES IK THE FORUM.

27

lated for the iiand of Tatius as the reward of her
treachery, when the Sabine monarch, instead of con-
summating the marriage, pat her to death.1 The same
author relates that the Capitoline Hill obtained after this
event the name of Mons Tarpeius, from Tarpeius, the
father of Tarpeia, who was commander of the garrison
upon it at the time of: the Sabine attack; 2 but, accord-
ing to a more common opinion, it was so called from
Tarpeia haying been buried there. However this may
be, some portion of it continued afterwards to bear the
name of jU/wpes Tarpeia.

The possession of Mons Saturnius had given the Sa-
bines a strong position ; but their strife with the Romans
was still to be decided by battle. Many engagements
took place between the hostile armies in the valley
between the Capitoline and Palatine hills, afterwards
occupied by the Roman Forum. This district could
not therefore have been entirely a swamp, though it
may have been often overflowed by the Tiber, and
appears even at that time to have contained a pond, or
marsh, which from Mettus Curtius, a Roman combatant,
who plunged into it, obtained the name of Lacus Curtius.
The origin of this appellation, however, is also referred
to the deed of M. Curtius, a Roman, who nearly four
centuries later (b.c. 362) leaped all armed with his horse
into a chasm in the Forum, or to its being a locus fulgu-
ritus, enclosed by a consul named Curtius.3 We may
remark here that the circumstance of two hostile armies
being engaged in such a valley as this, shows that the
forces on both sides must have been very small, and thus

1	Lib. v. (iv.) Eleg. 4.

2	Lib. v. Eleg. 4, vers. 93 ; cf. Liv. loc. cit.

3	Liv. i. 13, vii. 6 5 Dion. Hal. ii. 42, xiv. 20 sq.; Varro, L. L.
v. 148—150.28

JUPITER STATOR.

confirms the account of the fewness of Romulus' fol-
lowers. These battles between the Romans and Sabines
were signalized by the foundation of the Temple of
Jupitejr Stator. Romulus, stationed on the high ground
near the old gate of the Palatine city (Porta Mugionis),
and consequently not far from the spot now occupied by
the Arch of Titus, vowed to erect there a temple to
Jupiter " Stator," if he would arrest the flight of the re-
treating Romans. The vow was heard, and the temple
in consequence founded.1

The struggle between the Sabines and the Romans
still remained undecided, though the latter seemed to
be gaining the superiority, when the interposition of the
Sabine women put an end to the strife. They are said
by some authors to have thrown themselves between the
combatants, imploring on one side their fathers and
brothers, on the other their husbands, to cease their
strife; while other authorities represent them as pro-
ceeding to the Sabine camp to solicit peace. But, in
whatever way effected, a treaty was made between the
two nations, by which it was agreed that Romulus and
Tatius should rule jointly, and with equal authority,
over the Roman people ; that the Sabines should be in-
corporated into the Roman tribes and eurice; and that
the united people, though individually retaining the
name of Romans, should in their aggregate capacity,
and in honour of the Sabines, be addressed as Quirites,
the name of the inhabitants of Cures.2 The treaty, ac-
cording to some authorities,3 was concluded on the
Sacra Yia, which thence derived its name. It is not

1	Dionys. Hal. ii. 50; Liv. i. 12.

2	Another etymology derives the word from quiris, the Sabine
name for a spear. Or. Fast. ii. 475.

3	Dionys. ii. 46 5 Festus, p. 290.THE SABINE ELEMENT.

29

probable, however, that the road was then in existence;
and at all events its name began at a later period either
from the sacred buildings which stood upon it or the
holy processions which traversed it. Equally unfounded
is the opinion of Plutarch, that the Comitium was so
called from the hostile generals having met at that spot
to arrange the peace.

The importance of the Sabine element at Rome has
not perhaps been sufficiently considered. The late
M. Ampere has discussed the subject with great learning
and ability in his interesting work, L'Hzstoire Romaine
a Rome.1 He remarks that not only did the Romans
borrow from the Sabines almost all their religious and
much of their political and social organization, their
customs, ceremonies, arms, &c., but also that the far
greater part of the primitive population of Rome was
Sabine, that most of the men who have played a part in
Roman history were of Sabine extraction, and that what
is called the Latin tongue contains a strong infusion of
Sabine elements.2 The truth of these remarks will be
apparent when we reflect that a considerable part of the
Roman population must have been of Sabine blood by
their mothers, and that the followers of Tatius who
settled on the Quirinal and adjacent hills were perhaps
at least equal in number to the Romans. But when
M. Ampere goes on to argue, as Schwegler and Ihne
have also done, that the Romans were in fact a conquered
people, who existed only by the sufferance of the Sabines,
we must confess our inability to follow him. In proof
of his assertion he adduces the many Sabine names of
temples and other objects which existed not only in the
quarter of the city assigned to that people, but also on

1 See especially t. i. ck. xii. and xiii.	2 See t. i. p. 446.30

THE QUIRITES.

the Aventine and round the Palatine itself; whence he
infers that these places were held by the Sabines as in-
dependent, and even hostile, possessions. But, allowing
all these names to have been Sabine, the influence of that
people, who formed so large a part of the population,
even peacefully exerted, may serve to account for these
names. M. Ampere also draws an argument to the
same effect from the circumstance of the collective popu-
lation receiving the Sabine name of Quirites, quoting
with approbation a remark of Servius : " JSTovimus quod
victi victorum nomen accipiunt;" and adducing the
example of the Britons who obtained the names of
Saxons and Angles, of the Gauls who were called
French, of the Italians who were called Lombards,
&C.1 The remark, however, holds good only in certain
cases. The Gauls, when conquered by Caesar, were not
called Romans; nor were the English called Normans
after the Norman conquest; nor did the Irish become
English after their subjugation by Henry II. It is only
when the conquerors come in such overwhelming num-
bers as almost entirely to drive out and supplant the
original inhabitants that a change of name occurs ; and
then not only of the occupiers of the country, but also
of the country itself. Thus, after the Anglo-Saxon
conquest, Britain became England; after the Frankish
conquest, Gaul became France, after the Lombard con-
quest, the north of Italy became Lombardy. But no
such thing occurred at Home. This, therefore, is a
strong confirmation of the truth of the account handed
down to us by ancient authors, that the privileges, as
well as the name, which the Sabines obtained were de-
rived from treaty and agreement; and the proof is still
clearer from the facts that not only did the original
1 Ibid. p. 442.MONS CiELIUS.

31

Romulean city continue to be entitled Eoma, but that
this name was also extended to those quarters of the
city more exclusively occupied by the Sabines, and that
each individual citizen was called a Roman. But to re-
turn from this digression.

The settlement of the Sabines is of course a most im-
portant event in the history of the city. They occupied
Mons Saturnius and the adjoining Quirinal, anciently
called Agonus, which were assigned to them for their
abode. We must recollect that these hills were not then
separated, as they are now, by the valley occupied by the
Forum and Basilica of Trajan, but were connected by a
sort of isthmus, or tongue, extending from the Height of
Araceli to that of Magnanapoli. The Romans now pos-
sessed the Csslian Hill as well as the Palatine. That
hill, originally called Querquetulanus, was assigned by
Romulus to Cselius Vibennus, an Etruscan chief who
had assisted him against the Sabines, and hence obtained
the name of Mons O^ilius. By some writers the Etrus-
can leader is called Lucumo; but this perhaps is only an
Etruscan name for a chief or prince.1 The Etruscan
settlement on the Csslian is placed by some authors in
the time of Tullus Hostilius, of Ancus Marcius, and even
of Tarquinius Priscus. But authority preponderates in
favour of the first statement; and if it be correct, we
already find, in the reign of Romulus, three distinct
races settled at Rome ; and of these the Roman race
appears to have been far from enjoying the preponder-
ance, to judge from the fact that, of the six subsequent
kings of Rome, only one, Tullus Hostilius, was of
Roman descent, and that the rest were either Sabines

1 Dionys. H. ii. 37, 42 sq. ; Cic. Eep. ii. 8; Varro, L. L. v. 46.
Propertius calls the Etruscan Lucmo and Lucomedius. Meg. iv. 1,
29, and 2, 51.32

THE TEMPLE OF JANUS.

or Etruscans. The original Etruscan settlement on tlie
Caolian was not, however, altogether a permanent one.
A portion of the new colonists having incurred the sus-
picion of the Romans, they were compelled to leave the
hill and take up their abode between the Oapitoline and
the Palatine, a spot commanded by both those hills,
which derived from its new inhabitants the name of
Yicus Tusctjs. The remainder of the Etruscans were
removed to a hill called Ceeliolus, which appears to have
been a portion or branch of the Cselian.1

Thus the Romans of the Palatine city and the Sabines
dwelling on the Capitoline and Quirinal, formed two
distinct yet allied and friendly cities, governed re-
spectively by Romulus and Tatius. The former of
those kings continued to reside on the Palatine near
the Scala3 Caci and descent towards the Vallis Murcia,
not far from the modern church of Sta. Anastasia;
while Tatius is supposed to have lived on that southern
part of Mons Saturnius subsequently occupied by the
^Edes Monetae.2 The gate forming the entrance to the
Sabine city, the same which had been betrayed to their
army by Tarpeia, lay on the north-east side of the
Capitoline Hill, a little to the north of the Arch of
Septimius Severus. Afterwards, in the reign of Kuma,
when the Roman and Sabine cities were amalgamated
into one, and consequently the gate had become useless,
its site was occupied by the Temple op Janus, the cele-
brated index of peace and war.3 The space under the

1	Tac. Ann. iv. 65. Sometimes, however, the name is referred to
the Tuscans who took refuge at Rome after the defeat of Aruns at
Aricia (Liv. ii. 14;,Dionys. v. 36); whilst some writers think that
it arose from the Tuscan labourers employed in building the temple
of Jupiter Capitolinus having lived there.

2	Plut. Bom. 20.	3 See Ovid, Fasti, \. 255 sqq.THE YULCANAL.

33

eastern side of the Capitoline, which afterwards became
the Roman Forum, served as a common place of meeting
to the inhabitants of both cities, the swampy parts
having been filled up with earth ; while business of state
between the two kings and their senates was transacted
on a more elevated spot called the Vulcanal,1 which lay-
above the north-western corner of the Forum, and close
to the gate, or Janus,' of the Sabine city already de-
scribed. Romulus had consecrated this area to Yulcan,
and had erected upon it an altar to that deity; whose
place of worship, as in this instance, was allowed to be
established only outside the city boundaries.2 It seems
probable that the Yulcanal owed its name to some
volcanic agency which had manifested itself at this spot;
since?4Ovid, in his version of the legend of Tarpeia already
quoted, introduces Janus describing how he repulsed the
Sabines by ejaculating upon them streams of hot sul-
phureous water:

Oraque, qua pollens ope sum, fontana reclusi,

Sumque repentinas ejaculatus aquas.

Ante tamen calidis subjeci sulpkura venis,

Claucleret ut Tatio fervidus humor iter.3

From the Sabines, as we have observed, were derived
a great part of the Roman superstitions and religious
observances. Tatius is said to have dedicated many
temples to the gods, and especially to Semo Sancus, or
Ditjs Fiditjs, an ancient Sabine deity, whose name of
Dius signified his love of the open air; whence his
temple had a perforated roof.4 It probably stood at or

1 Dionys. ii. 50.	2 Plut. Q. Boon. 44; Vitruvius, i. 7.

3	Fasti, i. 269 sqq. So also Yarro : " Ad Janum geminum aquse
caldse fuerunt."—Be L. L. v. 156.

4	Ovid, Fasti, vi. 213 sqq. 5 Propert, v. 9, 74; Yarro, L. L. v.
§ 66.

D34 ROMAN MONARCHY CONSOLIDATED.

near the present Palazzo Quirinale. Also to Flora,
Dijovis, Summanus, the god of nocturnal lightnings,1
Larnnda, Yortumnus, Mars, Sol, Luna, &c ;2 but most of
these were probably only open spaces with altars, like
the Yulcanal, and we must recollect that temples had no
images before A.u.c. 170.3 They may probably have
been introduced by the Etruscan kings.

The joint dominion of Romulus and Tatius had lasted
in harmony five years when the Sabine king was killed
by some of the inhabitants of Lavinium whom he had
offended.4 Romulus caused him to be interred upon the
Aventine at a spot which, according to Plutarch, was
called Armilustrium.5 Yarro, however, represents Tatius
as haying been killed by the inhabitants of Laurentum,
and calls the name of his burial-place on the Aventine
Lauretum, either from his murderers, or because there was
a laurel grove at that spot.6 The sole government now
devolved to Romulus, and the Sabine and Roman cities
became henceforth united under one monarch. Under
the vigorous administration of Romulus, the city grew
apace. He subdued Fidenas and made it a Roman colony ;
and when the Yeientines took up arms against him on
this account, he overthrew them in a great battle, so
that they were glad to purchase peace by ceding to him a
district close to the Tiber called S&ptem Pccgi and some
salt-works at the mouth of that river. The situation of
the district called Septem Pagi is not ascertained ; but
it probably comprehended the Moiis Yaticanus and the

1 Festus, p. 229.	2 See Varro, L. L. v. § 74.

3 Plut. Numa, 8.	4 Liv. i. 14; Dionys. ii. 51 sq.

5	Bom. 23.

6	" In eo (Aventino) Lauretum, ab eo, quod ibi sepultus est Tatius

rex, qui ab Laurentibus interfectus est; vel ab silya laurea, quod ea

ibi excisa est sedificatus vicus."—L. L. v. 152.DEATH OF ROMULUS.

35

Janiculum.1 We know of no other war to wliicli the
acquisition of these tracts by Rome can with probability
be referred; and since the Janiculum was fortified by
Ancus Marcius, as we shall see further on, it must have
been in the possession of the Romans in the reign of that
king. A truce of a hundred years was now made be-
tween Veii and Rome, and the conditions of it were en-
graved upon a brazen column.2 Romulus is also said by
some writers to have reduced Cameria to subjection;
but the capture of that city is placed by Livy in the
reign of Tarquinius Priscus.3 In the midst, however, of
these splendid successes, Romulus died after a reign of
thirty-seven years. He is related to have vanished
during a supernatural darkness, or eclipse, and to have
been carried up to heaven in the chariot of his father
Mars ; whilst a more rational account represents him as
having been murdered by the senators for his tyranny,
and his body secretly disposed of, so that it was never
seen more.4 Romulus is supposed to have disappeared
at a place in the Campus Martius called Palus Capre2ei,
or Caprje, which became a locus religiosus. It lay pro-
bably somewhere under the Quirinal.0

Romulus having left no heir to his crown, an interreg-
num ensued which lasted a year, when Numa Pompilius,
a Sabine of Cures, was elected king. His election is
said to have, been effected by a compromise between the
Roman and Sabine inhabitants of the city: the old
Roman senators being the electors, while the person
elected was to be of the Sabine race : a circumstance

1	Cf. Nibby, D' Intorni, vol. iii. p. 388.

2	Dionys. Hal. ii. 50-55 ; Liv. i. 15; Plut. Rom. 25. 3 i. 38.

4	Ibicl. i. 16; Dionys. ii. 56; Cic. Rep. i. 16, ii. 10; Ovid, Fasti,

ii. 485 sqq.; Plut. Rom. 26-28.

5	Liv. i. 16; Ov. Fast. ii. 489.36

TEMPLE OF VESTA—EEGIA.

•which shows the power and consideration enjoyed by that
people. As Romulus extended the dominion of Rome
without, so the reign of Numa was devoted to consoli-
date the city within, and to civilize and improve the
people by laws and religions institutions, and by all the
customs and conveniences of domestic life. Hence his
peaceful reign becomes highly important for the history
of the city. It was his especial care to bring about a
complete union between the Roman and Sabine inhabi-
tants ; and as a pledge of this union • he instituted a
festival in honour of Mars.1 His choice of a residence
seems to testify his desire to conciliate the two elements
of the Roman population, and to fuse them into a whole,
as well as to display the importance which he attached
to tthe observances of religion. Hence he fixed his
dwelling neither in the Sabine nor the Roman city, but
between both, at the south-eastern corner of the neutral
ground or Forum, near the modern church of Sta. Maria
Liberatrice. Although called a Regia, or palace, it ap-
pears to have been a building of the most humble pre-
tensions—in fact, a sort of adjunct to the Temple of
Yesta which he had erected close to it; and hence we
also find it called by the more humble names of Atrium
Regium and Atrium Yestje. The erection of the Temple
of Yesta at this spot was perhaps also done with the
view of fusing and harmonizing the Sabine and Roman
population. For we must recollect that as in a Roman
family the hearth was its proper centre and bond of
union, so the Temple of Yesta was the public hearth of
the city, in which was preserved in ever-living bright-
ness the eternal fire, together with the Palladium, which
^Eneas was believed to have brought with him from
Troy; for whose perpetual custody Numa appointed
1 Eestus, p. 372 (Miill.).THE SACRA YIA.

37

four Vestal yirgins. But though, the ^Edes Vestji was
in ordinary language called a temple, and is mentioned
by that name by Horace 1 and Ovid,2 yet we must recol-
lect that it was no temjplum in the proper sense of the
term, but merely an cedes sacra; because, being the
abode of the Vestal virgins, it had never been inaugu-
rated, in order that the senate might not be able to
assemble in it.3 The recent excavations in the Forum
have brought' its substructions to light. It was of a
circular form with a tholus or dome; and behind it,
stretching towards the Palatine Hill, lay a sacred grove.
It was probably along with these buildings that the
Sacra Via came into existence, or at all events, if it
existed before, that it obtained its name of Sacra; an
appellation, however, which in the earlier times, and
among laymen even in the later, was applied only to that
part of the road forming the ascent from the Forum and
Begia to the Summa Sacra Via, or eminence on which
the Arch of Titus now stands, and where in ancient
times was the dwelling of the Bex Sacrificulus. Hence
in the poets we sometimes find it called Sacer Glivus.4
The Begia became in after times the residence of the
Pontifex Maximus; and thus this portion of the Sacra
Via, or Clivus, was bounded by the houses of two of the
chiefs of the Boman hierarchy.

The other foundations of Numa were impartially dis-
tributed in the Boman and Sabine cities. Thus he
established on the Palatine the Curia Saliorum, where
the sacred ancilia and lituus Bomuli were preserved in
the custody of twelve patricians chosen for that purpose.

1 Oct. i. 2, 16.	2 Fast. vi. 297.

3	Serv. ad. JEn. yii. 153.

4	See the art. Roma, in Smith's Dictionary of Ancient Geography,
vol. ii. p. 774. *38

THE TEMPLE OF QUIRINUS.

On the other hand, we find him erecting on the Quirinal
a Temple of Romulus after the apotheosis of that
monarch, and under the name of Quirinus,1 thus prose-
cuting his design of uniting the two peoples by making
the Roman king an inhabitant, as it were, and Dens
Indiges of the Sabine city, as well as by conferring
upon him a Sabine name. This temple, which is sap-
posed to have stood near the present churches of S.
Yitale and S. Andrea del Noviziato, was preserved by
the piety of succeeding generations, and ultimately re-
built by Augustus. Numa had another residence upon
the Quirinal,2 and he also founded on that hill an Arx,
or citadel, which probably stood on the present height of
Magnanapoli, over against Ara Celi, the future seat of
the Roman Capitol. After the foundation of the latter,
Numa's Arx obtained the name of Capitolium Yetus. It
had, as usual with the Latin cities of those times, a
Temple op Jupiter, with cells of Juno and Minerva
under the same roof.3 Those three divinities were sup-
posed to have the special protection of the city, and
therefore their joint temple, like the Capitoline temple
afterwards, was to be on a spot whence they could be-
hold the greater part of the walls.4 It appears from the
Notitia that the temple on the Yetus Capitolinm, as
well as the Temple of Quirinus, was extant in the fifth
century.

We have already mentioned that Numa converted the
gate which formed the entrance to the Sabine city on
Mons Saturnius into a Temple of Janus : and we find
in this act another proof of his desire to abolish all dis-
tinctions between the two cities. He could not more

1	Dionys. ii. 63 ; Ov. Fasti, ii. 509.

2	Plut. Num. 14 5 Solin. i. 21.	3 Varro, L.L. v. § 158.

4 Yicruv. i. c. 7.THE ARGIVE CHAPELS.

39

effectually attain this end than by. removing the barrier
which separated them, and enabled the Sabines to lock
out the Romans. Thus we see in all his proceedings an
undesigned coincidence with the views attributed to him
of fusing and amalgamating the Sabine and Roman
population. He could not have pursued them more
effectually or consistently than by the buildings which
he founded and the alterations which he made.

Another proof of the same purpose may perhaps be
sought in Numa's establishment of districts, or parishes,
by means of what are called the Akgive Chapels.1 These
districts, as we have endeavoured to show in another
place,2 embraced indiscriminately the Roman and Sabine
cities; namely, the Caelian and Esquiline hills, and the
valley between them, as well as the Quirinal, Yiminal,
and Palatine. We may remark that the Aventine and
Capitoline hills do not appear to have been included in
this distribution; an omission which, as I am now in-
clined to think, may perhaps be accounted for by their
comparative want of population. We know, at all events,
that the Aventine was not inhabited in Duma's time; 3
and "that the Capitoline was regarded by the Sabines
rather as a military post than a dwelling-place, may be
inferred from the fact that JSTuma's foundations were not
in general made on that hill, but on the Quirinal, whence
they extended eastwards to the Esquiline, as we perceive
from the buildings already mentioned; namely, the
Yetus Capitolium, the temple of Quirinus, and the
Argive chapels in question. But we shall not here enter
into the obscure questions connected with these chapels,
which we have discussed in the article already mentioned:
to which the reader is referred.

1	Varro, L. L. v. § 45.

2	Smith's Diet, of Geogr. vol. ii. p. 733. 3 Plut. Nurn, 15.40

temple of fides publica.

Numais also said to have distributed the public lands
among tlie poorer citizens, to have divided the country
into gagi or districts, and to have established the custom
of marking the boundaries of lands with stones, sacred
to the god Terminus; in whose honour was celebrated
the festival called Terminalia. With regard to the city
we need only further mention that he erected a large
temple, the only one which we hear of his having founded
on the Capitoline, to Fides Publica, or public faith, and
bade the flamines sacrifice to her with a fillet on the
right hand as the symbol of fidelity.1 He is also said
to have instituted the Roman guilds or trade corpora-
tions. All his institutions were believed to have a sacred
origin, and to have been suggested to him by the nymph
Egebia, with whom he held secret colloquies in her
grove; the reputed site of which seems to have lain near
the Porta Oapena.2

Kuma died after a peaceful reign of forty-three years,
and was buried on the Janiculum. He left several sons,
but the monarchy was elective, and after a short inter-
regnum Tullus Hostilius was elected king. The most
important event in the reign of Tullus with regard-to the
history of the city (a.u.c. 81-114) was the capture and
destruction of Alba Longa, and the transfer of its in-
habitants to Home, which thus became the chief city of
the Latin League. In order to provide dwellings for
these new colonists, Tullus Hostilius assigned to them
the Ceelian Hill; the previous Etruscan inhabitants of
which had, as we have seen, been at least for the most
part removed to the Vicus Tuscus. Tullus Hostilius
fixed his residence on the Caalian,3 though he had also,

1	Livy, i. 21; Cic. N. D. ii. 23 5 Val. Max. iii. 2, § 17.

2	tTuv. Sat. iii. 10 sq.

3	Liv. i. 30 5 Entrop. i. 45 Victor, Vir. III. 4.THE CURIA HOSTILIA.

41

and perhaps previously, a house on the Yelia.1 Several
noble Alban families having been thus added to the
Roman patricians, Tullus found it necessary to build a
convenient curia, or senate-house. This building, which,
as Livy tells us,2 continued to bear the name of Curia
Hostilia down to the generation which preceded him,
was situated, as I have shown elsewhere,3 at the north-
west corner of the Eorum, adjoining the north-eastern
side of the Yulcanal. Its future changes will demand
our attention in a subsequent part of this work; and it
is only necessary to mention here, that, as I trust it has
been shown in the article Roma, although the Curia
Hostilia was frequently destroyed and rebuilt, and its
name altered, the senate down to the latest times con-
tinued to assemble on or near the same spot; namely,
that now occupied by the church of Santa Martina. For
I think, for reasons given in the Preface, that is a more
probable site for it than S. Adriano, as many topo-
graphers hold. It may be further observed that though
the Curia Hostilia was a templum, or inaugurated build-
ing, without which ceremony public business could not
have been transacted there, yet it was not a place at
which divine service could be performed;4 for which
purpose dedication and consecration by the pontiffs were
further required. Thus it was precisely the reverse of
the ^Edes Tests©, which was no templum, though an
cedes sacra; while the Curia Hostilia was a templum, but
not an cedes sacra.

1 Yarro, Fragm. de Vita Pop. Rom. in Nonius Marcellus, voc.

Secundum, p. 363 5 Solinus, i. 22.	2 Loo. cit.

3	Smith's Diet, of Aug. Geogr. vol. ii. p. / 79.

4	" Curia Hostilia templum est, et sanctum non est; sed hoc ut
putarent, a?dem sacram templum esse, factum quod in urbe Roma
plerseque sedes sacrce sunt templa."—Varro, L. L. vii. § 10.42 THE SENACULUM—THE COMITIUM.

Adjoining the Curia on its western side was an open
space, called Senacultjm, wliere the senators were ac-
customed to meet before entering the Curia, and where,
probably, they gave audience to such magistrates as were
not permitted to enter that building. It must have
closely adjoined the Vulcanal; on the area of which,
though in later times, and after Rome had extended
her conquests over foreign nations, was another open
space called G-rgecostasis, of which we shall have to
speak further on.

Out of the spoils of Alba Longa, Tullus Hostilius is
also said to have improved the Comititjm, a space at the
north-west end of the Forum, and fronting the Curia.
How the Comitium obtained that name it is impossible
to say. It might perhaps have been so called from its
being the common meeting-place of the Roman and
Sabine inhabitants; but Yarro's etymology seems pre-
ferable, who derives the name from the meeting there of
the Comitia Curiata and of the law courts.1 Hence the
Comitium was a tern/plum, or inaugurated place, as we
learn from the speech of Furius Camillus in Livy.2 The
only other foundation of Tullus Hostilius which we need
mention here was a Curia Saliorum on the Quirinal Hill,
which he had vowed during a war with Eidense. This
institution was an imitation of that of ISTuma on the Pala-
tine, already mentioned ; only the Salians, established by
Tullus, were devoted to the worship of Quirinus instead
of Mars, and were called Salii Agonenses or Collini,
from Agonus, the ancient name of the hill,3 and because

1	L. L. v. § 155.

2	" Comitia curiata, quae rem militarem continent, comitia centu-
riata, quibus consules tribunosque militares creatis, ubi auspicato,
nisi ubi assolent, fieri possunt ?"—Liv. v. 52.

3	Liv. i. 27 ; Dionys. ii. 70 5 Varro, L. L. vi. § 14.THE TIGILLUM SOKORIUM.

43

the three northernmost hills of Rome were called colles
and regio collina, in contradistinction to the other four,
which jbore the name of monies; a distinction which
perhaps arose from these latter being isolated, while the
others are mere tongues projecting from a common
height.

Of other monuments of the reign of Tullus Hostilius,
we need here only mention the Tigilltjm Sororium. The
tragical end of the struggle between the Horatii. and
Curiatii is well known ; how the third Horatius, return-
ing victorious from the combat laden with the spoils of
his three opponents, was met at the entrance of the city
by his sister, the betrothed of one of the Curiatii; how
the maiden for bewailing her future husband was stabbed
to the heart by her enraged brother; how the people
absolved the condemned fratricide at the prayer of his
father ; how the latter expiated his son's crimes by cer-
tain rites and by making him pass under a beam or
yoke, the " Sister's Beam," erected across a small street
or lane leading from the Yicus Cyprius to the Carinas.
On each side of it stood an altar, the one dedicated to
Juno Sororia, the other to Janus Curiatius. The beam
was constantly repaired at the public expense, and ap-
pears to have been extant in the fifth century.1

Having completed a reign of thirty-two years, Tullus
Hostilius mysteriously perished; and after another inter-
regnum Ancus Marcius, a grandson of Kuma, was elected
king. By the Latin wars of this monarch and the re-
duction of Politorium, Tellense, Eicana, and Medullia,
many of whose inhabitants he transferred to Rome, the
population of that city was greatly augmented. Ancus
placed many thousand Latins on the Aventine, which

1 Liv. i. 26 ; Dionys. iii. 22 ; Notitia.44

JANICULUM—PONS SUBLICIUS.

hill, as we have said, appears to have been hardly in-
habited previously ; he also settled many in the Yallis
Murcia, near the temple of that goddess, in order to
connect the Aventine with the Palatine.1 Niebuhr sup-
poses 2 that these settlements were the origin of the
Roman plebs, or plebeian order, properly so called, of
which Ancns \vas consequently the founder, and he is
followed by Dr. Arnold,3 M. Ampere,4 and others. But
Sir George Cornewall Lewis has shown that such an
hypothesis is totally destitute of foundation, and that
the plebeian order is regarded by all the ancient writers
as coeval with the origin of the city.5

Ancus also enlarged the boundaries of the city by
fortifying Mons Janiculus, the hill over against Rome,
on the right or western bank of the Tiber. The Jani-
CULUM appears to have derived its name from an ancient
tradition already mentioned that Janus had formerly
founded a city on this spot, which Pliny mentions under
the name of Antipolis.6 The Janiculum, however, seems
to have been fortified rather for the sake of the protec-
tion which it afforded to the city, than to obtain dwell-
ing room for inhabitants. Ancus connected it with
Rome by means of the Sublician bridge, or Pons Subli-
Cius, so called from its having been built on piles (sub-
licge).7 This was the first bridge constructed at Rome,
and it appears to have existed till a late period of the
Empire. The Janiculum was little built upon before the

1	Liv. i. 33 5 Dionys. iii. 36-46; Strabo, v. 3, § 7.

2	See B. i., Die G-emeinde unci die pleheischen Tribus, S. 428 f.
(vol. i. p. 355, Engl, transl.)

3	Hist, of Rome, vol. i. p. 28. 4 Hist, Bom. a Borne, t. ii. p. 15.

5	Credibilityy $c. vol. i. p. 468.

6	Plin. iii. 9, 16 ; Virg. Mn. viii. 357, et ibi Serv. 5 Ovid,i^s^; i.
245.

7	Liv. i. 33 ; Dionys. iii. 45 ; Varro, L. L. v. § 83.THE CARCER—iEDES LABIUM.

45

time of Augustus, and it was probably never considered
as being included in the Pomcerium, and therefore as
forming part of the Urbs, properly so called. Varro
does not mention it as included in the city.

We have already mentioned the acquisition by Romu-
lus of the district called Septem Pagi, and of the salt-
works at the mouth of the Tiber. Ancus founded at the
latter spot the town of Ostia, which subsequently became
the port of Rome, and he extended "his dominion to the
Tyrrhenian sea by capturing from the Veientines the
Silva Mcesia. In the city he founded the Caecer Ma-
mertintjs, or Mamertine prison, a name, however, not
found in any classical writer, and which seems to have
been given to it in the middle ages. It was situated
near the Forum, below the northern height of the Capi-
toline Hill, or present church of Ara Celi; one chamber
of it may still be seen under the church of S. Giuseppe
dei Falegnami. He also constructed the Fossa Qtjibi-
titjm, which was probably a sort of fortification; but in
what part of Rome it was, or whether at Rome at all,
and not rather at Ostia, it is impossible to determine.1
Ancus Marcius resided near the .^Edes Labium, on the
Summa Sacra Yia, or probably between that and the
Porta Mugionis.2 He died in b.c. 616, after a reign of
twenty-four years.

After the death of Ancus, a new epoch opens in the
history of the city by the introduction of the dynasty of
the Tarquins.

This family, though settled in the Etruscan town of
Tarquinii, was of Greek extraction. Demaratus, the
father of Tarquinius Priscus, belonged to the Corinthian
race of the Bacchiadee, who, after holding the supreme

1	Liv. i. 33 5 Festus, p. 254 5 Victor, Vir. III. c. 5.

2	Varro in Nonius, yoc. Secundum, p. 363 5 Soliiras, c. 1, 23.46

TARQUINIUS PRISCUS.

power at Corinth nearly a century, were expelled by
Cypselus in the year B.C. 665 ; at which time Tullus
Hostilius was king of Rome. Demaratus settled at
Tarquinii, and married an Etruscan wife, by whom he
had two sons, Lucumo and Aruns ; the latter, however,
died in early manhood, and Lucumo inherited all the
wealth of his father. Lucumo married an Etruscan
wife named Tanaquil, a woman of ambitious character;
who, finding that her husband, in spite of his riches and
power, was excluded by the circumstance of his Greek
descent from all political influence at Tarquinii, per-
suaded him to migrate to Rome; where, as we have
seen, an Etruscan colony had long been settled. Be-
coming naturalized here, he Latinized his name of
Lucumo by changing it into Lucius ; assumed from his
native town the family appellation of Tarquinius; in-
gratiated himself with the Roman people, and even ob-
tained the friendship of their king, Ancus Marcius ; who
left his youthful sons under Tarquin's guardianship. But
this trust Tarquin betrayed. After the death of Ancus,
he sent that monarch's sons out of the city on pretence
of a hunting party, and in their absence caused himself
to be elected king.1

We may here remark a few undesigned coincidences,
which, as in the case of ISTuma, confer at least a high
degree of probability on the traditions respecting the
first Tarquin. Let us observe first that the story of
the Corinthian Bacchiadae has been related by Grecian
writers who treated not of Roman history, as Herodotus,
Aristotle, Pausanias, and others;2 and that the acutest
researches of modern criticism have not succeeded in

1	Liv. i. 34 sq.; Dionys. iii. 41 sqq. 5 Diodor. viii. 31; Strabo,
v. 2, § 2.

2	Herod, y. 92; Aristot. Polit. ii. 12, &c. 5 Pausanias, ii. 4, v. 17.CORINTHIAN ART.

47

discovering anything inconsistent with Grecian history
in the accounts transmitted by historians of Rome re-
specting the Bacchiad emigrants at Tarquinii.1 This
prima facie case of probability is strengthened a hundred-
fold by the accounts which the Roman historians have
left us of the magnificent architectural works completed
or designed by the Tarquins at Rome. It is well known
that Corinth, a city early renowned for its wealth and
commerce, was the cradle of Grecian art.2 Painting is
believed to have originated there, and Cleophanfcus, one
of the earliest professors of that art, is said to have
accompanied Demaratus to Tarquinii.3 Corinth was
celebrated in very ancient times for its sculpture, and
especially for works in bronze. The cedar chest adorned
with bas-reliefs, in which Cypselus was said to have
been concealed by his mother from the search of the
Bacchiadee, was a miracle of art, and has been described
at great length by Pausanias,4 in whose time it was still
extant. The Corinthians were also renowned for their
pottery, and especially for their architecture, which they
brought to a pitch of the most elaborate perfection in
the architectural order to which they gave their name.
What then more probable than that a family which
owed its origin to such a city should have designed at

1	Thus Sir G. Cornewall Lewis says : " The story of the flight of
Demaratus from Corinth is consistent with the chronologies of both
nations. . . . The commencement of the reign of Cypselus at Corinth
(which is described as the cause of the flight of Demaratus) is placed
at 655 B.C. 5 and the reign of Ancus is said to have lasted from 641
to 617 B.C.; so that the son of Demaratus, born at Tarquinii, might
have become eminent at Rome during that king's lifetime."—Credi-
bility of Early Rom. Hist. vol. i. p. 477. We may say of the story,
then, with the Italians : " Se non e vero, e ben trovato."

2	Strabo, viii. 6, § 23.	4 Lib. v. c. 17-19.

3	Plin. H. JV. xxxv. 5.48

THE CLOACA MAXIMA.

Rome those magnificent architectural works which are
attributed to them by the Roman historians P We must
recollect, too, that the accounts of these works are not
introduced for the purpose of supporting any historical
hypothesis, and lending a colour of truth to the narra-
tive, but are given naturally and carelessly, and as it
were by the way; thus forming, by an undesigned co-
incidence, which the reader must perceive for himself, a
very strong proof of the authenticity of these traditions.
But we must now proceed briefly to describe the chief
improvements and alterations which Tarquinius Priscus
effected at Rome.

Most of these improvements were made in the neigh-
bourhood of the Porum. The most important of them,
without which, indeed, the rest would have been of
little use, was the vast sewer called Cloaca. Maxima,
which was constructed in order to drain the Porum and
Velabrum of their superfluous waters and render the soil
firm and habitable. This great work, composed of three
semicircular arches enclosing one another, of which
the innermost has a diameter of more than twelve feet,
began northwards of the Porum, and, running through
the Yelabrum, discharged itself into the Tiber a little
below the present Ponte Rotto; from which, when the
water is low, the mouth of it may still be discerned. It
was large enough to be traversed by a Roman hay-cart,
and Agrippa is said to have sailed down it in a boat.1
The stone used for the construction of the Cloaca, which
differs from that employed in the time of the Republic,
attests it's high antiquity.2

It was after the construction of this sewer that the
Lacus Curtius, according to the most probable account,

1 Dion Cassiusj xlix. 43. 2 Arnold, Hist, of Rome, vol. i. p. 52.0 JEWIT.T diLXi'ic

CLOACA MAXIMA.

(the upper end in the velabrum.)	/. 48.THE TEMPLE OF SATURN-.

49

disappeared.1 It may be further remarked here that
Tarquin introduced at Rome a great improvement in
the way of constructing the masonry of walls, by re-
ducing the stones to rectangular blocks, apparently of
the same height, if not of the same length, instead of
using the irregular masses previously employed.2

The ground being thus prepared, Tarquin caused a
row of shops to be erected along the southern side of the
Forum, which in process of time obtained the name of
Tabern.® Veteres, in contradistinction to the Tabernse
Novas subsequently built on the opposite or northern
side; but at what period it does not appear. It must
be confessed that these shops seem not to have been
very splendid, but to have been occupied at first by
butchers and other tradesmen of the like kind. At the
head of the Forum and under the Capitoline Hill, Tar-
quin is also said to have founded the Temple of Saturn,
at the spot where the altar of that deity had previously
stood. The ruin of eight columns, belonging to a late
renovation of the building, still marks its original site,
where Tullus had previously consecrated a fane to the
same deity-.3 The temple, however, does not appear to
have been dedicated till after the expulsion of the kings.
But the most magnificent building designed by Tar-
quinius Priscus was the Capitoline Temple of Jupiter,
which he had vowed in the Sabine war. The comple-
tion of it was, however, reserved for his successor,
Tarquinius Superbus, and the first Tarquin appears to
have done no more than mark out and prepare the

1	Varro, L. L. v. § 149.

2	See on this subject Abeken, Mittelitalien, S. 141.

3	Macrob. Sat. i. § 8. The reasons why this ruin should be con-
sidered as belonging to the Temple of Saturn are given in the article
Roma, p. 781 sq.

e50

THE CIRCUS MAXIMUS.

ground on which, it was to stand.1 The site of this
famous temple has never been incontestable ascertained,
though German topographers assert that they have
certainly discovered it in the foundations of the Caffiarelli
Palace. I have stated in the Preface the reasons why I
differ from that opinion, and think, on the contrary,
that that discovery proves it could not have been there.
Tarquin also marked out and prepared the greater part
of the Vallis Murcia, between the Palatine and Aventine,
for a circus, afterwards from its vastness called Circus
Maximus, for the exhibition of horse and chariot races.
It was then, however, in a very rude state; and though
it underwent successive improvements during several
centuries, it was not altogether perfected till the time of
Csesar. Tarquin.the elder appears not to have erected
any buildings on it. He merely assigned to the senators,
knights, and members of the thirty curise, that is, the
patricians, certain places around the circus for viewing
the games, on which they erected their own seats.2
- The sons of Ancus Marcius, who had been supplanted
by Tarquinius Priscus, procured his assassination in
the thirty-ninth year of his reign (b.c. 578).3 Tanaquil,
however, concealed the death of her husband till his son-
in-law, Servius Tullius, had time to seize the regal
power; which he appears to have done with the con-
nivance of the senate, but without having been elected
by the people.4

The reign of Servius Tullius is also a most important
one for the history of the Roman city. At the time of
his accession the various elements of the population were
become completely amalgamated, and the Seven Hills

1	Dionys. iv. 59 ; Liv. i. 56 ; Tac. Hist. iii. 72.

2	Liy. i. 35 ; Dionys. iii. 68.

3	Liv. i. 40 5 Dionys. iii. 72 sq.	4 Liy. i. 41.THE SERYIA 1st WALL.

51

-of Rome, namely, the Palatine, the Capitoline, the Quiri-
nal, Yiminal, Esquiline, Cgelian, and Ayentine, were
more or less covered with habitations. All these hills
Servius included in a wall, and thus precisely defined
the boundaries of Rome. Tarquin, indeed, is said to
have planned, and may perhaps even have partially
executed, this wall; but it certainly was not finished
till the reign of Servius.1 Hence the whole wall is
commonly ascribed to him, and called the Servian, never
the Tarquinian, wall. A sort of enclosure or fortifica-
tion appears, indeed, to have existed previously, but only
of a rude and temporary kind.2 We shall here briefly
describe the Servian Wall and its gates, according to
the most probable idea which can be formed on the
subject, and without discussing the controversies to
which it has given rise.

Beginning at the northern point of the Capitoline
Hill, near the present church of Ara Celi, the wall ran
in a north-easterly direction along the ridge of the Collis
Quirinalis, including the isthmus, or tongue, which con-
nected that hill with the Capitoline, by Monte Cavallo
and the Palazzo Quirinale,3 till it reached its most
northerly extension near the spot where the Yia del
Maccao now intersects the Yia di Porta Pia. The gates
on this portion of the line were the Porta Ratumena,
close to the Capitoline; the Porta Eontinalis, at the
present height of Magnanapoli; the Porta Sanqualis,
so named apparently from the Temple of Semo Sancus,

1	Ibid. c. 36, 38 ; Dionys. iii. 67. Victor (Vir. III. c. 6 sq.) re-
presents Tarquin as completing the wall, and Servius as only adding
the agger ; but this is contrary to the best authorities.

2	Td%r\ avrou'xkha Kai (pavXa raXg spyacriaig, Dionys. loc. bit.

3	A portion of the foundations was laid bare by excavations at this
spot when the author was at Kome in the winter of 1864-5,

Q'f SUL U'i'X52

THE SERVIAN AGGER.

already mentioned, near this spot on Monte Cavallo ; tlie
Porta Salutaris, called after tlie Temple of Salus, on
tlie Yia di Qnattro Fontane, on tlie eastern side of the
Piazza Barberini, and the Porta Collina, at or near the
northernmost point before indicated. The site of the
Porta Ratumena, which is said to have been so named
after a charioteer who there met his death, is testified
by some sepulchral monuments just outside of it; namely,
the still existing tomb of Bibulus in the Macel' de Corvi,
and the remains of another sepulchre which were dis-
covered in the Yia della Pedacchia. For it was a well-
known custom of the Romans not to permit interments
within the walls, except in certain extraordinary in-
stances ; and hence the sepulchral monuments of dis-
tinguished persons were erected outside the gates, along
the borders of the high roads. The Porta Ratumena
led to what was in later times the Yia Flaminia.

At the Porta Collina, the northernmost gate, whence
issued what were afterwards called the Yia Salaria and
Yia Nomentana, began the Agger of Servius Tullius,
which proceeded nearly three-quarters of a mile in a
southerly and slightly easterly direction towards the
Porta Esquilina. The agger was constructed because
at this portion of the circuit the ground presented no
natural elevation which might be made available for
defensive purposes. It was 50 feet broad, and outside
of it lay a ditch 100 feet wide and 30 feet deep. Remains
of this immense work are still visible, but large portions
of it have been removed to make way for the railway
station. It appears to have had in the middle of it a
gate called the Porta Yiminalis. The Porta Esquilina
at its southern extremity stood opposite the eastern front
of Sta. Maria Maggiore, about a hundred yards from the
church of S. Antonio; from it issued roads leading toTHE PORTA CAPENA.

53

Tibur and Prseneste. Proceeding in a direction nearly
due south, tlie wall next reached the Porta Querquetu-
lana, close to the present church of SS. Pietro e Marcel-
lino, near the intersection of the Yia Merulana by the
Via Labicana, in the valley between the Esquiline and
Caslian hills. It has been already remarked that the
CsBlian was anciently called Mons Querquetulanus. The
site, however, and even the existence of the Porta Quer-
quetulana, which, at all events, does not appear to have
been a very important one, is not altogether certain;
and it may perhaps have been only another name for
the next gate to the south, the Porta C^elimontana.
This gate must have stood at the summit of the Yia di
S. Giovanni in Laterano, where that street enters the
piazza of the Lateran. Prom this point the wall trended
towards the south-west, till it reached the Porta Capena,
situated in the valley at the southern side of the Ceelian,
on the present Yia di Porta S. Sebastiano, about three
hundred yards beyond the termination of the Yia di S.
Gregorio. The site of the Porta Capena is more accu-
rately ascertained than that of any other of the Servian
gates, from the discovery of the first milestone on the
Yia Appia. That road issued from the Porta Capena,
while at the distance of a few hundred yards the Yia
Latina branched off towards the left. A little beyond
this point of divergence, and between it and the modern
Porta di S. Sebastiano, lies one of the most interesting
monuments of republican Eome, the tomb of the Scipios.

Prom the Porta Capena, the wall crossing the valley
traversed by the brook called Aqua Crabra, now the
Marrana, ascended the height where stands the church
of S. Balbina; near which probably there was a gate
called Layernalis. A little further south lay perhaps a
Porta Raudusculana ; and hence the wall, winding a54

THE PORTA CARMENTALIS.

little to the south of Sta. Saba, began to take a north-
westerly, direction, till it reached the Porta N^via, near
the foot of the southern extremity of the Ayentine. The
site of this gate is, however, by no means certain. From
this point considerable remains of the wall in its progress
towards the west may still be seen on the Ayentine, in
a yineyard belonging to the Collegio Romano, about
halfway between the church of Sta. Prisca and the Porta
S. Paolo. Hence the wall continued along the southern
and western sides of the Ayentine, till it terminated at
the Tiber, a little beyond the northern extremity of the
hill. In this section also a portion of the wall was dis-
covered in the autumn of 1855, near Sta. Sabina, during*
the progress of some excavations made by the Dominican
monks of that convent.1 From the northern extremity
of the Aventine the wall, turning at a right angle, pro-
ceeded across the low ground till it reached the bank of
the river ; and in this portion of it lay the Porta Trige-
mina, at the foot of the Clivus Publicius. In the line of
wall between this gate and the Porta Naevia already
mentioned, there was probably another, the Porta Mi-
ntjcia. Its site cannot be determined, but it seems to
have lain on the southern side of the Aventine.

Another small strip of wall ran from the southern
extremity of the Capitoline Hill to the Tiber, which it
joined over against the lower end of the Insula Tiberina.
The bank of the river from this point to the Porta Tri-
gemina appears to have been unprotected. Close under
the Capitoline Hill was the Porta Carmentalis, so named
after Carmenta, the mother of Evander, whose altar
stood near it; and between this gate and the river lay
another, the Porta Flumentalis. In this piece of wall

1 Paper read by Cardinal Wiseman before the Royal Society of
Literature, June 25, 1856.REMAINS OF THE SERVIAN WALL ON THE AVENTINE.THE SERVIAN REGIONS.

55

there may also have been, as I have endeavoured to
show in the article Roma, a third gate, the Porta Trium-
phalts. But this formed no common thoroughfare into
the city. It was opened only on state occasions, and
was not, perhaps, made till long after the time of Servius.
The wall does not seem to have been carried along the
western side of the Capitoline Hill, which was perhaps
sufficiently defended by its precipitous nature. It is
doubtful whether at this period there was a wall from
the Janiculum down to the river; but, at all events,
this Transtiberine district formed no proper part of the
city.

The circuit of the walls thus described was about six
miles, and included, as we have said, the seven hills
which came to be regarded in later times as the true
Roman Septimontium. There appears to have been
anciently another Septimontium which embraced a
rather different list of hills; but the question is so
obscure that we shall not enter into it here.1 Servius,
probably for administrative purposes, divided the city
which he had thus enclosed into four regions or districts:
namely, the Suburcma, which embraced the Caslian Hill,
and the southern portion of the Esquiline, known as
Mons Oppius, with the adjoining valleys ; the Escjuilina,
embracing the northern tongue of the Esquiline, called
Mons Oispius, and extending as far as the agger of
Servius ; the Gollina, including the Quirinal and Yiminal
hills, with the intervening valleys; and the Palatina,
which included that hill with the Yelia and Germalus.2
Why the Capitoline and Aventine with the adjacent
valleys were omitted cannot be said ; but the distribution

1	See Smith's Diet, of Anc. Gcogr. vol. ii. p. 734.

2	Varro, L. L. y. § 45 sqq. (Mull).56

THE TEMPLE OF DIANA.

was probably regulated by the Argive chapels, which we
have already mentioned.

Among the other works of Servius Tullius, besides
the wall, was a Temple of Diana which he erected on
the Aventine, apparently near the present church of
Sta. Prisca. This temple, in imitation of the Amphic-
tyonic confederacy, was to be the common sanctuary
and place of meeting for the cities belonging to the
Latin League,, of which Rome had become the chief
through the conquest of Alba Longa; and her supremacy
was tacitly acknowledged by the temple being erected
with money contributed by the Latin cities. It is said
to have been an imitation of the Artemisium, or Temple
of Diana at Ephesus.1 The brazen column containing
the terms of the league and the names of the cities be-
longing to it, was preserved in the time of Dionysius.

Servius Tullius, perhaps from his unexpected elevation
to the crown, appears to have been a devoted worshipper
of Fortune. Plutarch says that he erected several
temples in honour of that goddess ;2 and we know cer-
tainly of two : one in the Forum Boarium, and another
on the right bank of the Tiber, dedicated under the title
of Foes Fortuna.3 Servius also founded in the Forum
Boarium a Temple of Mater Matuta, a surname appa-
rently of Juno;4 and a Temple of Luna, probably that
on the Aventine.0 He likewise completed the Mamertine
prison by adding to it a subterranean dungeon, called

1	Liv. i. 45 j Dionys. iv. 26; Varro, L. L. y. § 43 5 Val. Max. vii.
3, § 1.

2	Be Fort. Bom. 10.

3	Dionys. iv. 27 ; compared with Varro, L. L. vi. § 17 (Miill). The
Greek author has mistranslated the genitive fortis, from fors, by
avdp&og (virilis), as if it were from fortis.

4	Liv. v. 19; Ovid, Fasti, vi. 471 sqq.	5 Tac. Ann. xv. 41.TULLIANUM—SCALJE GEMONIiE.

57

after liim Tullianum. The traveller may still visit it,
and recognise the fidelity of Sallnst's description : " Est
in carcere locus quod Tnlliannm appellatur, ubi paul-
lulurn ascenderis ad laevam, circiter xii pedes humi
depressns. Eum muniunt undique parietes, atque in-
super camera lapideis fornicibus vincta: sed incultu,
tenebris, odore, foeda atque terribilis ejus facies." 1 This
terrible dungeon, from its impenetrable strength, was
also called Hobur. In later times a flight of steps called
Scalji GrEMONLE, or steps of wailing2—an epithet which
M. Ampere aptly parallels with the Bridge of Sighs at
the prison at Venice3—led down towards the Career,
and thence to the Forum, from a place of execution
situated apparently on the Capitoline; but they were
not the steps pointed out by the modern ciceroni within
the prison, since they were visible from the Forum.4
Whether, after completing the classification of the people
and performing the lustration called Suovetcmrilia in the
vast field lying between the hills and the Tiber, on which
modern Rome is built, Servius, as Sir Gr. C. Lewis
asserts,5 " dedicated the field to Mars, whence it acquired
thenceforward the name of Campus Martinsseems doubt-
ful. Livy says that it was not dedicated to that god,
and did not obtain the name of Martins, till after the
expulsion of the Tarquins ;6 and though Dionysius gives
a different account, yet it cannot be inferred from his

1	Bell. Cat. 55; cf. Varro, L. L. v. § 151.

2	Pliny calls them Gradus Gemitorii. H. N. viii. 61. <S 3.

3	t. ii. p. 34.

4	" Corpus ejus in Scalis Gemoniis jacens magno cum horrore
totius Fori Romani conspectum est."—Val. Max. vi. 9, 13. Tac.
Hist. iii. 74 5 Suet. Tib. 61 ; Dion. Cass, lviii. 5.

5	Credibility, 8fc. vol. i. p. 492.

6	" Ager Tarquiniorum, qui inter urbem ac Tiberim fuit, conse-
cratus Marti, Martius deinde campus fuit."—ii. 5.58

ALTAR AND TEMPLE OF MARS.

words that Servius dedicated tlie field to Mars, but
rather that it had "been already consecrated to that
deity. Thus, after describing the performance of the
lustrum by Servius, the historian goes on to say that he
sacrificed to Mars, who was in possession of the plain;1
and in another passage he states that it had been conse-
crated to that deity at an earlier epoch than the expul-
sion of the Tar quins, but without defining when.2 It is
certain that an Ara Martis existed from a very ancient
date in the Campus, not far from the Porta Pontinalis;
and in the early times of the republic the censors after
their election were, as it were, enthroned near it in their
curule chairs. At a later date there was also an ^Edes
Martis in the Campus, distinct from and probably much
more ancient than that erected by Brutus Callaicus near
the Circus Plaminius. The site of the former temple
cannot be accurately determined; but it was probably
near the spot where the Equiria, or horse-races in honour
of Mars, supposed to have been instituted by Homulus,
were celebrated.3 On the whole, perhaps, we may con-
clude that the field had been set aside for public use
before the time of Tarquinius Priscus ; but if we reject
this account, then we must accept the positive statement
of Livy.

Servius Tullius was murdered by his own daughter
Tullia, and her husband L. Tarquinius, son of Tarquinius
Priscus (b.c. 535). His assassination took place as he
was on his way to his residence on the Esquiline, at the
top of a street called the Vicus Ctprius, and near the
Clivtjs Urbius, or ascent to the summit of the hill.

1	Wve t(fi karsxovtl to 7t£diov"Apei. iv. 22.

2	tovto (to 7rediov) d' "Apeog virapxeiv iepov oi irportpov iipqtyi-
aavro. v. 13.

3	Dion. Cass. lvi. 24; Ov. Fast. ii. 855.THE VICUS SCELERATUS.

59

Prom this bloody and unnatural deed the street ever
afterwards obtained the name of Yicus Sceleratus. It
must have corresponded either with the modern Via di
Sta. Lucia in Selce or with the Via Urbana, according*
as the palace of Servius was situated near the church
of S. Martino or Sta. Maria Maggiore.1

After the murder of his father-in-law, Tarquin seized
the throne without asking for the votes of the people or
the approbation of the senate. He supported his usur-
pation by military force, and assumed so haughty and
repulsive a demeanour that he obtained the surname of
Superbus. But, like his father, he had a taste for archi-
tecture ; and after a Sabine war, and the capture of the
rich Yolscian town of Suessa Pometia, he applied him-
self to improve and adorn Rome. His most magnificent*
work was the Temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximtjs,
which, as we have already said, had been planned, and
the ground for it marked out by his father, on Mons
Tarpeius. The head of a man, still bloody, was found
in digging the foundations; an omen interpreted by an
Etruscan augur to portend that Rome would become
the head of Italy. So far as regards the history of the
city, the incident has more importance as being said to
have occasioned the name of the hill to be changed from
Mons Tarpeius to Mons Capitolinus, or Capitolium ; an
appellation which it continued ever afterwards to bear.2

The temple stood on an artificial platform, or terrace,,
nearly square; each of its four sides being about 200
feet long; for the length exceeded the breadth by only

1	Liv. i. 48 5 Dionys. iv. 39 5 Varro, L. L. v. § 159 3 Ovid, Fasti,
vi. 603; Solin. i. 25.

2	Liv. i. 55; Plin. H. N. xxxviii. 4; Varro, L. L. v. § 41. Ac-
cording to Servius, JE11. viii. 345, the head was that of a man named
Olus: whence the word capitolium.60

THE CAPITOLINE TEMPLE.

fifteen feet. The front of the temple, facing the south,
had a triple row of columns, the sides a double row,1 and
the back apparently none at all. The building was low
and broad, and of the kind called ctrceostyle: that is,
haying such wide intercolumniations that it was neces-
sary to make the epistylium, or architrave, of wood;2 a
circumstance which accounts for its so easily catching
fire. Its breadth was necessitated by its having three
cells adjoining one another: the centre one being ap-
propriated to Jove, with Juno and Minerva on either
hand; for, as we have seen, it was usual with the early
Italian nations to associate these three divinities together,
just as we find another trinity of Ceres, Liber, and
Libera. The cell of Minerva appears to have been on
the right hand of that of Jove.3 The temple had, how-
ever, but a single roof, and one fastigium, or pediment;
on the acroterium stood a quadriga of terra cotta, which
is related to have swollen prodigiously in the baking;
an omen thought to portend the future greatness of the
city. The image of Jove was also of terra cotta. The
god was in a sitting posture; his face was ruddy with
vermilion, and he was clothed in a tunica palmata and
toga picta; a costume afterwards imitated by victorious
generals in their triumphs. The original building
escaped the conflagration when Rome was captured by
the Gauls, and lasted till the consulship of L. Scipio and
ISTorbanus (b.c. 83), when it was burnt down. It was

1	The Cliigi MS. of Dionysius reads, however, arrXqi for di7r\$;
and if this be correct, there would have been only one row of columns
at the sides. See Ampere, Hist. Rom. a Rome, t. ii. p. 226.

2	Yitruv. iii. 3, § 5.

3	"Eixa fuit (lex vetusta) dextro lateri sedis Jovis optimi maximi,
ex qua parte Minervse templum est."—Liv. vii. 3.EXPULSION OF THE KINGS.

61

then re-erected on tlie same foundations, but with greater
richness of materials.1

The Capitoline temple is the only great structure at
Rome which we can attribute to Tarquinius Superbus,
though he probably improved or completed some of the
works of his predecessors; as, for instance, the Circus
Maximus, which, according to Dionysius,2 he surrounded
with porticoes. It may be doubted, however, whether
that kind of structure was introduced at Rome at so
early a period; and the account of Dionysius is, more-
over, irreconcilable with that of Livy,3 who mentions
that Tarquin employed the plebs in erecting around the
Circus fori, or seats for the senators and knights. He
is also thought to have built a Temple of Jupiter Latialis
on Mons Albanus, as a meeting-place of the Latin Con-
federation, in opposition to the Temple of Diana, erected
by his predecessor for that purpose on the Aventine*
According to Piranesi, the temple on Mons Albanus was
of considerable size, being 240 feet long by 120 broad.
The remains of it were destroyed by the last of the
Stuarts towards the end of the eighteenth century.4

The outrage committed by Tarquin's son, Sextus Tar-
quinius, on Lucretia, and his own unpopularity at Rome,
caused by his haughty manners, his cruel tyranny, and
the harshness with which he had compelled the plebeians
to work at the Capitoline temple, enabled Brutus and
Collatinus to expel him, and to establish the Roman
Republic, B.C. 510.

The period from the expulsion of Tarquin to the cap-

1	Dionys. iv. 61; Tac. Hist. iii. 72; Plin. xxviii. 4.

2	Lib. iv. c. 44.

3	Lib. i. c. 56. Respecting Roman porticoes, see Pitiscus, Lexicon

voc. Tortious.	4 Ampere, Hist. Rom. a Rome} t. ii. p. 213.62

THE INSULA TIBERINA.

tnre and burning of Rome by the Grauls in b.c. 390
offers not any very material alterations in the city; it is
chiefly marked by the founding of various temples, the
principal of which we shall record in the sequel. Soon
after Tarquin's flight, the consuls Brutus and Valerius
proceeded to confiscate his property; when the Campus
Martius, which he had appropriated and cultivated for
his own use, was restored to the people. It was then
covered with standing corn ; but as the crop was deemed
accursed, from its having been raised on consecrated
ground, it was cut down and thrown into the river;
where it is said to have lodged, and to have formed the
Insula Tiberina.1 However improbable this story may
seem, it is difficult to believe but that the island must
have been formed about this period, either in this or some
other manner. Had it existed in the time of Ancus
Marcius, he would doubtless have availed himself of it
for his bridge across the Tiber; especially as it was
much nearer to the central parts of Home than the spot
where the Pons Sublicius is commonly supposed to have
stood.

Although Tarquinius Superbus had finished, or very
nearly finished, the Temple of the Capitoline Jupiter, he
had not been able to dedicate it because of his expulsion.
This honour was reserved for M. Horatius, who, in the
first year of the Republic, succeeded Brutus in the con-
sulship.2 The Temple of Saturn, though reputed to have
been founded by Tarquinius Priscus, seems also, as we
have already said, to have been left unfinished, or, at all
events, undedicated. The ceremony of dedication was

1	Liv. ii. 5; Dionys. v. 13.

2	Liy. ii. 8, vii. 3; Plin. H. N. xxxiii. 6; Polyb. iii. 22. Diony-
sius, however (v. 35), and Tacitus {Hist. iii. 72), place the dedication
in the second consulship of Horatius, and third year of the Republic.THE SATURNALIA INSTITUTED.

63

not performed till b.c. 497, in the consulship of A. Sem-
pronius and M. Minucius, when the festival of the
Saturnalia was also instituted.1

The consul, Valerius Publicola, who took an active
part in procuring the confiscation of Tarquin's property,
is also connected by other circumstances with the history
of the city. He had begun to build a house on the
Summa Sacra Yia, where Tullus Hostilius had pre-
viously I'esided; but the choice of that regal site, and
its situation, which commanded the Forum, having
roused the suspicion of the people, Valerius caused the
materials which he had collected to be transferred to the
foot of the Velia, and there built his house close to the
JEdes of ViCA Pota.2 Its site must have been near the
eastern extremity of the Forum, and not far from the
present church of SS. Cosma e Damiano; since Diony-
sius in describing the burial-place of Publicola3—who,
by one of those rare exceptions to which we have already
alluded, was permitted by a special vote of the senate to
be buried within the city and apparently at his house—
says that it was close to the Forum.

1	Dionys. vi. 15 Liv. ii. 21 ; Macr. Sat. i. 8. It should be
observed, however, that some referred the dedication of this temple
to Titus Larcius, consul in b. c. 498. Dionys. loc. cit.

2	" iEdes suas detulit sub Veliam."—Cic. Bep. ii, 31. Liv. ii. 7 5
Dionys. v. 19; Plut. Popl. 10. When Asconius says (ad Cic. in
Pison. 22) that the house of Publicola was "sub Velia, ubi nunc
sedis Victories est," this is evidently a corruption of Vica Pota, who
was also a Roman deity of Victory. Cf. Cic. De Leg. ii. 11.

3	/cat xwp'iov tvQa eicavOr] ical kra^r], fiovij) rwv ^XPLQ y&vofievwv
e7tl(j)avCjv avdp&v, & ry ttoXel avveyyvg tyiq ayopag airsdei&v vito
kXsovg, v. 48. In this passage, which I had overlooked in the article
Boma, we must undoubtedly read vTreXiaiQ, or	for viro sXsovg;
as also in lib. i. c. 68. See Becker, Bom. AlthertJiuiner, B. i. S. 247.
Burial within the city was forbidden by the laws of the Twelve
Tables, no doubt after an ancient custom. We have only recently64

POIiSENA AT ROME.

It may also be mentioned here that the people bestowed
on M. Yalerins, brother of Publicola, for his services in a
war with the Sabines, a piece of ground in the best part
of the Palatine, where he might erect a house, and con-
tributed the money requisite for that purpose. The
house still existed in the time of Dionysius, who records
a singular peculiarity connected with it: of all the houses
in Some, whether public or private, the door of this alone
opened outwards.1

Tarquin did not sit down quietly in exile, but made
some attempts to recover his throne. The Etruscan king,
Lars Porsena of Clusium, to whom he had fled, took up
his cause; which was also aided by Tarquin's son-in-law,
Octavius Mamilius of Tusculum, and some revolted Latin
states. The war with Porsena was the most dangerous
that the E/omans had yet encountered. They were de-
feated near the Janiculum; that fortress was captured,
and Porsena would have entered Rome itself but for the
well-known heroic action of Horatius Codes in breaking
down the Sublician bridge. While Porsena held the
Janiculum, the attempt of Mucius Sceevola upon his
life induced him to treat. The acceptance of the hard
conditions which he imposed amounted to a confession
of defeat on the part of the Romans. They agreed to
restore the district of Septem Pagi, which they had con-
quered from the Yeientines, and to give as hostages for
the execution of the treaty ten youths and ten maidens of
the noblest families. Porsena, however, did not insist
upon the restoration of the Tarquins, nor even of their

adopted this piece of civilization of the ancient Romans, whom some
of us regard as semi-barbarians. Dionysius, in the passage quoted,
says that Publicola and his family alone were buried within the
city 5 but Cicero {Leg. ii. 23) mentions several persons.

1 Lib. v. c. 39.PORSEjSTA AT ROME.

65

property. Tlie escape of Cleelia and the other maidens,
their re-delivery to Porsena, and his final restoration of
the hostages to their families, are well-known incidents
in Roman history. After one more diplomatic effort to
procure the restoration of the Tarquins, which entirely
failed, Porsena abandoned their cause, and Tarquin found
an asylum with his son-in-law at Tusculum. Porsena
even restored the Septem Pagi to the Romans in return
for their hospitality towards some of his troops who had
sought refuge at Rome after being defeated in an attempt
of his son Aruns upon Aricia.1

Such is briefly the commonly received account of the
war with Porsena. Some modern writers, however,
charge the Roman historians with concealing the truth,
and are of opinion that Rome was actually surrendered
and the sovereignty of Porsena acknowledged. This
inference is drawn from the account of Dionysius of the
presentation of an ivory throne and other ensigns of
royalty to Porsena by a vote of the senate; from the
words " dedita urbe " used by Tacitus when speaking of
these events ;2 and from the treaty made with Porsena,
extant in the • time of Pliny; by which the Romans
agreed to use no iron except for agricultural purposes.3
But without questioning the existence of this treaty, it
may be asked was it ever enforced P If, two thousand
years hence, when the memory of the wars between
England and the first French Empire may have grown
dim, Napoleon's medal recording the capture of London
should be discovered, might it not be used to establish
as an historical fact an event that never took place ?
Sir Gr. 0. Lewis's objections to the new version appear

1	Liv. ii. 9-15; Dionys. v. 21-36; Plut. Publ. 16 sqq.

2	Hist. iii. 72.	3 Plin. H. N, xxxiv. 39.

¥66

THE MUCIA PRATA.

insurmountable. If Porsena reduced the Romans to
absolute submission, why did he not restore Tarquin ?
If they were compelled to surrender their arms, why-
did not the Latins and other surrounding nations, with
whom they had been at war, fall upon them in that
defenceless state P How comes it that we find no trace
of any serious blow inflicted upon them in the years im-
mediately succeeding the expedition of Porsena ? " Un-
less we are to suppose not only that the details and circum-
stances, but that the whole course and tenor of the early
history of the Republic are fictitious, the gradual and
unchecked advance of the military power of Home, and
the death of Tarquin in banishment, without having been
ever restored to his throne, are facts deserving of credit;
and these facts are irreconcilable with the supposition
that Rome was subjugated by Porsena."1 That an ig-
nominious treaty was entered into to obtain the evacua-
tion of the Janiculum, there can. be little doubt; but the
bad conduct of the Tarquins, or the generosity of the
Romans towards the Etruscans, or some other cause,
seems to have led Porsena to refrain from enforcing it.
We may remark, too, that the act of the senate in voting
the curule chair seems a spontaneous one, and not a com-
pliance with the demands of a conqueror.

On the other hand, what is more germane to the
present work, some monuments which existed at Rome
serve to confirm the common version. A statue was
erected to Codes in the Comitium, which was afterwards
removed to the Vulcanal, and was extant in the time of
Pliny. To Sceevola was given some land on the right
bank of the Tiber, which from him bore the name of
Mucia Prata ; and Clselia was honoured with an eques-

1 Credibility, #c. vol. ii. p. 41.TEMPLE OF CASTOR.

67

trian statue on the Sacra Via.1 Valeria, the daughter of
Publicola, disputed with Claelia the honour of haying
swum the Tiber, and seems also to have had an equestrian
statue which was sometimes confounded with that of
Clselia.2

Another attempt of Tarquin's, aided by the Latins,
was frustrated by the battle at Lake Regillus in the
territory of Tusculum. A legend connected with this
battle occasioned the foundation of the Temple of Castor
and Pollux. In the heat of the battle, Postumius, the
Roman dictator, had a vision of the Dioscuri leading on
the Roman cavalry, and vowed a temple in their honour.
The site of it was determined by another apparition of
the same deities at Rome, whither they had brought the
n6ws of the victory, and where they were observed re-
freshing themselves at the fountain of Juturna, hard by
the Temple of Vesta on the Forum. The JEdes Castoris
—for though dedicated by the son of Postumius to both
the Dioscuri (b.c. 484), it bore in common usage only
the name of Castor—was from its situation one of the
most conspicuous, if not one of the largest in Rome;
though, as it was often used for assemblies of the senate,
it must have been of considerable size. The three elegant
columns under the Palatine are remains of a restoration
of it. Annually in the ides of July, on the anniversary
of the victory at Regillus, costly sacrifices were offered
at this temple; after which all the Roman knights,
clothed in their richest attire, crowned with olive, and
adorned with all their badges for good service in the
field, rode past it in military array, starting from their
place of muster at the Temple of Mars outside the city;3

1 Liv. ii. 10,13 ; Dionys. v. 25 ; Gell. iv. 5 ; Plin. H. N. xxxiv. 13.

2 See art. Boma, p. 728.	3 See below, p. 93.68

CERES, LIBER, AND LIBERA.

one of tlie most splendid spectacles to be seen at Rome.1
After tlie defeat at Hegillus, Tarquin retired to the court
of King Aristodemus at Cumae, where lie soon after died.
The objection sometimes urged against the truth of the
battle at Lake Hegillus, namely, that no lake exists near
which it can be supposed to have taken place, has been
obviated by Rosa's discovery of the ancient bed of one
near Colonna, at a, place still called Pontano, or the
marsh. The surrounding country answers admirably to
the description of the battle-field.2

Postumius is also said to have vowed, at Lake Hegillus, -
a Temple to Ceres, Liber, and Libera. Liber and Libera,
two ancient Latin divinities, presided over the cultivation
of the vine, and were worshipped in conjunction with
Ceres. They are sometimes identified with the Greek
Dionysus and Persephone, or Cora, the daughter of
Demeter. This temple, which overhung the carceres, or
starting-place, at the western extremity of the Circus
Maximus, was dedicated by the consul Spurius Cassius,
b.c. 493. It was under the peculiar superintendence of
the asdiles, who here kept their archives, as well as the
senatusconsulta, &c. Here also in times of scarcity they
distributed bread to the poor.3

The plebeian secession to Mons Sacer will claim our
attention when we come to speak of some changes made
on the Aventine ; and we shall therefore proceed to the
foundation of the Temple of Portuna Muliebris, which
is connected with the story of Coriolanus. In the con-
sternation occasioned by that general's threatened assault
on Rome, a great number of women had congregated to-
gether in the Capitoline temple, when Valeria, sister of
Publicola, advised them to persuade Yeturia, mother of

1 Dionys. vi. 13.	2 Ampere, t. ii. p. 229 sq.

3 Liv. iii. 55 5 Yarro, ap. Non. Marc. voc. pander e, p. 30.EORTUNA MULIEBRIS.

69

Ooriolanus, to intercede with her son. After much
debate, the senate permitted Yetnria, together with
Yolumnia the wife of Ooriolanus, to proceed to the
Yolscian camp at the head of the Roman matrons ;
when Cariolanus, unable to resist the touching entreaties
of his wife and mother, consented to retreat. The women
haying been permitted to choose a reward for this service,
decided on the erection of a temple to Fortuna Muliebris,
or the fortune of women, to be erected on the Yia Latina,
at the spot where Ooriolanus had received their supplica-
tions. The temple was accordingly built at the fourth
milestone on that road, and was dedicated by the consul
Proculus Yirginius, B.C. 486. Yaleria was the first
priestess ; the service of the temple was to be performed
by women newly married for the first time ; and none
who had wedded a second husband was permitted to
approach the statue of the goddess.1 It may here be
remarked that Fortune was worshipped under a vast
variety of names, and had a great number of temples at
Rome. The practice is censured by Pliny2 and by
Juvenal:

Nullum numen abest si sit prudentia ; sed te
ISTos facimus, Fort una, deam, coeloque locamus.3

But it has been alleged in excuse, that the nemesis of the
gods was thus avoided, which pursued the man who
attributed success to his own merits, and not to fortune,
or some other uncontrollable influence.4

1	Dionys. viii. 55 sq. ; Liv. ii. 40; Yal. Max. i. 8, § 4.

2	H. N. ii. 57.

3	Sat, x. 365. To judge by the numbers who throng the shops
where lottery tickets are vended, the modern Eomans are not less
ardent worshippers of fortune than their ancestors.

4	Plut. Sylla, c. 6; cf. Sir G. G. Lewis, Credibility, cfc. vol. ii,
p. 124, note.70

TEMPLE OF TELLUS.

The condemnation of Spurius Cassius on suspicion of
aiming at the regal power, the confiscation of hispeculium,
or private fortune, and the demolition of his house, the
site of which, was ordered to be kept vacant, are connected
with the foundation of the Temple of Tellus. That
temple was, according to Cicero, built on the confiscated
ground;1 though from other authorities it might be in-
ferred that this ground always remained unoccupied,
and that the temple was erected on an adjoining spot.
However this may be, it seems probable that though the
house of Cassius was demolished in b.c. 485, the JEdes
Telluris may not have been erected till b.c. 269. It ap-
pears to have been a building of some importance, since
it was large enough to contain the assembled senate. It
stood in the district called Cakim, at the south-western
extremity of the Esquiline, probably near the church of
S. Pantaleone in the Yia del Colosseo.2 Tellus was
worshipped as one of the infernal powers, and in the
third Samnite war we find Decius devoting himself by
an act of self-immolation to Tellus and the Dii Manes.3
The quarter surrounding the temple acquired the name
of In Tellure, and several modern churches are still de-
signated by it. The first bronze statue at Rome, dedi-
cated to Ceres, is said to have been made out of the con-
fiscated property of Cassius.4

While Rome in her early wars was for the most part
triumphing over her enemies, and laying the foundations
of her future power and glory, the daring enterprise of a
handful of adventurers achieved what even the Gauls
failed to accomplish, and struck a blow at her very heart.

1	l?ro domo sua, 38.

2	Liv. ii. 415 Yal. Max. v. 8, § 2 ; Suet. Be ill. Gramm. 15; Serv.
ad JEn. viii. 361.

3	Liv. x. 28.	4 Plin. R\ N. xxxiy. 9 and 14.ATTEMPT OF HERDONIUS.

71

A band of slaves and exiles, amounting to about 4,000, or
not many more, and led by Herdonius, a Sabine, baying
descended the Tiber in boats in the dead of nigbt, landed
near the Capitoline Hill, apparently just beyond the wall
which ran from that hill to the river, and where, as we
have seen, its bank was unprotected. Hence Herdonius
led his men towards the Forum and up the Capitoline
clivus without meeting with any resistance till he arrived
at the Porta Pandana, and here only from the guard ;
for as we have already mentioned this gate was always
left open. The guard being overcome, the invaders
proceeded up the hill, took possession of the Capitol and
Arx, and called upon the slaves of Rome to strike for
freedom. The origin of this daring attempt is involved
in mystery. It may possibly have been organized by
Kasso Quinctius, son of Cincinnatus, who was in exile ;
but that he took a personal share and perished in the
enterprise, as JSTiebuhr, and after him Dr. Arnold, have
assumed, there is not a tittle of evidence to show.1 It
was not possible that the attempt should be permanently
successful, yet, from the dissensions then prevailing at
Rome, it caused great embarrassment, and was only
frustrated with the aid of the Tusculans. The Capitol
was retaken by storm ; Herdonius and many of his band
were slain in the affray ; the rest were captured and put
to death.2

About this time occurs the celebrated story of L.
Quinctius Cincinnatus, father of Ksgso, being called from
his plough in order to become dictator; which, however,
is connected with the history of the city only by the cir-
cumstance that the fields which he was tilling, the Prata
Quinctia, were in its immediate neighbourhood. Becker

1	See Sir G. C. Lewis, Credibility, fyc. vol. ii. p. 169, note 12.

2	Liv. iii. 15-18 ; Dionys. x. 14-16. Cf. art. Roma, p. 763 sq.72

THE TABERNiE NOYiE.

Las the merit of having first pointed out their true situa-
tion. They lay on the right bank of the Tiber, apparently
between the Castle of S. Angelo and a spot facing the
Porto di Ripetta.1

The Ayentine Hill appears to have undergone some
changes about this period. In the year b.c. 456, the
tribune Icilius carried a law for granting certain portions
of the hill, which seem to have been still unoccupied and
covered with wood, to plebeians, for building purposes.
The land was accordingly divided, and the law was en-
graved on a bronze pillar, which appears to have been
preserved in the time of Dionysius, in the Temple of
Diana on the Aventine, and forms a valuable proof of
the early Roman history.2 Through this distribution,
the Aventine became peculiarly the plebeian hill; a
circumstance which receives some illustration from the
story of Yirginius. After stabbing his daughter on the
Forum, near the shrine of Cluacina, and under the
Tabeknjj Nov.®, which must consequently have been now
erected on the northern side of the Forum, opposite to
those built by Tarquinius Priscus, Yirginius, accom-
panied by about 400 followers, fled the city and gained
the Roman camp at Mount Yecilius. The aspect of the
centurion, yet stained with his daughter's blood, and his
pathetic appeals to his fellow-soldiers, excited their
sympathy and indignation, so that, heedless of their
decemviral generals, they marched to Rome, and took
post upon the Aventine. Their example was followed
by another Roman army encamped at PidensG, which,
marching through the Colline gate, established itself on

1	Becker, Bom, Altherthumer, B. i. S. 159, and De Muris, p. 96.
Cf. Roma, p. 835.

2	og (vojuLoa) s a r iv ev arfjXy	ysypafifXEvog k.t.X. Lib. x. c.
32. Liv. iii. 31.THE MONS SACER.

73

the same hill; when, each army elected ten military
tribunes1 (b.c. 549). It may be presumed therefore
that, notwithstanding the Lex Icilia, the Aventine had
not yet been much built upon.

It would be beside the scope of the present work to
enter upon the political effects of these occurrences ; but
it should be mentioned here that the first secession of the
plebeians to the Mons Sacer,2 a hill beyond the Anio,
about three miles from Rome,3 an event rendered memor-
able by the well-known apologue of Menenius Agrippa
of the belly and the members, is by some writers referred
entirely to the Aventine, while others describe the people
as occupying both that hill and the Mons Sacer in suc-
cession. Livy tells us4 that Piso, the early Roman
historian, held the first secession to have been made to
the Aventine; but that he himself followed the more
generally accepted tradition which referred it to the
Mons Sacer. Sallust, however, follows Piso,5 while
Cicero appears to waver between the two traditions.6 By
the second secession brought about by Yirginius the

1	Liv. iii. 49-51 ; Dionys. xi. 38-43.

2	Dionysius ascribes the epithet " sacer " to an altar which the
plebeians erected on it to Zevg Aei{jmxtloq. This epithet of Jupiter may
perhaps be translated by " terrificus," or the god who inspires fear :
in memory of the fears which they experienced on the occasion
(vi. 90).

3	After leaving Borne by the Porta Pia, following the Via ISTomen-
tana, and crossing the Anio by an ancient bridge surmounted by a
tower of the middle ages, a lengthened hill is perceived divided by
the road. The whole of this hill is the Mons Sacer. Ampere, Hist.
Rom. a Rome, t. ii. p. 380.

4	Lib. ii. c. 32. Yet in another place (iii. 54) Livy adverts to the
Aventine as the place where the plebeians had founded their liberties
—" ubi prima initia inchoastis libertatis vestrse."

5	Jug. c. 31.

6	See Be Rep. ii. 33 ; Be Leg. iii. 8 ; Brutus, c. 14.74 PRATA FLAMINIA—JSQUIM^ELIUM.

tribunate was restored ; and we then find the tribunes
holding an assembly of the plebs in the Prata Flaminia,
situated under the Capitoline Hill, at the southern
extremity of the Campus Martius. These meadows,
therefore, must have become public property; and
indeed they, or at least a part of them, appear to have
been already consecrated to Apollo, and called the
Apollinare. A few years afterwards, a Temple of
Apollo was erected near this site, which was dedicated
by the consul C. Julius, b.c. 430. It had been voted in
propitiation of a pestilence ; for Apollo, as we know from
Homer,1 was believed to be the author of such calamities.
This temple, which was large enough for assemblies of
the senate, was the only one at Rome dedicated to
Apollo before the reign of Augustus.2

The story of the equestrian demagogue, Sp. Mselius,
who endeavoured for purposes of ambition to ingratiate
himself with the populace by buying up corn and dis-
tributing it among them in a year of scarcity (b.C. 440),
is connected with the history of the city. The patricians
caused Maslius to be put to death, and his house to be
razed. The site of it was afterwards kept vacant, and
obtained the name of the .^Equiimlium. It was close
under the southern foot of the Capitoline, and between
that hill and the Yicus Jugarius which wound round it;
consequently in or near the modern Via del Monte Tarpeo.
In later times it appears to have become a market-place,
appropriated to the sale of lambs.3

The long struggle between Home and Yeii affords

1	Iliad, a. 45 sqq. The arrows of Diana had the same effect. Cf.
Strabo, xiv. 1, § 6.

2	Liv, iii. 63, iv. 25, 29.

3	Liv. iv. 16, xxxviii. 28 ; Varro, L. L. v. § 157 3 Dionys. xii. in
Fragm. Hist. Gr. t. ii. p. xxxi. sqq. (ed. Didot).THE PORTA SCELERATA.

75

many notices respecting the former city. The fatal
expedition of the Fabian family to the Cremera, where
all to the number of 306 men together with their
retainers were cut off, procured for the right-hand arch
of the Carmental gate, by which they had left Rome, the
name of the Porta Scelerata. The Yeientines were
enabled by this success, and by their subsequent defeat
of Menenius, to occupy the Janiculum, from which, how-
ever, they were soon afterwards driven.1 A peace of
many years now ensued between Rome and Yeii; which,
however, was interrupted, in b.c. 438, by the inhabitants
of Eidense, a Roman colony, revolting, and putting
themselves under the protection of Lars Tolumnius,
king of Yeii. The Yeientines were defeated in a decisive
battle, and Tolumnius was killed by the hand of A.
Cornelius Cossus, who was either consul or a military
tribune.2 Cossus dedicated the spoils of Tolumnius in

1	Liv. ii. 49 sqq.; Dionys. ix. 19 sqq.; Ovid, Fasti, ii. 201 sqq.

2	This was a disputed point. All the Roman annalists affirmed
that Cossus was only a military tribune. Livy followed them in his
first account ; but subsequently he heard that Augustus Csesar had
seen, in the Temple of Jupiter Eeretrius, the linen breast-plate of
Tolumnius ; and that the inscription on it purported that Cossus was
consul. It does not appear that Livy heard this from Augustus
himself, as some historians assert (Liddell's Bome, p. 138, sm. ed.;
Lewis, Credibility^ S^c. ii. 276), but merely by report. He deferred,
however, to the imperial witness, and concluded that Cossus must
have been consul. The question is involved whether spolia opima
could be won by a subordinate officer. Livy decides for the negative 5
but is thus compelled to make some awkward attempts to find another
year in which to place the battle. Augustus had a personal interest
in the question. In his fourth consulship, M. Crassushad slain with
his own hand Deldo, king of the Bastarnse 5 but though Crassus
commanded the Roman army, he was not permitted to bear off the
spolia opima, the victory having been achieved under the auspices of
the consul (Dion Cass. lib. Ii. c. 24). The matter does not appear to76

THE YILLA PUBLICA.

the Temple of Jupiter Feretrius. They were the first
spolia o'pima carried thither since the temple had been
founded on a like occasion by Romulus ; and such were
the glory and novelty of the act, that, as Cossus bore
along the arms of Tolumnius, the eyes of all were
diverted from the triumphal chariot of the dictator,
Mamercus -ZEmilius, to gaze upon him.1

It was at this period that the Villa Publica was
erected in the Campus Martius, at a spot between the
subsequent Septa and the Circus Flaminius, and conse-
quently near the present Palazzo di Venezia. The
censors, C. Furius Pacilus and M. Greganius Macerinus,
examined and approved it b.c. 431, and the census was
first taken in it in that year. The building, as its name
implies, was also used for other public business which
could not be transacted within the city walls ; as the
levying of troops, the reception of foreign ambas-
sadors before they obtained an audience of the senate,
and of victorious generals awaiting a decree for a
triumph.2

At a later period we find the struggle with Veii brought
into connection with the draining of the Alban Lake,
with which, to ordinary apprehension, it had about as
much to do as Tenterden steeple with the Groodwin
Sands. An Etruscan aruspex had affirmed that Yeii
would never be taken till the lake had been drained; and
his dictum had been confirmed by the oracle of Delphi.
The senate had doubtless resorted to the supernatural to

have been so ruled in more ancient times ; for Varro says that even
a common soldier might gain spplia opima (in Eestus, v. Opima,
p. 189). The inscription on the breast-plate might have been hardly
legible, and the imperial eyes did not perhaps scrutinize too closely,

1	Liv. iv. 17-20; Dionys. lib. xii. Fragm. 2.

2	Liv. iv. 22, xxx. 21, xxxiii. 24 5 Yarr. B. JR. iii. 2.JUNO RE GIN A—FLORA—MATER MATUTA. 77

persuade the people to undertake a necessary work;1
and the wonderful emissary was constructed which still
exists. Let us take it as a proof of what the Romans
were capable of doing in those early days in the way of
building and engineering. Yen was soon after taken
(b.C. 396) by M. Furius Camillas, the dictator. He is said
to have captured the city by means of a mine, which was
pierced to the Temple of Juno in the citadel. The mine
and the emissary may possibly be connected; one may
have suggested the other. The Yeientine Juno consented
to be removed to Rome, where, under the title of Juno
Regina, Camillus founded a famous temple to her on the
Aventine, and dedicated it four years after, or b.c. 392.
Its precise situation is uncertain, but it probably lay at
the northern extremity of the Aventine, as the approach
to it was by the Cliyus Publicius.2 This Clivus
obtained its name from the sediles L. and M. Publicius,
who, however, perhaps only improved it. The same
sediles also erected a Temple of Flora on the Aventine,
and instituted floral games in honour of that divinity.3

Camillus, at the same time that he founded the Temple
of Juno, also dedicated that of Mater Matuta. He
celebrated his triumph with a splendour that had never
before been seen at Rome. Either Tarquinius Priscus
in his triumph over the Sabines, or Publicola, is thought
to have been the first who entered the Capitol in a
quadriga.4 The most memorable previous triumph,
though still apparently a simple one compared with

1	Liv. "V. 15-19 j Cic. Div. ii. 32 ; Plut. Cam. 3 sq.

2	Liv. v. 21 sqq., xxyii. 37 ; Dionys. xiii. 3.

3	Tac. Ann. ii. 49 ; Ov. Fast. v. 283 sqq. The cave of Cacus was
reputed to have been near the Clivus Publicius and Porta Trigemina.
Solinus, i. 8.

4	Liv. i. 38; Plut. Rom. 16.78

roman triumphs.

those of later days, was that of the dictator, L. Quinctius
Cincinnatus, over the ^Equi (b.c. 455). The captured
generals of the enemy'were led before his chariot, which
was also preceded by the military standards ; whilst
behind it followed the army loaded with booty. Eeasts
were prepared before all the houses, the partakers of
which also followed the chariot singing a triumphal
song, and uttering the usual jokes.1 The spectacle
must have been a splendid one, nor can even our modern
notions find much to object to these triumphs, except
the cruel and ungenerous practice of putting to death
the captured generals after the eyes of the populace had
been satiated with the pompous exhibition of their mis-
fortune. In the case of Camillus, the people did not
wait for his entry into the city; all ranks of men went
out to meet him; yet, though the spectacle was enjoyed,
it created some envy and ill-will. The magnificence of
the pageant was thought to be too great, not only for a
citizen but even for a mortal. The dictator entered
Rome in a chariot drawn by four white horses, which,
it was said, was nothing less than a profane and wicked
emulation of the cars of Jupiter and Sol. His victory,
however, was no mean achievement, and deserved an ex-
traordinary triumph; for Yeii is described as having
excelled Rome, as well by its situation as by the beauty
and magnificence both of its public and private buildings.2
We are now arrived at a fatal and humiliating epoch
in the history of the city. Rome was destined to fall for
a while into the power of the northern barbarians; to
rise, indeed, with fresh splendour, till, after the expira-
tion of exactly eight centuries, she was again to suffer
the same humiliation. Into the history and movements

1 Liv. iii. 29.

2 Liv. v. 23.BATTLE OF THE ALLIA.

79

of the Gauls previously to their appearance before Rome
it belongs not to this work to inquire. However they
may have been led thither, it appears certain that in the
year b.c. 390 vast hosts of these barbarians, amounting,
it is said, to 70,000 men, directed their march upon
Eome, and defeated the Roman army, consisting of only
about 24,000 men, at a small stream called the Allia,
ten or eleven miles distant from the city. The Romans
were entirely routed, many were killed or drowned, a
portion of their left wing sought refuge in the recently
captured town of Yeii, while the small remainder of the
army, panic-stricken, fled hastily to Rome, nor halted
till they had shut themselves up in the Capitol, leaving
the rest of the city tand its gates totally defenceless.
Before sunset on the same day—it was the middle of
July—the van of the Gallic host appeared at the Porta
Collina. But the very despair of the Romans proved a
temporary security. The Gauls, finding the gate open
and undefended, suspected an ambush, and retired for
the night to a spot between the Anio and the Tiber.

Meanwhile Rome was filled with consternation. The
streets and roads were crowded with the flying citizens,
who especially directed their course over the Sublician
bridge to seek refuge in the Janiculum. But, even in
this extremity of misfortune and fear, religion asserted
its influence over the minds of the devout Romans. The
Yestal virgins and the Flamen Quirinalis having buried
some of the sacred utensils of their worship at a place
in the Forum Boarium, which from this circumstance
was afterwards consecrated under the name of Doliola,1
were proceeding with the remainder up the ascent of
the Janiculum, when being observed by a plebeian

1 Liv. v. 40; Val. Max. i. 1, 10 ; Yarro, L. L. y. § 157.80

THE GAULS AT ROME.

named L. Albinius, lie caused his wife and children to
descend from the waggon in which he was conveying
them from the city, placed in it the holy virgins, and
conducted them in safety to Caere.

The senators and dignified patricians, and some of the
more aged plebeians, had been left behind to their fate ;
or rather the former had deemed it incompatible with,
the honourable posts which they filled to abandon the
city and their duties by an ignoble flight. By some it
was related that they had even solemnly devoted them-
selves to death for the sake of their country, by repeat-
ing after M. Fabius, the Pontifex Maximus, a form of
prayer devised for the occasion. And then they took
their seats in the vestibules of their houses,1 wearing
their senatorial and their consular robes, and bearing in
their hands the ivory sceptres which were the badges of
their dignity : and thus they tranquilly awaited the
approach of the enemy. It was not long deferred. The
Gauls entered Rome the next day after the battle.2

1	Elorus (i. 13) and Ovid (Fasti, vi. 363 sq.) agree with Livy, that
the old men were killed in the atria of their houses. Plutarch, how-
ever, says (Cam. 21) that they were seated on the Forum in their
curule chairs, which would have been an ostentatious and ridiculous
position. We are. unable to understand Sir G. C. Lewis' difficulty
(vol. ii. p. 343) how the act of Papirius should have led to the
slaughter of all the other senators if they had been sitting in their
houses. IAvy does not say that the slaughter was immediate.

2	Such is the account of Livy (v. 39). The historian, however, is
accused of inconsistency by Sir G. C. Lewis; who charges him with
in one place representing a day as intervening between the battle
and the entry of the city, and in another place with stating that
those events were on successive days ^Credibility, fyc. vol. ii. p. 326).
The charge arises from the misconstruing of the critic. Livy says
that the shouts of the Gauls when they had arrived at the city on
the first day kept the Romans in suspense till the following morning
(usque ad lucem alteram). First they concluded there would be anTHE BURNING OF ROME.

81

They were at first struck with astonishment and awe at
beholding the consuls and senators in their embroidered
robes sitting tranquil and unmoved with a majesty that
seemed almost divine. At length, one more insolent
than his fellows, having ventured to stroke the beard of
M. Papirius, received a violent blow from the insulted
senator. This act provoked an indiscriminate slaughter ;
the senators were first killed, then all the other citizens
that could be found; after which the houses were
plundered and set on fire.

The amount of destruction caused by the flames is an
important question for the history of the city, but one
not very easy of solution. It must no doubt have been
very extensive, though we should not, perhaps, take
literally the rhetorical descriptions of the historians.
Livy says in one place that the whole town was destroyed
(" etsi omnia flammis ac ruinis eequata vidissent," v. 42),
and in another only half of it (" instruit deinde aciem,
utlocinatura patiebatur, in semirutce solo urbis " ib. 49).
It may be presumed that the Gauls would have spared
part of the town for their own sakes. The private
houses were probably slightly constructed and roofed
with shingles, as they continued to be down to the war
with Pyrrhus,1 and hence the fire may probably have

immediate attack : why else should the enemy have left the Allia ?
Then about sunset they thought they should surely be attacked
before night; and when that did not happen, they imagined that the
assault had been deferred till night and darkness should render it
more terrible. Livy thus explains how the minds of the Romans
were kept in suspense during the afternoon, evening, and night of
the first clay; and the " lux appropinquans " is not the second day
after the battle, as Sir G. C. Lewis says, but the first. Therefore
Livy is perfectly consistent when in c. 41 (not 51) " he speaks of the
Gauls entering the city c postero die' after the battle."

1 Corn. Nepos, ap. Plin. H. N, xvi. 15.

G82

DAMAGE DONE BY THE FIRE.

destroyed a great part of them. But it is known tliat
some at least of the temples and public buildings escaped,
since we read in Livy 1 of the senate meeting in the
Curia Hostilia after the fire; and such, perhaps, was
also the case with several temples on the Aventine and
other places, in which were preserved down to the
imperial times treaties and other public muniments
which had been made before the fire. The Capitol with
its temples was also of course preserved from the flames,
since it was held by the Roman soldiers. Hence it
follows that a considerable number of records must
have been preserved. The Yestal virgins also appear
to have secured some of the books of ISTuma, pertaining
to religion, by burying them in the Doliola, and other
objects of the same kind were conveyed to neighbouring
towns.2

The Gauls, being repulsed in an assault upon the
Capitoline hill, turned the siege into a blockade. Never-
theless, C. Eabius Dorso contrived to pass their sentinels
in order to perform an hereditary family sacrifice on the
Quirinal, and to return without molestation. The Gauls
now felt the ill effects of their barbarous act in burning
the city, by which a great quantity of provisions had
been destroyed; and they were consequently obliged to
send a large part of their force to scour the surrounding
country and procure the means of subsistence for the
army. Having observed, however, that the Capitoline
Hill was tolerably easy of access at its southern extremity
near the Carmental gate, to which point their attention
is said to have been drawn by the footmarks of a mes-
senger between the Romans who had fled to Yeii and
those on the Capitol, the Gauls attempted a surprise in

1 v. 55.

2 Yarro, L. L. v. § 157 ; Liv. v. 51.MANLIUS REPULSES THE GAULS. 83

that quarter. So stealthily was it effected that neither
the sentinels nor even the dogs were alarmed ; but the
sacred geese of Juno, which, even in that dearth of pro-
visions, the garrison had abstained from eating, gave
notice by their cackling of the approach of the enemy.
Manlius, a consular, now rushed from his house in the
Arx, and cast down a Gaul who had already gained the
summit; the man in his fall overthrew several who were
following him ; and the Romans, being now completely
roused, easily repulsed their assailants.

After the Gauls had beleaguered the Capitol more than
sis months, famine at length compelled the Roman
garrison to capitulate. The Gauls themselves had
indeed also suffered severely; numbers of them had
perished from pestilence and want of food, and their
bodies, being collected together, were burnt either by
themselves or by the Romans after the recovery of the
city, at a spot which obtained the name of Busta
Gallica.* By a decree of the senate—for we must sup-
pose that a new senate had been organized on the
Capitol—the military tribune, Q. Sulpicius, was autho-
rized to treat with Brennus, the Gallic leader, who con-
sented to evacuate Rome on receiving 1,000 pounds of
gold. Such, observes Livy, was the ransom of a people
who were soon afterwards to rule the earth. The scales
were set up, the gold produced; but when Sulpicius
complained that the weights were false, the insolent
Gaul threw his sword into the scale, with the exclama-
tion, intolerable to Roman ears, Yse victis ! " Woe to the
conquered! "2

At this critical juncture Camillus appears upon the
scene. He had been appointed dictator by the Romans

1 Varro, L. L. v. § 157.

2 Liv. v. 48.84

THE GAULISH RANSOM.

at Yeii, with the consent of the senate on the Capitol?
which had been obtained through Pontius Cominius,
the messenger already alluded to ; and he appeared at
Rome with his forces before the disgraceful bargain
could be completed by the delivery of the gold. He
rejected the compact made by Sulpicius as unsanc-
tioned by himself, the superior magistrate; droye the
Gauls from Rome in a hasty skirmish; overtook them
again at the eighth mile-stone on the road to Gabiae ;
engaged them in a more regular battle, and exterminated
their whole host, so that not a man was left to tell the
disaster. Such is the account given by Livy,1 which
appears to have been generally received among the
Romans. He may perhaps have adopted the most
striking version of the story, just as he makes the
Sabine women rush in between the combatants, in pre-
ference to representing them as going on an embassy;
but the main point is^ whether Camillus, in whatever
manner, recovered the gold. Livy is followed, with
some minor variations, by Plutarch,2 Appian,3 and
Eutropius.4 Diodorus also mentions the payment of the
thousand pounds of gold to the Gauls, and its recovery
by Camillus; not however at Rome, but at some other
place which cannot be identified.5 Polybius mentions
nothing about Camillus ; but his account is inconsistent.
In one passage he represents the Gauls as abandoning
Rome after making a treaty with the Romans; while
in another it is stated that they gave up the city without
entering into any conditions whatsoever.6 Suetonius

1 Lib. v. c. 49.	2 Camill. 29.

3 Hist. Bom. iv. 1.	4 i. 20.

5	xiv. 116, 117.

6	See ii. 18 and 22. The former passage is perhaps alluded to by

Strabo, vi. 4, § 2.HOW RECOVERED.

85

mentions a report that Livius Drusus, a maternal an-
cestor of the Emperor Tiberius, recovered in Gaul—
more than a century after!—the money paid for the
redemption of Home,1 which must therefore have been
carried off; but , can so absurd a rumour be placed
against the weight of testimony in favour of Camillus ?
Drusus may perhaps have extorted money from the
Gauls under such a pretence; or the report may have
been invented to flatter Tiberius. It is hardly worth
while to sift the testimony of such writers as Justin,
Frontinus, and Polysonus; some of whom, however, are
not at variance with the commonly received account.

The current tradition is strongly confirmed by an
anecdote of Crassus, told by Pliny the elder.2 In his
second consulship with Pompey, B.C. 55, Crassus carried
away from the throne of the Capitoline Jupiter, where it
had been concealed by Camillus, 2,000 pounds of gold,
half of which had been given to the Gauls as ransom,
and the other half plundered by them from the Roman
temples. That Crassus took this gold cannot be doubted,
unless we are to reject all ancient testimony in a lump.
The act was done in the historical times, and the ab-
straction of so large a sum could not have failed to be
recorded in the proper registers. Whether it had been
dedicated by Camillus might admit of more question.
Sir G. C. Lewis allows 3 that the passage in Pliny " proves
that 2,000 pounds of gold were actually taken from this
temple by Crassus, and that it was currently believed to
have been the deposit of Camillus." But Pliny says
nothing of a " current belief." He states that the gold
was placed there by Camillas. It may be presumed that

1	Tiber, iii.

2	H. N. xxxiii. 5. Some edd. omit the name of Crassus.

3	Credibility, $c. vol. ii. p. 336.86

THE GOLD HOW COLLECTED.

so valuable an anathema would»not have been left un-
recorded ; and as the temple was not burnt by tlie
Gauls, such a record might at least have existed till the
first destruction of the temple by fire in B.C. 83, and
therefore till the historical times, when its purport must
have been duly remembered. The gold being doubt-
less preserved in a repository under the throne, like the
vault in which Sulpicius subsequently consecrated some
gold also conquered from the Gauls,1 the inscription as.
well as the gold may have escaped the action of the fire.

Livy's account of this gold is consistent, with that of
Pliny, except that he states that the amount over and
above the sum paid to the Gauls was not recovered from
the plunder which they had perpetrated, but had been
carried in the first alarm of their invasion from other
temples, and placed in that of Jupiter. Livy, however,
is here charged by Sir G. 0. Lewis with being obscure
and confused. " Everything," he observes, " which con-
cerns the Gallic gold is, however, in a state of confusion
and obscurity. Livy first states that this gold had been
collected from various temples; but he adds that when
the quantity in the public treasury was insufficient, the
matrons contributed their golden ornaments, in order that
the sacred gold might not be violated: whereas, a few
lines before, he had stated that the gold was taken from
the temples." Now this is altogether a misconception of
Livy's words. He does not say that this gold, that is, the
gold paid to the Gauls, had been collected from various
temples. What he really says is as follows : " The gold
which had been recovered from the Gauls, and that which
during the alarm (inter trepidationem) had been taken
from other temples, and placed in the cell of Jove, as it

1 " Anri satis magnum pondns, saxo quadrato sseptum, in Capi-
tolio sacravit."—Liv. vii. 15.HOW CONSECRATED.

87

was not exactly known to wliat temples it should be
restored, was all adjudged to be sacred, and was buried
under tlie throne of the deity. The religious feelings
of the people had been already manifested by the circum-
stance that, as there was not enough gold in the public
treasury to make up the sum agreed to be paid to the
Grauls, that contributed by the matrons had been accepted
in order that the sacred gold might not be touched." 1
Nothing can be clearer than this statement, and it is only
surprising how it should occasi^ any confusion. Not an
ounce of the gold paid to the Grauls had been taken from
the temples. On the contrary, Livy expressly says that
the sacred gold was spared; that the necessary sum was
taken from the treasury, so far as that supply went, and
the deficiency made good by the contributions of the
matrons. When the gold thus procured, wholly from
profane sources, was recaptured, it was declared sacred,
like the other gold before conveyed into the temple. It
was this other gold, then, already sacred, and the re-
covered ransom, afterwards consecrated, which made up
the 2,000 lbs. weight mentioned by Pliny.

Sir Gr. C. Lewis finds a further difficulty as to this
gold in another passage of Livy,2 where Manlius is de-
scribed as complaining of its embezzlement by the patri-
cians. He makes Livy say that the gold had been raised
by a general property tax, and then proceeds to observe
that it "is difficult to understand how the Romans en-
closed in the Capitol could, after the burning of the city
and the dispersion of the population, have either obtained
golden ornaments from the matrons or levied a general
tax upon the citizens."3 But by the words "tributo

1 Lib. v. c. 50.	2 Lib. vi. c. 14.

3 Credibility, $c, vol. ii. p. 352.88

DOUBTS OF SIR G. C. LEWIS.

collatio facta," Livy alludes only to tlie contribution of
tlie matrons. We must remember that Manlius is trying
to make out a bad case against tlie patricians—" omisso
discrimine vera an vana jaceret; " and tlie historian, in
order, no doubt, to put his statement in the strongest
light, uses the word " tribute " of the offerings of the
matrons ; which indeed they virtually were, since, as we
shall presently see, they were repaid out of the public
money. The difficulty is still more trivial about the
possibility of obtaining this contribution from the ma-
trons. Livy tells us that a great part of them had
followed their male relations to the citadel.1 Many of
them were doubtless the wives, sisters, or daughters of
the senators or consulars who had refused to fly; most
of them were probably patrician, and may be supposed
to have carried with them into the citadel the golden
ornaments then so universally worn. They were after-
wards repaid the value of them out of the proceeds of a
sale of Etruscan prisoners taken by Camillus ;2 but the
original gold they had contributed, having been conse-
crated to Jupiter after its recovery, was still in his
temple, unless Manlius' charge of peculation was true ;
and it is to this gold, " ex hostibus cap turn," that Livy
alludes in his fourteenth chapter.

The reader must determine for himself whether Sir
Gr. 0. Lewis has arrived at a sound conclusion in allow-
ing that some of the minute details of the Gallic occupa-
tion of Rome, " such as the alarm given by the geese,
the removal of the Vestal virgins in the waggon of Albi-
nius, and the sacrifice of Fabius, may have been faith-
fully preserved by tradition," though one of the great

1	" Magna tamen pars earum in arcem suos prosecutes sunt."—
v. 40.

2	" Pretio pro auro matronis persoluto."—Liv. vi. 4.HXSTOKICAL EMBELLISHMENT.

89

outlines of the history, the share, if any, which Camillus
bore in the liberation of his country, remains an enigma.1
For ourselves, we must confess our opinion that if tra-
dition or the pontifical scribes, preserved or recorded the
minor incidents of the story, which, in fact, were the
most likely to be invented, they would, a fortiori, have
handed down the greater ones of so striking and un-
paralleled an event in the fortunes of Rome. It is possible,
indeed, that Livy, for the sake of effect, may have in-
serted in his account of these events some minor details
which cannot be proved to have really happened : such,
for instance, as the appearance of Camillus at the very'
moment when the gold was in the scales. This, how-
ever, should not be allowed to invalidate his general
statement that Camillus defeated the Grauls, and re-
covered from them the gold which they had exacted.
This is the substance of the story ; the rest belongs only
to the manner of the writer. If we should reject every
account worked up by historians with theatrical effect,
we should reject much that is substantially true. Even
in recent times, for example, Maria Theresa has been
described as presenting her infant son to the Hungarian
diet at Pressburg, and by this means winning their
sympathy and aid. Recent researches have proved this
account to be incorrect, and made up by throwing the
proceedings of several days into one;2 yet nobody can
doubt that the Austrian queen really appeared at Press-
burg and obtained the support of the Magyars. Nu-
merous instances of the same kind will strike every
reader.

After all, however, it is by no means improbable that

1	Credibility, vol. ii. p. 355.

2	See my Hist, of Europe, vol. iv. p. 101.90	INCIDENTAL CONFIRMATION.

the event occurred just as Livy tells it. Truth is some-
times stranger than fiction, and the instinct of doubt
often falls short of the reality of fact. Doubt is only a
form of suspicion; and though suspicion, under proper
control, is no doubt a useful thing, yet there is scarce a
feeling of the human mind more liable to overrun its
proper boundaries. The share of Camillus in the trans-
actions in question is confirmed by Livy's account1 of
his dedicating three golden paterce, inscribed with his
name, to Juno out of the surplus of his Etruscan spoils,
after paying the matrons : which <paterce were extant in
B.C. 83, and consequently in the time of Livy's father.

1 Lib. vi. 4.91

SECTION II.

FROM THE DESTRUCTION OF ROME BY THE GAULS TO THE
REIGN OF AUGUSTUS CiESAR.

E now enter upon a new period of Roman his-

tory. Events, Livy observes, become clearer and
more certain ; lie is no longer obliged critically to select
them, and thus to compress, as he has hitherto done, the
history of nearly four centuries into five books, but is
able to give his narrative a freer course.1

Camillus, after destroying the Grauls, returned with
his army to Home ; the fugitive citizens came back in
great numbers, and the city began to reassume the
appearance at least of population. But on every side
ruin and desolation met their eyes. Their houses had
not only vanished, but even the sites of them could no
longer be recognized: and in this desolate state the
plebeians and their tribunes began to agitate a scheme of
emigration to Veii, where everything was ready for their
reception. Camillus exerted all his eloquence to divert
them from this project, and exhausted every argument
that might induce them to remain. He appealed es-
pecially to their religious feelings, and painted in the
strongest colours the infamy of deserting their temples,
their gods, and their ancient hereditary sacrifices. But
though this part of his speech made a great impression,

1 Lib. vi. c. 1 init.92

ROMAN SUPERSTITION.

it would perhaps have failed of its effect had it not been
supported by one of those omens which had always a
powerful influence on the superstitious minds of the
Romans. Soon after Camillus' address to the people,
the senate had assembled in the Curia Hostilia to debate
the subject, and the plebeian crowd had gathered around
it to learn the result of their deliberations. It happened
at this juncture that a company of soldiers were passing
over the Forum; and when they had reached the Comi-
tium, close to which the Curia Hostilia was situated,
their centurion, whether by chance or design, gave the
command, " Ensign, plant the standard here; this is the
best place for a halt." At these words the senate issued
from the Curia, exclaiming that they accepted the
omen; and the plebeians, moved by the same voice,
shouted their approbation.1 Such were the trivial in-
cidents which sometimes decided at Home the most im-
portant affairs of state.

Camillus, aware of this characteristic, had first turned
his attention to matters of religion. He procured a
decree of the senate for purifying and restoring all the
temples which had been in the possession of the enemy;
for giving citizens of Casre the rights of public hospi-
tality in return for their having sheltered the Roman
priests and their sacred utensils; and for celebrating
Capitoline games in honour of Jupiter; the saviour of his
own temple and of the Roman citadel.2 A neglected
warning of the gods had also to be expiated. Just before
the appearance of the G-auls, a plebeian named M. Cgedi-
cius had reported to the tribunes that in the dead of
night, being in the Nova Via, just above the Temple of
Vesta, he had been commanded by a superhuman voice

1 Liv. v. 50-55.

2 Ibid. 50.AIUS LOCUTIUS—TEMPLE OF MARS. 93

to announce to tlie magistrates the approach of the
Gauls;1 but as they were a people remote and little
known, and he who announced their coming a man of
humble birth, the warning had been unheeded. To ex-
piate this neglect, an altar was ordered to be consecrated
to Aius Locutius, or the announcing voice, at the spot
where it had been heard.2

A Temple of Mars, yowed in the Gallic war, it does
not appear by whom, was also erected near the Via
Appia, at the distance of almost two miles from the
Porta Capena, and was dedicated by the duumvir sacris
faciundis, T. Quinctius, in b.c. 387.3 It appears to have
stood on a hill, as we read of the Clivus Martis, and to
have been approached by a portico from the Yia Capena,
which must almost have rivalled in length the celebrated
portico at Bologna extending to the church of the Ma-
donna di S. Luca.4 It is mentioned above (p. 67).

The demands of religion being thus satisfied, attention
was next turned to oJie rebuilding of the city. Tiles
were furnished at the public expense; and the citizens
were permitted to fell timber and quarry stone wherever
they pleased, on their giving security that the houses
should be finished within the year. But this provision
proved detrimental. For in the hurry to get the build-
ings completed no care was taken about laying out the
streets : every vacant place was built upon, without in-
quiry as to whom it belonged. The ground being thus
seized, rather than regularly divided, the greatest con-
fusion prevailed in the plan of the city, so that many of
the private houses were even built over the sewers, the

1	Liy. v. 32.

2	Liv. v. 50 5 Cicero, Div. i. 45.	3 Liv. vi. 5.

4 Appian, B.C. iii. 41; Ov. Fast, vi. 191 sqq., et ibi Scliol.94 MANLIUS CAPITOLIISTUS ACCUSED.

course of which, had previously lain through the public
thoroughfares and open places. The gediles superin-
tended the building operations, and took care that the
prescribed condition was observed, so that by the end of
the year a new city had risen up. Many Romans had
migrated to Yeii rather than undertake the labour of
building at Borne, but were compelled to return, under
pain of capital punishment. Thus the city became
as large and well peopled as before;1 and Camillus,
from the part he had taken in reconstructing it, and
preventing the emigration of the inhabitants, obtained
the title of the second founder of Home.2

The first event of much importance connected with
the history of the city after its reconstruction, is the
trial and condemnation of Manlius Capitolinus, the
saviour of the Capitol. His name of Capitolinus, how-
ever, does not appear to have been derived from that
event, as Plutarch 3 and others have assumed, since we
read of an ancestor who had previously borne it:4 and as
it was also a surname of the Quinctian family,5 it may
probably have been adopted merely from a residence on
the Capitoline Hill. Manlius was accused of sedition,
and of aiming at the regal power. The Comitia Cen-
turiata, before which he was arraigned, were held in the
Septa or Ovile in that part of the Campus Martius called
the Prata Elaminia; and probably lay somewhere between
the Palazzo Doria and the Piazza di Minerva.6 From
this place, the intervening ground being then unoccupied
with buildings, the Capitol and Arx were visible; and
Manlius seized the opportunity to work upon the feelings

1 Liv. vi. 4.	2 Ibid. yii. 1$ Pint. Cam. i. 31.

3 Ibid. 36.	4 Liv. iv. 42.	5 Ibid. 43, vii. 1.

6 See Ampere, Hist. Bomaine a Rome, t. ii. p. 325 note.TEMPLE OF JUNO MONETA,

95

of tlie people by pointing to the temple and citadel wliicli
lie liad saved. The tribunes, to deprive him of this
appeal, transferred the assembly to the Lucus Poetelinus,
just outside the Porta Flumentana; from which, as it
lay close under the southern extremity of the hill, and
as the view was obstructed by trees, the Capitoline
temple was not visible.1 Manlius was now condemned
and hurled from the Tarpeian rock. His punishment
was followed by a decree that no patrician should thence-
forth reside upon the Capitoline Hill.2 The house of
Manlius appears also to have been razed, and thirty or
forty years afterwards (b.c. 345) was erected upon its
site the famous Temple oe Juno Moneta, in pursuance
of a vow of the dictator L. Furius Camillus.3

Rome was not yet secure from the insults of her
enemies. In b.c. 380 the Pr^nestines, relying on sedi-
tions which prevented the enrolling of a Roman army,
appeared before the Colline gate and pitched their camp
on the river Allia, where, however, they were defeated by
the dictator T. Quinctius Cincinnatus.4 The war ended
with the capture of eight cities belonging to the Prasnes-
tines, and the surrender of Preeneste itself; whence the
triumphant dictator carried to Rome a statue of Jupiter
Imperator, and dedicated it in the Capitol, between the
cells of Jove and Minerva. The Gauls also reappeared
in b.c. 367, and many battles with them ensued. In b.c.
361 they penetrated by the Salarian road to within three
miles of Rome ; and here it was that T. Manlius fought
the single combat by which he earned the golden collar
of his Gallic adversary, and the surname of Torquatus.

1	I have adverted in the article Roma, p. 751, to the use which
may be made of this account to determine the situation of the temple.

2	Liv. vi. 20.	3 Ibid, vii. 28.	4 Ibid, yi. 28 sq.96 THE ROSTRA—THE CGLUMNA M2ENIA.

It seems not improbable that the celebrated statue of the
dying Gaul in the Capitoline Museum may have been
suggested by this event. Next year the Gauls again ap-
peared before the Colline gate, and other struggles took
place with them in the neighbourhood of Rome down to
the year b.c. 349 ; after which, we hear no more of them
for half a century. It was in the last-named year that
M. Yalerius obtained the surname of Corvus or Corvi-
nus, from being assisted by a raven in a single combat
with a Gaul.1

After the final subjugation of Latium in b.c. 338,
several Latin cities received the right of Roman citizen-
ship, while others were treated with severity. The
people of Antium, though they were admitted to the
privilege of citizenship, were deprived of their fleet;
part of their ships of war were carried up the Tiber to
the Roman arsenal, and part were burnt. A suggestum,
or raised place in the Forum, having been adorned with
the beaks of those destroyed, and inaugurated as a
temple, received the name of Rostra, and became the
usual place whence orators addressed the people. The
Rostra stood before the Curia Hostilia on or near the
Comitium.2 A victory of C. Meenius in this war was
commemorated, according to Pliny, by the erection of a
column on the Forum, called Columna M^nia ; the first
example of such a monument at Rome.3

That love of the Romans for public life, who delighted

1	Liv. vii. 26.

2	Liv. viii. 14. "Ante hanc (Curiam Host.) Rostra, cujus loci
id vocabulum, quod ex hostibus capta iixa sunt rostra."—Varr. L. L.
v. 155. " Erant enim tunc Rostra non eo loco quo nunc sunt, sed ad
Comitium prope juncta Curiae."—Ascon. Cic. Mil. 5.

3	Plin. H. N. xxxiv. 11. But Livy, viii. 13, calls the monument an
equestrian statue. See below, p. 109, note 2.THE LECTISTERNIUM.

97

in shows and festivals, in games, triumphs, and proces-
sions, in political and judicial deliberations held in the
open air, manifested itself also even in the calamities
which sometimes desolated Rome. Hence the practice
of propitiating the gods during a pestilence by a Lectis-
ternium; a custom first introduced in the pestilence
with which the city was afflicted in B.C. 399. The
statues of Apollo, Latona, and Diana, to whom the
origin of pestilences was attributed, were laid upon
couches during eight days ; those of Hercules, Neptune,
and Mercury, three.1 The Romans, however, did not
content themselves with this public ceremony. The doors
were thrown open throughout the city ; the use of all
things was made common; everybody, whether an ac-
quaintance or a stranger, was hospitably received; old
enmities were reconciled, and quarrels and law-suits
laid aside.2 A still more singular mode of propitiation
was adopted in the pestilence of B.C. 365. A lectisternium
was for the third time celebrated; but as it proved of
no effect, theatrical spectacles were introduced by way
of appeasing the wrath of the gods. The only probable
reason for adopting so strange a method seems to be,
that, by diverting the minds of the people from ponder-
ing upon their calamities, they might obtain a better
chance of escaping or throwing off the malady. On
such occasions moral causes are not altogether without
effect, and perhaps even the lectisternium itself might
have been suggested by this reflection. Hitherto the
only public spectacle had been the games of the circus;
the entertainment now introduced from Etruria seems

1	Hercules was regarded at Rome as the giver of health. Neptune,
or the sea, was supposed to be connected with pestilence, and Mer-
cury was probably propitiated as the conductor of the souls of men.

2	Liv. v. 13.

H98

THE ETRUSCAN LUDIONES.

to have been merely a sort of dance. The players, who
were Etruscans, uttered not a word, nor imitated 'any
action or story with their gestures; they only executed
some graceful movements to the sound of pipes. This
novel entertainment was received with great favour.
The Roman youth began in a rude way to imitate the
dancers, adding, however, some jocular verses, to which
they adapted their movements; in fact, the old Fescen-
nine [verse, only more rhythmical, set to music, and
accompanied with appropriate action. The Roman who
practised this art was called histrio, from hister, the
Tuscan name for a player. More than a century was to
elapse before Livius Andronicus introduced the regular
drama, as we shall have to relate further on. In fact,
it may be doubted whether Horace's complaint—

Jam migmvit ab aure voluptas
Omnis ad ineertos oculos et gauclia vana 1—

is well founded. The Romans from the beginning pre-
ferred to be spectators rather than hearers, and among
them the regular drama was never much more than an
exotic entertainment. The introduction of the Etruscan
lucliones did not, however, answer the purpose for which
it was intended. The performance was interrupted by
the Tiber inundating the circus ; a sign of the divine dis-
pleasure which filled the Romans with consternation.2

Yet although this love for outdoor life and for magni-
ficent spectacles would seem to indicate a cheerful dis-
position, many of the Roman customs show a gloomy
and savage barbarity. Such were human sacrifices, and
especially the mode of them by burying alive. This
punishment was not restricted to unchaste Yestals,

1 Epp. ii. 1, 187.

2 Liv. vii. 2, 3.THE CAMPUS SCELERATUS.

99

though, even in sncli a case it seems barbarous enough..
In b.c. 337, the Yestal Minueia was condemned by the
Pontifices, on the evidence of a slave, to be buried alive
just inside the Porta Collina; for guilty Yestals still
retained the privilege of interment within the walls.
This is the first execution of the kind recorded by Livy,1
but Dionysius mentions a former instance of Pinaria, in
the reign of Tarquinius Priscus.2 The place where
Minueia was buried, just under the northern extremity
of the Servian agger, obtained the name of Campus
Sceleratus. Such was the inquisition of those pagan
days ; luckily, however, unlike modern times, the victims
were taken only from the priesthood. The younger
Pliny has left us a touching picture of the dignified
death of Cornelia, chief of the Yestals, condemned,
though innocent, or at all events untried, by Domitian.3
Other instances of interment alive were either acts of
self-devotion, or were adopted, in remarkably disastrous
conjunctures, in lieu of regular sacrifices.

An anecdote belonging to this period (b.C. 311) is of
a more genial nature, and affords a glimpse of Roman
manners in those times. The pipers, a jovial crew, fond
of good eating and drinking, having been deprived by
the censors of their ancient customary feast in the
Temple of Jupiter, struck to a man and departed in a
body to Tibur. Next day, lo ! there was nobody to pipe
before the sacrifices ! The senate was perplexed. The
pipers knew their value, and had hit the right nail; it
was a matter of religion, and at Rome religion was the
soul of the state. As in a case of the weightiest political
importance, ambassadors were despatched to the Tibur-
tines to procure the restitution of the vagabond musicians.

1 viii. 15.

2 ii. 67, iii. 67.

3 Efp. iv. 11.100

SECESSION OF THE PIPERS.

But promises and exhortations were exhausted in vain
till a plan was hit upon for securing the men by means
of their characteristic failing. On a feast-day they were
invited separately to dinner, on pretence of enlivening
the meal with their music; they were plied with wine,
till drunkenness, and next sleep, oppressed them, and in
this state of double oblivion were bound, put into waggons,
and conveyed to Rome. Great was their astonishment,
on awaking next morning, to find themselves in the
Forum! Terms were now made with them, and they
were persuaded to remain, on condition that those who
had piped at the sacrifices should enjoy their traditionary
feast, and for three days every year ^should wander fan-
tastically dressed, playing their music, through the
streets of Rome ; a custom which appears to have lasted
till the Empire.1 The sojourner in the modern city may
find their counterparts in the pipers of the Abruzzi, who,
during nine days before Christmas, pipe their wild dis-
cordant notes before every image of the Madonna.

The censorship of Appius Claudius Csgcus, b.c. 312, a
memorable period in the history of the city, fell in the
midst of the three Samnite wars, which lasted more
than half a century (b.c. 343-290). While the surround-
ing country remained unsubjugated, the Romans could
of course undertake no important works outside their
gates. The existence of gates, indeed, implies the exis-
tence of roads of some kind or another; but it may be
conjectured that they were originally of a wretched
description, or, at all events, not to be compared with
those solid and durable ways for the construction of
which the later Romans were famous. The Latins had
been completely subjugated in b.c. 338; and although,

1 Liv. ix. 30.ROMAN ROADS.

101

in b.c. 312, danger was still to be apprehended from the
Samnites, yet a good military road might proye of the
greatest service in any future wars with that people.

The great Roman highways did not exceed fifteen
feet in breadth, and were sometimes a foot or two less.
In constructing them, the earth was excavated till a
solid foundation was obtained, or, in swampy places, a
foundation was made by driving piles. Over this, which
was called the gremium, four courses or strata were laid;
namely, the statumen, the ruclus, the nucleus, and the
pavimentum. The statumen, which rested on the gre-
mmm, consisted of loose stones of a moderate size. The
ruclus, or rubble-work, over this, about nine inches thick,
was composed of broken stones, cemented with lime.
The nucleus, half a foot thick, was made with pottery
broken into small pieces, and also cemented with lime.
Over all was the jpavimentum, or pavement, consisting
of large polygonal blocks of hard stone, and, particularly
in the neighbourhood of Rome, of basaltic lava, nicely
fitted together, so as to present a smooth surface. The
road was somewhat elevated in the centre, to allow the
water to run off, and on each side were raised footpaths
covered with gravel. At certain intervals were blocks
of stone, to enable a horseman to mount. Roads thus
constructed were of such extraordinary durability, that
portions of some more than a thousand years old are
still in a high state of preservation.1

The Via Appia, leaving Rome by the Porta Capena,
appears to have been first constructed in a direct line
to Aricia; but, before the termination of Appius' censor-
ship, it had been carried on as far as Capua. It was, no

1 Respecting the Roman roads, see Bergier, Hist, cles grands
Chemins de VEmpire Romain; and Dean Ramsay's article Vice in
Dr. Smith's Diet, of GreeJc and Roman Antiquities.102

ROMAN AQUEDUCTS.

doubt, improved in later times, and ultimately extended
to Brundusium, and, from its lengtli and beauty, ob-
tained tlie name of Regina Viarum.1 The Via Latina
branched off from it on the left at a little distance from
the Porta Capena, and, making a circuit by Ferentinum,
again joined the Yia Appia before it entered Capua.
The Yia Latina was also a very ancient road, but its
date and origin are unknown. At a later period, which
cannot be accurately determined, the distances along
the roads were marked by the erection of milestones.

Appius Claudius Cgecus also constructed the first
Roman aqueduct, which from him obtained the name
of Aqua Appia. However useful this work may have
been, it cannot be compared for extent and magnificence
with some succeeding ones of the same description. Its
sources were only between seven and eight miles from
Home, on the road to Prasneste, and it was conducted
the whole way underground, till it arrived at the Porta
Capena,2 whence it was carried on arches to the Porta
Trigemina, sixty passus, or 300 feet, and began to be
distributed at the Clivus Publicius, on the Aventine.3
Appius courted the populace, which was probably the
reason why he favoured this plebeian quarter of the city
with the use of the first aqueduct. In his second con-
sulship, in the war with the Etruscans and Samnites, in
b.c. 297, he is said to have vowed a Temple to Bellona.

1	For a description of it, see Mr. Bunbury's article Via Ap]pia> in
Dr. Smith's Diet, of Greek and Roman Geography.

2	Hence the line of Juvenal:

Substitit ad veteres arcus madidamque Capenam.

Sat. iii. 11.

3	Frontinus, JDe Aqucecluctibus, is the chief ancient authority on
the Roman aqueducts. See also Fabretti, Be Aquis et Aqucecluctibus
wteris Bomce.TEMPLE OF BELLONA.

103

The only temple of Bellona, which, we know of at Rome,
lay near the subsequent Circus Flaminius, in the Campus
Martius; and, according to the testimony of Pliny, this
temple was in existence two centuries earlier.1 It is,
however, plain, from numerous instances in Roman his-
tory, that the vow of a temple was frequently satisfied
by the restoration of an ancient building instead of the
erection of a new one. The temple served for assem-
blies of the senate outside of the Pomoerium; as, for
instance, when they met to accord a triumph to a
victorious general, to receive foreign ambassadors,
and other similar occasions. Before it was an open
space on which stood the Columna Bellica. Prom this
spot the Petialis, in the ceremony of declaring war,
hurled a lance into a piece of ground, supposed to repre-
sent the enemy's territory, when it was not possible to
do so on his actual frontiers.2

To the wife of Volumnius, the colleague of Appius
Claudius in the consulship, appears to have been owing
a small temple, or sacellum, of Pudicitia Plebeia. Vir-
ginia, though married to the plebeian Yolumnius, was
herself of patrician race; yet the patrician matrons,
holding that she had degraded herself by such a con-
nection, excluded her from worshipping with them in
the Temple of Pudicitia Patricia, situated ih the Porum
Boarium ; which temple may perhaps be still represented
by the little church of Sta. Maria Egiziaca. Hereupon
Yirginia dedicated part of her own residence in the
Yicus Longus, a street running between the Quirinal
and Yiminal hills, and answering to the modern Yia di
S. Yitale, for a chapel and altar of Pudicitia Plebeia.
At this altar none but plebeian matrons of unimpeach-

1	Liv. x. 19 5 Plin. H. N. xxxv. 3.

2	Serv. ad 2En. ix. 53 5 Dion. Cass. Ixxi. 33.104

STATUE OF JUPITER.

able chastity, and who, like the worshippers in the older
temple, had been married only to one husband, were
allowed to sacrifice.1

The campaign of the Romans, in B.C. 295, against the
Samnites, in which the latter people were assisted by
the Etruscans, Umbrians, and Gauls, and the decisive
Roman victory at Sentinum, nearly put an end to the
Samnite wars, which continued but a few years longer.
Further victories'were gained by the Romans in B.C. 293
and 292 ; in 290, Samnium was invaded, when the Sam-
nites submitted and sued for peace. Both consuls,
Papirius Cursor and Sp. Carvilius, received the honour
of a triumph for their victory over the Samnites, in B.C.
293. The triumph of Papirius was one of the most
vSplendid that had yet been seen at Rome; The army,
both horse and foot, marched past, adorned with the
rewards of their bravery, among which were conspicuous
many civic and mural crowns, as well as those called
vallares, for scaling the ramparts of the enemy's camp.
The triumph was also graced by many distinguished
captives, and a vast amount of money was deposited in
the treasury.2 Prom the armour taken from the sacred
Samnite band a statue of Jupiter was made, and set up
in the Capitol, of so enormous a size, according to Pliny,
that it might be beheld by Jupiter Latiaris on Mons
Albanus.3

The year B.C. 293 affords two or three other notable
circumstances connected with the life of the Roman
people. Papirius Cursor is said to have brought the
first sundial to Rome in this year, tand to have placed it

1 Liy. x. 23.	2 Liv. x. 46.

3 H. N. xxxiv. 18. There is some doubt whether the statue was

dedicated by Papirius or Carvilius.AESCULAPIUS BROUGHT TO ROME. 105

before the Temple of Quirinus ;1 but, as it was not con-
structed for the latitude of Rome, it did not show the
time correctly. This defect, however, does not appear
to have been remedied for nearly a century afterwards,
when Q. Marcius Philippus set up a correct dial. It
was not till B.C. 159 that P. Scipio Nasica erected in his
censorship a public clepsydra, which showed the lapse
of time by the escape of water, a contrivance invented
by the Greeks, and somewhat resembling the hourglass.
It had the palpable advantage over the sundial of show-
ing the time in the night and • in cloudy weather. In
the same year, on account of the victories achieved, the
spectators of the Roman games are first said to have
worn crowns or garlands on their heads ; and the Greek
custom was introduced of presenting the victors with a
palm-branch. But these triumphs and successes were
counterbalanced by a dreadful pestilence which ravaged
the city this year. The Sibylline books, being consulted,
directed that JEsculapius should be brought from Epi-
daurus to Rome. The consuls, however, were too much
occupied that year with the war to do anything more
than order a sujpplicatio for one day to .iEsculapius.
After the plague had lasted three years, ambassadors
were at length despatched to Bpidaurus, to bring the
statue of the healing god to Rome. A snake, held to
contain the deity himself, went on board the trireme
with the statue, and, the vessel having touched for a
short time at Antium, the snake made for the land, and
proceeded to a temple of .iEsculapius. After remaining
there three days, coiled round a tall palm-tree, it re-em-
barked of its own accord, and, being carried up the Tiber
to Rome, swam across the river to the Insula Tiberina,

1 H. N. vii. 60.106

TEMPLE OF iESCULAPIUS.

where, in compliance with tbe manifest will of the god,
a temple was erected to ^Esculapius. Although resorted
to by invalids, the temple does not appear to have been
connected with a hospital, like that at Epidaurus.1

The almost constant wars of the Romans with the
people of Magna Grrgecia and other countries, with
Pyrrhus, King of Epirus, and at last with Carthage,
prevented much improvement at Rome during more
than a century. Yet when Pyrrhus invaded Italy to
assist the Tarentines against the Romans in b.c. 287,
Rome, from its numerous public buildings, temples, and
other monuments, must have already assumed an air of
considerable grandeur; for his ambassadors reported to
him that the whole city resembled a vast temple, and
the senate appeared a council of gods.2 The triumph
of M. Curius Dentatus after the reduction of Tarentum
was distinguished by some new features. Hitherto the
triumphal car had been followed only by the flocks and
herds of the Volscians or Sabines, the waggons of the
Gauls, the broken arms of the Samnites ; but now might
be seen Molossians, Thessalians, and Macedonians, be-
sides captives from Bruttium, Apulia, and Lucania, and
gold, purple cloth, statues, pictures, and all the art and
luxury of Tarentum, instead of brass and silver. What
most struck the Romans, however, were - the enormous
elephants with their towers, formerly the objects of
their fears, but which now, with bended neck and an
apparent feeling of their captivity, docilely followed the
victorious cavalry.3

The spoils won from Pyrrhus enabled Dentatus to

1	Liv. x. 47, and Epit. xi.; Valer. Max. 1, 8, § 2; Ov. Metam.
xv. 622 sqq. ; Plin. H. N. xxix. 22.

2	Floras, Ep. i. 18, § 20.	3 Floras, Ep. i. 18, § 27 sq.THE DUILIAIST COLUMN.

107

commence the aqueduct called Anio Vetus, in b.c. 273.
As its name implies, the water was taken from tlie Anio
above Tibur, at the distance of 20 miles from Rome ;
but the route was so circuitous that the total length of
the aqueduct was 43 miles. Like the Aqua Appia, the
greater part of its course was underground, only 221
■passns, or 1,105 feet, being upon arches.1 Remains of it
are still extant near the present Porta Maggiore.

The victory of C. Duillius over the Carthaginian
fleet, ofE Myl88 in Sicily, in the first Punic war (b.c. 260) ?
the first great naval triumph of the Romans, was sig-
nalized by the erection of a pillar in the Forum, called,
from its being ornamented with the beaks of the captured
vessels, the " Columna Rostrata." It stood on the Co-
mitium, and the base of it has been discovered near the
Arch of Severus.2 During the same war, L. Cornelius
Scipio, the captor of Aleria, in Sardinia, and admiral of
the Roman fleet, erected outside the Porta Capena, and
near the Temple of Mars, a temple to Tempestas, in
commemoration of the narrow escape of his fleet from
shipwreck off that island.3

The end of the first Punic war enabled the Romans
to shut the Temple of Janns, b.c. 235, the first occasion
of its being closed since the reign of Numa; soon, how-
ever, to be reopened, and not to be shut again till after
the battle of Actium.4

Some important works were undertaken in the period
between the first and second Pnnic wars. C. Flaminras^
who was censor in b.c. 220, began to construct the great
highway called after him Via Flaminia. This was the

1	Front. Aq. 5.

2	Serv. ad Georg. iii. 29; Plin. H. N. xxxiv. 11.

3	Inscrip. on his tomb 5 and Ov. Fast. vi. 192 sq.

4	Liy. i. 19.108

PRATA FLAMINIA AND CIRCUS.

great northern road of Italy, as the Via Appia was the
main southern outlet from Rome. Leaving the city
by the Porta Ratumena, the Yia Flaminia proceeded
through the Campus Martius nearly on the same line,
but a little to the east, of the modern Corso, passing
subsequently through the Porta Flaminia of the Aurelian
walls, at a little distance from the present Porta del
Popolo. At about three miles from the Porta Ratu-
mena, it crossed the Tiber by the Pons Milvius, and
proceeded on to Ariminum (Rimini), a distance of 210
miles. This road, the construction of which became
possible through the submission of Etruria andUmbria,
facilitated operations against the Gauls.

The same censor constructed the Circus Flaminius, in
the fields called Prata Flaminia at the southern ex-
tremity of the Campus Martius. The carceres of the
Circus, or starting-place of the chariots, were at no
great distance from the Capitoline Hill, while its circular
end lay towards the river. Hence it must have occu-
pied the sites of the present Palazzo Mattei, the Yia
delle Botteghe Oscure, and the church of Sta. Caterina
de' Funari, where traces of it are said to have existed
in the sixteenth century.1 After the construction of
this Circus, meetings of the people previously held in
the Prata Flaminia were transferred to it.2 Close by
was the Ovile, or place for holding the Comitia Centu-
riata, which in early times was surrounded with a rude
fence, resembling a sheepfold, whence its name.3 In
the Circus were exhibited the Ludi Plebeii and the Ludi
Saoculares, called also Taurii, or Tarentini, from a place
in the Campus Martins bearing the name of Tarentum,

1	Lucio Fauno, Ant. di Roma, lib. iv. c. 23.

2	Liv. xxvii. 21; Cic. ad Att. i. 14.

3	Liy. xxvi, 22; Juv. Sat. vi. 528.BATTLE OF TRASIMENE.

109

which had a subterranean Ara Ditis Patris et Proser-
pinse. We may here add that it was only a few years
previously (b.0. 228) that carceres for starting the
chariots had been erected at the Circus Maximus.1

But Maminius, who had adorned and improved Rome
by these noble and useful works, became the involuntary
instrument of her disgrace. The second Punic war
broke out in b.c. 218, and the Romans had to struggle
for existence against the greatest captain of any age.
Hannibal, after passing the Alps and gaining several
victories, directed his march upon Rome. Prodigies
which had filled the Romans with alarm had to be
averted by various expiations; a lectisternium, a sacri-
fice at the Temple of Saturn, and a public feast, were
celebrated; the Saturnalia were proclaimed day and
night through the city, and the people were directed to
observe that time as a perpetual festival. Maminius,
who was now consul, and whose rashness and demo-
cratic principles led him to oppose old patrician forms
and traditions, alarmed at the rapid approach of Han-
nibal, hastily quitted Rome on pretence of a private
journey, without having taken the auspices or cele-
brated the Latin fetes, and he refused to listen to any
orders for his return.2 With the same precipitancy he
led his army into an ambush which Hannibal had laid
for him at Lake Trasimene, where he expiated his rash-
ness with his life and a terrible defeat, which cost Rome
15,000 men (b.c. 217).. Two temples vowed after this
battle, one to Mens, the other to Venus Eetcina, were
erected close together on the Capitol, and consecrated
by Q. Pabius Maximus and T. Otacilius Crassus, in
b.c. 215.3

1 Liv. viii. 20 ; Yarro, L. L. v. § 154. 2 Liv. xxi. 63, xxii. 1 sqq.

3 Liv. -xxii. 10, xxiii. 515 Cic. N, D. ii. 23.110

THE LUDI APOLLINARES.

The defeat of Terentius Yarro by Hannibal at Cannse,
the following year, was a still more terrible blow. The
victor was hourly expected at Rome, and portents again
agitated the public mind, especially the nnchastity of
two Yestals, Opimia and Moronia. One of these was
buried alive at the Porta Collina, the other escaped the
same fate by suicide. As a further expiation, after con-
sulting the Sibylline books, two men and two women,
of Greek and Gallic race, were buried alive in a stone
vault in the Forum Boarium. The place, says Livy,
was already imbued with human sacrifices, though he
disclaims the practice as un-Eoman.1 A more humane
and cheerful way of propitiating the gods was by the
institution of the Ludi Apollinares in compliance with
the prophecies of one Marcius, though the idea of them
appears to have been borrowed from the Greeks. They
were celebrated in the Circus Maximus.

During the year which followed the disaster at Cannge,
Home displayed every mark of grief and humiliation.
The senate quitted the Curia, the preetor abandoned the
Comitium, to deliberate and to administer justice near
the Porta Capena, the side threatened by Hannibal.
But it was not till B.C. 211 that Hannibal, approaching
by rapid marches on the Yia Latina, reached the Anio
before his presence was suspected. The proconsul Ful-
vius had, however, preceded him, by forced marches on
the Yia Appia; and entering Home by the Porta Capena,
and marching through the city by the Carina, he pitched

1 Such sacrifices were abolished at Rome by a decree pf the senate,
B.C. 97 ; nevertheless we read of two human victims being decapitated
in the Campus Martius, B.C. 46, by order of the Pontifices, and their
heads affixed to the Regia. Pliny mentions even in his age the inter-
ment alive of Gallic and other men and women. H. N. xxviii. 3.
Cf. Dion. Cass, xliii. 24.THE CAMP OF HANNIBAL.

Ill

liis camp on the Esquiline,1 outside the Servian agger,
between the Porta Esquilina and Porta Collina. Hither
came the consuls and the senate to deliberate. Arrange-
ments were made for the defence of the city, and it
was ordered that a tolerably full senate should remain
assembled on the Porum, to give their advice on any
emergency. The camp of Hannibal was now but three
miles distant from Rome ; and that commander ventured
to make a reconnaissance round the walls with an escort
of only 2,000 horse. But the imperturbable fortitude
of the Roman people, the knowledge that, in spite of
his presence, they had despatched several corps of cavalry
to Spain, nay, that the very ground on which his camp
stood had been sold at auction without any diminution
of price, discouraged Hannibal as much as the loss of a
battle. After the empty bravado of launching a javelin
into a city which he could not take, he hastily struck
his camp, and, marching to the sanctuary of Peronia at
the foot of Soracte, consoled himself for his disappoint-
ment at Rome by plundering that wealthy shrine.2 Thus
was the city delivered from the greatest danger which
had threatened it since its capture by the Grauls.

Although the third century before the Christian era
shows but little progress in the city of Rome, it was
marked by a striking improvement in the literary culti-
vation of the Romans. The regular drama is not relished
except by a people that has attained to a considerable
degree of civilization. It was the last sort of poetry
brought to any perfection among the Greeks; and the
same observation will apply, we believe, to most other
nations. Thus Chaucer and Grower in England had
written epic and other poetry two centuries before the

1 Liv. xxvi. 8 sqq.

2 Ibid. 11.112

THE DRAMA AT ROME.

establishment of regular dramatic entertainments. The
drama, like a]l the more elegant arts of life, was derived
by the Romans from the Greeks, and was first intro-
duced at Rome after the conquest of Magna Grascia.
During the wars in that country, the poet Andronicus,
a native of Tarentum, was captured and brought to
Rome, where he became the slave of M, Livius Salinator,
and derived from him the surname of Livius. Having
sufficiently mastered the Latin language to be able to
write in it, Livius Andronicus brought out a considerable
number of plays, which, however, appear to have been
little more than translations from the Greek. The first of
them was exhibited in B.C. 240. But however rude and
barbarous the language at least of these dramas may
have been, they seem not only to have been extant in
the time of Horace, but even to have been read in
schools,1 whence it would appear that there must have
been a sort of Latin literature before the time of those
authors who are reputed to have been the earliest Roman
historians.2 It must not be supposed, however, that
there was any regular theatre at Rome at this period.
The Roman aristocracy, like the English Puritans, set
their faces against dramatic entertainments, as injurious
to public morality. Although the building of a stone
theatre had been commenced, P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica,
in his consulship in B.C. 155, induced the senate to order
its demolition.3 Thus, even to the times of Plautus and
Terence, plays were represented at Rome on wooden
stages, or scaffoldings, resembling probably those on
which the Mysteries and Moralities of the middle ages

1	Ejop. ii. 1, 69 sq.

2	Liv. vii. 2 ; Cic. Brut. 18; Sueton. De ill. Gramm. 1; Gell.
xvii. 21.

3	Liv. Epit. xlviii.TEMPLE OF HONOS ET VIRTUS.

113

were performed, and the aiidience appears to have beheld
them standing. Poets in the time of Livius were called
scribes, an appellation which seems to show that the
Roman public had no very exalted idea of the poetical
vocation. A building on the Aventine appears, however,
to have been assigned for the use of Livius and of a
troop of players; and after his death, "scribes" and
actors were accustomed to meet in the Temple of Minerva
on that hill to celebrate his praises and offer gifts in his
honour.1 The drama at Rome was continued by Nasvius,
who was probably a Campanian;2 but it belongs not to
this work to trace the history of Roman literature,
except so far as it may be connected with the history
of the city and its inhabitants. We need, therefore,
only further mention here, that Ennius, also a dramatist,
but better known as the first great Latin epic poet, who
flourished soon after Livius Andronicus, towards the end
of the third century b.c., lived in a humble dwelling on
the Aventine, attended only by one female slave. That
plebeian hill may therefore be regarded as the Helicon
of the Roman muses, when they lived in republican
fashion without much patronage from the great.

Besides the adoption of the Greek drama, the Romans
likewise acquired a taste for Grecian works of art, im-
bibed, it is said, through the capture of Syracuse by
Marcellus, in b.c. 212. That event likewise afforded the
first precedent for ruthless spoliation both of sacred and
profane objects under the pretext of the right of war.
Marcellus placed part of the pictures and statues plun-
dered from the Syracusans in the Temple of Honos and
Yietus, which he had founded near the Porta Capena.

1	Pestus, p. 333.

2	See the article on Nsevius, in Dr. Smith's Dictionary of Greek
and Roman Biography.

I114 INTRODUCTION OF GLADIATORS.

Nearly all of these had vanished in the time of Livy, a
circumstance which that historian "regards as a sign of
the displeasure of the gods at such practices.1 Tarentum
yielded almost as many works of art as Syracuse, although
Eabius, its captor, showed more compunction in plunder-
ing them.2 In the war with Philip V. of Macedon,
which broke out towards the end of the third century
B.C., the Romans, though they professed themselves the
friends of the Greeks, brought away a great many
pictures and statues from Eretria.3

But the influence of Greek civilization was not power-
ful enough to counteract entirely the barbarous taste of
the Romans, to the majority of whom gladiatorial com-
bats were more attractive than the scenic beauties of the
Grecian muse. That cruel entertainment was first intro-
duced at Rome by M. and D. Brutus, at the funeral of
their father in B.C. 264, when gladiators fought in the
Eorum Boarium.4 The spectacle, however, was soon
transferred to the Eorum Romanum; and instead of
being confined, as at first, to funerals, was extended to
festive entertainments, and at length adopted by the
magistrates as one of the most popular methods of cele-
brating public festivals.

Besides art and literature, another effect of conquest
was to introduce at Rome new forms of superstition.
The Romans, like most pagans, readily adopted the gods
of other nations, as we have already seen from the in-
troduction of Apollo, JEsculapius, and other Greek
divinities. Erequent showers of stones, a portent often
mentioned by the Roman historians, could, according to
the Sibylline books, be expiated only by bringing to

1 Livy, xxv. 40.	2 Ibid, xxvii. 16.

3 Ibid. xxxii. 16.	4 Liy. Epit. xvi.; Yaler. Max. ii. 4 § 7.TEMPLE OF CYBELE—GR^ECOSTASIS. 115

Rome Cybele, or tlie Idaean mother. This deity was
originally represented by a shapeless black stone, reputed
to have fallen from heaven; whence probably its pre-
sumed efficacy at the present juncture. Attalus, king
of Pergamus, an ally of the Romans, engaged to transfer
this sacred object into their hands from its shrine in the
town of Pessinus in Phrygia; and P. Cornelius Scipio,
the'youthful brother of Africanus, accounted the worthiest
and most virtuous among the Romans, was selected to
receive the goddess (b.C. 204). Having proceeded to
Ostia in fulfilment of this mission, and received the
sacred stone from the priests, he delivered it into the
hands of the matrons who had accompanied him, by
whom it was borne in solemn state to Rome, and placed
in the Temple of Victory on the Palatine Hill. Here it
was adored by multitudes who crowded to it with offer-
ings, and its arrival was celebrated by a lectisternium
and the Megalesian games. Thirteen years later, a round
temple, or tholus, was erected on the Palatine for its
reception, and dedicated by M. Junius Brutus, b.c. 191.
The goddess was now represented by a statue, with
its face to the east; the temple was adorned with a
painting of Corybantes, and plays were acted in front
of it.1

It must have been about this time that the Gmcostasis
was erected near the Curia, apparently a mere open
platform, designed as a waiting-place for foreign ambas-
sadors before they were admitted to an audience of the
senate. Its situation on the Vulcanal made it con-
spicuous from the Forum; and the sight of envoys from
various nations, Greeks and Gauls, Asiatics and
Egyptians, in their national costumes, and frequently

1 Liv. xxix. 14, xxxvi. 36 j Martial, i. 70, 9.116 TRIUMPH OF SCIPIO AFRICANUS.

bearing splendid gifts, must to Roman pride and love
of pageantry have rendered the spectacle almost as gra-
tifying as a triumph.

Another Greek art introduced at Home about this
period was the practice of medicine. Archagathus, a
Greek, appears to have opened the first surgeon and
apothecary's shop, B.C. 219. He was received with such
welcome that the shop was purchased for him at the
public expense, and he was presented with the Jus Qui-
ritium. But he seems to have been a perfect Sangrado,
and by too free a use of the knife, and other heroical
remedies, soon altogether disgusted the Romans with
the medical art.1

The century closed with the triumph of 'Scipio in B.C.
201, one of the most magnificent hitherto beheld. The
victor at Zama deposited in the public treasury more
than 100,000 pounds weight of silver. The name of
Africanus, with which he was greeted by the people,
initiated the custom of illustrating a fortunate general
by the appellation of a conquered people ; but King
Syphax is said to have been released by an opportune
death from the ignominy of adorning his conqueror's
triumph.2 Other honours, little short of idolatry, the
Romans, in the flush and full tide of success, would
have heaped upon Scipio ; they were modestly declined,
but he nevertheless lived to experience the fickleness and
ingratitude of his countrymen, and to learn that not
even services like his can always insure a lasting popu-
larity. He retired in disgust to Liternum, and some
say he could never be induced to return to Rome. Yet
it is uncertain whether he was buried at Liternum or in

1	Plin. H. N. xxix. 6.

2	Liv. xxv. 45 ; Yal. Max. iv. 1, § 6. Polybius, however (xvi. 23?
§ 6)? says that Syphax was actually led in triumph.TOMB OF THE SCIPIOS.

117

ilie family tomb of the Scipios on the Via Appia, a few
hundred yards outside the Porta Capena. In the time
of Livy, monuments to him were extant at both places.
At the Roman tomb were three statues, said to represent
Scipio himself, his brother Lucius, and the poet Ennius,
whom Africanus had as it were adopted into the family.1
This tomb, still extant, is perhaps one of the most
interesting monuments of the republican period; though
its present state conyeys but an imperfect idea of the
original structure. It was at least as ancient as L.
Scipio Barbatus, consul in B.C. 298; the inscription on
whose sarcophagus, still preserved in the Vatican, is the
oldest contemporary record of any Roman. Many other
records of the Scipios and their friends have also been
carried from this tomb to the Vatican, and their places
supplied by copies.2 Close to it were the tombs of the
Servilii, Metelli, and other distinguished families, all
traces of which have now disappeared.3

The close of the third century before the Christian
era was marked by some terrible fires. One of these,
in B.C. 213, raged two days and a night, levelling all
between the Salinee, near the Porta Trigemina, and
the Porta Carmentalis, including the ^Equim^lium and
Vicus Jugarius; whence it spread beyond the gate, and
destroyed many buildings both sacred and profane.
Among the former were the Temples of Fortune, Mater
Matuta, and Hope.4 Another still more destructive fire
occurred in B.C. 211, which, from its breaking out at
once in several places near the Forum, was ascribed to
incendiaries. The Tabernee Septem, on the south side

1	Liv. xxxviii. 56.

2	Eor a description of the tomb see Visconti, Mon. degli Scipioni.
Cf. Nibby, Roma Ant. t. ii. p. 562 sq.

3	Cic. Tusc. i. 7.	4 Liv. xxiv. 47.118 IMPROVEMENT IN ARCHITECTURE.

of the Forum, were destroyed; the Atrium Hegium
shared the same fate, and even, the Temple of Yesta was
with difficulty saved. On the north side of the Forum,
the Argentariae, or silversmiths' shops, subsequently
called Novas, the Lautumiee, the fish-market, besides
many private houses, were consumed. Some noble Cam-
panian youths, convicted on the evidence of a slave, were
executed for this act, which they had committed out of
revenge for the putting to death of some of their rela-
tives by the proconsul, Fulvius Flaccus.1 A few years
later, B.C. 192, a fire in the Forum Boarium destroyed
all the buildings near the Tiber, with a great deal of
valuable merchandise.2

The second century before the Christian era shows a
marked improvement in the city. The Romans had
now reduced all Italy, had humbled Carthage, and were
beginning to turn their thoughts to conquests in Greece*
Their intercourse with the inhabitants of Magna Graecia
and Sicily had tended to improve their architectural
taste, as well as to introduce among them other refine-
ments. It is at all events certain that at the beginning
of the second century B.C. were erected some splendid
buildings of a kind hitherto unknown at Home.

He who stands on the Roman Forum, and surveys its
narrow limits, can hardly fail to be struck with surprise,
mixed with something like disappointment, that so small
a place should have been the scene of such grand his-
torical events, the council-chamber, as it were, whence
a " people king " agitated and controlled the affairs of
the world. It is, however, probable that we are not yet
presented with its whole breadth, and that a consider-
able space on its northern side, still covered with earth

1 Li v. xxvi. 27.

2 Ibid. xxxv. 40.ROMAN BASILICAS.

119

and buildings, anciently formed part of it. Even so, how-
ever, the Romans themselves, as their conquests grew
and their ideas expanded with them, seem to have ex-
perienced a similar feeling. Hence their attempts to
relieve and enlarge the Forum, first by the construction
of Basilicas, and at length, in the imperial times, by the
addition of several adjacent Fora. The idea of the
Basilica, as well as its name, was evidently borrowed
from the Greeks; and the trroa ficuTtXeios at Athens, in
which the apxm' fiaffiXevg administered justice, probably
furnished the model. When we speak, therefore, of a
Roman Basilica, we must supplement this adjective form
with some substantive understood, such as portions or
cedes; just as the Greek has also the substantive form
flaviXiK)}, with the omission of trroa or olda. A Basilica
was a large building used at once as a law-court and a
sort of exchange. Hence its utility in relieving the
Forum, which also served in both those capacities. It was
of an oblong form, and, according to architectural rules,
the breadth should not be more than one half nor less
than one third of the length.1 At first it appears to
have been open to the air, and surrounded only with a
peristyle having two rows of columns, one resting upon
the other; the lower row being of larger dimensions
than the upper ones. From this exposure to the air
Vitruvius recommends that Basilicas should be built in
the warmest and most sheltered part of a Forum; but
the later Romans obviated this inconvenience by sur-
rounding them with a wall. The interior generally con-
sisted of three parts; a central jporticus, answering to the
nave of a modern church, with two rows of columns at
each side, forming two aisles. At one end of the central

1 Vitruv. y. 1, § 4.120

BASILICA POUCIA.

portions, or nave, was the tribunal of the judge, com-
monly of a circular form, though sometimes square.
Such was in general the disposition of a Basilica, though
of course there were occasional variations.

The first building of this sort constructed at Eome
was the Basilica Pokcia, so called from its having been
founded by M. Porcius Cato in his censorship, b.c. 184.1
In order to make room for it, four of the Tabernse on
the north side of the Forum were purchased, and behind
these the houses of Meenius and Titius, in the place
called Lautumias. Meenius, however, retained one of the
columns of his house with a balcony on the top of it,
whence he might view the gladiatoral combats in the
Porum.2 The Basilica Porcia must have closely ad-
joined the eastern side of the Curia Hostilia, since it was
consumed in the same fire as the latter building, when
the body of Clodius was burnt.3 After this period we
hear no more of this Basilica. Behind it was the Porum
Piscatorium, or fish-market, the noisome smells of which
are described by Plautus as driving into the Porum the
subbasilicam, or frequenters of the Basilica.4

Cato also caused the pipes to be cut off: by means of

1	There is some difficulty about the date, as Plautus, who is
commonly supposed to have died in B.C. 184, mentions the Basilica
more than once. Might the Basilica have been erected in the sedile-
ship of Cato, B.C. 199 ?

2	M. Ampere{Hist. Bom. a Bome, t. iv. p. 270, note) questions
whether in my article Boma, p. 786,1 hare done right in distinguish-
ing this column from the Columna Msenia on the Forum. The
latter, perhaps, never existed; but, if so, the mistake is Pliny's, who
may have been misled by a similarity of name. Cicero (Pro Best.
58) seems to refer to a column of the house. See above, p. 96.

3	Liv. xxxix. 44; Ascon. ad Cic. fro Mil. Arg. p. 34 (Orelli);
Schol. ad Horcti. Sat. i. 3, 21.

4	Capt. iv. 2, 23.BASILICA iEMILIA ET FULYIA.	121

which private individuals, to the detriment of the public,
diverted the water of the aqueducts ; also private build-
ings to be demolished which encroached upon the public
streets or places; the fountains and ponds to be paved,
and, where necessary, to be covered with stone; new
drains to be constructed on the Aventine and other
places where they did not yet exist.1 He had previously,
when consul in b.c. 195 with Valerius Flaccus, also his
colleague in the censorship, caused the Villa Publica and
the Atrium Libertatis to be repaired and enlarged;2 so
that he and Flaccus may be regarded as two of the
greatest benefactors of the city.

The Basilica Porcia was soon followed by the Basilica
Fulvia, also called jEmilia et Fulvia, from its having
been founded in the censorship of M. ^Bmilius Lepidus
and M. Fulvius Nobilior, b.c. 179. All its subsequent
restorations and embellishments appear, however, to have
been due to the gens ^Emilia. As this Basilica is de-
scribed as situated behind the Argentarise Novee, which
had replaced the butchers' shops, it must have adjoined
the Porcia, and consequently lain to the east of the
church of S. Adriano.3 We shall have occasion to men-
tion its restorations further on. Fulvius Nobilior, after
the conquest of -ZEtolia, in b.c. 189, had already adorned
Rome with a Temple op Hercules, as leader of the
Muses (Hercules Musarum, or MovaaylrrfQ). It stood
in the Campus Martius, a little south of the Circus
Flaminius. He had also brought to Rome from Am-
bracia, which had formerly been the residence of King
Pyrrhus, a great patron of art, 230 marble statues and
285 of bronze, besides pictures.4 Two or three years

1 Liv. xxxix. 44.	2 Ibicl. xxxiv. 44.

3	Ibicl. xl. 51 ; Varr. L. L. vi. § 4 (Mull.).

4	Liv. xxxviii. 9, xxxix. 5 ; Polyb. xxii. 13.122 EMPORIUM—BASILICA SEMPRONIA.

before, M. ^Emilius Lepidus, with, his colleague in the
asdileship, L. JEmilius Paullus, had founded an Em-
porium, or place of landing and sale for sea-carried goods,
on tlie banks of the Tiber, just outside the Porta Trige-
mina, and under the western side of the Aventine. At
this spot they also erected a portico, and another leading
from the Porta Fontinalis to the altar of Mars in the
Campus Martius.1 The district under the Aventine was
also mucli improved by Lepidus and Nobilior in their
censorship, by the construction of a harbour, as well as
of a bridge, over the Tiber, which obtained the name of
Pons .^Emilius. They also founded a market and other
porticoes.2 The same censors caused the shields, ensigns,
and other offerings to be removed, with which the pedi-
ment and columns of the Capitoline temple had become
encumbered.3 The censorship of Q. Fulvius Flaccus
and A. Postumius Albinus, in b.c. 174, was likewise re-
markable for many improvements; and especially for the
paving of the streets of the city with, flint, and of the
roads and footpaths outside the walls with gravel.4

A third Basilica, the Sempronia, was erected by the
censor T. Sempronius Gracchus, the father of the two
demagogues, in b.c. 169. This building must have been
on the south, side of the Forum, since the house of Scipio
Africanus, together with some butchers' shops behind
the Tabernas Yeteres, were purchased in order to obtain
a site for it. Its situation is also marked as being near
the statue of Yertumnus, which stood where the Yicus
Tuscus ran into the Forum.5 From these particulars we
may gather that it stood on or near the spot afterwards
occupied by the Basilica Julia; but its later history is
unknown.

1 Liv. xxxv. 10.	2 Ibid. xl. 51.	3 Ibid,

4 Ibid. xli. 27.	5 Ibid. xli. v. 16.TRIUMPH OF iEMILIUS PAULLUS. 123

The overthrow of Perseus at Pydna, B.C. 168, afforded
Ms conqueror, ^Emilius Paullus, tlie grandest triumph
hitherto beheld at Rome. That of L. Cornelius Scipio,
surnamed Asiaticus, for the defeat of Antiochus at
Magnesia, B.C. 190, had indeed been one of no ordinary
splendour, and had far exceeded that of his brother
Africanus for his victory over Hannibal. Between two
and three hundred standards, 134 images of cities, 1,231
elephants' teeth, 234 golden crowns, a vast amount of
gold and silver, coined and uncoined or in plate, 32
captive generals or governors, had been paraded before
the eyes of the admiring Romans by Asiaticus.1 But
the pageant seems to have occupied only one day, while
that of JEmilius Paullus lasted three. Starting in the
Campus Martius, the long-drawn pomp passed through
the Circus Maminius, and entered the city by the Porta
Triumphalis, which, as we have said, appears to have
been between the Porta Carmentalis and Porta Flumen-
tana, in that portion of the wall which ran from the
Capitoline Hill to the Tiber.2 Hence it proceeded
through the Circus Maximus, the valley which divides
the Palatine from the Cselian, along the Sacra Yia, and
so over the Forum to the Capitol. Both the Circuses,
the Forum, in which scaffolds had been erected, and
other open places, from which a view could be obtained,
were filled by the people, dressed in white: the temples
stood open, adorned with festoons and garlands, and
reeking with perfumes and incense. The whole of the
first day scarcely sufficed to display the pictures and
statues which had been taken, and were now carried in

1	Liv.xxxvii. 59.

2	Respecting the much-disputed situation of this gate, the reader
is referred to the article Boma, in Dr. Smith's Diet, of Greek and
Horn. Geography, vol. ii. pp. 751-754.124

PERSEUS LED CAPTIVE.

250 chariots. The second day was occupied with, parad-
ing Cretan, Thracian, and Macedonian arms. These
were followed by 3,000 men carrying cups and vases;
among the last, 750 contained each three talents in silver
money.

Early on the third day, amid the strains of martial
music, 120 fatted cows, adorned with ribands, were seen
advancing, conducted by youths with beautiful sashes.
Behind them came children, bearing gold and silver
paterae. Then followed men carrying 77 vases filled
with gold coin to the value of three talents each; also
gold cups adorned with precious stones, and the golden
plate of Perseus. This part of the procession was closed
by the chariot of the Macedonian king, in which were
his arms and diadem. Presently were seen the three
children of Perseus, surrounded by their attendants, and
with tearful eyes and uplifted hands imploring the pity
of the spectators. Perseus himself followed, overwhelmed
and dejected by the greatness of his misfortune. The
Macedonian had not taken his conqueror's hint, that he
might have escaped this degradation by an act of suicide.
Before the triumphal chariot of ^Emilius Paullus were
borne 400 golden crowns, presented by so many cities
that had done him homage. The conqueror was clothed
in purple, and bore in his hand a laurel-branch.1

Perseus, after his defeat at Pydna, had taken refuge
in Samothrace, where he surrendered himself to the
prgetor Cn. Octavius. Octavius obtained in consequence
a naval triumph the following year, B.C. 167. The wealth
which he had amassed in Greece enabled him to build a
magnificent house on the Palatine Hill, one of the first
examples of elegant domestic architecture,2 and also to

1 Plutarch, Paul. Mm. 32 sqq.

2 Cic. De Off. i. 39.POSTICUS OCTAYIA OR CORINTHIA. 125

erect a handsome double portico, which from him was
called the Porticus Octavia, and, from the capitals of
its columns being bronze, Porticus Corinthia. It lay
to the west of the Circus Flaminius. Augustus rebuilt
it, but dedicated it again under the name of its original
founder,1 his ancestor.

As Rome advanced in magnificence and splendour5
and its inhabitants in elegance and refinement of life, so
also grew profligacy and corruption. Open and scan-
dalous proofs of this occurred early in the second century
b.c. The introduction of the Greek Bacchanalia became
a fertile source of all kinds of vice. The veil of religion
served to conceal the most horrible debaucheries; pro-
miscuous assemblies of men and women were stimulated
by feasting, wine, and revelry, to lust and shamelessness ;
the cries of innocent victims lured to these infernal
orgies for purposes of abuse were drowned amid wild
bacchanalian shouts and the noise of drums and cymbals.
From the same dens of iniquity proceeded false accusers,
perjured witnesses, forgers of wills and other documents,
poisoners, murderers. In this great conspiracy of vice
more than seven thousand men and women are said to
have been implicated. The matter being at length
brought under the cognizance of the magistrates, the
Bacchanalia were prohibited at Home and throughout
Italy by a senatusconsultum, b.c. 186.2

About the same time we find Livy complaining of the
introduction of luxury at Rome through the army of
Asia. Then were first seen bronze beds with sumptuous
coverlets, sideboards, tables with one foot. Pantomimists,
female musicians, and other diversions were introduced

1	Yell. Pat. ii. 1 (who speaks of it as " in Circo ") 5 Plin. H. N.
xxxiv. 7 ; Pestus, p. 178.

2	Liv. xxxix. 8-18.126

THE POSTICUS METELLI.

at banquets; the feast itself was prepared with greater
care and expense; the cook, anciently the vi]est and
cheapest of slaves, began to rise in value, and his func-
tion to assume the rank of an art. Yet, adds the historian,
what was then seen was but the seed of future luxury.1
There were still, indeed, a few who, like old Cato the
censor, adhered to the earlier Roman plainness and
simplicity. Yet, although Cato procured a decree for
the banishment of Greek philosophers and rhetoricians,
hated all physicians, more particularly because they were
Greeks, and persuaded the senate to dismiss as soon as
possible the Athenian ambassadors Carneades, Diogenes,
and Critolaus, we nevertheless find this old-fashioned
Roman yielding at last to the spirit of the times, and
devoting himself in his old age to the study of Greek
literature.

A. CaBcilius Metellus, after his triumph, in b.c. 146,
for the defeat of Andriscus in Macedonia, an achieve-
ment which procured for him the name of Macedonicus,
founded the Posticus Metelli, near the Circus Fla-
minius, on the eastern side of the Temple of Hercules
Musarum. This portico was afterwards superseded by
the Porticus Octaviae, erected by Augustus. The Porticus
Metelli enclosed two temples of Jupiter Stator and
Juno, of which the last at least appears to have been
previously erected. One of them was of marble, the
first instance of the sort at Rome. Before these temples
Metellus placed the celebrated group of twenty-five
bronze statues which he had brought from Greece. They
had been executed by Lysippus for Alexander the Great,
and represented that conqueror himself, and twenty-four
horsemen of his troop who had fallen at the Granicus.2

1 Li v. xxxix. 16.

2 Yell. Pat. i. 115 Vitr. iii. 2.TEMPLES 11st THE PKATA FLAMINIA. 127

The district about the Circus Flaminius had become
daring this century the favourite place for the erection
of public monuments. M. ^Emilius Lepidus had dedi-
cated there, in b.c. 179, a Temple to Diana, and another
to Juno Regina.1 A few years later was erected, near
the same spot, a temple of Fortuna Equestris, pursuant
to a yow of Q. Fulvius Flaccus in a battle against the
Celtiberians, b.c. 176. The occasion of it was a suc-
cessful charge of cavalry, which decided the fortune of
the day in favour of the Romans. It was dedicated by
Fulvius in his censorship, three years after the battle.
He had determined to make it one of the most magnifi-
cent temples in the city; with which view he proceeded
into Bruttium, and, having stripped of(: half the marble
tiles from the Temple of Juno Lacinia, brought them by
sea to Rome. But this sacrilege was denounced by the
senate, and the plan of Fulvius frustrated.2 The temple
was extant in the time of Yitruvius, near the theatre of
Pompey;3 yet, strangely enough, seems to have vanished
in the time of Tiberius, when no temple of Fortune,
with the title of Equestris, could be found at Rome.4
In the same neighbourhood, a Temple of Mars was
afterwards erected by D. Junius Brutus, surnamed Cal-
laicus or Gallsscus, for his victories over the Gallicians
in b.c. 136. Its vestibule was adorned with inscriptions
in verse by the poet Accius.5 We also read of Temples
of Neptune, of Castor and Pollux, perhaps also of
Yulcan, in the same district; but these were probably
mere sacella.6

The same year which saw the triumph of Metellus

1 Liy. xl. 52.	2 Liv. xl. 40, 44; xlii. 3, 10.

3 De Archit. iii. 3.	4 Tac. Ann, iii. 71.

5	Cic. pro Arch. 10 ;	Yal. Max. viii. 14, 2.

6	Vitruv. iv. 8, 4.128 THE THREE SIBYLS, OR TRIA FATA.

(b.c. 146) also beheld the fall of Carthage, as well as
the taking of Corinth by Mummius and final subjuga-
tion of Greece. These two important events appear not,
however, to have occasioned the erection of any im-
portant monument; but many chefs d'ceuvre of Greek
art were brought from Corinth to Home. The bar-
barous ignorance of Mummius is immortalized by the
well-known story of his binding the shippers to replace
them in case of loss ! The gem of these spoils was a
picture of Bacchus, by Aristides, which was placed in
the Temple of Bacchus, Ceres, and Proserpine.1 Rome
was now growing exceedingly rich in works of Greek
art, which were used to adorn the more celebrated
temples and porticoes. Even the Forum itself, besides
statues of Roman origin, contained some connected only
with Grecian history. Such were those of Aleibiades and
Pythagoras, which stood near the Comitium. Before
the Rostra were statues of the Three Sibyls, which, at a
later period, obtained the name of Tria Fata. The
balconies of the Tabernss, on the south side of the
Forum, were covered with pictures by Serapion. The
Comitium was adorned with a fresco-painting, brought
from Sparta, which had been preserved by detaching
the bricks on which it had been traced.2 The Septa,
or Ovile, was also decorated with works of art, and
especially with two celebrated groups for which the
keepers were responsible with their lives ; one represent-
ing Pan and young Olympus, the other Chiron and the
youthful Achilles.3

About the middle of the century (b.c. 144) was con-
structed the Aqtja Marcia, so called from its builder, Q.

3 Plin. H. N. xxxv. 8, 1, and 36, 6; Strabo, viii. 6, 23.

2	Plin. H. N. xxxv. 37, 2, and 49, 4, &c.

3	Ibid, xxxvi. 4.THE FORNIX FABIANUS.

129

Marcius Rex. It was one of the noblest of the Roman
aqueducts, being lofty enough to supply the Capitoline
Hill. Its source was thirty-six miles from Rome, near
the Yia Valeria; yet so circuitous was its route, that its
whole length was about sixty-two miles, of which nearly
seven were on arches. Its water was the purest and
coldest brought to Rome. Augustus added another
source to it, about a mile distant; but this duct, called
Aqua Augusta, was not accounted a separate aqueduct.1
Soon after was constructed the Aqua Tepula, in the
censorship of Cn. Servilius Caspio and L. Cassius Lon-
ginus, b.c. 127. It began about ten miles from Rome,
at a point two miles to the right of the Yia Appia.

The second century b.c. had witnessed the origin at
Rome of the triumphal arch, a sort of structure peculiar
to the Romans. The idea of it may possibly have been
suggested by the Porta Triumphalis, through which the
fortunate general to whom a triumph had been accorded
entered the city. But that gate was common to all
victorious captains, and left no special memorial of any
particular achievement, like the Fornix, or Arcus Tri-
umphalis. L. Stertinius first introduced a monument of
this kind in b.c. 196, in commemoration of his victories
in Spain, by erecting three arches, two in the Forum
Boarium, and one in the Circus Maximus. A few years
after Scipio Africanus built another on the Clivus Capi-
tolinus. All these arches appear to have been sur-
mounted with gilt statues.2 The only other triumphal
arch erected during the republican times was the Fornix
Fabius, or Fabianus, built by Q. Fabius Allobrogicus,
in b.c. 121, in honour of his victories over the Allobroges.
This arch spanned the Yia Sacra where it entered the

1	Front. 12; Plin. H. N. xxxi. 24; Strab. v. 3.

2	Li v. xxxiii. 27, xxxvii. 3.

K130

TEMPLE OF LIBERTAS.

Forum, and thus occupied one of the most conspicuous
sites in Rome. It is alluded to more than once by
Cicero, who mentions an anecdote of Memmius bowing
his head whenever he passed through it.1 This he did,
it is said, out of a conceit of his own greatness; but,
looking at the story from our own point of view in con-
nection with the architecture of the city, we are perhaps
entitled to infer from it that the arch was not remark-
able for loftiness. In the imperial times these arches
began to assume more magnificent dimensions, and were
sometimes built for other purposes than the commemora-
tion of triumphs.

We have seen that hitherto the dedication, or the de-
struction, of many, indeed most, of the Roman monu-
ments was the result of foreign wars: we have now
reached a period when civil discord was to produce the
same effects. Towards the latter part of the second
century b.c. those intestine broils commenced which at
length, by undermining the aristocratic element of the
Republic, paved the way for the despotism of the Empire.
'They were begun by the Gracchi, the two celebrated
tribunes, in whose family democratic principles and a
love of liberty appear to have been hereditary. An
ancestor had erected a Temple to Libertas on the Aven-
tine, which his son, Tib. Sempronius Gracchus, the
conqueror of Hanno at Beneventum, b.c. 214, adorned
with a picture concerning that event.2 The murder of
Tiberius Gracchus on the Capitol, b.c. 133, was the first
blood shed at Rome in domestic strife. He was killed near
the entrance of the Temple of Fides, where the senate
was assembled; the ancient structure before mentioned

1	Be Or at. ii. 66 5 cf. Pro Plane. 7.

2	Liv. xxiv. 16.THE LUCUS FURINJE.

131

as founded by Numa, which stood close to the temple
of tlie Capitoline Jove.1 Twelve years later, tlie brother
of Tiberius, the tribune Cains Sempronius Gracchus, in-
curred the same fate. The agrarian laws and other in-
novations of Caius Gracchus had drawn down upon him
the hatred of the aristocratic party, at that time led by
the consul, L. Opimius. Serious riots took place, and the
accidental slaughter of one Antyllius, said to be an
attendant of the consul's, by the partisans of Gracchus,
led to further violence. On the third day of the riots,
M. Eulvius Flaccus, Gracchus' principal adherent, having
organized a body of armed men, took possession of the
Aventine; whither also the tribune repaired, but with
a mind disposed for peace, with which view he de-
spatched the youthful son of Maccus as a sort of ambas-
sador to the senate. But Opimius, who had resolved on
more violent measures, caused the youth to be cast into
prison, and he himself, at the head of an armed band,
marched upon^ the Aventine. The rioters were soon
dispersed; Maccus was slain as he fled ; Gracchus with-
drew into the Temple of Luna, with the intention of
committing suicide; but, being dissuaded from that
purpose by his friends, sought to escape over the Tiber.
By the devotion of his followers, who sacrificed their
lives for him, he passed in safety the wooden bridge
leading to the Janiculum, and, accompanied only by a
single slave, made his way to the Lucus Furim.2 Here,
being unable to procure a horse, he fell either by his

1	Above, p. 40. Cf. A pp. B. C. i. 16.

2	Cicero (Nat. Deor. iii. 18) calls it the Grove of the Furies, but
those Attic Deities do not appear to have been naturalized at Rome;
and we may infer from Varro (L. L. vi. § 19, Mull.) that Furina
was some indigenous goddess.132

TEMPLE OF CONCORD.

own liand or that of his faithful attendant.1 About
3,000 persons are said to have fallen in this aifray, and
all the adherents of Gracchus that could be captured
were strangled in prison.

Tranquillity haying been restored by these violent
measures, Opimius, by command of the senate, dedicated
a Temple to Concord (b.c. 121). This temple, like the
Senaculum, appears to have occupied part of the elevated
platform called the Vulcanal.2 During some excavations
at this spot in 1817 were found some votive inscriptions,
in three of which might be read the name of Concordia.
Remains of the substruction of the temple may still be seen
just above the Arch of Severus. It was probably only
a reconstruction of a previous Temple of Concord, which
appears to have been erected on the same spot by Cn.
Flavius in b.c. 305.3 It has been sometimes taken for
that dedicated by Furius Camillus in b.c. 367, which,
however, seems to have been seated on the Arx.4 The
temple of Opimius must have been a building of some
magnitude, since we find the senate assembling in it at
the time of Catiline's conspiracy.5 It appears to have
contained many valuable works of art.6

In the same year, or a little after, the consul Opimius
also erected the Basilica Opimia. This building seems
almost to have adjoined the Temple of Concord, on its
northern side, and lay to the west of the Curia Hostilia,
occupying pretty nearly the site of the modern church

1	Plut. in G. Gracch. 17 ; Veil. Pat. ii. 65 Appian, B. C. i. 26 ;
Aur. Vict. Be Vir. III. c. 65.

2	Nibby, Del Foro Romano, p. 139.

3	Liv. ix. 46 ; Varro, L. L. v. p. 156 (Mull.); Appian, loc. ciU

4	On this question see the article Roma, p. 765 sq.

5	Sail. B. Gat. 46 5 Cic. Gat. iii. 9.

6	Plin. H. N. xxxiv. 19, xxxvi. 67.THE BASILICA OPIMIA.

133

of S. Giuseppe. It seems probable that it obtained in
later times the name of Basilica Argentaria ; it is at
least certain that the Notitia mentions such a Basilica
near this spot, of the origin of which we can give no
account, unless we assume it to have been the Opimia
■under a new name. The street called Salita di Marforio,
which runs close to it, bore, in the middle ages, the
name of Clivus Argentarius, and the surrounding dis-
trict that of Insula Argentaria.1 We have seen that
the butchers' shops on the north side of the Forum had
been converted long before this period into silversmiths'
shops, called " Argentarise Novse." These silversmiths
were the bankers and pawnbrokers of Rome; and the
extension of Roman commerce, resulting from the growth
of the empire, required, no doubt, the additional space
of the Basilica for traders of this description. All this
part of the city became, in fact, the Roman Change.
The district, or rather street, in which the money-
changers dwelt, was called "Janus," no doubt from the
celebrated temple which stood here; and the middle
part of it, as we see from allusions in classical writers,
was the focus of all monetary transactions—the Lombard
Street of Rome. Thus Horace :

Postquam omnis res mea Janum
Ad medium fracta est.2

1	Montfaucon, Diar. Ital. p. 293. The Ordo Bomanus, belonging to
the 12th century, quoted by Mabillon, Museo Ital. t. ii. p. 118, thus
describes the pope's route : " Prosiliens ante S. Marcum ascendit sub
,-arcu manus carnese per Clivum Argentarium inter insulam ejusdem
nominis (the former Basilica) et Capitolium, descendit ante privatam
Mamertini 5 intrat sub arcu triumphali inter templum Fat ale et
.templum Concordise." The Templum Fatale was the ancient Janus,
and appears hence to have stood a little before the Mamertine prison.

2	Sat. ii. 3, 18, et ibi Heindorf. Compare Cic. Off. ii. 25 : " De
■quserenda, de collocanda pecunia, vellem etiam de utenda, commodius134 THE SCIPIOS AND THE GRACCHI.

The Scipios, though, connected by marriage with the
gens Sempronia, to which the Gracchi belonged—for
Cornelia, the daughter of Scipio Africanus, had married
Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, and became, by him,,
the mother of the celebrated tribunes—were their chief
opponents, and devoted themselves to the support of the-
ancient aristocratic principles of the Roman constitution.
Scipio Nasica, surnamed Serapio, had led the senators;
in the attack upon Tiberius Gracchus, which resulted in
the death of that tribune. The most distinguished
member of the family at this period was Scipio ^Emi-
lianus, called also Africanus Minor, the conqueror of
Carthage and Numantia. ^Emilianus belonged to the
family only by adoption. He was the son of L. ^Emiliu&
Paullus, the conqueror of Macedonia, and had been
adopted by the elder son of the first Africanus. Although
he had strengthened the connection between the Scipios.
and the Gracchi by his marriage with Sempronia, sister
of the tribunes, he was nevertheless one of their most-
determined opponents. He was absent in Spain during
the riots in which Tiberius Gracchus fell; but on his*
return to Rome he openly proclaimed his approbation-
of the deed. He afterwards led the aristocratic party
in opposing the measures of Caius Gracchus and Fulvius
Flaccus; and there is reason to believe that he was
murdered in consequence by one of the members of their
faction.1

a quibusdam optimis viris ad Janum medium sedentibus, quam ab
ullis philosophis ulla in schola,'disputatur." Cf. Hor. Epp. i. 1, 54 :
"hsec Janus summus ab imo Perdocet." Where the scholiast
observes : " Janus hie platea dicitur, ubi mercatores et foeneratores-
sortis causa convenire solebant."

1 Val. Max. vi. 2, 3 5 Plut. Tib. Gr. 21, C. Qr. 10 5 Yell. Pat. ih
4; Appian, B. C. i. 19 sq.TERENCE AND THE DRAMA.	135

Scipio JEmilianus is remarkable as the promoter of
literature, the friend of Lselius and Polybius, and the
patron of Terence. Scipio and Lsslius were not only
the best Greek scholars of the age, but were also among
the first refiners of the Latin tongue, and are thought
to have assisted Terence in writing his comedies. Their
friendship has been immortalized by Cicero's dialogue,
entitled "LeaLius, sive de Amicitia." To the liberality
of Scipio Terence appears to have owed a small estate
of twenty acres on the Appian Way, near the Temple of
Mars ;1 and we may perhaps infer from the situation of
the family tomb, that the Scipios possessed a consider-
able property in this district. The drama had now been
introduced about a quarter of a century at Eome; but
it was still a kind of exotic plant, nourished only in the
hotbed of aristocratic patronage, and never destined to
strike healthy and vigorous root in Roman soil. No
regular theatre had yet been erected for the performance
of plays, which were still exhibited on scaffolds, or tem-
porary stages; and we may infer from Terence's frequent
appeals to his audience to preserve order, that his elegant
pictures of life were but little suited to the coarse taste
of the Romans.2 His six remaining plays were exhibited
in the years B.C. 166-160, four of them at the Megalesian
games. At this time, however, had arisen a species of
composition peculiarly Roman. Lucilius, founder of
the Roman Satire, was also the friend of Scipio and
Laalius. The severe and caustic wit of such productions
was more congenial to Roman taste than the elegant
and elaborate comedy derived from the Greeks, and was

1	<c Ad Martis villam."—Suet. Vit. Ter. 5.

2	See Mr. Donne's excellent article Terentius, in Dr. Smith's Diet,
of Gr. and Bom. Biogr. vol. iii.136 INTRODUCTION OF MILESTONES.

destined to flourish and "be brought to its full develop-
ment by Horace, Juvenal, and Perseus.

As a straw suffices to show which way the tide sets,
so a trifling anecdote will serve to illustrate the temper
of the times of which we are speaking. It had hitherto
been usual for speakers from the Rostra to turn towards
the Comitium and Curia, and address the more aris-
tocratic portion of their audience; but Caius Gracchus,
according to Plutarch,1 or 0. Licinius Crassus according
to other authorities,2 who was tribune of the plebs in
B.C. 145, broke through this custom and addressed his
discourse to the people in the Forum. We may further
remark concerning C. Gracchus, that, in favour pro-
bably of the Italian populations, whose interests he
advocated, he paid great attention to the improvement
of the highways, especially the Yia Appia, and that,
according to Plutarch,3 he was the first who erected
milestones (milliaria) along the Roman roads. At all
events they could not have been in use much before this
time, or Polybius4 would hardly have thought it worth
while to notice that part of a road in Gaul was provided
with them.

From some anecdotes connected with the sedition of
Gracchus, it would appear that the Palatine Hill had
already become the fashionable quarter of Home. C.
Gracchus, on his return from Carthage, with a view
probably to court the populace, gave up his house upon
the Palatine, and went to reside in the Subura,5 a low
part of the city, both in situation and character, lying
in the valley between the Esquiline and Quirinal, under
the northern side of the present S. Pietro in Vincoli.

1 C. Gracch. 5.	2 Cic. Amic. 25.	3 C. Gracck. 7.

4 Lib. iii. 39.	5 Plut. C. Gr. 12.HOUSES ON THE PALATINE.

137

Fulvius Flaccus, the coadjutor of Gracchus, a man of
consular dignity, also lived upon the Palatine, and after
his death his house was razed. Close to it was the house
of M. Livius Drusus. During the building of it, the
architect haying proposed to construct it so that it could
not be overlooked, Drusus exclaimed, " Rather build it
so that all my fellow-citizens may see what I am about."
This is one of the most historical houses at Rome,
having subsequently passed into the hands of Crassus,
Cicero, Censorinus, and Statilius Sisenna.1

Towards the end of the century, C. Marius, who was
to forward that democratic impulse of which Caesar at
last availed himself to establish his power, was rapidly
rising in fame and influence through his victories. The
capture of Jugurtha was his first great triumph. The
visits of the Numidian prince to Rome afford an un-
biassed testimony to the corruption which prevailed
there, and show the source of many of those fortunes
which were now covering the city with palaces. His
only instructions to his son and the other ambassadors
whom he despatched to Rome to plead his cause, were
that they should scatter their gold indiscriminately !2
Jugurtha, however, perished by his own arts, and was
treacherously sold to the Romans by Bocchus,.king of
Mauritania. The negotiation was conducted by a young
patrician, L. Cornelius Sulla, then quaestor to Marius;
and the merit which Sulla claimed for its successful
conclusion, as well as for his other services during the
war, laid the foundation for that deadly enmity between
him and Marius which subsequently deluged Rome with
blood. Jugurtha was captured in B.C. 106, and sent

1	Veil. Pat. ii. 14.

2	" Oranes mortales pecunia adgrediantur."—Sail. Jug. 28.138 TEMPLE OF HONOS ET VIRTUS.

captive to Rome. Here he remained a prisoner till
January, b.c. 104, when after being led, with his two
sons, before the triumphal car of Marjus, amid the
insults of the populace, he was cast naked into the
Tullianum, and either strangled or starved to death.
His only exclamation is said to have been, " Hercules,
O Romans, how cold a bath is yours ! "1 The defeat of
the Teutons at Aquae Sextiee (Aix in Provence) by
Marius, in b.c. 102, and in the following year, in con-
junction with his colleague Q. Lutatius Catulus, that of
the Cimbri in the Campi Raudii, near Vercelli, in North
Italy, obtained for him, besides a triumph, the erection
on the Esquiline of a monument in his honour called
the Trop^ia Marii, or trophies of Marius. The building,
however, at the junction of the Via di Porta Maggiore
and the Via di Sta. Bibiana, commonly pointed out as
this monument, and called in the middle ages Templum
Marii, or Cimbrum, was no doubt only a castellum of the
Aqua Julia; and consequently the sculptured trophies
taken from it and placed on the balustrade of the Piazza
del C'ampidoglio by Pope Sixtus V., where they may still
be seen, are spurious.2 Marius, in imitation of Marcellus,
also erected a Temple to Honos et Virtus on the Arx,
or southern summit of the Capitoline, out of the spoils
taken in the Teutonic and Cimbric war. He was com-
pelled to build it low lest it should interfere with the
prospect of the augurs ; but it must have been tolerably
capacious, since it was here that the senate passed the
decree for Cicero's recall.3 Catulus, who possessed a

1	Liv. Bp. lxvii.; Plut. Mar. 12 ; App. Num. 2-4 ; Eutrop. iv. 27.

2	Yal. Max. vi. 9, 14 5 Poggio, De Var. Fort. p. 85 Canina, Indica.
zione, p. 156 sq.

3	Vitr. iii. 2, 5 5 Propert. iv. 11, 45; Cic. Pro Plane. 32, De Div.
L 28.VARIOUS PORTICOES.

139

magnificent residence on the Palatine, erected on the
site of that of Fulvius Flaccus, also commemorated his
share in the Cimbric victory by building a portico and
adorning it with the spoils which he had taken. He
also erected on the Palatine, or rather rededicated, a
Temple to Eortuna, with the title "hujusce diei;" the
original was at least as old as the time of .ZEmilius
Paullus.1

Rome was now fast filling with porticoes. A few
years previously, B.C. 110, the consul Minucius Rufus
had erected, in the district of the Circus Flaminius, two
porticoes, called after him " Minuclse." They were fur-
ther respectively distinguished by the names "Vetus"
and " Frtjmentaria ;" the latter apparently being the
place for distributing the tesserse to those entitled to
the public gifts of corn.2

The dissensions and riots occasioned by the ambition
of Marius often stained the streets and public places of
Rome with blood. Although he had availed himself of
the aid of Saturninus and Glaucia, two of the most un-
principled demagogues that had yet appeared, in order
to obtain his sixth consulate, he afterwards treacherously
turned upon them, and, with a view to regain the good
will of the senate, consented to their destruction, B.C. 100.
Saturninus and Grlaucia, with their adherents, took refuge
in the Capitol. Marius, in preference to assaulting that
stronghold, cut off the water with which it was supplied
by the Aqua Marcia, and thus compelled the insurgents
to surrender at discretion. One of the band had pro-
posed to burn the Capitol, a plan that was fortunately

1	Plin. xxxiv. 19, 5. Cicero remarks that the title was good for
every day. De Leg. ii. 11.

2	Yell. Pat. ii. 8; Cic. Phil. ii. 34.140

THE FORUM ESQUILINUM.

rejected. After their surrender, Marius caused them
to be shut up in the Curia, with the design apparently
of saying their lives; but the victorious patricians,
having mounted to the top of the building, stripped of£
the tiles, and converted them into missiles with which
they killed the prisoners.1

Marius temporarily retrieved his reputation by his
services in the Social or Marsic war ; but in b.c. 88 his
ambition plunged Rome into all the horrors of civil
strife. Already exasperated by Bocchus having erected
on the Capitol some gilded statues, representing Jugurtha
surrendering himself to Sulla, his anger and indignation
knew no bounds on finding that his hated rival had
obtained the conduct of the war against Mithridates.
By illegal and violent methods he contrived to get Sulla
superseded and himself appointed to the command. But
Sulla, who was at Nola at the head of six legions, deter-
mined to assert his claim by force, and marched to Rome,
caring not that all his officers but one had deserted him.
Rome, for the first time, saw herself beleaguered by one
of her own citizens. Sulla entered without resistance at
the Porta, Esquilina, bearing in his hand a torch, with
which he fired some of the adjacent buildings. At the
Forum Esquilinum, which appears to have lain not far
from the present church of Sta. Maria Maggiore, he fell
in with Marius and his adherents. Within sight of his
own trophies, the victor of the Teutons and Cimbri
found himself compelled to retreat before his former
lieutenant. An attempt to make a stand in the Subura,
near the Temple of Tellus, proved unavailing; and

1 Yell. Pat. ii, 12 (who, however, attributes the death of the
insurgents to the design of Marius); Liv. Ep. lxix.; App. JB. O.
i. 32.THE FIRST PROSCRIPTION.	141

Marius, flying through the Forum to the Porta Trige-
mina, took the road to Ostia.1

The victory of Sulla and the aristocratic party was
now complete. This time he used his success with
comparative moderation. Considerable changes were
indeed made in the constitution ; the tribunician power
was greatly curtailed, and three hundred new senators
were appointed ; but the proscription, now for the first
time instituted, contained only twelve names, including
those of Marius and Sulpicius. Marius succeeded in
escaping to Africa ; the bloody heads of most of the other
proscribed persons were affixed to the tribune. But
Rome continued to be rent by faction, and while Sulla
was engaged in the Mithridatic war, Marius contrived to
return. Octavius and Cinna, the consuls of B.C. 87,
were of different parties; Octavius espoused the patrician
cause, Cinna the plebeian; the adherents of each, armed
with knives or daggers, met in the Forum to decide their
quarrel by force. The use of the knife seems first to
have become common at Rome during these civil dissen-
sions, and has unhappily descended to the modern
Romans. Octavius lived upon the Palatine, in a house
afterwards replaced by that of Scaurus, of which Clodius
ultimately became the possessor. On hearing of the
tumult, Octavius rushed with his adherents down the
Sacra Via into the Forum. A dreadful slaughter now
ensued: many of the new Italian citizens, whom Cinna
had caused to be presented with the franchise, were
slain; Cinna was driven out of the city, and deprived of
his consulship, and L. Cornelius Merula2 was appointed

1	App. B. C. i. 58 sq.; Plut. Sulla, 9.

2	The family of Merula, belonging to the gens Cornelia, though
not much known in history, must have been a substantial one, if, as
it seems probable, they gave name to the still existing Via in142

MARIUS ENTERS ROME.

in his stead. Marius took advantage of these distur-
bances to return. He landed at Telamon, and joined
Cinna at the head of 6,000 men whom he had collected.
The Samnites also declared in his favour. Rome was
now menaced by three armies. Cinna, in conjunction
with Carbo, sat down before the Janiculum, into which
he was clandestinely admitted by the commandant;
but he was immediately driven out again by the consuls.
Sertorius was at the head of another army, higher up on
the same bank of the Tiber; while Marius with his forces
captured Ostia, and distressed Rome by seizing the corn-
ships, and the magazines in various towns. Ultimately
Marius, Cinna, Carbo, and Sertorius formed a junction
on the Via Appia, about twelve miles from the Porta
Capena; while Octavius, Crassus, and Metellus, the
leaders of the conservative party, retired to the Alban
Mount. Cinna having advanced his camp close to the
Porta Capena, the senate despatched envoys to negotiate
with him. Cinna received them in his curule chair, as
if still in possession of the consulate; at his side stood
Marius, whose silence expressed his indignation more
eloquently than words. When the envoys invited him to
enter the city, he only condescended to reply that it was
illegal for an exile to do so. The tribes were imme-
diately summoned to abrogate the decree for his banish-
ment. But Marius waited not for the completion of an
act which, under the circumstances, was but an idle
ceremony. Surrounded by his body-guard, he entered
the gates. The slaves and desperadoes who composed
it, the fit and willing instruments of his vengeance, slew
all whom he did not salute. The most considerable men
of Sulla's party fell in this manner, or avoided such a

Merulana, which runs from Sta. Maria Maggiore to the Lateran.
See Ampere, Hist. Bom. a Borne, t. iv. p. 365, note.DEATH OF MARIUS.

143

fate only by suicide. Octavius, who had returned to
Rome, met a more honourable death, and one more
befitting his high office. He had retired to the Janiculum
with a few patrician friends and faithful soldiers ; where,
seated on his curule chair, and surrounded with all the
emblems of his dignity, like the senators and patricians
at the capture of Rome by the Gauls, he patiently
awaited his assassins. He was slain by one Censorinus,
despatched for that purpose ; his head was cut off: and
suspended to the Rostra. Among many other distin-
guished men sacrificed by Marius to his vengeance was
M. Antonius, the famous orator. Q. Catulus, the par-
taker of Marius' triumph over the Cimbri, who besought
his life on his knees, was compelled to commit suicide.
But the perpetrator of these horrors was soon to feel
himself the stroke of fate. He had caused himself to be
named consul for the seventh time, with Cinna as his
colleague, for the year B.C. 86 ; but he had not enjoyed
his dignity more than eighteen days, when he expired,
after a short illness, of a pleurisy, in the seventy-first
year of his age.1

During the next three or four years Sulla continued
to be engaged in Greece and Asia, and the Marian faction
was predominant at Rome. Order reigned in the capital,
or rather all opposition was for a while suppressed ; but
it was the silence of terror, to be broken at the first
opportunity. The anxiety occasioned by numerous por-
tents betrayed the inquietude of the public mind. But
the only person who appears to have suffered at this
period was Sulla. While he was gaining victories for
the republic, his house was demolished, his villas burnt,
his wife compelled to fly with her children. Sulla, how-

1 For this period in general, see Appian, B. C. i.; Plat, in Marius
and Sylla; Yell. Pat. ii. 11-23 Liv. Epit. Ixvi.-lxxx.144 THE CAPITOLINE TEMPLE BURNT.

ever, let his adversaries have their way till he had
brought the war with Mithridates to a successful conclu-
sion, B.C. 84; and at the beginning of the following year
he returned to Italy. He had previously written to the
senate, recounting his services, upbraiding them for their
ingratitude, and threatening a speedy vengeance. When
he landed at Brundusium, he had only between 30,000
and 40,000 men; but they were veteran troops, inured
to service and flushed with victory. The Marian party
had five times that number, and might reckon on the
support of the discontented Italians. But they had lost
their leader, Cinna ; they had no general of any emi-
nence ; their troops were scattered in various places, and
a great part of them was ready to desert to the standards
of a commander like Sulla. Cn. Pompeius, in particular,
who now makes his first appearance in history at the
early age of twenty-two, privately raised three legions in
Picenum, where he had large estates, to support the
cause of Sulla. Several other distinguished and in-
fluential men also offered their services.

It was in the year B.C. 83, while parties remained in
this state, and nothing decisive had yet been done, that
the Capitoline temple was destroyed by fire. Its destruc-
tion, according to Tacitus, was the act of an incendiary ;1
but whether it was done by the Marian faction or that
of Sulla, or what was the motive of the perpetrator, is
unknown. It had now existed in its original state four
centuries and a quarter.

The consuls for the year B.C. 82 were Papirius Carbo
and 0. Marius, son of the conqueror of the Cimbri, but
himself a mere " nominis umbra." On marching against
Sulla he is said to have carried off from various temples,

1 <' Frivata fraude."—Hist. iii. 72.MURDER OF SC^VOLA.

145

and especially from the ruins of that of Jupiter Optimus
Maximus, 13,000 pounds weight of gold.1 Defeated with
his allies, the Samnites, on the plain of Pimpinara, he
shut himself up in Prseneste, and Sulla, leaving one of
his officers to blockade him there, marched straight upon
Rome. If the younger Marius possessed not the talents
of his father, he at least equalled him in cruelty. He
employed the interval before Sulla could reach Rome to
despatch orders for the murder of Sulla's principal ad-
herents. It was on this occasion that the learned and
virtuous Pontifex Maximus, Q. Mucius Scasvola, was
murdered. Four years before, upon the death of the
elder Marius, Scsevola had already been insulted by the
mock ceremony of an immolation to the manes of that
butcher. The ancient usage of a human sacrifice at
funerals had now been superseded by those gladiatorial
combats in which the victims fell by one another's hands;
but Fimbria, the brutal tribune, revived at least the
image of the primitive custom by inflicting on the
Pontifex a wound, so that his blood should bedew the
funeral pile of Marius. By one of those ferocious jokes
which find their parallel only amidst the butcheries of
the French revolution, Scsevola was now accused in
gladiatorial terms of having received the blow on the
former occasion in a cowardly manner (" quod parcius
corpore telum recepisset ").2 The Pontifex took refuge
at the eternal fires which burnt on the altar of Vesta,
but the solemnity of that holy place failed to inspire his
assassins with awe, and the blood of the murdered priest
besprinkled the statue of the goddess.3 Like the leaders

1	Plin. H. N. xxxiii. 5 ; Val. Max. vi. 6, 4.

2	Yal. Max. ix. 11, 2 5 cf. Cic. Pro Roscio Am. 12.

3	Cic. Be Orat. iii. 3 5 Lucan, ii. 126 5 Florus, iii. 21,21. Velleius
Paterculus (ii. 26), however, says that Scsevola was killed, along with

L146

SULLA AT ROME.

of the Reign of Terror in France, most of these butchers
suffered themselves violent and horrible deaths. The
younger Marius perished soon after by suicide, while
attempting to escape through a common sewer from
Prseneste.

Meanwhile Rome had narrowly escaped destruction.
Pontius Telesinus and L. Lamponius Gutta, at the head
of the Samnites and Lucanians, after an abortive attempt
to relieve Prseneste, had marched upon the capital with
the avowed purpose of razing it to the ground, and had
encamped on the spot occupied by the Gauls after the
battle of the Allia. Fortunately Sulla arrived just in
time to avert such a catastrophe. Before his arrival,
Claudius, at the head of a band of young patricians, had
made a desperate and forlorn assault upon an army of
50,000 Italians, which, of course, only resulted in their
own destruction. Rome was filled with dismay, expect-
ing every moment the entrance of the victorious bands.
But towards midday Sulla's van, consisting of a body of
cavalry, was descried, and soon after Sulla himself
arrived with the bulk of his army. He ranged his troops
before the Porta Collina, in the hollow between the
Quirinal and Pincian, near the present Villa Ludovisi,
and though the day was far advanced he resolved to

other victims, in the Curia Hostilia. The sprinkled statue must be
a strange rhetorical exaggeration of Cicero's 5 for, according to Ovid,
Yesta had no statue :

Esse diu stultus Vestse simulacra putavi,

Mox didici curvo nulla subesse tholo.

Ignis inextinctus templo celatur in illo 5
Effigiem nullam Yesta nec ignis habent.

Fast. vi. 295.

Ovid here, like Horace, calls the building a temple, though it was
none in the proper sense of the word, but only an cedes sacra.MASSACRES SIX THOUSAND MEN. 147

charge the enemy immediately. A Temple of Venus
Erycina, winch stood just outside the Colline Gate,
may have inspired him with confidence. He was an
assiduous devotee of that goddess, and he is said to have
seen her the night before in a dream, fighting for him in
the first ranks. But on this occasion Mars at least was
unpropitious, and in spite of the exertions and personal
valour of Sulla, he was defeated. His troops fled in
disorder towards the Porta Collina, bearing down and
trampling on a great many citizens who had come out to
see the battle; and the enemy were only prevented from
entering the gate with the fugitives by the letting down
of a sort of portcullis, which crushed a number of men.
On the other hand, Crassus, with the right wing of the
army, was victorious ; and he succeeded in driving back
the confederates to Antemnee, near the confluence of the
Tiber and the Anio. Sulla joined Crassus here on the
following morning, when Antemnge was taken, and the
confederates, who had suffered great loss, were in full
retreat. A body of three thousand of them laid down
their arms on condition of pardon. But when Sulla
entered Rome he caused them to be shut up, with about
the same number of prisoners, in the Yilla Publica. On
the third day after the battle he convoked the senate in
the Temple of Bellona, which stood near that building.
He had ordered his troops to cut down all the prisoners;
and while he was addressing the senate, the hearts of the
Conscript Fathers were chilled with terror by the shrieks
and dying groans of 6,000 men. Sulla, after rebuking
their emotion, calmly continued his discourse : " Trouble
not yourselves,'' he exclaimed, " with what is passing
without; it is only some rascals that I have ordered to
be punished ! "

A fitting prelude to the horrors that were to follow.148

THE LACUS SERYILIUS.

In cold, calculating cruelty, Sulla must be allowed the
pre-eminence among the men of that period. He drew
up his list of proscriptions with much method, subject-
ing it to several revisions; it is said to have contained
between 4,000 and 5,000 names,1 and was posted up in
the Forum like the edicts of the prsotors. We may
fancy with what interest the names were perused. The
inquisitive reader might, perchance, light upon his own !
The conjuncture seems to have been used, like the Reign
of Terror in France, to get rid of private enemies or
those whose death was desirable. There was a general
license to slay.2 The heads of the victims were hung in
grim array around the tribune; among them was that
of Marius, the youthful look of which excited the jocu-
larity of Sulla. But the space sufficed not. The super-
abundant heads were displayed around the Lacus Ser-
vilius, at the top of the Vicus Jugarius, a street now
pretty nearly represented by the Yia della Consolazione.
Cicero, in his speech for Hoscius, makes a jocose allusion
to the subject, comparing the Servilian lake to that of
Trasimene.3 Sulla, calmly seated at the tribunal of the
prastor, amid these bloody trophies of his victory, em-
ployed himself in selling the confiscated estates of the
proscribed, and in bestowing on his infamous tools the
revenues of whole towns and provinces.

Sulla caused himself fco be appointed dictator before
the close of the year B.C. 82, an office which had been in
abeyance considerably more than a century. The times
were evidently approaching when the sword was to give

1	Val. Max. ix. 2, 1.

2	" Quisquis voluit, occidit."—Elorus, iii. 21, 25.

3	"Multos occisos noil ad Trasimenum lacum sed ad Servilium
vidimus."—Pro Rose. Am. 32. Cf. Senec. Prov. 3$ Festus, p. 290
(Mull.).DEATH OF SULLA.

149

Rome a master. Sulla, however, was not prepared to
seize the supreme power in perpetuity. He suffered the
Republic to exist, and consuls to be elected in the usual
manner, and after enjoying the dictatorship three years,
he retired into private life. The time was soon to come
when Caesar, with less cruelty, was also to display less
moderation. It may be, however, that a failure of health
and energy was among the causes of Sulla's retirement,
for he died the following year at his villa at Puteoli,
after suffering some time from a disgusting disease, the
morbus pediculosus. He employed his dictatorship in
making many alterations in the constitution in favour
of his own views and party; but these enter not into
the scope of the present work. What he did in the city
is more to our purpose. He celebrated a splendid
triumph in B.C. 81 for his victory over Mithridates, and
caused a gilt equestrian statue of himself to be erected
before the Rostra, with the inscription, " Cornelio Sullse
ImperatoriFelici.'' The name of " Felix " he affected, as
believing himself the favourite of the gods, and especially
of Yenus ; and if the epithet be interpreted " fortunate "
rather than "happy," it may not be inappropriate. As
enjoying the protection of Yenus, he also called himself
Epaphroditus. Sulla was extremely desirous of leaving
a splendid and lasting monument of himself by rebuilding
the Capitoline temple, for the adornment of which he
caused to be transported to Rome columns from the
temple of the Olympian Zeus at Athens.1 He did not,
however, live to rededicate it. Its restoration appears
to have been still going on, under the superintendence
of Q. Lutatius Catulus, in the year B.C. 62, when Csesar
became prsetor, and endeavoured to supplant Catulus in

1 Plin. Hist, Nat. xxxvi. 5.150 TEMPLE OF HERCULES GUSTOS.

that office by a vote of the people.1 Sulla's vexation at
the slowness of the work was the proximate cause of his
death. A tax had been imposed on the Italian cities for
the restoration of the temple. Granius, decurio of
Puteoli, from daily expectation of Sulla's death, haying
kept back the contribution of that place, the ex-dictator
sent, for him, and caused him to be strangled in his
presence. This paroxysm of anger proved fatal to him-
self. He burst a blood-vessel by the immoderate exer-
tion of his voice, and vomited up his last breath, says
the historian, mixed with threats and blood.2 Sulla also
erected two temples or monuments to Hercules. One
of these, however, the Hercules Victor, or Hercules
Sullanus, of the Notitia, which stood on the Esquiline,
near the scene of his victory over Marius, was perhaps
only a statue. The other, which was a temple dedicated
to Hercules Custos, was erected in the district of the
Circus Plaminius, near the Villa Publica, where he had
massacred the legions.3 As the former monument com-
memorated a victory, so perhaps the latter was emblema-
tical of the bloody means which he adopted to secure
his ascendency. He also appears to have restored and
improved the Curia Hostilia.4 He was honoured, after
some debate^ with a public funeral. The body was con-
veyed to Home in a gilded litter bearing the emblems
of royalty, and escorted by a body of cavalry; his
veterans hastened from all parts to swell the funeral
pomp; in front were borne the axes and other ensigns of
dictatorial dignity, as if he had never deposed it. The
corpse was burnt on a pyre in the Field of Mars, whither
the patrician ladies had brought an enormous mass of
incense and perfumes; and the ashes are supposed to

1 Suet. Cess. 15.	2 Yal. Max. ix. 3, 8 ; cf. Plut. Bull. 37.

3 Ovid. Fast. vi. 209. 4 Dion Cass. xl. 50 $ Plin. H. N. xxxiv. 12.THE CARIjS"JE.

151

have been deposited in a magnificent tomb which occu-
pied the site of one of the churches in the present Piazza
del Popolo.

Pompey, snrnamed the Great, and Cassar, who, though
he did not aifect that appellation, was a much greater
man, succeeded respectively to the principles of the Sullan
and Marian factions, if, indeed, the term "principle " may
be applied to^ what became more and more every day
only a selfish struggle for power. Cato, Cicero, and a
few others, endeavoured to arrest the downfall of their
country, and to maintain the ancient Roman constitution;
but the best abilities and the most virtuous intentions
were powerless in that stirring crisis, unless backed by
daring energy and undaunted resolution. Both Pompey
and Csesar had family connections with the leaders whom
they succeeded. Pompey had married the step-daughter
of Sulla, and Caesar was the nephew of Marius. Pompey
had served under the standards of his father-in-law, and
on the return of Marius to Rome, his house upon the
Palatine had been pillaged. It was probably owing to
this circumstance that he transferred his residence to the
Carim, also a brilliant quarter of Rome, though not so
aristocratic as the Palatine. Yirgil characterized the
district, in his time, with the epithet of " lautas." 1 It
was a family house which Pompey inhabited here,
situated near the Temple of Tellus, in the neighbourhood
of the present S. Pietro in Yincoli. It appears to have
been of modest pretensions, but elegant. After his
victory over the pirates, he adorned its exterior with
beaks of captured vessels, and had it painted within
with trees, in resemblance of a forest. Yanity was

1	" Passimque armenta videbant

Romanoque foro et lautis mugire Carinis."—2En. viii. 361.152

OVATION OF CRASSUS.

Pompey's ruling passion. After his successful campaign
in Africa, B.C. 81, Sulla, then dictator, allowed him the
honour of a triumph. It was celebrated with much
magnificence; but Pompev was compelled to forego
the pleasure of exhibiting to the Romans the novel
spectacle of a triumphal car drawn by elephants, as
the Porta Triumphalis was not wide enough to admit
the entrance of such unwieldy animals. He consoled
himself by exhibiting to the Romans the first elephant
hunt.

Other men prominently connected with the history of
the city at this period are Licinius Crassus and Licinius
Lucullus. Crassus is best known for his enormous
wealth, which perhaps was partly inherited, though he
is supposed to have acquired a great deal in the Sullan
proscriptions. But though avarice was his master
passion, he was no mean soldier. His most striking
military achievement was the defeat of Spartacus, the
leader of the revolted slaves, in B.C. 71. Spartacus lost
his life in the engagement. Such a victory, however
important, being gained over persons of so vile a con-
dition, Crassus could not claim for it the honours of a
regular triumph, but was obliged to content himself
with an ovation. The ovation derived its name from
the victim with which it was celebrated, a sheep, instead
of the bull sacrificed in triumphs. The victor wore a
myrtle crown instead of the laurel; he entered the city
on foot, accompanied only by a crowd of flute-players,
knights, and plebeians, and frequently without the
soldiers who had shared his victory. But in the follow-
ing year Crassus became the colleague of Pompey in the
consulship. Crassus, as we have already intimated,
dwelt upon the Palatine, in the house which had belonged
to the tribune Drusus. He is said to have purchasedPROGRESS OF DOMESTIC ARCHITECTURE. 153

the houses of many of the victims of the proscription.
During this period, domestic architecture was daily
making vast strides at Rome. M. ^Emilins Lepidus,
who was consnl in b.c. 78, had erected one of the most
splendid mansions hitherto seen in the city ;1 but before
the establishment of the Empire it had been eclipsed by
scores of more magnificent houses. That of Crassus
was called from its beauty the " Venus of the Palatine."
Its atrium was adorned with columns of the marble of
Mount Hymettus. Yet it was surpassed by the neigh-
bouring house of Catulus; and at a later period that of
Aquillius, on the Viminal, was considered the most
magnificent in Rome. Between the time of Sulla and
the establishment of the Empire, house-rent, and conse-
quently the value of houses, appear to have risen rapidly.
The whole rent of the house inhabited by Sulla, of which
he occupied only a part, was about £45.2 Towards the
close of the second century b.c., the augur ^Emilius
Lepidus was cited before the censors for giving 6,000
sesterces, or about £53, a year for his house, a rent quite
below the dignity of a senator a hundred years after.3
In the time of Cicero, £88 was a moderate rent, and
£264 an extravagant one.4

Lucullus is best known by his wealth and luxury ;
yet he took no mean share in the military operations of
his time, and for his victories over Mithridates and
Tigranes, and settlement of Asia, obtained at length,
after much opposition, the tardy honour of a triumph
(b.c. 63). It forms no part of our plan to describe the
magnificent villas which he possessed in various parts
of Italy. One of these, beneath Tusculum, within sight

1 Plin. H. N. xxxvi. 8 and 24.

3 Yell. Pat. ii. 10.

2 Plut. Sull. 1.

4 Pro Ccel. 7.154

GARDENS OF LUCULLUS.

of Rome, occupied the site of the modern Frascati, and
is said to have resembled a small town. His most
striking possession at Rome was his gardens on the
Pincian Hill. The modern traveller who from the
grounds of the Villa Medici surveys the noble prospect
of the city and surrounding country, walks perhaps
only in a part, but no doubt the best part, of the
gardens of Lucullus. Their situation is fixed by the
arches of Agrippa's aqueduct, the Aqua Virgo, which
ran close under them.1 Here also he had a celebrated
gallery of pictures and statues, which contained some of
the chefs cVoeuvre of antiquity. In the Velabrum, on the
route of the triumphal processions, he built a Temple to
Fortune, or Felicity, in front of which the axle of
Caesar's car broke down on the occasion of one of his
triumphs.2 He also erected on the Capitol a colossus
of Apollo, 30 cubits, or 45 feet, high, brought from
Apollonia in Pontus ; a fitting companion to the colossal
Jove of Carvilius already mentioned. The luxury of
those times may be imagined from the circumstance
that a single supper given by Lucullus, in a hall called
that of Apollo, cost 50,000 denarii, or between £1,700
and £1,800. In spite, however, of his luxury, Lucullus
was not a mere sensualist. He was fond of literature,
and the friend and patron of many talented and learned
Greeks, among whom may be particularly named the
poet Archias.3 Lucullus appears to have bestowed much
attention upon horticulture, and first introduced the
cherry tree from Asia into Europe.4

1	Front. Aq. 22. The MSS. read Lucilianis; but the emendation
Lucullianis seems certain.

2	Dion Cassius, lxiii. 21.

3	Cic. Pro Archia, 3 sqq.

4	Plut. Lucul. 39 sqq. ; Cic. De Leg. iii. 13, De Off. i. 39 ; Veil.
Pat. ii. 335 Plin. H. JV. viii. 78, xiv. 17, xv. 25.GrAEDENS OF SALLUST.

155

Among other remarkable Roman gardens at this
period must also be mentioned those of Servilius and
Sallust. The gardens of Servilius, which lay on a de-
clivity of the Aventine, were adorned with Greek statues.
They were the frequent resort of Cato, who was the
brother, and of Caasar, who was the lover, of Servilia.1
Sallust, the historian, formed his gardens, which lay, as
we have before indicated, between the Pincian and Qui-
rinal hills, with the proceeds of his extortions in Nu-
midia. The fact of their ultimately becoming imperial
property bears witness to their beauty. Nero is the
first emperor whom we know to have been in possession
of them ; and subsequently we read of Vespasian, Nerva,
and Aurelian residing in them.2 The house or villa
which they contained stood near the site of the sub-
sequent Porta Salaria. They are also said to have em-
braced a circus and baths. The former may have been
the place where the Ludi Apollinares were performed
when their celebration in the usual place, the Circus
Maximus, was prevented by an inundation of the Tiber.3
The Anonymus of Einsiedeln records the existence of
some Therm J] Sallustianj] near the present church of
Sta. Susanna. These objects gave the property much
importance, and we are not surprised to find that the
neighbourhood bore the name of Salustricum, or Salius-
tium, down almost to modern times.4

L. iEmilius Paullus, who, in spite of his surname,
was in reality a Lepidus, and brother of the triumvir,5

1	Plin. H. N. xxxvi. 4.

2	Tac. Ann. xiii. 47 5 Dion Cass. lxvi. 10 5 Yopisc. Aurel. 49.

3	Liv. xxx. 38.

4	And. Fulvins, De Urbe Ant. p. 135 5 L. Fauno, Ant. di Bom. lib.
iy. c. 10.

5	Yell. Pat. ii. 67 5 cf. Drumann, Gesoh. Boms, B. i. S. 5.156

BASILICA PAULLI.

must also be mentioned here as an improver of the city.
In his aedileship in b.c. 53, he certainly rebuilt the
Basilica -ZEmilia et Fulvia, out of the money, it is
said, which he received from Caesar as a bribe, and it
was afterwards called from him Basilica Paulli. He
is also said to have erected an entirely new Basilica,
which likewise bore the name of Basilica Paulli; but
we cannot even offer a conjecture as to its situation, as
we find only one Basilica Paulli mentioned by ancient
writers.1

During the few years of expiring liberty which inter-
vened between the dictatorship of Sulla and the estab-
lishment of the Empire, Rome was frequently the theatre
of scenes which might call to mind a city taken by
assault. In the dissolution of all law and order, faction
and violence ruled uncontrolled. One of the most pro-
minent figures in these times is Cicero. A native of
Arpinum, and consequently a fellow-countryman of
Marius, Cicero was sent at an early age to be educated
at Borne, where the family possessed a house in the
Carinae. The exchange of the boyish toga praetexta for
the toga pura or virilis, a ceremony usually performed
at the age of fourteen, was in his case deferred two
years longer. At Home it was a sort of public act, and
identified the youthful citizen with the state. During
the Liberalia in March, a lad was conducted by his
father, or nearest relative, to the tribunal of the prastor
in the Forum, and there, in presence as it were of the
Boman people, assumed the robe which denoted his
fitness for the active duties of life. Having received
the congratulations of his friends, he was led by the
Yia Sacra to the Capitol; and, after solemnizing the

1 Cic. ad Att. iv. 16 5 Plut. Ccesar^ 29 5 Appian, B. C. ii. 26.the praetor's tribunal.	157

entrance on his new condition by a sacrifice, returned
liome to spend the remainder of the day in festivity.

Some years were still to be passed in study under the
tutorship of the augur, Q. Mucins Scsevola, before
Cicero, at the age of twenty-five, again appeared before
the same tribunal in the character of an advocate. The
prsetor's judgment-seat stood on the south-eastern side
of the Forum, near the Arcus Fabianus. Originally it
was on the Comitium, at the western end of the Forum,
but it was moved by the tribune L. Scribonius Libo
about the middle of the second century b.c. Near it
was the Puteal, a consecrated place resembling a well,
where, it was said, the whetstone of Attius Navius, the
augur, had been buried. From its reparation and re-
dedication by Libo, it obtained the name of Puteal
Libonis, or Puteal Scribonianum, and became the sub-
ject of frequent allusion by Roman authors. The preetor
urbanus, however, appears to have continued to sit on
the Comitium. There was also on the Forum before
the temple of Castor another tribunal called Aurelium,
apparently from its having been erected by M. Aurelius
Cotta, consul in b.c. 74. It was before these benches
that Cicero, Hortensius, and other advocates delivered
their forensic pleadings. These tribunals were made of
wood, and were capable of being removed when the
whole area of the Forum was required for gladiatorial
shows or other purposes.1

Having mentioned Hortensius, we shall here devote
a line or two to a man who was second only to Cicero
in eloquence, and who, in the early part at least of their
lives, was his chief opponent. Hortensius was a man

1 Cicero, Pro Sestio, 8, 15; Pro Cluentio, 34 5 In Pis. 5; Hor.
Sat, ii. 6, 35, et ibi Schol. Cruq.; Ascon. cid Cic. Mil. Arg. p. 34.158	HORTENSIUS THE ADVOCATE.

of softer character and less principle tlian Cicero. He
was too often tlie complaisant apologist of aristocratic
peculation ; nor did lie always scruple to avail himself
of tlie license of those times to enrich himself by fraudu-
lent acquisitions. He it was who defended the in-
famous Yerres against the accusations of Cicero. His
eloquence was of the florid and Asiatic kind, his action
elaborate and redundant. Yet it must have possessed
much character and grace, or ^Esopus and Roscius, tlie
celebrated actors of those days, would hardly, reversing
tlie common practice, have frequented the Forum when
Hortensius spoke to take lessons from him in their own
art: an anecdote which conveys a striking idea of the
ancient forensic pleadings. Hortensius lived upon the
Palatine in a house afterwards occupied by Augustus,
but which nevertheless was of modest pretensions. On
the other hand, he possessed many sumptuous yillas in
various parts of Italy, besides a Suburbanum near the
Porta Mumentana. His luxurious, not to say effeminate,
habits may be guessed from his style of dress, from his
applying wine instead of water to his fruit-trees, and
from his tame fish, for the death of one of which, a
favourite mur^na, he is said to have shed tears.1 On
the whole, we may conclude that the profession of an
advocate was far from being one of the worst at Rome
in those times.

Some of Cicero's earlier pleadings display considerable
courage. His defence of Roscius of Ameria against the
accusations of a powerful freedman of Sulla's, and the
bantering allusion already mentioned to the heads at the
Servilian fountain, were made while Sulla was still alive.

1 Val. Max. ix. 4, 1; Varr. B. B. iii. 81, 17 ; Plin. H. N. ix,
55 ; Macr. Sat. ii. 9 ; Suet. Aug. 72 5 Cic. Brut. 88 sqq.joye's statue turned.

159

But Cicero's consulate, with the prosecution of Catiline,
is the marking period of his life. Catiline, with his
haggard visage, his uncertain step, now slow, now fast?
the wildness of his whole appearance, is the beau ideal
of a ruined, conspiring noble of those days. His house,
situated on the further side of the Palatine, towards the
Circus/ was well fitted, by its comparative retirement,
for the assembly of such a crew of profligates, parricides,
and convicted criminals as were to aid him in seizing
the supreme power ; but even here he addressed them
not till he had drawn them into the most secret part of
the building.2 The example of Sulla was enticing, but
misleading; for it was evident that none but a man
who enjoyed the affections of the soldiery could be the
future master of Rome. Prodigies had announced the
approach of troublous times. The Capitol had been
struck with lightning; the brazen tablets of the laws
were melted by the stroke, the figure of the wolf, the
nurse of Romulus, was overthrown.3 By the counsel of
Etruscan soothsayers, the statue of the Capitoline Jove,
which had previously looked towards the west, was now
turned towards the east, in the direction of the Forum
and Curia,4 by way of propitiation.

Cicero pronounced his first oration against Catiline in
the Temple of Jupiter Stator, near the Porta Mugionis :
a place which appears to have been chosen for the greater
security, as it was removed from the tumults of the

1	Its atrium was subsequently included in the palace of Augustus,
Suet. III. Qramm. 17 j cf. Ampere, Hist. Bom. a Borne, t. iv. p.
438 sq.

2	Sail. Cat. 20.

3	The bronze wolf in the Capitoline Museum has holes in its hind
legs, which some ascribe to this catastrophe.

4	Cic. Cat. iii, 8.160 CICERO'S CATILINARIAN ORATIONS.

Forum, and near the houses on the Palatine of some of
the principal senators. The second Catilinarian was de-
livered in the Temple of Concord, after which Cicero
descended into the Forum, and made his third oration
from the Rostra to the people. The fourth Catilinarian
was also spoken in the Temple of Concord, where the
senate, assembled to pronounce upon ,the doom of the
conspirators, sentenced them to death (Dec. 5, B.C. 63).
Lentulus, the principal of them since the escape of Cati-
line into Etruria, had already been deposed from the
prastorship, and committed to the custody of his relative,
the sedile P. Lentulus Spinther, who lived upon the
Palatine. Thither Cicero went at the head of a guard,
and, having taken Lentulus into custody, led him along
the Sacra Yia and over the Forum to the Tullianum.
The other condemned persons, Cethegus, Grabinius, Sta-
tilius, and Cssparius, were also brought to the same
dungeon ; and when all five had been strangled, Cicero,
followed by the greater part of the senate, descended
to the Forum by the steps called Scalee Gremonias, and
announced to the people the execution of the criminals,
by the single word Vixerunt,—" They have ceased to
live." 1

The most remarkable act of Cicero's consulship and
life had terminated with a success and brilliancy which
he himself was never tired of celebrating; but it had
awakened the anger of the Marian and revolutionary
party, at the head of which was C. Julius Caesar. It is
a singular feature of those times that a novus homo like
Cicero should have to defend the old Roman constitution
against the descendants of some of the most ancient and

1 Sail. Cat. 50 sqq. ; Cic. In Cat. iii. and iv., Pro Flacco, 40, &c.
Plut. Sic. 10 sqq.CiESAR PONTIFEX MAXIMUS.

161

illustrious patrician families of Rome. The gens Julia,
to which Caesar belonged, was one of the few that could
boast a pure Latin descent, and even further pretended
to trace its origin to lulus, the son of ^Eneas. The
Sergia gens, of which Catiline's family were members,
also claimed a companion of iEneas for their ancestor.
In like manner Clodius, another supporter of the revo-
lutionary movement, belonged to the ancient race of the
Claudii;1 and counted among his ancestors the notorious
decemvir, and Appius Claudius Caecus. These, however,
were only seeking their own advantage in the ruin of
their country; Caesar, indeed, with a more lofty aim,
and by nobler and better directed means ; yet even he
has been suspected of participating in Catiline's plot,
and it is at least certain that he did his best to screen
that conspirator from justice.

An intrigue of Clodius with Caesar's wife, Pompeia,
which, in the year after the detection of Catiline's con-
spiracy (b.c. 62), became a subject of public scandal, ap-
pears not to have dissolved the political friendship, at
least, of Clodius and Caesar. By the appointment which
he had just obtained as Pontifex Maximus, Caesar, a
professed atheist, and reputed to be the husbaild of all
the i?yives of Rome, had become the head of the state
religion, and the inmate of the sanctuary of the Vestal
virgins. For, by virtue of his office, the Regia, which
as we have seen adjoined the Temple of Yesta, and had
formerly been the residence of Numa, now became the
abode of Caesar. He had removed thither from the
Subura, a quarter which he seems to have inhabited for
the sake of courting popularity.

It happened that Caesar's wife had to celebrate the

1 The name is spelt indifferently Claudius and Clodius.

M162

HOUSE OF CLODIUS.

festival of the Bona Dea, from which men were strictly
excluded; even a male mouse, says Juvenal, dared not
show himself. To a libertine like Clodius it lent an
additional zest to an adulterous intrigue to prosecute it
in the face of such a prohibition, and that too with the
wife and in the very house of the chief priest! To gain
admittance he adopted the disguise of a female player
on the lute. Although detected, he contrived, partly by
violence, partly by bribery, to escape the punishment of
his crime. At the head of his satellites he frightened
the senators and overawed the Forum; he even burnt the
Temple of the Cameke on the Ceelian Hill, where the
registers of the census were preserved, in order to anni-
hilate every trace]of his falsehoods and his debts.1 The
part which Cicero had taken in this affair entailed upon
him ever after the enmity of Clodius. They were close
neighbours on the Palatine. The house of Clodius stood
at the north-western angle of the hill, and thus com-
manded a view of the Forum and Capitol. It had
previously been the property of Cn. Octavius, then of
Scaurus, who is said to have given for it the enormous
sum of 14,800,000 sesterces, or about 130,000Z.; from
which its magnificence may be imagined. Its fine situa-
tion, perhaps the best in Home, no doubt added to its
value. Clodius had adorned it with numberless spoils
of Greek paintings and statues.2 We have already
mentioned that the house of Cicero had formerly be-
longed to the tribune M. Livius Drusus. It stood close
to that of Clodius, a little lower down on the declivity of
the hill; a circumstance from which we may explain the
proposal of the architect to build it so that it should not

1	Cic. Pro Mil. 27.

2	Plin. H. N. xxxvi. 24, s. 2 5 Cic. Pro dom. ad Pont. 43 ; Ascon.
ad Cic. Mil. Arg.HOUSE AND VILLAS OF CICERO. 163

be overlooked, as well as Cicero's threat to increase its
height, so as to shut out Clodius from a view of the
city.1 Its atrium was adorned with columns of Greek
marble 38 feet high,2 which must have given it a very-
magnificent appearance. After Drusus' death, it be-
came the property of Crassus, from whom Cicero pur-
chased it a year or two after his consulate for a sum
equal to about 30,000Z. It was therefore far from being
so magnificent a house as that of Clodius ; yet its situa-
tion was almost equally good, and its proximity to the
Forum and Curia must have recommended it to a man
like Cicero. Cicero could now also call himself a neigh-
bour of Caesar's, who dwelt in the Hegia hard by.3

Besides this house Cicero possessed villas at Tusculum,
Arpinum, Antium, Astura, Eormiee, Cumse, Pompeii, and
one or two other places. To describe these lies not
within our plan; but we must bestow a word or two on
the Tusculan Villa, which lay within sight of Rome, and,
from being the scene of the Tusculance Disputationes, is
become a place of classical renown. Tusculum traced
its origin to an earlier period than Home, and claimed as
its mythical founder Telegonus, son of Ulysses and
Circe. It could look back with pride to the resistance
it had made to the arms of Rome, and to the renowned
families which it had produced, such as the Mamilii, the
Fonteii, the Fulvii, the Porcii, and others. It was
Cicero's favourite retreat, more perhaps from the con-
venience as well as beauty of its site, than from these
associations. He could escape to it from the bustle of
the city in about a couple of hours, and yet not be out of

1	" Tollam altius tectum, non ut ego te despiciam, sed ne tu aspi-
cias urbem earn, quam delere voluisti."—Be Harusp. Bes. 15.

2	Plin. H. N. xxxvi. 2.

3	Ad Famil. v. 6 : Ad Att. xii. 45.164

CICERO'S TUSCULAN YILLA.

the way of hearing the news; which, to a man of
Cicero's pursuits and temper, mast have been a very
considerable recommendation. Tusculum was in fact a
sort of Roman suburb, where many of the leading states-
men had villas; as Pompey, Lepidus, Lucullus, Scaurus,
Hortensius, and others; so that Cicero might enjoy there
the society of the town combined with the charms of the
country. We see from his correspondence when in
Cilicia how anxious he always was to learn what was
going on at Rome ; and at that time his curiosity might
be partly gratified by a sort of gazette, called Gommen-
tarium rerum urbanarum, which appears to have come
out in numbers, and is one of the earliest instances we
meet with of anything like a newspaper.1 His Tusculan
Villa, like most of those of the ancient Romans, as well
as some modern ones, was laid out in terraces; the
higher and lower one he named, after the schools at
Athens, the Lyceum and the Academy. He took great
pains to adorn his villa with pictures, statues, busts, and
other objects of virtu. The grounds contained a xystus, or
parterre, divided into flower-beds. Commendatore Rosa
has shown 2 that the ruins commonly pointed out as the
house of Cicero are no such thing, but the remains of a
reservoir, over which there had been a temple. Its real
situation was lower down the side of the mountain, to-
wards Prascati. A proof of it is that the stream called
Crabra, often mentioned by Cicero,3 must be sought near
the Vilia Aldobrandini. The tiny theatre above, near the
ruins of Tusculum, suggests what a small, but select,
audience may here have listened to the masterpieces of
Plautus and Terence. The house of Cicero's son-in-

1 Ad Att, viii. 2, 11.	2 Ap. Ampere, t. iv. p. 531.

3 Pro Ealbo, 20 ; Ad Fam. xvi. 18, &c.HOUSE OF ATTICUS.

165

law, Crassipes, who had married his daughter Tullia,
served him also occasionally as a sort of Suburbanum.
It was situated in a garden just outside the Porta
Capena. Here he would sometimes sup when he wished
to avoid a compulsory attendance in the senate, resem-
bling our call of the house; and here it was that, after
his reconciliation with Crassus, he took leave of the rich
triumvir on his departure for that Parthian expedition
from which he never returned.1

In connection with Cicero's more domestic life we
must here briefly mention his friend Attic as, who with
more prudence, if less patriotism, kept aloof from the
turmoil of politics, and divided his time between the
pursuit of wealth and the elegant pleasures of literature
and art. The greater part of his life was spent in
Greece, and especially at Athens; whence he added to
his family name of Pomponius the surname of Atticus.
His house at Rome was on the Quirinal, near the temples
of Salus and Quirinus,2 the former of which lay close to
the Porta Salutaris, and the latter near the modern
church of S. Andrea del ISToviziato. Hence he probably
dwelt near the Quattro Fontane. The building, as we
are told by his friend Cornelius Nepos, was an old family
house on which Atticus bestowed no more pains than
just to keep it in proper repair; elegantly, but not sump-
tuously, furnished, and containing the choicest family
of slaves, whether for literary or domestic purposes, of
any residence in the city. Its chief ornament was a
wood or park (silva) ,3 This quiet, money-making, and
saving man married his daughter to Agrippa, and thus
became the grandfather of a Roman empress, Yipsania
Agrippina, the consort of Tiberius. He was buried in

1 Cic. acl Att. iy. 12.	2 Cic. ad Att. xii. 45 ; Be Leg, i, 1.

3 Vita Att. 13.166

TRIBUNATE OF CLODIUS.

the tomb of his uncle Caacilius, at the fifth mile-stone on
the Appian Way, and therefore not a great way beyond
the striking monument of Cascilia Metella.1

But to return. The better to carry out his factious
purposes, Clodius, with the aid of Cassar, got himself
adopted into a plebeian family, in order that he might
become a tribune; which office he obtained in B.C. 59.
Armed with this formidable power, Clodius, to gratify
his own vengeance as well as to please Csesar, soon made
Rome too hot for Cicero, who, to avoid worse conse-
quences, went into voluntary exile; and Clodius soon
after procured his banishment to be decreed by law.
Cicero, before his departure, had proceeded to the Capi-
tol, and there dedicated a statue of Minerva; a signifi-
cant hint that as Rome was about to be deprived of his
own counsels, she stood the more in need of the goddess
of wisdom. When he was gone his house upon the
Palatine was pillaged, burnt, and razed by Clodius'
myrmidons, and his wife Terentia compelled to take
refuge among the neighbouring Vestals, whose superior
was fortunately her sister. Cicero's villas at Tusculum
and Eormiaa experienced the same fate.

Having got rid of Cicero, Clodius next turned his
arms against Pompey, who had assisted him to procure
Cicero's banishment, and relegated Cato from Rome,
by obtaining for him from the people a mission to the
isle of Cyprus. Clodius seemed now to be sole master
of Rome. He hired a troop of bandits to besiege Pom-
pey in his house in the Carina, and threatened to level
it as he had done that of Cicero; so that Pompey was
forced to take refuge iu his gardens, and surround him-
self with a numerous guard. Clodius also endeavoured

1 Vita Att. 22.CICERO RECALLED.

167

to carry off Tigranes, king of Armenia, who was detained
in Pompey's Alban villa, and lie tampered with one of
Pompey's own slaves to assassinate him in the midst of
the senate. He seized the Temple of Castor, destroyed
the steps leading up to it, and, having filled it with
arms, made it the stronghold of revolt. At the Aurelian
tribunal, in front of it, he openly enrolled in his service
the most abandoned wretches, thus converting the very
seat of justice into a lair of robbers and assassins. He
even ventured to attack the consul Gabinius, and break
his fasces. But these acts of violence produced a re-
action, and Pompey, who had helped to banish Cicero,
now became solicitous for his recall. The attempt to
do so produced further riots, in which many persons
lost their lives. Cicero's brother Quintus narrowly
escaped in a nocturnal fray in the Forum. To oppose
force by force, bands led by Sestius and Milo were
organized against those of Clodius. The senate, having
met in Marius' Temple of Honos et Virtus, called upon
the cities of Italy to receive Cicero, and by way of
counterbalancing the city mob invited to Rome the
inhabitants of the municipal towns. Thus Rome, like
Paris during the first revolution, though mistress of the
nation, was herself torn by domestic faction. At length,
after a hesitation which betrayed how utterly lost were all
order and authority, the senate ventured to meet in the
Curia Hostilia and decree Cicero's recall. The secret
was that Caesar, now in Gaul, had intimated his appro-
bation of such a step. Clodius had served as a tool, and
was thrown aside. In August, B.C. 57, the people, voting
in their Comitia Centuriata in the Campus Martius, as
the highest court of justice, reversed the decree for
Cicero's banishment. In confident anticipation of this
result, he was already on his way to Italy, and landed at168

CICERC) AT THE CAPITOL.

Brundusium the day after the decision of the Comitia
(August 5th). He journeyed leisurely towards Rome,
which he reached not till September, enjoying no doubt
the respectful homage paid to him in all the towns and
villages on the road. The senate, followed by an im-
mense crowd of people, came out beyond the Porta
Capena to meet and welcome him. A gilt chariot;
drawn by horses magnificently caparisoned, was here
in waiting for him ; and as he thus, amid the acclama-
tions of the spectators, proceeded along the Sacra Via,
and over the Forum to the Capitol, to render thanks to
the immortal gods for his return, he seemed to enjoy a
triumph—the triumph of peace—equal to that of many
a victorious general. Then, having withdrawn the
Minerva which he had set up on the day of his exile,
he returned, as he tells us, home : that is, probably, to
the family house in the CarinEe, as his dwelling on the
Palatine had been destroyed.

Not only destroyed, but also, so far as it lay in Clodius'
power, its site appropriated, and its very memory obli-
terated. The factious tribune had caused a shrine and
statue of Liberty to be erected where it had stood, but
which was nothing else than the image of a Greek cour-
tesan carried off from a tomb.1 Clodius had also de-
stroyed the neighbouring portico of Catulus, the erection
of which out of the Cimbric spoils we have before re-
corded. In fact, he appears to have been desirous of
appropriating all this side of the Palatine. He wanted
to buy the house of the sedile Seius. Seius having
declared that, so long as he lived, Clodius should not
have it, Clodius caused him to be poisoned, and then
bought his house under a feigned name ! He was thus

1 Cie. Pro dom. ad Pont. 42.VIOLENCE OF CLODIUS.

169

enabled to erect a portico 300 feet in length, in place of
that of Catulus. The latter, however, was afterwards
restored at the public expense.

Cicero obtained public grants for the restoration of
his house, and of his Tusculan and Porcnian villas, but
very far from enough to cover the losses he had suffered.
The aristocratic part of the senate appears to have
envied and grudged the boon to a novus homo, though
it was to his abilities that they looked for protection.1
He was advised not to rebuild his house on the Palatine,
but to sell the ground. It was not in Cicero's temper
to take such a course; but he was hampered ever after
with debts. Clodius, who had been defeated but not
beaten, still continued his persecutions. He organized
a gang of street-boys, to call out under Cicero's windows,
" Bread ! bread !" His bands interrupted the dramatic
performances on the Palatine at the Megalesian games,
by rushing upon the stage. On another occasion, Clo-
dius, at the head of his myrmidons, besieged the senate
in the Temple of Concord.2 He attacked Cicero in the
streets to the danger of his life; and when he had begun
to rebuild his house, drove away the masons, overthrew
what part had been re-erected of Catulus' portico, cast
burning torches into the house of Quintus Cicero, which
he had hired next to his brother's on the Palatine, and
consumed a great part of it. Clodius seemed to control
the senate; the cries of the>rtizans whom he had hired,
when they occupied the Grreecostasis and the steps of
the Curia, sufficed to disperse the senators.3 At length,
however, this violent man was to fall by violence. We
shall here anticipate his end. Milo, a rival bully, who

1 Acl Att. iv. 2.	2 Cic. Be Har. Besp. 11; Pro domo, 5, 7.

3 Cic *ad Quint. Fr. ii. 1.170

DEATH OF CLODIUS.

espoused the patrician cause, was always surrounded with
a troop of gladiators. In the year B.C. 53, both were
candidates for public office; Milo for the consulate,
Clodius for the prsetorship. "We may imagine the scenes
of violence that occurred between two such ruffians.
Cicero, in a letter to Atticus, describes how he saw a
band of tatterdemalions with a lantern assembled at
Clodius' door during the night; meanwhile Milo with
his gladiators occupied the Campus Martius, and effec-
tually hindered the Comitia being held there on the
following day.1 A little before, Clodius had besieged
Milo in his house on the Germalus, or that part of the
Palatine which overhangs the Velabrum; and Milo, to
save his life, had been compelled to fly to the house of
P. Sulla.2 In January, B.C. 52, Milo and Clodius with
their trains accidentally met near Bo villas, on the Appian
Way, when a quarrel ensued among their retainers, in
which Clodius was killed. Sex. Tedius, a senator, who
found his body lying in the road, had it conveyed to his
house upon the Palatine; where Eulvia, the wife of
Clodius, excited the sympathy of the people by her
lamentations, and by showing them her husband's
wounds. So great was the crowd that gathered round,
that a senator was crushed to death. At length two
tribunes caused the body to be carried to the Forum,
where it was exposed, naked and disfigured with dirt
and blood, before the Rostra. The tribunes then
mounted the Rostra, and harangued the multitude, till,
their passions having been inflamed, Clodius' brother per-
suaded them to take the body into the Curia, and there
burn it, as a mark of contempt and an insult to the
senate. A sort of funeral pile was hastily formed of the

1 Ad Att. iv. 3.

2 Ibid.THE CURIA BURNT.

171

tribunals on the Forum, benches, tables, writings, and
other combustible materials at hand, which were then
set on fire. The flames sufficed not to consume the
corpse; but, as no doubt was the intention of the per-
petrators, they caught the Curia and reduced it to
ashes.1 The Basilica Porcia and other neighbouring
buildings shared the same fate. Such was the end of
the ancient senate-house, which had lasted from the
time of Tullus Hostilius. Night had now closed in,
and the partisans of Clodius celebrated the funeral
feast by the light of the conflagration. During several
days Rome was abandoned to fire and sword. Order
was at length restored by the arrival of Pompey at
Rome. He was named sole consul, and caused some
laws to be enacted for the repression of these disorders,
for which purpose also he was empowered to levy troops.
The senate, having assembled in the Campus Martius,
authorized the sepulture of Clodius, and decreed that
the Curia Hostilia, which had been repaired by Sulla,
should be rebuilt by his son Faustus, and called in
honour of that family, Curia Cornelia. But these
last resolutions were not destined to be executed. Pom-
pey, who had caused Milo to be brought to trial, was
obliged during its progress to preserve order in the
Forum with a band of soldiers. The shops were closed,
and Home wore an air of consternation. It was under
such circumstances that Cicero rose to defend Milo,
amid the hootings and threats of Clodius' adherents.
Cicero spoke at the tribunal before the Temple of Castor;
Pompey was seated at a distance, near the Temple of
Saturn, at the upper end of the Foruin; and, as M.
Ampere observes, a knowledge of their respective situa-

1 Dion Cass. xl. 49; Ascon. ad Cic. p. Mil, Arg. p. 34.172 FRENCH AND ROMAN REVOLUTIONS.

tions explains the passage in which. Cicero, addressing
Pompey, exclaims : "I appeal to you, and I raise my
voice that you may hear me."1

It was not only a natural, but a necessary, conse-
quence, that scenes like those we have just described
should terminate at last in a military despotism. The
first use of political society is the preservation of order
and the safety of life and property. Where these are
violated with impunity, year after year, by brutal dema-
gogues and a lawless mob, the security afforded by a
tyranny may be found a pleasant relief. The despotism
of one man is, at all events, less extensively felt than
that of thousands, and the cruelty and injustice of an
irresponsible mob is a hundredfold more terrible than
the capricious brutality of an individual. The Roman
and the French revolutions teach the same lesson, and
show that there can be no true liberty where there is no
order and no respect for the laws. In France there was
but one man capable of seizing the advantage offered
by an unbridled democracy. In Rome there were two
aspirants of equal pretensions, though not of equal
ability; and thus the choice of a master had to be
decided by a civil war. Pompey and Csesar courted the
favour of the people in the coming struggle by the
benefits which they conferred upon them, not the least
among which were the public works which they executed
at Rome. To these, as our proper subject, we shall
confine ourselves.

In B.C. 61, Pompey celebrated his third triumph with
extraordinary splendour. Names of many eastern coun-
tries and kingdoms, of innumerable cities and castles,

1 " Te enim jam appello, et ea voce ut me exaudire possis."—Pro
Mil. 25. Cf. Hist. Bom. a Borne, t. iv. p. 584.POMPEY'S TEMPLE OF MINERVA. 173

were exhibited on bronze tablets ; barbaric pearl and
gold now figured in the long-drawn procession in place
of the masterpieces of Grecian art; captured kings, or
their families, or the hostages they had delivered, tes-
tified the extent and completeness of his conquests. He
himself appeared in a car resplendent with jewels, and
wearing a purple chlamys which had belonged to
Alexander the Great. A dress which might readily
suggest the extent of his aspirations !

Pompey now rested from his military labours, and
sought only to enjoy and turn to the best account the
glory which he had earned. After his triumph he erected
a Temple to Minerva, in which a pompous inscription
recorded his achievements.1 This temple has given
name to the church of Sta. Maria sopra Minerva, near
the Pantheon, built, as its title indicates, over the ancient
temple. The beautiful statue of Minerva, now in the
Vatican, called the Minerva Giustiniani, was found in
the adjoining Dominican convent. Pompey also erected
a Temple to Hercules Victor in the Forum Boarium.2
Might these two temples have been designed to typify
the union of wisdom and force, as the source of his vic-
tories P The erection of a stone theatre (b.c. 55), the
first of the kind at Rome, was a splendid gift to the
people, and might go far to counterbalance the popu-
larity which Caasar was now acquiring by his victories
in Gaul. Hitherto Rome had seen nothing but wooden
theatres, mostly of a temporary kind; some of which,
however, especially that of M. Scaurus, in b.c. 59, had
been constructed with great magnificence. It could
accommodate 80,000 persons, and had between its nume-

1	The inscription is recorded by Pliny, B% N. vii. 27.

2	Vitr. iii. 3 $ Calend, Amit.174

pompey's theatre.

rous pillars 3,000 bronze statues.1 One of these wooden
theatres had been overthrown in a great storm and
inundation, which also carried away the Pons Sublicius,
and destroyed many houses and vessels, in b.c. 60. The
falling in of the theatre caused the death of a great
many spectators.2 A prejudice still existed at Rome
against the erection of a stone theatre, which, however,
Pompey eluded by an artifice. He erected at the top of
it a temple to Yenus Yictrix; and thus the benches
seemed to serve as steps by which it might be reached.
The theatre was in the Campus Martius, close to the
modern Campo di Fiori, and remains of it may still be
discerned in the Palazzo Pio and the adjoining cellars
and stables.3 The curvature of the walls is still in-
dicated by that of the streets near the Palazzo Pio. The
little church of Sta. Maria in Grrotta Pinta was so called
from its having been constructed in one of the vaults
which supported the benches, in which were mural paint-
ings. Here also was an inscription to Yenus Yictrix.
The adjoining Piazza dei Satiri owes its name to the
discovery of two satyrs, now in the court of the Capito-
line Museum, which are supposed to have adorned the
scena, or stage. The theatre was so arranged as to serve
for the exhibition of gladiators and wild beasts as well
as dramatic entertainments. It was capable of holding
40,000 persons.4 It appears not to have been completed
till Pompey's third consulate, in b.c. 52, to judge from
the anecdote of his hesitation whether he should call
himself consul tertio or tertium. This knotty gram-
matical point was referred to Cicero, who evaded the

1 Plin. H. N. xxxvi. 24, 7.	2 Dion Cass, xxxvii. 58.

3	Canina, Ed. ant. di B. t. iii, p. 7 sqq., iv. pi. cliii—clviii.

4	Plin. H. N. xxxvi. 24, 7 5 Tac. Ann. xiv. 20 5 Tertull. De
Sped. 10.HIS EXTRAORDINARY GAMES.	175

difficulty by suggesting that only the letters tert should
"be inscribed.1 Pompey celebrated the opening of his
theatre with some magnificent combats of wild beasts,
in which five hundred lions and twenty elephants are
said to have been killed. But altogether the fortunate
soldier seems to have displayed in these entertainments
more magnificence than taste. Cicero, who loved not
such shows, but who attended out of complaisance
towards Pompey, severely criticizes them, and ridicules
the introduction of six hundred mules in the Clytcem-
nestra, the three thousand cups in the Trojan Horse, and
the manoeuvres of the infantry and cavalry.2 Pompey
seems to have forestalled Horace's subject of complaint
many years after:

Quatuor aut plures aulsea premuntur in horas,

Dum fugiunt equitum turmse peditumque cater vse.

Mox trahitur manibus regum Fortuna retortis ;

Esseda festinant, pilenta, petorrita, naves.

Si foret in terris, rideret Democritus.

Scriptores autem narrare putaret asello

Eabellam surdo.3

Pompey, however, wished not to please connoisseurs,
but the Roman populace, and knew its tastes.

About the same time he built near his theatre a new
and more sumptuous house for himself, surrounded with
gardens. That in the Carinse, which he had inhabited
up to the time of his triumph, was a comparatively
modest one for that period, and the voluptuous Antony
had wondered where he could have supped in it.4 He
also erected a portico behind the scena of his theatre,
the proper place for one, according to Yitruvius, which

1	Tiro, ap. A. Gell. Noot, Att. x. 1.

2	Ad Fam. vii. 1.

3	Epp. ii. 1, 189 sqq.

4	Pint. Pomp. 44.176

pompey's curia.

served to shelter the spectators in bad weather. *It
became one of the most fashionable lounges in Rome.1
Near it was another portico, called, from its hundred
columns, Hecatostylon ; though some writers have con-
sidered this to be only another name for the Posticus
Pompeii, Both indeed appear to have contained groves
of plane-trees, and to have been consumed in the same
conflagration; but Martial speaks of them as distinct
places, and the same thing may be inferred from a frag-
ment of. the Capitoline plan.2 Pompey adorned his
portico with the images, in chains, of fourteen nations
he had conquered, and it was hence also called Posticus
Nationum or ad Nationes. It contained a Curia, or
senate-house, the Curia Pompeii, also sometimes used
for the performance of plays.

Csesar was not behindhand with his rival in captivat-
ing the people by adding to the magnificence of Home.
Before Pompey's return from the east, however, when
their rivalry had not yet been so decidedly declared,
Caesar, at the commencement of his prsetorship, in b.c.
62, with no view of obliging Pompey, but to gain the
multitude by appearing to favour him, proposed that
the reconstruction of the Capitoline temple, to which,
as we have said, some little still remained to be done,
should be completed by Pompey; so that his name alone
should be inscribed in the dedication, to the exclusion
of that of Catulus as well as of Sulla. Csesar even
accused Catulus of malversation in his functions. Such
a charge could not apply to the labour bestowed on the
building, which, as under Tarquinius Superbus, when it
was made a ground of complaint against that king, was

1	Catull. liii. 6 ; Ov. Ars Am. i. 67.

2	Mart. ii. 14 5 cf. Canina, Indie, p. 373. See also Vitrnv. v. 9 ;
Prop. ii. 32, 11.THE TABULAR1UM REBUILT.	177

compulsory and unpaid. Catulus had roofed tlie temple
with gilt tiles, and the accusation must haye regarded
this and similar expenses. But the patrician party
made a great stir in favour of Catulus, and carried the
day. Sixteen or seventeen years after, when Ceesar
had become all-powerful, the senate decreed that the
name of Catulus should be erased from the temple, and
that of Cassar substituted.1 Tacitus, however, tells us2
that the name of Catulus remained till the time of
Vitellius, and his testimony is confirmed by two inscrip-
tions still extant, so that the decree seems not to have
been carried into execution.3 The original Tabularium,
a sort of record office, appears to have been burnt in the
same fire which destroyed the temple. Catulus rebuilt
it under the eastern side of the Area Capitolina, and
considerable remains of it may still be seen under the
Palazzo del Senatore. The inscription recording its re-
building by Catulus was extant in the time of Poggio,
and even of JSTardini; so that the structure must have
lasted till the latest period of the Empire.4 The Tabu-
larium seems not to have been so called before the time
of Catulus; previously it was named JEJrarium,5 and it
may possibly have communicated with the -ZErarium
behind the Temple of Saturn. The front of it formed
a sort of portico of two storeys, as could be seen in the
time of Poggio. At present only part of the lower

1	Dion Cass, xxxvii. 44, xliii. 14; Cic. In Verr. Act. ii. lib. iv.
c. 315 Suet. Ccbs. 15.

2	Hist. iii. 72. The passage is a good example of his brevity.

3	Lanciani, Bull. 1875, p. 168.

4	Polyb. iii. 26$ Poggio, De Van. Fort. lib. i. p. 8 5 Nardini,
Bom. Ant. lib. v. c. 13. M. de Rossi has restored the inscription
(Nuova Baccol. d'lscriz. p. 101).

5	Liv. iii. 69, &c.

N178

FORUM JULII CJESARIS.

arcade remains, one of the few monnments of the re-
publican times.

The most magnificent of Caesar's architectural plans
was the enlargement of the Forum, or rather the addi-
tion of a new one in connection with it. The plan of it
seems to have been conceived about the year b.o. 54, as
we see from a letter of Cicero's to Atticus.1 It was to
extend from the Basilica Paulli to the Atrium Liber-
tatis, a hall where slaves received their manumission,
which seems to have stood on that tongue of land which
then connected the Capitoline and Quirinal hills.2 The
money necessary to execute this project by buying the
ground required for it, together with the houses, Cicero
states at 60,000,000 sesterces, or about 500,000L As
usual in such cases, however, this estimate appears to
have been much under the mark, and before the work
was completed it cost almost double that sum.3 Yet
after all it seems not to have been executed on the
magnificent scale first projected. It could not have ex-
tended so far westwards as the Atrium Libertatis, since
its frontage towards the Forum Romanum, which in-
cluded the Curia, was apparently only some 200 feet,
though it ran back 330 or 340. It was not dedicated till
after the battle of Pharsalia and Caesar's triumph in B.o.
45. It contained a Temple of Yenus Gtenitris which
he had vowed before the commencement of the civil war.
Caesar did not live to see his Forum entirely completed.
It was dedicated so prematurely that the statue of
Yenus was represented by a plaster cast.4 The temple
was surrounded by a refiavos, or open space, destined for
the hearing of causes and other legal business.5

1 Lib. iv. 16.	2 See the article Roma, p. 79S a.

3	Suet. Cces, 26; Plin. H. N. xxxvi. 24, 2.

4	Plin. H. N. xxxv. 45.	5 App, JB. C. ii. 102.THE CURIA JULIA.

179

Caesar, as we learn from the same letter of Cicero's
to Atticus, at tlie same time projected a magnificent
Septa in the Campus Martins for the Comitia Tributa,
consisting of a covered "building of marble, with a portico
enclosing a space of ground a mile square. The Septa
Julia adjoined the Villa Publica, and most probably
occupied the site of the Palazzo Doria and church of
Sta. Maria in Yia Lata. Among the magnificent plans
of Caesar's never executed, we read of his intention to
divert the course of the Tiber from the Milvian Bridge
to the foot of the Yatican Hill, and thus to convert the
Ager Yaticanus inte a new Campus Martius, and ap-
propriate the old one to building purposes;1 also to
erect a temple of unparalleled size to Mars, and to ex-
cavate a theatre of vast dimensions in the side of the
Tarpeian Mount.2 He also began the Basilica Julia,
on the site of the Sempronia, but did not live to finish
it. The Curia Hostilia, burnt down at the funeral of
Clodius, had been rebuilt by Eaustus, the son of Sulla;
but Csesar caused this structure to be demolished in
order to erect in its place the Curia Julia.3 We must
also here mention that Caesar erected new Rostra in the
eastern or further portion of the Forum, between the
Temple of Castor and the Regia. This part of the
Eorum was now appropriated by the demagogues for
their harangues, and Caesar, who used himself to hold
forth occasionally from the steps of the Temple of Castor,
agreeably to his revolutionary principles, accommodated
them with a place to speak from. The Comitium, the
aristocratic portion of the Eorum, was now compara-

1 Cic. ad Att. xiii. 33.	2 Suet. Cess. 44.

3 Diet, of Anc. Qeogr. vol. ii. p. 790 sq. ; where I have endea-
voured to show that the senate-house, originally called Curia Hostilia,

and afterwards by different names, always occupied the same spot.180

FIRST TRIUMVIRATE.

tively deserted; but tlie ancient Rostra there were not
destroyed, and appear to have been occasionally used
after this period. The statues of Sulla and Pompey,
which had stood near the old Rostra, were removed to
the new. Subsequently two statues of Caesar were also
erected here, and an equestrian one of Octavian.1

Even the sums given by Caesar in bribery were some-
times employed in adorning the city. Thus the eloquent
and profligate tribune Curio, whom he bought with
100,000 sesterces, erected a double theatre upon pivots,
the two parts of which being united formed the first am-
phitheatre at Rome.2 Caesar is also said to have pur-
chased .^Emilius Paullus with 1,500 talents,3 or about
360,000Z., which would have gone a good way in the
reconstruction of his Basilica.

The first triumvirate of Pompey, Caesar, and Crassus
was a certain presage of the fall of the Republic.
Crassus, who would not have had the genius to with-
stand Caesar, fell in an expedition against the Parthians ;
and Pompey, who had lost much of his popularity in his
later years, was compelled to fly from Rome after Caesar
had passed the Rubicon. As Caesar approached, Pompey
proposed to transfer the seat of government to Capua, a
city, as we learn from one of Cicero's speeches against
Rullus,4 in many respects superior to Rome; its streets
more spacious, and, being built in a plain, without the
inconvenience arising from the Roman hills. But such
a retreat was impracticable, and at last Pompey fled, to

1	Dion Cass. xlii. 18, xliii. 49 ; App. B. C. iii. 41; Ascon. ad Cic„
p. Mil. 5 5 Suet. C<ss. 75.

2	Plin. H. N. xxxvi. 24, 8.	3 Plut. C&s. 29.

4 te Romam in montibus positam et convallibus, eoenaculis sublatam

atque suspensam, non optimis viis, angustissimis semitis, prse sua
Capua—irridebunt, &c."—De Leg. agr. ii. 35.BATTLE OF PHARSALIA.

181

Greece, basely, says Cicero,1 and without even carrying
off the public treasure, which, was left to augment
Caesar's resources. The consuls had indeed taken away
the keys of the 2Erarium; but how should such a fortress
resist the victor of so many p The tribune Metellus, one
of the few who had the courage to remain at Rome, op-
posed Caesar's entrance; but Caesar threatened to slay
him, and caused the gates to be broken open.2 The rest
is soon told. Pompey was defeated at Pharsalia and
murdered in Egypt in B.C. 48, and Caesar became master
of the world.

Caesar did not spend much of the remainder of his life
at Rome. In October, B.C. 45, he celebrated his last
triumph for the final victory over the Pompeians at
Munda. Nothing now remained to gratify his ambition
but to be king of Rome. But circumspection was ne-
cessary before assuming that hated title ; for names are
often more detested than things, and the Romans, just
like the French in their Revolution, were ready to submit
to any tyranny, provided the tyrant did not call himself
Hex. Caesar therefore deemed it prudent first to sound
their feelings on this point by means of his creature Mark
Antony. In February B.C. 44, was celebrated the wild and
ancient festival of the Lupercalia, which may be com-
pared to the modern Carnival; except that in this the
performers dress themselves up, while in the Lupercalia,
agreeably to its more ancient and simple origin, they
undressed themselves. Antony, who was consul this
year, was one of the Luperci on this occasion, and was

1	Ad Att, vii. 21.

2	Cses. B. C. i. 33 ; App. B. C. ii. 41; Dion Cass. xli. 17 5 Lucan 5
Phctrs. iii. 114 sqq. Lucan remarks on this occasion that the love
of gold alone was stronger than the fear of death, and that the laws
had been suffered to be violated with impunity.182

CL2ESAR ASSASSINATED.

probably half drunk as well as more than half naked.
Caesar, dressed in his triumphal robes, was seated in the
Forum, near his new Rostra, to view and encourage the
sports. As he sat there, Antony approached, bearing in
his hand a diadem encircled with laurel. Twice he tried
to place it on Caesar's head, and twice did Caesar, with
well-feigned reluctance, reject the bauble like a bishop
his new mitre. Thunders of applause attended each
rejection. There could be no mistake about the popular
feeling ; and Caesar, who was evidently vexed at this
display of it, baring his neck, desired any one who
wished to strike. There were some who wished, but
the opportunity was not yet come. Caesar's further
attempts to gain a crown through prophecies from the
Sibylline books that none but a king could subdue the
Parthians, steeled the hearts and hands of his assassins.
Caesar fell by their daggers on the ides of March in
Pompey's Curia, beneath the statue of his former rival.1
The murder perpetrated, the assassins, brandishing
aloft a cap of liberty on the point of a sword, and pro-
tected by a body of gladiators, mounted up to the Capitol,
whither they were followed by several senators, and
amongst them by Cicero. Here Brutus addressed the
assembled people, and imagining from the applause
which followed his speech that his deed was universally
popular, he ventured, in company with the other con-
spirators, to descend into the Forum. Here another
oration was again favourably received; but a speech of

1 Said to be the identical statue now in the Palazzo Spada. After
Caesar's murder, this Curia was walled up, as a locus sceleratus.
Augustus, howeyer, caused the statue of Pompey to be re-erected
under a marble arch in front of his portico; a situation which cor-
responds with the place where the statue was found. Suet. Cess. 88,
Octav. 315 Dion Cass. xliy. 16, 52 5 Cic. DeDiv. ii. 9.antony's funeral oration. 183

Cinna's, in which lie abused Caesar's memory, drew forth,
^uch unequivocal marks of displeasure and anger from
the crowd, that the conspirators again hastily retired to
the Capitol. Lepidus, Cesar's master of the horse,
who commanded a large body of veterans, occupied the
Forum during the night with his troops, and next day
the consul Antony, feeling himself more secure—he had
hid himself after the murder, no one knew where, in the
garb of a slave—ventured to appear again in public,
having previously secured Lepidus by a promise to
make him Pontifex Maximus, and to give his daughter
in marriage to Lepidus' son. Antony now seized all
Caesar's papers and the public treasure, and convened
the senate in the Temple of Tellus, where the state of
things was discussed. On the following day Antony
and his colleague Dolabella assembled the people in the
Forum; the will of Csesar was read, and its liberal
bequests to the people and to some of his assassins
excited a universal enthusiasm in his favour. This
feeling became almost uncontrollable a few days after
at the sight of Csesar's body now borne in funeral pro-
cession into the Forum; when Antony, mounting the
Hostra, and ordering the bloody corpse with all its gaping
wounds to be displayed, still further excited the passions
of the multitude by a touching and memorable funeral
oration.1 Instead of suffering the body to be carried
into the Campus Martins, where a funeral pile had been
prepared, the mob extemporized one at the eastern end
of the Forum by pulling down some neighbouring booths.
"While the body was still consuming, some of the mob
snatched burning brands from the pyre, and, rushing
with them through the streets, set fire to the houses of

1 The reader will obtain a more vivid impression of the scene
from Shakspeare's Julius Ccesar than from any extant historian.184

MURDER OF CICERO.

the chief conspirators, and to Pompey's Curia, where
Caesar had met his death.

With this scene, so far as the city of Rome is con-
cerned, was closed that period of lawlessness and violence
which ushered in the Empire. The battles still to be
fought occurred at a distance from the capital; they
belong to the province of the historian, and not to the
more humble one of an historiographer of the city.
There is, however, one bloody episode still to be re-
corded. The first use made by Antony of the license
to slay which he had acquired by his triumvirate with
Octavius and Lepidus, was to put on his list of proscrip-
tions the name of Cicero. His myrmidons surprised
and slew the aged and eloquent senator at his villa near
Formise, and, cutting* off the head and hands carried
them to Rome as the most acceptable present which
they could bring to their master. There was the head
which had conceived, the mouth which had uttered, the
hands which had penned, the Philippics ! Antony was
seated in the Eorum—administering justice !—when
these ghastly relics were laid before him. He gloated
on them with delight, then carried them to his wife
Eulvia, that she also might share his satisfaction. With
impotent female rage, Fulvia insulted the head that had
ceased to hear, pierced with her bodkin the tongue that
could no longer speak ! Then, by command of Antony,
the bleeding relics were nailed to the Rostra and there
left to moulder. The brutal, blundering Antony could
not have chosen for them either a more appropriate
monument, or one that more evidently stultified himself.
It illustrated at once the eloquence of his victim, and
the deep and lasting pain and mortification it had caused
him.MURO TORTO.

A FRAGMENT OF MASONRY ON THE PINCIAN HILL OF THE AGE OF SULLA,
AFTERWARDS INCORPORATED IN AURELIAN's WALL.

p. 184.185

SECTION III.

THE REIGN OF AUGUSTUS C^SAR.

HE battles of Philippi and death, of Cassius and

Brutus destroyed the senatorial or constitutional
partj, and after Antony and Octavian had four times
divided the world, the last time without any competitor,
the latter by his victory oyer Antony at Actium, B.C. 31,
became sole master of the Homan Empire. In the fol-
lowing year he crushed Antony's small remaining power
in Egypt, and compelled the ex-triumvir to put an end
to his own life; after which, having settled the affairs
of the East, he returned to Rome in B.C. 29. He now
obtained the perpetual title of Imperator, or Emperor,
and celebrated three magnificent triumphs for his vic-
tories in Dalmatia, at Actium, and in Egypt. Peace
having been thus restored throughout the Empire, the
Temple of Janus was closed for the first time during
more than two centuries. Octavian, or, as we shall
henceforth, call him, Augustus, which title he received
Sb year or two after, could now apply himself to the
restoration of order and the promotion of the works of
peace ; a task for which his genius naturally fitted him.
These works included many improvements in Home, to
which part of his labours the design of this narrative
entirely confines us. His lengthened reign and the186

MEANNESS OE ANCIENT ROME.

immense resources wliicli Tie commanded, enabled him
not only to carry out many new and magnificent de-
signs, but also to restore and perfect an immense number
of previously existing monuments, so that it was his
boast that, having found Rome brick, he left it marble.1
After all his labours, however, much remained to be
done by his successors before the city attained its highest
point of beauty and grandeur. To convey some con-
ception of what he effected, we will endeavour, so far as
the materials for it admit, to draw a slight sketch of the
state of Rome at his accession.

On the whole, in comparison with many modern
capitals, and perhaps a few ancient ones, Rome, as
bounded by the Servian wall, offered not in the time of
Augustus that magnificent aspect which the imagination
might naturally look for in the mistress of the wwld,
though certain portions of the city no doubt displayed
great architectural splendour.. What first strikes the
eye on entering a large capital are long and spacious
streets, extensive squares and places. These of them-
selves, and without any regard to the architectural taste
displayed in them, fill the eye and excite an involuntary
admiration. Such, for instance, are the quays and bou-
levards at Paris, the Rue de Rivoli, the Place de la
Concorde ; in London such streets as Oxford Street,
Regent Street, Piccadilly, and the numerous squares in
their vicinity ; at Berlin, the Linden and the Schloss
Platz. In places like these Rome must have been
totally deficient. The very nature of the ground on
which it stood prevented their existence. A complex
of hills intersected by narrow winding valleys could not
possibly offer space either for a handsome street or a

1 Suet. Aug. 28.ITS NARROW STREETS.

187

spacious piazza. The Yicus Longus, which ran along
the valley between the Quirinal and Yiminal hills, as-
cended the height, and perhaps proceeded as far as the
Porta Collina,1 was probably, as may be inferred both
from its situation and its name, one of the longest
streets in Rome, yet it could hardly have exceeded
three-quarters of a mile in length. It appears, too,
from Liyy's account of the sacellum erected in it to
Pudicitia Plebeia,2 not to have been a fashionable quarter
of the town, and was therefore probably filled with houses
of the meaner sort. The Roman streets, in general,
must have bee a much shorter than the Yicus Longus;
nor could this defect have been compensated by their
breadth, which perhaps gives a nobler air than length.
In general they appear to have been very narrow, a
defect which was not remedied till after the fire in the
time of Nero,3 and then only partially. The largest
streets, called Vice or Platece, were probably not broader
than the Roman highways, that is thirteen, or at most
fifteen feet; while the alleys between the Insulce, or
blocks of houses, were scarcely a yard wide, and must
have resembled, or rather perhaps exceeded, in meanness
the labyrinths of dirty lanes which at the back of the
canals disfigure modern Yenice. Like the Queen of
thp Adriatic, however, Rome had not its streets en-
cumbered with any great quantity of vehicles. Private
carriages were unknown, and even the Roman carts, as
in modern times, appear to have been light and narrow.
When we take into consideration the enormous height
of the houses, many of which must have exceeded

1	Valerius Maximus (ii. 5, § 6) speaks of a Summus Yicus Longus,
which shows that it ascended the elevated ground at the junction of
the Quirinal and Yiminal.

2	Lib. x. c. 23.	3 Tac. Ann. xv. 43.188

DARKNESS OF ROMAN HOUSES.

seventy feet before Augustus introduced a regulation
forbidding them to be built higher, and that many of
them were provided with moeniana, or balconies, we may
fancy the coolness, but at the same time the darkness,
of the lower storeys. These defects continued to exist
even in the time of Juvenal, who adverts to the dark-
ness of the houses as a nuisance only compensated by
the privilege enjoyed by the inhabitant of Rome of being
present at the games of the Circus :

Si potes avelli Circensibus, optima Sorse

Aut Fabraterise domus, aut Erusinone paratur

Quanti nunc tenebras unum conclucis in annum.1

Into many of the lower rooms the sun could have never
penetrated, and from some of the narrower streets and
lanes the sky itself could have been scarcely visible.
Yet, contrary to the modern Italian proverb, ove non va
il sole, va il medico, many of the Romans of those times,
as we learn from the passage of Tacitus just quoted,
considered this exclusion of sun and air to be favourable
to health. The Ghetto, or Jews' quarter, indeed, one of
the narrowest and most densely populated of modern
Rome, is also regarded as one of the freest from malaria.
As the foundations of the houses do not appear to have
been very substantial, the constant risk of falling must
have added danger to their other disagreeable qualities.
Thus the satirist just quoted :

Nos urbem colimus tenui tibicine fultam
Magna parte sui ; nam sic labentibus obstat
Villicus 5 et yeteris rimse quum texit kiatum
Securos pendente jubet dormire ruina.2

1 Sat. iii. 223 sqq. Trajan ultimately fixed the maximum of height
at sixty feet. Aur. Vict. Epit. c. 13. See a wall-painting in the
Tablinum of the so-called house of Livia on' the Palatine, engraved
in the Journal Archeologique, No, 21, 1870. Also "Imitative Art,"
p. 295.	2 Juv. Sat. iii. 193.home's suburbs extended.

189

Tlie greater part of Rome, indeed, appears to have be-
longed to wealthy and selfish capitalists, who thought
only of making the most of their investments, like
Crassus, who was said to hold half the city. The val-
leys around the hills seem to have been filled with
streets and houses like those just described. Such
must have been the case with the valleys between the
three northern hills, the Subura, the Sub Yelia, the
space between the Yelia and the Cselian, and the Yela-
brum. These districts must have been so choked up
with tall houses and narrow streets as to render it
totally impossible to discern from them the contour of
the neighbouring hills. The summits of the hills them-
selves were for the most part occupied with aristocratic
residences, gardens, temples, and other public buildings.
Hence the only parts within the ancient circuit of the
Servian wralls where the citizen of humble means could
breathe as it were in a freer space and enjoy a more
extended prospect, must have been the Circus Maximus,
the adjoining Forum Boarium, and the Forum Ro-
manum. We must recollect, however, that in the time
of Augustus all trace of the Servian wall had almost
entirely vanished. Suburbs had been pushed out as far
as the circuit of the subsequent walls of Aurelian, and
were included by Augustus, indiscriminately with the
ancient Servian city, in the regions into which he di-
vided Rome. Thus the city in those days may be com-
pared with ancient London amalgamated with West-
minster, Southwark, and other surrounding boroughs;
but it occupied a much less expanse of ground.

It will be plain from the preceding description that
the only spots within the proper limits of Rome which
could have offered, in the time of"Augustus, a spectacle
of much architectural beauty, must have been the Circus190

BEAUTY OF THE CIRCUS.

Maximus and the Forum Romanum with its environs.
The mere expanse of the Circus, the limits of which
may still "be discerned, must have been of itself a noble
and striking object, especially after emerging from the
narrow streets of Rome. Csesar had enlarged it at both
extremities, making it at least three-eighths of a mile1
in length and a furlong in breadth. He had also sur-
rounded it with a lower row of stone seats, and wooden
ones above; but these, as well as other parts of the
building, had been destroyed or injured by a great fire
which occurred in B.C. 31, just before the battle of Ac-
tium. The temples and other buildings which on each
side, on the summits of the Palatine and Aventine
hills, towered over the Circus, must have lent additional
beauty to the prospect; and when, amidst the cheers of
innumerable spectators, the chariots, with their eager
drivers decked in various colours, rushed at headlong
pace from the carceres, it is difficult to conceive that
Rome, the theatre of stirring spectacles, could have
offered one more exciting than this, or more striking in
all its accessories,

But by far the grandest architectural view that Rome
could offer, independently of any local association of
ideas, must have been that of the Forum, the Capitol,
and surrounding objects. In order to realize this pros-
pect, so far as may now be possible, from the descrip-
tions of ancient authors and a knowledge of the localities
in their present state, let us suppose ourselves on the
way to the Capitol from the further extremity of the
Sacra Yia. Having arrived at the highest point of that
road, called the Summa Sacra Yia, where the Arch of

1 Plin. H. N. xxxvi. 24, s. 1; Suet. Cms. 39. Dionysius (iii. 68)
describes it as three stadia and a half long, and about two-thirds of
a stadium broad.YIEW FROM SUMMA SACRA VIA. 19

Titus now stands, the Capitol with, all its glories suddenly
bursts upon our view and bounds the prospect. On the
northern summit of the hill, the present site of the
church and convent of Ara Celi, stood the vast and
magnificent Temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus and
his two associated divinities, Juno and Minerva. The
roof of gilded tiles might vie in splendour with the
eastern sun that shone upon it, and derived additional
lustre from the background of that deep blue Italian
sky upon which its forms were sharply defined. The
roof is supported by a forest of huge pillars, perfect
specimens of art, brought, it is said, by Sulla from
Greece. The pediment and acroterium are adorned with
statuary; near the temple is a colossal statue of Jupiter,
the face turned towards us, and even where we stand
we may discern its majestic features. Itfot far ofE is
another colossus, that of Apollo, brought by Lucullus
from Apollonia. Around the peculiar temple of the hill,
others of smaller, but varying, size appear to cluster as
if to do it homage ; while the spaces in front and around
them seem animated with statues, which at this distance
look like living men.

To the left of this temple-crowned summit follows a
depression of short extent. It is the Capitoline inter-
montium, or, as we have ventured to call it in another
work, the Area Capitolina. At present the aspect is
different; the interval is filled up by the lofty Palazzo
del Senatore, surmounted with a tower, and seems as
high as the two summits which bound it. On this de-
pression a few monuments of small dimensions are dis-
tinguishable from where we stand, such as the Curia
Calabra, the Casa Romuli, &c.; also Hostra, for the area
was large enough for assemblies of the people, and was
often the scene of riots and fights. At the southern192

THE NOVA YIA.

extremity of this depression the hill rises again abruptly
into another summit, the citadel, or Ars. This also is
crowned with a magnificent temple, that of Juno Moneta,
but not of the size and grandeur of her consort's on the
opposite summit. Round this are also some smaller
temples, as those of Fortune, Marius' Temple of Honos
et Virtus, Manlius' of Concord, and others. Augustus
is soon to increase the number by the erection of a small
temple to Jupiter Tonans on the Capitol.

But, to get a distinct view of the Capitoline Hill and
the Forum, we must descend from the height on which
we have in imagination placed ourselves. We must re-
member that we are only at the top of a somewhat
narrow street—its breadth may be inferred from the
Arch of Titus, which spanned it—and that the ground
before us, instead of being an open waste as at present,
is covered almost to the verge of the Forum with thickly
clustered dwellings, though probably not so high as in
the less aristocratic portions of the town; for the sediles
would have taken care that in the line of the sacred and
triumphal processions, and under the sumptuous mansions
on the Palatine, the view should not have been obstructed
and disfigured by lofty buildings. Thus we know, from
a passage of Cicero already quoted, that Clodius enjoyed
from his house on the Palatine an excellent view of the
city; and it seems probable that Cicero's also, which
stood rather lower, commanded a fine prospect; for it
would scarcely have been worth the money he gave for
it had all view from it been blocked out by rows of tall
houses. Close to the base of the Palatine Hill, and at
the back of the Temples of Vesta and Castor, ran the
Nova Via, leading from the Porta Mugionis, where it
was called Summa Nova Via, down to the Velabrum.
Its pavement is now laid bare between the Sacra ViaTHE SACER CLIYUS.

193

and Clinis Victoria, at the foot of Caligula's house.
At the beginning of the reign of Augustus, the Nova
Yia seems to have had no communication with the
Forum; though one appears to have been subsequently-
made. Such at least appears to be the probable inference
from Ovid's line :1

Qua Nova Romano nunc Via juncta Foro est.

To reach the Forum, therefore, we must descend the
Sacra Yia. But before we quit its summit let us
survey for a moment the ground on which we stand.
Close by is the ancient dwelling of the Rex Sacrificulus,
which, with the Regia, or house of the Pontifex Maxi-
mus, standing at the bottom of the descent and at the
corner of the Forum, appears to have given name to
the street. For we must recollect that only this part of
the street, viz., the descent from the higher point, or
Arch of Titus, to the Regia, was ordinarily called
" Sacra Yia," or sometimes also " Sacer Clivus," as in
the following line of Martial:

Inde sacro veneranda petes Pallatia clivo.2

The priests, however, gave that name to the whole
length of it, from its commencement at the Sacellum
Streniae, somewhere in or near the Carinas, to its ter-
mination on the Capitol. In very early times there was
at the former place a grove of Strenia, or Strenua—
some nymph or goddess, we know not exactly what—
and it is said that when Titus Tatius was king, the
augurs culled for him here, every New Year's Day,
some branches of verbena, and carried them to his
dwelling on the Arx, as an annual present.3 Such was
the institution of the Roman Christmas-box, a time-

1 Fasti, vi. 396. 2 Lib. i, 70, 5. 3 Symmach. Epp. x. 28.

0194

TEMPLE OF JUPITER STATOR.

hallowed custom, more honoured perhaps in the breach
than the observance ; for no doubt the priests got a
more than adequate return for their greenery. It was,
in short, only a genteel way of begging. In after times
it grew into a regular institution under the name of
" augurium salutis." Tiberius, very sensibly, always
went out of town before the 1st of January, to avoid
the thing: but Claudius revived it after an interval of
a quarter of a century;1 and it appears, from the
Epistles of Symmachus, to have lasted to a very late
period of the Empire. Hence it has descended into
our modern customs, and the French word etrennes can
have no other etymology. But to return to the pro-
menade from which we have diverged.

From the Summa Sacra Yia there was probably a
road on the left which connected it with the Summa
Nova Yia, and thus afforded a passage to the Porta
Mugionis, or entrance to the Palatine; but we do not
know its name, or whether such a road actually existed.
It is as certain, however, almost as anything can be in
Roman topography, that is not proved by the actual
existence of monuments, that at this spot, namely, the
Summa Sacra Yia and perhaps just within the Porta
Mugionis, were some of the most ancient monuments
of Rome, as the Sacellum Larium and the Temple of
Jupiter Stator, founded by Romulus. On the opposite
or right-hand side of the way, in the direction of the
subsequent Temple of Yenus and Rome, there seems to
have been a sort of market for fruit, as well as for the
sale of toys and gimcracks. We frequently find allu-
sions to this market in the Roman classics.2 We will
now descend the hill. Let us recollect that the declivity

1	Tac. Ann. xii. 23 j cf. Suet. Tib. 34 ; Dion Cass. lvii. 8, 17.

2	Ov. A. A. ii. 265 ; Propert. iii. 17, 11, &c.THE FORNIX FABIANUS.

195

was a good deal steeper than it is now. The Forum
lay near thirty feet below the present level, and the
distance to it from the Arch of Titus is but short. On
reaching its boundary, the road was spanned by the
Fornix Fabianus, a triumphal arch, perhaps, of mean
dimensions, and far inferior to those which were erected
in the imperial times. At a little distance on the riglit
stood the Hegia, recalling, in long-gone-by times, the
memory of Kuma's holy shade, its pious founder, and
since of many learned and virtuous pontiffs, but recently
somewhat profaned by the residence of Csesar and the
licentious visits of Clodius. We now stand at the
eastern extremity of the Forum, where at present its
boundary is marked by the Temple of Antoninus and
Faustina. Only a few years before our imaginary pro-
menade, the body of the first and greatest of the Caesars
was burnt a little further on ; in a few more, Augustus
will raise a temple to him on the spot, in which he will
be worshipped as Divus Julius. The fact that the body
could have been consumed here, without causing any
damage, shows that this extremity of the Forum must,
in spite of its narrowness, have been comparatively
free from buildings.

We are now in a position to take into our view the
whole of the Capitoline Hill, from its summit to its
base. In the conformation of the ground which pre-
vails at this part of the city, an additional descent
of near thirty feet afforded the ancient spectator a
striking prospect, which, since the recent excavations,
can be again enjoyed. The hills which, enclose the
Forum do not rise much, more than a hundred feet
above its level, and, in so narrow a valley, the addition
of a fifth or sixth part to their apparent height
naturally gives them a much more noble and striking196	THE MILLIARIUM AUKEUM.

appearance. From this point, the magnificent buildings
which, rose around the Forum and crowned the neigh-
bouring heights, must have had an air of indescribable
grandeur. We now see that the crest of the inter-
montium, or Area Capitolina, is lined by a double row
of porticoes or arcades, one above the other. This is
the Tabularium of Catulus, some remains of which are
still visible. Under its northern extremity, on the
elevated platform or terrace called the Vulcanal, stands
Opimius' Temple of Concord, the groundplan of which
may still be seen. Towards the southern extremity,
but on a rather lower level and nearer to the Forum,
rises the Temple of Saturn. Its site is now marked by
the ruin of the eight columns—a late restoration. Its
pediment was surmounted with figures of Tritons blow-
ing horns, of which design Macrobius gives a somewhat
fanciful explanation: namely, that since the time of
Saturn history had become clear and vocal, which
before, like the tails of the Tritons, was concealed in
the earth.1 The present columns, however, could not
have belonged to the temple as it was in those days, but
are evidently the restoration of a late and degenerate
age. Just in front of the temple2 stood the Millia-
rixjm Auretjm, or gilt milestone, set up by Augustus
apparently as a standard for distances within the walls ;
for the measurement of the roads commenced from the
gates of the Servian walls. Behind it lay the small
Temple of Ops, and the building called the Schola
Xantha ; the office probably of the scribes and copyists
of the aediles ; and at the extreme corner of the Tabu-
larium, the Porticus Deorum Consentium. Over and

1	Sat. i. 8.

2	" Prseraonitis consciis ut se in foro sub sede Saturni ad Millia-
rium aureum opperirentur.'7—Suet. Otko, 6.THE COMITIUM.

197

beyond it stretches to the south that part of the Capito-
line called the Arx, having on its summit the Temple of
Juno Moneta. On some part of the eastern face of the
hill, and visible from the Forum, was the Tarpeian Rock,
whence criminals were precipitated. Its situation I
have endeavoured to determine in the Preface. Between
the Capitoline Hill and the Palatine lay the Yicus
Jugarius, which wound round the base of the former,
and the Nova Yia, which followed the outlines of the
former. East of the Yicus Jugarius, and separating
the Temple of Castor from the Basilica Julia, lay the
Yicus Tuscus. The name of this street seems to have
been changed very shortly after the Augustan period
into Yicus Thurarius.1 May not this be an example of
etymological corruption ? The street was inhabited by
perfumers and incense-vendors. Horace calls it "vicum
vendentem tus et odores ; "2 and this new characteristic
was to the vulgar more striking than the fact of its
having been founded by the Tusci.

At the upper end of the Forum and under the
Capitoline and Curia was the Comititjm, the more dis-
tinguished and aristocratic part of it, being in fact a
templum, or inaugurated place, and entirely separated
from the rest of the Forum by being slightly elevated
above it. On it stood the Tribunal of the Prsetor
Urbanus and a great many statues. Also the sacred
fig-tree called Ficus Buminalis, supposed to have been
that under which Romulus and Remus were nursed by
the wolf.3 This, however, seems to have been nothing but

1	" Signum Yertumni in ultimo vico Thurario est, sub basilicse
angulo flectentibus se ad postremam dexteram partem.-'—Ascon. ad
Cic. Verr. ii. 1, 19; Schol, ad Hot, Sat. ii. 3, 228.

2	Epp. ii. 1, 269.

3	Tac. Ami. xiii. 58 5 Plin. H. N. xv. 20. Varro (L. L. v. 54)198 SOUTHERN SIDE OF THE FORUM.

a substitute; tlie original tree was near the Lupercal
on the Palatine, but had vanished long ago. Some of
the boundary walls of the Comitium were adorned with
fresco paintings brought from Sparta. At the south-
western extremity of the Forum, and bounded on its
eastern side by the Vicus Tuscus, rose the large and
splendid Basilica Julia, recently erected by Csesar, the
vast foundations of which are now laid open to view.
To the east of the Yicus Tuscus is the splendid Temple
of Castor, as we have before remarked, one of the most
conspicuous objects in Rome. It is a little further
back from the boundary of the Forum than the Basilica
Julia, and stood on much more elevated ground, as may
be seen from the bases of the three columns still extant*
It might have been thought that a root or spur of the
Palatine Hill extended at this spot towards the Forum,
had not some excavations undertaken early in the pre-
sent century shown that the temple had been erected on
a lofty substruction, or terrace, about twenty-four feet
high, formed of cubic masses of tufo and Alban stone.1
The temple, therefore, was approached by a lofty flight
of steps, which often served the purpose of rostra to
address the people from.2 Closely adjoining it was the
JEdes Vestse, whose circular substruction is now laid
bare. Next lay the Regia, already mentioned as mark-
ing the boundary of the Forum on this side. We will
now survey its right or northern side.

After passing through the Fornix Fabianus, the Sacra

indicates the true place, on the Germalus: " Germalum a germanis
Komulo et Remo, quod ad Ficum Ruminalem ibi inventi, quo aqua
hiberna Tiberis eos detulerat in alveolo expositos."

1	Nibby, Bel Foro Bomano, p. 64. Nibby, however, takes the
columns to have belonged to the Comitium.

2	Dion Cass, xxxviii. 6 5 Cic. Pro Sest. 15; Appian, B. 0. iii. 41.NORTHERN SIDE OF THE FORUM.

199

Via, as some think, turned to the right, so as to skirt
the eastern extremity of the Forum, and then again
to the left along its northern side; till, having passed
the Curia, it again turned to the left, and, just before
arriving at the Temple of Saturn, began to ascend the
Clivus Capitolinus, entering the Area Capitolina at its
southern extremity. It seems not improbable, however,
that the road which skirted the northern side of the
Forum might have been called Janus; forming, in
fact, the street to which Horace alludes in a passage
before quoted.1 For on it at no great distance from
the present Arch of Severus, and consequently in
front of the Curia, lay the little bronze temple of the
two-faced deity, the celebrated index of peace and war.
Other writers, again, hold that the Sacra Via was on
the south side of the Forum, and passing the Basilica
Julia, mounted the Clivus by winding round the
Temple of Saturn; and this opinion may perhaps
be the more probable one. On this side of the
Forum, and perhaps about the middle of it, but
lying, we, may suppose, a little back, stood the
Basilica iEmilia. Next came the space on which
the ancient Basilica Porcia had formerly stood, burnt
down, as we have said, along with the Curia Hos-
tilia, and never rebuilt; at least we have no ac-
counts of its rebuilding. The site, then, at the
beginning of Augustus' reign, must have been lying
vacant; and we will venture to suggest whether this
might not have been the spot on which that emperor
erected his Chalcidicum, the situation and even the very
nature of which have been puzzles for topographers.
We learn from the Monumentum Ancyranum that it ad-

1 See above, p. 133.200

THE CHALCIDICUM.

joined the Curia,1 and I am now inclined to think that
it might have been the same building called the
Athenceum; since the Curio sum Urbis Homce mentions
the Curia and Athenaeum in the same connection as the
Monumentum Ancyranum mentions the Curia and the
Chalcidicum.2 We may suppose that it was an open
space intended for the convenience of the senators, sur-
rounded with a portico or colonnade ; the Guriosibm calls
it " atrium Miner vee," a definition which strengthens
this conjecture. The species of building called Chal-
cidicum derived its name, according to Festus (sub
voc.), from the town of Chalcis, where it originated.
A Chalcidicum mentioned in an inscription found at
Pompeii may be identified with the vestibule of a
building there;3 but a portico of this description was
evidently not confined to one pattern or place. "We
learn from the passage in Dion Cassius just quoted,
that Augustus dedicated the Curia Julia and the Chal-
cidicum immediately after his return from the East, in
B.C. 29. The Curia Julia, as we have already said,
stood on the site of the old Curia Hostilia. Besides
the arguments which I have adduced in proof of this
position in the article Roma? another, as Signor INibby
has remarked, may be drawn from the following
passage of Livy: " templumque ordini ab se aucto
curiam fecit, quae Hostilia usque ad patrum nostrorum
aetatem appellata est: "5 from which it is plain that

1	" Curiam et continens ei Chalcidicum."—Tabula Quarta.

2	" Senatum . Atrium Minervse . Forum Csesaris . &c."—Begio
viii. In this case we must read in Dion Cassius (li. 22) to re
'AOrjvaiov, to /cat XaXtcidiicdv a)vofxa<jfxsvov, k.t.X.

3	Smith, Diet, of Ant. p. 270.

4	Diet, of Anc. Geography, vol. ii. p. 789 sq.

5	Lib. i. 30; cf. Nibby, Foro Bom. p. 59.ONLY ONE-'CURIA.

201

the same temple called in the time of Livy's father
Hostilia, bore in his own time another name. Sulla's
son Faustus had endeavoured to supplant the old
Roman king as the eponymous founder of the senate-
house, but there came one worthier than he. This
being so, we see not where Augustus could haye found
space for his Ohalcidicum, except by appropriating
that on which the Basilica Porcia had stood. Before
the Curia, and on the other side of the Comitium, were
the ancient Rostra, the suggestum originally adorned
with the beaks of the Antian galleys. Round about
stood the statues of several Roman ambassadors, put
to death by those to whom they had been sent;1 the
martyrs of their then hazardous office. Behind the
Rostra was the Grsecostasis.

We have now completed the circuit of the Forum,
for the Curia stood at its north-western extremity, at or
near the church of S. Martina. In the reign of Augustus
the Forum no doubt was much more magnificent than a
century before, the Curia handsomer and more con-
venient. But the manly eloquence of the old republican
senators will no longer be heard in it. Cato and Cicero
were among the last who dared to lift up their voice
with freedom; henceforth the senate-house will resound
with little but servile acclamations and the false and
simulated accents of adulation. The Forum, too, will
lose much of its life and colour. The Rostra, indeed,
are' still there, but the harangues of patriots or dema-
gogues will not again thunder forth from them, and
their chief use will be for the delivery of nerveless and
fulsome panegyrics. Nay, these altars, as it were, of
ancient liberty, will be wantonly defiled by the vilest

1 Cic. Phil. ix. 7; Plin, H. N. xxxiv. 11.202

THE FORUM AUGUSTI.

and most profligate orgies, led by the daughter of the
emperor himself ! The Comitium, however, has not lost
one of its uses. The Triumyiri Capitales continued
here to scourge Homan citizens and condemn them to
death.1 The Forum too will sometimes be again the
scene of tumult and violence, but only of factions con-
tending for tlie choice of a master. Thus, as the city
advances in material beauty, it declines in moral
grandeur; and the meaner, though more pompous,
scenes of the Empire will be represented on a more
splendid theatre than the sublime and simple drama of
the E/epublic. The monuments which adorn the Forum
and the Capitol will daily lose some of the interest at-
taching to ancient associations, or perhaps awaken
by their presence only painful recollections. The city
may even be said to be deserting itself, for it is
pushing forth over the expanse of the Campus Martius
a new and more splendid quarter, which will grow by
degrees into mediaeval and modern Home. With a
brief survey of this quarter we must finish our imaginary
walk.

Behind the Curia, which we have just left, the new
Forum Julitjm is now opened and finished. It has ap-
parently swallowed up the site of the Forum Piscatorium;
we hear at least after this time no complaints of the
fishy odours which, when Plautus lived, annoyed the
frequenters of the Porcian Basilica. The convenience
and splendour of this quarter will be increased in a few
years by the addition to the north of the Forum Augusti;
but more than a century must elapse before the isthmus
between the Capitoline and the Quirinal will be cut

1 " Celer eques Romanus . . . cum in Comitio virgis caederetur."
—Plin. Epp. iv. 11. Cf. Senec. Contr. vii. : "Triumviris opus est,
Comitio, Carnifice."BUILDINGS ON CAMPUS MARTIUS. 203'

through, and a level road opened into the Campus
Martius through the magnificent Forum of Trajan. At
present we must climb the ascent between those two
hills, and go out by the road which threaded the ancient
Porta Ratumena. Leaving the Basilica Opimia, or
Argentaria, on our right, we descend into the Campus-
Martius. Proceeding in a northerly direction along the
broad road called Yia Lata, one of the first objects that
strike us is the magnificent new Septa of Julius Caasar,
at the church of Sta. Maria in Yia Lata. Close behind
the south side of it is the Villa Publica. These build-
ings mark at present the northern extremity of this new
western suburb, and the southern boundary of the
Campus Martius, properly so called. That vast plain
stretches itself out before us to the north and west till it is
bounded by the winding Tiber. It is intersected through
its whole length by the Yia Maminia, which, commenc-
ing at the end of the Via Lata, runs straight through
it in a north-westerly direction. This road is perhaps
already bordered with handsome villas ; at least Strabo
mentions the buildings as one of the elements of beauty
in the landscape, and the same thing may be inferred
from Martial.1 But the bend of the Tiber forms a large
grassy plain to the left of the road. The verdure of the
grass, the gently rising hills which bound the horizon,
form a prospect of enchanting beauty.2 On the left is
seen Mons Vaticanus ; at a greater distance, and towards
the north, the more elevated and bolder forms of Monte
Mario; while, on the right, Mons Pincius, or the Collis
Hortorum, trending to the north-west, encroaches upon
the plain, and confines it, at the present Piazza del
Popolo, to somewhat narrow dimensions. The scene is

1 Lib. x. 6.

2 Strabo, v. 3, § 8»204

THE CIRCUS FLAMINIUS.

animated by the sports and spectacles which take place
in it. It is the Epsom of Rome, the Equina, or horse-
races, said to have been instituted by Romulus, being
held here twice a year, in the month dedicated to Mars.
But the ground lies low, and was sometimes overflowed
at this season by the river, when the races were trans-
ferred to the Campus Martialis, an open space on the
Cselian Hill. The Campus Martius was also employed
for the exercises and evolutions of the troops; and when
a victorious general was waiting outside the gates for the
honours of a triumph, it must have presented the aspect
of a camp. Besides these more solemn uses, it was also
the playground of the Roman populace, where multi-
tudes might be daily seen amusing themselves with
wrestling matches, or in playing at ball or hoop.1 If we
stroll onwards to the banks of the river, the eye is enter-
tained with a different and more businesslike scene.
Here, according to their contrary directions, the light
skiff is rapidly descending with the stream, while the
heavy barge is being slowly towed up against it.2 Here,
too, opposite the Prata Quinctia, near the present
Porto di Ripetta, are the Navalia, the station of the
war galleys.

But it is the district called Circus Maminius, at the
southern extremity of the Campus Martius, stretching
from near the point where we have entered the Campus,
to the wall which runs from the Capitoline Hill to the
Tiber, which, from the beauty, grandeur, and number
of its buildings, chiefly excited the admiration of Strabo;
which he expresses by the somewhat strong phrase

1	Strabo, loc. cit.

2	Et modo tam celeres mireris currere lintres,

Et modo tam tardas funibus ire rates.

Prop. i. 15 (14), 2.AMPHITHEATRE OF STATILIUS TAURUS. 205'.

that all the rest of Rome might seem but a mere sup-
plement, or addition, to this quarter. This confirms the
view we have taken of the comparative meanness of the-
ancient parts of the city. The district of the Circus
Flaminius was a broad level space, and thus admirably
adapted for architectural display.1 This quarter, how-
ever, did not attain all its beauty till the close of
Augustus' reign. Strabo enumerates in it, besides-
many porticoes and groves, three theatres, an amphi-
theatre, and many temples. We are here surprised to<
miss the Circus Flaminius itself, which Strabo could
hardly have designated as an amphitheatre. He appears
to allude to the amphitheatre of Statilius Taurus, the
first built of stone, which had been completed and dedi-
cated in B.C. 30. Topographers, however, are quite at a»
loss as to the site of this structure; its remains have-
been sought at Monte Citorio and other places, but on
no other foundation than conjecture. Dion Cassius says».
that it was in the Campus Martius;2 but he may pos-
sibly have used that name in a lax and general sense to
denote all the plain between the hills and the Tiber. Of
the three theatres mentioned here by Strabo, one only
was extant at the beginning of the reign of Augustus,
that, namely, of Pompey, which we have already de-
scribed. But we shall enter into no further description
of this district at present, as we shall have to return to
it when mentioning the buildings erected here in the
time of Augustus.

Rome had, of course, like other large, cities, its

1	It seems to have included all that part of the modern city to the
south of a line continued from the Via del Gesu to the Tiber, as far
as the church of S. Nicola in Carcere, opposite the southern extremity
of the Isola Tiberina.

2	Lib. li. 23.206

ROMAN CROWDS.

favourite resorts and fashionable promenades. The
Forum, as the centre of commercial and legal business,
was naturally the great centre of attraction, and besides
those who really had affairs there, must have attracted
that crowd of idlers with whom Rome abounded, who
came to see what was going on, and to pick up the
news of the day. There, no doubt, might still be found
the same congregation of braggarts, false swearers,
swaggerers, scandal-mongers, gourmands, beggars with
an ostentatious air, and rich men with a quiet, retiring
one, as might have been seen in the time of Plautus.1
The narrow thoroughfares which led to the Forum must
often have been so thronged as to be scarcely passable.
That this was the case with the Sacra Yia, one of the
best of them, we learn from Cicero: "Equidem, si
quando ut fit, j actor in turba, non ilium accuso qui est
in Summa Sacra Yia, cum ego ad Fabium Fornicem
impellor, sed eum qui in me ipsum incurrit atque in-
cidit."2 So great was the crowd, so insufficient the
accommodation for it, that Augustus hurried on the
construction of his Forum for the despatch of legal
business; which was thrown open to public use before
the Temple of Mars Ultor, to whom it was dedicated,
could be completed.3 The elegant throng of fashionable
loungers, however, sought a more distant and retired
promenade, such as that afforded by the porticoes near
the Circus Flaminius; while those who wanted a ride

1	Cure, iv. 1.

2	pro piancm 7. Cf. Hor. Sat. ii. 6, 28 :

Luctandum in turba, facienda injuria tardis.

3	'* Eori exstruendi causa fuit hominum et judiciorum multitudo,
quae videbatur, non sufficientibus duobus, etiam tertio indigere."—
Suet. Aug. 29.ROMAN OKIES ANT) NOISES.

207

or drive seem to have repaired to the Appian Way ; just
as the Roman cardinals and nobles may now be met
outside the Porta Pia, on the road to Sta. Agnese. It
was fortunate that the use of carriages and horses,
within the walls at least, was but little known, and we
do not find the risk of being run over, which now adds
so large an item to the casualties of great cities, enu-
merated by Roman authors among the drawbacks of a
town life. A negative advantage arising hence must
also have been the absence of noise; though Rome no
doubt abounded with clamour enough of a different sort.
In this respect the street-cries must have enjoyed a bad
pre-eminence; for the ancient Roman was no doubt
blessed with as strong a pair of lungs as his modern
successor. Martial complains that he could neither
sleep nor meditate for these noises. The schoolboys
and their masters annoyed him in the morning, the
bakers at night, the hammers of the coppersmiths all
day long. The cries of the vendors of sulphur and
buyers of broken glass, of hoarse cooks with hot
sausages, mixed with the vociferous supplications of
shipwrecked mariners and other beggars of ' various
sorts, besides a thousand other infernal noises, were
enough to distract a meditative poet. All Rome seemed
to be at his door with the set purpose of annoying him.1
Luckily the barrel-organ, the standing grievance of the
poet or philosopher in London, was not yet invented.
Things were as bad in Horace's time :

Tu me inter strepitus nocturnos atque diurnos

Vis canere ?2

The Augustan poet gives us also a peep into the bustle

1 Martial, xii. 57, i. 41, &c.

2 Epp. ii. 2, 79.208

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

of the streets. Here you were interrupted by an ener-
getic builder, always in haste and sweat, hurrying along
with his mules and porters, and followed by machines
bearing immense beams or stones. Sometimes the
street was blocked up by a funeral disputing the pas-
sage with a huge cumbersome waggon; sometimes a
mad dog was flying at full speed, or a filthy swine
threatened to run between your legs. Such were the
sights and sounds of Rome; of the smells we will say
nothing. They may be inferred from some specimens
in the modern city; but let us pass on to more savoury
subjects.

The long period of lawlessness which had preceded the
establishment of the Empire, must have been fatal to
the municipal government and the police of the city; or
rather it had demonstrated that none of an effective
kind existed. To remedy this defect was one of the
principal cares of Augustus. Rome, though it had long
outgrown the limits of the Servian walls, had no divisions
for municipal purposes but the four established by that
monarch. Augustus increased their number to fourteen.
It is not our intention to enter here into a minute de-
scription of the Augustan Regions.1 We shall content
ourselves with enumerating their names and noting a
few of the principal objects which they contained. The
four regions of Servius, and something more, were
included in the first six of Augustus. Thus Begio I.,
called Porta Gapenci,2 comprised the new suburb which

1	The best work on the subject is that of Preller, Eegionen clcr
Stadt Bom,

2	The distinctive names of the regions must have been given at a
later period, as some of them are called after objects not existing in
the time of Augustus. They were perhaps at first only distinguished
by numbers.REGIONS OF ROME.

209

had sprung up outside that gate to the south of the
Ceelian Hill, embracing the tomb of the Scipios and
other noted sepulchres in this neighbourhood, the Temple
of Mars, &c. Begio II., or Gcelimontana, comprehended
the Cselian Hill. Begio III., or Isis and Serapis, in-
cluded the district where the Colosseum afterwards
jstood and Mons Oppius, or the southern tongue of the
Esquiline. Begio IV., or Templum Pads and Sacra Via,
lay westward of the preceding region, and embraced the
valley lying between the Palatine, Esquiline, Viminal,
and Quirinal, as far as the eastern extremity of the
Forum, as well as the north side of the Forum and the
Yulcanal. Thus it included the Subura and the greater
part of the Sacra Yia. Begio V., or Usquilina, com-
prised Mons Cispius, or the northern tongue of the
Esquiline, the Yiminal, and a considerable tract lying
beyond and to the east of the Servian walls. Begio VI.,
or Alt a S emit a, embraced the Quirinal and the site of
the subsequent Preetorian Camp. Begio VII., or Via
Lata, comprised the space between the hills on the east,
and the Via Lata on the west. The extent of the Via
Lata cannot be accurately determined. It ran close to,
if not exactly upon, the southern portion of the Corso,
and probably extended northwards almost to the Anto-
nine column. Begio VIII., or Forum Bomanum Mag-
num.1 This district, for some unknown reason, had
been omitted in the Servian division. It was now of
course the most important in Home, and embraced
besides the Forum, with the exception of the buildings
on its north side, the district south of it as far as the
Velabrum, the Capitoline Hill and the imperial Fora.

1 The Eorum did not obtain the name of " Magnum " till after the
building of that of Caesar.

?210

YICI AND COMPITA.

Regio IX., or Circus Flaminius, embraced the space
between the Tiber on the west, the Yia Lata on the
east, and the Servian wall on the south. Its northern
boundary, as we have already said, cannot be deter-
mined, but it may perhaps have extended as far as the
Antonine column. Regio X», or Palatium, comprised
the Palatine Hill. Regio XI., or Circus Maximus, com-
prehended the valley in which the Circus lay, the Forum
Boarium, and the Yelabrum. Regio XII., or Piscina
Publico,, adjoined the preceding region on the west, and
the first region, or Porta Catena, on the east, and
stretched probably from Mons Caelius, on the north, to
the line afterwards traced by the Aurelian walls on the
south. Regio XIII., or Aventinus, embraced that hill
and the strip of ground beneath it to the Tiber. Regio
XIY., called Transtiberina or Trcmstiherim, was of vast
extent, as it embraced the whole suburb on the right
bank of the Tiber, including the Janiculum, Mons Yati-
canus, and the Insula Tiberina.

Each region contained more or fewer subdivisions
called Vici, whose number varied from seven or eight
in the smallest regions to seventy-eight in the largest,
or Transtiberina. A vicus was a complex of houses
contained between streets running all round it; its in-
habitants formed a vicinia. Another and more ancient
name for a vicus was Compitum; and Pliny speaks of
Rome as divided into Compita Lamm instead of vici.1
After the example of Servius Tullius, Augustus formed
the vici into religious corporations. In each vicus was
an sedicula, or little temple, containing the images of
two Lares, to which Augustus caused to be added his
own Genius;2 and at certain seasons their worship was

1 R; N. iii. 9.

2 Suet. Aug. 30 sq. 5 Ov. Fast. v. 145.MAGISTRI VICOKUM.

211

celebrated with proper feasts called Compitalia. From
each, vicinico plebeian magistrates were elected, two or
four according to its size, called Magistri or Curatores
Yicorum, and Magistri Larum; whose office it was to
see that the worship of the Lares was regularly cele-
brated, to take the numbers of the inhabitants during
the census, and other duties, we may suppose, somewhat
analogous to those of parish officers and overseers in
modern times. These magistrates were of the very
lowest class ;1 yet on the occasion of certain solemnities
they might wear the toga praetexta, and were attended
by two lictors. Chapels were also erected in the different
vici to Stata Mater and Yulcanus Quietus, who were
supposed to be deities that protected against fire. When
fires occurred, the public slaves attached to each region
were at the disposal of the vicomagistri as well as of
the sediles. Augustus also caused statues of the greater
gods to be erected in the vici; as the Apollo Sanda-
liarius and Jupiter Tragoedus mentioned by Suetonius 2
as very valuable works of art, which he had purchased
out of the strense, or new-year's presents made to him.
The bases of several of these statues have been dis-
covered. Augustus perhaps borrowed the idea from
the statue of Yertumnus, the national Etruscan deity,
which stood at the top of the Yicus Tuscus near the
Forum.3

The administration of the regions, on the other hand,
was entrusted to a magistrate of a higher kind, chosen
annually by lot from among the aediles, tribunes, or
praetors; to whom the government of one, and some-
times apparently two or three regions was assigned. He

1 "Infimum genus magistratuum—Liv. xxxiv. 7. 2 Aug. 57.

3 Cic. Verr. ii. i. 59; Prop. iv. 2, 5.212

THE PR2EFECTUS URBI.

was not assisted, as the vicomagistri, by a corporation.
There seem also to have been certain subordinate officers
in each, region, as curatores, denunciatores, and preecones,
or public criers ; as well as a number of imperial slaves
and freedmen, who discharged the functions of clerks*
messengers, porters, and the like. The supreme ad-
ministration of the whole city was vested in the Praefec-
tus Urbi. We must remember that under the Empire
this was a very different office from what it had been
under the Republic. In some respects the functions of
the prsefectus in the imperial times must have answered
to those of the modern mayor; but he had a much more
extensive and absolute jurisdiction, and instead of being
elected by his fellow-citizens he was appointed by the
emperor, and often held.his office for life. A reform in
the municipal police, which must have been very much
wanted, was also made by Augustus. Seven divisions
of policemen, called cohortes vigilum, each commanded
by a tribune, and the whole under the superintendence
of a preefectus vigilum, were so placed that each division
might take two regions as their beat. Their barracks,
or stations, were consequently near the borders of regions,
and hence we find them frequently mentioned in the
Notitia, as they served to mark the boundaries. There
were likewise fourteen excubitoria, or. outposts, in the
middle of each region. Each cohort seems to have
contained 1,000 men, making a total of 7,000—a for-
midable body of police. They appear to have discharged
the duties of firemen as well as of police officers, and
were provided with all the arms and tools necessary in
both capacities. A fire in such a town as Rome must
indeed have been terrific, and we learn from the allu-
sions to them in ancient authors that they were fre-
quent as well as devastating. Imagine on such occa-THE PR2ET0BIAN GTJAED.

213

sions the fate of the poet in the garret of one of those
tall Roman houses! Juvenal speaks feelingly on the
subject, as if from practical experience. The third
storey might be on fire, and the unhappy man at top
know nothing of it, such was the gulf between them,
till actually aroused by the flames:

Tabulata tibi jam tertia fumant:

Tu nescis ; nam si gradibus trepidatur ab imis,

Ultimus ardebit quern tegula sola tuetur
A pluvia.1

Besides the cohortes vigilum, Augustus also created
an imperial guard, consisting of twelve prsetorian co-
horts. A military despotism was thus firmly established;
for besides this formidable guard, the cohortes vigilum,
with the numerous body of slaves attached to their
service, might also be relied on in case of disturbance.
Augustus, indeed, saved appearances. Only three cohorts
of the guard were allowed within the city, and were
placed under the command of the Praefectus Urbi; while
the remaining nine cohorts were cantoned in the neigh-
bourhood of Rome. But Tiberius brought them into
the city, placed them under the command of a Prge-
fectus Praetorio, and established a camp for them near
the Servian agger.2

The number of inhabitants who populated this vast
hive is a subject of great difficulty, and has been very
variously estimated. A population of about two million
souls, including slaves and foreigners, is perhaps the
most probable estimate. . For the reasons which have
induced the author to draw this conclusion the reader
is referred to Dr. Smith's Dictionary of Ancient Geo-
graphy, vol. ii. p. 746 sqq.

1	Sat. iii. 199.

2	Tac. Ann. iv. 2, 5 5 Hist. iii. 64 5 Suet. Aug. 49, Tib. 37.214 DILAPIDATION OF BUILDINGS.

During the domestic broils which agitated the last
half century of the Republic, the temples and public
buildings of Eome were suffered to fall to decay. A
terrible fire which had occurred about B.C. 50, had also
laid desolate a great part of the city ; and the damage
does not appear to have been made good at the time of
the accession of Augustus.1 The ambitious chiefs who
aimed at seizing the supreme power founded a more
striking claim to popularity by erecting new structures
of their own than by repairing ancient ones; unless
indeed these belonged to the more conspicuous and
venerable class of Roman monuments, like the Capito-
line temple or the Curia Hostilia; the restoration of
which, and the inscription recording the restorer, were
of themselves passports to fame. But Augustus, who,
after attaining quiet possession of supreme power, was
not influenced by such motives, naturally turned his
attention to the state of the ancient edifices. The
restoration of order, decent morals, and the appearance
at least of religion, all terribly shaken by the recent
convulsions and disorganization of society, was, merely
as a means and instrument of government, among
Augustus' first cares. The dilapidated condition of the
temples is alluded to by Horace as a notorious and cry-
ing shame:

Cur eget indignus quisquam, te divite ? quare

Templa ruunt antiqua deum ? cur, improbe, carae

Non aliquid patriae tanto emetiris acervo ? 2

And the same author, in one of his odes, in furtherance
no doubt of the views of his sovereign and patron,
threatens the Romans with divine vengeance so long as
they should leave them unrepaired:

1 Orosius, lib. yi. c. 14, lib. vii. c. 2. 2 Sat ii. 2, 103 sqq.RESTORATION BY AUGUSTUS.	215

Delicta majorum immeritus lues,

Romane, donee templa refeeeris,

iEdesque labentes deorum, et
Foeda nigro simulacra fumo.1

It appears from the Monumentum Ancyranum that
among the ancient monuments which Augustus entirely
rebuilt were, the Lupercal, the Porticus Octayia in the
district of the Circus Flaminius, which he permitted to
retain the name of its original founder Octavius; the
temple of Jupiter Feretrius on the Capitol; of Quirinus,
on the Quirinal, which had been burnt down in b.c. 49;
and the temples of Minerva, of Juno Regina, of Jupiter,
and of Libertas, on the Aventine. The first two of
these temples were undoubtedly separate and distinct
buildings. We have already had occasion to record
how that of Minerva was frequented by scribes or poets,
and how that of Juno Regina was founded by Camillus
after the capture of Veii.2 Whether those of Jupiter
and Libertas were distinct buildings, or a common
temple, has been made a subject of question from the
manner in which they are mentioned in the Monumentum
Ancyranum: jides . Minerva . et . junonis . begins . et
jovis .libertatis . in . ayentino. Here, it is said, the
want of the copula between jovis . libertatis shows
that it was a joint temple with two cells. But we think
it hardly probable that an ancient and supreme deity
like Jupiter would have shared his temple with a make-
believe god like Libertas. We find him indeed wor-
shipped under very various attributes at Rome; as
Jupiter Conservator, Feretrius, Pistor, Stator, Propug-
nator, Custos, Victor, Tonans, &c. But in these cases he
has still a temple to himself. A more probable reading,
therefore, of the Monumentum Ancyranum would be that

1 Ocl. iii. 6.

2 See above, pp. 77 and 113.216

TEMPLE OF LIBERTAS.

proposed by Franz,1 of Jovis Liberatoris ; and this con-
jecture is supported in some degree by tlie Greek trans-
lation of tlie Monumentum, which, mentions a temple of
Aloq 'EXevdepiov, but no temple of Libertas.2 Yet we
think it untenable. It takes too great a liberty with
the Latin text, in which it is more probable that the
copula may have been accidentally omitted. It is be-
sides certain that a temple of Libertas was founded on
the Aventine, as we have already had occasion to record,
by an ancestor of the Gracchi,3 and to Libertas alone,
without the addition of Jupiter. The passage in the
Monumentum shows, however, that there was likewise
a temple to Jupiter on the Aventine, which is also
mentioned in the Fasti Amitemini. On the whole,
therefore, we think it most probable that Augustus
rebuilt two distinct temples, namely, to Jupiter and to
Libertas.

Nothing can be more unfortunate than the remarks
of A. W. Zumpt, the editor of the Monumentum Ancij-
ranum, on this subject. That critic undertakes to sup-
port " as certain," against the opinions of Urlichs
and Becker, that the cedes here mentioned of Jupiter,
Libertas, Juno Begina, and Minerva, "formed, as on the
Capitol, but one temple with three different cells. On
which we may observe, first, that four cells would be
required. We know that Marcellus wanted to dedicate
a temple to Honos and Yirtus with one common cell.
But the pontifices would not suffer him to do so ; .it was
contrary to religious usage, and he was obliged to build
two cells, which appear, however, to have been under

1	In Gerhard's Archdol. Zeitung, No. 2.

2	See Becker, Bom. Alterthumer, Th. i. S. 457.

3	Above, p. 130.THE PULVINAK.

217

one roof.1 Secondly, the conjunction of Jupiter, Juno,
and Minerva in one temple had a peculiar significance.
TheSe deities were placed together as the special guar-
dians of the city, and upon the Arx or Capitol of it, the
proper place for its protectors. Thus at Rome they had
a temple both on the old and new Capitol, probably
also in the original city on the Palatine. But who
would think of looking for them on the Aventine, of all
the Roman hills that least connected with the city and
its peculiar sanctities P And in conjunction with an
intruder F Thirdly, a temple to Jove, Juno, and Minerva,
as a trinity of protective deities, must have been erected
at one and the same time. But we know that the
temples at least of Juno and Minerva were built by
different persons at different times, and such in all pro-
bability was also the case with the temples of Jupiter
and Libertas.

Other ancient temples entirely rebuilt by Augustus
were the ^Edis Larum on the Summa Sacra Yia, the
-ZEdis Deum Penatium on the Yelia, and the JEdis
Matris Magnee, or Cybele, on the Palatine. This last
temple, originally founded in b.c. 191,2 had been twice
burnt down; the first time in b.c. 110, after which it
was restored by Metellus ; and a second time in a.d. 2,
and consequently towards the end of Augustus' reign.3
Augustus also rebuilt the Pulvinar, or elevated station
in the Circus Maximus, on which the images of the

1	See art. Roma, p. 819. The following are Zumpt's remarks:
" Hoc vero contra Urlichsium et W. A. Beckerum tamquam certum
ponere posse videor, ut in Capitolio unum erat Jovis et Junonis et
Minervae templum cum separatis deorum cellis, item in Aventino in
uno templo tres fuisse sedes Jovis Libertatis, Junonis Eeginse?
Minervse, easque earn ob causam hie conjunctim nominari."—P. 69.

2	See above, p. 115.	3 See art. Roma, p. 803 b.218	BASILICA JULIA RESTOBED.

gods were placed, and whence tlie imperial family
beheld the games. The former one had been destroyed
by fire. He also erected the first obelisk between the
metce.

Among the temples and other buildings which
.Augustus partially restored were the Capitoline temple
and the theatre of Pompey, both at a great expense
and without inscribing his name. He repaired the
aqueducts which were falling to pieces in many places.
He doubled the volume of water of the Aqua Marcia
by adding to it a new source by the duct called Aqua
Augusta, and he also constructed a new aqueduct to
serve the Transtiberine district, the Aqua Alsietina.
This duct had its source in the Lacus Alsietinus, now
Lago di Martignano ; but its water was bad and not fit
for drinking.1 Of minor temples, not specially named,
Augustus repaired the large number of eighty-two.
Of works which had been begun but not completed he
finished the Forum Julium and the Basilica Julia; and
after the latter had been burnt down he began to re-
build it on a larger foundation, with the intention of
dedicating it in the name of his grandsons Caius and
Lucius. It appears from a supplement to the in-
scription that he lived to finish it.2 A portico appears
to have been added. The Basilica thus restored was
of enormous size, and capable of accommodating four
courts of law, consisting altogether of 180 judices or
jurymen,3 with an immense concourse of spectators.
The Basilica Julia, as we learn from an inscription
found near the column of Phocas about the middle of
the sixteenth century, was repaired in the reign of

1 Front. Be Aqucecl, 11.	2 See art. Ro??ia, p. 793.

3 Plin. Epp. vi. 33; cf. Quintil. xii. 5.THE CURIA REBUILT.

219

Septimins Severus (a.d. 199). In a.d. 282 it was again
burnt down, and was rebuilt by the Emperor Diocle-
tian.1 Augustus also repaired the Yia Flaminia.

But, with a view to the progress of the city, it is
more interesting to consider what absolutely new works
were undertaken by Augustus. Those finished by him-
self are the following.

The Curia, called also Curia Julia. We have seen
that the original Curia Hostilia was burnt in the Clodian
riots, and rebuilt by Sulla's son Faustus. Julius Caesar,
however, was not content that so famous a building
should have been dedicated by a person so compara-
tively insignificant; the building, too, was not perhaps
quite what it ought to have been ; and therefore a little
before his death he procured a vote for the erection of a
new one. This he did not live even to found. It was
entirely built by Augustus, together with the Chalcidi-
cum already mentioned; but he dedicated it, in the
name of his adoptive father, as the Curia Julia.

Among the most splendid works of Augustus were
those which he erected on the Palatine Hill. He was
born in that region, in a place called Ad Capita Bubula.
The house afterwards came into the possession of C.
Lsetorius, a patrician ; and after the death of Augustus,,
part of it was turned into a chapel and consecrated to
him.2 Augustus, at his first entrance into public life,
lived near the Forum, above a place called the ScALiE
Annularis, or the ring-staircase, the exact position of
which we are unable to point out. Thence he removed
to the house of Hortensius on the Palatine, a dwelling
of only moderate pretensions.3 After his victory at

1 Catal. Imp. Vienn. p. 247 (Rone.).

2 Suet. Aug. 5.	3 Ibid. 72,220

THE PALACE OF AUGUSTUS.

Actium lie began to build tlie Imperial Palace, having
bought for that purpose several neighbouring houses,
among them that which had belonged to Catiline.1 At
the same time he promised to erect a Temple of Apollo,
with porticoes. If it be true, as Suetonius mentions,
that he occupied the same bedroom during forty years,
the new palace must at least have been completed by
b.c. 26, or six years after the battle of Actium. This
agrees very well with what Dion Cassius tells us of the
senate decreeing, in the year u.c. 727, which answers to
b.c. 26, that two laurels should be planted before the
entrance of the new palace, and an oaken crown or
garland placed over it, as symbols of the emperor's
victories and of the citizens whom he had preserved.
They are alluded to by Ovid in the following lines :

Hie locus est Vestse qui Pallada servat et ignem :

Hie fuifc antiqui regia parva Numse.

Inde petens dextram: Porta est, ait, ista Palati :

Hie Stator : hoc primum condita Eoma loco est.

Singula dum miror, video fulgentibus armis
Conspicuos postes, tectaque digna deo.

An Jovis hsec, dixi, domus est ? Quod ut esse putarem,
Augurium menti querna corona dabat.

Cujus ut accepi dominum, Non fallimur, inquam :

Et magni verum est hanc Jovis esse domum.

Cur tamen apposita velatur janua lauro ?

Cingit et augustas arbor opaca fores ? &c.2

The palace was burnt down in a.d. 4, when all classes
hastened to offer money for its reconstruction. But
Augustus would consent to receive only a gold coin of
twenty-five drachms, equal to about a pound sterling,
from every town, and a drachm of silver from private
individuals, or, according to Suetonius, a denarius, which

1	Yell. Pat. ii. 815 Suet. De ill. Gramm. xvii.

2	Trist. iii. 1, 33 sqq.; cf. Metam. i. 562 ; Fast. iv. 953.THE PALATINE YE ST A.

221

is much tlie same thing, or about eightpence. On be-
coming Pontifex Maximus, lie built a new Temple of
Vesta close to tlie Palace, to be near her hearth, and
threw open his house to the public.1 In summer he
reposed in a peristyle in which was a fountain, while
somebody at the same time cooled him with a fan.2

Commendatore Rosa, like some preceding topo-
graphers, places the Domus Augusti at the former
Villa Mills, now the Monasterio della Visitazione, where
vast remains have long been known to exist; while by
calling some of the structures discovered by his own
researches Bicilia and Coenatio Jovis, he would seem to
imply that they were built by Domitian. The reverse
arrangement appears to us more probable. The situa-
tion of the Porta Mugionis authorizes the inference that
the palace of Augustus must have been in the Orti
Farnesiani. The lines of Ovid just quoted favour this
inference. The conductor of his book seems to come
at once upon the outward gate of the palace and the
threshold of Augustus. The Augustan palace, then
the only one at Rome, thus occupying the middle
portion of the hill, Tiberius and Caligula would have
naturally covered the remainder of it to the west with
their buildings; and Domitian would have had no room
for further ones, except to the eastward. It may
perhaps serve to confirm this view, that Nibby, in his.
account of the excavations at the Villa Mills, states-
that a leaden pipe was found inscribed with the name
of Domitian, and that the style of the architectural re-

1	Dion Cass. lv. 12 ; Suet. Aug. 57.

2	Suet. ibid. 82. May not this be the peristylium discovered by
the recent excavations ? Rosa, however, calls it Sicilia, and thus-
appears to attribute it to Domitian.222 TEMPLE OF THE PALATINE APOLLO.

mains very much resembled the other works of that
■emperor.1 But of all the portions of the imperial
palace, those inhabited by Tiberius and Caligula are the
•only ones that can be indicated with perfect certainty.

The Temple of Apollo was probably erected after
the palace. Augustus particularly affected the worship
of that deity, which had not hitherto been much culti-
vated at Rome; and he had dedicated near Actium a
rtemple to the Leucadian Apollo upon the occasion of
his victory over Antony. It seems probable that the
Area Apollinis, enclosing the temple built by Augustus,
lay near the convent of S. Bonaventura, where Rosa
places it. According to the accounts of ancient authors,
nothing could exceed the magnificence of this temple.
Propertius, who was present at its1 dedication, has
devoted an elegy to the description of it.2 From the
.epithet aurea porticus, it seems probable that the cor-
nice of the portico which surrounded it was gilt. The
columns were of African marble, or giallo cmtico, and
must have been fifty-two in number, as between them
were the statues of the fifty Danaids, and that of their
father brandishing a naked sword:

Signa peregrinis ubi sunt alterna columnis
Belides, et stricto barbarus ense pater.3

Here also was a statue of Augustus, represented as
Apollo sounding the lyre. His beauty when a youth,
io judge from his bust in the Vatican, might well

1	Roma nelV anno 1838, t. ii. p. 419.

2	According to some editions, lib. iii. el. 29 ; according to others,
lib. ii. 31. Supposing the temple to have been dedicated five years
after the completion of the palace, or in b.c. 21, Propertius would
then have been about thirty years of age, the probable date of his
birth being b.c. 51.

3	Ovid, Trist. iii. 1, 61; cf. Prop. I. c, v. 4.THE BIBLIOTHECA PALATINA. 223

entitle him to counterfeit the god. Around the altar
were the images of four oxen, the work of Myron, so
beautifully sculptured that they seemed alive. In the
middle of the portico rose the temple, apparently of
white marble. Over the pediment was the chariot
of the sun. The gates were of ivory, one of them
sculptured with the story of the Gauls hurled down
from the heights of Parnassus, the other representing
the destruction of the Niobids. Inside the temple was
the statue of Apollo in a tunica talaris, or long garment,
between his mother Latona and his sister Diana, the
work of Scopas,1 Cephisodorus, and Timotheus. Under
the base of Apollo's statue Augustus caused to be
buried the Sibylline books which he had selected and
placed in gilt chests.2 Attached to the temple was a
library called Bibliotheca Grjica et Latina, apparently,
however, only one structure, containing the literature
of both tongues. Only the choicest works were ad-
mitted to the honour of a place in it, as we may infer
from Horace :

Tangere vitet
Scripta, Palatinus qusecunque recepit Apollo.3

The library appears to have contained a bronze statue
of Apollo fifty feet high; whence we must conclude
that the roof considerably exceeded that height. In
this library, or more probably, perhaps, in an adjoining
apartment, poets, orators, and philosophers recited their
productions. The listless demeanour of the audience
on such occasions appears, from the description of the
younger Pliny, to have been, in general, not over-
encouraging.4 Attendance seems to have been con-
sidered as a friendly duty.

1	Plin. H. JV. xxxvi. 4.	3 EpisU i. 3, 16.

2	Suet. Aug. 31.	4 Lib. i, 13,224	TEMPLE OF DIVTJS JULIUS.

Among the other works of Augustus was the Temple
of Divus Julius. A column, or an altar, or perhaps
both in some manner combined, was erected to the
memory of Caesar on the spot where his body had been
burnt, towards the eastern part of the Forum, with the
inscription " Parenti Patriae." But this monument was
overthrown by Dolabella, and Augustus afterwards
erected in its stead the ^Edes Divi Julii. This was a
small temple, surrounded with a colonnade, or portico
of closely placed columns. It stood facing the Capitol,
011 a lofty base or substruction, Vhich served as a third
Rostra. Augustus adorned it, after the battle of Ac-
tium, with the rostra of the ships captured in that
action; after which it obtained the name of Rostra
Julia.1 The ground-plan of the Temple, situated
almost in front, but a little eastward of the Temple of
Castor, has been discovered by the recent excavations.

Augustus also erected, at the opposite end of the
Forum, under the Temple of Saturn, the Milliarium
Aureum, resembling a common milestone, but of bronze
gilt. ( It seems to have been a standard of measure for
distances with/rn the city.2

The Temple of Jupiter Tonans on the Capitoline
Hill had been vowed by Augustus in consequence of a
narrow escape from lightning during his expedition
against the Cantabri, when his own litter was struck,
and a slave, who went before with a torch, was killed.3
It stood near the top of the Clivus, and represented as
it were the janitor's lodge, belonging to the great Temple
of Jupiter Capitolinus; in token of which character,
Augustus caused some bells to be hung upon its
pediment.4

1 See, concerning this temple, the art. Boma> p. 794.

2 Ibid.	3 Suet. Aug. 29.	4 Ibid, 91.THE FORUM AUGUSTI.

225

A Temple of Juventus, on tlie Palatine. A temple
to this deity had previously been erected by C. Licinius
Lucullus, but in the Circus Maximus.

The Forum Augusti with the Temple of Mars Ultor.
This was one of the noblest and most useful of the public
works of Augustus. We haye already adverted to the
haste with which this Forum was completed, in order to
provide accommodation for the crowds which overflowed
the Forum Romanum and Forum Julium. The obsti-
nacy of some neighbouring householders, who would
not part with their property, obliged Augustus to circum-
scribe it within narrower limits than he had originally
intended; a fact which shows that the authority of
Augustus was not so absolute as might be supposed.1
I take this opportunity to remedy a defect which Lord
Broughton has pointed out in my article on Rome.2
There can, I think, be no doubt that the Arco de'
Pantani, and the wall which extends some hundred
yards on both sides of it, show the limits of Augustus'
Forum on the north-east. Its opposite boundary is
probably marked by the Via Alessandrina, or may per-
haps have extended a few yards to the south-west of
that street. It was here joined by the Forum Julii.
The three tall Corinthian columns, close to the Arco de*
Pantani, are no doubt remains of the splendid temple
of Mars Ultor, the presiding deity of the Forum, as
Yenus Grenitrix was of Cassar's. Both deities were
claimed among the ancestors of the Julia gens, while
the title of Ultor marked the war and the victory by
which, agreeably to his vow, Augustus had avenged his
father's death:

1	" Forum angustius fecit, non ausns extorquere possessoribus
proximas domos."—Suet. Aug. 56.

2	Italy, vol. ii. p. 79.

Q226	THE THEATRE OF MARCELLUS.

Mars ades, et satia scelerato sanguine ferrum 5
Stetque favor causa pro meliore tuus.

Templa feres, et, me victore, vocaberis Ultor.1

The porticoes which extended on each side of the
temple with a gentle curve, contained statues of distin-
guished Roman generals. The banquets of the Salii
were transferred to this temple, a circumstance which
led to its identification, from the discovery of an inscrip-
tion here, recording the mansiones of these priests.2 Like
the priesthood in general, they appear to have been fond
of good living, and there is a well-known anecdote of
the Emperor Claudius having been lured, by the steams
of their banquet, from his judicial functions in the
adjacent Forum. The temple was appropriated to such
meetings of the senate in which matters connected with
wars and triumphs were debated.

Lastly, not among the least splendid erections of
Augustus recorded in the Monumentum Ancyranum, was
the Theatre of Marcellus, which he built in honour of
his youthful and promising nephew, carried off some
years before by an untimely fate. The theatre seems to
have been projected and actually begun by Julius
Ca3sar; but probably little progress had been made in
it. We learn from the Monumentum Ancyranum that it
stood close to the Temple of Apollo; not that on the
Palatine, but the ancient one between the Circus Fla-
minius and the Forum Olitorium, near the Porticus
Octaviee. It was dedicated either in the year 13 or
11 b.c.3 Considerable remains of this theatre are still
extant in the Piazza Montanara. It was capable of
holding 20,000 persons.

1 Ov. Fast. v. 575 sqq.	2 Canina, Foro Bom. p. 150.

3 Dion Cass. liii. 30, liv. 26; Plin. If. N. yiii. 25.THE POSTICUS OCTAYIiE.

227

There are one or two otlier buildings said by his-
torians to have been erected by Augustus, but not
recorded in the Monumentum Ancyranum. These are the
portico called after his sister Porticus Octavice, in contra-
distinction to the Porticus Octayia already mentioned,
and the Porticus Livia6, after his wife. Suetonius1
affirms that these buildings were erected by Augustus
in the name of his sister and his wife, and Dion Oassius
asserts the same thing respecting the Portico of Li via.2
There seems to be no good reason why Augustus should
have omitted these works from his list, if he really
erected them, any more than the Theatre of Marcellus
or the Basilica Julia, which, in like manner, he dedicated
not in his own name. Ovid, who was a contemporary,
and therefore likely to be better informed than the his-
torians quoted, alludes to these two porticoes, as the
independent works of those whose names they bore,
placing them in the same category with the works of
Agrippa:

Quseque soror conjuxque ducis monumenta pararunt,,
Navalique gener cinctus honore caput.3

These lines seem to confirm the silence of the Monu-
mentum, unless it should be thought that Augustus, out
of gallantry, wished that the works erected in the names
of his wife and sister should be attributed entirely to
them.

The Porticus Octavl® occupied, as we have already
said,4 the site of that built by Metellus in b.c. 146. It
contained a celebrated library, probably in that part
called the " Schola in Porticibus Octavise." Here the
senate occasionally assembled, as in the Palatine library,

1 Aug. 29. 2 liv. 23. 3 Ar. Am. iii. 391. 4 Above, p. 126.228

THE PORTICUS LIVIiE.

whence we sometimes find it called " Curia Octavias."
There are still some remains of it extant in the Pes-
cheria, near the precincts of the Ghetto.

The Posticus Liyi^), a quadrangular structure, oc-
cupied the house of Vedius Pollio on the Esquiline.
Its site cannot be accurately determined, "but it seems
probable that it lay near the Macellum Livianum, also
apparently a work of Liyia, not far from the present
church of Sta. Maria Maggiore. Dion Cassius1 tells us
that it came into the possession of Augustus by the
testament of Yedius Pollio. Augustus directed it to be
pulled down, as being too large and magnificent for a
private individual, and caused the Porticus Liviaa to be
erected on its site. Ovid's account2 agrees in the main
with this, except that, consistently with a passage before
quoted, he says not that the portico was erected by
Augustus, though doubtless the ground must have been
his. Li via also erected here a Temple of Concord :

Te quoque magnifica, Concordia, dedicat sede
Livia, quam caro prsestitit ilia viro.

Disce tamen, veniens JEtas, ubi Livia nunc est
Porticus, immense tecta fuisse domus.

Urbis opus domus una fuit, spatiumque tenebat
Quo brevius muris oppida multa tenent.

Hsec sequata solo est, nullo sub crimine regni,

Sed quia luxuria visa nocere sua.

Sustinuit tantas operum subvertere moles,

Totque suas hseres perdere Caesar opes.

Sic agitur censura, et sic exempla parantur,

Quum vindex, alios quod monet, ipse facit.

From which lines, though the poet plays with the
double meaning of the word concordia, it may be
probably inferred that the temple was built at Livia's

1 liv. 23.

2 Fasti, vi. 637 sqq.THE PANTHEON.

229

expense. The enormous area of Pollio's house also
favours the supposition that room might have been
found here for the Macellum, as well as for the portico
with its temple. The assertion of Becker1 that they
could have had nothing in common, "because the Ma-
cellum is mentioned by the Notitia in the fifth region
and the Portico in the third, is utterly valueless, or
rather serves to strengthen our conjecture. We have
seen that these two regions adjoined each other, one
embracing the northern, the other the southern tongue
of the Esquiline; and it is just at their juncture, no
great way from Sta. Maria Maggiore, that the Macellum
probably lay. But whether it was a reconstruction of
the Forum Esquilinum there is nothing to determine.
There are no remains of these buildings extant.

Lastly, there appears to have been a triumphal arch,
or Fornix Augusti, erected in honour .of Augustus, but
whether by himself or one of his successors cannot be
said. It is supposed to have stood on the Forum, not
far from the temple of Julius Caesar,2 and possibly,
therefore, on the other side of it from the Fornix
Fabianus..

Agrippa, the son-in-law of Augustus, also adorned
the city with several noble structures, and, next to the
emperor himself, did more for Rome than any other
person of that period. The Pantheon, the best preserved
monument of Rome, and still remaining almost in its
pristine state, attests his taste and munificence. It
stands almost in the centre of the Campus Martius, and
must have encroached further into its space than any
building had hitherto done. According to the inscrip-

1	Bom, Alterth. B. i. S. 543, Anm. 1144.

2	Scholiast, ad Virg. 2En. viii. 606.230

THE BATHS OF AGRIPPA.

tion, still legible, it was erected in Agrippa's third
consulate, consequently in B.C. 27. Notwithstanding
its name, it seems probable that the Pantheon contained
only the images of the deities more immediately con-
nected with the Julian race and the history of Rome,
as Mars, Venus, &c., including that of the first Caesar.
Some modern writers will have it that it was the
calidarium of Agrippa's baths; but it is called temjplum
by ancient writers. Its excellent state of preservation
is attributed in part to its haying been converted into a
Christian church so early as the reign of Phocas. In
this new character it obtained the name of Sta. Maria,
della Rotonda, or ad Marty res.

The Thermae A grippe, or Baths of Agrippa, though
far inferior to many subsequent foundations of the same
sort, yet mark an epoch in the history of the city by
being the first of those establishments which afterwards-
became so prominent a feature of Home. The Roman
populace, which surely much needed the bath, had not
yet been accommodated with any public one where they
might wash and refresh themselves either gratis, or at all
events for a mere trifle. But this was only one of the
features of a Roman bath, which likewise contained
gymnasia, or halls appropriated to athletic exercises,
apartments for philosophical discussions, lectures, poetical
recitations, &c. The Baths of Agrippa stood at the
back of his Pantheon. Some vestiges of them still remain,,
and have been laid open by recent excavations.

In order to supply these baths, Agrippa constructed
the aqueduct called Aqua Yirgo. This aqueduct com-
menced on the Via CQllatina, eight miles from Rome,,
and was conducted underground by a circuitous route-
till it reached the suburbs, whence, from the declivities
of the Pincian Hill, it was carried upon arches thaTHE AQUA JULIA.

231

remainder of tlie way. It still supplies the Fontana
Trevi, being the only aqueduct on the left bank of the
Tiber that remains at all serviceable. Agrippa also
united the ancient Aqua Tepula with the Aqua Julia,
which he had constructed. The latter commenced two
miles beyond the Tepula on the Yia Latina. After
their junction they flowed in a united stream as far as
the Piscina Publica, which probably lay somewhere
near the Porta Latina of the Aurelian walls.1 They
issued again from the Piscina in two separate channels,
both conducted over the Aqua Marcia, so that of the
three ducts the Julia was the uppermost, the Marcia
the lowest, and the Tepula in the middle. Prom the
Piscina they must have trended to the north, passing
close to the present Porta Maggiore, where remains of
them may still be seen. Hence they proceeded to the
modern Porta S. Lorenzo, formed out of their arches.
Here they disappeared under ground till they again
emerged at the Porta Viminalis of the Servian walls,
about the middle of the agger.2 Till the time of the
Claudian aqueduct, which flowed over the Porta Mag-
giore, they were the highest at Rome. The Marcia, as
we have said, was capable of serving the Capitol.

1	Becker {Bom. Alterth. B. i. S. 520) asserts that the Piscina
Publica had vanished long before the time of Augustus, quoting
Eestus, p. 213 : "Piscinae publicse hodieque nomen manet, ipsa non
extat: ad quam et natatum et exercitationis alioqui causa veniebat
populus." But Festus, though his age is not certainly known, un-
doubtedly lived long after the time of Augustus. The reason of the
name being retained was that the twelfth region was, as we have
seen, called after it. Hence, when we read in Ammianus Marcellinus
(xxii. 4) that the obelisk on the Lateran was conveyed u per Ostien-
sem portam Piscinamque Publicum " this of course only means through
the district so called.

2	Frontinus, § xix.232

THE TEMPLE OF NEPTUNE.

Agrippa also erected near the Septa the Diribitorium,
destined probably for the examination of the ballot-
boxes after elections. Its immense but unsupported roof,
the largest in Rome, rendered it one of the wonders of
the city.1 Its great size made it capable of being con-
verted into a theatre, to which purpose Caligula some-
times applied it in very hot weather.2 Agrippa appears
not to have lived to finish this building, which was
dedicated by Augustus after his death. Other works of
Agrippa were the portico called Porticus Europe, from
a picture of the rape of Europa,3 and the Porticus Argo-
nautarum, so named from its being adorned with a pic-
ture of the Argonauts. It seems probable that this portico
tfciclosed a Temple or Basilica of Neptune. Agrippa's
glory was derived from his naval victories, for which he
had been honoured with a corona navalis; and it was
natural that he should dedicate some of his buildings to
the god of that element on which he had achieved his
success. It has been thought that the eleven tall
columns in front of the Dogana di Terra in the Piazza
di Pietra, not far from the Antonine column, are remains
of this temple. At all events we know not where else
to place the IIogel()u)veiov mentioned by Dion Cassius
in this region. This temple must have been a still
further advance into the open space of the Campus
Martius.4 By some, however, these columns are as-
signed, but without much probability, to a temple of
M. Aurelius.

We also read of a Campus Agripp^e in this neighbour-
hood (Regio VII., or Via Lata), which seems to have

1	Dion Cass. lv. 8 ; Plin. H.N. xxxvi. 15, 24.

2	Dion Cass. lix. 7.	3 Mart ii. 14, iii. 20, xi. 1

4 Dion Cass. liii. 27, lxvi. 24; Spart. Hcidr. 19 ; Canina, Indicciz.

p. 406 ; Nibby, Roma Ant. t. ii. p. 681.THEATRE OF STATILIUS TAURUS. 233

been a sort of park or garden containing porticoes and
gymnasia, and forming an agreeable promenade. It
must have lain on tlie eastern side of the Via Lata, and
was opened by Augustus after the death of Agrippa.
It contained a portico called after Agrippa's sister Por-
ticus Pol j), sometimes also after himself Porticus
Vipsania. The name of Vipsania seems to have been
corrupted in the Notitia into Gypsiani. This portico
appears to have served as a sort of barracks.1

Agrippa, besides executing these great works, seems
also to have exercised a careful superintendence over
the city in general, as may be inferred from the anec-
dote of his cleansing the Cloaca Maxima, and sailing up
it in a boat. Besides the immediate family of Augustus,
some of his courtiers, to gratify his known taste for
improving and adorning the city, erected at their own
expense some magnificent works. Thus Statilius Taurus,
one of his most distinguished generals, built an amphi-
theatre of stone, the first permanent one at Rome, and
the sole one till the foundation of the Colosseum. It
was somewhere in the Campus Martius, but its site, as
we have already said, has not been satisfactorily ascer-
tained. In like manner L. Cornelius Balbus, who had
served under Julius Caesar, built a Stone Theatre, and
in connection with it a covered portico, or Crypt. They
stood probably near the western extremity of the Circus
Maminius ; but no remains of them exist, and their
exact situation cannot be pointed out. L. Marcius
Philippus, the stepfather of Augustus, rebuilt the
Temple of Hercules Musarum, founded, as we have
already said,2 by M. Eulvius Nobilior, and surrounded
it with a portico, called after him Porticus Philippi.

1	Dion Cass. lv. 8 ; Tac. H. i. 31 5 Plut. Gralba, 25.

2	Above, p. 121.234	IMPROVED STATE OF ROME.

In like manner L. Cornificius built a Temple of Diana,
Asinius Pollio an Atrium Libertatis, and Munatius
Plancus a Temple of Saturn ;1 but whether these were
entirely new buildings, or, as seems more probable, re-
novations of old ones, cannot be said.

It is plain from this account of the works of Au-
gustus, and his family and friends, that the aspect of
Rome in certain quarters must have become much more
splendid during his reign than it was before. The
Forum, by the completion of the Curia and the Basilica
Julia, the addition of the Chalcidicum to the former,
the erection of the temple of Julius, and other minor
improvements, had assumed a much more finished
and magnificent aspect; while the extension of it by
means of the Forum Augusti must have greatly added
both to its beauty and convenience. On the other
side of it the building of the palace on the Pala-
tine, with the Temple of Apollo and other adjoining
structures, must have imparted to this hill an air of
imperial grandeur, which no private buildings, however
magnificent, could have conferred upon it, and have
given an entirely new feature to the city. The quarter
of the Circus Flaminius and Campus Martius had been
rendered much more splendid by the erection of the many
temples, porticoes, theatres, and other buildings, just
recorded. As Strabo intimates, it had begun to assume
the appearance of a separate and substantive town, and,
except with regard to size, a more magnificent one than
the ancient city; since most of its buildings were places
of public devotion, amusement, or recreation, while the
few private houses that existed there seem to have been
remarkable for grandeur. When we consider also the

1 Suet. Aug. 29.GAMES EXHIBITED BY AUGUSTUS. 235

numerous restorations of ancient buildings effected by
Augustus throughout the city, and the improvements
made on the Esquiline in the name of his consort Livia,
we may be inclined to allow that his assertion of haying
converted the city from brick into marble was no idle
vaunt. More, in fact, was done for Rome during this
single reign than in any other period of equal extent
till we come to the time of Nero. But the improve-
ments of that emperor were aided by the accidental
circumstance of a tremendous conflagration; without
which it would have been impossible to get rid of that
labyrinth of narrow, winding, zigzag streets, which con-
tinued to disfigure the greater part of Rome, even after
the time of Augustus.

As that emperor thought fit to record on brass and
marble, along with his greatest achievements, the archi-
tectural improvements which we have just described, so
also he did not disdain to notify, in the same manner,
the games and sports with which he had amused the
people, and the almost inestimable gifts with which he
had enriched the temples of the gods: as of Divus Julius,
Apollo, Vesta, Mars Ultor, and especially the Capitoline
Jove. In the many gladiatorial combats exhibited in
his own name and in the names of his sons, he states
that about 10,000 men had been engaged—a small
army! These combats were given not only in the
Forum and in the amphitheatre of Statilius Taurus, but
also in the Circus and the Septa. He twice exhibited
in his own name the Greek athletic sports, and once in
the names of his nephews, having prepared a temporary
place for the spectacle in the Campus Martius. He pre-
sided forty-seven times at the regular games, either by
virtue of his office or in the place of absent magistrates.
He once celebrated the Ludi Seeculares, after having236

THE NEMUS C^SARUM.

carefully consulted the Sibylline books, as magister of
the college of Quindecemviri sacris f acinndis; for which,
occasion Horace composed his well - known Carmen
Seeculare. Six-and-twenty times he exhibited in the
Circus, the Forum, and the amphitheatre of Taurus,
venationes, that is the slaughter of wild beasts brought
from Africa, in which about 3,500 of these animals
were killed. For the first time he delighted and as-
tonished the Romans with the spectacle of a naval com-
bat ; for which purpose he caused a large lake or Nau-
machia to be excavated at the Tiber, at the spot after-
wards called Nemus C^isarum, which park or garden must
therefore have closely adjoined the river. The Nau-
machia was 1,800 feet, or more than the third of a mile
long, and 1,200 feet broad. There is some difficulty
about its exact site. The Monwnentum Ancyranum men-
tions it as being trans Tiberim, while Tacitus1 speaks of
it as cis Tiberim. Suetonius, on the other hand, says
that it was circa Tiberim,2 round about the Tiber. May
not this explain the difficulty P The soil was excavated
on both sides of the Tiber, so that the river itself helped
to form part of the basin. Thus the Isaumachia might
with propriety be said to be on either side of the Tiber.
But the jSTemus C^sarum—that is, of Caius and Lucius,
the grandsons of Augustus, whose name the emperor
gave to it—was undoubtedly on the right bank of the
Tiber, as we learn from the following lines of Statius :

Continuo dextras flavi pete Thybridis oras,

Lydia qua penitus stagnum navale coercet

Ripa, suburbanisque vadum prsetexitur hortis.3

1 Ann. xii. 56.	2 Aug. 43.

3 Silvcs, iv. 4, 5 sqq. A. W. Zumpt, in his commentary on the

Mon. Ancyranum, p. 78, denies that this passage fixes the localityTHE NAUMACHIA.

237

It follows, therefore, if the Naumachia lay on one bank
alone, it must have been the right bank ; and Augustus,
by mentioning this side in his inscription, hits two
objects at once, the Lake and the Grrove, or Garden.
However this may be, it appears that he exhibited thirty
large ships of war (rostratas naves) in this naval fight,
besides a greater number of smaller ones, and that about
three thousand men took part in it, without counting*
the rowers. The Naumachia of Augustus existed a con-
siderable time, and seems to have obtained the name of
Vetus Naumachia1 after the construction of Domitian's.
We need only further mention that Augustus exhibited
this naval spectacle on the occasion of his dedicating
the Temple of Mars TTlt'or, B.C. 2.2

Such were the works with which Augustus adorned
Rome, and the shows and pastimes with which he
entertained its inhabitants. To discuss his political
labours and the character of his government belongs
not to our subject; though it no doubt formed part of
his policy to keep the Romans in good humour by add-
ing to the splendour of their capital, and amusing them

of the Nemus; because, says he, Statins may be alluding to the
Naumachia made by Domitian. This remark is almost as unfortunate
as that on the temples on the Aventine. It does not appear that
any grove adjoined Domitian's lake; while it is quite certain that
there was one at that of Augustus. It must be allowed, however,
that the words " penitus coercet" somewhat militate against our
conjecture that the Naumachia was open to the Tiber; though the
coercion of three sides of the vadum might be enough to justify a
poetical expression.

1	Suetonius, however, must have used that name by a jproleypsis
when mentioning the naval combat exhibited by Titus: " edidit
et navale prselium in veteri naumachia," Tit. 7. It was called Vetus
in the time of Suetonius, but not in that of Titus.

2	Yell. Pat. ii. 100. Cf. Suet. Aug. 43 ; Tac. Ann. xii. 56, xiv. 15.238

THE CAMPUS ESQUILINUS.

with mock combats and the slaughter of wild beasts.
There is, however, one feature of his life and times which,
as it is in some respects connected with the history of
the city, we cannot pass over in silence. His patronage
of literature procured for his reign the title of the Augus-
tan age ; and the swarm of men of genius and learning
whom his patronage attracted to the capital must have
been a peculiar feature of its society. We are unfortu-
nately too little acquainted with the history of most of
them to be able to recall their city lives. It would seem,
however, that the Esquiline had at this time become the
chief seat of the Roman muses, as the Aventine had
been in the time of Ennius. This, too, like the Aven-
tine, seems to have been a sort of proscribed hill during
the republican times. Fashion appears to have turned
her back on it; at least we read not of any distinguished
persons who resided here, except in the Carinas at its
western extremity, though the wealthy freedman Vedius
Pollio had erected here his enormous mansion. Several
of its districts "and monuments were of a melancholy
and repulsive character; as the Tigillum Sororium and
the Yicus Sceleratus, the altars of Mala Eortuna and
Eebris ; the Subura, a low, disagreeable neighbourhood,
lay close to it; but, worse than all these, part of it
appears to have been occupied by a large pauper burial-
ground, the Campus Esquilinus, where the bodies were
thrown without much covering of earth: a place offen-
sive to the sight and injurious to the health. It was
only the rich and great who could aspire to the honours
of the grave : yet slaves and paupers must be buried as
well as they ; and a tract outside the agger, conse-
quently just beyond the ancient Servian pomoerium, was
selected for this purpose. It seems, however, also to
have contained tombs of a somewhat pretentious cha-THE GARDENS OF MAECENAS.

239

racter:1 tliose probably of rich well-to.do burgesses, yet
not great enough to command the posthumous honour
of a roadside mausoleum. "We gather these particulars
from Horace, who has laid here the scene of Canidia's
incantations:

Nec in sepulcris pauperum prudens anus
Novendiales dissipare pulveres.2

And again in his Satires :

Hue prius angustis ejecta cadavera cellis
Conservus vili portanda locabat in area.

Hoc miserse plebi stabat commune sepulcrum,

Pantolabo scurrse, Nomentanoque nepoti.

Mille pedes in fronte trecentos cippus in agrum
Hie dabat.

He then proceeds to describe the incantations of Canidia
and her fellow-sorceress Sagana :

Has nullo perdere possum
Nee prohibere modo, simul ae vaga luna decorum
Protulit os, quin ossa legant herbasque nocentes.

Yidi egomet nigra succinctam vadere palla
Canidiam, pedibus nudis passoque capillo,

Cum, Sagana majore ululantem : pallor utrasque
Fecerat horrendas aspectu, &c.

Serpentes atque videres
Infernas errare canes; lunamque rubentem,

Ne foret liis testis, post magna latere sepulcra.3

Maecenas, however, had converted this charnel-field into
a garden or park, the Horti M^ecenatis; thus rendering
the spot both healthy and agreeable :

Nunc licet Esquiliis habitare salubribus atque
Aggere in aprico spatiari, quo modo tristes
Albis informem spectabant ossibus agrum.4

1 Cic. Phil. ix. 7.
3 Sat. i. 8.

2 Epod. xvii. 47.
4 Ibid.240	THE HOUSE OF MAECENAS.

Maecenas, the munificent patron of the Roman literati,
lived upon tlie Esquiline, and this probably was his
motive for abolishing, or at least improving, the Campus
Esquilinus, for it seems to have remained a place of
burial, though doubtless of a more decent kind, and
even a place of execution, as we learn from Suetonius
in his life of the Emperor Claudius.1 His house is sup-
posed to have stood upon the site at present occupied by
the ruins of the Baths of Titus, on that part of the hill
which overhangs the valley of the Colosseum. It ap-
pears from several allusions to have been a very lofty
structure. Horace calls it a " molem propinquam nubi-
bus arduis,"2 and Suetonius characterizes it by the
name of "turris."3 Hence it afforded Nero a conve-
nient post for beholding the conflagration of Rome. For
it had become the property of the imperial family.
Maecenas bequeathed it to Augustus, and it became the
residence of Tiberius after his return from Rhodes.4
This lends a probability to its having been ultimately
converted by Titus into a bath.

It was natural that the Roman literati should cluster
round their great patron. Yirgil, we are told, dwelt
upon the Esquiline, close to the Horti M^cenatis. Here
also was the abode of Propertius, as we learn from
himself:

I, puer, et citus hsec ali^ua propone columna,
Et dominum Exquiliis scribe habitare tuum.5

Propertius, as well as Yirgil, took a great interest in
the antiquities of the city, as appears from the many

1	" Civitatem Romanam usurpantes in Campo Esquilino securi
percussit."—Claud. 25.

2	Od. ii. 20, 10.	3 Nero, 31.

4 Id. Tib. 15.	5 Eleg. iv. (iii.) 23, 23.THE LACUS ORPHEI.

241

allusions to the subject in his poems. It seems probable
also that Horace dwelt, when in town, upon the Esqui-
line; but though he has left us so many notices of his
life and habits, he nowhere tells us where he lived at
Rome. The probability that his abode was not far from
that of his friend and patron is strengthened by the de-
scription of his stroll down the Sacra Via. He was
going to visit a friend who lived on the other side of
the Tiber:

Trans Tiberim longe cubat is, prope Csesaris hortos 51

and from the Esquline his direct road would have lain
along the Sacra Via, which began just under the Esqui-
line ; keeping to the left, towards the Temple of Vesta,
when he approached the Forum as we see he did :

Ventum erat ad Vestee, &c.2

Pedo Albinovanus, an elegant poet of the Augustan
age, but of whom little or nothing remains, also dwelt,
as may be, inferred from some lines of Martial, on the
Esquiline, just at the top of the ascent from the Subura
through the Vicus Cyprius. At the summit was the
fountain called Lacus Oephei, a circular basin with an
elevated rock in the middle, on which stood a statue of
Orpheus with the enchanted beasts around him.3 Close
to this fountain was Pedo's house (" Illic parva tui
domus Pedonis "), which is rendered still more interest-
ing by the circumstance that it afterwards became the
residence of the younger Pliny; as we learn from the
same poem of Martial's :

Nee doctum satis et parum sever urn,

Sed non rusticulum nimis libellum,

1 Sat. i. 9, 18.

2 Ibid. 35.

e

3 Mart. x. 19.242

oyid's house.

Facutido mea Plinio Thalia
I perfer, &c.1

Otlier wits of that period probably lived in the same
neighbourhood. Ovid was rather too young to enjoy
the patronage of Meocenas. He seems to have lived
near the Capitol, and probably at the southern extremity
of the Quirinal; whence his house would have com-
manded a view of the temples on the Capitoline :

Jamque quiescebant voces liominumque canumque,

Lunaque nocturnos alta regebat equos.

Hanc ego suspiciens, et ab kac Capitolia eernens,

Quae nostro frustra juncta fuere Lari;

ISTumina vicinis habitantia sedibus, inquam,

Jamque oculis nunquam templa videnda meis;

Dique relinquendi, quos Urbs habet alta Quirini,

Este salutati tempus in ornne mihi.2

The same thing may be inferred from the elegy in
which he describes the route of his book, which he had
sent home, and which was conveyed to the imperial
palace by some benevolent citizen:

Paruit, et ducens : Hsec sunt fora Csesaris, inquit,

Hsec est a sacris quae via nomen habet.

Hie locus est. Yestse, qui Pallada servat et ignem :

Hie fuit antiqui regia parva Numse.

Inde petens dextram : Porta est, ait, ista Palati, &c.3

The way to the palace from the Quirinal would have
lain through the Forum Julium, and along the Sacra
Via on the south side of the Forum Romanum.

Among his other buildings, Augustus forgot not that
which was to contain his mortal remains, and thus at
once to circumscribe and record his greatness. The

1 Cf. Plin. Epp. lib. iii. ep. 21 : " Alloquitur Musam (Martialis),
mandat ut domum meam in Esquiliis quserat."

2 Trist. i. 3, 27 sqq.	3 Trist. iii. 1, 27 sqq.MAUSOLEUM OF AUGUSTUS.	243

northern pa.rt of the Campus Martins, between tlie
Via Maminia and the river, had for some time been
selected as the burying-place of distinguished persons.
Here lay the remains of Sulla, of Hirtius and Pansa,
of Julius Caesar, his aunt and daughter. Those of some
of Augustus' nearer connections, Marcellus, Agrippa,
Octavia, Drusus, were deposited in a magnificent
Mausoleum which Augustus erected at this spot as the
tomb of the imperial family, and answered that pur-
pose down to the time of Hadrian. The ruins of this
mausoleum may still be seen between the Yia di
Ripetta, the Yia de' Schiavoni, and the Yia de'
Pontefici.

It need only be further recorded here of the works
of Augustus, that he caused to be brought to Eome
from Heliopolis the obelisk which now stands on Monte
Citorio, one of the most celebrated, though not the
largest, in Rome. Originally it served the purpose of
a sundial, whence it was called Solaeium Augusti. It
stood in the Campus Martius on an immense marble
floor, on which were delineated the necessary figures,
not only to exhibit the hours, but also the increase and
decrease of the days.1 Two obelisks brought from
Egypt by the Emperor Claudius were also originally
placed before the Mausoleum of Augustus. They are
those which now stand, one before Sta. Maria Maggiore,
and the other on Monte Cavallo.

Augustus died at Nola a.d. 14. His body, having
been brought to Rome, was carried into the Forum on a
bier, and placed before the Temple of Divus Julius at
its further extremity, where Tiberius read a panegyric
over it. The same ceremony was repeated at the old

1 Plm. H. N. xxxvi. 15.244

FUNERAL OF AUGUSTUS.

Rostra by Drusus, the son of Tiberius; after which, a
number of senators carried the bier on their shoulders
through the Porta Triumphalis into the Campus Mar-
tius, where the body was burnt; and the ashes haying
been collected with the usual rites by Liyia, who re-
mained on the spot five days, were deposited in the
mausoleum.1

1 Suet. Aug. c. 100 5 Dion Cass. lvi. 34, 42.245

SECTION IV.

from the death of augustus to the death of
hadrian.

UGrUSTUS was a wise and prudent ruler, and

perhaps, under the circumstances, the best that
the Romans could have had at that period. He was
content with the substance of power, and sought to
conciliate his subjects, and accustom them to his yoke,
by the moderate use which he made of it. Nothing
can prove more strongly the politic effect of his reign
than that it tamed the Romans to endure the gloomy
tyrant who succeeded him. The reign of Tiberius is
almost a blank in the history of the city. He did not
once amuse the people by the exhibition of games or
spectacles, and was but rarely present at those given by
others. He commenced, according to Suetonius, only
two public works, both of which he left unfinished, or,
at all events, undedicated. These were a Temple of
Augustus, and the restoration of the scena of Pompey's
theatre. The temple must have stood on the north-
west side of the Palatine, as Caligula made it serve the
purpose of a pier for the bridge which he threw over to
the Capitoline Hill.1 While the temple was building, a
golden statue of Augustus was deposited on a couch in

1 Suet. Tib. 47, Cal. 21 sq.; Tac. Ann. vi. 45.246

THE DOMUS TIBERIANA.

the Temple of Mars lilt or. Suetonius also tells us 1
tliat Tiberius dedicated the Temples of Concord and
Castor in his own name and that of his brother Drusus ;;
but this he did before he became emperor, and these
temples were probably among the eighty-two restored
by Augustus. On the south-western side of the Pala-
tine Tiberius enlarged the imperial palace by building,
or adding to, the Domus Tiberiana. This structure,,
overhanging the Yelabrum, had probably been a family
house before, as Tiberius is said to have been born upon
the Palatine. It appears to have had a library distinct
from that of the Augustan palace.2

Suetonius, in his enumeration of the works of
Tiberius, has, however, omitted the Triumphal Arch
which he erected, a.d. 16, in commemoration of the re-
covery of the military ensigns which Yarus had lost; a
feat indeed performed by Grermanicus, but under the
auspices of Tiberius. The arch must have stood at the-
top of the Forum, near the Milliarium Aureum, and
close to the Temple of Saturn,3 probably spanning the-
Yicus Jugarius, which led into the Sacra Yia and the
Forum at this spot. Some remains of piers belonging
to it are recently thought to have been discovered there
but no description of the arch is to be fonnd in ancient
anthors. It was probably demolished when the Temple
of Yespasian was built, either on architectural grounds,
or by reason of its unpopularity. Tiberius also erected
a Temple of Fors Fortuna in the year mentioned, and
probably on the same occasion, in the Horti Csesaris on
the right bank of the Tiber.

But though Tiberius undertook few public buildings,

1	Tib. 20; Dion Cass. Ivi. 25.

2	Vopiscus, Prob. 2.

3 Tac. Ann. ii. 41.Caligula's palace.

247

lie must be allowed the merit of having assisted to re-
store the damage occasioned by two great fires which
occurred in his reign. One of these appears to have
destroyed all the buildings on the Cselian Hill. A
statue of Tiberius which stood in the house of a senator
named Junius alone escaped the flames, on which ac-
count it was proposed to change the name of the hill to
Augustus; but if this name was ever applied to the hill,
it certainly did not remain long in use. The other fire,
which broke out near the Circus Maximus, destroyed
that part of it which lay contiguous to the Aventine, as
well as some buildings on that hill. Tiberius is said to
have reimbursed to the owners the price of the houses
destroyed in these conflagrations.1 When we add, what
we have already mentioned, that Tiberius established
the praetorian camp near the Servian agger, we have
recorded everything notable that he effected in the
city.

Caligula, who ascended the throne on the death of
Tiberius in A.D. 37, was half, if not quite, a madman;
and nothing shows it more than his architectural feats.
He extended the imperial palace towards the Forum, so
as to make the Temple of Castor and Pollux a sort of
vestibule. The passage into the palace passed between
the statues of the Dioscuri; and he boasted of having
converted them into his janitors or doorkeepers. Some-
times he would take his stand between the two, and
thus appear to receive the adorations of those who
came to worship.2 Another extravagant feat was that
just mentioned, of throwing a bridge from the Palatine
to the Capitoline Hill, making the Temple of Augustus
serve as a kind of pier; for he affirmed that Jove had

1 Tac. Ann. iv. 64, vi. 45. 2 Suet. Cal% 22 5 Dion Cass. lix. 28.248

THE HORTI AG-RIPPING.

invited him to become liis contubernalis and comrade.
And, to carry out this proj ect fully, lie began to build a
residence on the Area Capitolina, but the work never
proceeded beyond laying the foundations, being pro-
bably interrupted by his death. Nay, he wished to
become, as it w;ere, the rival of Jove, and to be wor-
shipped instead of him as Jupiter Latiaris. With
which view he ordered the statue of the Olympian
Jupiter to be brought to Rome; when the head was to
have been cut off and another substituted bearing his
own likeness. A temple for this deity was hastily
erected on the Palatine ; but the Greek statue was
accidentally hindered from being brought, the vessel
built purposely for its conveyance having been destroyed
by lightning. Caligula was very angry with Jupiter
for this ill-natured act; but he would not be frustrated
of his purpose, and caused a golden image of himself
to be set up in the temple, clothed in his usual dress.
He himself officiated as his own priest, or Flamen
Dialis, in conjunction with his horse Incitatus. The
richest people in Rome contended with one another to
be admitted into the new priesthood, and he made
them pay handsomely for the honour.1 Caligula seems
also to have made other extensive alterations by build-
ing at the north-western angle of the Palatine, and
altogether his works were on so large a scale that Pliny
compares them with those of Nero.2 Among them was
a circus which he built in the district of the Vatican,
in the Horti Ageippin.®, or gardens of his mother
Agrippina, which probably occupied the site on which
S. Peter's now stands. But this circus seems not to

1	Suet, and Dion Cass. II. cc.

2	" Bis vidimus urbem totam cingi domibus principum Caii et
Neronis."—H. N. xxxvi. 24, 5.THE CIRCUS NERONIS.

249

have been finished, or at all events never to have been
used during the reign of Caligula. It was afterwards
called the Circus Neronis, from its frequent employ-
ment by that emperor ; though it appears to have been
previously used by Claudius.1 It was also called
Caianum, from Caligula,2 and is mentioned by that
name in the Notitia.

Caligula was assassinated after a reign of four years,
a.d. 41. He was at first hastily buried in the Horti
Lamiani on the Esquiline, but his remains were after-
wards burnt by his sisters and reinterred.3 The Horti
Lamiani were probably the property of JElius Lamia,
to whom Horace addressed one of his odes ;4 at least
we learn from Yalerius Maximus that the JElian family
dwelt near the Trophies of Marius.5 Caligula was suc-
ceeded by Claudius, the chief works of whose reign
were the two aqueducts, Aqua Claudia and Anio Novus,
which had been begun by Caligula, but left incomplete.
The sources of both these aqueducts were on the Yia
Sublacensis ; those of the Claudia near the thirty-eighth
milestone, those of the Anio Novus four miles further
on. The latter was the longest and noblest of all the
Roman aqueducts, its course being nearly 59 miles in
length, and some of its arches 109 feet in height.6
They entered Home in a double stream at the present
Porta Maggiore, the Claudia flowing underneath the
Anio ISTovus. The gate is formed by two arches of the
duct; on the attic above, containing the channels for
the water, are three inscriptions recording its construc-
tion by Claudius, and its reparation by Yespasian and
Titus. Originally the water began to be distributed at

1	Plin. H. N. xxxvi. 15 5 Suet. Claud. 21.

2	Dion Cass. lix. 14. 3 Suet. Calig.5§. 4 i. 26. 5 iv. 4,8.

6 Front. § 13 sqq.250	NERO'S DOMUS TRANS1TORIA.

this point by pipes, but Nero continued the duct oyer
the Ceslian Hill in order to supply his lake. Remains
of this part may be seen at the Piazza di S. Giovanni
Laterano. Claudius also constructed the port of Ostia.
The triumphal arch decreed by the senate to Drusus,
the father of Claudius,1 and built on the Appian Way,
is probably that which still exists not far from the
Porta S. Sebastiano.

Claudius on his accession demolished all that Caligula
had added to the palace beyond the limits of the Pala-
tine, and as he does not appear to have built here him-
self, the palace continued to consist of the houses of
Augustus, Tiberius, and Caligula. Claudius was suc-
ceeded by Nero in a.d. 54. This emperor, though per-
haps not quite so mad as Caligula, had as insane a
passion for building, and especially for extending the
limits of his palace, which already embraced half the
Palatine Hill. We have seen that Msecenas bequeathed
his house on the Esquiline to Augustus; it had remained
in the imperial family, and Nero determined to extend
the precincts of the palace to the Esquiline so as to
include it. He must consequently have appropriated to
this purpose the remainder, or eastern side, of the Pala-
tine Hill, together with the valley between it and the
Esquiline, which afterwards became the site of the
Colosseum. As the ground which he had thus appro-
priated embraced a considerable portion of the very
heart of the city, it was necessary to leave the existing
thoroughfares, and on this account he called his new
palace Domus Transitoria. But the great fire which
occurred at Rome in a.d. 65, whether accidentally or
purposely, cleared the ground in this quarter, and

1 Suet. Claud. 1.REMAINS OF THE AQUA CLAUDIA.

p. 250.NERO'S FIRE.

251

enabled him to carry out a much more magnificent
design.

This conflagration lasted six days and seven nights.
It broke out at the eastern extremity of the Circus
Maximus, in some shops containing combustible mate-
rials, and, spreading to the north and west, completely
destroyed three whole regions of the city, and severely
damaged seven more. We have no account of all the
public monuments that perished on this occasion, but
we know that among them were some of the most
venerable from their antiquity, as the Temple of Luna
founded by Servius Tullius, the fane and altar called
Magna which Evander was said to have dedicated to
Hercules, the Temple of Jupiter Stator founded by
Romulus, the Hegia of Numa, the Temple of Vesta,
and that of the Penates of the Roman people. As these
monuments encircled the Palatine Hill, it would be
natural to conclude that the imperial palaces on its
summit must also have been destroyed. Yet if this was
the case they appear to have been rebuilt on the original
plan, as we find them mentioned subsequently by their
former names; and that the palace of Augustus did not
suffer very severely may be inferred from the fact that
Suetonius states some of his furniture, beds and tables,
to have been still in existence in his time.1 The public
buildings around the Forum must also have been much
damaged; but we know that the Capitol escaped, as the
building of Sulla and Catulus lasted till the Vitellian
riots. Many masterpieces of Greek art, many antique
and genuine monuments of the ancient Roman times,
things which could never be replaced, perished on this
occasion. The ancient monuments continued to be

1 Aug. 73.252

DID NERO BURN ROME?

regretted by the elder citizens even amidst the splendour
of the new city which rose npon their ashes. A vast
amonnt of treasure was also destroyed, and a great many
lives were lost.

Nero was at Antium when the fire broke out, but he
hastened back to Rome when he heard that his new
palace was in danger. He appears to have done all
that he could to relieve the distress of the people. He
threw open to them all the buildings of Agrippa, as well
as his own gardens in the Vatican district; he caused
temporary buildings to be erected in the Campus Mar-
tius and other places; he sent for furniture from Ostia
and other neighbouring towns; and he directed the
price of corn to be reduced to three nummi (the modius),
or, according to the computation of Gibbon, 155. the
English quarter.1 But these acts failed to gain him
popularity. For it was whispered that, while the fire
was raging, he had seized the opportunity to gratify his
taste for scenic effect, and, dressed in appropriate
theatrical costume, had sung the destruction of Troy
amid the flames which so vividly recalled that ancient
calamity. Another and graver charge was that he had
wilfully caused the fire. Tacitus neither accepts nor
rejects the accusation, but mentions it as made by some
authors, while others attributed the conflagration to
chance. A fresh outbreak of the fire on a smaller scale
seems more probably Nero's work, as it recommenced
in the gardens of his minion Tigellinus. Nero perhaps
improved the occasion to make short work of it in
certain parts.

However this may be, it cannot be denied that wise
and useful measures were adopted for the rebuilding of

1 jDecline and Fall, vol. ii. p. 232; note (Smith's ed. 1854).REBUILDING OF THE CITY.	253

the city. The streets were laid out on an orderly plan ;
they were made broader, the houses were not built so
high, and the fronts of the insulce were protected by
porticoes, which Nero erected at his own expense. The
rubbish caused by the fire was carried down to the
marshes about Ostia in the vessels which had brought
up corn from that port. Certain parts of the houses
were to be built, without wood, of Grabine and Alban
stone, thought to be impervious to fire. Each house
was to have a wall of its own, and not a common wall
between two. Guardians were appointed for the aque-
ducts, so that the water should not be cut ofE by
individuals, and there might consequently be a larger
supply for public use, and everybody was directed to
have appliances in readiness for extinguishing fire. All
the public buildings destroyed seem to have been rebuilt
on the original plan, and continued to be mentioned
subsequently by the names which they had borne pre-
viously to the fire.

To avert the displeasure of the gods, so plainly sig-
nified by this great calamity, the Sibylline books were
consulted. Agreeably to their directions, a sujppUcatio
was made to Yulcan, Ceres, and Proserpine; Juno also
was propitiated by married women, first in her temple
on the Capitoline Hill, and then on the nearest sea-
shore, whence water was brought to besprinkle her
temple and image at Rome. But neither these expiations,
nor the bounty of Nero, sufficed to satisfy the public
mind. Rumours continued to be circulated that the
fire was premeditated. To obviate this suspicion, or at
least to divert the thoughts of the people into another
channel, Nero devised a method as cruel as it was in-
effectual. It is now that we first hear of the Christians
at Rome, and, according to the testimony of Tacitus,254 PERSECUTION OF THE CHRISTIANS.

they amounted to a large number.1 The Christian wor-
ship, then necessarily performed in private conventicles,
and addressed not to any image of the deity adored, was
calculated to inflame the Roman mind with hatred and
suspicion. It was so nnlike their own, in which the
statue of each god represented an ever-present deity
ostentatiously worshipped in open day with ceremony
and pomp and .sacrifice; and men are ever prone to
suspect and hate those who differ from them in religion.
Nero, therefore, in persecuting the Christians did an
acceptable and popular act. He first seized some few
from whom by horrible tortures a confession was
extorted, or said to have been extorted, and they were
then compelled to denounce their fellow Christians. A
great number of these were convicted; not so much,
says the historian, of the arson as of hatred of the
human race ; a suspicion which perhaps originated from
their not frequenting the theatres and circuses, and
from their withdrawing themselves in a great measure
from the commerce of mankind. The sort of punish-
ment adopted by Nero was agreeable to the Roman
taste. He gave some games in his circus in the Vatican
district, during which he mixed familiarly with the
people in the dress of a charioteer, and sometimes dis-
charged the functions of one by mounting a chariot.
Some of the unhappy Christians having been covered
with the skins of wild beasts, were exposed to be torn
to pieces by ferocious dogs; some were crucified; others,
wrapped probably in combustible materials, were made,
when the shades of evening descended, to serve the
purpose of torches; an example afterwards adopted by
the Christians themselves, or by some at least who

1 "Multitudo ingens."—Ann.^v. 44.NERO'S GOLDEN HOUSE.

255

claimed tliat name.1 But Nero missed his purpose.
Although, the Christians were disliked, this persecution,
so evidently instituted to gratify the savageness of a
despot, and not for the public good, only procured them
commiseration.

The vast space cleared by the fire afforded Nero the
opportunity of building a palace still' more extravagant
than the first, to which, from its richness and splendour,
he gave the name of Aueea Domus, or the golden house.
It is difficult to form any very precise idea of this palace
from the descriptions in ancient authors.2 It may be
conjectured, however, that it occupied all that height
on which the Temple of Yenus and Home and the
convent of Sta. Francesca Eomana now stand; and it
seems protlable that this hill itself may in a great degree
have arisen from the earth excavated to make the lake
behind it, and subsequently from the ruins of the
palace. The front would naturally have been turned
towards the Forum and Capitol, and this inference is
confirmed by some accounts in ancient authors. Sue-
tonius mentions that the colossal statue of Nero, which
was 120 feet high, stood in the vestibule of the palace,
and we learn from Dion Cassius 3 that Yespasian in his
■sixth consulate (a.d. 75), when he dedicated his Temple
of Peace, caused the colossus, which could not have
been far from the precincts of that temple, to be removed
.and set up on the Sacra Yia at the back of the palace.

Hie ubi sidereus propius videt astra colossus
Et crescunt media pegmata celsa via,

Invidiosa feri radiabant atria regis,

Unaque jam tota stabat in urbe domus.4

1	Eor the fire of Rome and its consequences see Tacit. Ann. xv.
*38-44; Suet. Ner. 38; Dion Cass. lxii. 16.

2	The principal are Suet. Ner. 31 ; Mart. Be Spect. ii.

3 lxvi. 15.	4 Mart. ibid.256

NERO'S COLOSSUS.

Vespasian's motive for changing the situation of the
statue probably was that it might face the main entrance
of his amphitheatre, the plan of which must have now
been laid, though it was not perfected till some years
afterwards. Pliny, who saw the colossus after its
removal, says that it was 110 feet high, so that Suetonius
probably included the base. It was the work of Zeno-
dorus, a celebrated artist, and is said to have been a
striking likeness of Nero.1 Dion Cassius, who speaks
only from hearsay, calls its height 100 feet. Hadrian,
when he built his Temple of Venus and Rome, removed
the colossus a few yards further to the north,2 where its
base may still be seen, in order probably that it might
not interfere with the facade of that structure; but it
still stood close to the amphitheatre and on the Sacra
Via. The back front of the palace thus looked towards
the lake which Nero had caused to be made in the valley
afterwards occupied by the Flavian amphitheatre; the
water was supplied by the Claudian aqueduct and Anio
Novus, which, as we have seen, he had caused to be
prolonged over the Cselian Hill. It appears to have
been conducted over the Arch of Dolabella, near the
Piazza della Navicella; which, as we learn from an
inscription on it, was erected in the consulship of Dola-
bella and Silanus, A.d. 10; but the purpose of it has
never been satisfactorily ascertained. Round about the
lake were sprinkled clusters of buildings which resem-
bled cities, and, if the perspective had been duly ob-
served and the size of the buildings regulated accord-
ingly, we may imagine that this would have given an
appearance of great extension to the water, and would
have formed no mean attempt at landscape gardening,

1 Plin. H. N. xxxiv. 7, § 18.

2 Spart. Hadr. 19.THE THERMS NERONIAJSTuE.	257

i£ such an expression may be allowed. Beyond the lake,
the declivities of the Caelian and Esquiline were con-
verted into fields, vineyards, pastures, and woods, filled
with a multitude of cattle and wild beasts. The imperial
domains are said to have been comprised in three por-
ticoes each a mile long; which circuit would have com-
prehended the Esquiline, part of the Cgelian, and the
Palatine. The house itself was adorned with gold,
gems, and mother-of-pearl. The coenationes or dining-
rooms had movable ivory ceilings, with carvings of
flowers, and were provided with pipes to sprinkle per-
fumes from above. The principal coenatio was circular,
and turned night and day like the earth. The baths
were provided with sea-water and water from the
Albula, whose sulphureous properties were much
esteemed.

When this palace was completed, Nero was in a good
degree contented, and condescended to remark that "he
had at last begun to live like a man." 1 In fact he had
engrossed the greater part of the city, and contemplated
changing its name to ISTeropolis. Hence an epigram of
those days:

Eoma domus fiet: Veios migrate, Quirites,

Si non et Yeios occupat ista domus.

But he had also formed the insane project of enlarging
the city in proportion, by extending its walls to Ostia,
and bringing the sea into the old city by means of a
canal.2 It should not however be omitted that Nero
did something for the convenience of the people, as well
as for the gratification of his own vanity, by building
some baths, the Therms Neroniam:, near those of
Agrippa. They were afterwards enlarged and improved

1 Suet. Nero, 31.

S

2 Ibid. 16.258

DEATH OF NERO.

by Alexander Severus; from -whom they derived the
name of Therms Alexandrine, by which they are men-
tioned in the Notitia.1 He also founded a market,
supposed to be that called Macellum Magnum, on the
Caelian Hill, near the Temple of Claudius.2 We are
not surprised to hear that, by his extravagance in build-
ing, accompanied with an equal extravagance in feasting
and all kinds of debauchery, he had at length exhausted
even the means which the empire of the world placed at
his disposal, so that he could not even pay his troops,
and was at length reduced to rob the temples, and melt
down the gold and silver images of the gods, among
tHem those of the Dii Penates. Want of money no
doubt hastened his fall; for the troops, who would have
stood by him had they been well paid, were easily per-
suaded to proclaim the insurgent Gralba emperor. Nero
was compelled to fly, and with irresolute hand at length
succeeded in inflicting a mortal wound upon himself in
the house of his freedman Phaon, a few miles from
Rome (a.d. 68). He was permitted to have a sumptuous
funeral, and his ashes were deposited in a family tomb
of the Domitii upon the Collis Hortorum, or Pincian
Hill.3 Such was the end of the last of the Csesars.

The short and turbulent reigns of Gralba, Otho, and
Vitellius contribute but few materials towards a history
of the city. Gralba lost the empire by his niggardliness,
as Nero had done by his extravagance. The latter was
unable to provide the pay which he owed his troops; the
former was unwilling to give the donative which he had
promised them. After a reign of half a year, Gralba was
supplanted by Otho, who, being disappointed of succeed-

1 Begio ix.	2 Dion Cass. Ixi. 18 ; Notitia, Beg. ii.

3 Suet. Ner. 50.RISE AND FALL OF GALBA.

259

ing to tlie throne by adoption, resolved to seize it by
force. But lie dissembled to the last. On the very day
that his plot was to be executed, he attended upon
Galba in the palace, by whom as usual he was saluted
with a kiss. He assisted at a sacrifice made by Galba,
during which the haruspex warned the emperor of a
domestic enemy; and then, pretending that he was
wanted by an architect and some builders, but who were
in reality soldiers whom he had appointed to meet him
at the Milliarium Aureum, under the Temple of Saturn,
Otho slipped out by the back part of the palace through
the Domus Tiberiana into the Velabrum, and so pro-
ceeded to the place of rendezvous. Here he was saluted
emperor by some two dozen soldiers, and was then con-
ducted to the pra3torian camp, being joined on the road
by about the same number.

The news of the sedition soon reached the ears of
Galba, and filled him with trepidation. It also spread
through the city, and the palace was soon filled with a
rabble clamorously demanding the death of Otho and
the conspirators; though in truth they did not care a
straw about the matter, and only amused themselves by
making a noise, as if they had been in the circus or
theatre. After long hesitation Gralba determined to
proceed to the Forum; and as, on account of his old
age, he could not bear the pressure of the crowd, he
was carried in a chair. But the insurrection of the
soldiers was now complete. Some advised Galba to
return to the palace, some to seek the Capitol, others to
mount the Bostra. In truth, however, he was no longer
master of his actions. A dense crowd had filled the
Forum and the adjacent Basilicse and temples ; a crowd
not violent or noisy, but silent, sullen, and curious to
vsee the issue. Galba was swayed to and fro at the260

RISE AND FALL OF OTHO.

mercy of this living mass, and could do nothing but
obey its impulse. A body of cavalry arrived at the
charge, and soon cleared the Forum. Those who were
carrying Galba let him fall in the middle of it, close to
the Lacus Curtius, where he was soon despatched by the
soldiers. Titus Yinius, consul with Galba, was slain
before the Temple of Divus Julius; Piso Licinianus,
whom only four days before Galba had adopted as his
son, and consequently as his successor, took refuge in
the Temple of Yesta, where a public slave concealed
him in his cell. But from this hiding-place he was
dragged forth, and killed at the entrance of the temple.1
Otho, during his brief reign, seemed determined to
adopt the acts of Nero, and is even said to have assumed
his name. He caused Nero's statues to be re-erected,
and recalled his ministers and officers. One of his first
acts was to sign an order for fifty million sesterces, or
nearly 400,000L, in order to complete the Golden
House ; which, therefore, must have been very far from
finished at the time of Nero's death.2 But in a few
months Otho lost the empire in the same violent way in
which he had obtained it. Defeated near Bedriacum by
Yitellius, who had commanded the legions in Germany,
he put an end to his own life. Yitellius entered Eome
in July, A.D. 69, with military pomp; then proceeding
to the Capitol, he embraced his mother, and saluted her
with the name of Augusta. But Yespasian, who had
been despatched by Nero to conduct the Jewish war,
had been already acknowledged emperor by the governor
of Egypt; and all the East followed the example.
Yitellius, hearing of the approach of the legions who
had declared for Yespasian in the north, determined to

1 Tac. Hist. i. 27, 39-42; Suet. Oth. 6.

2 Suet. Oth. 7.THE CAPITOL BURNT.

261

resign, and is said to have made terms with. Sabinus,
who led Vespasian's party at Rome. But his troops
were not of the same mind. They attacked and defeated
the soldiers of Sabinus, who thereupon took refuge in
the Capitol. Here, against the wish of Vitellius him-
self, they were besieged by his soldiers. It was on this
occasion that the Capitoline temple was burnt. The
soldiers of Vitellius, without any commands from him,
made a spontaneous and disorderly attack upon the
Capitol. They attempted to force their way up the
Cliyus Capitolinus; but being armed only with swords
they were unable to force the gate at the top of it.
Meanwhile the besieged had mounted the roof of a
portico which lay on the right-hand side of the Cliyus,
or that nearest the summit of the hill, whence they plied
the Vitellians with stones and tiles. The latter now
threw burning brands upon the portico, the fire occa-
sioned by which destroyed the gate; but Sabinus pre-
vented them from entering by blocking up the gateway
with statues. The Vitellians now sought other means
of access, by the Hundred Steps at the Tarpeian rock,
and by the grove of the Asylum. On this side, no
danger being apprehended from external enemies, private
houses had been suffered to be built, the roofs of which,
were as high as the summit of the hill. Either the
besiegers or the besieged, but more probably the latter,1
set fire to these houses, as a means of repelling the
invaders. From the houses the flames caught the por-
ticoes surrounding the Capitoline temple, and spreading
thence to the timbers which, supported the pediment,

1 Atticus, one of Sabinus' adherents, confessed that he did it; but
it is not certain whether his confession was sincere. Tac. Hist,
iii. 75.262

FALL OF VITELLIUS.

the whole building was destroyed, without haying been
attacked or defended.1

This diaster deprived Sabinus and his followers of all
presence of mind; and meanwhile the Vitellians broke
in, destroying everything with fire and sword. Tha
few who resisted were killed, and Sabinns was captured..
Domitian, £he younger son of Vespasian, who had ac-
companied his uncle Sabinus to the Capitol, at first con-
cealed himself in the apartment of the sedituus, or keeper
of the temple; then, having put on the linen dress of
those who ministered at the altar, he escaped unobserved
among a number of those ministers, and hid himself in
the house of one of his father's clients near the Vela-
brum. When his father attained supreme power, Do-
mitian caused the lodge or contubernium of the asdituus-
to be pulled down, and dedicated on its site a little
chapel to Jupiter Conservator, with an altar on which
his adventure was sculptured. Afterwards, when he
became emperor himself, he consecrated a large temple
to Jupiter Cnstos, with his own image in the bosom of
the god. Sabinus was led in chains to Vitellius, who
wished to pardon him, and from the steps of his palace
besought on his behalf the clemency of the mob. But
they were determined to have a victim. Sabinus was
killed and mutilated, and his headless trunk dragged to
the Scalse Gremonias.2

But Vitellius derived no advantage from this tempo-
rary success, nor from a victory gained by his brother
at Terracina. The troops who had declared for Vespa-
sian entered Rome the same day that Sabinus had been
killed, and were soon masters of the city. Vitellius at
first fled to the house of his wife upon the Aventine,,

1 Tac. Hist. iii. 71.

3 Ibid. 74.THE CAPITOL REBUILT.

263

but, with his habitual irresolution, again returned to
the palace. Here, howeyer, he found himself deserted
by everybody; even the meanest slave slunk from his
presence, so he hid himself in despair in the remotest
part of the building. Being discovered, he was dragged
away to the Scalae G-emonise, and there despatched with
many blows, in the very place where the body of Sabinus
had been exhibited.

In the reigns of Vespasian and his two sons, Rome
received a vast addition to her architectural glories.
When Vespasian arrived in Rome in the year 70, he
found many parts of the city still in a ruinous state,
just as they had been left by the fire of JSTero. To
remedy this defect, he issued a decree authorizing any-
body who pleased to occupy the vacant spots and build
upon them, if the owners neglected to do so. The
Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus was also level with the
ground. Suetonius tells us that Vespasian took such
an interest in its reconstruction that he was the first
who began to remove the rubbish, and carried away
some of it on his own shoulders.1 But Tacitus, who
gives a more circumstantial account of the matter, re-
lates that Vespasian before his return had entrusted the
restoration of the temple to L. Vestinus of the eques-
trian order, who laid the first stone of the new building
with great solemnity on the 21st of June. The new
temple was of the same form and size as the ancient one,
which, the haruspices said, the gods would not allow
to be altered; only its height was somewhat increased.2

Titus, the son of Vespasian, whom he had left to
conduct the Jewish war, returned to Rome in 71, after
having captured Jerusalem. The senate had decreed a

1 Vesp. 8.

2 Tac. Hist, iv. 53.264 TRIUMPH OF VESPASIAN AND TITUS.

separate triumph both to Yespasian and Titus, but they
resolved to celebrate a joint one. Josephus has left us a
rather minute description of this triumph. As generals
cum irwperio were not allowed to enter the city, Yespa-
sian and Titus spent the night before their triumphal
entry at the temple of Isis and Serapis, outside the
walls. By whom this temple had been founded cannot be
said, but its site is pretty certain. Juvenal mentions it as
being very near the ancient Ovile,1 or, what is the same
thing, the more modern Septa; and apparently between
it and the Pantheon of Agrippa, near the present church
of Sta. Maria sopra Minerva. Many statues and other
objects found in this neighbourhood confirm this posi-
tion.2 The troops having mustered round this building
early in the morning, the emperor and his son, crowned
with laurel, marched at their head to the Porticus
Octavia, where they were met by the senate, magistrates,
and principal citizens. In front of the portico a sug-
gestum had been erected, with two curule chairs, tin
which they took their seats. Here they were saluted
with the acclamations of the soldiery, prolonged till
Yespasian commanded silence ; then he arose, and, hav-
ing covered the greater part of his head, pronounced
the accustomed prayers. Titus having done the same,
after a short address from Yespasian the soldiers were
dismissed to the breakfast provided for them. During
this interval Yespasian and Titus withdrew to the Porta
Triumphalis; where they took some refreshment, and,
having put on their triumphal robes, sacrificed to the
gods which stood before the gate. They then returned
to their troops, and caused the triumphal procession to

1	" Antiquo quse proxima snrgit Ovili."—Sat. vi. 527.

2	Nibby,Boma nelV anno 1838, t. ii. p. 673.THE JEWISH SPOILS.

265

pass through the theatres, those probably of Pompey
and Marcellus,1 in order that a greater number of per-
sons might obtain a sight of it. For all Rome had
flocked forth to behold the procession, and scarcely left
room for its passage.

The historian then proceeds to describe the richness
of the spoils displayed; the vast quantity of gold and
silver, precious stones, and ivory; the statues of the
gods, remarkable for their size, material, and workman-
ship ; the troops of different animals; the representa-
tions of the incidents of the war, and other things of
various kinds. But the most remarkable of the spoils
were those taken in the Temple of Jerusalem. These
comprised a golden table, equal to many talents in
weight, and a golden candlestick, consisting of a base
from which rose a staff or column, with branches di-
verging from it like tridents, at the end of each of
which was a lamp. The number of these branches was
seven, that being a number esteemed by the Jews. The
procession of spoils was closed by the Jewish table of
the laws. Then, preceded by many persons bearing
images of Victory, made of ivory or gold, came Vespa-
sian and his two sons ; and it is remarkable that they
were on horseback and not in triumphal chariots. So
wound the slow pomp along through the city and up
the Capitoline Hill to the Temple of Jupiter Optimus
Maximus; which, we may suppose, had now again risen

1 This now appears to me to be the most probable interpretation
of the words dia r&v Qearpiov: first, because the Circus can hardly
come under the name of a theatre 5 and secondly, because Josephus
mentions this as an exceptional instance, done to gratify the crowd;
whereas the triumphs always passed through the Circus. Josephus,
indeed, does not say that Vespasian and Titus returned from the
Porta Triumphalis; but that may easily be understood.266 THE TEMPLUM OR FORUM PACIS.

from its ashes. Before the temple it halted awhile,
according to custom, till the death of the conquered
general of the enemy should be announced. This was
Simon, the son of Griora, who, after haying been ex-
hibited in the procession among the captives, was dragged
with a cord round his neck to the place of execution
overhanging the Forum, and scourged with rods as he
went. The announcement of his death was received
with acclamations ; then the sacrifices commenced, and
after a solemn thanksgiving the emperor and his sons
returned to the palace, where they gave a splendid ban-
quet; and the feasting was universal throughout the city.1

Vespasian, when he had regulated the affairs of the
Empire, determined to erect a splendid Temple op Peace.
The site which he selected for it was near the north-
eastern extremity of the Forum. As it was surrounded
with a large open space, it must have served, like the
Fora of Julius and Augustus, to relieve the Forum
Eomanum; and indeed it sometimes bore the name of
Forum Pacis. The temple was a most magnificent struc-
ture, and the interior was adorned with chefs-d'oeuvre of
Greek sculpture and painting, which seem to have been
mostly taken from Nero's palace; for Vespasian caused
that monument of insane extravagance to be demolished.
Here also were placed the Jewish spoils, except the laws
and the veil of the temple, which were deposited in the
imperial palace. To the temple was annexed a library
which served not only for study, but also for the meet-
ings of literary men. The temple was burnt down in
the reign of Commodus, and does not appear to have
been restored.2 Vespasian also erected on the Cselian

1	Josephus, De Bell. Jud. lib. vii. c. 5.

2	Suetonius, Vesp. 9 ; Plin. H. N. xxxvi. 24 $ Josephus, B. J.
vii. 5, sub fin.; A. Gell. y. 21.THE JEWS AT ROME.

267

Hill a Temple to the Emperor Claudius, which had been
begun by Agrippina, but destroyed by Nero.1 The
exact site of it, however, cannot be determined.

As a great number of Jews appear to have resorted
to Rome, after the capture of Jerusalem by Titus, it
may be proper to say a few words respecting their con-
dition there.

The capture of Jerusalem by Pompey in b.c. 63, on
which occasion Sulla's son, Eaustus, was the first man
to scale the walls, appears to have caused the settlement
of many Jews at Rome. Pompey brought thither a
number of Jewish slaves, and after this time we begin
to hear of Jewish freedmen and other Hebrews, at-
tracted probably to the Roman capital by views of trade
and speculation. Pompey, accompanied by some of his
officers, appears to have penetrated into the holy of
holies, which the chief priest alone was permitted to
enter, and there to* have viewed the golden table and
candlesticks already described, with other sacred utensils,
besides consecrated money to the value of two million
talents ; but he touched nothing of all these things, and,
the day after his entry, directed the temple to be puri-
fied and worship to be resumed as usual. The treasure
was afterwards plundered by Orassus. Judsea retained
its own princes, who lived on friendly terms with the
first Roman emperors. Julius Caesar appears to have
favoured them ; they deplored his death with weeping
and lamentations, and gathered round his tomb for
nights together.2 Philon Judaeus, in his description of
the embassy to Caligula,3 of which he was himself the
head, adverts to the mildness with which Augustus had

1 Suet. Vesjp. 9.	2 Suet. Jul. Cces. 84.

3 Opera, p. 728 (Paris, 1552).268

CALIGULA AND AGRIPPA.

treated the Jews. He allowed them to observe the
customs of their forefathers, to hold their synagogues,
to observe their Sabbath, to receive the distributions of
corn on the following day, and to transmit money to
Jerusalem, for the purpose of sacrifice ; nay, he is even
said to have adorned the Jewish Temple with costly
offerings, and to have caused splendid sacrifices to be
made there. Several Jewish princes who visited Rome
were treated with great distinction, and some were even
educated at the imperial court. Agrippa, the grandson
of Herod, was brought up with Claudius, the future
emperor, and with Drusus, the son of Tiberius; he
formed an intimacy with Caligula, who made him king,
of the Jews. Towards the Jews in general that em-
peror, however, conceived a great animosity, because
they were the only people who refused to recognize his
divinity; and he received the embassy of Philon and
the Jews at Alexandria with every mark of contumely
and insult. He directed Petronius, governor, of Syria,
to cause his statue to be erected in the temple at Jeru-
salem. The scene which ensued touched even the heart
of Petronius. He entreated the emperor to alter his
purpose, and Caligula at last yielded to the representa-
tions of his early friend Agrippa, who came to Rome
to intercede with him.

But it is with the domestic life of the Jews at Rome
that we are more particularly concerned. Under Julius
Caesar and Augustus they appear to have been perfectly
unmolested. They seem at this period to have lived
chiefly in the Transtiberine district; but they were not
confined to any particular place, and had full liberty to
move about the city and transact their business. There
must have been many thousand Jews at Rome in the
time of Augustus. Josephus relates that an embassyBANISHMENT OF JEWS.

269

from Jerusalem to that emperor was joined at Rome by
more than 8,000 Jews,1 who may be presumed to have
been adnlt males.

At first the Jews and Christians were regarded by
the Romans as the same sect, which was natural enough,
as most of the early Christians were converted Jews ;2
and as they were thus confounded, so they experienced
the same persecutions. Tiberius, by the advice of Seja-
nus, banished 4,000 Jews to Sardinia, where they
were to serve against the bandits and were expected to
perish by the climate;3 the rest were ordered to leave
Italy unless they renounced their religion before a fixed
day. This severity appears to have been excited by
the roguery and malpractices of four of the sect. But
Tiberius, having afterwards discovered the innocence of
the great mass of them, not only pardoned them, but
also conferred upon them many benefits. In the year
51 they were again driven from the city by Claudius.
But they always returned. Titus brought a great num-
ber of Jewish captives to Home. Among them was
Berenice, the beautiful daughter of Agrippa Herodes I.,
whom he made his mistress, and would have made his
wife but for fear of the Romans. Vespasian and Titus
permitted the Jews to remain at Rome; but they were
treated with a sort of contempt; nor did Titus deem it
consistent with his dignity to assume from his conquest
of them the title of Judaicus. They were now obliged
to offer to the Capitoline Jupiter the tribute which they
had been accustomed to pay into the treasury of their

1	Ant.lib. xvii. c. 11 (12).

2	Thus Suetonius says of them : " Judseos impulsore Christo assi-
due tumultuantes, Roma expulit."—Claud. 25.

3	"Et si ob gravitatem coeli interissent, vile damnum."—Tac.
Ann. ii. 85. Cf. Joseph. Ant. lib. xviii. c. 3 (4) ; Suet. Tib. 36.270	GIPSY LIFE OF THE JEWS.

temple. Domitian confined them, singularly enough, to
the valley of Egeria, where they seem to have lived in
gipsy fashion, their whole furniture being a basket and
a bundle of hay:

Nunc sacri fontis nemus et delubra locantur
Judseisj quorum cophinus foenumque supellex.1

Like the gipsies, too, they picked up some money by
fortune-telling:

JEre minuto
Qualiacunque voles Judsei somnia vendunt.2

Prom these and other arts they fell into such contempt
that it was a reproach to have been seen in one of their
synagogues ; though the worship of Isis, Mithras, Pria-
pus, or any other outlandish deity, might be attended
with impunity. After the time of Domitian we have
few notices of the Jews at Rome; though no doubt
great numbers of them repaired thither after the
second overthrow of Jerusalem by Hadrian. Alexander
Severus allowed them to settle in the Trastevere, which
seems to have been peopled by Jews till a late period
of the middle ages, as the Bridge of S. Angelo was
called the Jews' Bridge.3 But to return from this
digression.

Yespasian may probably have found room for his
Temple of Peace, a splendid monument of his Jewish
triumphs, from the space having been cleared by Nero's
fire, and not again entirely occupied. It is certain at
least that Nero's insane extravagance in laying out his
gardens afforded Yespasian the opportunity of building

1 Juvenal, Sat. iii. 13.	2 Ibid. vi. 546.

3 An account of the Jews in Rome, from Pompey to Nero, will
be found in Aringhi, Roma Subterranea, 1. ii. c. 23. Cf. Gregoro-

vius, Figuren, §c.THE FLAVIAN AMPHITHEATRE. 271

his amphitheatre, the greatest architectural wonder of
the world. Augustus appears to have entertained the
idea of erecting an amphitheatre in the middle of the
city;1 but was probably deterred by the many more
necessary and pressing works which he was compelled
to undertake. A new amphitheatre had indeed now
also become necessary, as that of Statilius Taurus had
been destroyed in the fire of Nero.2

The expanse of ground covered by Nero's lake
offered an excellent site for such a building. It seems
probable that the arena was considerably lower than it
is at present, since it was sometimes converted into a
Naumachia, on which occasions the water would have
been supplied by Nero's aqueduct, which, as we have
seen, he had brought hither to feed his lake. It forms
no part of our purpose to enter into a minute descrip-
tion of this wonderful structure. Its form is an ellipsis,
the length of the major axis from the outside wall being
620 feet, and of the minor axis 513. The arena is con-
siderably less than half these dimensions. It was sur-
rounded by a podium and seats rising in three divisions,
or storeys, to a height of 157 feet, and calculated to
contain 87,000 spectators. The name of Colosseum
which it bore in the dark ages was probably derived
from its magnitude.

The Flavian Amphitheatre seems to have been com-
menced after the Jewish triumph. Vespasian did not
live to finish it. Titus dedicated it in the year 80,
though it does not appear to have been completed till
the reign of Domitian. At the same time Titus dedi-
cated his baths, the Therms Titi, which stood upon the
Esquiline, at no great distance from the amphitheatre,

1 Suet. Vesp. 9.

2 Dion Cass. Ixii. 18.272

BATHS OF TITUS.

where considerable remains of them may still be seen.
I am now inclined to think that they occupied the site
on which the house of Maecenas had previously stood.
They had been built in a hurry—Martial calls them
" velocia munera " 1—in order probably to be dedicated
along with the amphitheatre. This ceremony was per-
formed with unparalleled magnificence; the games ex-
hibited lasted a hundred days. There was a combat of
storks, and another of four elephants. The number of
wild beasts killed was 5,000—Dion Cassius says 9,000
—some of which were despatched by women. There
were also many combats of gladiators, in pairs and in
troops. The amphitheatre having been suddenly filled
with water, horses, bulls, and other animals were
brought in,1 which had been taught to perform in the
water the same evolutions which they went through on
land. Vessels were then introduced, which represented
the sea-fight between the Corinthians and Corcyreans.
Similar sports were also exhibited in the grove of Gaius
and Lucius, and in the Naumachia which Augustus had
excavated there.2

As appurtenances, apparently, of the amphitheatre,
we find mentioned on the adjacent Cselian Hill certain
of the gladiatorial schools and places where the gladia-
tors armed themselves, where their dead bodies were
stripped, and where the wounded were tended. Such
are the Ludus Matutinus and Gallicus, or Dacicus, the

1	De Sped. ii. 7. Cf. Suet.: " tliermis juxta celeriter extructis."
Tit. 7. It may be observed that in the same poem Martial calls the
ground on which the baths stood part of the ager, park or garden,
of Nero, so that the Golden House could not have stood here. But
the baths were undoubtedly erected on the site of a large building
formerly existing; most probably the house of Maecenas, burnt
down in the fire.

2	Dion Cass. lxvi. 25 ; Suet.. Tit. 7; Eutrop. lib. vii. c. 21.THE META SUDANS.

273

Spoliarium, Saniarium, and Armamentarium, mentioned
in the Notibia in the second region, or Csslimontium.

Under the south-western side of the amphitheatre
stood the fountain called Meta Sudans, the ruins of
which in the midst of a circular basin may still be seen.
The chroniclers1 call it a work of Domitian, but it
must have existed before his time, as it is mentioned by
Seneca,2 and is seen on a medal struck in the eighth
consulship of Titus to commemorate the dedication of
the amphitheatre. Domitian, however, who was also
consul for the seventh time that year, may possibly
have restored the fountain.

At the western end of the amphitheatre, as we have
already said, Yespasian had re-erected Nero's Colossus.
He had, however, previously caused it to be altered into
an image of Apollo, by taking off Nero's head and sub-
stituting that of the sun-god surrounded with rays.
Hence Martial:

Nec te detineat miri radiata Colossi

Quae Rhodium moles vincere gaudet opus.3

To any one who had arrived at the Summa Sacra Via,
as Martial supposes his book had, the Colossus must
then have been a very conspicuous and striking object,
as Hadrian's Temple of Yenus and Rome was not yet
there to interrupt the view, and the Colossus itself, as we
have said, probably stood upon its site. The Emperor
Commodus is related to have again taken off the head
and to have substituted a likeness of himself, adding
the attributes of Hercules.4 But it must have been

1 Quoted by Becker, Bom. Alterth. B. i. S. 530. 2 Ep. 56.

3	Lib. i. 70 (71), vers. 7. Suetonius states that Yespasian very

handsomely remunerated the artist who altered the statue. Vesp. 18.

4	Dion Cass, lxxii. 22; Lamprid. Comm. 17.

T274	FIRE IN CIRCUS FLAMINIUS.

subsequently restored to the likeness of Apollo, as it is
described in the Notitia1 as having seven rays round its
head, each twenty-two feet long. But the measurement
of twelve feet, assigned to these rays by the pseudo
Victor, is probably more correct. The larger measure
would be out of all proportion, and is probably an error
of the copyist. The statue must have existed till at
least the beginning of the sixth century, as it is men-
tioned by Cassiodorus; after which we lose all trace
of it.	' .

In a short reign of two years Titus could do little
more than complete the buildings which his father had
begun. It is probable that he had planned the trium-
phal arch which bears his name, but he certainly did
not live to complete it; and we shall therefore describe
it under the works of Domitian. This last-named
emperor adorned the city with a great many buildings,
for some of which room had been prepared by a great
fire which happened in the year 80, the same in which
Titus had dedicated the amphitheatre. This conflagra-
tion, which raged three days and nights, was particu-
larly destructive in the region of the Circus Elaminius
lying immediately under the Oapitoline Hill, as well as
to that hill itself. The Temple of Isis and Serapis, the
Septa, the buildings erected here by Agrippa, namely,
the Temple of Neptune, the Baths, the Pantheon, and
the Diribitorium, with the theatre of Balbus, the scena
of Pompey's theatre, and the Porticus 0 eta via, were
destroyed or injured, also the Temple of Jupiter Capi-
tolinus, and the temples which surrounded it.2 Domi-
tian restored all these buildings, the Capitol especially
with great splendour, and affixed his own name to them

1 Beg io iv.

2 Dion Cass. lxvi. 24; Suet. Tit. 8.THE FORUM TRANSITORIUM.

275

without mentioning their founders; a device, however,
which did not succeed in robbing these of their due
honour. He is also said by late writers to have restored
the Curia; but Suetonius, in enumerating his restora-
tions, does not mention it, which, had it been a fact, he
would surely have done in the case of so important
a building. Besides these restorations he undertook
several new works. Among these were the Temple to
Jupiter Custos on the Capitol, to which we have
already alluded. A Temple of Vespasian and Titus
on the Clivus Capitolinus, of which three columns still
remain, close to the south side of the Temple of Con-
cord. The Temple of the Gens Flavia, mentioned
by Suetonius, appears to have been distinct from this.
Domitian erected it on the site of the house in which
he was born, in a place called ad Malum Ptmicum, or
the Pomegranate, in the sixth region, and consequently
on the Quirinal Hill. It appears to have served as a
sort of mausoleum for the Flavian family; as we learn
that the remains of Julia, the daughter of Titus, as
well as those of Domitian himself, were deposited there.1
From the frequent laudatory allusions to it in Martial,
it would seem to have been a magnificent structure.2
The Forum Transitorium was founded by Domitian,
but was completed by Nerva, whence it also obtained
the name of Forum Nerv^. It adjoined the Forum
Augustum and Forum Julium on the east, and was
consequently situated between them and the Temple
of Peace. It was called Pervium, or Transitorium,
probably because a street ran through it from north to
south, which was not the case with the other Fora. It
was also called Forum Palladium, because it contained

1 Suet. Dom. 1 and 17.

2 Lib. ix. 4, 35.276

JANUS QUADRIFKONS.

a large Temple of Pallas, or Minerva, a deity for whom
Domitian affected a particular veneration. The two
large half-buried columns, called the Colonnacce, "before
the baker's shop at the corner of the Yia della Croce
Bianca, running out from the Yia Alessandrina, may-
have belonged to this temple, or perhaps more probably,
as some writers are of opinion, formed part of a shrine of
Minerva inserted in the wall which enclosed the Forum.
Domitian also erected here a Janus Quadrifrons, or
archway with four gates, like that which still exists in
the Forum Boarium. Hence Martial:

Pervius exiguos habitabas ante Penates,

Plurima qua medium Roma terebat iter.

Nunc tua Csesareis cinguntur limina donis,

Et fora tot numeras, Jane, quot ora geris.1

There was most probably a statue in it of Janus with
four faces, but we cannot believe with JSTibby2 that it
became the temple of peace and war. The little ancient
bronze Temple of Janus near the Curia still remained to
discharge the functions assigned to it by E"uma. Thus
Statius:

Attollit vultus, et utroque a limine grates
Janus agit: quem tu, vicina Pace ligatum,

Omnia jussisti componere bella, novique
In leges jurare/m3—

where we see that Janus gives thanks from his old
temple with two gates ; though another image of him in
the new Forum is adverted to, and its position indicated
near the Temple of Peace. Procopius also adverts to
the bronze temple and the Janus with two faces, as re-
maining in his time in its ancient position.4

1 Lib. x. 28.	2 Eoma neW anno 1838, t. ii. p. 225.

3 Sylvce, iy. 1, 11.	4 Bell. Goth. i. 25.ARCH OF TITUS.

277

Just in this neighbourhood, on the eastern side of the
Temple of Peace, Domitian appears to have possessed
some spice warehouses, on the spot where the Basilica
of Constantine afterwards stood; a circumstance from
which we may infer that the Eastern spice trade had
become a sort of imperial monopoly.1 At the top of the
Velian ridge, spanning the Summa Sacra Yia, Domitian
seems to have erected the triumphal Abch to his brother
Titus, still one of the most elegant monuments of an-
cient Rome. Its sculptures record the Jewish triumph
of that emperor. Among them may be seen the seven
candlesticks which, as already mentioned, he brought
from Jerusalem; whence during the middle ages the
arch obtained the name of Arcus Septem Lucernarum.
The apotheosis of Titus is represented in the middle of
the vault. The erection of arches and archways was a
peculiar whim of Domitian's, for Janus shared his
veneration with Minerva. The temple of that goddess
which he is said to have built may have been at
S. Adriano. Domitian took a great interest in games
and sports of all kinds. To the ancient colours, or fac-
tions, of the Circus, albata, prasina, russata, and veneta,
he added two new ones, the aurata and purpurea. He
built a permanent Stadium2 for foot-races after the
Grecian fashion, for which Julius Cassar and Augustus
had erected only temporary and occasional ones. It
probably occupied the site of the Piazza Navona, as
Becker conjectures. He repaired the Temple of Minerva,
which, as already related, had been founded by Pompey
near the spot afterwards occupied by the Baths of
Agrippa. He also erected in the same neighbourhood
an Odeum, or roofed theatre for musical performances,

1 Cat. Imp. Vienn. p. 243.

2 Suet. Dom. 5.278

domitian's palace.

capable of holding from 10,000 to 12,000 persons. These
musical contests formed part of the games which he
instituted in honour of the Capitoline Jupiter; for he
could never forget what he owed to that deity, who had
preserved him from the Vitellians. These games were
celebrated every five years, and consisted of musical,
equestrian, and gymnastic contests. He presided at
them in person in a Greek dress, and having on his
head a golden crown with the effigies of Jupiter, Juno,
and Minerva.1 Among his other works was also a new
JSTaumachia, which probably lay in the Vatican district;
St. Peter's being designated in the dark ages as " apud
Naumachiam." 2 The space in this district called Nau-
machici also comprised a sepulchral pyramid, larger than
the existing one of Cestius, which in the middle ages
was called " Sepulcrum Romuli." It existed till near
the end of the fifteenth century, when it was demolished
by Pope Alexander VI.3

Besides these foundations, which served for the re-
recreation of the people as well as his own, Domitian
made many improvements and additions in the palace
on the Palatine. He appears to have added several
dicetce, a portico called Sicilia, a dining-room to which
he gave the name of Coenatio Jovis, and other things.
One of the most striking features of his new palace was
its extraordinary height. Martial describes it as tower-
ing above the clouds:

JEthera sic intrat, nitidis ut conditus astris
Inferiore tonet nube serenus apex.4

1	Suet. Dom. 4.

2	Anas. Leon. c. 90; Montfaucon, Diar. Ital. p. 291.

3	"In Naumachia est sepulcrum Romuli quod vocatur meta."—
Mir ah. Bom.

4	Lib. viii. 36, 7.THE GARDENS OF ADONIS.

279

And Statius compares the ceiling to the cope of heaven :

Fessis vix culmina prendas
Visibus auratique putes laquearia coeli.1

Adjoining the palace seem to have been the Gardens of
Adonis, mentioned by Philostratus as the place where
Domitian received the philosopher Apollonius.2 These
gardens must have been situated on the eastern side of
the Palatine Hill, the only place where there is room
for them. That Domitian's additions extended towards
this quarter may also be inferred from his building on
the Caslian Hill a banqueting room called Mica Aurea.3
But, in the midst of all this splendour and luxury, the
tyrant went in daily fear of assassination. He could
not even walk in his old palace without dreading some
lurking murderer, perhaps among the very persons who
were escorting him ; and he therefore caused the walls
of the portico in which he usually walked to be covered
with a shining substance called johengites, so as to serve
as a mirror, and show what the persons behind him were
about.4

It will be seen from the preceding account that
Domitian must be reckoned among the emperors who
did much for Rome in the way of architectural adorn-
ment. Martial, his flatterer, says, that if the gods should
have to settle with him for what he had done for them,
Jove would become bankrupt though he should sell all
Olympus.5 But these are the only merits which could
give him any pretension to the colossal equestrian statue
erected to him in the Forum. From Statius' description
of it,6 we see that it faced the temple of Julius Ceesar.

1	Silv. iv. 2, 30.

2	De Vita Apollonii Tyanei, vii. 14.	3 Mart. ii. 59.

4 Suet. Bom. 14.	5 Lib. ix. ep. 4. 6 Silv. i. 1.280

domitian's statue.

Hinc obvia limina pandit,

Qui fessus bellis, adscitse munere prolis,

Primus iter nostris ostendit in sethera divis.

On the right hand was the Basilica Julia, on the left
the Basilica Pauli:

At laterum passus liinc Julia tecta tuentur,

Illinc belligeri sublimis regia Pauli.

Behind him was his father Vespasian, and the deity
Concord, in their temples on the Clivus Capitolinus, as
already indicated:

Terga pater blandoque videt Concordia vultu.

The head of the statue must have been turned a little
to the right; as it is described as looking towards the
Palatium and the Temple of Vesta.

Domitian met the death which he had always appre-
hended. He was assassinated by some of his own
officers, A.d. 96. The reign of Nerva, who succeeded
him, was too short to permit him to do much towards
the embellishment of the city; but he dedicated the
!Forum Transitorium already described, which Domitian
had left incomplete; after which it appears to have
borne Nerva's name.1

Nerva was succeeded by M. Ulpius Trajanus, whom
he had adopted. Trajan's reign lasted nineteen years
(a.d. 98-117). The family of the Ulpii appears to have
possessed a residence on the northern side of the Aven-
tine, where Trajan lived previously to his accession to
the empire. Trajan must be reckoned among the em-
perors who did the most for the improvement of Rome.
His taste for building and bequeathing his monuments
to posterity seems to have been quite a passion, which

1 Suet. Bom. 5; Aur. Yict. Be Cas. 12.trajan's forum.

281

he sometimes indulged not altogether fairly, if we may
believe the anecdote that he was accustomed to inscribe
his name on buildings which he had merely restored, as
if he had been their founder; a practice which procured
him the nickname of "pellitory" (herba parietina), a
kind of parasitical plant that grows upon walls.1 Among
the monuments of this emperor may be enumerated the
Thermae Trajani, near the church of S. Martino, to the
north of those of Titus. No remains of them are in
existence. A Theatre in the Campus Martius, and
probably in the same neighbourhood a Basilica Mar-
ciam, so called in honour of his sister. The theatre
appears to have been demolished by Hadrian.2 The
aqueduct called Aqua Trajana and Ciminia, commencing
in the neighbourhood of the Lacus Sabatinus, or Lago
di Bracciano, and running to the Janiculum; where it
was employed to turn the corn mills on the descent.
This duct still conveys the water of the Acqua Paola,
and the mills continue to subsist probably much in the
same situation as eighteen hundred years ago.

But the Forum Trajani was the greatest and most
magnificent of all this emperor's undertakings. Under
this name may be comprehended three distinct works:
namely, the Forum, properly so called, adjoining on the
west those of Julius and Augustus ; a large Basilica, the
Basilica Ulpia, having on its western side an open area
on which stood, and still stands, the celebrated Column ;
lastly, at the extremity of all these, a magnificent
Temple, dedicated by Hadrian to Trajan, but which
the latter emperor may probably have contemplated
erecting. The architect of these great works, which are

1	Amm. Marcell. lib. xxvii. c. 3, § 5.

2	Spart. Hadr. 9.282

trajan's column.

supposed to have been, designed if not begun by Domi-
tian, was Apollodorus of Damascus.1

We have already remarked that the Quirinal at this
part threw out a sort of isthmus or projection towards
the Capitoline Hill, which it was necessary to level in
order to gain room for the new Forum. It is recorded
by Dion Cassius,2 and, indeed, an inscription on the
column tells the same thing, that the earth was exca-
vated to the height of the pillar, or 128 Roman feet.
How great an improvement this must have been will
appear when we consider that by this means a broad
and noble thoroughfare was made between the ancient
city and that handsome quarter of it which had sprung
up about the Circus Flaminius, before approachable
only through a narrow, steep, and inconvenient street.
The whole length of these magnificent works, from the
archway by which the new Forum was entered from
the Forum of Augustus, to the extremity of the area on
the other side in which stood the Temple of Trajan, was
1,100 Roman feet, which is only a very little less than
English measure.3 The column stood precisely in the
middle. This beautiful pillar, still one of the most
striking objects at Rome, was the first of the kind
erected in that city, though the Greeks appear to have
had such monuments previously.4 The area of the
temple extended to the north-west as far as the church
of S. Romualdo. This part is now covered with build-
ings; namely, the palaces Torlonia and Yalentini, and
the two churches near the column. The area in which
the column stands is from east to west eighty feet. On

1 Dion. Cass. lxix. 4.	2 Ixviii. 16.

3	The modern Roman foot is 11tVt> English in.; the ancient Ro-
man foot about 1 lyxnj English inches.

4	Ampere, t. iv. p. 46.THE BASILICA ULPIA.

283

each, side of it, north, and south, were two libraries, the
Bibliotheca Gr^ca and the Latina. They are called
by Aulus Grellius "Bibliotheca Templi Trajani,"1 and
in fact they stood, like the column, just in front of the
temple. The pillar has a diameter of between twelve and
thirteen feet at the base, diminishing by only a little more
than a foot at the top. It appears to have been destined
by Trajan for a sepulchre. All the niches in the mau-
soleum of Augustus were now full, Nerva being the last
whose ashes were deposited there. Those of Trajan
appear to have been placed either under the column or
in the pedestal.2 A colossal statue of Trajan, holding
in his hand a golden globe, stood originally on the
summit, which Pope Sixtus V. replaced with a statue
of S. Peter. A spiral band of bas-reliefs encircles the
column from top to bottom, the width of the band gra-
dually enlarging as it ascends, so that the figures, which
are about two feet in height at the bottom, appear to
the spectator of the same size throughout. The figures,
between two and three thousand in number, represent-
ing Trajan's Dacian wars, are beautifully sculptured,
and form a rich repertory of costumes.

Next to the area of the column on the east, stretching
lengthways across the western boundary of the Forum
Trajani so as to form one of its sides, lay the Basilica
Ulpia, so called from the name of the gens to which
Trajan belonged. Its length cannot be accurately de-
termined, but was probably about 300 feet, and its
width 185 feet. It was divided by four rows of
columns into five naves, of which the centre one was
85 feet broad, and the four side ones 18 feet.3 It is

1 N. A. xi. 17.	2 Dion. Cass. Ixix. 2; Eutrop. viii. 5.

3 Nibby, Boma, tfc. t. ii. p. 193.284

THE LAST CLASSICS.

supposed to have been terminated at each extremity by
semicircular buildings or porticoes, and some topo-
graphers have even ventured to indicate their uses;
but it is by no means certain that they even existed.

Next to the Basilica on the east was the Forum, called
also Atrium Fori Trajani, a square open space of 300
feet on every side, enclosed by porticoes. In the middle
stood a colossal equestrian statue of Trajan. On the
north-east side of this Atrium, that is, under the
Quirinal Hill, are the remains of a semicircular sub-
struction of brickwork, which, from its being of the
same level as the Forum, and corresponding with its
lines, formed no doubt a part or adjunct of it. The
space was perhaps occupied by shops. It is supposed
that there was a similar building on the other side of
the Forum, under the Capitol. The porticoes which
formed the arcs of these semicircles gave the Forum
its rectangular form. The Forum was entered at its
eastern extremity by a triumphal arch, some vestiges
of which are recorded by Flaminio Vacca as existing in
his time.1

In the reigns of Domitian and Trajan flourished the
last school of Roman literature that is fairly entitled
to be called classical. By a caprice of nature not easily
to be explained, Domitian united with a cruelty quite
idiotic a certain sort of talent and a love for litera-
ture and art. In his reign and that of his successor
flourished Silius Italicus, Statius, Martial, Juvenal,
Pliny the younger, Tacitus, Quinctilian, and a few
other authors whom it is not necessary here to enu-
merate. But we have few particulars of their lives,
and little or nothing to connect them with a history of

1 Memorie. No. 40.LITERARY STYLE.

285

the city. Pliny, as we have seen in the preceding sec-
tion, dwelt upon the Esquiline. His friend Martial, as
we learn from his epigrams, lived near the Temple of
Flora and the ancient Capitol on the Quirinal, and ap-
parently on the south-western side of the hill, as his
house commanded a view of the Porticus Yipsania in
the Campus Agrippae.1 Of the city life of the other
writers named we have no particulars, though there is
perhaps enough in some passages of Juvenal's writings,
and in their general tone of dissatisfaction and bitter-
ness, to warrant a conjecture that he was, notwithstand-
ing the account of his being the son of a rich freed-
man, a lodger of scanty means, and nearly approaching
the condition of a garreteer of the last century in Eng-
land. A comparison of his writings with those of
Horace, and of Tacitus with Livy, will show what an
alteration had been effected in the taste and style of
the Romans by a century of despotism. All the bon-
homie of the Augustan age, the trusting and almost
childish confidence in a form of government not yet
tested by experience, had vanished, leaving dark sus-
picions, only too much warranted by facts. Hence a
style full of epigram and point, in which home truths
and profound observations were conveyed in the fewest
possible words. It seemed as if these later authors
dreaded to give their thoughts free and natural utter-
ance, and were thus led to condense what they did say
into a form that should be long remembered, and leave
a sting behind.

Trajan died in 117, and was succeeded by Hadrian.
This emperor had also a taste for architecture, and
erected many public works. Hadrian appears to have

1 Lib. v. 22, 2, and i. 108, 2.286 TEMPLE OF VENUS AND ROME.

possessed a private residence in the twelfth region, or
Piscina Publica, where it is mentioned in the Notitia
along with a house of Cornificia. This lady was the
sister of M. Antoninus, whom Hadrian had adopted.
Hadrian transferred into the same region a Temple of
the Bona Dea which had previously stood on the Aven-
tine, by causing it to be rebuilt under the hill. Hence
it obtained the name of Templum Bom De.® Sub-
SAxoNiE.1 But the greatest works of this emperor were
the Temple of Yenus and Rome, and his mausoleum,
together with the bridge which connected it with the
city.

The Temple of Yenus and Rome, called also Templum
TTrbis, stood nearly parallel with the Summa Sacra
Yia and Arch of Titus, facing on one side the Colos-
seum, on the other the Forum. Thus it occupied the
site on which had previously stood the atrium of Nero's
Golden House. Dion Cassius relates that Hadrian
designed this temple himself,2 and that he sent the plan
of it to Apollodorus, the architect of Trajan's works,
with whom he appears to have previously had some dis-
putes, in order to show the artist what he could do
without his assistance. The pungent criticisms of
Apollodorus, who is said to have remarked that the
temple should have been built on a loftier substruction,
and that the cells were not high enough for the images
of the goddesses, who, if they rose from their seats,
would not be able to go out, are said to have vexed
Hadrian to such a degree that he caused the un-
fortunate architect to be put to death. The temple
was erected on an artificial terrace or substruction,
500 feet long, and 300 broad, and about 26 feet high.

1 Spart. Hctclr. 19.

2 Lib. Ixix. 4.nero's colossus moved.

287

The vaultings or arches of this may still be seen on the
side facing the Colosseum. The temple consisted of
two cells, the absides or tribnnes of which lay back to
back ; so that one of the goddesses looked towards the
Colosseum, the other towards the Forum. The absis
fronting the Colosseum still remains; the other is
engrossed by the convent of Sta. Francesca. The
temple was surrounded with a portico 400 feet long
and 200 broad. Another portico of about 400 columns
ran round the boundaries of the terrace or enclosure.
The columns are estimated to have been about 40 feet
high. The roof of the temple was composed of bronze
tiles, as appears from the fact related by Anastasius,
that, when the Emperor Heraclius visited Rome, Pope
Honorius I. obtained the gift of them in order to roof
St. Peter's. The Colossus of Nero was again removed
wdien this temple was built, and placed on the pedestal
which may still be seen on the north-west side of the
Colosseum.1 From medals of Hadrian and his succes-
sor Antoninus Pius, representing the temple, it appears
that Rome had the epithet of ceterna, and Yenus of
felix.2 Altogether it must have been among the most
magnificent structures of the sort in Rome. It is men-
tioned by Ammianus Marcellinus in conjunction with
the Capitoline temple, the Flavian amphitheatre, the
Pantheon, and other of the grandest buildings of Rome.

It has been seen that the mausoleum of Augustus
was full, and that Trajan had consequently erected his
column for a tomb. Hence Hadrian was led to build a
mausoleum for himself and his successors on the plan
of that of Augustus. The spot he chose for it was on
the opposite bank of the river, in the gardens of Domi-

1	Spart. Hadr. 19.

2	Nibby, Roma nelV anno 1838, t. ii. p. 626.288

Hadrian's mausoleum.

tian, where the remains of it have been converted into
the Castle of S. Angelo. It was probably completed
in the lifetime of Hadrian, as his adopted son iElius
Verus, who died a little before him, appears to have
been buried in it. It seems to have been used as an
imperial sepulchre down to the time of Septimius
Severus.1 The Moles Hadriani is still one of the
most remarkable monuments of Home. The Pons
^Glius, built by Hadrian as an approach to the mauso-
leum, occupied the same spot as the present Ponte di
S. Angelo.

The splendid villa built by Hadrian at the foot of
the ascent to Tivoli lies not within the compass of this
work.

1 Nibby, Boma, $c. t. ii. p. 492 sqq.289

SECTION Y.

from the death of hadrian to the death of
constantine i.

IN" the reign of Hadrian Rome had attained its
greatest pitch of architectural splendoiir ; and al-
though some magnificent structures were erected after
his time, we must, on the whole, date from this period
the decline of the city.

Hadrian, who died in 138, was succeeded by Anto-
ninus Pius. We have few monuments of this emperor.
He may possibly have erected the temple which stands
at the north-eastern corner of the Forum to his consort
Faustina, which after his death was made common to
them both. Remains of this temple may still be
seen at the church of S. Lorenzo in Miranda, many
feet under the present level of the soil. They consist
of eight cipollino columns, with an architrave adorned
with arabesques, forming part of the pronaos, or vesti-
bule, of the temple. Some remains of the cella are
also extant. The columns are of a fine style of art.
Antoninus Pius probably also built the Hadrianum,1 or
Temple of Hadrian, in the Campus Martius, and the
Basilica Matidl®, erected in honour of Hadrian's wife.
From an anecdote told by Capitolinus, it would appear

1 Notitia, Reg. ix.
U290 antojstine's temple and column.

that Antoninus inhabited that part of the palace called
Domus Tiberiana. He had summoned the philosopher
Apollonius from Chalcis, in Eubcea, to undertake the
education of his adopted son, Marcus Aurelius. When
Apollonius arrived in Rome, the emperor sent for him
to the palace; but the philosopher replied that the
pupil should come to the master and not the master to
the pupil. Antoninus smiled at the philosophic inde-
pendence of Apollonius, and observed that it had been
easier to bring him from Chalcis to Rome than to make
him come from his own house to the palace.1

Nor did M. Aurelius Antoninus, who succeeded Pius
in 161, contribute much to the adornment of Rome;
for the Templum Antonini and Columna Cochlis were
erected after his death. Of the temple no vestiges now
remain. It has sometimes been supposed that the
pillars in the Piazza di Pietra belonged to it; but they
are much too far from the column to authorize such a
conjecture. It seems more probable that the temple
occupied the site of the present Palazzo Chigi. The
column, the temple, and the priests who were to admin-
ister to the deified emperor, were voted with one accord
both by patricians and plebeians after his death.2 The
column, which is in the Piazza Oolonna in the Corso,
is an imitation of that of Trajan, but in a lower style of
art; nor is it in so good a state of preservation. The
bas-reliefs represent the wars against the Quadi, Mar-
comanni, and Sarmatee. Its height is only a few feet
short of Trajan's column. It was originally crowned
with a statue of M. Aurelius, replaced by Pope Sixtus V.
with that of St. Paul. The original statue is supposed
to have been carried off by Constans II.

1 Capitol. Ant. Pins, 10. 2 Aurel. Victor. De Ccesar. c. xvi. 13.FIRE UNDER COMMODUS.

291

When we have named the triumphal arch of M.
Aurelius, we have mentioned all the monuments of this
emperor that are worth recording. This arch stood in
the Corso near the Piazza Fiano, and was in existence
till Pope Alexander VII. demolished it in 1662. The
bas-reliefs with which it was ornamented may still be
seen in the Palazzo de' Conservatori.

The Emperor Commodus, who succeeded M. Aurelius,
and reigned from 180-192, made not many additions to
the city. According to the Guriosum, he built some
baths in Regio I.; but their history is obscure. The
most remarkable incident in the history of the city
during the reign of this emperor is a devastating fire
which lasted several days and caused much destruction,
especially in the neighbourhood of the Forum. It began
in a house near Vespasian's Temple of Peace after a
slight shock of earthquake. The temple was burnt
down to the impoverishment of many, as it appears to
have served as a bank of deposit. Hence the fire spread
to the spice warehouses of Domitian, and from them
across the Forum to the Palatine. The Temple of Vesta
was destroyed, on which occasion the Palladium was for
the first time seen by profane eyes : for the Vestal vir-
gins, in order to save it from the flames, bore it along
the Sacra Via to the house of the Hex Sacrificulus. A
great part of the palace was also destroyed, together
with both the libraries and nearly all the documents
relating to the Empire. It was on this occasion that
Galen's shop on the Sacra Via was burnt down ; when, as
he tells us himself, he lost some of his works of which
there were no other copies in Rome.1 The fire was at
last extinguished by a heavy fall of rain.

1 Dion Cass, lxxii. 24; Herodian. Hist. i. 44 ; Galen, De Composi.
Medicamen. i. 1.292

THE SEPTIZONIUM.

This calamity occurred shortly before the end of the
reign of Commodus. The three emperors who suc-
ceeded him, Pertinax, Didius Julianus, and Pescennius
Niger, reigned only about a year, and were followed by
Septimius Severus, an emperor who, according to the
lights of those times, did much for the adornment of
Rome. He appears to have made good the damage
occasioned by the fire, and also to have restored the
buildings which were falling into decay through the
effects of time ; retaining upon them the names of their
respective founders.1 Besides rebuilding the palace, he
added to it, at the southern extremity of the Palatine,
the building called the Septizonium. This was extant
till the time of Pope Sixtus V. (1585-1590), who caused
it to be demolished in order to use the pillars in the
Vatican. From views of it taken before that epoch, it
appears to have been a sort of portico, having three
storeys of columns. According to Spartianus, Severus
erected it to serve as a vestibule, or atrium, to the
palace, so that his countrymen, on arriving at Home
from Africa by the Via Appia, might have a striking
impression of his imperial grandeur.2 Various etymo-
logies have been given of its name, but none that is
satisfactory, nor can its proper destination be explained
with certainty.

Another monument of Septimius Severus, which still
exists in a good state of preservation, is the Triumphal
Arch at the top of the Forum. It appears to have been
erected in 203, in commemoration of the Parthian and
Arabian victories of Severus, and was originally dedi-
cated fco him and his two sons, Antoninus, commonly
called Caracalla, from a Gaulish cloak with a hood

1 Spart. Sever. 23.

2 Ibid. ;24.ARCHES OF SEYERUS.

293

which, he was accustomed to wear, and Geta. Bat
Caracalla, after the murder of his brother, caused his
name to be erased from the inscription, and its place to
be filled with words in praise of his father and himself.
It has three archways ; a large one in the middle and
two smaller at each side; but all communicating with
one another by means of still smaller arches inside. It
stands on a platform above the level of the Forum,
and the side arches were originally approached by seven
steps.1 The arch shows the decline of architectural
taste. It is a heavy structure, especially the attic; and
the columns and bas-reliefs exhibit a great falling off"
since the time of Trajan. From a medal of Antoninus
(Caracalla) it appears that on the summit of the arch
was a triumphal car drawn by six horses, with two
figures in it, representing probably Severus and Cara-
calla. At each side of the car was a foot-soldier, and
at each extremity a horse-soldier.

The little arch close to the church of S. Giorgio in
Yelabro, called Arcus Argentarius, was also erected in
honour of Septimius Severus, his sons Antoninus and
G-eta, and his wife Julia Pia, by the bankers and mer-
chants who transacted^ business at this spot, as appears
from an inscription on its southern face. This arch
marks the boundary between the Yelabrum and Forum
Boarium. It is, however, properly no arch, but a gate-
way, the lintel being horizontal. The principal subject
of the ill-executed sculptures upon it is a sacrifice.

Septimius Severus is supposed to have constructed an
aqueduct, the Aqua Severiana, for the service of some
baths, the Therms Severiaioi, which he built in the
first region, or Porta Capena ;2 but we have no authen-

1 Nibby, Boma, §g, t. ii. p. 477.

2 Spart. 8'ever, 19.294

THE LATERAN PALACE.

tic accounts about either. Severus, who spent his money
as liberally as he sought it greedily, was in the habit of
presenting his friends with palaces. Among these were
the Domus Laterani on the C^lian Hill, and the Domus
Septem Parthorum, which lay in the district to the
south of it1 The former of these buildings had been
the property of the consul Plautius Lateranus, who was
put to death for his participation in Piso's conspiracy
against Nero.2 His property appears to have been con-
fiscated; and, the palace having thus become an im-
perial heirloom, Severus was able to present it to a
descendant probably of the same family. Juvenal in-
sinuates that the wealth of Lateranus was the cause of
his destruction, and at the same time intimates the
magnificence of his palace :

Temporibus diris igitur, jussuque Neronis,

Longinum et magnos Senecse prsedivitis hortos

Clausit et egregias Lateranorum obsidet sedes

Tota cohors ; rarus venit in coenacula miles.3

But there can be no doubt, from the account of Tacitus,
that Lateranus was really implicated in Piso's conspi-
racy. We shall have again to advert to this palace
under the reign of Oonstantine, when by a rare fate it
became one of the most distinguished edifices of modern
Rome. The Domus Parthorum we know from its being
mentioned in the Notitia in the twelfth region, or Pis-
cina Publica, as well as by Victor. It may probably
have been the residence of some Parthian nobles whom
Severus brought with him to Rome after his eastern
conquests. Their effeminate habits have been stigma-
tized by Tertullian.4 The Domus Cilonis, also men-

1 Aur. Victor, Epit. 20.

3 Sat, x. 15 sqq.

2 Tac. Ann. xv. 49, 60.

4 De cultu fem. i. 6.THE BATHS OF CARACALLA.	295

tioned in the twelfth region, might have been another
of these palaces, probably belonging to Kilo, the friend
of Severus and tutor of his sons, who had been Prae-
fectus Urbi under him. Caracalla sent some soldiers to
murder him ; who, after plundering his house, dragged
him almost naked—for they had taken him in the
bath—along the Sacra Via towards the palace. But
his condition excited the commiseration of the people
and of the civic guard, formerly under his orders ; which
so alarmed Caracalla that he thought it prudent to
rescue Kilo, and even to display a hypocritical affection
for him.1

When we have mentioned the Mausoleum of Septi-
mius Severus, we have named all the monuments of this
emperor that are of any importance. This has been
sometimes confounded with the Septizonium already
described; and, indeed, it appears to have been an imi-
tation of it on a minor scale, and situated on the Via
Appia. Severus caused it to be built in his lifetime.2

Caracalla succeeded his father in 211. This murderer
and fratricide was fond of building. He was a par-
ticular devotee of the goddess Isis, to whom he is said
to have erected several temples; but the only one we
can mention, and that only on conjecture, is the Isium
alluded to by Trebellius Pollio on the Caelian.3 His
greatest work was his baths, the Therms Antoniniam,
or Caracalla, situated on the right-hand side of the
Yia di Porta S. Sebastiano, anciently the Yia Appia,
near the church of SS. ISTereo ed Achilleo. The re-
mains of them are the most perfect of any of the
Roman baths, and cover so enormous an area as to fill

1	Dion Cass. Ixxvii. 4 ; cf. Spartian, Came, 3.

2	Spartian, Greta,'7*

3	Trig. Tyrr. 25 $ cf. Spart. Car. 9.296 THE AMPHITHEATRUM CASTRENSE.

the spectator with astonishment. The unsupported
roof of the Cella Soliaris, or warm bath, was of such
vast extent that the architects and mechanicians of the
time of Oonstantine declared that it could not be imi-
tated.1 The porticoes which surrounded the baths were
added by Heliogabalus, and completed by Alexander
Severus. The building now formed a perfect square of
1,100 feet on every side, without reckoning the projec-
tions of the circular tribunes. To supply the baths,
Caracalla is said to haye formed the aqueduct called
Aqua Antoniniana, of which, however, there is no satis-
factory account; and as an approach to them he caused
to be made the Via Nova, one of the handsomest streets
in Rome.2

Caracalla died in 217, and was succeeded, after the
brief reigns of Macrinus and Diadumenus, by Ela-
gabalus, in 218. To this emperor are attributed a
Circus and gardens near the Amphitheatrum Castrense
and present church of S. Croce in Gerusalemme. It is
impossible to say by whom the amphitheatre just men-
tioned was constructed; but some antiquaries infer
from the style of the building that it was earlier than
the Colosseum, and refer it to the reign of Tiberius, or
at latest of Nero.3 Elagabalus, or Heliogabalus, dedi-
cated on the Palatine a temple to his namesake, the
Syrian sun-god, and opened there a public bath which
appears to have been worse than a brothel.4

Alexander Severus, who obtained the imperial crown

1	Spartian. Came. 9; Sever. 21. By cella soliaris Spartian appears
to mean the apartment for the warm bath, called solium by Cicero,
In Pison. 27.

2	Victor, Be Cms. xxi.; Spart. loc. cit,

3	Nibby, Boma nelV anno 1838, t. i. p. 397 sq.

4	Lampr. Helidgab. c. 8.ARCH OF GALLIE1STUS.

297

after the assassination of this despicable tyrant in 222,
enriched the city with a few structures, but none of
them of much importance. He constructed an aque-
duct, the Aqua Alexandria, identical with the present
Aqua Felice, for the service of some baths which he
had built;1 and he erected a cliceta, or sort of casino,
which he dedicated to his mother, Julia Mammsea,
whence its name of Ad Mammam. He is said also to
have paved some of the streets upon the Palatine with
porphyry and verde antico; in which he followed the
example of Elagabalus.2

From the time of Alexander Severus to the accession
of Aurelian in 270, we find few notices of any interest
respecting the city, and indeed it would be wearisome
to recount every minor alteration that took pla.ce in
these declining days of Roman splendour. The celebra-
tion of the secular games for the thousandth anniver-
sary of the city by the Emperor Philippus the Arab
(244-249) deserves, both for its singularity and for the
occasion, a passing word of notice. A large collection
of rare animals, procured by the younger Grordian for
his triumph, was exhibited at this festival. The zebra,
the elk, the giraffe, the ostrich, and other strange ani-
mals were then seen for the first time by the great
majority of the Roman people, mixed with elephants,
African hysenas, and Indian tigers.3 From this period
there is nothing to detain us till the reign of Aurelian;
though we may mention by the way the Arch of Gal-
lienus, which is still extant close to the church of
S. Yito and at no great distance from Sta. Maria Mag-
giore. The inscription shows it to have been dedicated
to Grallienus and his consort Salonina. It has been

1 Lamprid. Alex. Sever. 25.	2 Ibid, and c. 26.

3 Capitol. Gordiani Tres, c. 33.298

WALL OF AURELIAjN".

thought to occupy the site of the Porta Esquilina of
the Servian wall, and at all events it could not have
been far distant from that gate.

The time was now at hand when the Romans, who
had hitherto thought only of extending or securing
their conquests over the greater part of the known
world, would have to fight for their own existence. In
the year 259, in the reign of Grallienus, the Alemanni
had invaded Italy and appeared almost in sight of
Borne; and again in 270 vast hordes of them, having
eluded the vigilance of Aurelian, once more crossed the
Alps and penetrated into Umbria. In a great battle
fought at Placentia, the balance of victory appeared to
incline in favour of the barbarians; but Aurelian suc-
ceeded in defeating them at Fanum Fortunse, and in
almost exterminating their host in a third battle near
Pavia. These dangers admonished him of the necessity
of providing for the safety of the capital. The Servian
walls had not only been long overstepped by the grow-
ing suburbs of the city, but even every trace of them
had almost entirely vanished; and Rome, with all her
temples and treasures, the portentous growth of ten
centuries of conquest and empire, appeared to lie at the
mercy of any barbarians who might be attracted by
the fame of her wealth and her widespread renown.
In the contemplation of such a calamity, Aurelian
determined to surround the city with a new and more
extensive wall.

This wall, begun by Aurelian and completed by
Probus, was repaired by Honorius, and appears to have
been identical in position with that by which Home is
still surrounded. In naming the gates, we use the
names of those in the wall as repaired by Honorius;
for though it is probable that many of these bore thePORTA FLAMINIA, NOW DEL POPOLO. 299

same names in the time of Aurelian, yet this is not
certain, except with regard to one of them, the Porta
Ostiensis; through which, as we learn from Ammianns
Marcelliniis,1 was conveyed the obelisk which Constan-
tius caused to be erected in the Circus Maximus.

The northernmost gate of the Aurelian wall was the
Porta Flaminia, spanning the road of the same name.
It stood near the present Porta del Popolo, but a little
to the east of it, and apparently on the descent of the
Pincian Hill; since its situation is described by Pro-
copius as somewhat steep and difficult of access.2 This
gate must, however, have been removed to the site of
the Porta del Popolo before the pontificate of Gregory II.
(715-731), since Anastasius, in his life of that pope,
describes it as being exposed to inundations of the
Tiber.3 Yet it appears to have retained the name of
Plaminia down at least to the fifteenth century, as it is
so called in a life of Pope Martin V.4

The next gate to the Maminia, proceeding to the east,
or right, was the Porta Pinciana, which must be repre-
sented by the present gate of the same name. Again*
towards the east, we come to the Porta Salaria, still
called Porta Salara, at the top of the Yia di Porta
Salara. It seems probable that a corruption of this
name may have given rise to that of Porta Belisaria,
which occurs once or twice in Procopius.5 The next
gate, proceeding always in the same direction, was the
Porta Nomentana, spanning, as its name implies, the
Via IsTomentana. Pope Pius IV. substituted for it in
1564 the present Porta Pia; on issuing from which is

1 xvii. 4, § 14.	2 Bell. Goth, i. 23.

3	Nibby, Roma, $c. t. i. p. 138.

4	Ap. Muratori, Scripp. Rer. Ital. t. iii. pt. ii. col. 864.

5	See Urlichs, in Class. Mus. vol. iii. p. 196.300 PORTA PRiENESTINAj OR MAGGrlORE.

seen the site of tlie ancient gate, marked by two towers
at a little distance on the right.

From this point the wall proceeded to enclose the
Praetorian Gamp, trending thence in a southern direc-
tion to the Porta Tiburtina, in all probability the
modern S. Lorenzo. In the camp itself were four
gates, which, however, cannot properly be said to belong
to the city : namely, two Portce Principales at the
northern and southern sides, the Porta Decumana on
the eastern side, and the Porta Prcetoria on the western.
Thus the last, which in field camps faced the enemy,
here faced the city; an unmistakable indication of the
purpose which the Praetorian Camp was intended to
serve. Close under the south side of the camp was a
gate spanning the road which issued from the Porta
Yiminalis of the Servian walls; but which appears to
have been walled up at a very early period, and is hence
called Porta Clausa. Over the Porta Tiburtina, or
S. Lorenzo, as well as over two or three more gates, is
an inscription recording the restoration of the walls by
Arcadius and Honorius. The gate is formed by an
arch of the Aquae Marcia, Tepula, and Julia, which
flow one over the other in different ducts.

The Porta Prmestina, now Porta Maggiore, the
next gate in succession, is likewise formed of a double
arch of the Aqua Claudia and Anio Yetus, which flow
over it. This gate has the same inscription as that on
the Porta Tiburtina. Its modern name is said to be
derived from its leading to the Basilica of Sta. Maria
Maggiore. It seems also to have been called Porta
della Donna, that is, of the Madonna, as appears from
a diary of the fifteenth century published by Muratori.1

Ber, Ital. Scriptt. ap. Nibby, Roma, $c. t. i. p. 146.MONUMENT OF EURYSACES.	301

Just outside the gate, on the left-hand side, is the curi-
ous monument of Eurysaces, the baker. Here also was
a vivarium for keeping the wild beasts used in the
public spectacles. From this point the wall follows for
some distance the line of the Aqua Claudia in a south-
easterly direction; then, describing an acute angle,
trends to the south-west, and, embracing the Amphi-
theatrum Castrense, proceeds in this direction as far as
the Piazza Ferratella. In this length of wall was the
Porta Asinaria, which spanned the road of that name,
but which is now superseded by the Porta S. Giovanni,
built by Pope Gregory XIII. a little to the east of it.
The modern name is of course derived from St. John
Lateran, near which the gate stands; and in like manner
the ancient gate was called in the middle ages Latera-
nensis. Just beyond it are vast substructions supposed
to have belonged to the house of Plautius Lateranus.

At the angle formed by the walls at the Piazza Ferra-
tella was also a gate supposed to be that called Porta
Metronis by St. Gregory the Great in one of his epistles;
but its origin, and even the proper spelling of its name,
are uncertain. Hence the wall takes a southerly direc-
tion till it reaches the Porta Latina, and a little further
on the Porta Appia, standing over the roads so called,
which, as we have seen, diverged shortly after the
Appia had issued from the ancient Porta Oapena. The
Porta Latina is closed, and the Porta Appia has now
become'the Porta di S. Sebastiano, from the celebrated
church which stands some way beyond it.

The wall now proceeds for a considerable space nearly
due west till it reaches the Porta Ostiensis. After the
building of the famous Basilica of St. Paul this gate
was called Porta di S. Paolo, an appellation which, as
we see from Procopius, it obtained as early as the sixth302

PYKAMID OF CESTIUS.

century, the Basilica having been founded by Valen-
tinian II. and Theodosius. Close to it, built into the
wall, is the Pyramid of Cestius, a tomb of the republi-
can period, but thought in the middle ages to be the
sepulchre of Remus. Hence the wall ran to the river,
so as to include Monte Testaccio, northwards up its
bank to a point opposite that where the wall of the
Janiculum also reached the Tiber.

On the right bank of the river the wall ascended to
the height of the Janiculum where stood the Porta
Aurelia, now Porta S. Pancrazio. Close to the Tiber
was the Porta Portuensis, having the same inscription
which may be seen over the Tiburtina. This gate was
demolished by Urban VIII., who built in its stead the
Porta Portese. The Porta Aurelia, so called from the
Via Aurelia, obtained in the middle ages the name of
Aurea, by which it is mentioned in the Mirabilia Romce,
written about the twelfth century; but it seems also to
have been called S. Pancratius in the time of Procopius.
The Janiculum, from the colour of its sand, was vul-
garly called Mons Aureus, whence the present name of
Montorio. From "the Porta Aurelia the wall again de-
scended to the river, which it appears to have reached
near, or a little above, the present Ponte Sisto. We
know not certainly of any gate in this tract, though
one called Septimiana is mentioned.

From the Ponte Sisto the wall appears to have run
along the left bank of the Tiber till it arrived parallel
with the Porta Flaminia, which it joined; but no re-
mains of it are now visible in this part. In this tract
we find only one gate, that called by Procopius, to all
appearance erroneously, Porta Aurelia, standing on the
left bank of the river, at the entrance of the Pons iElius,
leading to the Mole of Hadrian. There could hardlyTOMB OF C. CESTIUS AND PORTA DI SAN PAOLO.aurelian's triumph.

303

have been two gates called Aurelia. We find it called
in the Mirabilia, "Porta Collina ad Castelliim Adriani;"
and it is mentioned by the same name in the Ordo
Eiomanus of the Canonicus Benedetto published by
Mabillon.1 But this also must have been a confusion of
names. It appears to have been also called Porta
S. Petri as early as the time of Procopius, who men-
tions it under that apellation.2 The Aurelian wall was
fortified with battlements and towers, between which
arcades, or covered ways, afforded secure communica-
tion. There are still some remains of these arcades,
especially at the Porta S. Sebastiano.

During the reign of Aurelian the ancient glories of
Rome seemed for a while to revive. For his numerous
victories in various lands he celebrated in 274 as magni-
ficent a triumph as any that Rome had hitherto beheld.
It has been described by Yopiscus ;3 but we shall here
insert the description of it by Gibbon, after that author :

"The pomp was opened by twenty elephants, four
royal tigers, and above two hundred of the most curious
animals from every climate of the north, the east, and
the south. They were followed by sixteen hundred
gladiators, devoted to the cruel amusement of the amphi-
theatre. The wealth of Asia, the arms and ensigns of
so many conquered nations, and the magnificent plate
and wardrobe of the Syrian queen, were disposed in
exact symmetry or artful disorder. The ambassadors
of the most remote parts of the earth, of ^Ethiopia,
Arabia, Persia, Bactriana, India, and China, all remark-
able by their rich or singular dresses, displayed the
fame and power of the Roman emperor, who exposed

1 Musceum Ital. t. ii. p. 143.

2 B. a. i. 19.	3 Aurel. c. 33.304

QUEEN ZENOBIA CAPTIVE.

likewise to the public view tlie presents that he had re-
ceived, and particularly a great number of crowns of
gold, the offerings of grateful cities. The victories of
Aurelian were attested by the long train of captives
who reluctantly attended his triumph—Goths, Yandals,
Sarmatians, Alemanni, Franks, Gauls, Syrians, and
Egyptians. Each people was distinguished by its pecu-
liar inscription, and the title of Amazons was bestowed
on ten martial heroines of the Gothic nation who had
been taken in arms. But every eye, disregarding the
crowd of captives, was fixed on the Emperor Tetricus,
and the Queen of the East. The former, as well as his
son, whom he had created Augustus, was dressed in
Gallic trousers, a saffron tunic, and a robe of purple.
The beauteous figure of Zenobia was confined by fetters
of gold; a slave supported the gold chain which en-
circled her neck, and she almost fainted under the in-
tolerable weight of jewels. She preceded on foot the
magnificent chariot in which she once hoped to enter
the gates of Rome. It was followed by two other
chariots, still more sumptuous, of Odenathus and of
the Persian monarch. The triumphal car of Aurelian
(it had formerly been used by a Gothic king) was drawn,
on this memorable occasion, either by four stags or by
four elephants. The most illustrious of the senate, the
people, and the army closed the solemn procession.
Unfeigned joy, wonder, and gratitude swelled the accla-
mations of the multitude; but the satisfaction of the
senate was clouded by the appearance of Tetricus; nor
could they suppress a rising murmur that the haughty
emperor should thus expose to public ignominy the
person of a Roman and a magistrate.

" But however in the treatment of his unfortunate
rivals Aurelian might indulge his pride, he behavedPALACE OF TETRICUS.

305

towards them with a generous clemency, which was sel-
dom exercised by the ancient conquerors. Princes who
without success had defended their throne or freedom,
were frequently strangled in prison as soon as the tri-
umphal pomp ascended the Capitol. These usurpers,
whom their defeat had convicted of the crime of trea-
son, were permitted to spend their lives in affluence and
honourable repose. The emperor presented Zenobia
with an elegant villa at Tibur or Tivoli, about twenty
miles from the capital; the Syrian queen insensibly
sank into a Roman matron, her daughters married into
noble families, and her race was not yet extinct in the
fifth century. Tetricus and his son were reinstated in
their rank and fortunes. They erected on the Ceelian
Hill a magnificent palace, and as soon as it was finished
invited Aurelian to supper. On his entrance he was
agreeably surprised with a picture which represented
their singular history. They were delineated offering to
the emperor a civic crown and the sceptre of Gaul, and
again receiving at his hands the ornaments of the sena-
torial dignity. The father was afterwards invested with
the government of Lucania, and Aurelian, who soon
admitted the abdicated monarch to his friendship and
conversation, familiarly asked him whether it was not
more desirable to administer a province of Italy than to
reign beyond the Alps. The son long continued a re-
spectable member of the senate; nor was there any one
of the Roman nobility more esteemed by Aurelian, as
well as by his successors.

" So long and so various was the pomp of Aurelian's
triumph, that, although it opened with the dawn of day,
the slow majesty of the procession ascended not the
Capitol before the ninth hour ; and it was already dark
when the emperor returned to the palace. The festival

x306

TEMPLE OF THE SUN.

was protracted by theatrical representations, tlie games
of the circus, the hunting of wild beasts, combats of
gladiators, and naval engagements. Liberal donatives
were distributed to the army and people, and several
institutions, agreeable or beneficial to the city, con-
tributed to perpetuate the glory of Aurelian. A con-
siderable portion of his oriental spoils was consecrated
to the gods of Rome; the Capitol, and every other
temple, glittered with the offerings of his ostentatious
piety ; and the Temple of the Sun alone received above
fifteen thousand pounds of gold. This last was a magni-
ficent structure, erected by the emperor on the side of
the Quirinal Hill, and dedicated, soon after the triumph,
to that deity whom Aurelian adored as the parent of
his life and fortunes. His mother had been an inferior
priestess in a chapel of the Sun; a peculiar devotion to
the god of light was a sentiment which the fortunate
peasant imbibed in his infancy; and every step of his
elevation, every victory of his reign, fortified supersti-
tion by gratitude."1

The site of Aurelian's Temple of the Sun has been
the subject of much dispute among topographers; but
we think there can be little doubt that Gibbon has pro-
perly placed it, and it may very probably be identified
with the remains of a large building in the Colonna
gardens. For the reasons which have led the author to
this conclusion, the reader is referred to Dr. Smith's
Dictionary of Ancient Geography, vol. ii. p. 830 sq.

During this period the public spectacles at least, and
the sports of the Circus and amphitheatre, betrayed no
symptoms of the declining state of the Empire. Nothing
could exceed the magnificence of the games exhibited

1 Decline and Fall, ch. xi.GAMES OF PROBUS.

307

by Probus. The Circus was transformed into the like-
ness of a forest by the transplanting of a large quantity
of full-grown trees, and thousands of ostriches, stags,
and wild boars, having been let loose in it, were aban-
doned to be chased by the populace. On the following
day was given a venatio, in which many hundreds of
lions, tigers, and bears were killed.1 The third* day was
devoted to the slaughter of the nobler animal, man, and
three hundred pairs of gladiators displayed their fero-
city and skill. The spectacles exhibited in the Flavian
amphitheatre at this period were perhaps still more
magnificent, and in the reign of Oarinus appear to have
exceeded anything before remembered. "We cannot better
present an idea of them to the reader than in the words
of the eloquent historian whom we have already quoted.
"The slopes of the vast concave which formed the inside
were filled and surrounded with sixty or eighty rows of
seats, of marble likewise, covered with cushions, and ca-
pable of receiving with ease above four-score thousand
spectators. Sixty-four vomitories (for by that name the
doors were very aptly distinguished) poured forth the im-
mense multitude ; and the entrances, passages, and stair-
cases were contrived with such exquisite skill, that each
person, whether of the senatorial, the equestrian, or the
plebeian order, arrived at his destined place without
trouble or confusion. Nothing was omitted which, in
any respect, could be subservient to the convenience
and pleasure of the spectators. They were protected
from the sun and rain by an ample canopy, occasionally
drawn over their heads. The air was continually re-
freshed by the playing of fountains, and profusely im-
pregnated by the grateful scent of aromatics. In the

1 Vopiscus, Prob. c. 19.308

GAMES OF CARINUS.

centre of the edifice, the arena, or stage, was strewed
with the finest sand, and successively assumed the most
different forms. At one moment it seemed to rise out
of the earth, like the garden of the Hesperides, and was
afterwards broken into the rocks and caverns of Thrace.
The subterraneous pipes conveyed an inexhaustible supply
of water, and what had just before appeared a level plain
might be suddenly converted into a wide lake, covered
with armed vessels, and replenished with the monsters
of the deep. In the decoration of these scenes, the
Roman emperors displayed their wealth and liberality;
and we read on various occasions that the whole furni-
ture of the amphitheatre consisted either of silver, or
of gold, or of amber. The poet who describes the games
of Carinus, in the character of a shepherd attracted to
the capital by the fame of their magnificence, affirms
that the nets designed as a defence against the wild
beasts were of gold wire; that the porticoes were gilded;
and that the belt, or circle, which divided the several
ranks of spectators from each other, was studded with
a precious mosaic of beautiful stones." 1

1 Gibbon. Decline and Fall, ch. xii. The poet alluded to is Cal-
purnius, Eclog. 7. It is, indeed, far from certain that, as Gibbon
assumes, Calpurnius was contemporary with Carinus. Some critics,
as Sarpe (Quasi. JPhilol. Rostock, 1819, p. 11 sqq.), who is followed
by Weber in his edition of the Latin poets, with that love of para-
dox and hardihood of assertion which characterize German critics,
have even placed him in the reign of Nero. But the Flavian
amphitheatre, which is certainly described in the 7th Eclogue, as is
plain from its situation among the hills (v. 32), was not then built;
and as the citizen who converses with Cory don was an old man, the
time of the poem must necessarily be placed at earliest fifty years
after Titus, or a.d. 130. On the other hand, we know from Vopis-
cus that Carinus celebrated some fantastically splendid games; and
Calpurnius' line," quae patula juvenis deus edit arena " (ver. 6), agrees
with the age of Carinus.BATHS OF DIOCLETIAN.

309

Such, were the spectacles with which an enslaved and
degenerate people consoled themselves for the loss of
liberty; but, whatever may have been their gorgeous-
ness and grandeur, they are far indeed removed from
the interest and sublimity which environ the earlier and
simpler scenes of Roman history.

The reign of Diocletian, the successor of Carinus,
gave the first decisive blow to th.e predominance of the
city, and in a few more years the capital of the world
was to be transferred to the shores of the Bosphorus.
In the incipient collapse of the empire, Rome appeared
to be too far removed from the frontiers. Diocletian
and Maximian, his associate in the empire, chose respec-
tively Nicomedia in Bithynia and Mediolannm in Gallia
Oisalpina for their residences, which, by their embellish-
ments, seemed to grow into new capitals. The continued
absence of Diocletian from Home not only occasioned its
splendour to decay, but also struck a deadly blow at the
power and authority of the senate, who ceased to be
consulted on the affairs of the Empire. Nearly twenty
years of his reign had elapsed before Diocletian visited
for the first time the Roman capital, when he celebrated
a triumph which, though not precisely the last, as
G-ibbon says,1 was among- the last which that city be-
held (a.d. 302). His stay at Rome did not exceed two
months, and shortly afterwards he abdicated the im-
perial throne and retired to Salona. Yet during this
short visit he founded the Therms Diocletiam, the
largest and most splendid of the baths hitherto erected
a>t Rome. They are said by Olympiodorus to have con-
tained twice the number of seats for bathers of those
of Caracalla, which had sixteen hundred. To confer

1 Decline and Fall, vol. ii. p. 89.310

BASILICA OF CONSTANTINE.

an additional attraction npon them, the Bjbliotheca
Ulpia was transferred thither from the Forum of Tra-
jan.1 They were situated on the Quirinal Hill, close to
the western side of the Servian agger, and their length
occupied the greater part of the space between the
Porta Collina and the Porta Viminalis. Their remains,,
being in a more frequented part of the town than the
Thermae Antoninianso, have not been so well preserved,
and the general plan of them can no longer be traced.
But the tepidarium, with its vast unsupported roof, still
forms the magnificent Carthusian church of Sta. Maria
degli Angeli; to which purpose it was converted by
Michael Angelo Buonarotti in the pontificate of Pius IV.
The baths of Diocletian, Nero, and Agrippa were in use
in the middle of the fifth century, as appears from a
poem of Sidonius:

Hinc ad balnea non Neroniana
Nee quae Agrippa dedifc, vel ille cujus
Bustum Dalmaticse vident Salonse:

Ad thermas tamen ire sed libebat
Privato bene praebitas pudori.2

According to an ancient tradition, the Christians,,
among the other persecutions which they suffered from
Diocletian, were forced to labour at the construction of
these baths. Diocletian is also said to have rebuilt the
Curia, destroyed in a great fire which happened under
his predecessor, Carinus. But heathen Rome was now
drawing towards its close. A few more years, and the
persecuted Christians were to see their religion become
that of the state. The last monuments of pagan Rome
were added by Maxentius and Constantine. To the
former emperor must be attributed the Basilica Con-

1 Vopisc. Prob, 2.

2 Carm. xxiii. 494 sqq.THE BASILICA OF CONSTANTINE.

ARCH OF CONSTANTINE.

311

STANTINI, erected by him,1 bnt dedicated after his death
by Constantine ; of which such vast remains still exist
not far from the Colosseum. This Basilica appears to
have occupied the site of the spice warehouses of Do-
mitian, the destruction of which in the fire of Com-
modus we have already related. For a long while the
three large arches which remain of it were supposed to
have belonged to Yespasian's Temple of Peace, till
Nibby, in his work Bel Foro Eomano, gave them their
true designation. Maxentius also built the Circus on the
Yia Appia, about two miles from Rome, near the tomb
of Csecilia Metella.2 It is still sufficiently preserved to
convey to the reader an idea of the arrangements of an
ancient circus. A large portion of it was excavated in
1825 at the expense of Duke Torlonia, and under the
inspection of Signor Nibby.

Constantine, after defeating Maxentius near the Mil-
vian Bridge, October 28, 312, made his entry into Rome.
His victory was recorded, but probably some years after-
wards, by the Fornix Constantinj, the last existing
monument of any importance of ancient Rome. This
arch, which spans the top of the Yia di S. Grregorio, or
ancient Yia Triumphalis, near the Flavian amphitheatre,
the best preserved of all that remain, is a striking proof
of the decay of art among the Romans. Not, indeed,
the structure itself, which is noble and well proportioned.
It is remarked by Raffiaelle that architecture was the
last art that decayed at Rome, the buildings of the
later emperors being as good as those of the first; in

1	Victor, De Cces. cap. xl. § 26. The account of Victor is con-
firmed by the finding of a coin bearing the name of Maxentius in
the masonry of one of the arches in 1828. Beschreib. der Stadt
Rom. B. iii. S. 298.

2	Catalogus Impy. Viennensis, t. ii. p. 248.312 JANUS QUADRIFRONS IN YELABRO.

proof of which lie mentions this arcli and tlie baths of
Diocletian, tlie architecture of which was also fine, but
the paintings and sculptures execrable.1 The same was
the case with this arch, except such parts of it as are
composed of spoils taken from some monument of Tra-
jan's. These are the columns, part of the entablature,
the statues of the barbarian prisoners, all the bas-reliefs
of the attics, and the four medallions on each face. The
bas-reliefs on the walls of the middle or greater arch
are supposed to belong to the time of Grordian, and all
the rest may be attributed to Constantine; namely,
those on the pedestals of the columns, the fillet or band
oyer the smaller arches which is carried along the sides,
the keystones of the greater arch, the figures oyer the
arches, the medallions at the sides, and the images in
the smaller arches.2 Not only does the style of the bas-
reliefs attributed to the age of Trajan prove them to be
of that epoch; their subjects also can be referred to events
in the history of that emperor. The original inscription
on the arch stated that Constantine had triumphed over
the tyrant and his party by the favour of Jupiter Opti-
mus Maximus (nutu Jovis O. M.) ; but these words
were subsequently erased, and instead of them were
substituted " Instinctu Divinitatis," by the inspiration of
the deity.3

The large square building called Janus Quadrifrons,
near the church of S. Giorgio in Yelabro, is also referred,
with much probability, by Bunsen4 to the time of Con-

1	See Lettere di Castiglione, p. 149 (ed. Padova, 1796). This
letter, though placed among those of Castiglione, is that addressed
by Raffaelle to Pope Leo X. respecting the state of Pome and its
monuments. See Boscoe's Life of Leo X. ch. xxii. It will be found
in Passavant, Vie de Raphael, i860, t. i. p. 508 sqq.

2	Nibby, Roma, t. i. p. 445. 3 Orelli, Inscr. Lat. no. 1075.

4 Beschreibung, Anhang, iii. p. 663.THE ARCH OF CONST ANTINE, NORTH SIDE,
THE META SUDANS IN FRONT {seep. 273).BATHS OF CONSTANTINO.

313

itotme, Like the triumphal arch, it Beams to have
been constructed of the fragments of other buildings,
'ftod its architecture is said to resemble the style of the
time of that emperor.

Constantino also erected on the Quirinal some hatha,
the Teikm-1 Ookstahotiam, the last apparently erected
at Rome, From the somewhat disparaging way in
which they are mentioned by Aurelius Victor,1 we may
conclude that they did not equal in splendour the
baths of Diocletian or Carae&lla. Some remains of them
appear to hare been extant in the sixteenth century at
the Palazzo Bospigliosi* The colossal figures now on
the Quirinal, supposed to be the work of Pheidias, ap-
pear to have stood before these baths till they were re-
moved to their present position by Pope Sixtus V,

The period was now arrayed when Bome was to ex-
perience the two most important revolutions that occur
in the whole course of her history . She was to cease to be
the capital of the Roman. Empire; but, by the establish*
mmt of Christianity, she was ultimately to become the
capital of the Christian world.

While it was necessary to coerce the city, the military
despotism of Augustus and Tiberius had been supported
and secured by the establishment of the praetorian guard
and camp. But it soon became apparent, and was in-
deed a necessary consequence of a despotism upheld by
force, that the true seat of empire lay not at Bome, but
wherever the military power was predominant; and as
the extended frontiers of the Empire required large
forces to be maintained in the most remote provinces, it

1 " Opus cseterls hand multo disp&r,"—De Cms, cap, xl. 4 27,314 THE BEAT OF EMFIB'E OHAKQ-ED,

was frequently here that this predominance was to be
found. (Mba first succeeded, by means of the military
command which he held in Gaul, in overthrowing tha
tot represeatatxTe of the Owars. and seating liimsd!
upon the imperial throne, From this period the Empire
was frequently obtained by the successful rebellion of &
victorious general, and a peaceful or hereditary succes-
sion began to form the exception rather than the rule
Under these circumstances the political influence of
Borne gradually decayed. The long absence of several
of the emperors in the prosecution of their wars served
still further to weaken the prestige of the capital Dio-
cletian, by establishing Ms residence at Mcoxaedia, vir-
tually transferred thither the seat of empire, and at
length in 830 Constantino the Great, who was almost
as much a stranger to Borne as Diocletian had been,
solemnly removed his residence and government to By*
ssanfeLum, on the shores of the Boaphorns, which took
from him the name of Constantinople, Although Rome
has been called the u eternal city," an opinion had very
early prevailed that she was destined to no very pro-
tracted period of existence, Julius CiBsar was thought
to have contemplated transferring the seat of empire to
Troy, its reputed ancient cradle, and a similar schema
appears to have been agitated in the time of .Augustus/
Constantino is even said to have built the gates of hk
new city close to the grave of Ajax, where the Grecian
ships were stationed, when a dream or vision admo-
nished him to choose another site.2.

The other innovation of 0 oastanime, the establish-
ment of Christianity as the religion of the state, is of skill

1 See Sneton, Cm, 79 j Hor* Od, iii, 3,

* Zosmius, ii, 30 $ Socmen, JJiU* Eccl* iL 3,HEATHEN TEMPLES CONFISCATED. 315

peater importance in the history of the world, and even
piAaps of the city whose vicissitudes it is our more
Immble province to record. For to this cause must be
eMefy ascribed, together with the change introduced
into the manners and customs of the Bomans, the decay
if those buildings which had been the chief character-
ise c and ornament of pagan Bome, and the erection of
new ones more in consonance with the altered habits of
the citizens. Writers of all parties agree that Oonstan-
tine, after the celebration of his Yicennalia in 326, con-
feoated many heathen temples, and transferred them
with their revenues to the church. He also caused the
doors of the temples to be removed, and the tiles to be
stripped from the roofs, that they might sooner fall to
decay,1 It seems probable, however, that these measures
were put into execution chiefly in the provinces, and had
but little effect at Borne,

The persecution of the Christians by Hero was per-
haps only the caprice of a tyrant who wished to divert
from himself to an unpopular sect the suspicion of
having caused a terrible calamity. But the formal in-
quisition into the manners of the Christians by such a
ruler as Trajan shows that they must have multiplied
to such an extent as to have become objects of anxiety
a&d suspicion to the government. It forms no part of
our plan to enter into the persecutions suffered by the
Christians; but it must be remembered that if they were
persecuted by some emperors, they were tolerated, and
even favoured, by others. Septimius Severus treated
them with marked, distinction, retained them in his do-
mestic service, and even employed a Christian as tutor

1 Cod. Justin, i. 5,1 $ Soerafc, Hkt, Eccl. i 85 Cedremia, i, p, 478
(ed. Boon,) 5 Lasadx, Unt&rgamg de$ Bdhnumm, p, 32.316 PROGRESS OF THE CHRISTIANS.

of his son Caracalla; till the increase of their number
through his own indulgence inspired him with alarm,
and induced him to take some measures to restrain it.
These restraints were, however, removed under his im-
mediate successors ; and during more than the third of
a century, or a whole generation, the Christians enjoyed
an unrestricted freedom. Under Alexander Severus
they obtained some important privileges; they were
allowed to purchase land, to build churches, to choose
their ministers, and to exercise their worship in public.1
It may be inferred, indeed, from some passages of Scrip-
ture, that the Christians must have had churches from
the earliest period;2 but secret ones, and at most con-
nived at, not tolerated, by the government. The suc-
ceeding emperors down to Diocletian, with the excep-
tions of Maximin, Decius, and Valerian, were indifferent,
if not favourable, to the Christians ; and even Diocletian
himself for the far greater part of his reign treated them
with mildness and toleration, though towards the end
of it they were subjected to the most violent persecu-
tion which they had yet experienced. But his colleague
Gralerius, who had been the instigator of this cruelty,
repented of it before his death, and published the cele-
brated Edict of Toleration which gave peace to the
Christian church. The long periods of tranquillity en-
joyed by the Christians must have been favourable to
the increase of their numbers ; and we can explain the
later persecutions only on the ground that this increase
had made them formidable to the state. Nor had they
become important by their numbers only, but also by
the offices which they filled and the part which they

1	Lamprid. Alex. Sever, c. 49.

2	See especially St. Paul's First Epistle to the Corinthians, xi. 18.ST. PETER AT ROME.

317

played in public life. Tertullian, who flourished about
the middle of the third century, describes them as
abounding in the military as well as the civil employ-
ments of the state; as being found in the camp as well
as in the palace, the senate, and the forum.1 When,
therefore, about three-quarters of a century later, in the
year 324, Constantine exhorted all his subjects to follow
his example by embracing Christianity, we must pre-
sume that the Christian church had become not only
very powerful by its numbers, but also very influential
through the important posts filled by many of its
members.

The nature of the present work, however, confines
our attention to the state of the Christians in Rome, of
which we shall proceed to give a brief outline.

History does not record the reputed visit of St. Peter
to Rome; but it forms one of the traditions of the
Romish church. According to Eusebius, the apostle
came to Rome in the second year of the Emperor
Claudius; but the statement of Lactantius and the
Liber PontificaUs, by which his visit is placed in the
reign of Nero, is more in accordance with probability. It
is possible that he may have spent ten years at Rome,
a.d. 55-65; and at all events it is probable that he was
there in the last year of his life, and that he suffered
martydom by crucifixion in the Neronian persecution
in the year 65. He was succeeded in the bishopric by
Linus.2 Tradition is equally vague respecting the place
of St. Peter's residence at Rome. According to one
account, he lived in the house of the Senator Pudens

1	" Hesterni sumus et vestra omnia implevimus, urbes, insulas,
castella, municipia, conciliabula, castra ipsa, tribus, decurias, pala-
tium, senatum, forum ; sola vobis relinquimus templa."—Apol. c. 37.

2	Pagi, JBreviar. Gestor. Pont. Bom. t. i. p. 3 sq.318

church of pudentiana.

and his wife Priscilla, situated in the Yicus Patricius,
a street running from the Subura through the valley
between the Yiminal and Esquiline, and represented by
the modern streets called Via Urbana and Yia Sta.
Pudenziana. Here he is said to have established a
church or house of prayer, which, from the daughter of
Pudens, obtained the name of Pudentiana. At this spot,
not far from Sta. Maria Maggiore, a church of this name
still exists, and is the first Roman church mentioned in
the Liber Pontificalis. The old mosaics in its tribune are
reckoned among the finest in Rome. The neighbouring
church of Sta. Prassede seems to have taken its name
from the sister of Pudenziana; but though this also ap-
pears to have been a very ancient church, as two priests
of that title are mentioned in the acts of the Council
held by Pope Symmachus in 499, yet there are no defi-
nite accounts of its foundation. According to other
traditions which have not such an appearance of authen-
ticity, St. Peter took up his abode near the present
church of Sta. Cecilia in the Trasteyere, a.d. 45. He is
also said to have dwelt upon the Aventine with Aquila
and Prisca, a Jewish couple that had been converted
to Christianity, supposed to have been of the same
family as the Aquila and Priscilla, whom St. Paul met
at Corinth after the expulsion of the Jews from Rome
by the Emperor Claudius.1

The visit of St. Paul to Rome, whither he was
brought as a prisoner in company with St. Luke, and his
dwelling there two years in a house which he had hired,
are recorded in the Acts of the Apostles. During this
period he seems to have been retained in a sort of sur-
veillance, though with liberty to preach and receive his

1 Acts, xviii. 2.ST. PAUL AT ROME.

319

friends. According to tradition, lie dwelt in the Via
Lata. Beyond this period there is no authentic account
of the life of St. Paul; but it is pretty certain that he
suffered martyrdom at Eome, and in all probability in
company with St. Peter at the time of Nero's persecu-
tion. According to a tradition, they were both led forth
to execution by the Porta Trigemina, and along the Yia
Ostiensis; and St. Paul was put to death at a place
called Aquae Salvise, not far from the magnificent
Basilica that bears his name.1 But St. Peter was con-
ducted back either to the Janiculum, or more probably
to Nero's Circus, near the present Basilica of St. Peter,
and there crucified; and it is said with his head down-
wards, agreeably to his own request.

In the early ages of the church, in the midst of these
dangers and persecutions, and even down to the middle
of the fifth century, the Christians of Rome resorted to
large subterranean caverns outside the walls, which
served them at once as places of refuge and conceal-
ment, as churches wherein to exercise their sacred rites,
and as places of interment for their dead. These caverns
are now commonly known by the name® of Cata-
combs ; but in ancient times they were also called Arece,
Oryjptce, and Goemeteria. According to the most general
opinion, which«is also that of Bosio and his editor
Aringhi,2 these catacombs were constructed by the
Christians in the sandpits, or galleries, called arenarice,
or arenifodince, excavated by the pagan Romans for the
purpose of procuring building materials. That such
excavations existed we know from the testimony of
classical writers. Cicero mentions some arenari outside
the Porta Esquilina;3 and Suetonius, in relating the

1 Aringhi, Boma Stibterr. lib. iii. c. 2.	2 Ibicl. lib.i.e. 1.

3 Pro Ql%ent. 13.320

SUBTERRANEAN ROME.

death of Nero, describes how Phaon exhorted him to
enter a cavern formed by excavating the sand.1 The
Cavaliere de Rossi has recently treated this subject in a
large and learned publication.2 In a dissertation by his
brother, Michele Stefano de Rossi, entitled Analisi Geo-
logica ed Architettonica, which the Cavaliere has annexed
to his work, it is laid down that the catacombs, with
very trifling exceptions, are entirely the work of the
Christians.3 Into this subject, on which volumes might
be written, we shall not enter; and those readers who
are curious on the subject are therefore referred to the
work just mentioned. It should, however, be stated
that one of the results of Cavaliere de Rossi's investi-
gations is to transfer the catacombs of S. Calixtus from
the church of S. Sebastian", where they are commonly
placed, to a spot rather nearer Rome between the Via
Appia and Yia Ardeatina.4

We have already adverted, when describing the per-
secution of Nero, to the hatred with which the Chris-
tians were regarded by the Roman populace. During
two or three centuries they were considered as the
proper expiatory victims of any public calamity ; and
on such occasions * their death was clamorously de-
manded by the people assembled in the theatres. A still

1	Ner. 48.

2	La Roma sotteranea Christiana, descritta ed illustrata dal Cav.
G. B. de Rossi, torn. i. Roma, 1864.

3	" I cemeteri sotteranei di Roma sono stati scavati dai cristiani
fossori tranne pochissime eccezioni, le quali importanti per la storia,
nell' ampiezza pero della sotteranea escavazione scompajono; e
possono veramente dirsi quello, che i matematici appellano una
quantita infinitesima e da non essere tenuta a calcolo."—A pp. p. 39.
Two of the catacombs are Jewish.

4	Roma sott. Christ, p. 250.PROGRESS OF CHRISTIANITY.	321

worse fate was invoked upon the Christian yirgins.1 A
conspicuous martyr among these inhuman sacrifices was
Ignatius, bishop of Syria, who by command of Trajan
was thrown to the wild beasts in the amphitheatre during
the festival of the Saturnalia. Yet in spite of these
persecutions the church continued to flourish at Rome.
The number of Christians there in the middle of the
third century has been estimated, from an authentic
statement of the number of their clergy, at about
50,000.2 Christian Rome is said to have been divided
so early as the reign of Domitian into seven parishes,
but only in order to write the history of the martyrs.
Euaristus, who was bishop of Rome in the time of
Trajanp is supposed to have first adapted these divisions
to ecclesiastical purposes by appointing seven priests
and seven deacons.3 Churches are said to have been
built at Rome in the third century, but nothing is
certain before the time of Constantine.

The first ecclesiastical architects could not, on reli-
gious grounds, take the heathen temples for their models,
and they therefore resorted to the civil buildings of the
Romans, and especially the Basilicaa; which also from
their structure were better adapted to Christian worship.
The seven primeval churches of Rome, said to have
been founded by Constantine, are of this description:
namely, that of the Lateran, the Yatican, S. Paolo fuori
le Mura, Sta. Croce in Gerusalemme, Sta. Agnese out-

1	" Si Tyberis aseendit ad moenia, si Nilus non ascendit in arva,
si coelum stetit, si terra movit, si fames, si lues, statim, c Christianos
ad leonem!5"—Tertull. Apol. c. 40. An alliterative cry, which
probably afforded much amusement to those brutal minds, was:
" Virgines ad lenonem ! "—Ibid. 48 sub fin.

2	Eusebius, ap. Gibbon, vol. ii. p. 211 (Smith's ed.).

3	Anastasius, in Vitis Clementis et Euaristi.

Y322

CHRISTIAN BASILICA.

side the Porta Eomentana (or Porta Pia), S. Lorenzo
fuori le Mura (about half a mile outside the Porta S.
Lorenzo), and SS. Petrus et Marcellinus outside the
Porta Maggiore. But it is very doubtful whether Con-
stantine founded all these churches. When the origin of
a church was lost in remote antiquity, it was convenient
to refer it to the first Christian emperor; but the only
one that can be ascribed to him with certainty is that of
the Lateran. His consort Eausta possessed the palace
of the Laterani on the Ceelian, a family which we have
already had occasion to mention; and it is believed that
Constantine gave that part of it more particularly called
Domus Faustse to the bishop of Rome for a dwelling.
It is also thought that at the request of Pope Sylvester
he erected there a Basilica dedicated to the Saviour and
consecrated it in 319. This church has always been
regarded as the first in dignity not only in Home but in
all the world, and is hence entitled Sacrosancta later a-
nensis ecclesia, omnium urbis et orbis ecclesiarum mater et
ca^ut. It retained its name of Salvatore, or the Saviour,
till 1144; when, Pope Lucius II. having added the wor-
ship of St. John the Baptist and St. John the Evange-
list, it thenceforth obtained the name of Basilica diLS.
Giovanni in Laterano.

It forms no part of our plan to describe the Roman
churches; but as the seven before enumerated were re-
garded with a peculiar veneration, we shall here briefly
record the origin of the remainder of them.1

The Basilica of S. Pietro in Yaticano, which may now
be said to have virtually eclipsed the mother-church of
the Roman bishopric in the Lateran, was at first inferior

1 A principal authority respecting the churches erected by Con-
stantine is Ciampini, Be sacris csdificiis a Constantino Magno ex-
tructis.S. PIETEO m YATICANO.

323

to it, nor is its origin so authentically attested. It is
affirmed that the body of St. Peter was interred after
his martyrdom in the Christian cemetery in the Vatican,
and that Anacletus, the fourth bishop of Rome, erected
over his tomb a chapel or oratory. This chapel is said
to have been converted by Oonstantine into a church, or
Basilica, in honour of St. Peter, which was dedicated by
Pope Sylvester in 324. According to the Liber Pontifi-
calis, the Basilica was built on the site of a temple of
Apollo. This temple is only legendary; but when the
Basilica was rebuilt at the beginning of the sixteenth
century, inscriptions were dug up relating to the Tawro-
bolia and Kriobolia, showing that the worship of Cybele
had formerly been celebrated here. This worship, in all
its repulsive forms, maintained itself the longest at
Rome; and Prudentius, who flourished in the latter
half of the fourth century, has described in his Hymn
to S. Homanus the horrible sacrifices with which it was
attended. The latest of the inscriptions referred to ap-
pears to belong to the year 390;1 a fact which seems to
militate very strongly against the possibility of the
Basilica having been founded by Oonstantine. The
original Basilica remained in existence more than eleven
centuries, when Pope Nicholas V. conceived the idea of
erecting a new one. Little, however, was done till the
time of Julius II., who laid the first stone of the new
edifice in 1506. It was to be constructed after the plans
of Bramante, but many alterations were made in it by
succeeding popes. Leo X. proceeded with the building
with the assistance of Griuliano Giamberti, Giocondo da
Verona, and especially of HaJfaelle Sanzio ; after whose
death in 1520 the work was intrusted to Baldassare

1 See Beugnot, Hist, de la Destruction du Paganisme, t. i. p. 159,
note.324	S. PAOLO FUORI LE MURA.

Peruzzi. Pope Paul III. having ascended the papal
chair called in Michelangiolo, who continued to direct
the building under his three successors, Julius III.,
Marcellus II., and Paul IY. The Basilica, however, still
underwent many alterations, and was not completely
finished till the Pontificate of Pius VI, (1775-1800)
Paul V. (Borghese), who ascended the papal throne in
1605, wishing to include all the parts of the ancient
Basilica in the new one, intrusted the work to Carlo
Maderno. This architect, whose labours were completed
by Bernini, converted the Greek cross of the Basilica
into a Latin one by lengthening the nave, and added
the present portico and fa9ade. The effect of these
alterations has been most unfortunate. Besides other
architectural defects of detail, the two following are
most injurious to the general appearance of the Basilica:
the drum of the cupola cannot be seen even from the
furthest extremity of the Piazza, while on entering, in-
stead of being struck by the majesty of the cupola, one
perceives only a sort of gash in the roof.1 These defects
are at once obvious even to the unprofessional beholder,
and require no architectural knowledge to be condemned.

S. Paolo fuori le Mura, or sulla Via Ostiense, was
erected in honour of the fellow-martyr of St. Peter.
The tradition respecting the origin of this Basilica is
precisely similar to that regarding St. Peter's ; namely,
that Anacletus erected, an oratorium over Paul's se-
pulchre, which at the request of Sylvester was con-
verted into a church by Constantine, an. 324. Valen-
tinian II. began to rebuild it in 386, and the new edifice
was completed by his successor Honorius. Some of the
pillars which adorned it are said to have been taken

1 Milizia, ap. Nibby, Roma Mod. t. i. p. 600.OTHER BASILICiE.

325

from tlie Mausoleum of Hadrian. The ancient Basilica
was burnt down in 1823, but has since been restored
more magnificently than before.

The Basilica of Sta. Croce tist G-erttsalemme, close to
the Amphitheatrum Castrense, is related to have been
erected by Constantine in the imperial gardens called
Sessorium. Hence it is sometimes called Basilica Sesso-
riana ; sometimes also Heleniana, from Constantine's
mother. Its more common name of Santa Croce is de-
rived from a fragment of the cross preserved in it, sup-
posed to have been discovered by Helena.

The Basilica of Sta. Agnese (sulla Via Nomentana),
about two miles from Porta Pia, was, it is said, erected
by Constantine at the prayer of his daughter Constan-
tina. St. Agnes suffered martyrdom in 310, and the
church was erected over the cemetery in which she had.
been buried, and which formed part of the imperial do-
mains. This church, although it has been restored
several times, is remarkable as the only one which has
preserved the characteristic of the ancient Basilicse, by
having an upper portico over a lower one.

S. Lorenzo fuori le Mura is also one of the Basilicas
ascribed to Constantine. It was built in the cemetery
of S. Ciriaca, a Roman matron who caused the bodies
of the martyrs to be buried there, and among them that
of S. Lorenzo, first deacon of the Roman church. This
Basilica, as well as St. Paul's, has been celebrated in the
verses of Prudentius.1

The Church of SS. Pietro e Marcellino, the last of the
seven, stood under the Ceelian Hill, just outside the ancient
Porta Querquetulana, and not far from the Lateran.

We shall also mention here two other Basilicas to

1 Peristeph. Hymn. ii. 525 sqq., xii. 45-54.326 S. SEBASTIANO AND S. MARIA MAGrGrlORE.

complete the number of all tlie Homan churches to
which that name has been applied. These are the
Basilica S. Sebastiano fuori delle Mura, and Sta. Maria
Maggiore.

S. Sebastian, which stands about two miles beyond
the gate of the same name, was built over what is com-
monly called the cemetery of Calixtus, the most cele-
brated of the ancient catacombs. The date of its
foundation is altogether uncertain, though by some
writers it has been ascribed to Constantine.

Sta. Maria Maggiore, one of the four patriarchal Ba-
silicas, the others being the Lateran, St. Peter's, and
St. Paul without the Walls, is thought to have been
founded in the middle of the fourth century, in the
pontificate of Liberius. It stands on the highest point
of the Esquiline near the ancient Macellum Livise. It
was sometimes called Sta. Maria ad Wives, from a pro-
digious f&ll of snow early in August on the spot where
it stands ; which, according to the legend, gave occa-
sion to its foundation. Its name of Maggiore was de-
rived from its being the first Roman church dedicated to
the Virgin.

The worship of the Virgin appears not, however, to
have been officially recognized at Rome till the following
century. The first prominent trace of Mariolatry is in
the reign of Pope Sixtus III. (432-440), who rebuilt
and enlarged the Basilica, adorned it with splendid
mosaics, and consecrated it to the Mother of God.1

Of the churches above enumerated, seven, although
they gave no title to a cardinal, were regarded as the
chief and most venerable of Home, and were, in the
middle ages, the objects of the visits of the "Western

1 Anastasius, Vita Sixti III. § 64.CONSTANTINE'S CHRISTIANITY. 327

pilgrims. These were St. John Lateran, St. Peter's,
St. Paul's, S. Lorenzo, Sta. Maria Maggiore, S. Sebastian
in the Appian Way, and Sta. Croce in Grerusalemme.

From describing the origin of the first Basilicas, and
the conversion of heathen buildings into Christian
churches, it is a natural transition to consider whether
any of the rites of pagan worship also passed into the
Christian service. The first Roman converts to Chris-
tianity appear to have had very inadequate ideas of the
sublime purity of the Grospel, and to have entertained
a strange medley of pagan idolatry and Christian truth.
The Emperor Alexander Severus, who had imbibed from
his mother Mammsea a singular regard for the Christian
religion, is said to have placed in his domestic chapel
the images of Abraham, of Orpheus, of Apollonius, and
of Christ, as the' four chief sages who had instructed
mankind in the methods of adoring the Supreme Deity.1
Constantine himself, the first Christian emperor, was
deeply imbued with the superstitions of paganism; he
had been Pontifex Maximus, and it was only a little
while before his death that he was formally received by
baptism into the Christian church. He was particularly
devoted to the worship of Apollo, and he attempted to
conciliate his pagan and his Christian subjects by the
respect which he appeared to entertain for the religion
of both. An edict enjoining the solemn observance of
Sunday was balanced in the same year by another di-
recting that when the palace or any other public build-
ing should be struck by lightning, the haruspices should
be regularly consulted.2 There is indeed an edict of
May 16th, 319, fordidding an haruspex to enter a private
house under pain of being burnt, whilst he who called

1 Lampr. Alex. Sever, c. 29.

2 Codex Theod. xvi. 10, 1.328 PAGANISM AND CHRISTIANITY MIXEIX

him in was to be banished, and his goods were to be
confiscated. But the secret exercise of this art for un-
lawful purposes had been forbidden many centuries
before by the Twelve Tables and afterwards by the
Emperor Tiberius,1 and Constantine's edict just referred
to proceeds to allow its exercise in open day in the
temples and at the public altars.2 It may be presumed
that such a sovereign might have beheld without con-
cern the intermixture of heathen with Christian rites;
nay, that he might have favoured such a mixture as a
means of inducing his pagan subjects the more readily
to obey his exhortations for the adoption of Christianity.
Such a mode was perhaps also generally felt, so far as it
could be allowed, to be a necessary compromise in the
rude and sudden transition from paganism to a religion
of so opposite a character.

Of the fact, however, whatever may have been its
cause—and we can imagine no more probable one—
there can be no doubt. The resemblance between some
of the pagan and the Roman Catholic rites is too strik-
ing to be ignored even by the most careless observer.
We shall here adduce some of the most remarkable
instances, and leave the reader to form his own con-
clusion.3

The tonsure of the Roman Catholic priests appears
to have been borrowed from those of Anubis,4 the wor-
ship of which Egyptian deity had long been introduced
at Rome. Thus we are told that the Emperor Commo-

1	" Haruspices secreto ac sine testibus consuli vetuit."—Suet.
Tiber, 63.

2	Cod. Theod. ix. 16, 1 and 2.

3	See on this subject Middleton's Letter from Rome, from which,
the greater part of the following illustrations have been taken.

4	Herod, ii. 36.PAGAN RITES IN CHRISTIAN WORSHIP. 329

dus got his head shaved in order that he might carry
the god in procession.1

The burning of lamps or candles was a frequent cus-
tom in the pagan worship, as it now is in that of the
Roman Catholic church,2 and the gifts of lamps and
candlesticks to temples and altars are frequently re-
corded in inscriptions. The burning of lights seems to
have been originally substituted for the sacrifice of hu-
man victims, and the altars of Saturn, which had once
reeked with human blood, were afterwards adored in-
stead with lighted candles.3 Lights appear to have
been burnt in ancient Rome before the Compitalian
Lares, just as we now see them before the images of the
Madonna. So, too, the bearing of torches in monkish
funeral processions was a heathen custom, as we see
from Yirgil's description mi the funeral of Pallas:

Arcades ad portas ruere, et de more vetusto
Eunereas rapuere faces : lucet via longo
Ordine flammarum, et late disci'iminat agros.4

The ancient idols were dressed out in curious and costly
robes, and the pagan priests carried them about in pro-
cessions just as their Roman Catholic successors do at
the present day.5

The pagans had a vessel of holy water, called by the

1	Lamprid. Comm. 9.

2	" Placuere et lychnuchi pensiles in delubris."— Plin. H. N.
xxxiv. 8.

3	i( Quia non solum virum sed et lumina (pwra significat," says
Macrobius, Sat. i. 7—the interpretation of a genuine grammarian!
Yet centuries before Lucretius (ii. 77) had compared the fleeting life
of man to a lamp :

Et quasi cursores vitai lampada tradunt.

4	JEn. xi. 143.	5 Tertullian, De Idolatr.330	HOLY WATER—EX VOTO'S.

Greeks irepippavTripiov, by the Latins aquiminarium or
atnula, placed at the entrance of their temples, where-
with to besprinkle themselves ; the water in which, as is
still the custom, appears to have been mixed with salt.
Ion, in Euripides, alludes to this purgation, but from
the living fountain :

a\\' & Qoifiov AfX^oi Okpcnrsg
rag KaaraXiag apyvpueideTg
(3aiv£T£ divag, tcaOapcug Se dpoaoig
<paidpyvajjievoi, emigre vaovg.1

Crcesus sent two such vessels to the temple at Delphi :
a golden one to stand on the right-hand side of the
entrance, a silver one on the left.2 The forbidding a
person to approach the holy water was a method of ex-
communication.3 The sprinkling brush (aspersorium,
aspergillum) resembled that now in use, as may be seen
from representations on bas-reliefs and coins. And as
the modern Romans cause their horses and other ani-
mals to be sprinkled and blessed by the priest during
the festival of St. Antony, so the ancient husbandman
purified his flocks and herds at the festival of the
Palilia.

The custom of ex voto offerings passed from the Ro-
man temples into the Christian. Many of these offer-
ings, representing arms, legs, and other parts of the
human body, have been found in the Insula Tiberina,
the site of the Temple of ^Esculapius, just as they may
still be seen in many Catholic churches; and in extra-
ordinary plentifulness in the Church of St. Antony at
Padua.

In the imperial times, the Pontifex Maximus pre-

1 ver. 94.	2 Herod, lib. i. c. 51.

8 JEschin. in Ctesiph, 58.INCENSE.

331

sented his foot to be kissed like the Pope at present.
The Emperor Caligula, as holder of that sacred office,
appears to have first introduced this servile custom at
Rome, which was adopted from the Persians.1

But of all the pagan customs introduced into the
Christian worship, one of the most remarkable is that of
burning incense. The /3gj/io£ Ovrjeig is of frequent occur-
rence in Homer, as the arse turicremae in the Latin poets.
So Ovid:

Araque gramineo viridis de cespite fiat,

Et velet tepidos nexa corona focos.

Da mihi tura, puer, pingues facientia flammas,

Quodque pio fusum stridat in igne merum.3

The primitive Christians held this rite in such abhor-
rence that under the pagan emperors the requiring a
man to throw a grain of incense into the censer was
adopted as a test of his religion.3

1 Seneca, De Benef. ii. 12.	2 Trist. v. 5, 9.

8 Acta Martyr. Nicandri, ap. Mabillon, Iter. Ital. t. i. pt. ii.

p. 247.332

SECTION VI.

PROM THE DEATH OE CONSTANTINE I. TO THE EXTINCTION
OE THE WESTERN EMPIRE IN 476.

THE new religion introduced by Constantine found,
from its socialistic features, ready acceptance
among tlie middling and lower classes of tlie Roman
people. But tlie same precepts of humility, of universal
love and brotherhood, which, made Christianity accept-
able to these classes, were precisely calculated to offend
the pride and rouse the opposition of the Roman aristo-
cracy. The pretensions of this class rested necessarily
on ancient traditions. They looked back with a natural,
and perhaps excusable, pride on the glories of ancient
Rome, on the deeds achieved by their ancestors, or at all
events by their predecessors, under the supposed protec-
tion of the heathen deities, at whose shrines they still
offered the accustomed sacrifice. Nevertheless, Chris-
tianity had, on the whole, now taken indestructible root
among the Roman people; and all the attempts of the
clever and apostate emperor Julian to restore the
ancient worship proved unavailing.

During this period of struggle for the mastery be-
tween the two religions, the general appearance of the
city seems for some time to have undergone but little
alteration. Constantine robbed it of some of its orna-
ments in order to embellish Constantinople; and inROMAN DEBASEMENT.

333

particular he appears to have carried off a vast number
of statues; yet such, was their abundance at Rome, that
those taken were hardly missed.1 The honour of a statue
appears indeed to have been often too lightly conferred
at Rome. The practice is noted and rebuked in an anec-
dote of Cato the Censor, who, when asked why he had
no statue, replied: "I would rather that good men
should inquire why I had not deserved it, than whisper
among one another why I had obtained it."2

Ammianus Marcellinus has left us some sketches of
Rome about the middle of the fourth century. Through-
out the world, he tells us, Rome was still looked up to
as a mistress and queen, and the name of the Roman
people was treated with reverence. But these senti-
ments were entertained only by foreigners living at a
distance. Those who, like Ammianus himself, had a
more intimate and personal knowledge of the Romans,
were aware how little they merited respect. The remi-
niscences of a great name and the reality of enormous
wealth, combined with the utter want of any manly and
honourable employment in public life, had rendered the
nobles and senators proud, conceited, overbearing, idle,
luxurious, and profligate, while the rabble, so far as
their means extended, aped their superiors. The pictures
of Ammianus are doubtless exaggerated; but, after
due allowance on this score, enough remains to show
to what a depth of degradation the former masters

] There is an enumeration of the principal statues at Rome at the
end of the Notitia. Zacharias, who wrote an ecclesiastical history of
the latter half of the fifth century (translated from the Syriac by
Angelo Mai, JScripp. Vet. t. x. Praef. xii. sqq.), enumerates among
the ornaments of Rome 1,350 fountains, 3,785 bronze statues of
emperors, &c. See Gregorovius, B. i. S. 78.

2 Amm. Marcell. xiv. 6, § 8.334

PRIDE OF THE NOBLES.

of the world had sunk. We shall here present the more
salient traits recorded by this writer.1

The pride of some of the nobles lay in well-sounding
names, and they bragged themselves off immensely as
Heburri, Fabunii, Pagonii, Greriones, Dalii, Taracii, or
Perrasii. Some boasted of their wealth and estates from
morning to night, although nobody asked about them,
while others gratified their pride by having a^higher car-
riage than their neighbours. When they went out for an
airing, they hurried through the streets at a gallop,
spurring on their horses as if bent on important public
business, and followed by whole troops of domestics,
like so many bands of robbers. In like manner the
matrons, with veiled heads, were carried in litters
through all the outskirts of the city, accompanied by
the domestics, marshalled like an army, and commanded
by officers with rods in their right hands. First came
the .domestics who attended to the weaving and clothing
department; then those attached to the kitchen, all
dressed in black. These were followed promiscuously
by the rest of the slaves, mixed with the idle plebeians
of the neighbourhood. Last came a multitude of squalid
repulsive-looking eunuchs of all ages, from old men to
boys. These traits show to what an extent the manners
of the East had been introduced at Rome.

Some of the nobles went to the baths followed by a
train of fifty servants, and gave their orders in a loud

1 Ibid. 9 sqq. and xxviii. 4, § 6 sqq. The reader will find a more
elegant paraphrase of these passages in Gibbon's thirty-first chapter.
But in one particular the great historian has somewhat distorted
the account of Ammianus, by assigning the train of dressmakers,
cooks, eunuchs, and idle plebeians, to the master in his journeys into
the country, instead of to the matron in her excursions about the
town.THEIR EFFEMINACY AND HAUGHTINESS. 335

and insolent tone. But if they chanced to hear that
some old harridan had arrived, formerly perhaps a mean
slave or common prostitute, they immediately sur-
rounded her, and loaded her with fulsome praises such
as the Parthians might have bestowed on Semiramis, or
the Egyptians on Cleopatra. When one of these nobles
had come out of the bath and dried himself with soft
towels, he diligently examined the wardrobe which he
had brought with him, and selected a garment from a
number sufficient for eleven men. Then having got
back his rings, which he had given to the servant lest
they should be injured by the moisture, he walked off,
holding out his fingers as if they had been measured.
Nothing could equal the pains bestowed upon their
dress. One thing was put over another, and the whole
so arranged as to display the long rich tunics under-
neath with embroidered fringes, representing animals
and other devices.

When they went into the country to hunt, all the
trouble of which was done for them by others, or if in
hot weather they sailed in their painted galleys from
Lake Avernus to Puteoli or Caieta, they considered
themselves to have equalled the marches of Alexander
or Caesar. If a fly settled on the silken folds of their
gilt fans, or a little sunbeam penetrated through a rent
in their parasols, they fancied themselves more unfortu-
nate than if they had been born in Cimmeria.

Nothing could exceed the ridiculous haughtiness of
their manners. Had one of them obtained some trifling
dignity, he walked along with head erect, eyeing his
former acquaintances askance, so that you might take
him for Marcellus returning from the capture of Syra-
cuse. Their flatterers were thought sufficiently happy
if permitted to kiss their hands or their knees.336

HOW THEY DINED.

Foreigners especially were treated with supreme con-
tempt. One who had been received on his arrival with
apparent affability would be totally forgotten on the
morrow. All the duties of politeness were thought to
be discharged, even towards one to whom they were
under obligations, if they inquired what baths he used,
or at whose house he was staying. Foreigners were
seldom invited to dinner, except they understood dicing
and racing, or pretended to be in some secrets, or were
rich and childless; while the learned and sober were
shunned as useless and unlucky companions. Yet if
you happened to receive an invitation from a senator,
couched in well-weighed sentences, you would do better
to murder his brother than decline it; for that would
be considered an insult to his pedigree. The dinner itself
was intended only for vain display. When the meal
was on the table, the scales were called for, the fishes,
birds, and dormice were weighed, and their weights
discussed till the company were weary; nay, some-
times a score or two of notaries took down the weights on
their tablets. Such persons were naturally surrounded
by idle and garrulous flatterers. And as the ancient
Roman was to be pleased by alluding to his battles and
sieges, so the modern one may be flattered into con-
ceiving himself something more than human merely by
praising his lofty columns, or his walls adorned with
stones of variegated and well-chosen colours.

Many of the Romans were exceedingly rich, but many
also lived on credit; and all of them would condescend
to the meanest arts to get money without trouble. They
were all legacy-hunters; and when they had succeeded
in getting named in a will, the testator, it was said,
sometimes suddenly disappeared. They courted no
friends but those from whom they expected to deriveDECAY OF LITERATURE.

337

some benefit. They never thought of visiting sick
friends, and servants who had been sent to inquire after
them were compelled to take a bath before they were re-
admitted into the house. Nevertheless, even when they
were really sick, if bid forth to a wedding, they would
go even as far as Spoleto, because on such occasions gold
was offered in the hollow of the right hand. Hence also
their friendship for dicers, whom they treated with the
greatest distinction; by which these gamesters were so
puffed up that if any low fellow, well up in the secret
turns of the game, should be placed at table below a man
of pro-consular dignity, you would see him walk off with
a gravity more sad and solemn than we may fancy
Porcius Oato to have shown after an unexpected repulse
from the praetor ship.

It would be absurd to suppose that such men should
have had any taste for learning and the liberal arts. In
fact, letters were to them worse than poison ; and though
they enjoyed an uninterrupted leisure, they opened no
books but those of Marius Maximus1 and Juvenal, the
reason of which it lay out of the power of Ammianus to
explain. In houses once celebrated for the cultivation
of literature, nothing was now to be heard but music
and singing; the vocalist had taken the place of the
philosopher, and the teacher of the mimic arts that of
the orator; the libraries appeared to be sealed up for
ever, like sepulchres, and hydraulic organs, lutes as big
as coaches, and other portentous instruments, were
found instead. Nothing can more strongly show the
degraded state of learning than the fact that when a
little previously, on the apprehension of a scarcity,

1 A verbose historian of the Roman emperors, of whom little is
known, and whose works have entirely perished.

Z338

ARISTOCRATIC JUSTICE.

foreigners were expelled the city, mimes and their fol-
lowers, or those who for a time pretended to be so, were
allowed to remain, together with three thousand female
dancers, with their teachers and corps de ballet in equal
numbers. Wherever you turned your eyes you might
see whole bevies of frizzled women whirling round in
interminable circles, brushing the pavement with their
feet, and imitating the pantomimic dances which they
had seen in the theatres.

But if the nobles had no taste for learning, they were
devoted to the study of astrology, and would do nothing
without first consulting the stars. Some of them had
such notions of justice, that if a slave was too slow in
bringing them warm water, they would order him to
have three hundred lashes ; while if he committed a wilful
homicide, and many persons pressed for his punishment,
the master would merely observe that he was a naughty
good-for-nothing fellow, and that if ever he did the like
again he should be corrected.

Such were the nobles. Of the crowd of the baser sort
some were accustomed to spend the night in wine-shops,
some under the awnings of the theatres, which Oatulus
first introduced in his sedileship in imitation of the
luxury of Campania. Even among these some pretended
to great names, although they had not shoes to their feet.
They spent their whole time in drinking and dicing, in
brothels, debauchery, and the public spectacles. The
Circus Maximus was to them house and temple and
forum, in short, the sum and end of their whole existence
and desires. The streets and public places and clubs
were filled with eager crowds angrily disputing about
the event of the next race. Grey-headed and wrinkled
old men, whom one would imagine to be weary of life,
would cry out that the state was ruined if their favouriteROME IN" A.D. 357.

339

horse did not -win. On the day of the games, before
the sun was well risen, they hastened to the Circus at
a pace that might beat even the chariots themselves,
though many had lain awake all night from anxiety
about the event. In the theatres the actors were hissed
off if they had not conciliated the baser populace with
presents of money. By way of making a noise, they
would cry out that all foreigners should be expelled the
city; yet it was by the subsidies and contributions of
these foreigners that they had always been supported.
In short, the cries uttered by this degraded populace
were altogether brutal and absurd, and very different
from those of the ancient plebs, of whom many good
sayings are recorded.

It will be observed that, in these pictures of Roman
manners, Ammianus does not once advert to the gladia-
torial combats. They had been formally abolished by
an edict of Constantine in the year 325 ;1 nevertheless
they appear not to have gone entirely out of use till
near a century later.

Such were the manners of that epoch; but the bar-
barian hordes were now advancing to put ah end to this
splendid degradation, and indeed it was high time.

We may gather from the same historian's description
of the visit of Constantius II. to Rome in 35 7,2 that,
materially, the city retained almost unimpaired its
ancient air of splendour. After a period of thirty-
two years, the palace became again for a few weeks the
residence of an emperor. The lapse of three centuries
had now converted the master of the Roman world into
an oriental despot. Constantius had been bred up in
all the rules of Persian etiquette. During a long j ourney

1	" Omnino gladiatores esse prohibemus."—God. Theod. xv. 12, 1.

2	Amm, Marcell. xvi. 10.340	CONSTANTIUS II. VISITS ROME.

lie sat in his car immovable as a statue, without turning
his head or even his eyes to the right or to the left; he
was neither seen to nod, to spit, to blow his nose, or
even move his hands ; only, though he was a very little
man,1 he bowed his head when he passed under the lofty
gates of a city, as if they were not high enough for him.
Yet this automaton of an emperor endeavoured to make
himself as agreeable as he could to the Romans. After
addressing the senate in the Curia and the people from
the Rostra, he passed on to the palace amidst the accla-
mations of the multitude. At the Circensian games
which he gave he seemed to enjoy the loquacity of the
people; nor did he arbitrarily put an end to the sports,
as he was accustomed to do in other places, but left them
to be terminated by chance, according to the Roman
custom. His admiration of the monuments of Rome
was unbounded. The Capitoline temple, the enormous
extent of the various baths, the lofty and solid mass of
the Flavian amphitheatre, the magnificent vault of the
Pantheon, the Temple of Rome, the Forum of Peace,
the theatre of Pompey, the Odeum, the Stadium, and
other similar structures, by turns excited his wonder.
But when he arrived at Trajan's Forum he seemed
almost confounded with astonishment. That, indeed,
observes the historian, we take to be a work unparalleled
in the whole world; a work that can scarcely be de-
scribed, much less again achieved by man. Constantius,
the master of the world, confined himself to the humble
wish of copying the horse of the equestrian statue of
Trajan, which stood in the middle of the atrium. But
the Persian prince Hormisda, who accompanied him,
observed: " First of all, Emperor, you must order a

1 " Corpus perhumile."—Amm.THE LATERAN OBELISK.

341

similar stable to be made for him, if that be possible ;
so that your horse may be lodged as magnificently as
the one we see." In fact, so great was Constantius'
surprise at what he saw, that he complained of the
weakness or ill-nature of Fame, who, though it is her
custom to magnify everything, had but feebly described
the wonders of Rome.

Constantius resolved to present the Romans with some
mark of his favour; and as he could not hope to get
anything done that might vie with the ancient monu-
ments, he determined to procure a ready-made one. His
father, Oonstantine, had resolved to adorn Constantinople
with the largest obelisk at Thebes, which, according to
Ammianus, had been spared by Augustus, not because
of its vast magnitude and the difficulty of transporting
it, as Constantius was told by his flatterers, but from a
feeling of religion, because this obelisk was more especially
dedicated to the sun-god, and stood within the sacred
precincts of his temple. It still remained in Egypt at
the death of Constantine, and Constantius" caused it to
be transported to Rome. It was carried up the Tiber,
and landed at a place called Vicus Alexandri, about
three miles from the city, whence it was conveyed to
Rome by the Via Ostiensis, and with much difficulty
erected in the Circus Maximus. It was discovered in
1587 in the pontificate of Sixtus V., lying buried several
feet under the ground, and broken into three pieces.
Sixtus caused it to be repaired and re-erected in the
piazza of the Lateran, where it now stands. A Latin
inscription on the pedestal, in twenty-four hexameter
verses, published by Grruter,1 contained the history of
the obelisk. The hieroglyphics on it record its erection

clxxxvi. 3.342 LAST STRUGGLES OF PAGANISM.

by Thothmes III. before the great temple of Thebes.1
It is the tallest obelisk in the world. Its length, as
measured when lying on the ground, was 148 Roman
palms. The base haying been injured by fire, it was
necessary to cut off four palms, or nearly three feet;
but it still measures 108 Roman feet, which is very
little short of the same number in English measure.

The sons of Constantine, like their father, seem to
have done all they could to favour Christianity, but
without venturing completely to abolish paganism.
There are indeed several edicts of Oonstantius for shut-
ting up the temples, and making sacrifice a capital
offence.2 We are told by Libanius 3 that this emperor
often made a present of a temple, just as he might give
away a dog or a horse, a slave or a gold cup; and Am-
mianus mentions some courtiers who had been enriched
in this manner.4 But, on the whole, paganism was yet
too strong to be violently put down. It was found
prudent to tolerate, or at all events to connive at, the
exercise of pagan rites ; and the edicts, if ever published,
. do «not appear to have been enforced. Symmachus,

1	See Amm. Marc. xvii. 4, § 6—23. Ammianus says that Con-
stantine had destined it for Rome; but the inscription shows that
he meant it for Constantinople. Dean Milman (note, ap. Gibbon,
vol. ii. p. 401, Smith's ed.) raises a very unnecessary difficulty about
the inscription. As there were two obelisks in the Circus, viz. that
raised by Augustus, and that raised by Constantius, the vetus obelis-
cus referred to by Ammianus must necessarily be the former, now
standing in the Piazza del Popolo; to which belongs the Greek in-
terpretation of the inscription by Hermapias. Let us further
observe: first, that not more than two obelisks are mentioned in
the Circus, and both have been found; second, that the vast size of
that at the Lateran agrees with the description of Ammianus.

2	Cod. Theodos. xvi. 10, 4-6.

3	Or at, fro Templis, p. 23.

4	xxii. 4.THE VICTORY IN THE CURIA.	343

alluding to Constantius' visit to Rome, describes him as
maintaining tlie Yestal virgins in their privileges, in-
vesting the Roman nobles with sacerdotal dignities, and
granting the customary allowance for the public worship
and sacrifices.1 The title and office of Pontif ex Maximus
was accepted by seven Christian emperors. Gratian
was the first emperor who, in the latter part of his reign,
rejected that title;2 and it was under him that one of
the last contests between paganism and Christianity
occurred.

Constantius had caused to be removed from the Curia
a statue of Victory, a masterpiece of Grecian art which
Augustus had brought from Tarentum and adorned
with Egyptian spoils.3 Ever since the image had been
erected no debate had been opened without a previous
sacrifice on the altar which stood before it; and hence
it became the signal for contention between the pagan
and Christian senators. Julian the Apostate, who in
his short reign (361-363) did all that lay in his power
to restore paganism, but who never visited Rome, ordered
the statue to be replaced; and it appears to have re-
mained in the Curia till the year 382, when a decree of
Gratian for its removal gave rise to a remarkable contest.
The pagan party in the senate despatched their leader,
the pontif ex and prefect Symmachus, on several embas-
sies to the court of Milan, the residence of the emperors
of the West, to procure the restoration of the statue,

1	Symmach. Ejpistt. x. 54.

2	See Gibbon, Decline and Fall, vol. iii. p. 100; with Smith's
note.

3	Dion Cass. li. 22 Victory was usually represented by a majestic
female, with expanded wings and flowing robes, standing upon a
globe and stretching forth a laurel crown. See Montfaucon, Ant. t.
i. p. 341.344

PAGANISM AS A NAME.

and also of the privileges and revenues of the Vestal
virgins, of which they had been deprived. The speech
of Symmachus on his second embassy in 384, may be
regarded as the last protest of expiring paganism. He
was answered by Ambrosius, archbishop of Milan, in an
Epistle to Valentinian II.,1 whose arguments fonnd
favour with that emperor. But, in 392, Yalentinian
was murdered by Arbogastes, the Frank, who placed
the rhetorician Eugenius upon the throne. By this
emperor the heathen party was courted, as a prop of his
usurpation ; the ancient worship was for a while restored;
the prostrate statues of the heathen deities were re-
erected ; and the figure of Yictory presided once more
over the debates of the senate. But in 394, Theodosius
avenged his brother-in-law Yalentinian by the over-
throw of Eugenius and Arbogastes, and proceeding to
Rome, which he entered in triumph, again drove out
the heathen priesthood.

Theodosius, however, did not succeed, as it has been
sometimes thought, in altogether extirpating paganism.2

1	See Belat. Symm. lib. x. ep. 54. Both pieces will be found in
Prudentius (t. i. p. 101 sqq. ed. Parm.). Cf. Beugnot, Hist. de la
Destruction clu Paganisme en Occident, liv. viii. ch. 6.

2	See Gibbon, ch. xxviii. (vol. iii. p. 413), and compare Beugnot,
t. i. p. 491, t. ii. p. 139. The name of pciganas, or pagan, first
occurs in a law of Yalentinian of the year 368 {God. Theod. xvi. 2,
18, et ibi Gothofred, t. vi. p. 46). Whatever may be the disputed
etymology of the word, the introduction of a new term for the
followers of the ancient and formerly universal religion shows that
they had now come to be considered as a sect, and even a minority.
But as paganus was already a good Latin word for rustic, it seems
probable that it was applied in the sense of heathen because country
people and villagers were the last to admit the new religion. Of the
God of the Christians it is said, " Magnis qui colitur solus in urbibus"
Isidor. Orig. viii. 10; Endelechius, ap. Lasaulx, p. 88.LAST ROMAN TRIUMPH.

345

This is manifest from the complaints of Prudentius1
and St. Jerome,2 as well as from the repeated edicts of
Theodosius himself, and of his sons Arcadius and Hono-
rius, against the heathen temples and worship. At the
commencement of the fifth century, the temples of Rome
appear to have still subsisted in all their majesty and
splendour, though almost entirely deserted by their
former worshippers. The youthful emperor. Honorius
revived in the year 403 the reminiscences of pagan
Rome by celebrating the last triumph ever seen within
its walls. A whole century had elapsed since the
Romans had beheld such a spectacle—the triumph of
Diocletian in 303; nay, in that space they had only
thrice seen an emperor within their walls :

Jam flavescentia centum
Messibus sestivse detondent Gargara falces,
Spectandosque iterum nulli celebrantia ludos
Circumflexa rapit centerms ssecula consul:

His annis, qui lustra miki bis dena recensent,

Nostra ter Augustos intra pomoeria vidi
Temporibus variis.3

The three emperors alluded to were Constantine, Con-
stantius, and Theodosius. The Romans had before
solicited Honorius to visit their city and celebrate a
triumph for the subjugation of the Numidian Grildo ; a
victory, however, due neither to Honorius, then a mere
lad, nor even to his guardian Stilicho, but to their lieu-
tenant Mascezel, Grildo's brother : and they appear even
to have erected a triumphal arch, through which
Honorius was to pass.4 But the invitation had been

1	Contra Symm. lib. ii. v. 443 sq.

2	Comment, in Isaiam.

3	Claudian, Be sexto Cons. Honorii, v. 388 sqq. 4 Ibid, 370.346 HONORIUS AND STILICHO ENTER ROME.

refused. In this neglect of their sovereigns, the imperial
residence on the Palatine, which had given its name to
all other palaces, was falling to decay :

Quem, precor, ad finem Laribus sejuncta potestas
Exsulat, imperiumque suis a sedibus errat ?

Cur mea quae cunctis tribuere Palatia nomen
Neglecto squalent senio, nec creditur orbis
Illinc posse regi ? 1

Such were the complaints of Roma, who is supposed by
the poet to have visited in person Honorius at Ravenna
to invite his presence. This time the emperor obeyed
the summons ; and, leaving Ravenna, proceeded by the
Via Flaminia and Fanum Fortunee to Rome. On his
way he visited the sources of the Clitumnus, so beauti-
fully described by the younger Pliny,2 which, according
to the account of Claudian, had the singular property
of remaining perfectly tranquil if noiselessly approached;
but if the visitor came with hasty footstep and clamour,
the sympathetic water, as if agitated by human pas-
sions, bubbled and frothed in like commotion. All
Rome had put on its best attire to receive the emperor.
The road was lined with spectators from the Milvian
bridge to the entrance of the palace ; the men filled the
streets, the matrons occupied the housetops. Stilicho
sat in the same chariot as his pupil and son-in-law; and
indeed the triumph was really his, for his victories at
Verona and Pollentia. The senate had been spared the
humiliation of preceding the imperial chariot on foot,
and were addressed in a modest speech by Honorius in
the Curia. The statue of Victory, it appears, still con-
tinued to occupy its ancient station :

1 Claudian, Be sexto Cons. Honorii, v. 407. 2 Epistt. viii. 8.TELEMACHUS MURDERED IN THE ARENA. 347,

Adfuit ipsa suis ales Victoria templis
Romanse tutela togse : quae divite penna
Patricii reverenda fovet sacraria coetus.1

From the Curia Honorius proceeded by tlie Via Sacra
to tlie palace, amidst the unbought acclamations of the
people, to whom no largesses had been distributed. A
like applause rose from the crowded Circus with so
prodigious a sound that all the seven hills re-echoed the
name of Augustus. The chariot races were followed
by a venatio, and the games were concluded by a sort
of military dance. At the opening of the new year
(a.d. 404) and the assumption by Honorius of his sixth
consulate, the Rostra again beheld, for the first time
since many centuries, the curule chairs, which had now
become mere matters of tradition ; while the Forum of
Trajan exhibited the unaccustomed spectacle of the
imperial lictors with their gilt fasces who stood around
its sides. But whilst Honorius thus seemed to take
a pleasure in reviving the ancient glories of Rome,
Stilieho, it is said, gave the first example of desecration
by stripping off the plates of gold which lined the doors
of the Capitoline temple.2

Amongst the games which Claudian mentions as ex-
hibited by Honorius, we find no notice of the gladia-
torial combats ; and it would indeed have been difficult
to introduce them with propriety into the panegyric of
a Christian emperor. But we learn from another source
that such combats were given. Theodoret3 tells the
story of Telemachus, an Asiatic monk, who in the
thickest of the fight rushed into the arena and en-

1	Claud. De sexto Cons. Honorii, v. 597.

2	Zosimus, lib. v. c. 38. The inscription said to have been found
upon them, " Misero regi servantur," has all the air of a fable.

3	Hist. Eccl. lib. v. c. 26.348	ADVANCE OF THE GOTHS.

deavoured to separate the combatants. But the people,
exasperated by the interruption of their favourite pas-
time, stoned the monk to death. Prudentius urged the
emperor to put down so dreadful a custom;1 and
Honorius is said to have issued an edict to that effect,
or at all events to have enforced the previous edicts of
Constantine and Constantius, and to have bestowed on
Telemachus the honour of martyrdom. Traces of this
barbarous custom are, however, to be found long after
this period; and Salvianus, in his treatise JDe Provi-
dential written after the middle of the fifth century,
complains of its continuance.

We have nothing further to add respecting Honorius,
except his repairs of Aurelian's walls. These were hur-
ried on at the alarm of the advance of the barbarians,
and were completed before Honorius entered the city in
303. Several gates, as we have already mentioned,
still bear the names of Arcadius and Honorius.

The walls had not been repaired too soon. In 405,
Radagaisus assembled in the Alps an army of 200,000'
Groths and other barbarians, who thence, like an ava-
lanche, threatened the fertile plains and populous cities
of Italy with destruction. On this occasion they were
dispersed by Stilicho, to whom the grateful Romans
erected at the foot of the Capitol a statue composed of
silver and bronze. The cippus on which it stood was
excavated in later ages near the Temple of Concord;

1	Contra Bymm. ]ib. ii. v. 1113 sqq.

2	Lib. vi. ap. Lasaulx, Der Untergang des Hellenismus, p. 30. The
value of Augustine's testimony (Confess. vi. 8), also cited by Lasaulx,
depends upon the time at which the Confessions were written, and
at all events will not extend much beyond the reign of Honorius.
Muratori and Pagi (ad ann. 404) dispute the fact that Honorius re-
vived the gladiatorial shows. The story of Telemachus rests only
on the authority of Theodoret, who, however, was a contemporary.FAMINE AT ROME.

349

and its pompous inscription in honour of Stilicho will
be found in Lucius Faunus.1 A triumphal arch was
also erected to the Emperors Arcadins, Honorius, and
Theodosius II. ; but it seems to have been but a poor
monument, and even its site is unknown.

In 408, Stilicho, who had hitherto been the saviour
of Eome, became so engaged in political intrigues that
he neglected to check the advance of the barbarians,
and Alaric appeared with his hordes before the eternal
city. The Grothic leader believed himself guided by the
voice of heaven in this expedition, while the imagina-
tion of the Romans painted him as urged on by some
demon to the destruction of their city.2 Alaric did not
assault the city. The new walls appear to have offered
an insurmountable defence, and he therefore prepared
to reduce Home by famine. Stilicho had now been
murdered at Ravenna; and the frightened and in-
furiated Romans, believing that his widow Serena, who
resided among them, treasonably assisted the designs of
Alaric, caused her to be strangled. So successful were
the measures taken by the Gothic chief to cut off the
supply of provisions, that Rome was soon reduced to a
state of famine. Thousands of the lower classes died
of hunger in the streets, and even the senators them-
selves discovered that their marble palaces, their gilded
roofs, and their heaps of gold and silver, could not avert
the approach of want. The public misery was aug-

1	Be Ant. Urb. Bom. c. 40.

2	Hortantes his adde Deos. Non somnia nobis
Nec volucres, sed clara palam vox edita luco est:

Rumpe omnes, Alarice, moras; hoc impiger anno,

Alpibus Italise ruptis, penetrabis ad Urbem :

Hue iter usque datur.

Claud. Bell. G-etico. 544.

Cf. Socrat. Hist. Eccl. lib. vii. c. 10; Sozom. ix. 6.350

EXTORTION OF ALARIC.

merited by the breaking out of a pestilence, the effect
of scanty and unwholesome diet and the stench of un-
bnried corpses. In this extremity of woe, some Tuscan
haruspices proposed to destroy the Grothie army by
drawing down fire from heaven, provided sacrifices
were offered to the gods. Pope Innocent, it is said,
was inclined to prefer the welfare of the city to the
purity of the Christian faith, and to have secretly given
them permission to do as they liked (itolelv airep laaaiv) j1
but as the sacrifices were to be performed publicly in
the Capitol, in the presence of the magistrates, the
senate refused to sanction an act which would have
amounted to a solemn restoration of paganism. It was
therefore determined to resort to negotiation. The
ambassador despatched for that purpose attempted to
alarm Alaric by an exaggerated picture of the numbers
and the despair of the Romans; but the barbarian chief,
with a loud contemptuous laugh, only answered, " The
thicker the hay, the more easily mown." The Romans
now attempted to bargain with Alaric, as their ancestors
had done many centuries before with Brennus; but they
found the Grothie chief even more exorbitant than the
Gaul. Alaric would be content with nothing less than
all their gold, silver, and precious moveables; and when
the ambassadors humbly asked what then he proposed
to leave them, the conqueror haughtily exclaimed, " Your
lives !" He afterwards somewhat abated his demands;
but in order to supply the 5,000 pounds weight of gold,
which formed only part of them, the Romans were com-
pelled to strip the statues of the gods of that precious
metal. Alaric withdrew before the close of the year. His
retiring host is said to have been joined by 40,000 bar-
barian slaves from the city; a fact which shows how
1 Zosimus, v. 41.THE GOTHS ENTER ROME.

351

wealthy and populous Rome must still have been at tliat
time.1

The Emperor Honorius, who resided at Ravenna,
having refused to listen to the conditions proposed by
Alaric, however modified, that conqueror again appeared
before Rome in the year 409, and took possession of the
port of Ostia. The Roman senate now submitted, and,
at the dictation of Alaric, acknowledged the prefect
Attalus for their emperor, who, though baptized by an
Arian bishop, still adhered to the heathen worship.
Attalus appointed Alaric generalissimo of the Western
Empire, and bestowed other posts on the relations of
that conqueror; but this shadow of an emperor was
very soon uncrowned by the barbarian who had set him
up. Coins of his reign are, however, still extant.

In August, 410, Alaric, irritated at his treatment by
the court of Ravenna, appeared for the third time be-
fore Rome, and fixed his head-quarters before the Porta
Salaria, on the side of the Pincian Hill. Treachery pro-
cured for the Groths entrance into the city; but the
method in which it was effected is not satisfactorily
ascertained. According to Procopius,2 Alaric had given
three hundred young Groths as pages to the senators,
who, on an appointed day, cut down the guard at the
Porta Salaria, and let in the soldiers of Alaric; but the
same author also mentions a story that the Groths were
admitted by Proba, widow of the celebrated Petronius
Probus. Even the date of the capture is not quite cer-
tain. Some authors place the event in the year 409;
but it most probably occurred August 24th, 410.3 The
Goths entered in the night, and set fire to some houses

1	For this siege of Rome see Zosimus, lib. y. c. 38-42; Sozomen,
lib. ix. c. 6 5 Philostorgius, lib. xii. c. 3.

2	jBell, Vand. i. 2.	3 See Gregorovius, B. i. S. 148.352 DAMAGE DONE BY THE GOTHS.

adjoining the gate, including tlie magnificent palace
which had belonged to Sallust. Alaric had commanded
his Goths to spare the lives of the Romans; neverthe-
less, many massacres were perpetrated, though their
number has perhaps been greatly exaggerated by his-
torians. St. Augustin1 says that but few senators were
put to death; Socrates alone speaks of many having
been murdered. The city, however, except St. Peter's,
St. Paul's, and the district of the Vatican, was aban-
doned to plunder.2

Alaric, from whatever motive, suffered his hordes to
remain only three days at Rome ; a period which would
not have sufficed for perpetrating much mischief on the
monuments of the city. They could have carried away
only portable articles of value; but they may also, per-
haps, have wantonly broken some statues. Considerable
damage may however have been done by fire, although
the palace of Sallust, already mentioned, is the only one
known to have suffered in this way. The expressions
of ecclesiastical historians on this head are doubtless
exaggerated; as when Socrates asserts that the greater
fart of'the wonderful monuments of the city was de-
stroyed, and when St. Jerome, in his epistle to Grau-
dentius,3 even goes so far as to say that the famous
city, the capital of the Roman Empire, was exhausted
by a single fire. The truth is, perhaps, to be sought
between these authors, and Jornandes, who admits only
plunder and not arson;4 and Orosius, a contemporary

1 Be Civit, Bei, lib. iii. c. 29. In this work Augustin justifies
the decrees of Providence in the destruction of the city and of Roman
greatness. 2 Orosius, lib. ii. c. 19 5 Socr. H. Eccl. lib. vii. c. 10.

3	Epist. cxxviii.; cf. Cassiod. Hist. Eccl. Trijpart. lib. ii. c. 9;
Philostorg. lib. xii. c. 3.

4	" Alarico jubente spoliant tantum; non autem, ut solent gentes,
ignem supponunt."—Be Reb. Get. c. 30.ATAULF AND PLACIDIA.

353

historian, has probably hit the true mean. We may
gather from him that some destruction was caused by
fire, and he points to the Forum, with its false idols, as
the scene of the conflagration, which, however, he attri-
butes to the agency of lightning.1 Alaric, however,
undoubtedly carried off a great booty, and a vast num-
ber of prisoners in his waggons, among them Placidia,
the sister of Honorius, whom, however, he treated with
respect.2 According to Procopius, the Jewish spoils
which Titus had brought from Jerusalem were among
the booty, and appear to have been conveyed into G-aul.
But the whole of them at least cannot have been carried
off, since part was plundered by Genseric, as we shall
presently have occasion to relate.

Alaric did not long survive the capture of Rome.
He died in 410, and was buried by his followers in the
river Busentinus. The Goths then chose his brother-
in-law Ataulf, or Adolphus, for their king; who, in 411,
agreed with Honorius to leave Italy and march into
Gaul against the usurper Jovinus. According to Jor-
nandes, Ataulf again plundered Rome.3 Earlier writers,
however, do not mention such an occurrence, which ap-
pears improbable from the league which he had formed
with Honorius, whose sister Placidia he had married.
In 417 Honorius again entered Rome in triumph, when
the ex-emperor Attalus was compelled to march before
his chariot, and was afterwards banished to Lipara.4
Honorius appears to have aided in restoring the city.0

1	Lib. ii. c. 19, p. 143. In another place lie limits the fire to a
few houses, or temples : "facto quidem aliquantarum sedium in-
cendio."—Lib. vii. c. 39.

2	Zosim. lib. vi. c. 12 ; Oros. lib. ii. c. 19 5 Isidor. Chron. Goth.

3	Be Beb. Get. c. 31.

4	Prosper Aquit. Chron. ap. Gregorov. B. i. S. 171.

5	Philostorg. lib. xii. c. 5.

A A354 THE TEMPORAL POWER DAWNS.

Fugitives were recalled from all parts of tlie world.
Olympiodorus asserts tliat fourteen thousand returned
in one day ; but that, no doubt, is an exaggeration.1

We find about this time edicts for the destruction of
the heathen temples, or for their conversion to other
purposes. Those situated on the property of private
persons were to be destroyed; those in towns or cities,
or in the imperial domains, were either to be converted
into Christian churches, or applied to some other use.2
This must have given a heavy blow to paganism. Mean-
while the church flourished. Its temporalities had been
endowed by donations of landed property called patri-
monia, whilst its dogmatical system had been built up
and consolidated by the talents and learning of the
Fathers. But the functions of the Bishop of the Lateran
were still almost exclusively confined to the administra-
tion of the church, though already, in the fifth century,
he began to exercise a certain influence in civic affairs.
The absence of the emperors from Rome contributed to
increase the authority of the bishop; and as the city
sank deeper and deeper in poverty and misery, he began
gradually to be regarded as its father and protector.
Under a prefect and senate, Rome assumed more and
more every day a municipal character. Hence the bishop
became its chief distinction, and his election, which was
often contested, formed the most important business of
the inhabitants.

Honorius died at Ravenna August 15th, 423, but his
remains were buried at Rome near those of S. Peter.
After this event, while Theodosius was debating whether
he should unite the Eastern and Western Empires, or
bestow the latter on Yalentinian, the minor son of Pla-
cidia by her second husband Constantius, he was sur-
1 Ap. Photium.	2 Cod. Theod. xvi. 10, 19, &e.APPROACH OF THE HUNS.

355

prised by the news that the purple had been seized by
John, Primicerius of the Notaries of Ravenna, who wras
acknowledged as emperor by the Romans. But in 425
John was defeated and captured by Ardaburius and
Aspar, Theodosius' generals; when Yalentinian and
Placidia were established at Ravenna, and the usurper
was executed. Placidia now proceeded with "Valentinian,
who was only seven years old, to Rome. Here he re-
ceived the imperial purple from the hands of a pleni-
potentiary of Theodosius, and, under the guardianship
of his mother, was declared Augustus, or emperor, with
the title of Yalentinian III. He then returned to Ra-
venna to conduct the government under the guidance of
his mother.

The reign of Yalentinian III. was marked by the ad-
vancing encroachments of the barbarians. Between the
years 429 and 439, Africa was wrested from the Empire
by the Yandals. Between the years 433 and 454, Aetius
must be regarded as the bulwark of the Empire. Rome,
alarmed at the approach of the Huns, formed a league
with the Alani and Western Goths, and in 451 Attila
and his Sarmatic hordes were overthrown on the Cata-
launian plains. The king of the Huns retired into
Lower Pannonia to recruit his forces. In the spring
of 452 he again descended from the Julian Alps into
Italy, whither, according to the story, he had been in-
vited by Honoria, sister of Yalentinian III., with the
offer of her hand. At the approach of the Huns, Yalen-
tinian fled from Ravenna to Rome.

The Roman senate, despairing of a successful defence,
decreed a solemn embassy to Attila for the purpose of
imploring peace; for which mission were selected the
consular Avienus, the chief of the senate, Trigetius, for-
merly prsetorian prefect of Italy, and Bishop Leo, who356

POPE LEO AND ATTILA.

had been elected to tlie chair of St. Peter in 440.
The ambassadors found Attila on the banks of the
Mincius. The majestic as|)ect and fervid eloquence of
Leo filled the breast of Attila with veneration, and the
effect was enhanced by the sudden apparition of St.
Pater and St. Paul, who threatened the barbarian chief-
tain with immediate death if he refused to listen to the
prayer of their successor.1 The noclus was certainly
worthy of the vinclices; nor is the legend less noble, nor
doubtless less true, than that of the apparition of the
Dioscuri at Regillus. Neither the one legend nor the
other need, however, inspire doubts of the substantial
truth of the stories which they embellish. It is certain
that Attila made a sudden retreat into Pannonia; and
tradition has ascribed it to a superstitious fear of in-
curring the fate of Alaric, who expired very shortly
after the capture of Rome. From Pannonia Attila
threatened to destroy Italy and Rome if Honoria and a
suitable present were not delivered to him ; but a sudden
death prevented him from fulfilling this threat.

Yalentinian III., unlike his predecessors, frequently
inhabited the imperial palace at Rome. In the year
454 he stabbed Aetius in a quarrel, and the act was
probably accompanied with a massacre of that general's
adherents. Yalentinian was himself assassinated, March
27th, 455, as he was reviewing his soldiers in the Campus
Martius. The assassination had been contrived by the
senator Petronius Maximus, whose wife he had outraged.
Maximus now caused himself to be proclaimed Cassar,
but he had scarcely enjoyed the throne two months
when the arrival of Genseric and his Yandals from
Africa was announced. According to some accounts,

1 Jornarides, De Eeb. Get. 42 ; Baronius, ap. Gibbon, cli. xxxwTHE VANDALS AT ROME.

357

the Vandals had been called in by Eudoxia, the widow
of Valentinian, whom Maximus had compelled to marry
him, and then revealed to her the secret that he had
been the assassin of her husband, though with the
gallant assurance that the murder had been committed
for the sake of obtaining her hand. His own wife had
died of vexation at Valentinian's outrage.1

Scarce had the Yandal sails appeared before the har-
bour of Portus, in June 455, when the Romans rose and
murdered Maximus, and the Vandals advanced un-
opposed upon Rome. Leo tried once more the same
method which had been so successful with Attila; but
Grenseric was not so easily moved as that conqueror; he
could be persuaded only to promise that he would not
burn or devastate Rome, but confine himself to plunder-
ing its treasures. The third day after the murder of
Maximus the Vandals entered Rome by the Porta Por-
tuensis. The exact date of this event is uncertain, but
it was probably at the beginning of June. These Yandal
hordes, with whom were mixed Bedouins and Africans,
plundered Rome at their leisure, for which purpose
Grenseric granted them a fortnight's furlough. The
booty was carted off methodically to the ships, the
Romans offering no resistance. On this occasion the
palace of the Caesars was completely emptied, even of its
commonest utensils. The Temple of Jupiter, which still
stood uninjured on the Capitol, was also plundered; its
statues were carried off to adorn the African residence
of Grenseric, and half the roof was stripped of its tiles
of gilt bronze.2 Among the booty on this occasion was
part, at least, of the Jewish spoils of Titus, which, as
well as massive gold plate from the Roman churches,

1	Procop. B. yand. i. 4 5 Evagrius, ii. 7 ; Nicephor. xv. 11.

2	Procop. B. Vcmd. i. 5.358

THE CHAINS OF S. PETER.

was discovered at Cartilage eighty years later by Beli-
sarius, and, together with other Vandal booty, carried
in triumph to Constantinople.1 It is related that a
clever Jew persuaded Justinian that the Jewish spoils
would never find rest but in the place designed for them
by Solomon; that they had been the cause why Genseric
had taken the palace of the Ceesars, and why, in turn,
the imperial army had conquered the palace of the
Vandals ; upon which Justinian is said to have sent the
spoils to a Christian church at Jerusalem.

Genseric also carried off Eudoxia to Africa, with many
thousand other captives. Eudoxia's daughter Eudocia
was compelled to give her hand to Genseric's son ; her
other daughter, Placidia, was set at liberty after the
death of the Emperor Marianus. Eudoxia founded at
Rome a Basilica to St. Peter on the Carinse, near the
Baths of Titus, which was called from her Titulus2
Eucloxice; and at a later period 8. Pietro ad Vinculo,, or
in Vincoli, from a legend that the chains of St. Peter
were preserved there. The Vandals are also charged
by the Byzantine historians with having destroyed by
fire some of the Roman monuments;3 but they do not
specify any buildings, and the charge appears to be un-
founded. Although the plundering was thorough, the
capture of Rome by the Yandals appears to have had
no enduring consequences—it was merely a fortnight's
razzia.

Maximus was succeeded in the "Western Empire by
Avitus, a Gaul, July, 455. The Roman senate, in spite

1	Theophan. Chronogr. p. 93 5 Cedrenus, Hist. Comp. t. i. p. 649;
Procop. B. Vand. ii. c. 4.

2	The churches called Titulus are parish churches, and give titles
to cardinals.

3	Evagrius, Hist. Eccl. ii. 7; Nicephorus, Eccl. Hist. xv. 11.MAJORIAN FORBIDS DILAPIDATION. 359

of their asserted right of election, were obliged to accept
the nomination; Avitus was invited from Aries to Rome,
where he was formally recognized. Avitns was a man
of much cultivation. On the 1st of January, 456, his
son-in-law Sidonius Apollinaris read before the assembled
fathers his poetical panegyric on the emperor, which
procured for him the easily won honour of a brazen
statue in Trajan's library; a fact which shows, at least,
that the Vandals had committed no destruction on the
Ulpian library and statues.1 But in a little time the
senate found means to expel Avitus, through Ricimer,
the leader of the Suevi, then all-powerful in Italy, and
Avitus was slain on his return to Auvergne. The throne
of the West was now allowed to remain ten months un-
occupied, till, in the spring of 457, Ricimer bestowed
the diadem on his favourite Majorianus, An edict of
Majorian from Ravenna2 shows the care which that
emperor devoted to Rome; but at the same time, by
forbidding the application of the materials of ancient
structures to the erection of public buildings, betrays
the fact that they had already suffered from the practice,
and had come to be regarded as mere stone quarries.
!Nay, by connivance of the magistrates, these materials
seem also to have been applied to private uses. The
edict ordained that magistrates who suffered such prac-
tices were to be fined in 50 lbs. of gold; underlings
who assisted were first to be whipped, and then to have
their hands amputated.

In 461, Ricimer deposed Majorian, who soon after
perished in a mysterious manner. Such was the end of
this excellent emperor.3 Pope Leo the Great died in

1	Ep. xvi. ad Firminum, lib. ix. p. 284.

2	Leg. Novell. Lib. at end of Cod. Theod. Tit. vi. 1, Be JEd. publ.

3	Procop. B. Vand. i. 7.860

RICIMER CAPTURES ROME.

the same year. He was tlie first pope buried within
the precincts of St. Peter's. Leo repaired several of
the churches in Rome, and erected on the Yia Latina,
about three miles from the gates, a Basilica to St.
Stephen. This building vanished in the middle ages,
but was discovered in 1857, and identified by an inscrip-
tion on marble to the proto-martyr Stephanus.

Ricimer appointed as the successor of Majorian his
creature Severus, whose unimportant reign lasted only
till August, 465. The throne now remained vacant
more than a year, when the senate elected to it the
Greek Anthemius, whose daughterRicimer was to marry.
Anthemius entered Rome in a sort of a triumph, in
April, 467. His accession was marked by the revival
of the Lupercalia; which festival was celebrated, accord-
ing to ancient custom, in February, before the eyes of
the emperor and pope.

Ricimer, having quarrelled with Anthemius, betook
himself to Milan, and frightened Rome by his reported
alliance with the barbarians beyond the Alps. In 472
he appeared before Rome with his barbarian hordes,
and pitched his camp near the bridge over the Anio
before the Porta Salaria.1 Rome was now reduced to a
state bordering upon famine, which caused a pestilence.
Gilimer, the Gothic or Yandal commander in Gaul,
hastened to the defence of the city; but when he arrived,
Ricimer was already master of the Trastevere. After
a bloody battle, in which Gilimer fell, Ricimer forced
the Aurelian gate, and his German hordes entered the
city to plunder and slay. Thus Rome was captured for
the third time, July 11th, 472. There are no accounts
of any buildings being destroyed; but the only parts of

1 Sigonius, Be Occ, Imp, lib. xiv. p. 245 (ed. 1593),ODOACER IjST ITALY.

361

tlie city that escaped plunder were those occupied by
Bicimer, namely, the Janiculum and Vatican.1 The
district of the Vatican appears at this time to have been
filled with convents, churches, and hospitals.

Bicimer, haying caused Anthemius to be put to death,
placed upon the throne Olybrius, the husband of Eu-
doxia's daughter Placidia. But it was the last act of
this king-maker. He died suddenly soon after, Aug. 18th,
472. The church of Sta. Agata super Suburam, or in
Subura, on the declivity of the Quirinal, which he either
built or repaired, preserves the memory of this extra-
ordinary man. This church, which was originally a
church of the Arian Groths, and is thence also called
Sta. Agata/ide' Groti, is the burial-place of John Lascaris.
From its connection with the Irish College, it also
contains the heart of Daniel O'ConnelL

On the death of Olybrius, October 23rd, 472, Grundo-
bald, a nephew of Bicimer's, who had succeeded him
in the command of the army, bestowed the imperial
dignity on Glycerius. But Grlycerius was overthrown
in 474 by Julius Nepos, who scarcely ruled a year;
when Orestes, a Boman patrician of Pannonia, a sort of
condottiere, caused his son Bomulus Momyllus Augus-
tulus to be elected emperor of the West. The reign of
Augustulus was also of short duration. Odoacer had
now united under his standards a vast army of barba-
rians, who flocked to him from all parts; and he de-
manded from Orestes a third of all the lands of Italy.
Orestes with his son took refuge in Pavia, but the town
was stormed and taken; Orestes was beheaded, and
Augustulus made prisoner.2 Odoacer now took the

1	Muratori, Ann. d' Italia, t. iy. p. 308 sq.

2	Procop, B. Goth. init.; Anon. Vales.362 THE WESTERN EMPIRE EXTINGUISHED.

title of king, but not of any particular country, nor did
lie ever assume tlie purple or the diadem.1 These
events occurred in 476, in the third year of the Eastern
emperor Zeno the Isaurian, and the ninth of Pope Sim-
plicius. Augustulus was compelled to announce his
abdication before the assembled senate ; and that body
proclaimed in turn the Extinction of the Western
Empire.

1 Cassiod. Chron. a.d. 476 j Theoplian. Chronogr. t. i. p. 184
(ed. Bonn).363

SECTION VII.

FROM THE FALL OF THE WESTERN EMPIRE TO ITS
RESTORATION UNDER CHARLEMAGNE.

DO ACER fixed his residence at Ravenna. His

reign of thirteen years was mild and beneficent,
but is marked by no memorable event. He made no
change in the political constitution of Rome, which
continued to be governed by a prefect. At length Zeno,
trembling for the security of his own empire, directed
Theodoric and his Ostrogoths towards Italy, against
Odoacer, whom he styled " the tyrant." Theodoric
entered Italy in 489, and Odoacer, after three defeats,
shut himself up in Ravenna. Here he defended him-
self three years, but was at length compelled to open
the gates to the Ostrogoths, March 5th, 493; when
Theodoric caused Odoacer and his troops to be mas-
sacred. He now assumed the title of King of Italy,
without seeking the confirmation of it by Anastasius,
who had succeeded in 491 to the empire of the East;
and, like Odoacer, he took up his residence at Ravenna.

The course of these events, in which the name of
Rome is scarcely mentioned, shows that the former mis-
tress of the world had now sunk almost to the condition
of a municipal town, governed by sovereigns who re-
sided at a distance. In the year 500, Theodoric paid a
visit to Rome, which had from the first declared in his364

THEODORIC AT ROME.

favour. He treated the senate, who were still addressed
as " Patres Conscripti," with respect, but allowed them
no share of power. Theodoric was received outside the
gates by the senate, the people, and the pope at the
head of the clergy. After a prayer at the tomb of the
apostle, at St. Peter's, which was not yet included within
the walls, Theodoric entered Rome in triumphal pro-
cession by the Pons JElius and Porta Aurelia. He then
proceeded to the Curia, and addressed the people at the
place near it called Ad Palmam; which derived its
name from a statue of the Emperor Claudius II., which
stood there, clothed in the tunica palmata. In this
speech he promised, with God's assistance, to preserve
inviolable whatever preceding Roman princes had or-
dained.1

Although Theodoric did not fix his residence at Rome,
and only paid that city a passing visit of six months,
nothing could exceed the care which he bestowed upon
its monuments. He appointed an architect to superin-
tend the preservation of the ancient buildings, directed
him to imitate their style in all new erections, and estab-
lished a fund to defray the expense of their repairs.2
He appointed an officer, or count, whose office was called
Comitiva Romana, to take care of the statues ; of which
there still existed so great a quantity, both pedestrian
and equestrian, that Cassiodorus likens them to a people.3
The metal with which they were adorned, sometimes
gold or silver, seems to have been a motive to theft;
to obtain it, those parts of the statues which bore

1	Amm. Marc. Excerypta de Odoacre, $c. c. 66 5 Treb. Pollio,
Claud, c. 2.

2	Cassiod. Tartar, lib. i. 25, ii. 7,34, vii. 15,17 ; Anon. Yales. 67.

3	" Quidam populus copiosissimus statuarum, greges etiam abun-
dantissimi equorum."—Variar. vii. 13.HIS CARE OF THE CITY.

365

it seem frequently to have been broken off. Fourteen
aqueducts still traversed tlie Campagna, and supplied
the baths and fountains as well as the domestic pur-
poses of Rome. Theodoric took these also under his
care, and as many of them were overgrown and choked
with ivy and brushwood, he appointed a Comes Forma-
rum Urbis, or count of the city aqueducts, to superin-
tend and repair them, with the aid of a staff of over-
seers and watchmen.1 The care of restoring the theatre
of Pompey was committed to the patrician Symmachus,
the most distinguished of the senators.2

At this time the Forum of Trajan seems to have
existed in all its pristine beauty, nor does the Capitol
appear to have suffered much from decay.3 But we
find Theodoric, in spite of all his care of the city, com-
mitting an act of spoliation, though not indeed upon
what can properly be called a public monument, by di-
recting the marble columns of the Pincian palace to be
carried to Ravenna to adorn his residence in that city.4
In general, however, Theodoric seems to have made it
a rule not to apply to his own use anything that could
be repaired.

The theatres were still frequented at Rome, but the
spectacles given in them had degenerated into vulgar
and obscene representations.5 What could be ventured
011 the scene in the sixth century may be learned from
Procopius,6 in a passage which even Gibbon has not
ventured to translate. We have already seen, in the

1 Cassiod. Variar. vii. 6.	2 lb. iv. 51.

3	" Trajani forum vel sub assiduitate videre miraculum est. Capi-

tolia celsa conscendere, hoc est humana ingenia superata yidere."—
Ibid, vii. 6.

4	Ibid. iii. 10.	5 Salvian. De vero Jucl. vi. § 9.

6 Hist. Arc. c. 9366

RELICS OF PAGANISM.

description of Roman manners by Ammianns Marcelli-
nus, what a numerous band of female dancers was main-
tained, even in times of distress, for tlie diversion of the
people. The public spectacles were under the control of
a sort of master of the revels, called Tribunus Volupta-
tum.1 Theodoric, during his stay at Rome, exhibited
games both in the amphitheatre and the circus ; but
though venationes, or combats with wild beasts,2 formed
part of them, it does not appear that any gladiatorial
shows were given. The Lupercalia also, which had con-
tinued to be celebrated down to near the end of the
fifth century, though chiefly by the common people,
seem now to have been abolished. Their suppression is
ascribed to a treatise against them written by Pope
Gelasius,3 and addressed to Andromachus, apparently
the chief of the senate, and the apologist of the heathen
festival. For even at this late period the senate appears
to have contained some pagans, and we find the consuls
accused of keeping fowls for purposes of augury.4 To
recompense the people for the loss of the Lupercalia, the
festival of the purification of the Virgin was substituted
for it, after the death of Gelasius. It is celebrated on
the 2nd of February, when there is a procession with
lighted tapers.

During the reign of Theodoric, Rome experienced for
the last time the beneficent care of a sovereign. He
carefully provided for the food and comfort as well as
for the amusement of the people; the well-being of all
classes was the object of his solicitude, and even the
Jews, who at that time dwelt in the Trastevere, were

1 Cassiod. Variar. vii. 10.	2 Ibid. v. 42.

3	It has been published by Baronius from a MS. in the Vatican.
Annal. ad ann. 496, no. xxviii.

4	Salvian. Be vero Judicio, vi. 19, p. 62.THE PAPAL POWER WAXES.

367

treated with mildness. But the unjust condemnation
and death of Boethius and Symmachus must eyer re-
main a blot upon his memory. He expired at Ravenna
after a short illness, August 30th, 526. His daughter
Amalasuntha now directed the government for her
youthful son, Athalaric, and under her sway the Romans
are said to have been happy and contented. Unlike her
father, who could not sign his own name, Amalasuntha
was an accomplished as well as an amiable lady. She
could converse both in Greek and Latin, as well as
Gothic ; she was versed in the writings of the philoso-
phers, and favoured the cultivation of learning at Rome,
which continued to be the high school of literature. She
honoured and protected the senate, whose numbers, how-
ever, she increased by the addition of some Grothic
nobles ; and she made some atonement for the crime of
Theodoric by restoring the possessions of Boethius and
Symmachus to their children.1

The power and authority of the Pope continued to in-
crease during this period. He was now regarded in the
East, as well as at Rome, as the head of the Christian
church. The residence of the Grothic sovereigns at
Ravenna, and their Arian creed, which placed them
without the pale of the church, were circumstances
favourable to the papal see; as the pope thus stood be-
tween them and the orthodox emperor of the East,
whom they recognized for their lawful sovereign. A
rescript of Athalaric2 confided to the pope the civil
jurisdiction over the clergy; a concession from which
that body subsequently pretended that they were by
divine right exempt from secular jurisdiction. The

1	See Cassiod. Vciriar. viii. 10, ix. 21, x. 7, xi. 1; Procop. B. G. i. 2.

2	Cassiod. Var. viii. 24.368 ORIGIN OF THE CARDINAL ATE.

Roman hierarchy had now begnn to assume its modern
form. At the end of the fifth century there were
twenty-eight titular churches in Rome, that is, churches
which gave titles to cardinals.1 The origin of the car-
dinalate is disputed and obscure. According to some
writers, the title was in use before the time of Pope
Sylvester, while others trace it to the pontificate of
Stephen.2 At a later period the seven suburban bishops
subject to the Lateran, namely, those of Ostia, Porto,
Silva Candida or Sta. Rufina, Sabina, Prseneste, Tuscu-
lum, and Albano, the fourteen regionary deacons, the
four Palatine deacons, and the abbots of St. Paul and
S. Lorenzo, had also the title of cardinal. At this
period, however, the cardinals did not enjoy the power
and consideration which they afterwards obtained.
Theodoric asserted his right to name the pope, and on
the death of John I. in May, 526, he proposed to the
senate, the clergy, and the people, Felix IV. as John's
successor in that holy office, who was accordingly ap-
pointed. The election was not vested in the college of
cardinals till the time of Alexander III. (1159).

Athalaric died at Ravenna in 534, at the age of eigh-
teen, leaving the throne of Theodoric without an heir.
Amalasuntha continued, however, to direct the govern-
ment, though she ostensibly associated with herself as
co-regent her cousin Theodatus, the son of Theodoric's
sister Amalfrida. But the Roman manners and civiliza-
tion which Amalasuntha affected had alienated from her
the affections of the Groths ; and even the pusillanimous

1	See a list and description of them in Gregorovius, Gesch. cler
Stadt Bom, B. i. S. 257.

2	See Panvinins, Be Presbyter. Cardinal, origine, cli. 2; Macer,
Hiero-Lexicon; Muratori, Dissert. 61. The name of cardinal is
usually derived from incardinare ; that is, addicere alicui ecclesise.BELISARIUS AT ROME.

369

Theodatus found it no difficult task to procure her im-
prisonment in an island in the lake of Bolsena, where he
soon after caused her to be strangled.

The Emperor Justinian, who now reigned at Constan-
tinople, beheld with joy the dissensions and misfortunes
of the Gothic family, and used the opportunity to regain
the dominion of Italy. Theodatus seemed at first in-
clined to accept the humiliating conditions proposed by
Justinian, and to abdicate the kingdom of the Goths
and Romans for a yearly pension of 1,200 pounds of
gold. But the success of some of his generals caused
him to alter his mind, and, when the ambassador of Jus-
tinian again appeared to demand the ratification of the
compact, Theodatus threw him into prison. Belisarius,
Justinian's general, who was at this time employed in
the reduction of Sicily, was now directed to invade
Italy. After the capture of Naples, Belisarius advanced
against Home, where Theodatus had shut himself up;
and, instead of marching against the enemy, he only
made a feeble demonstration with his cavalry along the
Appian Way. The Goths, disgusted at his cowardice,
deposed him from the throne, and elected Yitiges in his
stead, a leader of tried valour and experience. Theo-
datus, who had fled at the news, was overtaken and
murdered on the Flaminian Way by a Goth whom he
had injured. Yitiges, however, did not at first venture
to oppose the victorious advance of Belisarius. He re-
tired to Ravenna, with the view of obtaining the hand
of Amalasuntha's daughter; and he withdrew all his
troops from Rome, except a feeble garrison of four thou-
sand men. The Romans, taking advantage of these cir-
cumstances, despatched ambassadors with an invitation
to Belisarius to enter their city, who advanced unop-
posed along the Yia Latin^; and as he entered the

B B370

ROME BESIEGED BY VITIGES.

Porta Asinaria, the Gothic garrison inarched out by the
Porta Elaminia. on the opposite side of the city, Decem-
ber 10th, 536. Leuderis, the commander of the Gothic
garrison, who had refused to accompany their flight,
was despatched a prisoner to Constantinople, to lay the
keys of Rome at the feet of Justinian.

The winter passed at Eome in joy and festivity; but
the Gothic chief had employed the period to organize a
formidable army, and early in the spring he advanced
upon Home with 150,000 men. Belisarius on his side
had not been remiss in strengthening the walls, and
preparing all the means of defence. He relied especially
on the difficulty the enemy would experience in passing
the Milvian Bridge, which he had fortified with a tower ;
and, believing that it must prove a serious obstacle to
their advance, he sallied forth with only 1,000 horse to
reconnoitre. He had not, however, proceeded far, when
he was suddenly attacked by the Gothic vanguard, who,
through the cowardice or treachery of the guard at the
bridge, had unexpectedly succeeded in forcing the pas-
sage; and it was only by the exertion of the greatest
activity and valour that Belisarius was able to make good
his retreat into the city. The whole army of the Goths
now advanced upon Rome, but the walls presented an
insuperable obstacle to an assault, and defied all the
military science of the barbarians. At one point alone,
between the Pincian and Elaminian gates, a defect or
fissure in the wall, called murus ruptus or tortus, seemed
to present an opening; but this part, which had been
confided to the special protection of St. Peter, was
respected by the superstition of the enemy.1 Vitiges
principally directed his attack against the northern and

1 Procop. Bell.oG-oth, lib. i. c. 14.THE MOLE OF HADRIAN ASSAULTED. 371

eastern side of tlie city; but, after suffering great losses
in several assaults, lie converted the siege into a
blockade. The gates, seven in number, from the Porta
Flaminia to the Porta Prasnestina inclusive, were me-
naced by six Gothic encampments. Belisarius, in order
to be near the chief point of attack, fixed his head-quar-
ters in the Pincian palace, between the gate of the same
name and the Porta Salaria. Here he seems to have
lived with imperial, or rather oriental, magnificence;1
whence we may conclude that, although Theodoric had
carried off some of its marbles, -the palace was still in a
high state of preservation. Another Gothic camp was
formed 011 the right bank of the river, in the district of
the Vatican. The Mole of Hadrian, which had been
long since converted into a fortress, was furiously as-
saulted, and the statues which adorned it, for the most
part masterpieces of Grecian art, were converted into
weapons of defence, and hurled down upon the heads of
the assailants. In after ages, under Urban VIII., the
sleeping Faun of the Barberini palace, which had doubt-
less been employed in this way, was dug in a mutilated
state out of the ditch that surrounds the mole. Bub
though the Goths were masters of this side of Rome,
their religion induced them to treat with respect the
adjacent Basilica of St. Peter. Strong chains stretched
across the Tiber prevented them from penetrating into
the city by the water. In this siege it was the aqueducts
that principally suffered. The Goths broke them all
down, in order to cut off the supply of water to the be-
sieged ; and Belisarius walled up their mouths, to pre-
vent the enemy from making them a means of entering
the city. The immediate consequence was, that the

1 As we may infer from the first and second veils, 01* curtains,
mentioned by Procopius, B. Goth. lib. i. 19-25.372 CONSPIRACY AGAINST BELISARIUS.

Roman baths were rendered useless, while, what was a
still more serious misfortune in the present state of the
city, the stoppage of the water-mills deprived the be-
sieged of their accustomed supply of flour. The place
of the mills was, however, supplied by barges moored
in the river, and fitted up with mill-stones which were
turned by the current. But, though the care and
foresight of Belisarius had provided the city with a
large supply of corn, and though he had dismissed all
the useless mouths, dearth and famine, and pestilence,
their constant attendant, began at length to be felt. By
the capture of Portus, the Goths had cut off the supply
of corn by sea; while, by establishing 7,000 men in a
fortified camp six or seven miles from the city, in the
angles formed by two aqueducts between the Appian
and Latin Ways, Yitiges was enabled to intercept any
convoys arriving by land from the south.

All sentiments of patriotism had long been extinct in
the minds of the Romans. The long and gentle rule of
Theodoric had deprived the idea of a barbarian sove-
reign of much of its terrors; and as they could no
longer, hope to be their own masters, it seemed almost a
matter of indifference whether they should obey a Gothic
king who resided at Ravenna, or a sovereign at Constan-
tinople who still called himself a Roman emperor. In the
long agony of their distress and fear, they pressed
Belisarius either to capitulate or to lead them to imme-
diate battle; and as he declined to listen to their prayers,
they began to agitate the design of treacherously deli-
vering the city to the Goths. Some of the leading men
of Rome, including Pope Sylverius himself, seem to have
been implicated in the conspiracy. A letter to Yitiges
was intercepted, offering to open the Porta Asinaria to
his troops. Sylverius was convicted both by his ownRETREAT OF THE GOTHS.

373

signature and by the testimony of witnesses; and after
■undergoing a bitter reproof from Antonina, the impe-
rious wife of Belisarius, he was stripped of his pontifical
robes, and sent into banishment. He was succeeded by
the deacon Vigilius, who is said to have purchased the
throne of St. Peter by bribing Belisarius with 200
pounds of gold.1

The Goths, however, on their side were suffering from
want, from the effects of the climate, and from their
losses in numerous combats, in which a third of their
whole force is said to have been consumed. Some
seasonable reinforcements received by Belisarius, the
artful negotiations of that commander, and the news
that his own capital was threatened, and the fidelity of
his wife corrupted, by John the Sanguinary, a lieute-
nant of Belisarius, induced Yitiges to contemplate a
retreat. Some final attempts to take Rome by treachery
or assault having failed, the Goths suddenly abandoned
the siege, in March, 538, a year and a few days after
they had sat down before the city. Their retreat was so
disorderly, that in the passage of the Milvian Bridge
numbers precipitated themselves, or were driven by the
pursuing Romans, into the Tiber. Belisarius followed
up this success by the capture of Bavenna and subjuga-
tion of the Gothic kingdom in Italy.

But the great storehouse of nations was not easily ex-
hausted. After a few years Eome was to see another
Gothic army before her gates. Totila, who was elected
by the Goths for their king in 541, undertook to restore
the Gothic kingdom of Italy. He first employed him-
self in reducing Naples and the southern provinces,
which he effected with wonderful celerity. It was on

1 Procop. B. Goth. i. 25; Anastas. Vit. Pont. p. 39 ; Muratori,
t. iii. p. 130 5 Baronius, Ann. ad ann. 536, no. cxxiii. 5 538, no. iv. sqq.374

TOTILA AT ROME.

this occasion that he had an interview with St. Benedict,
at Monte Casino, in 542. In the year 529, Benedict
had destroyed there the last temple of Apollo and the
groye which environed it, in which the neighbouring
countrypeople still offered the ancient sacrifice; and he
founded in their place chapels to St. John and St.
Martin, and the celebrated monastery which is the
mother-convent of his order.1

Totila marched upon Rome at the end of the winter
543-4.2 Justinian had recalled Belisarius from the Per-
sian wars, to undertake again the defence of Italy against
the Goths; but while that general was employed in re-
cruiting on the coasts of the Adriatic, Totila seized
Tibur, through the treachery of the Isaurian garrison,
and massacred the inhabitants. He deferred, however,
the siege of Home till he had reduced the more impor-
tant towns of Tuscany, Picenum, and the ^Emilia, in
which he employed the remainder of the year 544 and
part of the following one ; and it was not till the sum-
mer of 545 that he appeared before the capital of the
West.3 Rome was defended by Bessas, with a small
garrison of 3,000 men. Totila, like Yitiges, blockaded
rather than besieged Home. He commanded the course
of the Tiber above it, and his fleet infested the mouth of
that river. The passage up to Home from the sea was
secured- by a strong bridge of timber built across the
river at a narrow point about eleven miles below the
city. The bridge was defended by two towers, manned
by some chosen Gothic troops, and by a strong iron

1	Gregorius M. Dial. ii. 8 (Oper. t. ii. p. 230); Mabillon, Ann.
Bened. ad ann. 541 (t. i. p. 97).

2	Procop. B. G. iii. 9 sq.

3	Gibbon (vol. ii. p. 220) places the siege in 546 ; Muratori and
Pagi in 545. See Gregorovius, B. i. S. 400.HIS DILAPIDATIONS.

375

chain stretched across the Tiber in front of it. Never-
theless, Belisarius, proceeding up the riyer with his
whole fleet, succeeded in forcing these formidable bar-
riers, and burning one of the towers by means of a fire-
ship ; and had Bessas supported the attack by a sally
from the city, according to his instructions, the Groths
would have been compelled to raise the siege. But
Belisarius, finding himself unsupported, was compelled
to retreat. The chagrin of this repulse threw the Roman
general into a violent fever, which disabled him from
again attempting the relief of the city. Before the close
of the year (Dec. 17, 546) the Goths were introduced
into Eome by the treachery of four Isaurian sentinels,
who opened to them the Porta Asinaria. When Totila
had entered, he ordered the trumpets to sound all night,
to give notice to the Romans, so that they might save
themselves by flight. Bessas with his garrison imme-
diately evacuated the city, and he was accompanied in
his flight by most of the principal Romans. Totila, for
the most part, spared the lives of those that remained,
and accepted their prayers for forgiveness; but he aban-
doned the town to be plundered by his soldiers. With
this exception, the inhabitants were treated with almost
paternal mildness,1 till the news of a defeat of the G-oths
in Lucania excited his anger. He now threatened to
turn Rome into a pasture for cattle; and it cannot be
doubted that he threw down about a third of the walls,
especially between the Porta Pinciana and Porta Praa-
nestina. He also prepared to destroy the temples and
other monuments of the city; but a letter from Beli-
sarius, warning him not to sully his fame by so bar-
barous an act, though it excited the momentary anger
of the Gothic chief, had the effect of diverting him from
1 Anast. in Vigilio ; Procop. iii. 20.376

BELISARIUS RECOVERS ROME.

Ms purpose. But though, the monuments were pre-
served, several private houses appear to have been
burnt, especially in the Trastevere.1 Hence several
writers of the middle ages, and even some modern ones,
have ascribed the destruction of Rome to Totila.

Soon afterwards Totila suddenly evacuated Rome,
and marched into Lucania, leaving only a small camp
at Mount Algidus, about fifteen miles from the city, to
watch the motions of Belisarius. He took with him all
the senators as hostages, and left Rome, it is said, in so
desolate a state, that scarce a human being was to be
met in its streets.2 On learning the departure of the
Goths, Belisarius entered the deserted city, in the spring'
of 547, at the head of only 1,000 horse, after cutting in
pieces the Groths who opposed his passage. He now
summoned the greater part of his troops to join him,
and hastily repaired the walls ; in which work it cannot
be doubted that he used the materials of adjacent monu-
ments. In less than a month the walls had at least the
aspect of completeness, and many of the fugitive in-
habitants returned to the city.3 At this news, Totila
hastened back. But though the restoration of the gates
wras not yet completed, the Groths were repulsed in three
desperate assaults. These defeats proved very detri-
mental to the military reputation of Totila, who now
retreated to Tibur, which he fortified ; while Belisarius
continued to strengthen Rome at his leisure, and for-
warded the keys a second time to the Emperor Jus-
tinian.4

In the winter of 547, Belisarius left Rome for the
last time. Justinian had commanded him to proceed to

1	i\nast. in Vigilio; Procop. iv. 22, 23.

2	Marcellin. Chron. p. 75.	3 Procop. B. Gr, iii. 24.

4 Ibid. 37.RECAPTURED BY TOTILA.

377

Lucania, to support a revolt of tlie inhabitants against
tlie Goths. During liis stay at Rome he does not appear
to have done much for the city besides repairing the
walls, though it is possible that he may also have re-
stored the Aqua Trajana. The Roman aqueducts seem
to have remained useless from the time of their destruc-
tion by Yitiges till the year 775.

It falls not within our province to record the warlike
operations in the south of Italy. It will suffice to state
that the progress of the campaign compelled Belisarius
to pass over into Sicily in the spring of 548. The for-
tune of war during that year was adverse to Belisarius,
and he obtained his recall to Constantinople. Totila,
after reducing a great part of Calabria, and capturing
Perugia, appeared before Rome for the third time in
549. The Gothic chief appears to have been incited to
this step by the refusal of the king of the Franks to
give him his daughter in marriage, on the ground that
he was not worthy to be called the King of Italy till
his title had been acknowledged by the Romans. But
Rome was vigorously defended by Diogenes and a gar-
rison of 3,000 men, who appear on this occasion to have
been well seconded by the inhabitants. A passage of
Procopius,1 from which we learn that Diogenes had
sown with corn many of the vacant spaces within the
walls, conveys a striking idea of the desolateness to
which Rome had now been reduced. The city was
again betrayed by some of its Isaurian garrison. In
the darkness of night, while the Gothic trumpets sounded
an assault on another side of the city, Totila and his
soldiers were admitted at the gate of S. Paolo. The
Greek garrison now fled by the Yia Aurelia towards
CentumcellsB, but fell into an ambuscade, in which most
1 Procop. B. Gr. lib. iii. c. 36.378 TOTILA EXHIBITS THE GAMES.

of them perislied. Among the few that escaped was
Diogenes, but not without a wound. All Rome was
now in the power of Totila, except the Mole of Hadrian,
in which a few hundred cavalry, commanded by the
Cilician Paulus, had taken refuge. But being sur-
rounded, and in danger of starvation, this body, with
the exception of their two leaders, took service under
Totila.

Once master of Rome, Totila no longer thought of
destroying its monuments ; he endeavoured, on the con-
trary, to resuscitate the nominal seat of his kingdom ;
he sought to repopulate it by inviting thither both
Romans and Goths, and by recalling the fugitive sena-
tors. It was during his residence that he exhibited for
the last time the equestrian games of the Circus. Jus-
tinian, however, would not listen to any overtures for
peace. He even refused to receive the ambassadors of
Totila ; and at the instance of Pope Vigilius, who was
then at Constantinople, and of the patrician Cefchegus,
he resolved on a strenuous attempt for the recovery of
Italy. Totila quitted Rome before the end of 549 on a
naval expedition to Sicily; but we cannot describe his
conquest of that island, as well as of Sardinia and
Corsica, and his attacks upon Greece itself. The war
against the Goths had been conducted with some suc-
cess by Justinian's lieutenant Germanus, whose career,
however, was arrested by a premature death, when the
conduct of the war was intrusted to the eunuch 1ST arses.

Narses assembled at Salona a motley army of Huns,
Lombards, Heruli, Greeks, Gepidee, and even Persians,
amounting altogether to about 100,000 men. Although
the Goths had been defeated in a naval action, Narses
was unwilling to risk upon the sea so numerous a host,
for which indeed it would have been difficult to findROME TAKEN BY N ARSES.

379

transport, He therefore marched round the northern
coast of the Adriatic to Ravenna, preceded by his fleet,
which facilitated his progress by bridging over the
mouths of rivers and estuaries. After resting his army-
nine days at Ravenna, Narses advanced against Totila.,
whom he met and defeated near Taginee, or Tadinum,
in the Apennines, the present Gualdo, July, 552. Totila
having been mortally wounded in his. flight, the Goths
elected Tejas for their king. ISTarses now pursued his
victorious march to Rome. The Gothic garrison was
not numerous enough to defend the whole circuit of the
walls. Parses diverted their attention and divided their
forces by three separate and simultaneous attacks ; and
whilst they were engaged in repelling these, he directed
a detachment to scale the walls in an undefended place,
who then opened the gates to the Greek army. A por-
tion of the Goths now fled to Porto, whilst the remainder
shut themselves up in the Mole of Hadrian, which Totila
had fortified.1 But being surrounded, they surrendered
on condition of their lives being spared; and the keys
of the city were again forwarded to Justinian.

Narses remained at Rome during the winter of 552-3,
and employed himself in reducing the neighbouring
cities. We cannot follow the campaign in Southern
Italy which resulted in the overthrow of the Gothic
kingdom. Tejas, the last king of the Goths, was de-
feated and killed in a battle near Cumas, March, 553;
and a fresh body of 70,000 Franks and Alemanni, who
had invaded Italy under the conduct of two brothers,
Leutharis or Lothaire, and Bucelin, were finally over-
thrown by Narses at Casilinum, near Capua. The arms
and other spoils of the vanquished barbarians gave for
the last time the semblance of a triumph to Narses' re-
1 Procop. B. G. iv. 33.380 JUSTINIAN AIDS THE PAPAL POWER.

entry of Rome in 554. A decree of Justinian's, called
the Pragmatic Sanction, dated on the 13th of August in
that year, settled the affairs of Italy. The Gothic king-
dom was united to the Eastern Empire, and all the acts
of Totila were reversed. Bat Ravenna, not Rome, con-
tinued to be the seat of the new government, which was
administered by an exarch.1 Parses, however, the first
exarch, resided a considerable time at Rome in the
palace of the Caesars. The Pragmatic Sanction in-
trusted considerable power to the Roman senate and to
the pope. The former, therefore, must have continued
to exist, but the old senatorial families were now almost
extinct. Three hundred young patricians, seized by
Totila as hostages, were put to death after his defeat
by his successor Tejas. On the other hand, even by the
decline of that body, as well as by the privileges con-
ferred by Justinian, the papal power acquired a great
accession of strength. The historian Procopius affords
us a slight glimpse of Rome about this period.2 He
had himself seen the Forum of Peace and the temple
which, according to him, had been struck by lightning,
and still lay in ruins. He further states that many
statues by Pheidias and Lysippus remained extant at
Rome.

The Romans found the Greek yoke more intolerable
than that of the Goths. After the death of Justinian in
565, they sent an embassy to his successor Justin and
his consort Sophia to complain of the oppressions of
Parses, whose avarice and exactions were intolerable, and
prayed for- his dismissal. Their prayer was granted.
Parses was dismissed, and Longinus appointed exarch

1	Pragmatica Sanctio Justiniani Imperat. ap. Gotkofred. Corpus
Juris Civ. t. ii. p. 684, ed. Paris, 1628; (Novelise Constit. App.).

2	B. 6r. lib. iv. c. 21.THE LOMBARDS IN ITALY.	381

in his place. But Narses was still more hurt by the in-
sulting language of the empress than by his dismissal.
Sophia, in allusion to his unfortunate condition, bade
him relinquish to men the exercise of arms, and, resum-
ing his proper station, spin wool among the maidens of
the palace. Stung by this insult, Narses is said to have
exclaimed that he would spin such a thread as she should
not easily unravel, and, in pursuance of this threat, to
haye invited the Lombards into Italy. If, however,
such a menace was uttered in the heat of passion, ISTarses
appears to have been subsequently pacified by the inter-
cession of Pope John III.; he returned to Rome from
Naples, whither he had retired, and died there shortly
after. In 668 the storm broke over Italy. Alboin, at
the head of his Lombards, with whom were intermixed
warriors of several other races, and especially Saxons,
overran the peninsula, committing great cruelties and
devastations even in the very neighbourhood of Rome;
though that city, as well as Ravenna and a few other
places, resisted their attempts.1 The history of Rome
at this period is obscure and uncertain. Justin, being
engaged in a war with Persia, could afford the Romans
no assistance; but he advised them to bribe the Lom-
bard chiefs, and, if that did not succeed, to call in the
Franks.2 On the death of Pope John III. in 573, Rome
was so closely pressed that it was impossible to send to
Constantinople for the confirmation of Benedict I., who
had been elected his successor, and the papal throne re-
mained vacant during a year. The same appears to
have been the case on the death of Benedict in 578,
when Rome was held in siege by Zoto, duke of Bene-

1	Paul. Diac. Be G-est. Lctngob. ii. 26.

2	Excerpta e Menandri Hist. c. 25.382 GREGORY THE GREAT'S VISION.

ventum; for tlie Lombard power had been distributed
among thirty-six duchies. The particulars of this siege
are unknown, but it probably lasted two or three years.
On withdrawing from Rome, Zoto took and plundered
the Benedictine convent on Monte Cassino. The monks
retired to Rome, and established themselves in a convent
near the Lateran, which they named after St. John
Baptist, whence the Basilica of Constantine, or the
Saviour, subsequently took its name. The Emperor
Tiberius II., who acceded to the throne of the East in
578, sent a small army to the assistance of the Romans,
together with some money to buy off the Lombard
chiefs. But neither of these methods was successful;
and though Autharis, after his assumption of the Lom-
bard crown, had made a sort of peace with the Byzan-
tine Empire, or rather with the exarch Smaragdus,
Rome continued to be annoyed. The misery of the
Romans was aggravated by some natural calamities.
Towards the end of 589 several temples and other monu-
ments were destroyed by the flooding of the Tiber, and
the city was afterwards afflicted by a devastating pesti-
lence. In the year 590, which was that of the election
of Pope Gregory I., or the Great, Rome seems to have
reached the extremity of misfortune. But from this
time her fortunes began to mend. It is to this year
that is referred the legend of the angel that was seen to
hover over the Mausoleum of Hadrian, as Gregory was
passing it in solemn procession, and to sheathe his
flaming sword as a sign that the pestilence was about to
cease. At the same time three angels were heard to
sing the antiphony Regina Goeli, to which Gregory re-
plied with the hymn : Orctjpro nojbis Deum alleluja! This
poetical legend is the invention of a later century; but
it is still recorded by the figure of St. Michael whichBEGINNINGS OF PAPAL ROME.	383

surmounts the Mausoleum, and by tlie name of " Castle
of S. Angelo," which it appears to have borne at least as
early as the tenth century.1

Pope Gregory I., or the Great, must be regarded as
haying founded the temporal power of the papacy, and
as haying inaugurated the middle ages, of which the
papacy may be called the life's breath and soul. One of
his chief objects was to stifle the little that remained of
the spirit of classical literature, and to substitute for it
a groyelling superstition on which he might build up
the power of the church. Although he wrote a great
deal, he disdained all elegance of composition, nay,
eyen the correctness of grammar; and held it to be be-
neath the dignity of an expounder of G-od's word to be
bound by the syntactical rules of Donatus. His great
merits—and they are no slight ones—are the correct
yiew which he had taken of his age, and the ability
with which he availed himself of it to build up his own
power and that of the church. He had been originally
destined for ciyil life, and had eyen filled the office of
Prsefectus Urbi. But his sagacity soon perceiyed that
this was no longer the road to fame and power. A great
change had taken place at Rome after the fall of the
Gothic kingdom. The last yestiges of public life were
then obliterated. The consuls, the senate, the public
games were no longer mentioned. The patrician houses
were almost extinguished; the few representatives of
them that still existed had for the most part migrated
to Constantinople. The church was beginning to be all
in all. The populace no longer received distributions
of food from the prefect in the theatres and porticoes,

1 Gregorovius, B. ii. S. 35 f. The bronze angel was erected by
Pope'Benedict XIY. (1740-58).384 ROMAN LEGENDS, PAG-AN AND PAPAL.

but at convent doors from tlie liancls of monks. The
ancient tribunes, praetors, and consuls had been sup-
planted by deacons, priests, and bishops. Such were the
allurements offered by the idleness of monastic life, that
the Emperor Mauritius found it necessary to issue an
edict in 592 forbidding soldiers to assume the hood.
Gregory, on the contrary, did all he could to forward
monachism. He spent his large fortune in building
convents and founding other ecclesiastical establish-
ments. Yet when the time came—a time which he
must have well foreseen—when he was to reap the re-
ward of his pious deeds by his elevation to the throne
of St. Peter, he pretended the most coy reluctance. The
future pope and saint1 concealed himself in the ravines
of a forest, but a pillar of light betrayed his lurking
place. The legends which usher in papal Rome are as
numerous and as extraordinary as those which surround
its regal and republican period; but there is this diffe-
rence, that the pagan legends are commonly attached to
some event that is worthy of them. Nobody, however,
on account of the legend referred to, would think of
questioning the fact that Gregory became pope — a
method often employed by those who assail the facts of
early Roman history. He describes the church, at the
time of his accession, as an old wreck. But he saw that
her condition was not hopeless; and his abilities, as-
sisted by some political circumstances of the times, en-
abled him to set her again afloat, and launch her on a
more prosperous voyage. A great part of Europe re-
ceived under his pontificate the Christian faith, and
acknowledged the authority of Rome. We need not

1 Gregorovius (B. ii. S. 72, Anm.) indicates a strange mistake of
Gibbon, in making Gregory the last pope canonized by the church.POLITICAL STATE OF ROME.	385

here repeat the well-known story of his sympathy for
the Anglo-Saxon race being excited by seeing some of
them in the Roman slaye market, and of his conse-
quently effecting the conversion of England through the
.monk Augustin. He had also the glory of converting
the "West Goths of Spain, through Reccared, their king
Nearer home, the state of the Lombard kingdom helped
to spread Christianity and the authority of the pope in
that country. Theodelinda, who had succeeded to the
Lombard crown on the death of her husband Autharis
in 590, was devoted to the church, and contributed
much to the progress of the Christian faith among the
Lombards. All these events added greatly to the re-
putation and power both of Gregory and the church.

Eome was now entering on a new phase of existence,
which cannot be well understood without forming a
general idea of its political condition.1

After the overthrow of the Gothic kingdom in the
reign of Justinian, Ravenna, which had been its capital,
became the seat of the exarchs, the representatives of
the emperors of the East. Here also resided the pre-
fects of Italy, whose office cannot be very clearly de-
fined, yet who must not be confounded with the prefects
of Rome. During this period, therefore, Rome can
hardly be regarded as the capital of Italy. It was not,
at all events, the seat of government; yet neither had
it quite sunk to the rank of a provincial town, as it
formed a second residence of the exarchs. The political
and military functions of the exarch were, in his absence,
discharged at Rome by a high officer, commonly a Ma-
gister Militum, while civil affairs were administered by
the Praefectus Urbi. This officer, who was appointed by

1 For a summary view of this subject, see Papencordt, Geseh. der
Stadt Rom im Mittelcdter, S. 105 ff.

c c386

THE ROMAN" SENATE.

the emperor, was at the head of the senate; he exer-
cised the supreme judicial power, and appears to have
discharged all the duties of a modern mayor. But after
the time of Gregory the Great the importance of this
office rapidly diminished, and the prefect sank at last
into a mere criminal judge. The Roman senate con-
tine d to exist after the fall of the Gothic kingdom, but
it was filled with new members ; it had nothing in com-
mon with the ancient senate but the name, and its func-
tions were confined to the affairs of the city. Nay,
after the year 579, even its very name vanishes for
nearly two centuries. During this period the letters of
the popes never speak of senators, but only of optimates;
and when we again hear of a Senatus in 757, it is, ac-
cording to Gregovorius,1 no longer a reality, but a mere
name assumed by the optimates.

The connection of Rome with the imperial court at
Constantinople was maintained through the Exarchate,
though direct embassies and communications were not
unfrequent. On the accession of a new emperor, his
portrait was sent to Rome and received by the clergy
and laymen with the accustomed acclamations, called
laudes. It was then placed in a conspicuous situation,
mostly in the Lateran; and the name of the emperor
was inserted in the public prayers.

An exact ceremonial appears to have been laid down
for the reception of an emperor at Rome. When he as-
cended the Capitol, he was to put on a white robe; he
was to be surrounded with musicians of all sorts, and
was to be saluted with acclamations in the Hebrew,
Greek, and Latin tongues. When he arrived on the
summit, all those who were present were to prostrate

1 B. ii. S. 475.ELECTION OF A POPE.

387

themselves and bow thrice down to the earth. Such
was the divine majesty of his presence, that if he
chanced to throw his eyes on any condemned person, it
was an instantaneous pardon.1

The supremacy of the Byzantine emperors appears to
have been acknowledged more or less at Rome at least till
the middle of the eighth century, when Pope Stephen II.
called in the aid of the King of the Franks, and began
a connection with that court which resulted in the re-
erection of the Western Empire. Before this period,
the position of the pope, whatever might have been his
virtual power, was not much different from that of any
other bishop ; although the Pragmatic Sanction of Jus-
tinian had conferred upon him some peculiar privileges,
and given him a power co-ordinate with that of the
senate in some important civil affairs. He was elected
by the clergy and the principal citizens, and was then
recognized by the acclamations of the people. But he
could not be consecrated till his election had been con-
firmed by the emperor, who for so doing received
a stated sum of money. The Emperor Constantine
Pogonatus remitted this payment in the year 678, and
in 684 abandoned also his right of confirmation. Jus-
tinian II., however, recalled this last concession, and
required that the newly elected pope should be con-
firmed by the exarch before consecration; a regulation
which lasted as long as the Greek dominion in Rome.2
In fact, the influence of the Greek emperors on the
papal elections, from the accession of Justinian II. in
■685 down to the middle of the following century, is

1	G-raphia, p. 174 sqq. (Oza.nam, Mon. inidits.)

2	Liber diurnus Bom. Pontificum, c. 2 (Paris, 1683), tit. ii. and
iii. 5 Anastas. Agatho. c. 2 ; Bened. ii. c. 3 ; Conon, c. 2, See
Papencordt, S. 109.388

ROME A DUKEDOM.

shown by the almost constant succession of Greek and
Syrian popes. In that interval, out of ten popes, only
one is of Roman birth. Even among these aliens, how-
ever, the spirit of their order often prevailed over the
duties of allegiance. The popes gradually acquired a
vast material support of their power in the many estates,
or, as they were called, patrimonia, presented or be-
queathed to them by the piety of noble and wealthy
proprietors. These domains were scattered through a
great part of Europe : in South Italy and Sicily, Dal-
matia, Illyria, Gaul, Sardinia, Corsica, and other places.
The pope had vast granaries in Rome, which served in
a great measure to supply the daily wants of the people.
From this store also the poor were fed, who appear at
that time to have been entitled to a fourth of the re-
venues of the church. The same revenues enabled the
popes to perform many useful services ; as the repairs
of the churches, the redemption of captured slaves, the
purchasing of peace from the Lombards, and other
things of the like kind.

The military power at Rome during the period we are
contemplating, was also held by the Greek emperors,
who paid the troops commanded by the Magister Militum.
A Duke of Rome is first found early in the eighth
century; though, besides the proper Dux Romanus, we
also hear of military commanders and other persons
bearing that title. The appointment of a duke was;
occasioned by the revolt of Ravenna and the Exarchate
from Justinian II., which was quelled by that emperor
in 709. His province was called Ducatus Romanus
but it is impossible to assign any precise boundaries to
it, as they appear to have varied according to the con-
quests of the Lombards. The duke, though at first ap-
pointed by the emperor, was afterwards elected by theDESOLATION OF THE CAMPAGrNA. 389

pope and the Roman people. He enjoyed tlie highest
civil as well as military authority, and, like the earlier
imperial magistrates, dwelt in the palace of the Caesars.
The wars with the Goths and Lombards had somewhat
revived the warlike spirit of the Romans, and given
them a military organization. The whole population
was divided into three classes, the clerus, the exercitus,
and the populus. In public ceremonies the clergy and
the army appear only to have been named; to the former
was applied the epithet venerabilis, to the latter that of
felicissimus. The army, though, as we have said, paid
by the emperor, consisted nevertheless of cives honesti,
or the better class of citizens.1 Another division of the
people was into trade unions, or guilds; which institu-
tions appear to have been handed down from an early
period of Roman history. Slavery and the slave trade
continued to exist till the latter was abolished by
Charlemagne. ,

After this brief sketch of the civil and social condition
of the Romans, we shall proceed to record such scanty
facts as can be gleaned of the history of the city at this
period. The continual wars with the Lombards had
driven the inhabitants of the surrounding district to
seek shelter within the walls; and it is from this period
that we must date the desolation of the Campagna with
its attendant plague of malaria. Within the city many
of the principal public buildings were falling to decay.
This seems to have been particularly the case with the
"baths; and from the evidence which they sometimes
present of wilful destruction, Gregory and some of his
successors have frequently been accused of perpetrating
it, and the charge receives a colour from Gregory's

1 Gregorovius, B. ii. S. 198.390 GREGORY BUYS OFF THE LOMBARDS.

known aversion to classical taste and learning. It
must, however, be recollected that the failure of the
aqueducts had for the most part rendered the baths use-
less ; nor were they fit for any other purpose. The
altered tastes of the Romans no longer required them
as gymnasia, as theatres for gladiatorial combats, or as
halls for the disputations of philosophers and the recita-
tions of poets. Hence they seem to have been amongst
the first public buildings that were made to serve the
purpose of stone quarries.

Pope Gregory was for maintaining peace with the
Lombards; and the devotion of Theodelinda towards
the Holy See, who had given her hand and the Lombard
crown to Agilulf, bade fair to insure its continuance -f
but this purpose was crossed by the exarch Romanus,
who fomented another Lombard war. In 593, Home
was again besieged by Agilulf, in conjunction with
Ariulf, Duke of Spoleto. Yet so ill was the art of be-
sieging towns then understood, that, although Homanus
had visited Home, and withdrawn nearly all the troops,
the Lombards failed to take it. The city, however, was
reduced to a most miserable condition, which Gregory
has depicted in his homilies. On this occasion he pur-
chased the departure of the Lombards with a sum of
money, and in 599 he succeeded in arranging a peace
with them. The state of political independence which
the pope was now considered to have attained may be
inferred from the circumstance of Agilulf requiring his
signature to the treaty; which, however, Gregory de-
clined to give.

The murder of Mauritius, and the seizure of the throne
of the East, by the centurion Phocas, in November, 602,.
formed a crux for'Gregory's conscience. In this ordeal
the calculations of the politician triumphed over theRECOGNIZES PHOCAS AS EMPEROR. 391

feelings of tlie saint. The portraits of Phocas and his
wife Leontia were received at Rome with those usual
honours to which we have already adverted. They were
presented to the clergy and senators assembled in the
Basilica Julii, an apartment or hall in the Lateran, with
the accustomed acclamation: " Exaudi Chris te, Phocas
Augusto et Leontias Augustee vita ;" and the portraits
were then placed in the chapel of St. Cassarius in the
palace.. But Gregory did not content himself with dis-
charging what might have been considered as only the
necessary acts of routine. He expressed the greatest
joy at the accession of this base and cowardly assassin.
"The successor of the apostles,'' observes Gibbon,
" might have inculcated with decent firmness the guilt
of blood and the necessity of repentance ; he is content
to celebrate the deliverance of the people and the fall of
the oppressor; to rejoice that the piety and benignity of
Phocas have been raised by Providence to the imperial
throne ; to pray that his hands may be strengthened
against all his enemies; and to express a wish, perhaps
a prophecy, that, after a long and triumphant reign, he
may be transferred from a temporal to an everlasting
kingdom." 1 But Maurice had forfeited the sympathy
of Gregory by an attempt to abridge his power through
the patriarch of Constantinople. Of the three monu-
mental columns still extant at Rome, two were erected
to the best, and one to the worst and basest, of the
Roman emperors. Their merits are aptly typified by
the style of their monuments. In the age of Phocas the
art of erecting a column like that of Trajan or of M.
Aurelius had been lost. A large and handsome Corin-

1 Decline and Fall, vol. v. p. 386 ; see Gregory's Letter to Phocas ,
E'pistt. lib. xiii. ep. 31.392

THE COLUMN OF PHOCAS.

thian pillar, taken from some temple or basilica, was
therefore placed in the Forum, on a huge pyramidal
basis quite out of proportion to it, and was surmounted
with a statue of Phocas in gilt bronze. It has so little
the appearance of a monumental column, that for a long
while it was thought to belong to some ruined building,
till in 1813 the inscription was discovered. The name
of Phocas had indeed been erased; but that it must
have been dedicated to him is shown by the date. Gre-
gorovius1 would liberate the memory of Gregory from
the shame of this monument, which was erected after
his death. Gregory expired in March, 604, and the
column was not erected till 608. But a pope who could
address to Phocas a letter like that to which we have
alluded would not probably have very violently resisted
the giving him a monument. Let it however be re-
membered that Gregory's servility towards Phocas is
the only serious blot on the character of a man who,
according to the measure of those times, deserved the
epithet of " Great; " and that his conduct on this occa-
sion, as throughout his life, was probably guided by
solicitude for the welfare of his people. Before we quit
this column, we will remark two inferences that may
be drawn from it, one regarding the political, the other
the material, condition of Rome. Its erection, which is
thought to have been commanded by the exarch Smar-
agdus, shows that the Romans were still a good deal
more than nominally under the dominion of the Greek
emperors; while the base of the column, discovered by
the excavations of 1816 to have rested on the ancient
pavement of the Forum, proves that this former centre
of Roman life was still, at the beginning of the seventh

1 B. ii. S. 72.THE PANTHEON MADE A CHURCH. 393

century, unencumbered with ruins. That the Forum
of Trajan was also in a tolerable state of preservation,
appears from the verses of Venantius Fortunatus, a con-
temporary of Gregory's, who speaks of the custom of
reciting poems in it as still usual at that time :—

Vix modo tam nitido pomposa poemata cultu
Audit Trajano Roma verenda foro.1

Another fact which proves the absolute dominion of
the Byzantine emperors over Rome at this period is,
that Pope Boniface IV., who ascended the throne of St.
Peter in 608, obtained from Phocas the gift of Agrippa's
Pantheon, which he converted into a church, dedicated
to the Virgin Mary and all Christian martyrs.2 The
Pantheon had been closed during the two or three pre-
vious centuries, and was regarded by the people with a
sort of mysterious horror, as the abode of demons.
According to a legend preserved in the Mirabilia Romce,
Agrippa had dedicated it to Cybele, the mother of the
gods, to Neptune, and to all the gods (or demons) ;
and many of the Christians had suffered martyrdom
before it.2

During the first half of the seventh century, the
history of the city is almost a blank. In this period
we need only advert to the pontificate of Pope Hono-
rius I. (625—40), to whom are attributed the building
and repairing of numerous churches. This pontiff paid

1	Carm. lib. iii. 23 ; cf. vii. c. 8.

2	Anastas. in Bonif. iv.

3	" Yenit Bonifacius Papa tempore Phocse Imperatoris Christian!,
videns illud templum ita mirabile dedicatum ad honorem Cybelis
matris Deorum, ante quod multoties a dsemonibus Christiani per-
cutiebantur, rogavit Papa Imperatorem ut condonaret ei hoc, etc."—•
Mirab.394 THE EMPEROR CONSTANS- AT ROME.

particular attention to the adorning of St. Peter's, and
for this purpose committed an act of vandalism by
begging from the Emperor Heraclius the gilt-bronze
tiles forming the roof of Hadrian's Temple of Venus
and Rome.1 Prom this anecdote we may infer that the
temple was at that time in a good state of preservation,
since otherwise the roof could not have existed ; while,
on the other hand, the stripping off of the roof was a
sure way to effect the destruction of the building. To
Honorius is ascribed the foundation of the church of S.
Adrian near the Forum, in the district called Tria Fata.

At length, in 663, Rome again, and for the last time,
received an emperor within her walls—a rare occurrence
in the monotonous history of her decadence. The wan-
derings of Constans were perhaps partly caused by the
pangs of a guilty conscience ; but he is also said to have
contemplated making Rome again the seat of empire.
Constans landed at Tarentum in the spring of 663, and
after an unsuccessful attempt to wrest Beneventum
from its Lombard duke, he proceeded by the Yia Appia
to Rome. The Pope Vitalianus, the clergy, and the
deputies of the people, met him at the sixth milestone,
not in military array, but with crucifixes, banners, and
burning tapers. Thus Rome had already put on all the
external attributes of a theocratic state. Nothing but
humiliation seemed to be reserved for the popes in their
intercourse with the Byzantine court. Gregory had
been compelled to flatter a low assassin; and now Vita-
lianus had to receive with all the honours of the city a
fratricide, and, what perhaps in his eyes was almost as
bad, a monothelite heretic. Constans exhibited no games,
distributed no bread nor money. Instead of these, we

1 Anast. in Honor.HIS PLUNDERING^.

395

Lear of nothing but processions of priests and the
emperor's visits to St. Peter's, Sta. Maria Maggiore,
and the Lateran. The ancient temples had for the most
part either been converted into churches, or had served
as materials for erecting new ones. The two springs of
life at Rome were now at its extreme points, the Lateran
and the Vatican. Between them lay the ancient city,
deserted and ruinous, though interspersed here and there
with modern churches. It is probable, however, that
some part of the palace on the Palatine still remained
habitable, and that Constans took up his abode there.
Something, indeed, was still left to plunder. We have
seen, from the precedents of the Pantheon and the
Temple of Yenus and Rome, that the ancient monu-
ments of the city were regarded as the property of the
emperors. In the twelve days which Constans spent at
Home, he carried off as many bronze statues as he could
lay hands on ; and though the Pantheon seemed to
possess a double claim to protection, as having been
presented by Phocas to the pope, and as having been by
him converted into a Christian church, yet Constans
was mean and sacrilegious enough to carry off the tiles
of gilt bronze which covered it. Thus the Christian
emperor contrived in this short and friendly visit to
inflict upon the city almost as much damage as it had
suffered from the repeated sieges of the Groths, Vandals,
and Lombards. After perpetrating these acts, which
were at least as' bad as robberies, and attending mass at
the tomb of St. Peter, Constans carried off his booty to
Syracuse, where he heaped up other spoils from Sicily,
Calabria, Africa, and Sardinia. But at this place he
was murdered a few years after by a slave, while in the
bath, and his plunder ultimately fell into the hands of
the Saracens.396

NAME OF "COLOSSEUM."

Towards the end of the seventh century, the diffusion
of Christianity in Europe, and the fame of Home as the
seat of St. Peter and his successors, had produced a
great increase in the pilgrimages to the city. Here each
nation had its proper houses of reception, with guides
to conduct the pilgrims to the churches, the catacombs,
and other objects of curiosity and interest. The pilgrims
chiefly arrived at Easter, and generally brought with
them valuable presents. Among the pagan monuments
the Flavian amphitheatre was naturally the great object
of their wonder and admiration. It was about this time
that it obtained the name of Colosseum or Colysseus,
which we first find mentioned by Beda in the famous
prophecy respecting Rome: " Quamdiu stat Colysseus
stat et Roma: quando cadet Colysesus, cadet et Roma,
cadet et mundus."1 The prophecy, which seems to have
been current among the Roman populace, probably con-
tributed, like many other prophecies, to its own fulfil-
ment, and to the preservation, at least in great part, of
the amphitheatre, whilst its fellows, as well as the other
theatres and circuses, have been almost entirely swept
away. That the name of Colosseum was derived from
its size, and not from the Colossus of ]N"ero, I am now
inclined to think, from the fact mentioned by Gregoro-
vius, that the amphitheatre of Capua was also called
Colossus. Nero's Colossus, besides, had disappeared
before this time (see p. 274).

Among the pilgrims to Rome the Anglo-Saxons are
conspicuous, who, after their conversion by Gregory the
Great, continued to maintain a particular connection
with the holy city. Ceadwald, king of the West-Saxons,
after his wars with the Scots, proceeded in 689 to Rome

1 Ap. Gibbon, t. viii. p. 281, note.

B. ii. S. 211.WmSSSSk^

........ ' ' ' "

'Ipjf'ir4

:

THE FLAVIAN AMPHITHEATRE, FROM THE WEST.

j. a
A 30.ANGLO-SAXONS AT ROME.

397

to be baptized, and died there shortly after at the early-
age of thirty. His epitaph is still preserved.1 King
Conrad of Mercia, and OfEa, son of the king of the East-
Saxons, cutting off and consecrating their long hair at
the tomb of St. Peter, exchanged their royal robes for
the monkish garment, and entered a convent near the
church of the apostle, where they also seem to have
quickly died.2 Ina, king of Wessex, like many of his
Anglo-Saxon subjects, high as well as low, rich as well
as poor, undertook a pilgrimage to Rome about the
year 727, and, with the approbation of Pope Gregory II.,
founded a church in honour of the Virgin, in order that
the Anglo-Saxons might have a place of prayer, and
those that died a grave.3 Ina likewise ordained that
every house in Wessex should contribute, in honour of
St. Peter, a penny a year towards the maintenance of
the Anglo-Saxons settled at Home. For this monarch
appears to have founded there a Schola Anglorum, or
sort of Anglo-Saxon colony; which may be supposed to
have principally consisted of monks and priests, and of
young men being educated for the ecclesiastical profes-
sion. But all the principal foreign settlements at Home
appear to have been called scholce, without any reference
to objects of education. Thus we read of Scholee Fran-
corum, Frisonum, and Longobardorum, as well as
Saxonum; and even of a Schola GrraDcorum and a
Schola Judaeorum. But of all these the school of the
Anglo-Saxons was the largest and most celebrated.
Offa, king of Mercia, who made a pilgrimage to Home
in 794, with a view to make atonement for his treacher-

1	See Beda, Hist. Eccl. Gfentis Angl. lib. v. c. 7; Paul Diac. Be
€fest. Langob. lib. vi. c. 15.

2	Beda, ibid. c. 20.

3	Matth. Westmonast. ad ann. 727, p. 269 (ed. 1570).398 THE BTJKGUS SAXONUM, OR BORGO.

ous murder of the East-Anglian king, Ethelbert, and
the seizure of his dominions, still further endowed the
Saxon school at Rome, and extended the payment of
the Bomescot to a part of his own dominions.1 This
Saxon settlement, called Burgus Saxonum, Vicus
Saxonum, Schola Saxonum, and simply Saxia or Sassia,
embraced a considerable district on the right bank of
the Tiber, between the Castle of S. Angelo and the
Piazza di S. Pietro, which is still marked by the
churches of S. Spirito in Sassia, and S. Michele in Sassia.
The church founded by Ina, Sta. Maria quse vocatur
Schola Saxonum, is mentioned as late as the year 854.
When Leo IV. enclosed this part of the city, it obtained
the name of Borgo, from the Burgus Saxonum, and one
of the gates was called Saxonum Posterula.2 The
present hospital of S. Spirito, founded by Pope Inno-
cent III., now occupies a considerable portion of the
Saxon quarter.

The Schola Franconum, also in the Borgo, was the
most celebrated after that of the Anglo-Saxons ; while
those of the Frisians and Lombards were of minor im-
portance. All these Scholse disappeared between the
ninth and eleventh centuries; or at least shrunk into
mere hospitals for the reception of poor pilgrims, and
burying-places for the respective nations. The Schola
Saxonum disappeared in the hospital of S. Spirito, and
the Schola Francorum vanished altogether. The Schola
(xraeca was situated at the spot now marked by the
church of Sta. Maria in Cosmedin, and consequently in
the ancient Porum Boarium* This church was origi-
nally called Sta. Maria in Schola Grrseca. Its new name,

1	Matth. Westmonast. loc. cit. et ad am. 794.

2	"Posterula quae respicit ad scholam Saxonum."—Anastas.
Leo IV. n. 534.LUITPRAND AND THE HOLT SEE. 399

" in Cosmedin," which it obtained after its rebuilding
by Pope Adrian I., seems to have been derived either
from its beauty (/coo/ioc) or from a place at Constan-
tinople. The memory of the school is, however, still
preserved by the Yih della Greca. In the middle ages
the whole bank of the river at this part appears to have
been called Ripa Grseca.1 At the period of which we are
now speaking, we hear nothing of the Jews. Their
synagogue is mentioned for the last time under Theo-
doric; after which they disappear altogether till the
tenth century, when, under the Othos, we find them
singing the praises of the emperor in Hebrew, and in
the twelfth century they are mentioned under the title
of Schola Judaeorum.2 Thus they survived all the other
schools or colonies.

The edict of Leo the Isaurian, in 726, against image
worship, and the policy of the succeeding iconoclast
emperors, served to loosen the connection between Con-
stantinople and Rome ; though the nominal sovereignty
of the Greek emperors continued to be acknowledged by
the Roman pontiff down to the time of Pope Adrian I.
(772). Luitprand, who was now king of Lombardy,
took advantage of this quarrel by seeking to extend his
dominions. The conduct of this monarch towards the
Holy See resembles that of a capricious lover. At one
time we find him loading the pope with benefits, while at
another he is threatening him with destruction. After
taking Ravenna and other places, Luitprand penetrated
into the Roman duchy. But his advance was arrested
by the touching prayers and able negotiations of Pope
Gregory II. Luitprand not only retired, but even pre-
sented to the church the town of Sutri, which he had

1 Gregorov. B. ii. S. 448.

2 Orclo Bom. xii. ap. Mabillon, t. ii. p. 195.400

THE LOMBARDS AT HOME.

taken and plundered (728). This was the first town
possessed by the popes out of Rome, and formed the
nucleus of the States of the Church, so that Luitprand
may be regarded as the founder of the temporal domi-
nion of the popes. Gratitude, however, does not appear
to haye been among the virtues of Gregory. He effected
a coalition with the Greeks and Venetians, by which
the Lombards were driven from the exarchate. Luit-
prand avenged himself in turn by forming with the
Greeks a league for the reduction of Rome; and in 729,
accompanied by the exarch Etitychius, he appeared
with his army before the city, and encamped in the field
of Nero near the Vatican. But Gregory, with a just
confidence in his own eloquence and authority, and in
his knowledge of Luitprand's. character, imitating the
example of Leo with Attila, proceeded to the Lombard
camp.1 Luitprand fell on his knees before the successor
of St. Peter, and suffered himself to be conducted to the
apostle's tomb, where he deposited as offerings his mantle
and armlet, his belt, dagger, and sword, his silver cross
and golden crown, and, breaking up his camp, returned
without once entering the city. Yet, in 740, in the pon-
tificate of Gregory III., we find the Lombards again
encamped in the same place, to demand the delivery of
the Duke of Spoleto, who had taken refuge at Rome.
This time they appear to have plundered St. Peter's and
the adjoining district, and to have carried off many
Roman nobles as slaves.1 But the heat seems to have
compelled them to retire.

In the year 742, Zacharias, who had become pope in
the preceding year, succeeded in making a long peace

1	Sigonins has composed a speech for him on this occasion (Be
Regno Italia, lib. iii. p. 106; ed. Basle, 1575).

2	Anastas. Vit. Greg or. et Zacharice ; Papencordt, p. 80.THE PAPAL SUPREMACY.	401

with the Lombards; on which occasion many towns
were ceded to the papal see. In this pontificate the
power of the church obtained some signal triumphs.
Carloman, eldest son of Charles Martel, came to Rome
in 747, to relieve himself, by confession, of the burden of
a guilty conscience. Assuming the habit of a monk, he
took up his abode in a hermitage on Mount Oreste, the
ancient Soracte; which abode, however, he afterwards
exchanged for Monte Cassino. Two years afterwards
the Lombard king Rachis also exchanged his crown and
sword for the hood of St. Benedict. The time was now
approaching when the church was not only to exhibit,
by examples like these, the superiority of her rest over
all worldly possessions, but even to assert her claim over
the temporal power of sovereigns. The retirement of
Carloman having left Pepin sole heir of the Carlovingian
house, this prince determined to usurp the throne of
the Merovingian kings, those rois faineants who had
long been nothing but puppets in the hands of the
mayors of the palace. Such a usurpation, however, re-
quired the holy sanction of the church; and Pepin and
Zacharias soon came to an understanding as to the re-
ciprocal services which they might render to each other.
To Pepin's casuistical question, whether he who virtually
wielded the power and endured the responsibilities of
sovereignty should not also enjoy its splendour and its
rewards, Zacharias unhesitatingly answered in the affir-
mative. (751.) By this transaction the pope secured at
once a powerful ally, and established an invaluable prero-
gative. The principle was admitted that the people possess
the right of choosing their sovereign, but that the exercise
of this right is subject to the confirmation of the pope.
The king was thus subordinated to the nation, and both
were subordinated to the papal throne. A most impor-

D D402

FRANKS AND LOMBARDS.

tant moment in the history of the papacy, and the first
instance of the supremacy of papal power over kingly
right.

This compact was soon to bear its fruits. Astolphus,
king of Lombardy, after reducing the Exarchate in 751,
attempted the subjugation of Rome, and demanded a
heavy tribute. Pope Stephen II., who had now ascended
the throne of St. Peter's, at firsfc turned his eyes to Con-
stantinople ; but he soon perceived that no aid could be
expected from that quarter. On the other hand, he and
Pepin had naturally need of each other. Stephen pro-
ceeded to Paris early in 754, where he crowned Pepin,
his consort Bertrada, and his sons Charles and Carlo-
man. He bade the Franks choose no king but of this
race, and he and Pepin formed a league for mutual
defence and support. The pope did not indeed formally
renounce his allegiance to the Byzantine emperors, but
he named the Prankish king protector, or advocate, of
the church and its temporal possessions, and he invested
Pepin and his sons with the title of Patricius, hitherto
borne by the exarchs of Ravenna. In the course of the
same year, Pepin, accompanied by Stephen, invaded
Italy, shut up Astolphus in Pavia, and compelled him to
cede Ravenna and other towns, which Pepin transferred
to the pope.

The Frankish king, however, had no sooner returned
to his dominions than Astolphus not only refused to
execute the treaty, but even marched upon Rome to
punish the pope for procuring it. In January, 755, the
Lombards appeared before Rome, and invested it in three
divisions. The principal one of these, commanded by
Astolphus in person, approached by the Yia Salaria,
and threatened all that part of the city between the
Porta Tiburtina and the Porta Flaminia. AnotherEPISTLE OF ST. PETER TO THE FRANKS. 403

division, marching by the Via Triumphalis, menaced
the Porta Portuensis, the Gate of S. Pancrazio, and
Hadrian's Mole; while a third, composed of Lombards
from Beneventum, extended themselves from the Lateran
gate to that of S. Paolo. Rome had not been so hard
pressed since the time of Totila. Pope Gregory III. had
fortunately repaired the walls a few years before, and
to this circumstance, perhaps, the city owed its escape
from capture. But the environs were plundered and
devastated, and it is to this occasion that we must, in a
further measure, attribute the desolation of the Cam-
pagna. Nothing escaped the hands of the ruthless
Lombards but the Basilicee of St. Peter and St. Paul.
The Greeks among their ranks displayed their icono-
clastic zeal by breaking all the images they could find;
whilst the Lombards, in the midst of their fury and
violence, dug up and carried off the bones of martyrs,
or those whom they took to be martyrs, from their
resting-places in the catacombs. These relics formed no
mean part of their booty : at home they would be worth
their weight in gold*. This trait is not more charac-
teristic of the age than the Epistle which St. Peter him-
self addressed, at the instance of the pope, to the
Prankish kings, clergy, and people, invoking their as-
sistance. The Latin of it is rather bad for an inspired
writer, nor are its inflated expressions altogether in
accordance with the simplicity of an apostle; but it
must be remembered that St. Peter knew only Hebrew
and perhaps Greek; and he no doubt adapted his
Latin style to the taste of the age, agreeably to the
dictation of the pope, or his secretary. St. Peter backed
his request with those of the Virgin Mary and of all the
heavenly host, including martyrs and confessors ; and he
concluded with threats of eternal perdition and promises404

pepin's gift to the chuech.

of everlasting happiness, according as his application
should be rejected or entertained.1 Such an appeal
could hardly be neglected by a warlike and victorious
monarch. Pepin set his forces in motion, and Astolphus
at the news of their approach abandoned a siege which
had lasted three months. He shut himself up in Pavia,
where he was again besieged by Pepin, and compelled
to fulfil the conditions of the former treaty. A docu-
mentary gift is now said to have been made by Pepin to
the pope, including the Exarchate and Pentapolis. That
such a gift was made can hardly be doubted. It is
assumed not only in the Liber Pontificalis, but also in the
Codex Garolinus. But the original document has never
been produced; the extent of the gift, which was pro-
bably only verbal, is undefined, as indeed were the boun-
daries of the Exarchate; nor can it be said whether the
pope obtained the actual sovereignty or only the domi-
nium utile.2 From this period the Church of Rome be-
came a political church. Before the end of the year,
Folrad, the councillor and chaplain of Pepin, is said to
have laid the deed of gift, together with the keys of
most of the towns of the Pentapolis, the Emilia, and
the Exarchate, before the confessional of St. Peter;
although the pope, now the virtual master of these dis-
tricts as well as of Rome, had not yet formally renounced
his allegiance to the Greek Empire.

1	This singular letter is inscribed: "Petrus vocatus Apostolus a
Jesu Christo Dei vivi filio, &c. &c. .... yobis viris excellen-
tissimis Pippino, Carolo et Carlomanno tribus regibus, atque sanctis-
simis Episcopis, Abbatibus, Presbyteris, vel cunctis religiosis
monachis, verum etiam Ducibus, Comitibus, et cunctis generalibus.
exercitibus et populo Erancise commorantibus." It will be found
in the Codex Carolimts, epist. iii. p. 98 (Cenni). Cf. Anastas. Vit*
Steph. II.

2	Gregorov. B. ii. S. 328.TEMPORALITIES UNDER STEPHEN II. 405

Astolphus died early in 756, from the effects of a fall
while hunting.1 The Lombard army'now elected Desi-
derius for their king. But the crown being contested
by Rachis, who had taken the hood, Desiderius ap-
pealed to the pope, promising him the cities which
Astolphus had neglected to deliver; and Stephen con-
demned B,achis to return to his cloister. Desiderius
then took quiet possession of the throne of Pavia, and
the pope of Faenza, Grabellum, the whole duchy of Fer-
rara, and other places. Stephen II. died shortly after,
April 24, 757, leaving the papacy a considerable tem-
poral state. He was succeeded by Paul I., his brother,
who appears not to have sought the confirmation of his
election by Pepin, though he wrote to that monarch
protesting his devotion.

The temporal dominion of the popes was, however, at
first, anything but secure ; and the Lombard kings long
disputed with them the possession of the towns and
districts which Pepin had assigned to them. But we
forbear to relate the details of this quarrel, which was
not attended with any important effects on the city.
The contest which ensued for the papacy after the
death of Paul I., and the bloody scenes which some-
times took place on that occasion, show how much its
possession had come to be considered as an object of
worldly ambition. Under Stephen II. and Paul I., the
building of many churches, convents, and pilgrims'
houses had contributed to give Home more and more
the air of the capital of the popes. Under the former

1 Pope Stephen announced his death to Pepin in the following
Christian terms : " Etenim tyrannus ille, sequax diaboli, Haistnl
phus deyorator sanguinum Christianorum, Ecclesiarum Dei de-
structor, divino ictu percussus est, et in inferni voraginem demersus."
—Cod. Carol. viii. (Cenni).406 THE CATACOMBS YIELD THEIR DEAD.

of these pontiffs tlie first bell-tower yet seen at Rome
had been erected at St. Peter's; an addition which began
very much to alter the model of the ancient Basilicas.
During the reign of Paul, many cartloads of corpses
were disinterred from the catacombs, and escorted into
the city by processions of monks, and amid the singing
of hymns, in order to be again buried under the
churches; while ambassadors were constantly arriving
from the Anglo-Saxons, Pranks, and Germans, to beg
the gift of some of these highly-prized relics.1

Charles, or Charlemagne, and his brother Carloman,
jointly occupied the Prankish throne on the death of
their father Pepin in 768. But the reign and life of the
younger brother were soon brought to a close. The
intervention of Charlemagne in the affairs of Italy
was speedily required. When Adrian I., a pontiff of
great energy and talent, ascended the papal throne,
in 772, the disputes with the Lombard kings were still
proceeding ; but Desiderius had been deterred from
attacking Rome by a threat of excommunication : a
striking proof of the dread which these spiritual thun-
ders already inspired. Desiderius, nevertheless, would
not comply with Charlemagne's demands for the resto-
ration of the towns ceded to the Holy See ; and, in
order to enforce them, Charlemagne entered Italy with
his army in the autumn of 773, and invested Pavia.
As the place still held out after a siege of six months,

1 A goodly collection must still have been left behind, since an
inscription in the church of Sta. Prassede, founded more than half
a century afterwards by Paschal I., records the placing there by
that pontiff of the remains of 2,300 martyrs. It seems to have
been assumed, as a matter of course, that all the bones found in the
catacombs belonged not only to Christians, but to martyred Chris-
tians.CHARLEMAGNE AT ROME.	407

Charlemagne left it blockaded in the spring of 774, and
marched with part of his army to celebrate Easter at
Rome, where he arrived on Holy Saturday, April 2nd.
The ceremonies observed on this occasion were entirely
of a religions, or rather ecclesiastical, nature. Adrian
received the king at the main entrance of St. Peter's
church, who, falling on his knees, kissed every step of
the ascent till he reached the pontiff. After a mutual
oath of surety at the tomb of the apostle, Charlemagne,
who was dressed in the robes of a patrician, entered
Rome by Hadrian's bridge, proceeded on foot to the
Lateran, and returned in the same manner to his camp
near the Vatican. Easter Sunday was spent in hearing
the pope perform mass at Sta. Maria Maggiore; after
which the king dined with him at the Lateran. The
festival was brought to a conclusion by a mass at
St. Peter's on Monday, and another at St. Paul's on
Tuesday. On Wednesday, Charlemagne confirmed his
father's donation to the papal see. The document is
said to have been drawn out anew with additions, to
have been signed by the king and his peers, and to have
been confirmed with a fearful oath at St. Peter's tomb.
Nearly all Italy was made over to the pope, even places
which had not fallen under the Prankish dominion, as
Corsica, Venice, Beneventum, and others. But this
document, like that of Pepin, has never been produced.

Charlemagne claimed in turn all the rights and pre-
rogatives of a Patricius, the title of Defensor, and the
supreme jurisdiction in Rome and its duchy and in the
Exarchate. Charlemagne now returned to Pavia, took
that city, and put an end to the Lombard dynasty.
Desiderius, who had been captured, was banished, and
ended his days in the convent of Corbay. Charlemagne
assumed the iron crown of Italy, styling himself hence-408 THE WESTERN EMPIRE REVIVED.

forth King of the Franks and Lombards, and Patricius
of the Romans.

Charlemagne again visited Rome in 781 and 787; on
the latter of which occasions, after reducing the duchy
of Beneventum, he is said to have made the pope fur-
ther presents of several towns, including Capua. But
another and last visit to the eternal city is far more
important in the history of Rome and the world.
Leo III., who had filled the throne of St. Peter since
the death of Adrian I. in 795, was deeply indebted to
the protection of Charlemagne, when, flying from a con-
spiracy which threatened his life, he had taken refuge
at the court of that monarch at Paderborn. Towards
the end of 800, Charlemagne again approached Rome,
when Leo III. went out as far as Momentum to meet
him. The king passed the night at that place, while
the pope returned to Rome, in order to receive him next
day on the steps of St. Peter's. On the last Christmas-
day of the eighth century, Leo placed the imperial
crown on the head of Charlemagne, and the crowd
which filled the Cathedral of St. Peter's saluted him
with the title of Emperor of the Romans. This revival
of the Western Empire was afterwards confirmed by a
formal vote.

While Rome was thus asserting her supremacy in the
affairs both of this world and the next, the state of her
manners seemed hardly on a level with the loftiness of
her pretensions. Since the time of Gregory the Great
it had been a part of the papal policy to discourage
profane learning. Literature flourished more in many
of the provincial towns of Italy, and even in England
and Ireland, than at Rome ; and Virgil and Horace
were better known at the Frankish court than in the
city of the popes. The papal epistles of this period areCHURCH MUSIC.

409

wretched specimens both, of logic and grammar. Poetry
was unknown, unless the verses inscribed on tombstones
may deserve that name. The only art which flourished
at Rome was music. We have already seen, from the
description of Ammianus Marcellinus, the passionate
fondness of the Romans for music several centuries be-
fore. Gregory the Great, whose object it seems to have
been to render religion a thing of the senses, was the
founder of the music of the church. He instituted a
school for it in the Lateran, whence the Carlovingian
monarchs ol^fcained teachers of singing and organ-play-
ing. The Frankish monks were sent thither for in-
struction. But the Italian masters complained that they
could not make the Franks trill their notes. They seemed
to stick in their throats.1

1 Annates Lauriss. ap. Gregorov. B. ii. S. 456.410

SECTION VIII.

FROM THE RESTORATION OF THE WESTERN EMPIRE.
ROM this period the history of the " city and its

ancient monuments, or rather their ruins, has little
interest but for professed antiquaries ; for it is hardly
possible to connect them any longer with the life of the
people. The civil history of Rome, too, during the
long centuries of the middle ages, is obscure and per-
plexed, and could not possibly be even fragmentarily de-
veloped within the compass of the present work. We
must therefore content ourselves with selecting some
of those events which had a more special influence on
the city, and particularly on its monuments, and with
endeavouring to ascertain the progress of their decay.
Rome was still to suffer at the hands of external
enemies; but henceforth her own children, perhaps,
were more destructive than these of her ancient monu-
mental glories.1

The first half, or nearly so, of the ninth century pre-
sents almost a blank in the history of the city. But in
the year 846, in the pontificate of Sergius II., the Sara-
cens from Africa, having landed at Porto, appeared be-

1 In this part of his labours the author must more particularly
acknowledge his obligations to the works of Papencordt and
Gregorovius.THE SARACENS AT ROME.

411

fore Rome. It does not appear that they assaulted the
walls, and, at all events, they did not succeed in enter-
ing the city. But the churches of St. Peter and St.
Paul which lay almost defenceless outside the walls, in-
vited and rewarded their attacks. In these holy places,
enriched by ostentatious popes and pious benefactors,
the followers of Mahomet might gratify at once their
hatred of Christianity and their love of plunder. The
Anglo-Saxons, Lombards, and Franks, who resided in
the Vatican district, attempted some resistance,1 but
were speedily overcome. St. Peter's was then stripped
of all its gold and silver ornaments; the altar of solid
gold was carried off, and the ashes, or reputed ashes, of
the apostle were doubtless profaned and dissipated. The
Basilica of St. Paul suffered a similar fate.2 Rome
was delivered by Guido of Spoleto and his Lombards.
The Saracens plundered the Campagna in their retreat,
and levelled to the ground the episcopal town of Silva
Candida. Part of their host re-embarked at Ostia ;
others, retreating by land, repulsed Guido under the
walls of Gaeta, and took their departure from that
place.

Pope Sergius II. died in January, 847, and was suc-
ceeded by Leo IV. The pontificate of Leo is, for the
history of the city, one of the most important in the
whole series of the Roman pontiffs. It commenced
under gloomy auspices. To the constant apprehension
of another visit of the Saracens were added an earth-
quake which occasioned much damage, and a fire which
destroyed great part of the Anglo-Saxon quarter. The
shingle roofs of the houses in this district rendered such

1	Hist. Ignoti Cassin. in Mon. Germ. V. a p. Gregorov, B. ii. S. 97.

2	Anastas. Vit. Leon. IV. n. 495.412	THE INCENDIO DEL BORGO.

a calamity both, frequent and destructive. A great part
of the Borgo had been consumed less than thirty years
before in the pontificate of Paschal I. On the present
occasion the flames destroyed part of the portico of
St. Peter's; but Leo is said to have arrested their
further progress by appearing on the balcony of the
church, and conjuring them with the sign of the cross.1
This incident forms the subject of Raffaelle's fresco in
the Vatican, called the " Incendio del Borgo."

One of the first cares of Leo IV. was to fortify Rome
against another attack of the Saracens. He urged on
the repairing of the walls and the strengthening of the
gates and towers, and superintended in person, on foot
and on horseback, the progress of the works. But the
most important part of this undertaking was the en-
closing of the Vatican district and the Basilica of St.
Peter's in a wall. Thus arose, as it were, a new city,
which received, after its founder, the name of Civitas
Leonina. A project of the same kind had been enter-
tained, and indeed some beginnings had been made, by
Leo III.; but the rising walls had been destroyed by
the Romans themselves. The undertaking of Leo IV.
had been sanctioned by the Emperor Lothaire, who also
defrayed part of the expense. The circuit was not so
extensive as that of the present walls, built by Ur-
ban VIII. The walls of Leo, commencing at the Castle
of S. Angelo, proceeded so as to enclose St. Peter's,
and then descended to the river below the modern gate
of S. Spirito. They were built of tufo and brick, were
forty feet high and nineteen feet thick, and were de-
fended by forty-four strong towers. They had three
gates: a small one near the castle, called Posterula S.

1 Anastas. Tit. Leon IV. n. 505.WALLS OF THE LEONINE CITY. 413

Angeli; a large one, the chief entrance, named after the
adjoining church Porta S. Peregrini, and later Porta
Viridaria; while another small gate, called Posterula
Saxonum, corresponding to the modern gate of S. Spirito,
connected the Civitas Leonina, or Borgo as it was also
called, with the Trastevere. Traces of the wall may still
be recognized; and a tower now extant in the gardens
of the Vatican will convey an idea of their strength.
This fortification, commenced in 848, was not completed
till 852. On the 27th of June of that year, the pope at the
head of the clergy, barefooted and with ashes on their
heads, walked in solemn procession round the new walls,
invoking the Almighty to preserve the new town from
the assaults of the infidels. The cardinal bishops
sprinkled the walls with holy water, and at the third
gate the pope himself offered up a solemn prayer.
The ceremony was concluded with a high mass at St.
Peter's; after which Leo distributed among the Roman
nobles presents of gold and silver, and costly silken
stuffs.1

The walls of the Leonine city had not been long com-
menced when, in 849, the Saracens threatened another
attack. Leo IV., to guard against such an invasion,
had formed a league with the towns of Amalfi, Naples,
and Graeta, whose vessels had joined the Roman squadron.
Scarce had the pope bestowed his blessing on the allied
fleet, when on the following day the vessels of the
Saracens appeared off Ostia. The allies hastened to
the attack, and were gaining the advantage when a
terrible storm dispersed the combatants. But many of
the Saracen vessels were stranded or captured, and the
crews either put to death or made prisoners. The latter

1 Anastas. n. 534 sq.414 ETHELWOLF AND ALFRED AT ROME.

were employed in raising the walls of the new town.1
This battle is also painted by Paifaelle in the same
apartment as the " Incendio del Borgo."

Leo IV., besides these works in the city, enclosed
Porto with a wall, and replenished its inhabitants with
colonists from Corsica. For the inhabitants of Centum-
cellsB, which had been ruined by the Saracens in 812
and become almost a swamp, he built about twelve miles
from that place a new town, called after him Leopolis.
It found, however, no favour in their sight, and after a
while they returned to their former residence, which,
after the building of the new town, had obtained the
name of Civita Vecchia. Leo founded at Rome the
church of S. Erancesca Pomana, partly on the site of
Hadrian's Temple of Venus and Pome, besides other
churches; and he enriched the Basilicas of St. Peter
and St. Paul with various splendid gifts. It forms no
part of our plan to record the visits of emperors and
kings to the city of the popes ; but it may be mentioned
that the Anglo-Saxon king Ethelwolf went thither in
the last year of Leo's reign with his son Alfred, then
six years of age, and spent there a whole twelvemonth.
In the course of this visit Ethelwolf was crowned by
Leo IV. Ethelwolf endowed the Holy See, besides
other liberalities, with a yearly grant of 300 mancuses,2
two-thirds of which were appropriated to support the
lamps at St. Peter's and St. Paul's, while the remaining
third went into the pocket of the pope. Ethelwolf is
also said to have restored the Anglo-Saxon school.3

During the remaining half of the ninth century Pome
underwent a few more sieges, but the effects of them on

1	Anastas. n. 497.

2	The mancus was a silver coin of the value of about half a crown.

3	Anastas. Vita Leon. IV.JOHN VIII. DEFEATS THE SARACENS. 415

the city do not appear to have been important, or at all
events the details are unknown. The entry of the Em-
peror Louis II. with his army in 864 inflicted much
damage on the inhabitants, but we do not hear of the
monuments haying suffered. The same may be said of
the surprise of Rome by Lambert, Duke of Spoleto,
after the death of Pope Nicholas I. in 867. The invasion
of the Saracens in 876 proved highly destructive to the
country round Rome; the Campagna was devastated,
the farms and vineyards ruined; those peasants who
were unable to take shelter within the walls were either
killed or carried into slavery. But though the Infidels
often menaced the gates of the holy city, they were un-
able to effect an entry. John VIII., who then occupied
the chair of St. Peter, was a vigorous and warlike
character, a prototype of Julius II. He fitted out a
fleet of galleys, or dromones, a name which they still
bore as in the time of Belisarius, and, taking the com-
mand in person, completely defeated the Saracen fleet
off tbe promontory of Circe.1 But, in spite of this vic-
tory, he found it expedient to buy a peace of the Infidels
with a yearly tribute of 25,000 mancuses. In 894 the
German king Arnulph appeared with an army before
Rome at the invitation of Pope Formosus, who had been
imprisoned by the Romans in the Castle of S. Angelo.
Arnulph's troops assaulted and took the Grate of S.
Pancrazio and liberated the pope. Arnulph, who had
remained at Ponte Molle, was conducted into Rome the
following day by a solemn procession of the clergy and
people, among whom we find the Greek school still
mentioned.2

In the tenth century, a new enemy, the Magyars, or

1	See Gregorov. B. iii. S. 201.

2	Cont. Annal. Fulclcns. p. 411 sq. (Pertz) ap. Papencordt, p. 169.416	THE POPEDOM DEGRADED.

Hungarians, frequently showed themselves before the
gates of Rome and devastated the Campagna, but they
do not appear to have penetrated into the city. During
the same period Rome sustained several sieges by Hugo
of Provence and Otho the Great; the effects of which,
however, seem not to have been important, and at all
events cannot be determined. Rome was now fast
falling into the deepest abyss of political and moral
degradation. The papacy had been subjugated by the
German emperors, who bestowed the chair of S. Peter
on their ministers and favourites. The pope, however,
was at this time little more than a name or shadow.
The Roman nobles, the captains and great feudatories
of the church, wrested from him all his power, and con-
tended for it with one another, and the Vatican and
Lateran were often stained with the blood of hostile
factions. Sometimes we find the tiara bestowed by two
sister courtesans, Marozia and Theodora, sometimes
seized by a patrician and converted into a family
possession, and sometimes bartered and sold, as. by
Benedict IX. The papacy, observes Gregorovius,1 at
this period,, hitherto an hereditary fief of the Counts of
Tusculum, was morally and politically demolished; the
temporal dominion, that fatal present of the Carlovin-
gians, the mother of a thousand evils, had vanished;
for the church could scarcely command the nearest
fortresses in her dominions. A hundred small and
greedy barons stood ready to fall upon Rome; all the
highways were infested with robbers, the pilgrims were
plundered, and the churches lay in ruins, while the
priests were wallowing in bacchanalian debauch. Daily
assassinations rendered the roads unsafe; nay, the Roman

1 B. iy. S. 51.TRADE IN BONES.

417

nobles even broke, sword in hand, into St. Peter's, and
carried off the gifts which pious hands had laid upon
the altar.

In such a state of things there was no body of citizens,
no respectable middle class, out of which a constitu-
tional state might be formed. The export trade of
Rome was confined to selling the corpses and relics of
martyrs, or reputed martyrs, the images of saints, and
perhaps a few old codices, the chief purchasers of which
were the innumerable pilgrims who resorted to the city.
For although Rome was in such a dreadful state of dis-
solution and anarchy, the idea of it, as the head of
Christendom, had still a mighty influence abroad. Thus
we find King Canute making a journey thither in 1027,
on which occasion he was present at the coronation of
Conrad II., and also met Rodolph III., King of Aries,
or Burgundy, from which monarchs he obtained a pro-
mise of protection for English pilgrims who might pass
through their territories.1 A few years later (1050)
Rome appears to have been visited by the Scottish king
Macbeth. The trade to which we have alluded seems
to have been a most lucrative one. The toe or the finger
of a martyr might be a morsel for men of moderate
wealth, but none but princes or bishops could afford to
purchase a whole skeleton. Thus the catacombs were
in those days the El Dorado of the popes, and a watch
was constantly kept upon them to prevent their contents
from being rifled. The bones of a martyr were the
most valuable present that the pontiff could bestow
upon a city. On such occasions they were conveyed
from Rome in richly ornamented carriages, and escorted

1 See his letter in William of Malmesbiiry, Gesia Regum Anglorum,
lib. ii. § 183 (vol. i. p. 308, Hardy).

TC E418 PAPAL ELECTION BY CARDINALS.

to some distance from the gates by long processions of
monks singing hymns and bearing lighted torches.

If Rome in this period of anarchy can be said to have
had a constitution, it must be called an aristocratic re-
public under the presidency of a head called Senator of
all the Romans. But though the Roman nobles claimed
the title of senators, and even the female members of
their families were sometimes called senatrices, it does
not appear that any senate existed as a political body.
The nobles laid claim to elect the emperor as well as the
pope. The decree of Pope Nicholas II. in 1059, by
which the election of a pope was assigned to the college
of cardinals, subject only to the approval of the clergy
and people, and afterwards to the confirmation of the
emperor, was a great help towards the establishment of
the papal power. This measure was the work of Hilde-
brand, the leader of the reform at Rome, who afterwards,
as Pope Gregory VII., raised the papacy to an un-
exampled height. It would exceed, however, both the
limits and the scope of this work to attempt to trace
the vicissitudes of the papal domination, and we must
content ourselves with recording some of the more im-
mediate and striking effects produced on the city of
Rome by this portentous struggle between the spiritual
and temporal powers.

The excommunication of the Emperor Henry IV. by
Gregory VII., and that monarch's humiliation and
penance before the haughty pontiff at Ganossa, must be
regarded as the most extraordinary triumphs of the
papacy. But they were not achieved with impunity.
The fortunes of the emperor rallied, and after causing
Gregory to be deposed by a council held at Pavia in
1081, and Guibert to be appointed in his stead with the
title of Clement III., he marched with his army to Rome,GREGORY VII. AND HENRY IY. 419

and encamped in the field of Nero, outside the district
of the Vatican. This siege, however, as well as another
which he attempted in the following spring, proved
fruitless. A third siege in 1083 was more successful.
The Leonine city was assaulted and taken, June 2nd.
But Gregory found a secure refuge in the Castle of S.
Angelo, where he held out so long that Henry was
again obliged to retire. The indefatigable emperor,
however, again appeared on the opposite side of the city
in March, 1084, and having effected an entrance through
the Porta S. Giovanni, he, in company with the anti-
pope, took up his residence in the Lateran. He now
caused Clement III. to be recognized as pope by a parlia-
ment of the Romans, and on the 31st of March, being
Easter-day, he and his consort Bertha were crowned by
that pontiff in the Basilica of S. Peter. But, notwith-
standing this, Henry was far from being master of
Rome. Gregory himself was again safely sheltered in
the Castle of S. Angelo, while some of the strongest
places in the city were occupied by his adherents. His
nephew, Rusticus, held the Ceelian and Palatine hills,
the Corsi were posted on the Capitol, the Pierleoni on
the Tiberine island. These places, however, would
perhaps have been ultimately reduced but for the oppor-
tune appearance of Robert Guiscard and his Normans,
whose assistance Gregory had invoked. Rusticus, after
enduring a siege in the Septizonium, by which that
building was much damaged and many of its columns
overthrown, had been compelled to surrender. The
Capitol also had been stormed and taken. But the
approach of Guiscard with 30,000 foot and 6,000 horse
•obliged Henry to retreat. On the 21st of May he de-
parted with Clement III. by the Via Elaminia, having
first caused the walls of the Leonine city and the towers420 ROME FIRED BY THE NORMANS.

on the Capitol to be destroyed. A few days after Guis-
card entered by the Porta Lorenzo and conducted
Gregory VII. from the Mole of Hadrian to the Lateran
Palace. But a rising of the Romans, who were for the
most part of the imperial or Ghibelline faction, induced
Guiscard to set fire to the city. This was the most
terrible calamity that Rome had suffered for many
centuries. A great part of the inhabitants were either
killed or enslaved. With regard to the damage done
to the city on this occasion, the accounts yary very
much. On the whole, however, it cannot be doubted
that the destruction -^as very great, especially about
the region of the Lateran. After this catastrophe the
Lateran gate obtained the name of Porta Perusta, or
the " burnt gate." Flavius Blondus attributes the decay
of the city to this fire.1 The Cselian and Aventine hills
ceased to be thickly inhabited, that part of Rome was
almost abandoned, and the population pressed more and
more towards the Campus Martius. It seems probable,
however, that the ancient monuments were not much
damaged by this fire. Hildebert, bishop of Tours, who
visited Rome a few years after Guiscard's entry, speaks
at least of the vast remains which still existed:

Tantum restat aclinic, tantum ruit, ut. neqne pars stans
iEquari possit, diruta nec refici.2

Hildebert seems to have been particularly struck during
this visit by the beauty of the statues with which the
city seems still to have abounded :

Hie superum formas superi mirantur et ipsi
Et cupiunt fictis vultibus esse pares.

Non potuit Natura deos hoc ore creare
Quo miranda deum signa creavit homo.3

1	Hist. Decad. ii. lib. iii. p. 204.

2	Hildeberti Opera, col. 1335 (ed Paris, 1708).	3 Ibid;LEGENDS OF THE STATUES.	421

The breathing figures, which, could no longer "be imi-
tated, appear indeed throughout the middle ages to have
been the universal theme of wonder and admiration;
whence we often find them connected with the most
fantastic legends. Thus the Emperor Julian is said to
have been persuaded to return to paganism by the so-
phistical pleading of a statue of Faunus, which stood
near the church of Sta. Maria in Fontana, on the Esqui-
line.1 Another legend says that the Romans had con-
secrated on the Capitol seventy statues representing the
nations they had conquered. Each of these statues had
on its neck a bell; and when any nation revolted, the
figure representing it moved and rang the bell.2 It
seems not improbable that this legend may have been
suggested by the bell which Augustus is said to have
affixed to the Jupiter Tonans whose temple he founded
on the Capitol. The equestrian statue of Marcus Aure-
lius, which now adorns the Capitol, had also its legend.
The statue was then commonly assigned to Constantine ;3
but those who pretended to know better affirmed that it
was erected in memory of a warrior who, when the city
was besieged during the republican times by a powerful
king who had come from the East, went forth at mid-
night, and, guided by the singing of a bird to a place

1	" Ad S. Mariam in Fontana templum Faunij quod simulacrum
locutum est Juliano, et decepit eum."—Mirabilia Homes, sub fin.

2	Anonymus Salernitanus, ad ann. 886, ap. Pertz, Mm. Germ.
Hist. -t. iii.

3	In the middle ages this statue stood near the Lateran. As this
Basilica was founded by Constantine, the site was appropriate for a
statue supposed to represent him. It was probably placed there by
Pope Sergius III. when he re-erected the Lateran, and dedicated it
to St. John. Pope John XIII. employed the statue in a singular
manner, by hanging on it by the hair a refractory prefect of the city
(ann. 966).422 THE STATUES OF THE DIOSCURI.

which the king frequented, seized him and brought him
prisoner to Rome. In like manner the colossal statues
supposed to represent the Dioscuri, which now stand on
the Quirinal, had also a story attached to them. At the
time when the Mirabilia was compiled, that is, about the
thirteenth century, they were believed to represent two
young philosophers, Praxiteles and Pheidias, who came
to Rome during the reign of Tiberius, and promised to
tell him his most secret words and actions provided he
would honour them with a monument. Having per-
formed their promise, they obtained these statues, which
represent them naked, because all human science was
naked and open to their eyes. Prom this fable, wild and
absurd as it is, we may nevertheless draw the inference
that the statues had been handed down from time im-
memorial as the works of Pheidias and Praxiteles^
though those artists had in the lapse of ages been meta-
morphosed into philosophers. May we not also assume
the existence of a tradition that the statues were brought
to Rome in the reign of Tiberius ? In the middle ages
the group appears to have been accompanied by a statue
of Medusa, sitting at their feet, and having before her a
shell. According to the text of the Mirabilia, as given
by Montfaucon in his Diarium Italicum, this figure re-
presented the Church. The snakes which surrounded
her typified the volumes of Scripture, which nobody could
approach unless he had been first washed—that is, bap-
tized—in the water of the shell. But the Prague MS.
of the Mirabilia1 interprets the female figure to re-
present Science, and the serpents to typify the disputed
questions with which she is concerned.

During these centuries the Romans themselves did

1 Published by Hofler, in his edition of Papencordt, p. 46.FORTRESSES IN ROME.

423

more damage to the ancient monuments than was occa-
sioned by any foreign enemy, either by taking their
materials for building purposes, or by converting them
into fortresses. Towards the end of the ninth century,
Crescentius, whose aim it was to make himself master
of Rome, drove out two popes, John XY. and Gregory V.,
and fortified himself in the Mausoleum of Hadrian.
Cencius, who seems to have been a member of the same
family, had in 1070 erected a tower close to the bridge
which spans the Tiber here. This tower he filled with
his retainers, and demanded toll from all who passed.
The Orsini seem to have occupied in the eleventh and
twelfth centuries the theatre of Pompey, and to have
succeeded the Crescentii at the Mausoleum of Hadrian.
The Corsi occupied the Capitol, the Colonnesi the Mau-
soleum of Augustus and the Baths of Constantine, and
so of others. But the most prominent of these families
were the Frangipani and the Pierleoni. The Frangi-
pani, whose name is said to have been derived from one
of their ancestors having distributed bread among the
poor during a famine, appear to be first authentically
mentioned in the year 1014. In the twelfth century
we find them in possession of a large part of Home, in-
cluding the Colosseum and part of the Caelian and Pala-
tine hills,1 the whole of which was converted into a
fortress. The entrance to it was at the Arch of Titus,
close to which was erected a strong brick tower, called
the Turris Cartularia. Pope Urban II., who was elected
at Terracina in 1088, dwelt with John Frangipani in
this tower when he came to Rome in 1093. The Pier-
leoni, the rivals of the Frangipani, were of Jewish

1 In a bull of Pope Innocent IV., the Colosseum is styled " pro-
priety della sede Apostolica," and is made over to the Frangipani.
Fea, Diss, sulle Bovi?ie di Roma, p. 333.424

ARNOLD OF BRESCIA.

descent. Their fortress was near the present Ghetto,
and consisted of the theatres of Marcellus and the
Portions 0 eta via, with some towers which thej had
erected near them. At the back they were secured by
the Tiber. The memory of this family is still preserved
by a street in the neighbourhood called Porta Leoni.
The number of such fortresses in Eome and its vicinity
may be inferred from the fact that the Bolognese Bran-
caleone, whom the Romans elected for their senator in
1252 on account of the feuds between the Colonna and
Orsini, caused 140 of them to be destroyed.1 Modern
Rome still retains some memorials of them in the names
Tor de' Conti, Tor de' Specchi, &c. In the battles
which occurred among these rival nobles within the
walls of the city respecting the election of a pope or a
prefect, in the revolution effected by Arnold of Brescia
in 1145, and in other civil commotions, the ancient
monuments must no doubt have frequently suffered;
but any attempt to trace the damage actually inflicted
would be utterly futile.2 Many ponderous tomes might
be consulted for notices ; but after all, when the collected
heap came to be winnowed, the result would be nil, or
next to it. We shall therefore endeavour in preference
to obtain an idea of the Roman remains at this period
from two or three works professedly devoted to the
subject. •

The works here alluded to seem to have been intended

1	Matth. Paris, p. 836 (ed. 1684.)

2	The best accounts of the decay of the city during this period are
that of the Abbate Fea, Dissertazione sulle Bovine di Eoma, appended
to the Italian translation of Winckelmann's Gesch» der Kunst des
Alterthums; the last chapter of Gibbon's Decline and Fall; and
several chapters in Lord Broughton's Italy, But a perusal of these
pieces will show how little that is tangible and certain can be said
upon the subject.THE ANONYMUS OF EINSIEDELN. 425

as guides for pilgrims or other persons visiting Rome;
they are, in short, the handbooks of the middle ages.
Their contents are chiefly devoted to the ancient monu-
ments, though modern ones are frequently mentioned
in connection with them; but the ignorance of the com-
pilers, aggravated by the blunders of copyists, frequently
makes strange havoc with the names and sites of the
remains. The most ancient and most correct of these
works is that of the Anonymus of Einsiedeln; so called
because the original MS. was discovered in the Monastery
of Einsiedeln in Switzerland.1 It is supposed to belong
to the age of Charlemagne, and must certainly have
been written before the time of Pope Leo IV., since it
takes no notice of the Leonine city. This performance,
however, is not so much a guide-book as a kind of
official description of the Roman regions;2 in fact, a dry
catalogue, after the manner of the Ouriosum, of certain
public buildings and monuments. These monuments,
both ancient and modern, are mentioned as they occur
to the right or left of a person walking from certain
points of the city to other points. The chief routes are
from St. Peter's to the church of Sta. Lucia in Orthea—
apparently a corruption for Orpheo—a church lying near
the fountain of Orpheus on the Esquiline; from St.
Peter's to the Porta Salaria; from St. Peter's to the
Porta Asinaria; from the Porta Nomentana to the Forum
Romanum ; from the Porta Flaminia to the Yia Latera-
nensis ; from the Porta Tiburtina to the Subura; from
the Porta Aurelia to the Porta Prsenestina, &c. The
ancient monuments mentioned in the course of these
routes are : the Circus Flaminius, the Rotunda (or Pan-

1	It is printed in Mabillon's Analecta, p. 364, and more correctly
in Haenel's Archiv fiir Philologie und Padagogife, B. v. S. 115 ff.

2	It is entitled Descriptio Regionum Urbis Romm.426

STATUE OF MARFORIO.

theon), the Baths of Commodus, the Forwm and Column
of Trajan, the statue of the Tiber, apparently that
known as Marforio,1 the Capitol, the Umbilicus Romee,
the Arch of Severus, the Baths of Constantine, the
equestrian statue of Constantine (by which the author
means that of M. Aurelius), the Thermae Trajanae and
Alexandrinae, the Antonine column, the Minervium, the
Thermae Sallustianae and Diocletianae, the Claudian aque-
duct and Forma Yirginis, the Forum Romanum, the
Flavian amphitheatre (the author does not appear to
know, or refuses to recognize, the name of Colosseum),
the theatre of Pompey, the arch of Titus and Yespasian,
the arch of Constantine, the Meta Sudans, the Caput
Africa, the Thermae Antoninianae (Caracalla's baths),
the Circus Maximus, the Septizoniurn, whence there
appears to have been a portico extending to the church
of Sta. Anastasia. The porticoes about the Yia Lata,
or modern Corso, appear also to have been extant ; so
that our author could walk through them from the
church of St. Silvester—apparently that near the Yia
della Yite—to the Antonine column; and again from
that column, or near it, to the church of the Twelve
Apostles.

It is evident that this list does not exhaust the monu-
ments which must have been at least partly extant in

1 This celebrated colossal statue, well known as the vehicle for
replies to the satires of Pasquin, stood, or rather reclined, in the
middle ages, before the Mamertine prison, and gave name to the
neighbouring ascent, the Salita di Marforio. It may now be seen
in the court of the Capitoline Museum. It seems probable, as Herr
Gregorovius thinks (B. iii. S. 570, Anm,), that the name of the
statue was derived rather from a corruption of Mavors than from
Martis Forum. For though the Forum of Augustus contained a
temple of Mars Ultor, it does not appear to have been ever called
Forum Martis.ROMAN REMAINS IN NINTH CENTURY. 427

the time of the Anonymus, since several are omitted
which may be seen at the present day, as the theatre of
Marcellus, the Basilica of Constantine, the Temple of
Venus and Rome, the column of Phocas, the Temples
of Saturn, Concord, and other objects. This, however,
affords a strong presumption that all the monuments
which the author does mention were then actually ex-
tant.1 It is probable that a few may be concealed under
corrupt or fanciful names; and thus the Arcus Recorda-
tions, for instance, may possibly be the Arch of Drusus.
But though the list is not exhaustive, it contains the
names of many monuments, some of them very im-
portant ones, of which at present not a trace is to be
found: as the Circus Maminius, the Baths of Com-
modus, of Sallust, Trajan, and Alexander, the theatre of
Pompey, the Septizonium, and various porticoes. It is
evident, therefore, that in the ninth century com-
paratively large remains of ancient Rome were still
extant; but it is unfortunate that our author does not
mention their condition ; and we can hardly doubt that
most of them were in a ruinous state.

It is still more provoking that the Anonymus, although
in his collection of inscriptions he gives some that still
existed on the Capitol, only cursorily mentions that
object in his routes, without describing its state, or
dropping the slightest hint which might lead us to
determine the site of the Capitoline temple. The same
complaint attaches to later works of the same kind, the

1 Montfaucon was of opinion that the Anonymus Einsiedlensis
mentioned only existing monuments. See his Analecta, Moniturn,
p. 358. That the theatre of Pompey must hare been at least
partially extant appears from the fact that the Anonymus gives an
inscription in it (Inscrip. No. 50) recording its restoration by Arca-
dius and Honorius.428 MEDIEVAL NOTIONS OF THE CAPITOL.

Grajphia aurem urbis Homce, and the Mirabilia Romce;
though these, indeed, from their greater fulness of con-
text, afford a somewhat better clue to the researches of
the topographer. How little can be done for the in-
vestigation of this perplexing question through the
notices afforded by the middle ages is evident from the
treatment of it by Herr Gregorovius. This gentleman
gives no decided opinion with regard to this much-
agitated point; but he evidently inclines to the German
theory, which places the temple on Monte Caprino, or
the south-western summit. But all that he can produce
in support of this theory are the names of two churches,
viz. Sta. Caterina sub Tarpeio, and S. Salvator in
Maximis.1 The first of these instances is nothing to the
purpose, unless it can' be certainly shown that the Tar-
peian rock was at Monte Caprino. The notice of the
other church appears to be taken from an anonymous
writer on the antiquities of the city in the time of Pope
Eugene IV. (1431—1439). It runs thus: " S. Salva-
toris in Maximis in Capitolio ubi Jovis templum; " and
the church itself is asserted to have stood on Monte
Caprino till the year 1587.2 It is singular, however,
that in a list of all the Roman churches contained in a
MS. of the fourteenth century, preserved in the uni-
versity library at Turin, and published by Hofler in his
edition of Papencordt's work, the name of this church
does not appear at all on the Capitoline Hill, but further
to the south.8 And this is confirmed by a passage of

1	Gesck. der Stadt Bom im Mittelalter, B. iv. S. 445.

2	"Diese Kirche stand bis 1587 auf Monte Caprino gegen die
Montanara hin."—Ibid. Anm. 2.

3	The name appears in the district called SS. Cosma e Damiano,

one of three regions into which Rome appears to have been divided

for ecclesiastical purposes. The churches are enumerated in theirTESTIMONY OF THE " MIRABILIA." 429

Lucius Faunus, which, mentions the church at the foot
of the hill.1 Wherefore, as the region of the Circus
Maximus extended towards the Capitoline, and appears
to have included the Velabrum, it seems probable that
the church took its name from the region, and had no
reference to any temple.

We are of opinion that a much more decisive testi-
mony with regard to the site of the Capitoline temple
may be extracted from the Mirabilia Bomce. In the
description of the Capitol in that work we read: " Ca-
pitolium ideo dicitur, quia fuit caput totius mundi," &c.
Then, after the story about the statues with bells, which
we have already related, it proceeds: " erant enim et
ibi plura templa; nam in summitate arcis super porti-
cum crinorum fuit templum Jo vis et Monetae," &c. &c.
S o much for one summit of the hill; the author then
proceeds to describe the other as follows : " Ex alia-
parte Capitolii supra Canaparam templum Juiionis."
Here, then, we have two summits of the hill distinctly
specified, one overhanging the Porticus Crinorum, what-
ever that may be, the other overhanging, or standing

order as they occur. Those near or on the Capitol are specified as
follows : S. Adrian, S. Martina (at the eastern foot of the Capitol),
S. Sergius and Bacchus (on the site of the Temple of Concord), Sta.
Maria de Ara Celi, Sta. Maria in Cannapara (the south-western
summit of the Capitoline: see next note but one), Sta. Maria in
Inferno (Sta. Maria Liberatrice, the title of which was " Sta. Maria
libera nos a poenis inferni"), S. Theodore (under the Palatine), S„
Giorgio in Yelabro. Then, after several others in this direction, S.
Salvator de Maximis. Papencordt, Staclt Bom, S. 56.

1 " Quare multis post annis ad hujus collis radices S. Salvatoris
cognomento in Maximis appellatum (templum) constat."—Ant. Urb.
Bomce, lib. ii. c. 4. This work was published in 1548; hence a
direct contradiction to the assertion that the church stood on the
hill in 1587. Indeed, the words of Faunus seem to imply that the
church was not extant at all in his time.430 TESTIMONY OF THE (C GrKAPHIA."

upon the Cannapara; and tile question arises, which
was the north-eastern summit and which the south-
western ? Herr Gregorovius solves this himself by
stating that the Cannapara lay under Monte Caprino,1
from which it follows that the Temple of Juno stood on
the south-western summit. The temple on the north-
eastern height is called indeed in the Mirabilia " Tem-
plum Jovis et Monetae" But this has no meaning. The
Temple of Juno Moneta had no statue but of herself.
The Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, on the other hand,
had, besides the image of Jove, one of Juno, but
not Moneta, and another of Minerva. That by the
" Templum Jovis et Monetge " the author of the Mira-
bilia meant the great temple of Jupiter Optimus Maxi-
mus, is confirmed by a passage of the OrajpMa, cited by
Gregorovius, where it is called by the same name; but
some further characteristics are added which show that
nothing but the great temple of the Capitoline Jupiter
could have been meant. " In summitate arcis, super por-
ticum crinorum, fuit templum Jovis et Monetge, in quo
erat aurea statua Jovis, sedens in aureo trono."2 The
golden statue and the golden throne, at that time of
course only matters of tradition, could have belonged to

1	" Weiterhin die Canapara, unci das Forum Olitorium, der
lieutige Platz Montanara."—B. iv. S. 442. We think, however, that
Cannapara was the name of the south-western summit itself. Thus,
the Italian editor of the Mirabilia observes :—" Cannaparia o Canna-
para nomavasi quella parte del Campidoglio che sovrasta all' ospe-
dale della Consolazione e sue adiacenze, siccome rilevasi dalla bolla
dell' Anti-papa Anacleto ii. riferita dal Padre Casimiro nella Storia
di S. Maria di Araceli. In tal caso il Tempio di Giunone qui nomi-
nato e quello stesso di Moneta del quale poc' anzi fecesi menzione."
See the edition of the Mirabilia in the Effemeridi Letterarie cli Roma,
1820; reprint, 1864, p. 61.

2	Grra/phia, ap. Ozanam, Documents Ineclits, p, 165.VALUE OF MEDIEVAL TRADITION. 431

no other temple than the splendid one of Jupiter
Optimus Maximus.

In opposition, therefore, to the somewhat late anony-
mous writer adduced by Herr Gregorovius, the tradi-
tion of the earlier middle ages, as represented by the
Grapliia and Mirabilia, favour the opinion that the
Capitoline temple stood on the height of Ara Celi. But
in fact we consider these mediasval traditions worth very
little, and we will therefore give the supporters of the
German theory the benefit of the following passage in
the Grcuphia: " There are three public prisons: one
under the Capitol (by which is meant the carcer near
the Church of St. Nicholas and Theatre of Marcellus) ;
the second, the Mamertine prison; and the third, beyond
the Appian Gate, near the Temple of Mars."1 Here
" sub Capitolio" only means " under the Capitoline
Hill," for the Mirabilia, in enumerating the hills, calls it
Capitolium. We will now proceed to a more general
examination of the two works just mentioned.

The treatise entitled Graphia aurece urhis Romce2 is
evidently a compilation of anomalous materials at various
intervals. In this view both Gregorovius and Ozanam,
the editor of the Graphia, agree.3 But as to the period
over which the compilation extends, they entertain
widely different opinions. That parts of it are of a later

1	" Tria sunt privata publica : unum sub Capitolio 5 alteram pri-
vata Mamertini; tertium foris portam Appiam juxta templum
Martis."—Graphia, p. 160. The passage does not occur in the

Mirabilia.

2	First published by Ozanam, from a MS. of the 13th or 14th
century in the Laurentian library at Florence, among his Documents
In^dits pour servir a VHistoire litttraire cle Vltalie depuis le 8me
Sieele jusqu\iu \2>me. Paris, 1850.

3	See Gesch.der Stadt Bom, B. iii. S. 554, and Ozanam's introduc-
tory Notice.432	DATE OF THE " GRAPHIA."

date than the middle of the twelfth century can indeed
admit of no dispute, since it mentions the tomb of Pope
Anastasins IV., who died in 1154. The question as to
how far it reaches back presents more difficulty. The
last part of it, which describes the ceremonial for the
reception of an emperor, the naming of a patrician, &c.,
Gregorovius refers to the time of Otho II. or III. (973
to the end of the century) ; whilst Ozanam, we think
with more probability, assigns it to the time of the
Greek emperors, and consequently to a period earlier
than the middle of the eighth century, when the con-
nection between Rome and Constantinople was broken
off. We think that Ozanam's view is supported by the
many Greek names of persons and things, though writ-
ten with Latin letters, that occur in this part of the
treatise, which would hardly have been used under the
German emperors ; and also by the nature of the cere-
monial enjoined. Take for instance the explanation of
the term Monocrcitor, or Emperor : " Monocrator appel-
latur a singularitate. Monos namque, grece, latine
dicitur unus et singularis. Orator, grece, latine prin-
ceps." What possible use could there have been for
such explanations in connection with the German
Caesars P Wor can we believe that one of these emperors
would have put on a chlamys, or a Dalmatica diarrho-
dina, and other extravagant dresses, crowns, and other
ornaments described in this ceremonial; or that he
would have been accompanied by eunuchs, or have re-
quired the people to bow down their heads before him
to the ground. All these things bespeak the despotic
and oriental manners of the Byzantine court; and even
the very name of the book, GrctjoMa, shows it to have
had a Greek origin.

The Gravida consists of three parts : a sort of historicalITS ABSURDITIES.

433

introduction ; a description of the city and its monu-
ments, which in the main coincides with the Mirabilia,
but with many remarkable deviations ; and the imperial
ritual to which we have already alluded. The introduc-
tory part recounts the origin of Rome in a series of
absurd legends, in which Scripture is mixed up with the
heathen mythology. After the confusion of tongues at
Babel, Noah is said to have passed into Italy, and to
have founded a city named after himself, at a spot not
far from Rome. Janus, who is made the son of Noah,
with a grandson of the same name, the son of Japhet,
and Cames,1 an aboriginal, built soon after, on the other
side of the Tiber, a palace called Janiculum ; while
Nimrod, who is identified with Saturn, fortified the
Capitol. Other personages of the heathen mythology
are then introduced, but in strange confusion. Italus,
at the head of a body of Syracusans, is related to have
built a city on the Albula, or Tiber, which he called
after himself. The construction of no fewer than seven
cities at or near the same spot is then recorded—
namely, an Argive city named Valentia under the Capi-

1 Cames is also mentioned by Macrobius (Sat. i. c. 7) as an indi-
genous prince or hero, who founded the Janiculum. May he be the
same personage as Camens, represented by Yirgil (2En. x. 562) as
king of Amyclse, and the greatest proprietor of land among the
Ausonians ? Several of the Italian cities claimed an origin froni the
sons of Noah. Thus Milan traced its foundation to Subres, a grand-
son of Japhet 5 Tubal, son of Japhet, was said to have built
Ravenna; Florence ascribed its foundation to Jupiter, son of Ham,
who came to Europe with his wife Electra, and his astrologer
Apollo, and built on the hill of Fiesole the first city in the world!
Ozanam, Documents In edits, p. 85 sq. According to the same author,
there still exists in the communal palace at Viterbo a picture repre-
senting Noah landing on the coast of Italy, and dividing the land
among his sons.

F F434

MEDIEVAL ABSURDITIES.

toliiie Hill; a city erected by Tibris, an aboriginal, near
tlie river of the same name; one on the Palatine, by the
Arcadian Evander ; one in the valley, by Coribam, king
of the Sacrani; one by Glaucus, a descendant of Jove;
one by the daughter of .ZEneas, on the Palatine; a palace
and mausoleum by Aventinus Silvius, king of Alba, on
the Aventine; lastly, after the destruction of Troy,
Romulus, a descendant of Priam, included all these
cities in a wall, and called the new one thus created
Eome, after himself. Nearly all the nobles of the earth,
with their wives and children, came to dwell there—
Etrurians, Sabines, Albans, Tusculans, Politanenses,
Telenenses, Eicanes, Janiculenses, Camerinenses, Ealisci,
Lucani, and Itali!

One sees what may be expected from the learning and
judgment of such an author. Nevertheless, if he and
the compiler of the Mirabilia, a book only less absurd
because it is less long, had merely professed to tell us of
the Roman monuments, what they themselves saw, we
might have formed some idea of the state of Rome in
the twelfth or thirteenth century, in spite of the extra-
vagant legends which they have inserted. Unfortu-
nately, however, they do not confine themselves to this,
but pretend, so far as their barbarous Latin is intel-
ligible, to give a description of Pagan Rome, such as it
existed in the time of the Republic and Empire;1 and
we have consequently no means of knowing, in their

1 "Haec et alia multa templa et palatia Imperatorum, Consilium,
Senatorum, Prefectorumque tempore Paganorum (or Dictatorum) in
hac Romse urbe fuere, sicut in priscis annalibus legimus, et oculis
nostris vidimus, et ab antiquis audivimus, Quantse essent pulcritu-
dinis auri, argenti, seris, eboris ac pretiosorum lapidum, scriptis ad
posterum memoriam melius reducere curavimus."—Grajphia, ap.
Ozanam, p. 171. The Mirabilia has a similar passage sub Jin.SOME SPECIMENS.

435

enumeration of the monnments, what were actually in
existence, and wliat were mentioned only from former
works and from tradition.

A few more specimens will serve to show how little
the books we are noticing can be relied on. Hadrian's
Temple of Venus and Rome was considered to be the
Temple of Romulus, and the two cells in it were thought
to be dedicated to Piety and Concord. In this temple
Romulus was said to have placed a golden statue of him-
self, with the affirmation, " It shall not fall till a virgin
brings forth." As soon as the Virgin Mary gave birth
to Christ, the statue fell.1 The Arch of Severus was
called the Arch of Julius Caesar and the Senators, which
seems to show that the inscription on it must have been
at that time hidden by buildings on or near the arch ;2
and indeed in Montfaucon's edition of the Mirabilia we
read that it was then occupied by towers called De
Bratis.3 Vespasian's and Titus' Temple of Peace is said
to be "juxta Lateranum;"4 while in another passage
we find it indicated in the right place but under a
wrong name.0 But it would be needless to multiply

1	" Arcus Vespasiani et Titi, ad Sanctam Mariam Novam, inter
Pallantem (Pallanteum, the Virgilian name for the Palatine) et
templum Romuli."—Graphia, p. 157. "In Palatio Romuli sunt duae
sedes Pietatis et Concordise, ubi Romulus posuit statuam suam
auream, dicens: Non cadet donee virgo pariat. Statim ut Virgo
Maria peperit, ilia corruit."—Ibid. 158.

2	" Arcus Julii Csesaris et Senatorum inter sedem Concordise et
Templum Fatale" (the Temple of Janus).—Graphia, p. 157.

3	" Arcus Julii Csesaris et Senatorum ante S. Martinam, ubi modo
.sunt turres de Bratis."—Mirabilia, p. 18, where the word Sena-
torum shows that tradition placed the Curia at S. Martina.

4	Graphia, p. 160.

5	" In ecclesia S. Cosmatis est templum asilum. Retro fait tem-
plum Pacis et Latonse."—Ibid. p. 167.436 THE " ORDO " OF CANON BENEDICT.

instances to show how untrustworthy, for the most part?
are these topographical guides.

The Ordo of the Canon Benedict (Ordo Homanus XI.),
describing the route from St. Peter's to the Lateran
taken by the procession of the pope after his corona-
tion, in which the more striking ancient monuments
were purposely visited,1 also affords a glimpse of them
during the middle ages. This Ordo is addressed to
Guido di Castello, who afterwards became Pope Celes-
tine, and must, therefore, have been written before the
year 1143.2 The procession, which formed a sort of
papal triumph, was commonly called II Possesso, and
the route taken was named " Sacra Via," like the sacer-
dotal road in ancient Rome. The pageant was repeated
every year on the second holiday after Easter Sunday.3

When mass was ended at St. Peter's, the pope was
crowned in front of that Basilica. Here he mounted his
horse with a crown on his head, and returned to the
Palace of the Lateran by the following " Sacra Yia: "
through the portico, oyer Hadrian's bridge, and under
the triumphal arch of Theodosius, Yalentinian, and
Grratian, to the Palace of Chromatius,4 where the Jews

1	Gregorovius (B. iv. S. 6]4, Anm. 2) thinks that the serpentine
line taken by the procession was adopted because the direct route
was encumbered with rubbish. But the evident intention was to
visit the most remarkable ancient monuments extant.

2	See Mabillon, Mtisceum Ital. t. ii. p. 125 sqq.

3	See Cancellieri, Storia de* solenni Possessi de* sommi Ponteficir
c. iii. § 4, p. 10 (Roma, 1802). The necessary extract from the Ordo
will also be found in this work, and in Fea's Dissertazione, 8fc. Ac-
cording to Mabillon (ap. Cancellieri, p. 1), the first coronation of a
pope was that of Leo III. in 795.

4	The Grajphia places this palace " ad S. Stephanum in Piscina,"
p. 170. Parts of this palace were discovered when the Church of S.
Sebastian in the Via S. Lucia was pulled down. Beschr. der Stadt
Bom. B. iii. 3, S. 84.ROUTE OF THE POPE.

437

saluted him with, a song of praise (faciunt laudem) ; then
through the district called Parione between the Circus
of Alexander (Piazza Navona) and the Theatre of
Pompey, turning then to the Portico of Agrippina (ap-
parently the Pantheon), so through the place or region
called Pinea (Rione Pigna), near the Palatine;1 then
passing in front of St. Mark's (adjoining the present
Palazzo di Venezia), the procession passed through the
arch called Manus Carnea3, ascended the Clivus Argen-
tarius, between the insula of the same name and the
Capitol (the Salita di Marforio),2 descending before
the Mamertine prison. The pope then passed through
the triumphal arch (that of Severus), which lies be-
tween the Templum Patale (the Temple of Janus) and
the Temple of Concord; whence, proceeding between
the Porum of Trajan and that of Csesar, he passed
through the Arch of Nerva, between the Temple of
Minerva and that of Janus.3 He then proceeded along
the payed road before the Asylum—it is impossible to say
what may be meant by this evidently wild conjecture—

1	According to Gregorovius, B. iv. S. 613, a place anciently called
ad Pallcicenas, near St. Mark's.

2	By the insula must be meant the place where the Basilica Argen-
taria once stood. Observe here the north-eastern summit of the
Capitoline hill called Capitol. The " Arcus Manns Carnese " cannot
be identified with any certainty, but the Mirabilia seems to attri-
bute it to Antoninus. The Grajphia explains its name by the fol-
lowing legend :—The Emperor Diocletian had ordered Sta. Lucia to
be beaten to death here with rods. The man who beat her was
turned into stone; but his hand has remained flesh to the present
day! P. 158.

3	The text has subintrat arcum Nerviae," which is plainly an error
for t( Nervse." The Forum Transitorium of Nerva adjoined that of
Caesar $ and it appears from this passage that the archway between
them was extant in the 12th century. But Benedict has evidently
-confounded the Emperor Nerva with the goddess Minerva. We438 MONUMENTS IN TWELFTH CENTURY.

where Simon Magus fell close to the Temple of Romulus;1
then through the triumphal arch of Titus and Yespasian,
or, as it is called, of the Seven Candlesticks ; descending
thence to the Meta Sudans, in front of the triumphal
arch of Constantine, and turning to the left before the
Amphitheatre, the procession returned to the Lateran by
the Sancta Yia, or Holy Way, close to the Colosseum.

As the Ordo of Benedict is an official programme, we
may be sure that the objects which it mentions were in
existence; and thus, so far as it goes, it is a more trust-
worthy guide than the Gravida or Mirabilia as to the
state of the Roman monuments in the twelfth century ;
though, like the Des-criptio Hegionum of the Anonymus
of Einsiedeln, it is not exhaustive, and mentions only
those which occur on a certain route. We may gather
from it that, in addition to the monuments which we
still see, the following ones at least were then in exis-
tence: the triumphal arch of Theodosius, Yalentinian,
and Gratian ; the stadium of Domitian (or at least some
remains of it), which seems then to have borne the name
of the Circus of Alexander, possibly from some resto-
rations by Alexander Severus ; the theatre of Pompey,
though doubtless in ruins, the very site of which is now
uncertain; an arch under the north-west side of the
Capitol; the little Temple of Janus, or at all events

have seen that Domitian, whose Forum it really was, erected here
a Temple of Minerva, and also a Temple of Janus (see above,
p. 276), quite distinct from the little bronze Temple of Janus. These
are the two temples which Benedict intends to specify.

1 Gregorovius (B. i. S. 614, Anm.), rejecting here both the conjec-
ture of Becker that by this is meant the JEdes Penatium, and that
of Bunsen, that the Temple of Venus and Rome is intended, thinks-
that the Basilica Constantini is meant. But I have already shown
that at this time, as Bunsen assumes, .the Temple of Yenus and
Rome passed for that of Romulus.CAUSES OF ROME'S DESTRUCTION. 439

some memorial of the spot where it stood; remains of the
fora of CsBsar and Nerva, with the arch leading into
the last; .Domitian's Temple of Minerva (near the
Golotmacce), and his Janns Quadrifrons, or archway with
four gates.

Gibbon, in the last chapter of his great work, has
enumerated the four following causes of the decay of
the Roman monuments: 1, the injuries of time and
nature; 2, the hostile attacks of the barbarians and
Christians ; 3, the use and abuse of the materials; 4, the
domestic quarrels of the Romans. That the lapse of
time alone, unaided by the natural phenomena of hurri-
canes, earthquakes, fires, and inundations, would have
had but little effect, is evident front the fine state of
preservation of some of the Roman monuments after a
period of1 near 2,000 years. Earthquakes and hurri-
canes, though not of a very destructive kind, have no
doubt sometimes occurred at Rome; but it would be
impossible precisely to indicate any damage to the an-
cient monuments which they might have occasioned.
The most destructive earthquake recorded is that of the
year 1349, mentioned by Petrarch in his letters.1 But
the damage which he particularizes was confined to
comparatively modern buildings: the Tor de' Conti, the
church of St. Paul, and the roof of the Lateran. The
ruin of the south side of- the Colosseum has indeed been
sometimes attributed to this earthquake, but it does not
appear that this opinion rests on any satisfactory autho-
rity. Tremendous overflowings of the Tiber are re-
corded in the time of Gregory the Great, in the seventh
and eighth centuries, in 1345, in 1530, and other years.
One which occurred in 791 is said to have carried away

1 Lib. x. ep. 2.440 INUNDATIONS—BARBARIAN DAMAGE.

the Flaminian gate, and borne it a long way up the
city.1 But inundations would act only on the low-lying
parts of Rome near the Tiber, and even here they would
be powerless against the nobler and more solid struc-
tures. The Mausolea of Augustus and Hadrian, the Pan-
theon, the theatre of Marcellus, the J anus at the Forum
Boarium, and even the Arch of the Goldsmiths, and the
two little temples now converted into the churches of
Sta. Maria del Sole and Sta. Maria Egiziaca, which are
of no great strength, and stand close to the brink of the
Tiber, have survived all the overflowings of that river.
Fire would be a more destructive element, and when
the city was in a tolerably perfect state it doubtless
occasioned some damage : but in the middle ages, when
only the more solid monuments had survived, and when
these had become in a great measure isolated from other
buildings, the risk from fire would have constantly
diminished.

We agree with Gribbon in thinking that the barba-
rians, however they may have plundered Rome, did
comparatively little damage to its monuments. When
we consider the state of their engineering science, how
often they fruitlessly besieged Rome, where they seldom
effected an entry except through treachery and strata-
gem, we may confidently infer that, even admitting they
had been inclined to destroy the buildings, they would
not have wantonly undertaken a task which, before the
use of gunpowder, must have presented enormous diffi-
culties and demanded much labour. The charges
against the barbarians are for the most part couched in
vague and general terms, and many of them are evident
exaggerations: as when Pope Grelasius says that "Alaric

1 Anastas. Vit. Adriani, § 356.CIVIL WARFARE.

441

overturned the city; " when Cassiodorus, and after him
Philostorgius, says that most of the wonders of Rome were
burnt, &C.1 If we analyze these accounts, we find only three
specific cases of damage to the ancient monuments : the
burning of the house of Sallust near the Salarian gate
by Alaric; the stripping of the gilt tiles from the Capi-
toline Temple by Genseric; and the destruction of the
aqueducts by Yitiges. The second instance shows that
the barbarian conquerors cared only for such objects as
were of marketable value. The destruction of the
aqueducts was a mere strategical act for the purpose of
forcing the city to surrender ; and though its effect was
to cause the ruin of the baths, Yitiges cannot be justly
charged with haying maliciously sought that result.

We cannot agree with Gibbon in thinking that "the
most potent and forcible cause of destruction was the
domestic hostilities of the Romans themselves." This
cause he finds in the custom of the nobles of erecting
their towers on the ancient temples and arches. But
before the use of gunpowder, or even after, the attack
of a fortress was very far from implying its total de-
struction. The fortification, if it could be taken at all,
was generally carried by assault and scaling. The very
number of these towers during the middle ages, not only
in Rome, but also in other Italian cities, and indeed
through a great part of Europe, proves how impreg-
nable they were. At Rome, the same fortresses seem to
have remained in the possession of the same families
for several generations. Hence, in spite of the batter-
ing-rams and enormous stones which we read of as being
employed in this domestic warfare, we are inclined to

1 See the passages collected by Lord Broughton, Italy, vol. i.
ch. 9. Lord Broughton has very carefully investigated the causes
of the destruction of Roman monuments.442 ANCIENT MONUMENTS HOW PRESERVED.

adopt, what may seem a very paradoxical opinion, that
the appropriation of the ancient monuments by the
nobles, and the conversion of them into strongholds,
rather tended, on the whole, to their preservation. It
saved them from neglect and decay, from pillage and
appropriation for the sake of their building materials,
or the lime which they afforded. An argument in con-
firmation of this view may be adduced from the fact
that nearly all the monuments which Gibbon mentions
as having been converted into fortresses are among the
best preserved. The " triumphal monument of Julius
Caesar " is, as we have seen, no other than the arch of
Septimius Severus. 'The arch of Titus is in a very toler-
able state of preservation, although it formed part of
the fortress of the Frangipani; and the same may be
said of the Colosseum, which was included in their
enceinte. The Colosseum probably came into the pos-
session of the Frangipani in the eleventh century. In
the following century we find them sheltering two popes
in it, Innocent II. and Alexander III. About the middle
of the thirteenth century, the Frangipani were driven
out by the Annibaldi, who held it to 1312 ; after which
it appears to have again become the property of the
State. The defective portions of that building were
not knocked down by battering-rams, but were most
probably carried off peaceably and leisurely to build
modern palaces and churches. Nothing can impress us
with a stronger idea of this magnificent structure, than
the fact that some of the finest palaces in Rome were
built out of a small part of its materials. The arch of
Antoninus, if it ever existed, has certainly disappeared,
but in what manner is unknown. The Mole of Hadrian,
which has endured more sieges than any fortress in Rome,
still subsists. The Septizonium of Severus, which, asROME DEMOLISHED BY THE ROMANS. 443

Gibbon observes," was capable of standing against a royal
army," survived to be pulled down by Pope Sixtus V.
The sepulchre of Metella, which the historian describes
as having " sunk nnder its outworks," is still standing.
Of the theatres of Pompey and Marcellus, the strong-
holds of the Savelli and Ursini families, the former has
.vanished, but a good portion of the latter exists. Bat
the theatre of Pompey can hardly have been destroyed
by a siege; and out of the whole list of monuments
mentioned by Gibbon, there is not one the destruction
of which can with any certainty be referred to such a
cause.

We are therefore inclined to think that to Gibbon's
third cause, the use and abuse of the materials, the de-
struction of the Roman monuments must principally be
attributed. Under this head we include the destruction
of the pagan temples and monuments through the zeal
of the early Roman Christians, the conversion of them
into churches by the emperors and popes, the appropria-
tion of the materials either for building purposes, or for
making lime; as well as the removal of buildings for
what was considered to be the improvement of the city.
We do not mean to deny that all the causes enumerated
by Gibbon may, in a greater or less degree, have con-
tributed to the destruction of the Roman monuments.
We only mean to assert that by far th^most destructive
cause was the use, or abuse, of the materials, and that
the Romans were the principal demolishers of their own
city. This spoliation was at least as early as the time
of Constantine, who robbed an Arch of Trajan to deck
his own, and even carried off some objects to Byzan-
tium. After the introduction of Christianity at Rome,
pagan temples suffered through neglect, as well as
through the violence of the Christians. An exulting444 TEMPLES CONVERTED INTO CHURCHES.

passage of St. Jerome paints in lively colours their
state in the fourth century. " The once golden Capitol
is now squalid. All the Roman temples are covered
with soot and cobwebs; and an overflowing population
rushes past the half-demolished shrines to repair to the
tombs of the martyrs." 1 The early Christians were
prompted both by religion and economy to convert the
pagan temples into churches. Fabricius, in his Description
of Rome, mentions fifty-eight churches which had been
erected on sites where temples had previously stood.2
In such cases even their very names were for the most
part obliterated by those given to the new structures.

The process of spoliation, conversion, and destruction
was pursued by the emperors and the popes, and even
by private individuals. We read of a widow making a
present of eight columns, belonging to a ruined temple
on the Quirinal, to the Emperor Justinian, for the
church of Sta. Sophia at Constantinople.3 From this
anecdote we may conclude that pieces of ground con-
taining very considerable ancient ruins were liable to
come into the possession of private individuals, who
might dispose of the remains as caprice or cupidity
dictated. The edicts frequently promulgated by the
emperors forbidding the destruction of the ancient
monuments show that the practice was common. The
lead, iron, and bronze were frequently extracted by
common pilferers ; a practice which hastened the decay
of the structures. The emperors always claimed a
property in the public buildings of Rome, and in this
respect the popes appear to have become their heirs.

1	Epist. vii. ad Lcetam (Ep. 57, ed. Benedict).

2	Eabricius, Descrip. Bonus, c. ix. ap. Grsev. Ant, Rom. t. iii.
p 419 sqq.

3	Eea, Bissertazione, p. 302, note.SPOLIATION BY EMPERORS.	445

We have already mentioned that the sanction of Phocas
was obtained for the conversion of the Pantheon into a
Christian church. Amongst instances of spoliation by
emperors and popes, we hear of Heraclius granting to
Pope Honorins the bronze tiles either on the Temple of
Venus and Rome, or on that assigned to Romulus, for
the roof of St. Peter's.1 Charlemagne carried oE many
columns from Rome to decorate his Basilica at Aix-la-
Chapelle.2 During the dark ages, the Roman people,
after the establishment of a popular and senatorial go-
vernment in 1144, appear to have had a much greater
veneration than their magistrates for the ancient monu-
ments. By a decree of the senate and people in 1162,
it was ordained that death and confiscation should be
the penalties for any injury wantonly inflicted on the
column of Trajan. But this good example did not be-
come a precedent, or, at all events, was not extended to
other monuments. The column of Trajan belonged at
that time to the nuns of S. Ciriacus, while that of
M. Aurelius was attached to the convent of S. Syl-
vester.3 Otto, senator of Rome, about the middle of
the fourteenth century, granted the marble of a temple
on the Quirinal for the steps forming the ascent
to the church of Araceli. The following are some
of the more prominent instances, collected by Lord
Broughton, of the appropriation by the popes of ancient
materials to modern buildings or other acts of destruc-
tion4:—Gregory III. transferred nine columns from
some ancient building to St. Peter's. Adrian I., in
order to enlarge the church of Sta. Maria in Cosmedin,

1	Anastas. Hon. sub init.

2	See the authorities cited by Gibbon, ch. lxxi. note 30.

3	Fea, Dissertazione, p. 355, sq. 5 GregoroY. B. iv. S. 641.

4	Italy) ch. ix.446

SPOLIATION BY POPES.

pulled down a building of Tiburtine stone of such vast
dimensions that the labour of a great number of men
was employed a whole year in demolishing it. In more
modern times, Paul II. (Pietro Barbo) built a palace
out of the stones of the Colosseum. The same struc-
ture served as an inexhaustible quarry to Paul III.
(Farnese) and his nephews. Paul III. also contributed
to the destruction of the theatre of Marcellus, Trajan's
Forum, the temple of Faustina, and other buildings.
Sixtus IY. (della Rovere) demolished an ancient temple
near Sta. Maria in Cosmedin, the remains of a bridge,
and the tomb of the Domitii, near the present Porta
del Popolo: the burial-place of Nero.1 Alexander YI.
(Borgia) demolished a pyramid to make way for a
gallery between the Vatican and S. Angelo. The same
pyramid had been stripped of its marble many centuries
before by Pope Donus I. Sixtus Y. (Peretti) demo-
lished the remains of the Septizonium and used them
at St. Peter's, besides destroying other buildings.
Urban YIII. (Barberini) stripped the portico of the
Pantheon of its bronze, and carried off part of the base
of the tomb of Cecilia Metella to construct the Fontana
Trevi. Paul Y. (Borghese) placed the only remaining
column of the Temple of Peace before the Basilica of
Sta. Maria Maggiore, and took for his fountain on the
Janiculum the entablature and pediment of a building
in the Forum of Nerva. The last vestiges of the Circus
Maximus seem also to have been removed in the time of
Paul Y. From the instances given, to which many
more might be, added, it is hardly too much to assume

1 Domitian was buried in the temple, or mausoleum, of the
Flavian family (Suet. Bomit. 17), which, as we have seen, lay on the
Quirinal (above, p. 275). Nero was buried on the Pincian Hill, in
the tomb of the Domitii (above, p. 258).BUILDINGS SPOILED FOR LIME. 447

that the columns and marbles which adorn the Roman
churches are for the most part spoils of ancient temples
and other structures. The last act of spoliation com-
mitted by a pope appears to be the pulling down of an
ancient arch in the Corso, at the Palazzo Piano, by
Alexander VII. (Chigi, 1655-1667). From bas-reliefs
preserved in the Palazzo de' Conservatory it appears to
have been an arch of M. Aurelius.

Besides the appropriation of the materials of ancient
monuments to new structures, another fatal cause of de-
struction was the practice of converting them into lime.
Flavio Biondo, the earliest author who wrote a book on
the antiquities of Rome, in the first half of the fifteenth
century, complains that when he saw vineyards existing
on the former sites of magnificent buildings, the square
Tiburtine stones of which had been reduced to lime, he
felt inclined to loathe Rome as a residence.1 ^Eneas
Sylvius, afterwards Pope Pius II., in a poem addressed
to Bartolommeo Roverella, makes a similar complaint:

Oblectat me, Roma, tuas spectare ruinas,

Ex cujus lapsu gloria prisca patet.

Sed tuus hie populus muris defossa vetustis
Calcis in obsequium marmora dura coquit.

Impia tercentum si sic gens egerit annos,

Nullum huic indicium nobilitatis erit.2

About the same period, or rather earlier, Manuel Ch.ry.so-
loras, in a letter to John Palaaologus in which he in-
stitutes a comparison between modern and ancient Rome,
adverts to the same deplorable practice, and remarks
that the city seemed to live on itself and to be nourished
by its own destruction.3 The Florentine Poggio, whose

1	Roma Instaurata, lib. iii. p. 33.

2	Mabillon, Mus. Ital. t. i. p. 95.

3	avrrjv vft eavTrjg rpetyevOcti iccii ava\iOG9ai.—'EmcrroXr} irpog rov
'Iojavvrjv ficicnXta, p. 109 (Paris, 1655).448 ROMAN REMAINS IN POGGIO'S TIME.

treatise De Varietate Fortunes, describing the ruins of
Rome, was written just before the death of Pope
Martin Y. in 1430, complains that the whole Temple of
Concord, which, when he first came to Rome, was almost
entire, had been reduced to lime within his memory.1
If this process was carried on at so fearful a rate, it is
easy to infer how great must have been the destruction
from it. The same destructive process was continued
at least down to the time of Pope Leo X. Castiglione,
or rather Raphael, in a letter to that pontiff on the state
of Rome, complains that monuments had been destroyed
by the popes; that their foundations had been under-
mined to procure pozzolano; that modern Rome was
almost entirely composed of the remains of ancient
marble ; that many monuments had disappeared during
the twelve years he had lived in the city; as an obelisk
in the Via Alessandrina, an unfortunate arch, and many
columns and temples. The chief perpetrator of all this
mischief was a certain M. Bartolommeo della Rovere.2

After this enumeration it will hardly perhaps be
denied that the Romans themselves, their emperors,
popes, and magistrates, were by very far the principal
destroyers of Rome; and that not by their civil wars,
but by their works in time of peace.

Poggio has fortunately left us in the treatise before
cited a description of the Roman ruins as they existed
in his time ; from which it appears that they were not
much more than what may still be seen. He sat down
to contemplate them among the fragments of the Tar-

1	" Romani postmodum ad calcem sedem totam et portions partem,
disjectis columnis, sunt demoliti."—Ap. Sallengre, Nov. Thesaur.
t. i. p. 505 A.

2	Lettere di Castiglione, p. 150: Passavant, Vie de Baphael, t. i.
p. 265.REPUBLICAN REMAINS.

449

peian citadel itself, behind tlie Imge marble threshold of
some gate that has now disappeared; where his eye-
sight or his memory supplied him with the following
catalogue.1

There were then extant two arcades belonging to the
Tabularium, of which only the lower one now remains.
The building was then used as a public depot for salt,
and contained an inscription recording its building by
the consuls Q. Lutatius and Q. Catulus. The Pons
Fabricius at the Insula Tiberina, and an arch of Tibur-
tine stone over a road near the Aventine, erected by
P. Lentulus Scipio and T. Quinetius Crispinus, have now
disappeared. This arch is not mentioned in the Mira-
bilia and Grajphia. Also the so-called trophies of Marius
on the Esquiline. The pyramid of Cestius, and the
tomb of 0. Publicius Bibulus near the Capitol still
exist.

These were all the remains of republican Rome. It
may be observed that the author takes no notice of
regal Rome, as the Cloaca Maxima and Servian walls.
Of the works of the time of Augustus, all that re-
mained entire were the Pantheon and an arch of Tibur-
tine stone, inscribed with the name of Augustus, be-
tween the Palatine Hill and the Tiber. This arch has
also vanished, nor is it mentioned in the topographies
just cited, though they give an arch of Octavian at the
church of S. Lorenzo in Lucina. But this is the arch
of Marcus Aurelius pulled down by Alexander VII.

Of a later , period, three arches nearly entire out of
six of Vespasian's Temple of Peace and one column.
It may be suspected that these were the three arches
still extant of the Basilica Constantini, which Poggio

1 See Sallengre, Nov. Thesaur. Ant. Bom. t. i. p. 501 sqq.

G G450	REMAINS AT THE FORUM.

does not mention and could not have overlooked. Part
of the ancient wall of what he calls the Temple of Ro-
mulus, at the church of SS. Cosma e Damiano. Some
columns of the portico of the Temple of Antoninus
and Faustina-, which are still extant. Remains of the
Temple of Castor and Pollux—mistakenly so called for
Venus and Rome—at Sta. Maria Nova. The round
temple near the Tiber and Aventine—it is a good way
from that hill—which he assigns to Yesta. A portion
of a temple of Minerva, near the present Piazza Minerva,
and a portico close to it buried under ruins, which
served as a quarry for stones to make chalk. The walls
of this temple were still standing in the time of An-
dreas Fulvius.1 A part of the portico of the Temple
of Concord, to which we have before adverted. But this
temple is now generally held to be that of Saturn, which
Poggio places at S. Adrian : thinking probably that the
Forum ran north and south, instead of east and west.
The Temple of Concord, as we have seen, lay behind
the arch of Severus. Poggio does not mention the
three columns of the Temple of Titus and Yespasian.
A portico of the Temple of Mercury at the fish-market.
This, no doubt, is the Porticus Octavia in the Pescheria.
A Temple of Apollo at St. Peter's. Whatever may
have been this temple, it has been destroyed by the en-
largement of the Basilica. A very ancient temple of
Tiburtine stone with a single vault; then occupied by
the church of S. Michele in Statera, under the supposed
Tarpeian rock. From its name it was erroneously taken
to be the Temple of Jupiter Stator. A Temple of Juno
Lucina was thought to have existed at S. Lorenzo in
Lucina; of course, also from the name. There were no

1 See his Ant. Urb. Bom.VARIOUS OTHER REMAINS.	451

remains of it. Large and well-preserved remains of the
baths of Diocletian and Severus Antoninxis (Caracalla).
Portions of the baths of Constantine on the Quirinal,
much inferior to those just mentioned. They were iden-
tified by an inscription. Large and handsome remains
of the baths of Alexander Severus, near the Pantheon.
A few ruins of the baths of Domitian (Titus). The
triumphal arches of Severus, Titus, and Constantine,
almost entire, as they are now. The remains of an arch
of Nerva, perhaps in the Forum Nervas, and the same
arch apparently which Haffaelle mentions as having been
carried off from the Yia Alessandrina. Parts of an arch
of Trajan near what Poggio calls the Comitium. This
was, perhaps, at the entrance of Trajan's Forum. Two
arches on the Yia Flaminia, or Corso: one near S.
Lorenzo in Lucina, vulgarly called Triopolis, was the
arch of M. Aurelius already mentioned. The name of
the other could not be deciphered. It was probably
that vulgarly known as the Arcus Manus Carneae near
St. Mark's, quite at the top of the Corso.1 Another of
Gallienus, which Poggio places on the Yia Nomentana,
but which really stands on the ancient Yia Prsenestina,
near the church of S. Yito. Of all the aqueducts the
Aqua Yirgo alone was in use; the rest were in ruins,
and the course of some could not even be conjectured.
Poggio describes the Colosseum as having been more
than half destroyed to make lime; an evident exaggera-
tion. Part of a theatre between the supposed Tarpeian
Rock and the Tiber, which our author describes as
having been projected by Julius Caesar. This must
have been the theatre of Marcellus, which appears not
to have been known by that name in the middle ages.

1 See above, p. 437.452

POGGIO'S OMISSIONS.

The Mirabilia and GrcupJiia call it Theatrum Antonini.
Opposite to it were several marble columns, said to be a
portion of a round Temple of Jupiter, then occupied
with new buildings and gardens. A third amphitheatre
of brick, let into the city walls, near Sta. Croce in Greru-
salemme. A large open space for sports and spectacles
called Agonis (the Piazza Navona). The mausolea of
Augustus and Hadrian and the bridge of the latter em-
peror. The mausoleum of Augustus looked like a hill,
was covered with vines, and bore the name of Augusta.
That of Hadrian, called the Castle of S. Angelo, in great
part destroyed, though the inscription was extant. The
column of Trajan with part of the inscription, and that
of Antoninus (M. Aurelius), of which the inscription
was obliterated. The tomb of Cecilia Metella on the
Yia Appia, the greater part of which had been reduced
to lime (an evident exaggeration). Also a sepulchre of
M. Antius Lupus on the Ostian Way.

The enumeration of Poggio is evidently incomplete.
He omits the Circus of Maxentius, near the tomb of
CsBcilia Mebella, the Circus Maximus, some remnants of
which seem to have been in existence nearly two cen-
turies later, the double Janus in the Forum Boarium,
the Septizonium, destroyed by Sixtus V., the ruins of
the imperial palace, and perhaps two or three minor
objects. Yet we may infer that some parts of the palace
of the Csesars must have existed in the time of Poggio
in a tolerable state of preservation ; since even as late
as the pontificate of Innocent X. (1644-55), a room was
discovered adorned with gold tapestry, and others the
walls of which were covered with silver leaf.1 All trace
of the theatre of Pompey may then have vanished

1 Gregorovius, B. iii. S. 567.ROME UNDER EUGESTIUS IV.	453

while the tomb of the Scipios and the adjacent Colum-
barium were not yet disinterred.

At the time when Poggio wrote, the popes had re-
turned from Avignon, but the schism was not yet
entirely healed, nor the papal authority indisputably
established. The Romans rose against and expelled
Eugenius IY. in 1434, but were soon glad again to sub-
mit to a sway which they found to be milder than that
of the Grhibelline nobles. After the doings which we
have recorded of some of the popes, we cannot but agree
with Lord Broughton's opinion that their absence was
on the whole rather favourable than otherwise to the
ancient monuments : though, no doubt, the modern city
suffered in other respects by their residence at Avignon.
At Urban VI.'s return, Rome numbered only 17,000
inhabitants.1 In the time of Eugenius IY., Rome, ob-
serves a modern historian, " was become a city of herds-
men ; its inhabitants were not distinguishable from the
peasants of the neighbouring country. The hills had
long been abandoned, and the only part inhabited was
the plain along the windings of the Tiber; there was no
pavement in the narrow streets, and these were rendered
yet darker by the balconies and the buttresses which
propped one house against another; the cattle wandered
about as in a village. From S. Silvestro to the Porta
del Popolo, all was garden and marsh, the haunt of
flocks of wild ducks. The very memory of antiquity
seemed almost effaced; the Oapitol was become the
Goats' Hill (Monte Oaprino), the Forum Romanum the
Gows Field (Carwpo Vaccino). The strangest legends
were associated with the few remaining monuments." 2

1	Cancellieri, ap. Lord Broughton, vol. i. p. 407 ; cf. Guicciardini,
lib. xv.

2	Ranke's Popes, vol. i. p. 480 (Mrs. Austin's translation).454	SCENES ON THE CAPITOL.

With the final return of the popes the prosperity of
Rome revived. But the progress of modern Rome
was destructive of the ancient city. Like Saturn,
she devoured her own children. Pope Boniface IX.
(1389-1394) first erected on the Capitol, on the
ruins of the Tabularium, a residence for the Senator
and his assessors.1 The traditions attached to this
spot naturally rendered it an object of attraction in
all popular movements. It was here that the revolu-
tionary government of Arnold of Brescia established
itself (1144) ; when Pope Lucius II., in a desperate
attempt to regain his temporal power, was slain with a
stone while assaulting it. Here, Petrarch had received
his laurel crown (1341) ; here, the tribune Rienzi had
promulgated the laws of the "good estate." At this
period nothing existed on the Capitol but the church
and convent of Ara Celi and a few ruins. Yet the cry
of the' people at the coronation of Petrarch, " Long life
to the Oapitol and the poet! "2 shows that the scene it-
self was still more present to their minds than the
principal actor on it. The repairs of ancient buildings
and the erection of new ones, afterwards vigorously
prosecuted by Martin Y., Eugenius IV., Nicholas V.,
and other pontiffs, destroyed many an ancient relic.
Of Nicholas especially, the constructive energy had
been so pernicious that iEneas Sylvius, whose poeti-
cal feeling and classical taste had been offended by the
wholesale destruction of ancient monuments, issued in
1462 a bull prohibiting the practice.3 Nevertheless,

1	At this period the administration of justice at Rome was in-
trusted to a senator, the native of a place at least forty miles from
Rome, and annually elected, assisted by three judges, also foreigner^
The municipal government was conducted by three Conservators.

2	Gibbon, vol. viii. p. 227.

3	Fea, Dissertazione, fyc. p. 373.ENTRY OF CHARLES Y. INTO ROME. 455

a good deal was done in this way by Sixtus IV.,
the chief founder of the modern city, and by other
succeeding pontiffs. Even the revival of literature and
good taste in the pontificate of Leo X. did not at once
put an end to this barbarous practice ; on which head
we have already quoted the complaints of Raffaelle.
A little after, Paul III. (Farnese) (1534-1550) em-
ployed Michael Angelo to lay out the Piazza del Cam-
pidoglio; when he designed the Capitoline Museum and
the palace of the Conservators. Pius IV., Gregory XIII.,
and Sixtus V., added the sculptures and other orna-
ments that now, with questionable taste, adorn the steps
and balustrade. The equestrian statue of M. Aurelius
was removed from the Lateran to the Capitol by
Michael Angelo in 1538. That artist had also designed
the modern approach on the occasion of the visit
of the emperor Charles V. in 1536. Habelais, who
was at Home at that time, has described in one of his
letters the nevy road which was made for Charles's
entry: viz., from the Grate of S. Sebastian to the Temple
of Peace, the Amphitheatre, and the Capitol, passing
through the triumphal arches of Constantine, Vespasian
and Titus, Numetianus (P), and others. Then, by the
Palace of St. Mark, the Campo di Fiori, and before the
Farnese Palace, where the pope was accustomed to re-
side, by the river banks (F), and under the Castle of S.
Angelo. In order to make this road, more than 200
houses and three or four churches were levelled to the
ground.1 Thus, for this peaceable entry, more de-
1 " Et l'on a fait par le commandement du Pape un chemin nou-
veau par lequel il doit entrer : s^avoir est, de la Porte S. Sebastien
tirant au Champ-doly, Templum Pacis et 1'Amphitheatre. Et le
fait-on passer sous les antiques Arcs Triomphaux de Constantin, de
Vespasian et Titus, de Numetianus et autres. Puis a cote du
Palais S. Marc, et de la par camp de Plour et devant le Palais Par-456 RESTORATIONS BY THE POPES.

struction was doubtless committed than by the troops
of Charles' coadjutor Bourbon at the capture of Rome
some years before.

After the time of Alexander VII., the popes cannot
be charged with any further desecration of the monu-
ments ; on the contrary, they have devoted considerable
care to their preservation. Among the most notable
acts of this sort may be mentioned the restoration of
the arch of Constantine by Clement XII., and the wall
built by Pius VII. to support the Colosseum. In
1750, Benedict XIV. consecrated that structure to the
Christians, who had suffered martyrdom in it. It may
be doubtful whether the re-erection of an obelisk on a
place where it had not originally stood may be appro-
priately termed a restoration, but it may, at all events,
be deemed an improvement. Sixtus V. re-erected no
fewer than four obelisks. Innocent X., Alexander VII.,
Clement XI., and Pius VI. also distinguished them-
selves in this way.- Pius re-erected three obelisks.

Much has recently been done at Home in the way of
discovery and restoration, but many inestimable trea-
sures of art, as well as important fragments and in-
scriptions, might doubtless be disinterred from the huge
mass of soil and rubbish under which the ancient city
is buried, if any adequate funds could be provided for
such a purpose. The Emperor Napoleon III. set a
noble example in this direction by his operations on the
Palatine, which entitle him to the gratitude of all the
lovers of antiquity; and the present Roman govern-
ment has followed ifc with a laudable zeal.

nese, ou soulait demeurer le Pape 5 puis par les Banques et dessous
le Chateau S. Ange. Pour lequel chemin dresser et egaler on a
demoly et abbattu plus de deux cens maisons, et trois ou quatre
eglises ras terre."—Rabelais, Lettre viii. p. 20 (Brux. 1710).INDEX OF MONUMENTS
AND PLACES.

AD

Ad Busta Gallica, 83; Capita
Bubula, 219; Malum Puni-
cum, 275 ; Palmam, 364.

.ZEdes Sacra (see Temple); dis-
tinguished from Templum,
41.

^Equimselium, 74.

JErarium, 5, 177.

Agger of Servius, 52.

Amphitheatre, Castrense, 296;
Flavian, 271 sq.; of Statilius
Taurus, 233.

Angelo, S., castle of, 383.

Apollinare, 74.

Aqueducts : Alexandrina, 29 7 ;
Alsietina, 218 ; Anio Novus,
249 ; Anio Vetus, 107 ; An-
toniniana, 295 ; Appia, 102;
Augusta, 129, 218; Claudia,
249 ; Marcia, 128; Severiana,
293; Tepula, 117; Trajana
et Ciminia, 281; Virgo, 230.

Ara, of Aius Locutius, 94; Mar-
tis, 53; Maxima, 6.

Arcus (see Fornix).

BRI

Area Apollinis, 18, 222; Capi-
tolina, 174.

Argentarise Novse, 117, 121.

Argive chapels, 39.

Armilustrium, 34.

Arx, 83, 192, 197.

Asylum, 24.

Atrium Libertatis, 178; Miner-
vae, 200; Regium, or Yestse,
36.

Aventine, the, 6, 13, 14, 72.

Basilica described, 119; iEmilia,
or Paulli, 155; Argentaria,
133; Constantini, 310; Fulvia,
1215 Julia, xxviii, 179, 198,
218; Marcianes, 281; Mati-
dise, 289; Opimia, 132; Porcia,
120, 171 ; Sempronia, 122 5
Ulpia, 281, 283.

Baths (see Thermae).

Bibliotheca G-raeea et Latina (of
Augustus), 223; of Trajan,
283.

Bridges (see Pons).458 INDEX OF MONUMENTS AND PLACES.

BUR

Burgus Saxonum, 398.

Cseliolus, 32.

Caianum, 248.

Campus Agrippse, 232; Esqui-
linus, 238; Martialis, 204;
Martins, 57, 62, 204 5 Scele-
ratus, 99.

Capitolium Yetus, 38; Novum,
59; taken, 71; burnt, 261;
rebuilt, 263; restored, 274;
plundered by Genseric, 357.
Caput Africse, 426.

Career Mamertinus, 45.

Carinse, 70, 151.

Casa Eomuli, 23.

Castra Preetoria, 213.
Catacombs, 319.

Centum Gradus, 261.

Cermalus (see Germalus).
Chalcidicum, xxxviii, 199.
Churches, seven primeval, 321;
Sta. Agnese, 325; Sta. Croce
in Gerusalemme, ib.; Lateran,
321; S. Lorenzo, 325; Sta.
Maria Maggiore, 326 ; S.
Paolo, 324; S. Pietro, 322;
in Yincoli, 358 ; e Marcellino,
325; Sta. Prassede, 318; Sta.
Pudentiana, ib.; S. Sebastiano,
326.

Cicero's Yillas, 163.

Circus Agonalis (see Stadium);
Elagabali, 296 ; Flaminius,
108; Maxentii,3115 Maximus,
50; Neronis, 249; Sallustii,
155.

Cispius, 20.

Civitas Leonina, 412.

Clivus Argentarius, 437; Capi-

FOR

tolinus, 199; Publicius, 77 5
Sacer, 37, 193; Urbius, 58;
Yictorise, 21|.

Cloaca Maxima, 48.

Cohortes Yigilum, 212.

Colles and Montes distinguished,
43.

Collis Agonus or Quirinalis, 31;

Pincianus or Hortorum, 154.
Colosseum or Colys£eus, 396.
Colossus of Nero, 255, 273.
Columna M. Aurelii, 290; Bel-
lica, 103 ; Msenia, 96; Phocse,
392; Rostrata, 107; Trajani,
281.

Comitium, xxxii, 42, 197.
Compita Larum, 210.

Curia Cornelia, 171; Hostilia,
41; Julia, 179, 200, 219;
Pompeii, 176, 184; Saliorum,
37, 42.

Curiae Yeteres, 18.

Diseta ad Mammam, 297.
Diribitorium, 232.

Doliola, 79.

Domus (see House).

Egeria, grove of, 40.

Emporium, 122.

Equiria, 58.

Esquiline, the, 238.

Eicus Ruminalis, 23, 197.

Fornix or Arcus Triumphalis:
Argentarius, 293 ; Augusti,
229; Aurelii, 291; Constan-
tini, 311; Dolabellse, 256;
Drusi, 427; Fabianus, 129,
195; Gallieni, 297 ; ManusINDEX OF MONUMENTS AND PLACES. 459

FOR

Carnese, 437; Septem Lucer-
narum, 277 ; Severi, 292 ;
Theodosii, 438; Tiberii, 246 ;
Titi, 277 5 Trajani, 283.
Forum Augusti, 225 ; Boarium,
14; Esquilinum, 140; Julii,
202, 218; Nervse (also Palla-
dium and Transitorium), 275;
Pacis, 266 ; Piscatorium, 120,
202 5 Komanum,xxv-xxxi,48,
201; Trajani, 281, 284.

Fossa Quiritium, 45.

Gardens (see Horti),

Gates (see Porta).

Germalus, 19.

Gladiatorial schools, 272.
Grsecostasis,xxxii, 115.

Horti Adonidis, 279; Agrippinae,
248; Lamiani, ib.; Luculli,
154; Maecenatis, 239 ; Sallus-
tiani, 155; Servilii, ib.; Ti-
gellini, 252.

House of Atticus, 165; Catiline,
159; Catulus, 153; Cicero,
162, 168; Cilo, 294; Clodius,
162; Crassipes, 164; Crassus,
152; Drusus, 137; Fulvius
Flaccus, ib.; Galen, 291; C.
Gracchus, 136; Hadrian, 285;
Horace, 241; Hortensius, 158 ;
Lateranorum, 294; Lepidus,
153; Lucullus, ib.; Maecenas,
239 ; Martial, 285 ; Milo, 170;
Octavius, Cn., 124; Ovid, 242;
St. Paul, 319; Pedo Albino-
vanus, 241 ; Pliny, junr., ib.;
Pompey, 175; Propertius, 240;
Publicola, 63; Pudens and

MON

Priscilla, 317; Scaurus, 162;
SeptemParthorum, 294; Sulla,
151; Virgil, 240.

Insula Argentaria, 133; Tiberina,
62.

Insulse, 187.

Janiculum, 44.

Janus, district or street, 133,
199; Quadrifrons, xxxviii,
276; Quadrifrons in Forum
Boarium, 312.

Kctkif 'Aktti, 22, 23.

Lacus Curtius, 27, 48 ; Juturnae,
xxviii; Orphei,24l; Servilius,
117.

Lauretum, 34.

Lautumiae, 120.

Lucus Furinae, 131; Pcetelinus,
95 ; Yestae, 37.

Lupercal, 23.

Macellum Liyianum, 228 ; Mag-
num, 258.

Maeniana, 188.

Mausoleum Augusti, 243; Ha-
driani, 287; Severi, 295.

Meta Sudans, 273.

Mica Aurea, 279.

Milliarium Aureum, xxxi, 196,
224.

Mons Arentinus: Caelius and
Caeliolus, 31, 32; Capitolinus,
59; Janiculus, 3; Querque-
tulanus, 53; Sacer, 73; Satur-
nius, 4, 7; Tarpeius, 4, 27 5
Yaticanus, 203.460 INDEX OP MONUMENTS AND PLACES.

MON

Monte Cassino, 374.

Naumachia of Augustus, 236;

of Domitian, 278.

Navalia, 204.

Nemus Csesarum, 236.

Obelisk of Constantius, 341.

Odeum, 277.

Oppius, 20.

Ostia, 45.

Ovile, 108.

Palace of Augustus, 220; Cali-
gula, 247 ; Domitian, 278 5
Nero (Domus Transitoria and
Aurea), 250, 255 ; Pincian,
371; Tiberius, 246.

Palatine Hill, name, 1; excava-
tions, 16.

Palatium, 20, 220 (see Palatine)
Palus Caprese, 35.

Piscina Publica, 231.

Platese, 187.

Plutei, xxix.

Pomoerium Romuli, 15 sq.

Pons JElius, 288 ; JEmilius, 122 ;

Sublicius, 44.

Population of Rome, 213.

Porta Appia, 301; Asinaria, ib.;
Aurelia, 302; Belisaria, 299 ;
Cselimontana, 53; Capena, ib.;
Carmentalis, 54 ; Clausa, 300;
Collina, 52 ; Esquilina, ib.;
Flaminia, 299; Flumentalis,
54; Fontinalis, 51; Latina,
301; Lavernalis,53; Metronis,
301; Minucia, 54 ; Mugionis,
21; Nsevia, 54; Nomentana,
299 ; Ostiensis, 301; Pandana,

ROM

5; Pinciana, 299; Portuensis,
302 ; Prsenestina, 300; Quer-
quetulana, 53; Ratumena,51;
Raudusculana, 53; Romanula,
21; Salaria, 299 ; Salutaris,
52 ; Sanqualis, 51; Scelerata,
75 ; Stercoraria, 5 ; Tiburtina,
300; Trigemina, 54; Trium-
phalis, 55 ; Yiminalis, 52.

Porticus JEmilia, 122; Argonau-
tarum, 232 ; Catuli, 139 5
Europse, 232 ; Hecatostylon,
176; Livise, 227 sq.; Metelli,
126 ; Minuciae (Vetus and
Frumentaria), 139; Nationum,
176; Octavia or Corinthia,
125; Octavise, 227 sq.; Phi-
lippi, 233 ; Poise, ib.; Pompeii,
176; Yipsania, 233.

Prata Flaminia, 74, 108 ; Mucia,
66; Quinctia, 71.

Pulvinar, 217.

Puteal Libonis or Scribonianum,
157.

Quirinal, the, 31.

Regia, 36 sq.

Regions of Servius Tullius, 55;
of Augustus, 208 sq.

Roma Quadrata, 14 sq.; Com-
mendatore Rosa's theory of,
15 sq.

Rome, foundation legends, 13 sq.;
secret name, 22; becomes a
Republic, 61; taken by the
Gauls, 80; rebuilding of, 93 ;
general aspect, 186; popula-
tion, 213; Nero's fire, 251;
rebuilt, 252; fire under Titus,INDEX OF MONUMENTS AND PLAGES. 461

EOS

274; under Commodus, 291 ;
transfer of the capital to By-
zantium,313; taken by Alaric,
350; second and third capture,
351; taken by Genseric, 357 ;
by Ricimer, 360; entered by
Belisarius, 369; besieged by
Yitiges, 371 sq.; captured by
Totila, 374 sq.; by Narses,
379; besieged by the Lom-
bards, 402 ; threatened by the
Saracens, 410-414; at return
of the Popes, 453; entry of
Charles Y., 455.

Rostra, xxxi, 96 ; Caesar's, 179 ;
Julia, xxviii, 224.

Rupes Tarpeia, 27.

Sacellum Ditis, 5 ; Stat® Matris,
211; Strenise, 193; Volupise,
22 ; Yulcani Quieti, 211.

Sallustricum, 155.

Scalse Annulariae, 219 ; Caci, 7,
22 sq.; Gemonise, 57.

Schola Anglorum, Francorum,
Grsecorum, &c., 397 ; Xantha,
196.

Senaculum, xxxiv, 39.

Septa Julia, 162, 203.

Septem Pagi, 34.

Septimontium, 55.

Septizonium, 292.

Sepulcrum Romuli, 278.

Solarium Augusti, 243.

Stadium Domitiani, 277.

Statues: the Dioscuri, 422; Her-
cules Victor, or Sullanus, 150 ;
Sulla, 149 ; Yertumnus, 211;
Domitian, xxviii, 279; Greek,
at Rome, 113; number of,

TEM

333, 364, 380, 420; Stilicho,
348; of Yictory, 343.

Subura, 241.

Tabernse Yeteres, xxviii, 49;
Novae, 72.

Tabular ium, 177.

Tarentum, 108.

Tarpeian rock, 197.

Temple of ^Esculapius, 106;
Antoninus, 290; Apollo, 74,
222; Augustus, 245 ; Bellona,
102; Bonse Dese Subsaxonese,
286; the Camense, 162 ; Capi-
toline, xv-xxv; Castor and
Pollux, 67, 127, 198; Ceres,
Liber and Libera,68; Claudius,
267 ; Concord, 132, 228 ; Cy-
bele, 115, 217; Diana, 56,127;
Divus Julius, xxviii, 224; Fa-
tale, 393 ; Faustina, 289 ;
Fides Publica, 40; Flora, 77 ;
Fors Fortuna, 56, 246; For-
tuna, 139; Fortuna Eques-
tris, 127 ; Fortuna Muliebris,
68; Gentis Flavise, 275; Ha-
drian, 289; Hercules Custos,
150 ; Hercules Musarum, 121,
233; Hercules Yictor, 150;
Honos et Virtus, 113; Isisand
Serapis, 264 ; Janus, xxxviiiy
32; Juno Moneta, 95; Juno
Regina, 77,127; Jupiter Capi-
tolinus (Vetus), 38, 59 (cf. 62,
144, 176); Jupiter Custos, 262,
275; Jupiter Feretrius, 26;
Jupiter Latialis, 61; Jupiter
and Libertas, 215 ; Jupiter
Stator,28,126; Jupiter Tonans,
224; Juventus, 225 ; Larium,462 INDEX OF MONUMENTS AND PLACES.

THJL

45, 217 ; Libertas, 130; Luna,
56; Mars, 58, 93, 127 ; Mars
Ultor, 225; Mater Matuta,
56, 77 5 Mens, 109, 127, 232;
Minerva, 113, 173 ; Neptunus,
232; Pallas, 276; Pantheon,
229, 393; Peace, 266; Pena-
tium, 217 ; Pudicitia Patricia,
103; Pudicitia Plebeia, ib.;
Quirinus, 38; Saturntts, 49,
62; Semo Sancus, 33; Sol,
306; Tellus, 70; Tempestas,
107 ; Trajan, 281 ; Venus
Erycina, 109; Yenus Genitrix,
178 ; Venus Victrix, 174 ;
Venus and Roma, 286, 394;
Vespasian and Titus, 275;
Vesta, xxviii, 36; Vica Pota,
63; Victory, 115; Vulcan,
127.

Theatre of Balbus, 233; Mar-
cellus, 226; Pompey, 175;
Scaurus, ib.; Trajani, 281.
Thermae Agrippse, 230; Alex-
andrine, 258 ; Antoninianae
or Caracallse, 295 ; Commodi,
291; Constantini, 313; Dio-
cletiani, xxxvi, 309 ; Neronis,
257 ; SallustiansB, 155 ; Seve-
rianse, 293; Titi, 271; Tra-
jani, 281.

Tigillum Sororium, 43.

WAL

Tomb of Bibulus, 52; Cestius,
302; the Domitii, 258 ; Eu-
rysaces, 301; the Scipios, 117.

Tria Fata, 394.

Tribunal Aurelium, 157 ; of the
Praetor, 156.

Tropsea Marii, 338.

Tugurium Faustuli, 23.

Tullianum, 57.

Umbilicus Romae, xxxi.

Vallis Murcia, 25, 32.

Velabrum, 21.

Velia, 19,21.

Via Appia, 101; Flaminia, 107,
203; Lata, ib.; Latina, 102 ;
Nova,xxvii, 197, 296; Sacra,
xxvii,28,37,193,198.

Vicinia, 210.

Vicus Cyprius, 58; Jugarius,
197 ; Longus, 187 ; Patricius,
318; Sceleratus, 59 ; Tuscus,
32, 198.

Villa Publica, 76.

Vulcanal, 33.

Walls,of Aurelian, 298; restored
by Honorius, 348 ; of Romu-
lus, 14 sq.; Servius Tullius,
51.

CHISWICK PRESS :—C. WHITTINGHAM AND CO., TOOKS COURT,
CHANCERY LANE.Reference

Ancient Ruins & Sites of Excavations
Limits of Regions

Modern Names in hair line

Scales

<>

Vffla, Rorqhese

Miiro tortc

RdelPopolo

Divided into X1Y Regions.

Drawn bv E G .Ravensteiu, F R G S

csd 880 l ard.6
% Stat.Mile





500 IlomanRabm



/ORJJM S

IjimjdMjcaw^

CoVxncu

Maxis.AtigusU

\\v*i
, AS
Hr*

yt-Horti - 19

Pxaetoria

» / -

\\*	■ WjOTiv.'.....«»

^Jrc-MAurel

Prata Oumctia

Covers

Campus/ .Aerippee ? ^|<r

^	Sahckcr

35 j SRietro Horti A^-rippinge

ObdisciLS

u s

Circ.Neroriis )

RonsTabLcomus.

34
*

CoLMidureLy

X T.Qidri^

■ a^u/Ui p_:S;Aaualis

Lvtof......

jPantlieoii '

0 A "is

tl^8



Therm
Alexaii
drill se

fdm//,. \

P. Tibvrtinct

P S Lorenzo

*5J

% ZFo

Septa Julia\\?i

Olrur cites

P. Esqiutinar^--

Ik ■■

l&A?'-b. CrtJJienjL

Tkeatr. ^yjl

Pol ih

S Ahssio

S. Andrea, Novizvcto
SS AngeLu Castodv
S. Angelo
S Antoriio
S B aZbirta
S Bvbiccno
S. Carlo

Ccctarina- d&Tunarv
S Cesareo
S Ci&rient&

S. Croce■ in, G-eruscderruie
S. Croce/ de Zucchesi
S. Giovanni vvZatercaxo
&Paolo

S Gregorio
S G-risogorio
S Ig-ruicw
S. Isidoro

S Lorenzo in Rente
in Pane

S MarceZLo

S. Marxoj degli AngePu
m Cosmedzn
vv Dorruvukv
PgizwLca
ior&

S o-pr a Minerva*
v% Priorato
del Sole/
inTraste,ver&
in vicula±6u

S Martino

SS. Piacenzo ed/ Anastasio
S. Pietro

SS.Pietro e/Marc&lUrio
S Pietro Vinculo

Jrompeir



Subiir

2i3cS>

JJ'C,,S Plaiidjxiu;

mrrAail

Balbi A. ft/

fodmS^	37

ctav

M: cK^rfo^'X

SepUmiana/

Ionic

Aed.n<*<*

Me





7 N 26 Jamt



Rons Cestui,s

Roiis ALemum.s	Q „

IV. %Toj'.noai-

Mmm

Uirhc%

R. Azu

P. S. Pacncrazio. \ Ws

Aed. EercuUsml

Ilfii

T. jWpT'jjjjaiaeW'-

Amptu uieatruiri

rurrctancu
JDomus

Rons Sitbluju!

U^ateramtflarv

mltufirf/is



W ^ " \ 1 Arc- ^4-

.Jk'16 y^^'kuelban
5... BidSSs 17: ©4-^

® w>-r	TaiSKtoj^£*mit

ZManae- =3': s?



M 0 N

P. Porte

azzzj-^ AY E ]ST T I N
u ^l§i\ -^nnnr'	^

-Jw nit

dta/Lix u Metrora:

Regions.

RRortueiwis

avernalzs

I.	Porta/ Cap end/

XT	Caetarwrdivm/

Iff.	Is is et Ser-apzs

IV*	Temp bjwnj Rajcis

V.	Rccqtalicu^

YE.	Altcu Semitcu

VJI.	Vicu Lato

"V1TT	RoTVjn Ramuxnixm JSTagraxrw

JK.	Cb-cus Rlxwurmis

X.	Ralatkurv

XI.	Circus MaocmubS

XII.	Piscina/ piib iica>
Xni.	Avetvtavas
XIV.	Trart/S tiberiTUv

•44 mm

J^a^yia





3 b	S Prasse.de/

3-9	S Pnscaj

40	S Pvxle.7zziccn,aj

41	SS Qiuxttro Coroivou

42	S Sabbou

43	S Sabiruju
41	S. Sisto

45.	S Stefano rotondo

46.	S TrimtcudeiMoriti/
47	SYitale/

S Vvto

Moute ^fstaccio

ilSfc

ArdxCOMPLETE CATALOGUE

ow

BOHN'S LIBEAEIES,

CONTAINING

STANDARD WORKS OF EUROPEAN LITERATURE IN THE ENGLISH
LANGUAGE, ON HISTORY, BIOGRAPHY, TOPOGRAPHY, ARCHEOLOGY,
THEOLOGY, ANTIQUITIES, SCIENCE, PHILOSOPHY, NATURAL HISTORY
POETRY, ART, FICTION, WITH DICTIONARIES, AND OTHER BOOKS OF
REFERENCE. THE SERIES COMPRISES TRANSLATIONS FROM THE FRENCH
GERMAN, ITALIAN, SPANISH, SCANDINAVIAN, ANGLO-SAXON, LATIN, AND
GREEK. PRICE 3S. M. OR 5s. PER VOLUME (WITH EXCEPTIONS). A
COMPLETE SET IN 661 VOLUMES, PRICE £146 14:5.

Catalogues sent Post-free on Application*

LONDON:

GEORGE BELL AND SONS, YORK STREET,
COVENT GARDEN,

1884,COMPLETE

BOHN'S L

standard

A SEMES OF THE BEST ENGLISH
IN POi

286 Vols, at 2s. 6d. each, wt
Addison's Works* With the Notes
of Bishop Huke», much. Additional matter,
and upwards of 100 Unpublished Letters.
Edited by H, (3. Bohh. Portrait ss&d a
Engravings m StesL to 6 vols,

Jklfieri'g Tragedies, including those
published posthumously. Translated into
English Verse, and edited with Notes and
Introduction, by Edgab A« Bowbing, C.B.
2 vols.

Ascham's Soholemaster. By Prof.

I. E. B. Mayor. In the press.

Baemi'ss Bggayg, Apopntnegmg, Wis-
dom of the Ancients, New Atlantis, and
Henry VII,, with Introduotion snd Notes,
Portrait

Ballads and Songs of the Peasantry
of England. Edited by Robert Bell.

Beaumont and Fletcher, & popular

Selection from. By Lsigh Huh?.

Beckm&nn'g History of Inventions,
Discoveries, am? Origins- Revised and
Qnlare^ii PwZraiin. In ^ wis

Boswell's Johnson. Napier's Edi-
tion. With Tour in the Hebrides and
Johnsoniana. 6 vols.

Ims©rs iMiss) Works. Translated by
Mabt Howitc, Portrait* In 4 vols.
Vol. 1, The Neighbours and other Talm
Vol. 2. The President's Daughter*

Vol. Si. The Home, and Strife and Peac®.
4. 4 Diar^, the H—— Family, &e.

Brink's Early English Literature to
Wiclif.

British Poets, from Milton to Kirk®

Whit®, Cabinet Edition. In 4 vole,
Browne's (Sir Thomas) Works.

Edited by Simon Wilkin. In 3 vols.
Burke's Works, la d Volumes.
Vol. 1. Vindication of Natural Society,
On the Sublime and Beautiful, and
Political Miscellanies.

Vol. 2. French Revolution,
VoL 3. Appeal from the New to the

Old Whiga; the Catholic Claims,
Vol, 4. On the Affairs of India,

Charge against Warren Hastings.
Vol. 5, Conclusion of Charge against

Hastings; on a Regicide Peace,
Vol. 6. Miscellaneous Speeches.

With a General Index
18

November, 1884.

CATALOGUE

[BRARIES.

library.

AND FOREIGN AUTHORS, PRINTED

r 8vo.

pting those marked otherwise,

Burke's Speeches on Warmn Hast-
ings ; and Letters. With Index. In g vols,
(forming vols. I and 8 of the worka).

Life, By Prior. Hew and
revised Edition. Portrait .

Burns, Lockhart's Life of. By W.
S. Douglas.

' Butler's (Bp?) Analogy of Religion,

and Sermons, with Notes. Portrait,
Camoins' Lusiad, Mickle'g Transla-
tion. Edited by E. R. Hodges.
1 Gary's Translation of Dante's Hea-
ven, Hell, and Purgatory. Copyright
edition, being the only one containing
Gary's last corrections and additions.
Clarafai (The) of Madd&ioni: and
Naples under Spanish Dominion. Trans-
lated from fhs Gtermsn of Alfred da
Beumont,

0arrePs Counter devolution in Eng-
land. Fox's History and Lonsdale's
Memoir of James II. Portrait?-

dellini (Benvenuto), Memoiri of

Translated by Rosaos. Portrait,
\ Cervantes' 0alatea6 Translated by

Gordon GTYLL,

--Exemplary Hovels. Trans-
lated from the Spanish by W. K. Kelly.

-Don Quixote de la Mancha.

2 vols.

Chaucer's Works. Edited by Robert
Bell. New Edition,' improved. With
Introduction by W. W. Skeat. 4 vols.

Classic Tales, containing Basselas,
Vicar of Wakefield, Gulliver's Travels, and
^ Sentimental Journey.

Coleridge's (S. T.) Friend. A Benm ©f
Essays on Morals, Politics, and Religion.

—- (S. T.) Biographia Liter-

aria, and two Lay Sermons.

---Aids to Beflection. By Ts

Ashe.

- Lectures oil Shakespeare.

By T. Ashe.

- Table Talk and Omniana.

By T. Ashe.BOHN'8 VABIOUS LIBB,AMIES.

donde's Dominion of the Arabi Is
Spain. Translated by Mrs. Fossa®. In
3 vols.

bowper'g ©omplst® Work®. Edited,
with Memoir of the Amthor, by Souteey.
JMw&rated with 60 Engravings. la 8 vols
Vols. 1 to 4. Memoir and'Correspondence.
Vote. 6 and 6. Poetical Works. Pkktes.
Vol. 1. Homer's Iliad, Pfatm,
VoL 8. Homer's Odyssey, PZaUs*
dose's Memoirs of ths Buk@ ©f
Marlborough. Portraits, In 3 vols.,;
V An Atlas of the plans of Marlborough's
campaigns, 4to. 10s. 6d*

——. History of the Moug® ef

Austria. Portraits. Isti 4 vols.
Cunningham's Lives of Eminent
British Painters. New Edition by Mrs.
Heaton. S vols.

Defoe's Works. Edited by Sir Walter

Scott. In 1 vols.

Be lolme on the Oonstitution of Eng-
land. Edited, with Notes, T)y Jom
Maogbegob.

Emerson's Works. 3 vols,

Foster's (John) Life and Correspond-
ence. Edited by J, E. Utland. In 2 vols,

—— Lectures at Bsoadmead

Chapel. Edited fey J. E, Eylahb. la
2 vole.

	—-Critical Essays. Edited by

J. E. Rylaht) In 2 vols.""

«««_. On Decision of .Character.
&c. Sic,

	--Evils of Popular Ignorance,

&c.

—«—■ Fosteriana: Thoughts^ B@-
flections, and Criticisms. (Nearly 600
pages). 5s.

Fuller's (Andrew) Principal Works*

With Memoir. Portrait.

Clibbon's Boman Impir®. Complete
and Unabridged, with Notes; including,
those of Q-uizot, Wenck, Nlebuhr, Hugo,
Meander. In 1 voli.

doethe'g "Works, Translated into Eng«
lish.< In 8 vols.

Vols, l.and2. Autobiography,20 Books j

and Annals. Portrait.

Vol. 3. Faust. Two Parts. By Miss

Swan wick.

Vol. 4. Novels and Tales.
Vol. 5. Wilhelm Meister's Apprentice-
ship.

Vol. 6. Conversations with Sckermasm
and Soret. Translated by Joim
Oxenford.

Vol. 7. Poems and Ballads, including
Hermann and Dorothea, Translated!
by E, A. Boweing, C.Bj

1

Goethe's Works—continued.

Vol. 8. Grotz von Berlichingen, Tor-
quato Tasso, Egmont, Iphigenia,
Clavigo, Wayward Lover, and Fellow
Culprits. By Sir Walteb Soott,
Miss Swanwick, and E. A. Bowsing,
C.B. With Engraving,

Vol. 9. Wilhelm Meister's Travels.

Vol. 10. Tour in Italy, 2 Parts, and
Residence in Rome.

Vol. 11. Miscellaneous Travels. Swit-
zerland, France, Mainz, and Rhine
Tour,

Vol. 12. Early Letters.

———-Correspondencewith Schiller.
See Schiller.

Goldsmith's Works; 4 vols.

Greene, Marlowe, and Ben Jonson,
Poems of. Edited by Robert Bell.
With Biographies. In 1 vol.

Gregory's (Dr.) Evidences, Doctrines,
and Duties of the Christian Religion.

vGrimm's German Tales. With the
Original Notes and Preface by A. Lang.

N 2 vols.

®uizot's [Representative Government
Translated by A. E. Sooble.

History of the English B
latlon of 1640. Translated by Wilmau
Hazlits1. Portrait

History of Civilization, Trans-
lated" by W. Hazmtt. In volt. Portrait.

Hazlitt's Table Talk. A New Mitioa
in one volume.

Lectures on th© Comic
Writers, and on the English Poets,

Lectures on the Literatur©
of the Age of Elizabeth, and on Characters
of Shakespear's Plays.

Plain Speaker.

—— Bound Table; the Convern-
tions of James Nobthoote, R«A»§ Cha-
racteristics, &Q.

*■__ sketches and Essays, and
Winterslow (Essays Written there). New
Edition.

Mall's (Bev. Bobert) Miscellaneomi
Works and Remains, with Memoir by
Dr. G-regoeYj and an Essay on his

v meter by John Fostee. Portrait.

Hawthorne's Tales. In 2 vols.

Vol. 1. Twiea Told Tide#, and the
Snow Image.

Tol 2. Scarlet Letter, and feh® House
with the seven Gables.

Vol. 3, Transformation and Blithedale
Romance.

"Heine's Poems, complete, from the
German, by E. A. Bowsing, C.B. Bs.

Hungary, its History and Bevoli?,-
tions; with a Memoir of ,Kcssith from
new and authentic sources. Portrait.

2	19A CATALOGUE OF

Hutchinson (Colonel), Memoirs of

with th© Siege of Latham House,
living's (Washington) Life and Let-
ters. By his Nephew, Peserk E. lB.vnm.
la 2 vols.

— Complete Works. In 15 vols.
Vol. 1. Salmagundi and Knickerbocker

Portrait of the Author.

Vol. 2. Sketch Book and LIS© of
smith.

Vol. 3. Bracebridge Hall and Abboii*

ford and Newstead.

VoL 4. Talea of & Travel!©!1 th®

Alhambra.

Vol. 5. Conquest of Granada and Con-
quest of Spain.

Vols. 6 and 1. Life, of CJolumbua and
Companions of Columbus, with a new
Indfex. Fine Portrait.

Vol. 8. Astoria and Tour in the Prairies.
Vol. 9. Mahomet and his Successors.
Vol. 10. Wolfert's Roost and Adven-
tures of Captain Bonneville.
Vol. 11. Biographies and Miscellanies,
Vols. 12-15. Life of Washington. Por-
trait.

For separate Works, see Cheap Series,
James's «*. P. E.) Bichard Coeur-de-
Lion, King of England, Portraits. 2 vols.
w.■ Louis XIV, Portraits. 2 vols.
Jameson's Shakespeare's Heroines:
Characteristics ^ of _ Women. Moral,
- Poetical, and Historical.

Junius's Letters, with Notes, Ad-
ditions, and an Index. In 2 vols.
La Fontaine's Fables. Translated
from the French by E. Weight, jun.

Lamartine's History of the ®ir©n&»
ists„ Portraits. In 3 vols.

-- Restoration of the Monarchy

with Index. Portraits. In 4 vols.
--- French Revolution of 184S,

with a fine Frontispiece.

Lamb's (Charles) Elia and Eliana,

Complete Edition.

-Dramatic Poets of th® Time

Of Elizabeth} including his Selections fiam
the Garrick Plays.

Lanzi's History of Fainting. Trans -
lated by Roscoe. Portraits. In s vols.
Lappenberg's Anglo-Saxon Kings,
2 vols.

Lessing's Dramatic Works. Com-
plete, with Memoir by Helen Zimmeen,
Portrait. 2 vols.

——Laokoon. (ByBEASLSY) Ham-
burg Dramatic Notes, Representation of
Death (by Miss Zimmern), Frontispiece.

Locke's Philosophical Works, con-
taining an Essay on the Human Under-
standing, &c., with Notes and Index
J. A. St. John. Portrait, In 2 vols,

20

Locke's Life and Letters, with Ex-
tracts from his Common-Place Books, bf
Lord King.

Luther's Table Talk. Translated by

William Hazliot. Pm'trait.
-Machiavelli'ss History of Flor@n$%
The Prince, and other Works. Portrait.
Martineau's, Harriet, History of

England, from 1800-15.

—- History of the Peace, from

1815-1846. 4 vols.

Menzel's History of Germany. Por-
traits. In 3 vols.

Mieheiet'g Life of Luther. Translated
by William Hazlitt.

— French Revolution, with In-
dex, Frontispiece.

Mignet's French Revolution irom
1t89 to 1814. Portrait.

'Hilton's Pros® Works, with Index.
Portraits. In 6 vols.

Mitford's (Mary R.) Our Village

Improved Ed., complete. Illustrated*
s 2 vols.

Moliere's Dramatic Works. Trans*,
lated by C. H Wall. In 3 vols. Por-
trait.

Montesquieu's Spirit of the Laws,
A new Edition revised and corrected.
2 vols. Portrait.

^Meander's Church History. Trans-
lated : with General Index. In 10 vols.
—— Life of Christ. Translated.
—— First Planting of Christi»

anity.andAntignostikus. Translated, fo
2 vols.

—- History of Christian Dogmas,
Translated. In 2 vols.

Christian Life in th® Early
and Middle Ages, Including his 'Light in
Dark Places.' Translated.

Oekley's History of th© Saracens

Revised and completed. Portrait.

^Percy's Reliques of Ancient English

Poetry. Reprinted from the Original Edi-
tion, and Edited by J. V. Pkiohabd. In
% vols.

Philip d© Oommineg, Memoirs ©f„

containing the Histories of Louis XI. and
Charles VHL, and ol Charles the Bold,,
Duke of Burgundy, To which ig added,
The Scandalous Chronicle, of Secret
History oS Louis XL P®rtv®itl* Is
. 2 vols.

Plutarch's Lives, By G„ Lon<5 and

A. Stewart. 4 Vols.

Poetry of America. Selections from
loo American Poets, from 1776—1876.
Edited by W. J. Linton. Portrait.BOHN'S VARIOUS LIBRARIES.

Banks's History ©f the Pope*. Trans-

iated by E. Fost«b0 In 3 vols.

	—- Servia and the S®?viaa

volution.

Beynolds' (Sir Joshua) Literary

Works. Portrait, la 56 vols,

Bichter (Jean Paul Fr.) Levana
and Autobiography. With Memoir.

—- Flower, Fruit, and Thorn
Pieces. A Novel.

Boseoe's Life and Pontifieat© ©f

Leo X., with the Copyright Notes, and an
Index* Portraits m 2 vols0

—	Life of Lorenzo d@ Hediei,,
with the Copyright Notes, fee, Portrait

Emsda, History of, by Waltee K

Kelly. PfurtmiU. In 2 vols.

ieMller'g Works, Translated InU-
English la 6 vols.

Yol. l. Thirty Years" War, and Revok

of the Netherlands.
Yq'L % Continuation of the Revolt
©f itea Netherlands; Wallenatein's
Camp j the Ficcolomini; the Death
of Wallenstein» and William Tell.
YoL 3. Don Carlos, Mary Stuart, Maid

of Orleans, and Bride of Messina.
Vol. 4,. The Robbers, Fiesco, Love Mid

Intrigue, and the Ghost-Seer.
Vol. 6. Poems. Translated by Edgae

Bowsing, C.B.

Vol. 6. Philosophical Letters and M&<
fehetic&l Essays.

Correspondence with Goethe,

translated by L. Doha Schmitz. 2 vols,
ieidegePg Philosophy of Lif® and
of Language, translated by A, J. W. Mob-
bison,

—	History of Literature, An-

oient fmd Modern. Now first completely
translated, with (General Index.

21 Vols, t

Evelyn's Biary and Correspondent®,
Blu$trate& mth mm$rou% Portraits,
In 4 vols.

Pepys' Diary and Correspondence.

Edited by Lord Braybrooke. With Notes,
important Additions, including numerous
Letters, illustrated with many Portraits.
in 4 vols.

lessees Memoirs of the Reign of the
Stuarts, Including the Protectorate. With
Senegal Index, Upwards of 40 Portraits
In 3 vols.

SohlegePs Philosophy ©f History,

1	r»u0i»ted by J, R Hammr-eoN. Portrait.

-—------Dramatic Literature, Trans-
lated. Portrait.

——— Modern Hist©?y.
— ^stheti® and Miscellaneous

Works,

Sh@ridan*s Dramatis Works and

• Life. Portrait

Sismondi'e Literature of tho gouth
of Europe, Translated by Roscoo. For-
tmitg* In g vols.

Smith's (Adam) Theory of the Mora!
Sentiments; with his Essay on tho First
Formation of Languages.

Smyth's (Professor) Lectures m

Modern History. In 2 vole.

- Lectures on the Freneh E©«
volution. In % vols.

^Spinoza's Works. 2 vols. In the

! press.

Sturm's Morning Communings with

ISodj or Devotional Meditations for Ever]?
Day in the Yea?.

Sully, Memoirs of tha Duke of, Prim©

Minister to Henry the Ores! Portraits,
fa 4 vols,

Taylor's (Bishop Jeremy) Holy Living

and Dying. Portrait
Thierry's Conquest of England by

the Normans, Translated by Wilumm
Hazlitt, Portrait. In 2 vols.

WMei (Br.) Shakespeare's Dramatis
Art. Translated by L. D. Schmitz. 2 vols.

¥&sari>s Lives oi th® Painters,

Sculptors, and Architects Translated bj
Mrs: Fostkb. S vols,

Wesley's (John) Lif@. By Robert

Southey. New and Complete Edition.
Double volume. With Portrait. Es.

Wheatley on the Book of Common
Prayer. Frontispiece.

[, LIBEAEY.

&s. ewh*

Jesse's Memoirs of the Pretender®

and their Adherents, 6 Portraits.
Wugent'a (Lord) Memorials of
Hampden, his Party, and Times. 13
Portraits.

Strickland's (Agnes) Lives of the

Queens of England, from the Normal!
Conquest. From official records and
authentic documents, private and public
Eevised Edition. In 6 vols.

—— Life of Mary Queen ©f Scots.

2	vols,

21A CATALOGUE OW

COLLEGIATE SEBXEB.

10 Vols, at 5*. each.

Carlyie's Dante. The Inferno. Trans-
lation. Text and Notes. Second Edition.
Portrait.

Dante. The Purgatorio. By S.
Dugdale.

Dobree's Adversaria. By Prof.

Wagner. 2 vols.

Donaldson's Theatre of the ©reeks.
Illustrated with lithographs and nu-
merous Woodcuts,

Keightley'g Classical Mythology.
New Edition, Revised by,' Dr. L.
SomiiTz. With 12 plates.

'"Herodotus, Turner's (D&wboh Wa

Stotes to. With Map, &e*

Herodotus, Wheel@r'i Analysis
Summary of.

fhueydidesj Wheeler'g Analysis ©f.

Hew Testament (Th@) in ®re@k.

G-riesbaoh'g Text, witb tbe readings ol
Mil! and Scfeolss Parallel References,
a Critical Introduction and Chronological
Table®. Tm fao-similei of &reek MS8.
3s. M.; or with Lexicon, Ss. Lexicon
Separately. 2s.

PHILOSOPHICAL LIBRARY.

15 Vol*, at 5s. 6excepting those marleed otherwise.

l&eon'g Hoirom Orgammi and Ad-
vancement of Learning. Complete, witfe
Notes, by J. Drmre, M.A.

Oomte's Philosophy 0! the §eienc©§.
By Q. fL Lewss.

Draper (J. W.) A History of the
Intellectual Development of Europe. By
John William Drapes, M.D., LL.D. A
Hew Edition, thoroughly Revised by the
Author. In 2 vols.

Hegel's Lectures on the Philosophy
Of Higiggy. Translated by J. Sibbsk, M A.

East's Critique ©f Fur® Beacon.

Translated by J, M. D. Mfjbxkjohk

— Prolegomena and Metaphy-
sical Foundations. E. B. Bax.

logics; or, the Science of Inference.

A Popular Manual, By Jt Darvire,
Miller's (Professor) History Fhilose»

iohicall^ considered Id & vole 3e 6t?. eedb.

Spinoza's Chief Works. ByR. H. M,

Elwes. 2 vols.

Tennenaann's Manual of the History
of Philosophy. Oontinued by J. R, Morels

ECCLESIASTICAL AND THEOLOGICAL
LIBRARY.

15 Vols, at Ss. each, excepting those marked otherivise.

Sleek (F.) An Introduction to the

Old* Testament, by Friedbigh Blbek,
Edited by Johann Bleek and Adolf
Kamphausen. Translated from the Ger-
man by G. H. Venables, under the
supervision of the Rev. E. Yenables,
Canon of Lincoln. New Edition. In 2
vols.

Ohillingworth's BeMgion ©f
testants. 3«.6dL

Snsebius' Icclegi&stieal History,
With Notes.

Hardwick's History of the Articles

of Religion* To which is added a Series of
Documents from a.d. 1536 to a.d. 1615.
Together with Illustrations from Contem-
porary Sources. New Edition, revised by
Rev. F. Pbogteb.

22

Henry's (Matthew) commentary ©a

the Psalms, Nwmsroun Illustration*.
Pearson on the Creed. New Edition.

With Analysis and Notes,

Philo £ud83US; Works of; the con-
temporary of Josephus. Translated by
C, D. Yonge In 4 vols.

iocrates* Ecclesiastical History, in

continuation of Eusebius With the Notea
of V&lesitis.

iozomen's Ecclesiastical History,
from a.d. 324-440: and the Ecclesiastical
History of Philostorgius,

Theodoret and Evagriue. Ecclesias-
tical Histories, from a.»« 332 to a.d. 42!
and from a jo. 431 to a,v>, 544.

Wieseler's Chronological Synopsis of

the Four Gospels. Translated by Canon
Yenables. New Edition, revised,SOHKS VARIOUS LIBRARIES.

ANTIQUARIAN LIBRARY.

35 Vols, at 5«. each.

Bsde's Ecclesiastical History, and

fcMe Anglo-Saxon Chronicle,

Boethius's Consolation of FMlog©-

phy. In Anglo-Saxon, with the A. 8,
Metres, and en Eagligh Translation, fef
the Kev. S. Fox.

Brand's Popular Antiquities of Eng.
land, Scotland, and Iceland. By SbrrHnnn
Ellis. In 3vola,

Chronicles of the Crusaders. Eichard
of Devises, Geoffrey do Vlnsanf, Lord tie
Joinville.

Dyer's British Popular Customs,
Present and Past. An Account of the
various Games and Customs associated
with different days of the year. By the
Rev. T. F. Thiselton Dyer, M.A. With
Index.

larly Travels in Palestine. Willi-
bald, Saswulf, Benjamin of Tudela, Man-
ieville, La Brocqniere, and MaundralT;
£01 unabridged. Edited by Thomas
Wright.

lllis's Early English Metrical Bo*
maacea. Revised by J. 0. Halliwell,

Florence of Worcester's Chronicle

with the Two Continuations: comprising
Annals of English History to the Reign of
Edward I. —

®esta Romanorum. Edited by Wyn-
nard Hooper, B*A.

0iraldus Cambrensis* Historical
Works: Topography of Ireland; History
of the Conquest of Ireland; Itinerary
through Wales; and Description of Wales,
With Index, Edited by Thos. Weight,
Henry of Huntingdon's History of

the English, from the Roman Invasion to
Henry II.; with the Acts of King Stephen,

Ingulph's Chronicle of the Abbey of

Croyland, with the Continuations by Peter
of Bloia and other Writers. By H. X.
Riley.

Eeightle/s Fairy Mythology. Fron-
tispiece by Cruikskank.

Lepsius's Letters from Egypt, Ethio*

pia. and the Peninsula of Sinai.

Mallet's Northern Antiquities, Bj

Bishop Peeot. With an Abair&ci of til®
Eyrbiggia Sags, by Sir Waltjbb Sqoss,
Edited by J. A. Blaokwkll.

^ifarc© Polo's Travels. The Trans-
lation of Marsden, Edited by Tbsmas
Wright.

-^Matthew Parish Chroniel®, In .5 vols.
First Section : Roger of Wendover1®
Flowers of English History, from the
Descent of the Saxons to a.d. I23i,
Translated by Dr. Giles, In 2 vols.
Second Seotioh: From 1288 to 1S?8,
With Index to the entire Work, In
3 vols.

Matthew of Westminster's Flowfft'S

of History, especially such as relate to the
affairs of Britain $ to a.d. j.38*. Translate
by C, D. Yongk. In 2 vote.

Ckdericus Vitalis' Ecclesiastical Hi§»
tory of England and Normandy. Trans*
iated with Notes, by T. Foiuasni, M,A.
In 4 vols.

Pauli's (Dr. B.) Life of Alfred tha

Great. Translated from the German. To
which is appended Alfred's Anglo-Saxon
version of Crosius, with a literal Transla-
tion, and an Anglo-Saxon Grammar and
Glossary.

Boger De Moveden's Annals of Xng>

iish History; from a.d. 13% to A.D. 1201.
Edited by H. T, Riley. In 2 vols.
Six Old English Chronicles, :■»

Asser's Life of Alfred, and the Chronicles
of Ethelwerd, Gildas, Nenniua, Geoffrey
of Monmouth, &nd Bichard s! Ciren-
cester.

William of Malmeshury's Chronicle

of the Kings of England. Translated by
Sharps.

Yule-Tide Storiei. A Collection of

Scandinavian Tales and Traditions. Edited
by B. ThorpEc

ILLUSTRATED LIBRARY.

85 Vols, at 58. each, excepting those marked otherwise,

Allen's Battles of the British ST&vy,

Revised sad enlarged. Numzrmi Jim
Portraits, In 2 vols,

Andersen's Danish Legends and
Fairy Tales. With many Tales not In any
other edition. Translated by Cabohshi
Peachey, 120 Wood Bngrrnm$$*

Ariosto's Orlando Furiosi In Eng-
lish Verse. By W. S. Boss, Tmlm filH
Engravings. In 2 vols.

Bechstein's Cage and Chamber Birds.
Including Sweet's Warblers, Enlarged
edition. Numerous plates*

*** All other editions are abridged.
With the plates aofawad* 7s« 6«f»

23A CATALOGUE OF

Sonomi'g Mneveh and its P&l&ees,
New Edition, revised and considerably
enlarged, both Ih matter and Plateg.
Upwards of 300 Engraving*

Butler's Hudibragg. With Variorum
Notes, a Biography, and & General Index
Edited by H®nry GK Bonn. Thirty Mm
tiful Mustratiom.

or, further illustrated with
62 Outline Portraits, In 2 vols. 10s,
€atterm©ia5s Evenings at Maddon
BalL 24. essquisite Engravings on SteeI,
from designs by himself the Letterpress
by the Babohjess D» Cababblla.

OMna, Pictorial, Descriptive, and

Historical, with some Account of Ava and
the Burmese, Siam, and Anam. Nmrpj
100 Illustrations,

0raik's (0, L.) Pursuit of Knowledge

tinder Difficulties, illustrated by Anec-
dotes and Memoirs. Revised Edition,
nutnsrous Portraits.

Cruikshank's fhree €ours@g and a
Deaaert. A Series of Tales, with 60 hu
morons lUmtratiom hy (Jruilahmik.

- Punch and Judy. With 24

Illustrations. 6s. With Coloured Plates.
Is. 6d.

Bant#, Translated by I.C.'Wbi&hi . M. A.
New Edition,carefullyrevised, Fortran am
34 ttlustratims on Steal, %fur Flmmcm

Bidron's History of Christian Art
in the Middle Ages. From the French,
Upwards of 15r> outline Engravings.
Dyer (T. H.) The History of Pompeii;
its Buildings and Antiquities. An account
of the City, with a full description of the
Remains, and an Itinerary for Visitors.
Edited by T. H. Dyer, LL.D. Illus-
trated with nearly 300 Wood Engrav-
ings, a large Map, and a Plan of the
Forum. A New Edition, revised and
brought down to 1874, Is. Qd.

CHI Bias, The Adventures of. 24
Engravings on Steel, after Swbirket and
10 Etchings bp George Oruikshmk. 6s,
Grimm's Gammer &rethel; or, Ger-
man Fairy Tales and Popular Stories.
Translated by Edgar Taylob. Numerous
Woodcuts by Gruikslumk. 3s. 6d.
Holbein's Dance of Death, and Bibl®
Cuts. Upwards of 150 subjects, beauti-
fully engraved in facsimile, with Intro-
duction and Descriptions by the late
Francis Douoi and Dr. X„ F, Dibdot,
2 vols, in 1. is. 6d.

Hewitt's (Mary) Pictorial Calendar

of the Seasors. Embodying the whole c?
Aiken's Calendar of Nature. Upwards of
100 Engravings.

— (Mary and William) Stories
of English and Foreign Life. Twenty beau
iiful Engraving.

U

India, Pictorial, Descriptiv©, and
Historical, from the Earliest Times. Up*
wards of loo fine Engravings on Wood,
and a Map.

Jesse's Anecdotes of Bogs, New Edi-
tion, with large additions. Numerous fine
Woodcuts after ffarvey, Bewick, and others.
——or, with the addition of 84
highly-finished Steel Engravings, fg. $&.
king's Natural History of Precious
Stones, and of the Precious Metals, With
ftwmerow Mmtrations. Price 6s.

	—-Natural History of Hams

or Decorative Stones, Finely Illustrated.
6s.

—-— Handbook of Engraved 0emg.

Finely Illustrated, 6s,

Eitto's Scriptur® lands and Biblical
Atlas. 24 Maps, beautifully engrmed on
Steel, with a Consulting Lades.
—-; with the mapscoloured, Ik 6&
Xrummacher'g Parables. Translated
frsm the German. Forty Illustmticm bp
Clayton, engraved by Dalziel.

Lindsay's iLord) Letterg ©n %ypt*

Sdom, anl the Moly Land. Nev Edition,
enlarged. TMrty-sw beautiful Engrav*
ings, and 2 Maps,

Lodge's Portraits of Illustrious P@r*

nonages of Great Britain, with Memoirs.
Two Mundred md Forty PortraitI, en-
graved on Steel. 8 vols.

Longfellow's Poetical Work®,

Twenty-four page Engravings, by BirMi
Foster and othsn, mid a Portrait

5 or, without illustrations, 3s.6d.

—	Prose Works, 16 parte En*>
gravings by Birhst Foster, &c.

Loudon's (Mrs.) Entertaining IFata-
alist. Revised by W. S. Dallas, F.L.S.
With nearly 600 Woodcuts.

Marryat's Masterman Beady j or,
The Wreck of the Pacific. 93 WoodcuU„
8s. 6d.

—	Poor Jack. TMth 16 Illm*
trations, after Designs by O. Stanfeld,
B.A. 3s. 6d.

Mission; @r, Scenes in Af-
rica. (Written for Young People.) Ilhss-
imted by Gilbert md DaleidL 3s. 6d

-Pirate; and Three Cutter®*

New Edition, with a Memoir of the
Author. With 8 Steel Engravings, /rem
Drawings by G. Stan field, R.A. 31 Bd,
- Privateers - Man On® Hun-
dred Years Ago. Eight Engravings m
Steel, after Stothard. 3*. 6dL
—— Settlers in Canada. New
Edition. Tm fine Engravings fcj Gilbert
and Dalsiel. 3s. M.JBOHN'8 VARIOUS LIBRARIES,

Maxwell's Victories of Wellington
and the British Armies. Steel Engravings,

Michael Angel© and Eaphael, their
Lives t and Works. By Duppa arid Qua-
tkemere ds Qumo¥. With 13 Engravings
on Steel,

Millers History ©f th@ Anglo-Sax-
ons. Written in a popular style, on the
basis oJ? Sharon Turner. Portrait of
Alfred, Map of Smon Britain, m& 12
elaborate Engravings on Sted.

Milton'i Poetical Works, With a
Memoir by James Montgomsbt, Todd's
Verbal Index to all the Poems, and Ex-
planatory Notes, With 120 Engravings
by Thompsm and others, from Drawing*
by W. S&rvey, 2 vols.

Vol. 1. Paradise Lost, complete, wife

Memoir, Notes, and Index.
Vol* 2. Paradise Regained, and other
Poems, with Verbal lades to all the
Poems.

Mudie'i British Birds. Revised by
W. C. L» Mabtix Fifty-two Figures mi
I Plates of Mggs. In 2 vols.

——; or, with the-plates mbur$de
Is. 8dL per vol.

laval and Military Heroes ©f Ureal

Britain; or, Calendar of Victory. Being a
Record of British Valour and Conquest
by Sea and Land, on every day in the
year, from the time of William the
Oonquero? to the Battle of Inkermann.
By Major Johns, R.M., and Lieutenant

- P. He Nicolas, ILM, Tmmty-fowr Pw°
traits. 6s.

Mcolini's History of the Jesuits t
their Origin, Progress, Doctrines, and De-
signs. Fine Portraits of Loyola, LainH,
Javier, Borgia, Acqumim, Pm te,€h®i$§,
znd Pope Gmgom&H.

Petrarch's Sonnets, and other Poem

Translated into English Verse. By various
hands. With a Life of the Poet, by
Thomas Campbell,, With 16 Engravings.
Pickering's History of the Babes of
Man, with -an Analytical Synopsis of the
Natural History of Man. By Dr. Hall.
illustrated by numerous Portraits,

3s»=««-».;or ,to#tk the plates coloured,!s$dn
\* An excellent Edition of a work ori-
ginally published at 31. 8s. by the
American Government.

Pictorial Handbook of Modern ®@©«

graphy, on a Popular Plan. 3«. Bd. lllm-
irated by 150 Engraving* and 51 Map*. U.
; or, with the maps coloured*

n. m.

Pope's Poetical Work#. Edited by
Robset Cabkuthir3, Numerous En-
gmvims. a vols.

Pope's Homer's Iliad, With Intro-
duction and Notes by J. S. Waxsok, M.A.
Mlmtrated by the entire Series of Flm-
man's Design®, beautifully mgrmed If
Mom (in the full 8 vo. me),
<««=«— Homer's Odyssey, Mymng^
ka., by other translators, including Chap-
man, and Introduction and Notes by J. S,
Watson, M.A. Mamum's Deiigm beau-
Ufnlly engraved by Moses,

——■ Life, Including many of his
Letters. By Roberx Cabbdthiebs. Hew
Edition,revised and tnlarged. ElustmHom.

The preceding 6 wis, malts a comptete
&nd elegant edition of Pope's Poetical
Workt TransMi&m for 258.
Pottery and Porcelain, and other 0b=
jecfcs of Vertu (a Guide to the Knowledge
of). To which is added m Engraved List
of Marks and Monograms. By Hhhb¥
Q. Bokh. Numerous Engravings.
; or, coloured, 10s. 6sL
Front's (Father) Beltynes.' Revised
Edition. Twenty-one spirited Etchings
by Maclise. 5s.

Becreationg in Shooting; By
'* Cbaves?." New Edition, revised and
enlarged. 82 Engravings <m Wood, after
Ewvey, and 9 Engravings on Steel, chiefly
after A. Cooper, B,A.

Bedding's History and Beseriptioa®

01	Wines, Ancient and Modern. Tmtot%
beautiful Woodcuts.

lennie's Insect Architecture, n§®
Edition. Revised by the Rev, J. (£.
Wood, M.A.

Eobinson Cruso®. With Illustrations
by Stothasd and Habviy. Twelve beauti»
fiil Engravings on Steel, and 14, on Wood.

——— 5 or, without the Steel illustra-
tions, 3s. 6<L
Bom® in the nineteenth Century,
New Edition. Revised by the Author.
fflmtrated by 34 Steel Engravings,

2	vols.

Sharpe's History of Egypt, from the
Earliest Times till the Conquest by the
Arabs, a.d. 640. By Samuel Shabpe.
With 2 Maps arid upwards of 400 Illus-
trative Woodcuts. Sixth and Cheaper
Edition. 2 vols.

Southey's Life of Helson. With
Additional Notes. Illustrated with 64
Engravings.

Starling's (Miss) Noble Deed® of
Women; or, Examples of Female Courage,
Fortitude, and Virtue. Fourteen XUustra-
Hons.

Stuart and Bevett's Antiquities of

Athens, and other Monuments of Greece.
Illustrated in ?l Steel Plates, end sses-
mtrous Woodcuts.

25A CATALOGUE OF

Tales of the Genii; or, the Delightful
Lessons of Horam. Nura&rom Woodcut^
md 8 Steel Engravings, after 8Mhmr&.

fasso's Jerusalem Delivered, Trans*

l&ted Into English Spenserian Verse, with
a Life of the Author. By J. K. Wxfs'ss.
Eight Engravings m MM, Wid 24 on
Wood, by Thurston.

Walker's Manly Exercises. Con-
taining Skating, Riding, Driving. Hunting,
Shooting, Sailing, Rowing, Swimming, kc,
New Edition, revised by " Gbavbn/'
Forty-fam Steel Plates, -.mmer&m
Woodcuts.

Walton's Complete Angler, Edited
by Edwabb Jessb, Esq. Upwards of
203 Engrowmgs.

...............; or, with 26 adMihml page

Mlmtr&tiom m Steel, Is. 6&

Walton's Lives of Donne, Hooker, &c»

By A. H. Bullen. Nine Steel Plates and
numerous Woodcuts.

Wellington, Life of. . From the ma-
terials of Maxwell. Eighteen Engravings.
Westropp's Handbook of Archaeology
New Edition, revised. Numerous Illus-
trations. Is. 6<2.

White's Hatural History of flel-

borne. With Notes by Sir William Jab-
mne and Edwabd Jesse, Esq, JUmtmied
&I? 40 Engravings,

. s or, .with iks plates mburm*
u. 6&

Toung, fh®, Lady's look. A Ma-
nual of Elegant Recreations, Arts, Sciences,
snd Accomplishments. Tmlvi Hundred
Woodcut Xlh&str&tioviss md somral En*
graving^ on Steel, Is. M.
--j oxrcloih gilt, tjiU $dgm$ 9s.

classical library.

95 Vols, at 6s. each, malting thm marked ntMrwim,

^schylus translated into English
Verse by A. Swanwick.

--, Literally Translated into

English Prose by an Oxonian, B§. 0<I.

Appendix to, Containing
the Headings given m Hermann's poathu-
mous Edition of i&Dschylug. >By Q-kqb&b
Bubgbs, M.A* 3s. @d.

Ammianus Marcellinus. History of

Rome from Gonstantiug to Valens. Trans-
lated by G, D, Yongk . R.A. Dble. voI.,?s. 6<i.

Antoninus, fhe Thoughts of the

Emperor Marcus Aurelius. Translated by
Qxso. Long, M.A. 3s. 6&

Apuleius, the @olden Ass j Death of
Socrates; Florida; and Discourse on Magic.
To which is added a Metrical Version of
Cupid and Psyche; and! Mrs. Tigha'g
Psyche,. WrantispUM*

Aristophanes' Comedies. Literally
Translated, with Notea and Extracts from
Frere's and other Metrical Versions, fey
W. J. Hiokes. 2 vols.

Vol. 1. Acharnians, Knights, ©lomdf5s
Wasps, Peace, and Birds.

Vol. 2. Lysistrata, Thesmophori&zuKa.
Frogs, Ecclesiazusae, and Plutus.

Aristotle's Ethics, Literally Trans-
lated by Archdeacon BeownBj, late Classical
Professor of King's College,

-- Politics and Economies*

Translated by E. Walford, M.A.

——- Metaphysics. Literally Trans-
lated, with Notes, Analysis, Examination
Questions, and Index, by the Rev. Jong
H. M'Mahoh, M.A., and Gold Medallist in
Metaphysics, T.G.D.

26

Aristotle's History of Animals. InTea
Books. Translated, with Notes and lades:,
by Richard Oessswell, M.A.

~™ Organon; or, Logical frea»
tiaes. With Notes, &c, By 0. F0 Owzn,M.A.
3 toIs., 3«. 0<3. each.

. Ehetoric and Poetics, Lite-
rally Translated, with Examination Ques-
tions and Notes, by an Oxonian.

JLthenseus* The Deipnosophists; or,
the Banquet of the Learned, Translated
by G. D. Yokgb, B.A, 3 vols.

Csesar, Completes with the Alexan-
drian, African, and Spanish Wars. Lite-
rally Translated, with Notes,

Catullus, Tibullus, and the Vigil of
Venus. A Literal Prose Translation. To
which are added Metrical Versions by
Lamb, Q-rainqer, and others. Fren>tin°
piem.

Cicero's Orations, Literally Trans-
lated by C. D. Tongs, B.A, In 4 vols.

Vol. 1. Contains the Orations against
Verres, &c. Portrait.

YoL 2. Catiline, Archiaa, Agrarian
Law, Eablrius, Murena, Syila, &c.

Vol. 3. Orations for his House, Planting,
Sextius, Ocellus, Milo, Ligarius, fto.

VoL 4. Miscellaneous Orations, sand
Rhetorical Works; with General In-
dex to the four volumes.

©n the Nature of the ®o&g,
Divination, Fate. Laws, a Republic, &c.
Translated by 4 D. Yomfy B.A., and
F, Baishah,BOHN'S VARIOUS LIBRARIES.

Cicero's Academics, Be Finibus, and

Tuscul&n Questions. By G. D. Yonge,
B.A. With Sketch of the Greek Philo-
sopher.

—— OMces, Old Ag@, Friendship,

Scipio'a Dream, Paradoxes, &c. Litera%
Translated, by R. Edmonds. 8#. 6d.

--on Oratory and Orators, By

J. S. Watson, M.A.

Demosthenes' Orations. Translated,
with Notes, by 6. Rank Kenned, la g
volumes.

Vol. 1. The Olynthiae, Philippic, and

other Public Orations, 3s. 6d.
Vol. 2. On the Crown and on the Em-
bassy.

Vol. 3. Against Lepifnea, Midlag, An-

drotrion, and Aristocretes.
Vol. 4. Private and other Orations.
YoL 6. Miscellaneous Orations.
Dictionary of Latin Quotations. In-
cluding Proverbs, Maxims, Mottoes, Law
Terms, and Phrases; and a Collection o;
above 600 Greek Quotations. With all the
quantities marked, & English Translation!,
——with Indes Yerborum. 6s,

Index Yerborum only. Is.

Diogenes Laertins. Lives and Opin-
ions of the Ancient Philosophers. Trans*
lated, with Notes, by G. D. Yongb.
Bpictetus, Discourses, with Encliei-
ridion and Fragments. Translated with
Notes, by Geobge Long, M.A.
Euripides. Literally Translated. 2 vols,
Vol. 1. Hecuba, Orestes, Medea, Hippo*
lytus, Alcestis, Bacchss, Heraclid8&»
Iphigenla in Aulide, and Iphigenia in
Tauris.

Vol. 2. Hercules Farens, Troades, Ios(
Andromache, Suppliants,

Electra, Cyclops, RheBUS.

©reek Anthology. Literally Trans*
lated. With Metrical Versions by various;
Authors.

Bomances of Heliodorus,
Longos, and Achilles Tatius.

Herodotus. A New and Literal
Translation, by Henby Caky, M.A., e£
Worcester College, Oxford.

Mesiod, Callimachus, and Theognii.
Literally Translated, with Notes, by J*
Banks, M.A.

Homer's Iliad. Literally Translated
——- Odyssey, Hymns, &c. Lite-
rally Translated.

Horace. Literally Translated, by
Smabt. Carefully revised by m Oxonian.
3«. 6(3.

Justin, Cornelius Hepos, and Euta*

plus. Literally Translated, with Note
and Index, by J. S. Watson. M.A,

Juvenal, Persius, gulpicia, and
cilius. By L. Evans, M.A. With fee
Metrical version by GiSord. Froniispim
Livjo A new and Literal Translation,
By Dr. Spillan and others. In 4 vols,
Yol. 1. Contains Books 1—8*
Vol. 2. Books &~26.

Yol. 3. Books 27—36.

Y©1. 4. Books 37 to the end | and Indss^
Ltican's Pharsalia. Translated, with

Notes, by H. T. Eilbi,

Lucretius. Literally Translated, with
Notes, by the Rev. J. S. Watson, M.A,
And the Metrical Version by J. M. Good.
Martial's Epigrams, complete. Lite-
rally Translated, Each accompanied
©ne or more Verse Translations selected
from the Works of English Poets,
other sources, With a copious Index.
Double volume (660 pages), la, 6ci
©vid?s Works, complete Literally
Translated. 3 vols.

Vol. I. Fasti, Tristia, Epistles, .fto.
Vol. 2. Metamorphoses.

Yol, a Heroides, Art of Love,
Phalaris, Bentley's Dissertation on,
5s.

Pindar. Literally Translated, by Daw-
son W. Tubneb, and the Metrical Yersioa
by Abbaham Mooes.

Plato's Works, Translated by the
Bev. H. Caey and others. In 8 vols.
Vol. 1. The Apology of Socrates, Crito,
Phsado, Gorgias, Protagoras, Phsedrus,
Thesetetus, Euthyphron. Lysis.
Vol. 2. The Republic, Timaaus, &Critia@,
Vol, 3. Meno, Euthydemos, Ths So-
phist, Statesman, Cratylus, Parme=
nides, and the Banquet,
Vol. 4. Philebus, Ch&rmides, Laches,
The Two Aldbiadea, and Ten other
Dialogues,

Vol. 5. The Laws.

Vol. 6. The Doubtful Works. With
General Indes=

Dialogues, Analysis and Indes
to. With References to the Trans iation
in Bohn's Classical Library. By Dr. Day,
Plautus's Comedies Literally Trans*
lated, with Notes, by H. T. Kilei* B.A.
In 2 vols.

Pliny's Natural History. Translated,
with Copious Notes, by the late Jonsf
Bostook, M.D., F.R.S., and H, T, Riliy,
B,A„ in 6 volg0
Pliny the Younger, The Letters of.
Melmoth's Translation revised. By the
Rev. F. C. T. Bosanquet, M.A.
Plutarch's Morals. By C. W. King,
M.A.

Propertius." Literally Translated and
accompanied by Poemcal Yeraionsr, ixoffl
various sources.

27A CATALOGUE OF

dtdntilian's Institutes of Oratory.
Literally Translated, with Notes, &c.s b$
J. S. Watsok, M.A. In 2 vols.

S&llnst, Morns, and Yelleing Pater-

otilua. With Copious Notes, Biographical
Notices, and Index, by J. S* Wassqn,

lophoeles* The Oxford Translation
revised.

Standard Library Atlas ofdlassieal

Geography. Twenty-two large coloured
Maps according to the latest authorities.
With a complete Index (accentuated},
giving the latitude and longitude of every
place named in the Maps. Imp.Bvo. Is. 64,

itrabo'g Geography. Translated,
with Copious Notes, by W, Falooneb,
M.A., and H. C. Hamilton, Esq. With
Index, giving the Ancient and Modern
Names. In 3 vols*,

la©tonms' Lives of the fwelv#

Gajssra, and other Works. Thomson's
Translation, revised, with Notes. by T.
fobestbb.

Tacitus. Literally Translated, with
Notes. In 2 vols.

Vol, 1. The Annalg.

¥4)1. 2. The History, Gtermaala, A§rl°
cola, &c. With Index.

Tersnc© and Phsedrus. By H. T

Riley,'B. A,

Theocritus, lion, HosclraB, a&d

Tyrtseus. By J. Banks, M.A. With ths
Metrical Versions of Chapman.
Thucydjdes. Literally Translated by
Rev. M. Dal®, In 'A vols, 3s. M, each.
Yirgil. Literally Translated by David «
sost Edition, earefUHy imvisea, 8s. M,
Henophon's Works. An 3 Vote.

Vol, 1. The Anabasis and Memorabilia.
Translated, with Notes, by J. S. Was-
eok, M.A. And a Geographical Com*
mentary, by W. F. Ainsworth, F.S.A.,
F.R.G.S., kc.

f ol, 2. Oyropsedis and iMlenics. By
J. S. WA7sons M.A,, and the Kev. H.
dal,®,

Vol. 3. The Minor Works,s By J, §.
Watson, M.A.

SCIENTIFIC LIBRARY.

57 Vols, at 5s. each meeting thorn ma/fk$& otherwise

Agassis and Mould's Comparative

Physiology. Enlarged by Br, Wm&m
Upwards of 400 Engravings.

BoHey's Manual of Technical An&ly*
gli. A Guide for the Testing of Natural
and Artificial Substances. By B. H. Paul.
1.00 Wood Engravings.

1BXB8EWATEB TREATISES,—

—	Bell on the Hand. Its Mecha-
nism and Vital Endowments as evincing
Design. Seventh Edition Revised.

Kirby on the History, HaMti,
and Instincts of Animals. Edited, with
Notes, by T. Rymeb Jones. Numerm&
Engravings, immy of which W6 additional.
la 2 vols.

«=— Kidd on the Adaptation ©I

External Nature to the Physical Condition
of Man. 3s. 6£.

—	WhewelFs Astronomy and

General Physics, considered with refer-
once to Natural Theology. U. 6d.

—- Chalmers on the Adaptation

of External Nature to the Moral and In*
tellectual Constitution of Man.

— Front's Treatise on Chemis-
try, Meteorology, and Digestion. Edited
t>y Dr. J. W. Griffith.

28

BRIDGEWATER TREATISES—eont,

—	Buckland'i ©eology and
Mineralogy. 2 vole. 16s.

Eoget'i Animal and ¥©g®»
table Physiology, lWm&mttd. In 2 vols.
8& each.

Browne (A. J. Jukes). Handbook of

Geology. Numerous Illustrations. 6s.

v Carpenter's (Br. W. ®.) Zoology. A

Systematic View of the Structure, Habits,
Instincts, and Uses, of the principal Fami-
lies of the Animal Kingdom, and of the
chief forma of Fossil Remains. Revised
by W. S. Dallas, F.L.S. Illustrated with
many hundred Wood Engravings. In
2 vols. 6s. each.

Mechanical Philosophy, As-
tronomy, and Horology, A Popular Ex-
position. 181 Mustiratiom.

—— Vegetable Physiology and

Systematic Botany. A complete Intro-
duction to the Knowledge of Hants.
Revised, under arrangement with the
Author, by E. Lankesteb, M.D., &c.
Swer&l hundred Illustrations on WoodL 08.

—	Animal Physiology. In part
re-written by the Author. Upward® of
S00 capital ttlwtratiom. U.EDEN'S VAB10VB LIBRARIES.

Ohavreul on Colour. Containing the

Principles of Harmony and Contract of
Colours, and their application to the Arte.
Translated from the French by Chables
Maktel. Only complete Edition. Several
Plates, Or, with an additional series of
16 Plates in Colours Is. 6&

Innemoser'g History of Magi®,
Translated by William Hownw. With
an Appendix of the most remarkable and
best authenticated Stories of Apparitions
Dreams, Table-Turning, and Spfcrjt-K&p-
ping, &o. In 2 vols,

Hogg's (Jabes) Elements of Isperi-

mental and Natural Philosophy. Con-
taining Mechanics, Pneumatics, Hydro
statics, Hydraulics, Acoustics, Optics,
Caloric, Electricity, Yoltaism, and Mag
netism, New Edition, enlarged, Up-
ward# of 400 Woodcuts,

Hind's Introduction to Astronomy,

With a Vocabulary, containing an Expla-
nation of all the Terms in present us©.
New Edition, enlarged, Nwmtqim En-
gravings. 3S. 64.

Humboldt's Cosmos; or, Sketch of a

Physical Description of the Universe,
Translated by E. C. Orri and W. is
Dallas, F.L.S. Fine Portrait. In five
vols. 3s. 6& each; excepting Vol, Y.,

%* In this edition the notes are placed
beneath the text, Humboldt's analytical
Summaries and the passages hitherto sup-
pressed are included, and new and com-
prehensive Indices are added.

Travels in America* In 8

vols.

—i Views of Mature; or, Con-
templations of the Sublime Phenomena of
Creation. Translated by E. G. Ottj and
H. G. Bohn. With, a complete Index,

Hunt*® (Eobert) Poetry of Helens®;

or, Studies of the Physical Phenomena of
Nature. By Professor Hma New Edi-
tion, enlarged.

Joyce's Scientific Bialogu@g. By
Dr. Griffith, Numerous Woodcuts„

... Introduction t© th® Arts ani
Sciences, Witfe Examination Questions,
3s. Qd.

Knight's (Okas.) Knowledge is Fowef«
A Popular Manual of Political Economy.

Lectures on Fainting, By the Ro; al

Academicians. With Introductory Essay,
and Notes by R, Wobnum, Esq,
Portraits

Lilly's Introduction to Astrology,
With numerous Emendations, by
Zadkxisl,

tfantelTg (Br.) Geological Excuse

gions through the Isle of Wight and Dor-
setshire. New Edition, by T. Ru^jses
Jones, Esq. Numerous beautifully &ts>
suted Woodcuts, &n,d a Geological Map,

Medals of Creation;

or, First Lessons in Geology and the Studf
©f Organic Remains; including Geological
Excursions. New Edition, revised. Co-
loured Plates, omd several hundred beau*
Mfui Woodcuts. In 2 vols., Is. 6d. each.

—— Petrifactions and th@k
Teachings. An Illustrated Handbook tc
the Organic Remains In the British Mu-
seum, Numerous Engravings. Si;

—■ Wonders of Geology; or, a

Familiar Exposition of Geological Phe-
nomena. New Edition, augmented by T.
Eupekt Jones, F.G.S. Coloured Geological
Map of England, Plates, and nearly 20Q
Imuttful Woodcuts. In 2 vols., 7s. 6d. eack

Morphy's 0ames of Chess, Being
the Matches and best Games played
the American Champion, with Explana-
tory and Analytical Notes, by J. Ujwm*
ihal. Portrait and Memoir.

It contains by far the largest collection
of games played by Mr. Morphy extant ia
any form, and has received his endorse-
ment and co-operation.

ichouw's Earth, Plants, and Man; and
KobelTs Sketches from the Mineral King-
dom. Translated by A. Henfkey, FJR.S.
Coloured Map of the Geography of PlcmU.

Smith's (Pye) Geology and Scrip-
tare j or, The Relation between the Holy
Scriptures and Geological Science.

Stanley's Classified Synopsis of the
Principal; Painters of the D&tda and Fle-
mish Schools.

Staunton's Chess-players Handbook.
Numerous Diagrams,

— Chess Praxig. A Supplement
to the Chess-player's Handbook. Con-
taining all the most important modern
improvements in the Openings, illustrated
by actual Games; a revised Code of Chess
Laws; and a Selection of Mr. Morphy?s
®ames in England and France. Si.

— Chess-player's Companies,

Somprising a new Treatise on Odds, Col-
lection of Match Game®, and a Selection
sf Original Problems.

29A CATALOGUE OF

Staunton's Chess tournament of
1815. Numerous IttmtratioM.

StocMiardtfs Principles of Chemistry,

exemplified in a series of simple experi-
ments. Based upon the German work of
Professor Stookhabdt, and Edited by C.
W. Heaton, Professor of Chemistry at
Charing. Cross Hospital, Upwards of 2^0

lira's (Br. 4.) Ootton Manufeeta®
of Great Britain, systematically Investi-
gated; with an introdmctory view of Sis
comparative state in Foreign Countries.
New Edition, revised by P. L. Simmonds.
Om hundred <m& fifty Muzfoaiiom, In
§ vols.

Philosophy of Mantifastures \
or, An Exposition of the Factory Syatsss
•of Great Britain. Continued % P» Ju„
SUMMON!®, Is. Mo

ECONOMICS AND FINANCE.

$ilbart's History, Principles, and Practice of Banking. New Edition.
Revised to the Present Date by A. S. Michie, of the Royal Bank of Scotland, with
Portrait of Gilbart, 2 vols. 10s.

27 Vols, at

Bohn's Dictionary of Poetical Quota-
tions* 6s.

Buchanan's Dictionary of Science

and Technical Terms. 6s. "

Blair's Chronological Tables, He-

vised and Enlarged. Comprehending the
' Chronology and History of the World,
from the earliest times. By J.Willoughby
Rosse. Double Volume; 10s.; or, half-
bound, 10s. 6d.

Clark's (Hugh) Introduction to

Heraldry. With nearly 1000 Illustrations.
18th Edition. Revised and enlarged by
J. R. Planche, Rouge Croix. 5s. Or,
with all the Illustrations coloured, 15s.

Chronicles of the Tombs. A Collec-
tion of Remarkable Epitaphs. By T. J.
Peitigkew, F.R.S., F.S.A. 5s.
Handbook of Domestic Medicine.

Popularly arranged. By Dr. Henry
Davies. 700 pages. With complete
Index. 5s.

-Games. By various Amateurs

and Professors. Edited by H. G. Bohn.
Illustrated by numerous Diagrams. 5s.

-Proverbs. Comprising all

Ray's English Proverbs, with additions;
his foreign Proverbs; and an Alphabetical
Index. 5s.

Humphrey's Coin Collector's Manual.

A popular Introduction to the Study of
Coins. Highly finished Engravings. In
2 vols. 10s.

30

S LIBRARY.

irious prices.

Index of Dates. Comprehending
the principal Facts in the Chronology and
History of the World, from the earliest
time, alphabetically arranged. By J. W.
Rosse. Double volume, 10s.; or, half-
bound, 10s 6d.

Lowndes' Bibliographer's Manual of

English Literature. New Edition, en-
larged, by H. G. Bohn. Parts I. to X.
(A to Z.) 3s. 6d. each. Part XI. (the Ap-
pendix Volume). 5s. Or the 11 parts in
4 vols., half morocco, 21. 2s.

Polyglot of Foreign Proverbs. With

English Translations, and a General In-
dex, bringing the whole into parallels.
By H. G. Bohn. 5s.

Political Cyclopedia. In [i vols.

3s. 6d. each.

Smith's (Archdeacon) Complete Col-
lection of Synonyms and Antonyms. 5s.

The Epigrammatists. Selections

from the Epigrammatic Literature of
all Times. With Notes, and Introduction.
By Rev. H. P. Dodd, M.A. Enlarged
Edition. 6s. .

"Wheeler's (W. A., M.A.) Dictionary

of Noted Names of Fictitious Persons and
Places. 5s.

Wright's (T.) Dictionary of Obsolete

and Provincial English. In 2 vols. 5s.
each; or half-bound in 1vol., 10s. 6d.KiiirsiiiiKii!



sonars various mbbahes.

novelists' library.

10 Vols, at 3s. Qd., excepting those marked otherwise.

iijittrney's Evelina. With an Intro-
pili; duction and Notes by A. R. Ellis.

j.umey's Cecilia. Edited by A. R.
1 ! | Ellis. 2 vols.

Is' lanzoni (Alessandro) The Betrothed

! ' (I promessi Sposi). The only complete
j;$;j English Translation. With numerous
; Woodcuts. 5s.

g'Jncle Tom's Cabin. With Introduc-
tory Remarks by the Rev. J. Sherman.
; ' Printed in a large clear type. Illusira-
fp| tions. 3s. 6(2.

I	ARTISTS'

Tom Jones; the History of a Found-
ling. By Henry Fiflding. Roscoe's
Edition, revised. With Illustrations by
George Cruiksharik. In 2 vols. Is.

Joseph Andrews. By Henry Field-
ing. Roscoe's Edition, revised. With
Illustrations by George Cruikshank. In
1 vol. 3s. 6d.

Amelia. By Henry Fielding.

Roscoe's Edition, revised. With Cruik-
shank's Illustrations. 5s.

Grosse's Marco Viseonti. Translated
from the Italian by A. F. D.

library.

5 Vols, at various prices.



IlLeonardo da Vinci's Treatise on

If Painting. Numerous Plates. New Edition,
II; revised, 5s.

j§Planche's History of British Cos-

fi tume. Third Edition. With numerous
§ Woodcuts. 5s.

iDemmin's (A.) Illustrated History of

|\ Arms and Armour from the Earliest Period.

1 With nearly 2,000 Illustrations. Is. Gd.

|	bohn's cheap

Boswell's Life of Johnson and John-

j soniana. Including his Tour to the He-
ll brides, Tour in Wales, &c. Edited by the
||[ Rt. Hon. J. W. Choker. Upwards of
50 Engravings. In 5 vols., cloth, 20s.



j!;!! Carpenter's (Dr. W. B.) Physiology

!£;; of Temperance and Total Abstinence, is.

Jjjtfranklin's (Benjamin) Genuine Au-

^ tobiography. From the Original Manu-
al script. By Jared Sparks. Is.

;;|Iawthorne's (Nathaniel) Twice Told

;i|i Tales. First and Second Series. 2 vols.
. in one, Is. 6d. Snow Image and other
j;; Tales, is. Scarlet Letter, is. House
'If with the Seven Gables. A Ro-
mance. is.

lazlitt's Table Talk. Parts 1, 2,
,j\. and 3. is. each. Plain Speaker,
ill Parts l, 2 and 3. is. each. Lectures
ill on the English Comic Writers, is.

Lectures on the English Poets, is.
( ; Lectures on the Literature of the
.I ?'Age of Elizabeth, is. Lectures on
the Characters _ of Shakespeare's
|| Plays, is.

Elaxman's Lectures on Sculpture.

Numerous Illustrations. 6s.

The Anatomy and Philosophy of

Expression as connected with the Fine
Arts. By Sir Charles Bell, K.H.
Seventh Edition, revised. With numerous
Woodcuts and 20 Plates. 5s.

SERIES.

Emerson's Twenty Essays. Is., cloth
is. 6c?. English Characteristics, is.
Orations and Lectures, is. Repre-
sentative Men. Complete. Is.: cloth
is. Qd.

Irving's (Washington) Life of Mo-
hammed. Portrait, is. Successors
of Mohammed, is. Life of Gold-
smith. is. Sketch Book. is.; cloth,
i«. Tales of a Traveller, is. Tour
on the Prairies, is. Conquests of
Granada and Spain. 2 vols. is. each.
Life of Columbus. 2 vols. is. each.
Companions of Columbus, is. Ad-
ventures of Captain Bonneville.
15. Knickerbocker's Mew York. is.
Tales of the Alhambra. is- Con-
quest of Florida, is. Abbotsford
and Hewstead, is. Salmagundi,
is. Bracebridge Hall. is. Astoria,
if. Wolfert's Boost, and other
Tales, is.

Lamb's (Charles) Essays of Elia. Is.
Last Essays of Elia. is. Eliana,
with Biographical Sketch, is.

Marryat's Pirate and Three Cutters.
is.

31

>"...... i

LJ

301121

0529763This book is a preservation facsimile produced for
the University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign.
It is made in compliance with copyright law
and produced on acid-free archival

60# book weight paper
which meets the requirements of
ANSI/NISO Z39.48-1992 (permanence of paper).

Preservation facsimile printing and binding
by

Northern Micrographics
Brookhaven Bindery
La Crosse, Wisconsin
2014