UC-NRLF B M 033 EML ■ Mu iw mm ii Herodotus Book FI S.!>Stiitr!JS>i!£ Pitt Press Series HERODOTOS VI ERATO CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS WAREHOUSE, C. F. CLAY, Manager. Hotttron: FETTER LANE, E.C <^Ia3goto: 50, WELLINGTON STREET. llfipMg: F. A. BROCKHAUS. i^tto gork: G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS. ISontbag anto GTalculta: MACMILLAN AND CO., Ltd. [/'/// /\iji^/i/s rcwrrca.] Herod, yj. CambriJj^e Universil THE IONIAN CITIES AND THE ISLANDS OF THE AEQE/ HERODOTOS VI ERATO EDITED BY E. S. SHUCKBURGH, Litt.D. CAMBRIDGE AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS 1908 First Edition 1889. Reprinted 1891, 1896, 1908. A 3 PREFACE. THIS Edition of the Sixth Book of Herodotos has been drawn up at the request of the Syndics of the University Press on the same Hnes as those of the Eighth and Ninth Books already pubHshed. All information which I thought the reader would require as to persons and places mentioned has been put together in the Historical and Geographical Index. The Index to the explanatory Notes has been formed with the special design of enabling the reader to find easily all examples of exceptional usage, either in regard to words or construction, which occur in the book, as well as those which are noteworthy without being exceptional or irregular. The Introduction contains a sketch of the previous history down to the point at which the Sixth Book begins; and an attempt to separate the various subjects treated of in the Book itself and to assign them to their right place in the general plan of the work of Herodotos. The text has been carefully revised by the vi PREFACE. help of the conspectus of ms. readings given by Stein in his earher critical edition, and a few of the more important variations are appended to the Introduction. The books consulted have been many ; but as before my chief obligations are to Bahr, Rawlinson, Stein and Abicht. Cambridge, January^ i< TABLE OF CONTENTS. PAGE PREFACE V INTRODUCTION ix TEXT I NOTES ■ .... 85 HISTORICAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX . . . . 197 INDEX TO THE NOTES 2^6 MAPS : THE IONIAN CITIES AND THE ISLANDS OF THE AEGEAN /o /ar^ Title SITE OF THE BATTLE OF MARATHON . . to face p. 1 72 INTRODUCTION, The main object of the History of Herodotos is to picture the struggle of East and West. Among The viain ob- endless digressions this theme is never out ^tory^/ne^odo- of sight. It was necessary to describe the ^''^" growth and character of the nations between whom the struggle was to take place ; the difficulties they had had to encounter; the enemies they had had to subdue; the customs and characters of the ancestors from whom they sprang, and which helped to account for their existing peculiarities. Herodotos was, besides, a traveller and a man of insatiable curiosity, delighting in stories which were either picturesque in themselves, or served to illustrate the character of a nation, or of the individuals who had to play parts in the great drama which he had undertaken to compose ; and of which the decisive incidents were to be enacted at Marathon, Artemisium, Thermopylae, Salamis, Plataea and Mykale. He had no scruple in interrupting the course of his narrative for the sake of a story, however remotely connected with his subject; and we must try therefore to trace the thread of his history through these divergencies, and see how he is always leading to his main point. X INTRODUCTION. Remembering, then, that the object of the previous books had been to bring the combatants face to face before an audience made fully acquainted with their characters and previous history, we may first ascertain at what point in his narrative the Sixth Book opens, and how far it carries us • towards the final catastrophe. In the previous books he has told us of the rise of the Persian Monarchy under Kyros, and how his Progress made in the story in conquest of the Lydiau Monarchy brought previous books. , _, . i a • • the Persians a supremacy over the Asiatic Hellenes. His successor Cambyses was mostly employed in subduing Egypt. But Darius (522 — 485) was the great organiser of the vast empire of which he obtained pos- session. He divided it out into twenty Satrapies, each with a Governor or Satrap, and each paying a fixed tribute to the Royal Exchequer, amounting altogether to a sum equivalent to nearly ;£4,ooo,ooo of our money yearly [3, 90 — 4]. The Satrapy which concerns us principally was the first, including 'the lonians, the Magnesians of Asia, the Aeolians, the Karians, the Milyans, and the Pamphy- lians' [3, 90]. It was this element in the Persian empire which was destined to bring the forces of the East and West into decisive contest. For the lonians, though living in Asia, were Hellenes, and as such had the sympathy, though not it appears the high respect', of their European kinsfolk. And Darius, early in his reign, seems to have turned his attention to the policy of extending his supremacy to the European Hellenes ; and had gone so far as to send commissioners to investigate Greek affairs and rq^ort to him [3, 134 — 6], His attention, however, had been mean- ^ I, 143 ol [xiu vuv d'XXot "\(j}ves koL ol 'Adrjuaioi ^(pvyov to ovfOf-ia oi pov\6/x€voi. "Iwj/ej K(K\rja6aL' dWd, Kul vi'i> ^alvovral fioi ol iroWol avrCcv iiraia-xvveadai tQ ovi'ofj.aTi. Cp. 5, 60, 69. INTRODUCTION, xi while turned to another quarter. The Skythkns had about B.C. 625 invaded Media, and remained Darius in- in the country for nearly 30 years. The tra- ^^^es skythia. dition of this invasion of northern Barbarians over the Caucasus seems to have suggested to Darius — anxious for military prestige and incited, it was said, by his wife Atossa — the desirability of subduing these wild tribes and securing his frontiers from any farther incursion. His plan was to cross the Bosporus into Thrace near Byzantium and advance to the Danube ; thence to march through the land to the Caucasus, and then to pass back to his own country. But the dangers were great and unknown, and it was important for him to have the bridge of boats con- structed over the Danube safely guarded, that he might keep a way of retreat open in case of need. The tyrants of the various Greek cities, Ionian and others', who depended for their position at home on the support of the Persian Court, and had accompanied him on his expedition, were left in charge of the bridge, with orders to wait sixty days, and then break it up and retire. The sixty days The Greek ty- passed. No news of Darius reached the Greeks j^^^^J^ ^^^ % who were guarding the bridge. Still they ^'^'"■'*^'' waited without breaking it up ; when suddenly a band of Skythian horsemen appeared on the north bank, and an- nounced to them that Darius was in full retreat, and that they could easily cut him off, if the Greeks would only break the bridge. The Greek tyrants held anxious consultation. It 1 For a list of them see Herod. 4, 138, but there were probably more than he mentions there. For instance, Koes, though not a tyrannus at the time, received as a reward afterwards the rule of Mytilene for his services at the bridge, and therefore his position as general of the Mytileneans must have been sufiiciently absolute to give him a voice among the other tyranni [5, 11]. xii INTRODUCTION. was a great opportunity of striking a blow at the oppressor of the Asiatic Greeks ; and perhaps of freeing their cities altogether from the yoke of the barbarian. Miltiades, the future hero of Marathon, urged that it should be done. But other counsels prevailed. The tyrants were reminded that if the cities no longer felt the restraint of the Persian Court, their first step would be to expel their absolute rulers and establish democracy. This argument sufficed to deter them from following the advice of Miltiades. They indeed broke a part of the bridge near the north bank, in order to delude the Skythians ; but, as soon as they had departed to intercept Darius, this was easily repaired. And when the king, having baffled the intercepting force, arrived on the Danube with his discomfited army\ the boats were swung round into their place again, and he crossed in safety [4, 141]. It is necessary to note this expedition [circ. B.C. 513 — 9^], because the action of these Greek tyrants, and the division of opinion on what it was right to do, which was doubtless immediately communicated to Darius, increased his desire to extend his supremacy over the European Hellenes^; and 1 His adventures in Skythia are detailed by Herodotos in 4, 98 — • 141. Grote believes them to be 'a great illustrative fiction.' The strong points on the other side are put by Rawlinson, vol. 3, p. 95. Particulars of such a campaign doubtless could not be satisfactorily obtained ; but the great Historian of Greece was perhaps less able to judge of the probabilities of such a history than those who have been personally acquainted with the East and its ways. ^ Grote puts it as early as B.C. 515 : others as late as 508 k.C. The truth is hard to arrive at, and depends much on the interpretation of /Lierd oO 7roXX6j' xP'^'^ov in 5, 28. * When Darius returned to Sardis, he left Megabazos with 60,000 men to conquer the Greek towns in Thrace. This he easily did, and was then ordered to enter Makedonia, when he transported the Paeonians to Phrygia, and received earth and water from king Amyntas [5, i— 10]. INTRODUCTION. xiii also led in an unexpected way to the Ionian revolt, which finally brought him into direct collision with Greece. The Sixth Book of Herodotos opens with the account of the suppression of the Ionian revolt [cc. i — 40]. The sixth We must therefore try to learn something about ^°°^' the lonians and see who they were, how they came to be subjected to Darius, and why they revolted. ' Now the lonians of Asia, who meet at the Panionium, have built cities in a region where the air and _ The lonians. chmate are the most beautiful in the whole world : for no other region is equally blessed with Ionia, either above it or below it, or east or west of it\' Thus Herodotos speaks of a country which he knew well, and near which he was himself born. The traveller Pausanias also speaks of the unrivalled climate of Ionia and the splendour of its temples ^ But in spite of these advantages, ' Ionia,' we are told, ' was always in a dangerous state, and property was continually changing hands ^' This was caused partly by the inherent defect in Greek politics, the inability to combine for national existence, and the exag- gerated love of local autonomy ; and partly by the fact that the Greeks living in this country were constantly the prey of powerful neighbours. The lonians formed a community of twelve states, which signalized their ties of blood by a yearly meeting at the Panionium, a temple of Poseidon on the promontory of Mykale. This, like the meetings of other Amphiktyonies, was religious and had nothing in common with a political league. Yet, like other Amphiktyonies also, at times of great danger threatening the community, we 1 Herod, i, 142. ^ Pausan. 7, 5, 2. ^ Herod. 6, 86. H. VI. b xiv INTR on UCTION. find the members acting for a time in concert'. But such concert was short-lived and precarious, and liable to dissolve at the first touch of difficulty or hardship. The twelve states which formed this Union were Mtletos, Myus, Priene, all in Karia and using the same dialect: Ephesos, Kolophon, Lebedos, Teos^ Klazomenae, Phokaea in Lydia, and using a dialect differing from the former group : two islands Samos and Chios, and one town in Lydia, Erythrae^ using again a different dialect. The difference in dialect probably arose from the mixture in a different degree with the Karian and Lydian inhabitants when the Ionian settlers arrived. In some cases these people would, be driven out or killed ; in others large numbers would be admitted to live side by side with the new comers. Ephesos and Miletos were the richest and most important of these towns, the latter especially showing its power and populousness by the great number of colonies which it sent out : and Ephesos was so important an element in the Union, that the Panionian festival some time before the time of Thucydides (4, 104) came to be called the Ephesia. Though never powerful, in the ordinary sense of the word, these lonians had been an adventurous, busy, and thriving mercantile people. Their colonists had fringed the coasts of the Propontis and Euxine with Early impor- iance 0/ Asiatic Hellcnic towus j their scamen had made their way to Italy and Spain. To the Asiatic or Island Greeks, Ionian and Aeolian, belong nearly all the great names in literature between the age of literary, ^ ^ Homer, and the outburst of Attic hterature in the 5th century B.C. Thus Kallinos (690), probably Tyr- ^ Thus in 5, loy to KOLvbv tiZv 'Icouuy is spoken of as a political body capable of corporate action. INTR OD UCTION. xv taios (605), Archilochos (670), Simonides of Amorgos (660), Mimnermos (620), Phokylides (540), Xenophanes the poetical philosopher (510), Simonides of Keos (480), Ter- pander (670), Alkaios (611), Anakreon (530), may all be claimed by various sections of this branch of the Hellenes. Their influence and dialect embraced Dorian towns, such as Halicarnassus, the birthplace of Herodotos, and he could compose a history intended for the whole Hellenic world in the Ionic dialect, as the literary language of the day [Cauer Gr. hi scrip, p. 322]. The Asiatic Greeks had also led the way in a political movement which was reproduced in other parts ,. . , ^ ^ political, of Greece. Some time after b.c. 750 monarchy began to give way to oligarchy in the Greek towns of Asia and the Islands; that again to tyrannies; and on the expulsion of the tyrants democracies were established in most of the states. It seemed as though the centre of Hellenic Hfe was to be Asiatic and Insular rather than European. But these prospects were overclouded by the rise of the great Lydian kingdom under Alyattes (625 — 560) and Kroesos (5 60 — 546), who gradually reduced ^, . ^^ ^ ' " <^ •' Their subju- the Greek towns in Asia. The Ionian towns gation by tfie Lydians like the others were made tributary, — the first- fruits of the jealous and separatist poUcy which caused them afterwards to reject the advice of Thales to found on the Panionian assembly a common council and government. The fall of Kroesos before the victorious arms and by the Per- of Kyros in B.C. 546 did not set the Greeks "'""• free. It simply transferred their allegiance to a new master in the person of the Great King, although they offered a feeble and spasmodic resistance for a time. The chief political effect it had upon them, besides probably an extension of tribute, was from the Persian policy, which was to depress democracy and insist upon the governmcnl b2 xvi INTRODUCTION. of a tyrannus dependent for his position on the support of the Satrap. One member of the Ionic body indeed, if it had not , wholly retained its independence, had yet risen Samos under , . . . Poiykrates. 535 to a high pitch of power. Durmg a reign of over twenty years Poiykrates of Samos had collected a larger navy than any other state in the Aegean ; had made an alliance with Amasis of Egypt; had conquered neighbouring islands and towns on the mainland, and had conceived the idea of a Panionian empire. Before Cambyses' invasion of Egypt (B.C. 525) Poiykrates had become detached from his alliance with Amasis and furnished, like other Ionian states, a contingent to the king's army. But his power was a standing menace to the Persian ascendency over the Greeks, and the Satrap Oroetes entrapped him into his dominions, by a feigned offer of vast treasures which would enable him to make himself master of all Greece, and there put him to death (b.c. 522). The disputes as to the succession to the throne of Samos, which followed the death of Poiykrates, resulted in its more complete subjection to the Persian Government, and in the establishment of Syloson, the banished brother of the late tyrant, in the tyranny, which he was content to hold as an acknowledged tributary of the Great King\ The treatment of Samos is instructive as to the line of policy followed by the Persian Court towards Hellenic states, which were allowed their own dissensions and revolutions with the certainty that eventually a leader of one or the other party would appeal to the Persians for help, and give the Satrap an excuse for inter- Grievances ^/ ^^ring. The subjcctiou of Samos in B.C. 521 the states. j^^j^y ^g g^jj ^q havc marked the final sub- mission of Ionia to Persia. The authority of the Great 1 Herodot. 3, 39—47 ; 54—6- INTRODUCTION. xvii King continued to be exercised over it for the next 20 years without any open outbreak. The towns were left with ostensible independence except in two respects; (i) they had to pay their quota of tribute, and (2) in most of them the constitution was placed in abeyance by the usurpation of some tyrannus, nominated or connived at by the Persian Court, and supported by its influence and arms when he had gained power. But these two exceptions really made the ostensible autonomy almost valueless. The tribute might be borne; but the tjTant was a standing grievance, more especially as he was the creature of a foreign Satrap, whose behests he was obliged to obey. The amount of personal inconvenience caused varied no doubt wnth the character of the particular tyrant, and of the Satrap. But at best it was subjection to a power other than that of the law of the state ; and under such subjection the cities were always restive. We must see how a chain of accidental circumstances provoked this smouldering discontent into a blaze. Among the consequences of the Skythian expedition of Darius was the promotion of Histiaios of ^ . ^ _ Origin of the Miletos. When Darius crot safe back to Sardis, Ionian revolt. . B.C. 510—501. he sent for Histiaios and Koes of Mytilene, and bade them name their reward for their services at the bridge over the Danube. Koes asked to be made despot of }vlytilene. Histiaios asked for the grant of Myrkinos with a surrounding territory in the country of the Thrakian Edonians, near the river Strymon. Both requests were granted \^, iil. But before Megabazos left Thrace, he began to suspect the loyalty of Histiaios. He was fortifying Myrkinos, which was in an admirable position, in the midst of an extensive plain, well supplied with timber for ship-building, and rich with silver- xviii INTRODUCTION. mines. Near it, or perhaps on its very site, afterwards rose the town of Amphipolis, which was long an object of contention between Athenians, Spartans, and Makedonians. Informed of this, Darius, ever jealous of his vassals rising to independent power, summoned Histiaios to Sardis, under the complimentary pretext of requiring his advice. Then he requested him to give up both Miletos and Myrkinos to deputy-governors and accompany the court to Susa. Histiaios who at first had been charmed with the com- pliment, soon discovered that he was practically a state prisoner ^ But he was obliged to conceal his chagrin, and submit to the will of the king. Darius returned to Susa about b.c. 506, leaving his half-brother Artaphernes in command at Sardis : and for a few years the Greeks of Asia seem to have been unmolested, and to have enjoyed a brief period of quiet and prosperity^ Seeds of viis- "^^^ there were not wanting indications of chief. Hippias. coming trouble. The Athenian despot Hippias was expelled in b.c. 510, and retiring to Asia, began after a time intriguing with Artaphernes to secure his restoration. To counteract these intrigues the Athenians sent envoys to Sardis; who, however, could get no other answer than a perernptory command, *if they valued their safety to restore Hippias ' [5, 96]. Herodotos affirms that after the expulsion of the Peisistratidae the Athenian power rapidly rose [5, 66] ; the people were in no mood to brook such ^ Herod. 5, i\ — 25. It was a common device of eastern Sovereigns in regard to subjects of whom they had reason to stand in fear. See 3, 132. Xenoph. An. i, 8, 25. 2 Sam. 9, 7; 19, 33. i Kings 2, 7. ' See Herod. 5, 28 and Mr Grote's note at the beginning of c. xxxv. If the Skythian expedition was as early as B.C. 515 this date would have to be pushed back also. But I cannot accept Grote's reading of AterA bk ov voKKhv xp^fou in 5, 28. INTR OD UCTIOI\r. xix dictation, and determined that henceforward they would be at open enmity with the Persians. In these circumstances only an opportunity was needed to make the breaking out of hostilities certain. This was not many years in coming. The island of Naxos was the largest and most powerful of the Cyclades. It had not long before been Naxos. B.C. 502. under the tyrant Lygdamis, the friend of Peisistratos [i, 64] : it had then become oligarchical [5, 30]; and about this time a popular rising had driven out the oligarchs, some of whom took refuge in Miletos. The government of Miletos had been entrusted by Histiaios to his son-in-law Aristagoras. The exiles were guest-friends of Histiaios ; and Aristagoras was willing to undertake their cause, not indeed with his own forces, but by obtaining aid from Artaphernes. The Persian Satrap was induced by the promises of Aristagoras to furnish a fleet of 200 ships under the command of Megabates. Not only was the wealth of the island represented to him as great; but the restoration of rulers in Naxos under Persian influence would be a step towards extending the supremacy over the Cyclades, which as yet were free [5, 30]. But the two commanders Aris- tagoras and Megabates soon quarrelled. And in his anger Megabates gave the Naxians secret information of the purpose for which the fleet was assembled. Hitherto it had been given out that it was bound for the Hellespont; and the idea had been to take the Naxians by surprise. But now, when the fleet arrived at Naxos, every preparation had been made to stand a siege ; and after an ineffectual blockade of four months the Persian fleet retired bafiled to Asia [5, 33—4]. Aristagoras had now to fear Per/UxHy of the vengeance of the Persian Satrap for having ^^^"■s°'^''^- induced him to risk the ships and men of the king on an XX INTR OD UCTION. expedition which had proved a failure. He had also promised to pay the expenses; but he had no means of doing so. In his perplexity and alarm his thoughts turned to the idea of a revolt. While he was revolving this plan, a slave arrived from his father-in-law Histiaios bearing only A messagefrom the message that he was to shave his head and Histiaios. Jqq}^ ^I^^I- ^^,^g Qjj jj.^ Qj^ doing so he found branded upon the scalp the words ' raise Ionia ' ['Iwviap avafnyi(jov\. This message, the result of Histiaios' weariness of his gilded captivity at Susa, chimed in well with the necessities of Aristagoras. He at once held council with his friends, and they were unanimous for the revolt, with the exception of the historian Hekataios : who first urged the impossibility of resisting the king ; and then, when he failed to convince them, urged that they should at least seize the treasures of the temple of Branchidae, which would supply them with means, and which in any case would be pillaged by the Persians. But he was not listened to in either respect. The conspirators were determined on the revolt ; but they feared to shock Greek feeling by rifling a temple. The immediate steps taken were, first, to seize the fleet Firststep. The which had been lately employed at Naxos ; and tyrants deposed. ^^^^^ |^y '^g j^^jp^ ^^ ^^^^^^ ^j^^ tyrants of the several towns, who had been under Persian protection. This done, and the several tyrants being allowed to go away by their subjects, except in the case of Koes at Mytilene who was stoned, democracy was proclaimed all through Ionia, Aristagoras setting the example by ostensibly re- signing his despotic power in Miletos. Each state however chose a strategus to command their forces, who was also apparently a civil magistrate as well. At any rate Aris- tagoras seems under another name to have really retained his power at Miletos. So far the states had not technically INTRODUCTTOM. xxi revolted from Persia or refused tribute. All they had done was to alter their internal constitutions in a way which they knew would be unacceptable to the Persian Court. It was however well understood that they were in Both sides pre- revolt, and both sides made preparations. P<^^'Mwar. Aristagoras went in the autumn of 501 B.C. to Sparta, as the head of Hellas, to apply for help, but was repulsed [5, 50]. He then went to Athens. The Athenians, as we have seen, were in a high state of prosperity, eager to play a con- spicuous part in Hellenic politics, and already incensed with the Persians. Miletos moreover was believed to have special ties of blood and friendship with Athens ; and the political movement in Ionia against tyrannies accorded with the interests of the Athenians, on whom the Persians had endeavoured to force back their own tyrant Hippias. In Athens therefore Aristagoras had a greater success. The people voted that 20 ships under the command of Melanthios should be sent to aid the lonians [5, 96 — 7]. Relying on this and other aids Aristagoras, on his return to Miletos, pushed on the revolt. He began by sendmg word to the Paeonians, whom Darius measures taken 11 1 1 • -i-M • ^ 1 -I by Aristagoras. had settled m Phr^-gia, that tney might return to their native land ; which they managed to do in spite of being pursued by some Persian cavalry [5, 98]. This was an overt act of rebelhon ; and Artaphernes, though he still remained without moving at Sardis, sent for reinforcements from the main encampment of the Cis-Halysian army, and summoned the Phoenikian fleet to sail up the coast. His land forces apparently at once commenced besieging Miletos'; 1 This is the statement of Plutarch de Malipi. Herod, c. 24, which helps to account for what seems strange, that Artaphernes should have taken no measures to stop this invasion : and that Aristagoras did not join it in person. xxii INTRODUCTION. but the Phoenikians did not arrive in time to stop the combined fleet of lonians, Athenians and Eretrians (who sent five ships) saihng to the territory of Ephesos and landing at Koressos. Under the command of Histiaios' brother Charophinos the men marched to Sardis. They easily entered it; and by accident, or the wilful mischief of some soldier, the town, consisting of thatched houses, was burnt. But the inhabitants collected in the agora, and offered so stout a resistance, that the lonians and Athenians retired to Mt Tmolus, bivouacked there for the night, and then proceeded on their return march to Ephesos. Little after all had been done. The affair was not more than a night's raid : and the retreating army was pursued by the Persian forces, which had been summoned to the rescue, and suffered severely. Moreover the citadel of Sardis, on an almost impregnable height, was intact. The Greeks had gained no permanent advantage; and had intensely irritated the Persian king, who on hearing of the burning of the town, solemnly vowed to be avenged on the Athenians and Eretrians \ The result, in short, was to make it a settled purpose of Darius to reduce European Greece to his obedience. The ships sent by Athens in fact were, as Herodotos says, a beginning of the mischief which arose between the Greeks and barbarians [5, 97]. But this failure of the expedition against Sardis did not end the revolt. Miletos still held out. The B.C. 500 — 495. lonians continue Ionian fleet went sailing from place to place, to struggle, but . . . . ? , . » everywhere un- gammg over various cities to their cause. As successfully. , _^ . , - , far north as Byzantium, and as far south as Kypros, state after state broke out into rebellion : so that for five years the Persians were not only engaged in ^ For the story of the vow, and the slave who was to remind him three times at dinner to be avenged on the Athenians, see 5, 105. INTRODUCTION. xxiii besieging Miletos, but had to turn their arms now in this direction and now in that. But the result on the whole was nearly everywhere in favour of the Persians. The lonians had indeed gained an advantage in a sea-fight off Kypros, but they had been weakened by desertion, as had also the land forces in the island, and before a year was out the whole island was reduced again to obedience [5, 112 — 3]. On the mainland things had gone equally badly for the rebels. One Ionian city after another was subdued, as well as five of the Greek colonies on the Hellespont. In Karia, indeed, there was for a time some resistance maintained, the native Karians having made common cause with the lonians. But a fiercely contested battle on the Maeander, in which the Greeks lost 10,000 men, was followed by another at Labranda, in the valley of the Marsyas, in which, though they were reinforced by some Milesians, they were beaten still more decisively [5, 119 — 120]. And though they partially repaired this disaster by cutting off a large Persian force near Pedasos [5, 121], their resistance had no effect in staying the stream of Persian successes in all parts of Asia: and at length Aristagoras, becoming thoroughly alarmed, de- Aristagoras termined to quit Miletos, though it had not '^alld faiu^hi yet fallen, and to take refuge at Myrkinos, his '^'^^' father-in-law's fortified town in Thrace. He committed his power at Miletos to Pythagoras, and sailing to Thrace seized Myrkinos, but soon fell in battle with the native Thrakians [5, 124 — 126]. It is at this point that the Sixth Book of Herodotos opens. Soon after the departure of Aristagoras, Histiaios arrived at Sardis, having persuaded the king to Histiaios re. send him down to repress the revolt ; and -£^f intf^Mi- having promised to win Sardinia, the wealth of ^^^''^' xyiv INTRODUCTION. which was loudly rumoured, to his obedience. Alarmed, however, at discovering that Artaphernes was better informed than his master, he took refuge in Chios, and thence attempted to re-enter Miletos. But the Milesians had lately got rid of Aristagoras much to their satisfaction, and were in no mind to admit their old tyrant; who was con- sequently repulsed in a night-attempt upon the town, and had to retire wounded. He then appealed once more to the Chians for help, and, failing to obtain it, passed to Mytilene ; where obtaining eight triremes he sailed to Byzantium, and supported himself by levying blackmail on the cornships [6, i — 5]. In his absence the Persian officers resolved upon a closer blockade and a more resolute attack on , Miletos, which apparently had been more or less languidly invested throughout all this period. The Ionian cities, which still held out\ now made some attempt at combination. And their deputies Attempted , , combination of havmg resolvcd on concentrating all resistance Ionian towfts. , on their ships, they mustered, 363 in number, off the Island of Lade. For a time the men submitted to the necessary discipline under a general, jointly elected, Dionysios of Phokaea. But this soon proved too much for them ; and they quickly returned to their old habits, each squadron doing as it pleased, and the men spending most of their days and nights on shore [6, 7—8, 11 — 12]. Meanwhile the Persian fleet of 600 sail, consisting of Phoenikian and Kyprian vessels, had mustered for the attack upon Miletos, which was to be supported by a ^ Miletos, Priene, Myiis, Teos, Chios, Erythrae, PlioUaea, Lesbos. 01 ]'4)hesos, Kolophon, Lebedos, Klazomenae, the three first held aloof, the last was occupied by the Persians [6, 8]. INTRODUCTION. xxv vigorous assault by the land troops. But first diplomacy was tried, and the Ionian states were addressed each by the mouth of their several expelled tyrants, with a promise of indemnity if they yielded, and a threat of the last severity if they were obdurate. None gave way except the Samians. The rest resolved to fight, though they had not the sense to submit to the necessary training [6, 9, 13]. The natural result followed. The Samian ships, except II whose captains refused to do so, deserted ^.c^^s-Sattu as soon as the battle began : and the rest, after "f^^^^'- a more or less vigorous resistance, were utterly defeated, and scattered in every direction [6, 14 — 17]. Their power at sea, on which they now ahnost entirely depended, being thus annihilated, the lonians MUetos /alls, had nothing to look for but subjugation and ^■^- ^^94- vengeance. The battle of Lade was followed before many months by the fall of Miletos : and when that was complete the Ionian revolt was at an end [6, 18 — 25]. Histiaios felt himself no longer safe at Byzantium ; and, afcer a series of vain endeavours to secure some place of safety for himself and the remains of his forces, was captured in the teiritory of Atarneus and promptly put to death [6, 26—30]. The spring of the next year was spent by the Persians in securing the complete submission of the . . . B.C. 4q3. islands and cities, especially the cities on the Hellespont and the Pontus. In the course of which they seized the Thrakian Chersonese, Miltiades having aban- doned it in alarm and escaped to Athens [6, 31 — 2,i\. After a digression on the history of the connexion of Miltiades with the Chersonese [6, 34—41], Herodotos goes on to tell us of the reorganization of Ionia attempted by Artaphernes : his establishment of courts of international xxvi INTRODUCTION. arbitration, and his redivision for the purposes of tribute [6, 42]. And now the first step was taken towards exacting that vengeance which Darius meditated against donhs^'^int dmv'n Athcus and Eretria ; which was to lead to to the coast. ^^ dccisivc Struggle of European Hellene and Asiatic barbarian. Artaphernes and the other Persian officers were superseded by Mardonios, sent by the king on a double mission; to endeavour to conciliate the lonians by abolishing their tyrants, and allowing them to enjoy their democratical constitutions; and, secondly, to extend the authority of the Great King round the northern shores of the Aegean, and thence to sail for the punishment of Athens and Eretria. The first part of this commission was fulfilled ; but in attempting the latter part Mardonios lost his fleet in a storm, as he was rounding Mt. Athos, and more than twenty thousand men, while his land forces suffered severely in Thrace, though ultimately successful in forcing the natives to submit [6, 43 — 45]. No farther hostile movement was made by the Persians during that and the next year. One act of B. C. 492 — 1. . . Dariiis demands scvcrity IS rccordcd in regard to the Thasians, earth and water. , . , , , . . , but It only extended to the deprivmg them of ships and fortifications. But Darius was pressing on his preparations for another expedition ; and now took an important step, by which he effectually emphasised any latent differences that might exist among the Greeks. His envoys were instructed to demand earth and water, the signs of submission, from all Greek states. All the islanders and many of the continental cities consented. Sparta and Athens however were conspicuous by their refusal, and went so far as to violate the law of nations by killing the heralds' [6, 48 — 9]. * Ilcrod. 7, 133. Plut. Themisl. 6. INTRODUCTION, xxvii One result of this was that the quarrel between Athens and Aegina, which was of long standing, was embittered by the denunciation of the Aeginetans by the Athenians to the Spartan government foi having given the earth and water ; the consequent seizure of hostages from the Island, and their being entrusted to the Athenians; who refused, on a change of poUcy at Sparta, to restore them, and were consequently involved in a war with Aegina [cc. 49 — 50, 61, 73, 85—93]. In recounting this Herodotos is led into four other digressions : (i) on the origin of the double ^^^^ digres- kingship at Sparta [c. 51—52]: (2) on the "^''""■ functions and honours of the Spartan kings [cc. 56 — 60]: (3) on the quarrel between Kleomenes and Demaratos, and the means taken by the former to depose the latter and establish Leotychides in his stead [cc. 61 — 72] : (4) on the career of Kleomenes and especially his invasion of Argos [cc. 74—84]. These digressions, though they break the thread of the story somewhat to the reader's confusion, all have a bearing on the main purpose of the history : to show, that is, the state of Greece in preparation for the coming struggle. Thus the two digressions on the Spartan kingship are designed to illustrate the character of one of the two great states which were to take the lead in the subsequent re- sistance to Persia, and the difference of spirit in which they respectively undertook their share in that work. The third, on the dissensions of the two kings Kleomenes and Dema- ratos, helps to explain the uncertainty and halting nature which often characterised the policy of Sparta. The fourth, on the career of Kleomenes and his invasion of Argos, has a direct bearing on the attitude of Argos in the Persian xxviii INTRODUCTION. War of 480 — 479, which was rendered anti-hellenic greatly by its antagonism to Sparta ; and it marks also the period at which the old supremacy once possessed by Argos passed finally into the hands of Sparta. The quarrel of Athens and Aegina mentioned above did not lead at present to any event of great interest. But its importance lies in its renewal after Marathon ; and the. consequent effort made by Athens no longer to be so poorly off for ships as to have to borrow from Korinth [c. 89]. This subsequent effort of Athens proved the sal- vation of Greece at Salamis [7, 144] ; and Herodotos is looking forward to that, when he details in this book the earlier stages of the quarrel. Meanwhile Darius had been preparing another expedition Ani^ B.C. 490. ^^ avenge himself on Eretria and Athens. A vast p/u^i^s"'^ "^tate army mustered on the Aleian plain in Kilikia, Eretria. where it was taken on board a fleet of ships brought up from Phoenikia: and under the command of Datis and Artaphernes took the Island course from the coast of Ionia towards Greece. After ravaging Naxos, and touching at Delos, and other islands, the fleet sailed to Karystos on the south of Euboea, and, after subduing its inhabitants, sailed up the coast to the territory of Eretria, where they disembarked their cavalry and infantry; after six days' siege took the town ; and removed such of its inhabitants, as had not escaped to the hill country, to the island of Styra, there to await their final removal to Persia [cc. 95 — 96]. Whilst here they appear to have made some descents upon the coast of Boeotia [c. 118]; but they did not allow anything to interrupt the fulfilment of the next and most important part of their commission, and in a few days put their ships across to the coast of Marathon. INTRODUCTION. xxix And now we come to the event which closes one chapter in the great contest. The battle of Marathon has enjoyed almost a unique renown TJie iftvasion of ^ IDT- mi . 1 • .1 Marathon. m the worlds history. The Athenians, justly proud of their almost unaided defence of the common father-land, looked fondly back upon it as the achievement of unmixed glory ; and the combatants, the fiapaOwvofxdxaL, were regarded as the flower of a generation heroic and valiant beyond the ordinary level of mankind. Even to this day the name has something that stirs the heart and fires the imagination as scarcely any other name does ; and we kindle, more perhaps than their poetical merits deserve, at the Unes of Byron, The mountains look on Marathon — And Marathon looks on the sea ; And musing there an hour alone I dreamed that Greece might still be free ; For standing on the Persians' grave I could not deem myself a slave. Yet, neither in the amount of loss inflicted on the enemy, nor in the finality of its issue, nor indeed in the actual difficulty of the achievement, can it compare with many other battles in the history of the world or of Greece. At the time it was a prevalent opinion that it had settled the question of the extension of the Persian kingdom over Europe. But the clearest-sighted of the officers engaged, Themistokles, differed from the view of the majority, and held that it was but the beginning of the struggle [Plutarch, Themist. 3]. Herodotos, looking back on the whole war, saw that it was but an episode, yet an important one, as giving the European Greeks what they wanted most, — a confidence in themselves, and in their being able to cope with the forces of the Great King [c. 112], II. \i. 5 rtxx INTRODUCTION. The account of the battle itself [cc. io8 — 115], and the circumstances attendinor it, are somewhat The Battle of , . „ . . ,-, f , , Marathon, 15 briefly giveu m Herodotos : and there are Sept. B.C. 490. . . . 1 • • , . , certam pomts m his narrative which appear to require some farther explanation than we can ^ver perhaps hope to give, even by comparing the notices of other ancient writers that have been preserved to us. It will be necessary, however, to compare these accounts, meagre as they are, with that of our author', that we may see what difference of view has long existed on several points. First we may notice that Nepos asserts, probably on the authority of Ephoros, that the Athenian generals were divided on the policy of going to Marathon at all : some of them being for staying at Athens and de- fending it. This may be a mere confusion founded on the story in Herodotos of the division of opinion as to making the attack at once or waiting [c. 109]. But it is not unlikely in itself, and would be consistent with the atdtude of the strategi described by Herodotos. Nepos represents Miltiades as urging the bolder course, as calcu- lated to encourage the citizens and dismay the enemy; Herodotos makes him ground his advice on the fear of a medizing party at Athens. Herodotos does not state the number of the Athenian army : but Nepos says it was 9000, which was increased by 1000 Plataeans. The position oc- cupied by this little army was on the slope of a mountain over which passes the road to Kephisia and Athens, in the precinct of Herakles, the special hero of Marathon, the townsliip close by. Below them was the plain of Marathon, about six miles long, a perfectly flat stretch of treeless land ' Nepos, Miltiades, 4—6 : Plutarch de Malign. Herod, c. 26 ; vit. Aristidis 5: Pansan. i, 15, 3 (the picture in Stoa Poikile); i, 32, 3; 4, ^5» 25 (300,000 slain). Suidas s. v. x'^iO'S 01 iirireis. INTRODUCTION. xxxi along the bay, of a breadth varying from \\ nriiles to about 3 miles. 'Two marshes bound the extremities of the ^ plain: the southern is not very large, and is almost dry *at the conclusion of the great heats; but the northern 'which generally covers considerably more than a square 'mile, offers several parts which are at all seasons im- ' passable ; but however leave a broad firm, sandy beach 'between them and the sea' (Finlay). On this plain the Persian army had been disembarked and were encamped. Herodotos says that they were guided there by Hippias as being the best place in Attica for cavalry [c. 102]; but he says nothing of the landing of the horses, as he did in the case of the disembarcation at Eretria [c. loi]; and, as we shall see, it seems certain that no cavalry Avere engaged in the battle; although it seems highly improbable that they were never disembarked. The hesitation of the Athenian generals to descend into the plain was quite natural so long as the cavalry was there ; and is exactly reproduced by the tactics of the Greek army in 479 B.C., which clung to the slopes of Kithaeron in fear of the Persian cavalry manoeuvr- ing in the valley of the Asopos [9, 19 — 24]. Nor is it credible that Miltiades wished to make the attack at once. What he feared was, I think, that the majority of the generals would decide upon not fighting at Marathon at all, but on retiring to Athens; or that at any rate they would prevent the attack being made at the right moment. He was apparently in communication with some of the lonians in the Persian camp, who were looking out for an opportunity of giving information against the army in which they were compulsorily serving : and he wished to be able to order an advance whenever the right moment arrived. That it was not an immediate attack that he wanted is evident from the fact that, though four of the generals gave c 2 xxxii INTRODUCTION. up to him their days of command ^ he did not attack until his own day came round. There must therefore have been some days' delay, and we can easily reject the account of Nepos, who seems to make the battle take place on the day after the arrival of the Athenians in the precinct of Herakles. When his day of command came, Miltiades found that the proper time for attack had come too ; and this we may account for by combining the story in Suidas of the Ionian signal to Miltiades with the story in Herodotos of the traitorous signal by the flashing shield displayed to the Persians [c. 115]. Probably for some time the Persian commanders were uncertain what the small force which they could see above them was. They would not have felt certain whether they were all Athenians, and whether their presence there meant that Athens was wholly unde- fended and open to their attack. They therefore waited for communication from the party of medizers, whoever they were. At last, whether from information received, or with the intention of being ready directly such information was signalled to them, they began the re-embarcation. Many of them were already on board, and the cavalry wholly so, when the flashing shield gave them notice that it would be safe to sail to Athens^ About the same time the lonians signalled to Miltiades that the cavalry were all on board (xwpts o\ iTTTrets). He could see the movements among the Persians, and knew that they were in all tlie bustle and disorder of an embarcation. He felt that the moment was come. He was separated by nearly a mile of partly sloping ground from the enemy, and it was vitally important to reach them before they could form their ranks. He there- fore gave the word to charge at the double (Spo>a)); an ' riutarch, Aristeid. 5, says all of Ihem : but this is against Ilerbdotos. 2 Herod, c. 115 seems to place the signal afler the battle, or at any rule alter the embarcation. INTRODUCTION. xxxiii unusual movement, and not to be justified, except by the peculiar circumstance that they were charging men who were not in order, and were bent on reaching them before they could become so. Herodotos uses a significant word in describing the charge : he says the Athenians were ' let go' (dTreiOrja-av), as though they had been straining at the leash, as it were, and with difficulty restrained from attacking before : seeing, perhaps, the enemy preparing to embark, and restless at the idea of their escape. But though the Persian embarcation had begun, their superiority in num- bers was still so great, that in order to prevent being out-flanked the Greeks were obliged to extend their line by weakening their centre. Accordingly, though the right and left wing of the Greeks were immediately victorious, the centre was broken by the Persians and Sakae, the best of the barbarian soldiers, and retreated, although Themis- tokles and Aristides were commanding their tribesmen there, and greatly distinguished themselves \ Seeing this, the two victorious wings with admirable prudence, instead of pursuing those whom they had conquered, closed inwards, and made a joint attack upon the Persian centre, which appears to have been making its way back towards the coast. The contest was long and stubborn ; but at length the Persians fled towards their ships, and in their headlong haste drove each other into the marsh on the north ex- tremity of the plain as they tried to reach the beach ; and were butchered by the victorious Athenians as they struggled helplessly in the bogs, or tried to climb into their ships. Then followed an onslaught upon the ships themselves con- ^ Plut. Arist. 5. Their tribes were the Leontis and Arrtiochis. Tlie pursuit of the Persians could hardly have lasted long. It was checked apparently by their finding themselves threatened by the closing in of the Greek wings ; and fearing to be cut off from the coast. xxxiv INTRODUCTION. ceived in the true Homeric spirit. Those who had previously gone on board, and those who now managed to get there, strove to push off the ships; while the Athenians called for fire to burn the vessels, or clung on their sterns to prevent their being pushed off. All however but seven managed to get away ; but we hear of no survivors among those Persians who were intercepted and prevented from getting on board. The slaughter was no doubt large, but as usual it was wildly exaggerated by subsequent writers. The moderate reckoning of Herodotos [6400, c. 117] may safely be accepted as approximately true. The Athenians had lost the Polemarch Kallimachos and one of the Stra- tegi, and 190 men besides. The loss was a light price for so glorious a victory; which, above all things, was almost purely Athenian : for it was not till the next day that the belated Spartans arrived, viewed the dead, and returned full of the Athenian praises [c. 120} It seems certain that the Athenian troops spent the night in their quarters at Marathon. We are told that they hastened back when they saw that the Persian fleet was steering for Sunium. Now the fleet could not have got away until the afternoon of the day of battle. They then had to sail to the small island of Styra, and take on board the Eretrian captives. This must have occupied some hours, and the fleet would not have continued its voyage until daybreak, nor would the Athenians have been able to make out which way it was steering if it did. When we join to this Plutarch's assertion that Miltiades returned to Athens the day after the battle, we shall not have any difficulty in rejecting the notion, in itself highly improbable if not impossible, that the Athenians after a long day's battle marched back 25 miles home, — a good march for fresh troops, that had fought no battle at all. INTRODUCTION. xxxv Next day Aristeides was left with his tribesmen in possession of the field to bury the dead and secure the spoiP. The rest marched back in time to deter the Persians from attempting a landing at Phalerum. The ships rested on their oars for a time : but the sight of the very men who had just inflicted such a defeat upon them was too much for the Persian commanders. Without making any further attempt they turned their prows and made for Asia. The memory of this victory was kept alive by a great festival at Athens. But it was made a more y.^ picture living reality to posterity by a great historical i^ stoa Poikiie. fresco in the Stoa Poikile. Pausanias, who had seen it, has left us a description which may help us to reaUse the scene [i, 15, 3] : 'The last painting (in the Stoa) represents the men 'who fought at Marathon. The Boeotian contingent from 'Plataea and all the Attic army are advancing to charge 'the Barbarians. In this part of the picture there is no 'sign of superiority on either side. But where the battle * itself is represented, the Barbarians are seen flying and ' pushing each other into the marsh. Again, the last painting 'represents the Phoenikian ships, and the Greeks slaying 'those of the Barbarians who are trying to get on board ' of them. At that point the hero Marathon is introduced * into the picture, after whom the plain is called ; and 'Theseus is represented as rising out of the earth, as well *as Athena and Herakles. For the Marathonians them- * selves say that they were the first to regard Herakles as 'a god. Of the combatants the most conspicuous in the * picture are Kallimachos, the Polemarch, and Miltiades- 'of the ten generals, and a hero called Echetlos.' After thus describing the crowning event of this portion * Plutarch Arist. 5. ^ Cheering on his men, Aesch. in CUs. 1S6. xxxvi INTRODUCTION. of his work, Herod otos devotes the remaining part of the book to clearing up certain details. First we Discussion on r i t> the guilt of the have an account of the treatment oi the £.re- Alkmaeonidae. . . • j i . i.u trian prisoners, accompanied by a note on the physical features of the country in which they were settled [c. 119]. Next, after noting the late arrival of the Lake- daemonians at Marathon [c. 120], he proceeds to state the case against the popular belief that the Alkmaeonidae were guilty of raising the treasonable signal of the brazen shield [cc. 121 — 124]. Plutarch in his essay on the ' Malignity of Herodotos ' declares that Herodotos has himself suggested the charge that he might curry favour with the family by refuting it. There are signs in the passage that Herodotos wished, perhaps from personal motives, to speak well of the Alkmaeonidae; but we have no ground for accepting Plutarch's allegation that the beUef did not exist indepen- dently of Herodotos' narrative. This mention of the Alkmaeonidae leads him on to the curious story of the origin of the wealth of the family [c. 125], and the marriage of Megakles with the daughter of Kleisthenes of Sikyon [cc. 126 — 131]; all part appar- ently of the family traditions of the Alkmaeonidae, and inserted partly perhaps to please a patron, and partly from Herodotos' native love of a good story. It is slightly connected with what follows by incidentally tracing the pedigree of Perikles son of Xanthippos, the impeacher of Miltiades. The remaining chapters are devoted to the subsequent career of Miltiades, his trial and death [1-^2 — Miltiades. ^n 1 . , , , • r 136J; which leads again to an account of an earlier achievement of his in taking Lemnos, and a curious account of the connexion of Athens with that island [137 -140J. INTRODUCTION. xxxvii The crime for which Miltiades was impeached and fined was technically deceiving the people /»/ «c>' \ XT r mi The cHfne ajtd \aira.rr] rov brjfxov). Nepos [c. 8J declares that impeachment of the real motive of his condemnation was the jealousy of his commanding position, which possessed the people mindful of the recent tyranny of the Peisistratids. Accordingly a considerable controversy has always existed among Greek historians : some pointing to his fall as a glaring instance of the fickleness and ingratitude of a democracy ; others maintaining that it was a noble instance of impartial justice, and a warning to all ministers of state, that previous services cannot be pleaded in extenuation of disloyalty, and a selfish use of official position for the gratification of personal objects. Judgment in the case has gone very much in accordance with the sympathy felt for, or prejudice against, a particular form of govern- ment. Not to mention Grote's remarks, in whose eyes the Athenian demos can scarcely do wrong. Bishop Thirlwall, the soberest and most impartial of historians, sums it up in the following weighty sentence : ' If the people conceived 'that nothing he had done for them ought to raise him * above the laws, if they even thought that his services 'had been sufficiently rewarded by the station which en- ' abled him to perform them, and the glory he had reaped 'from them, they were not ungrateful or unjust; and if 'Miltiades thought otherwise, he had not learnt to live in ' a free state.' But admirable as this sentence is, it does not refer to one view of the case which I think ought to be put also. The narrative of Herodotos is briefly this : ' Miltiades asked 'for 70 ships, a force of men, and a grant of money, 'without telling the people what country he was going to 'attack, but merely saying that if they would follow him xxxviii INTRODUCTION. * he would enrich them : for he would take them to a land 'whence they would with ease obtain gold without stint. * That he accordingly got what he asked for, and immedi- ' ately sailed to Paros, ostensibly to punish the Parians for ' having taken part in the invasion at Marathon, but really 'to satisfy a private grievance. That having failed to 'take Paros, he returned wounded and without gold to * Athens.' Now granting the essential truth of this statement, if we proceed to enquire closely wherein lay the crime of Miltiades against the Athenian people, it will not be easy to fix it very clearly to any definite act. If it is said that it was besieging Paros at all ; it may be answered that this crime, if it were one, was condoned and even adopted by the Athenian government. For, seeing that the siege lasted 26 days, and that Paros was within two days' sail from Athens, Miltiades might have been recalled at any time. As he was not, can it be doubted that, had he succeeded, nothing would have been heard of any charge ; but that he would have gained still greater reputation for enriching and aggrandising the state ? Thus Pausanias attributes his im- peachment to his failing to take Paros [Ilapov afxapTovTij i, 32, 4]. Again, if we attribute the impeachment to the dishonesty of his motive in attacking Paros, it may well be asked how Herodotos, who was not born till about four years afterwards, could be informed of his secret intentions ? It seems probable from the previous chapters that the historian was intimate with some of the Alkmaeonidae, and would probably have heard their version of the m.atter, for one of them, Xanthippos, was the prosecutor. To take the assertion of an historian, writing many years after the event, as to the thoughts of any man, can never be safe, unless he can bring conclusive evidence to prove his case ; INTRODUCTION. xxxix but when that assertion may with great probabiHty be traced to the political foes of the man in question, it scarcely deserves serious attention. When we consider also that the motive attributed to Miltiades seems exceedingly, not to say absurdly, inadequate; and that though Paros was a prosperous island enough, there was nothing in it which of itself could give Miltiades any chance of fulfiUing his liberal promises to the Athenians, — we may be led I think to take a somewhat different view of the expedition altogether, and to incline to supplement Herodotos by the statement of Ephoros* [fr. 107] who tells us that the attack upon Paros was one of a series of raids upon the Cyclades. This would at once do away with the idea of a simple use of the public resources to wreak a private vengeance on a single island, and would tend to support the assertion (which Nepos probably took from Ephoros) that the ships were granted with the avowed object of punishing those of the islands that had assisted the Persians^ That Mil- tiades may have indulged in grandiloquent promises of the great riches to be obtained is more than probable: but that the people had not clean hands is shewn by their granting him a roving commission, with little or no limit- ation, incited to it solely by the hope of plunder. And it was the consciousness of this, I think, as much as the eloquent pleadings of his friends, that induced them to vote against a capital sentence. That Miltiades was ill advised to spend so much time in trying to take Paros is very Hkely; and that a general returning \vith nothing but failure must look to encounter the wTath of his masters is also certain : but the gravamen against the Athenian government, as such, is not that they punished Miltiades; * Quoted by Stephanos Byz. s. v. Ildpos. ^ Just as Themistokles did after Salamis. xl INTRODUCTION. but that they gave him a commission which no well-ordered government could ever give any minister with honour or safety. The point may be illustrated by comparing the case of Thrasybulos (mentioned in the note on p. 77, 1. 9). The hero of the restored democracy [b.c. 404] occupied a position of high credit at Athens after that event. In B.C. 390 he was despatched with 40 triremes, and a general commission to restore Athenian ascendancy in Asia Minor and the Islands. He interpreted his commission as he chose: went to the Hellespont, and there spent several months in collecting money from the Thrakian cities, and other transactions of the sort. While there an order came out for his recall. But he did not obey at once. He seized Byzantium, got money by letting out the tolls of the cornships, and then coasted along Asia Minor, exacting money from the towns as he went. At Aspendos he was killed, and so escaped the legal consequences of his act. But his subordinate Ergokles was impeached, fined, and condemned to death, though he appears to have escaped the extreme penalty. This open commission to Thrasybulos was of the same nature as that to Miltiades : his abuse of it was also similar. But the Athenian government in the latter case cleared itself from complicity with the wrong doing by recalling Thrasybulos \ If it had done the same in the case of Miltiades, there would have been just ground for regarding Miltiades as a disloyal officer, and the state as entitled to exact a righteous punishment. As it is, there is little reason to regard his conduct in any worse light than that of any other general who pays the penalty of failure. ^ The case forms the subject of a speech of Lysias k(xt 'Ef)yoK\4ovs (?8). See also Xenophon //e//. 4, 8, 25 — 31. Djodor, Sic. 14, 99. NOTES ON THE TEXT. p. 2, 1. 23. pipXCa. See on v, 58. p. 4, 1. 15. Stein conjectures 6'crot AeajSof. p. 4, 1. 25. irdvTwv. Some MSS. have iraaeiov. p. 6, 1. 22. eXa 73- p. 12, 1. 23. "IvvKOv. Cp. p. 13, I. 3, 'Ipukov. Stein reads "IpvKa and "Ipvkos, though the MSS. do not vary in giving the forms of the text. He does it on the authority of Steph. Byz. who says that Herodotos wrote "Ivi^xa as from''lpv^, 'but seems to have been wrong' {^oiK€ 5' eacpaXdai). But is it not as likely that Stephanos' copy of Herodotos was wrong, as that Herodotos should have made the mistake? p. 15, 1. 4. €K TOV 'Arapvcos. Some good MSS. (B^R) have es, which would connect with dia(3aip€L in a more natural order. Abicht defends the order of the text as adopted for the sake of emphasis. It is not however evident why the words require emphasis. xlii NOTES ON THE TEXT. p. 15, 1. 11. dvtjxQn- An excellent emendation of Bredovius for ^X^'?, cp. p. i6, I. i; p. 21, 1. •22. The MSS. however all have rix^fl- p. i5, 1. 25. avToio-t Tois tpoto-t. Bekker here and in p. 17, 1. 4, o^Toicn TOLffi Ilipy€epvea vtto ttjv irpojrrjv eireXOovcyav vvKTa direBpr] 15 eirX ddXaaaav, ^acrCkea Aapelov €^7]7raT7]K(6<:' 09 H. VI. I 2 HPOAOTOY II • *^afiB(o v^€p€, rd Be dixoijSala rd irapd tcov Uepaicov dvTCTre/jLTro/jLeva VI EPATH 3 'IcTTcaiw ecDVTQ) Sovvat. tovtcov Se yevo/jbivojv (pave- pa)V aireKTeive evdavra tto/VXoi)? Ylepaewv 6 ^Apra- (fiipvrjf;, Histiaios after vainly trying to recover Miletos goes to Byzantiu7n. V. YlepX ^aphb<^ pkv St) eL ovre rd Ipd ovre rd IBta e/jLTreirpija-erai,, ovBe " ^Laiorepov e^ovcri ovBev, rj irporepov elxov" el Be 20 " ravra fxev ov iroirjo-ovai, ol Be irdvrco^ Bid fid^rj^; " iXevcrovrai, rdBe crc^i Xeyere i7n]ped^ovre<;, rd irep " (T(pea<; Kare^et, 009 eaacoOevre^ rfj fJid-^^r} i^avBpa- '^ TToBievvraL, Kal &$? acfiewv rovc koI dWoi, lo rjyopevovTO, iv 8e Brj Koi 6 't^coKaiev^; Grparriyo^ Alovvo-lo<; XiywvrdBe' "'EttI ^vpov yap oV/ir;? ex^rai "i]/jllv rd Trpijy/jbara, dvSp6<; "lojveq, rj elvai ekevOepoia-i " rj SovXoLai, Kal TOvroLcn co? Sprjirerrjao' vvv mv Vjjbel^, " rjv /lev ^ovXijaOe Takaiirwpla^ ipBeKeadai, to irapa- 15 " ')^prjijba fjb€i> TTOVO^ vfjLiv earai, olol re Se eaeaOe virep- " ^a\6fJL€vot Toi)? evavTLOV^ elvat eXevOepoi' el Se " IxaXaKir) re Kal dra^irj SLa-^prjo-ea-de, ovBefiLav Vfiewv " e^co eXTTiSa firj ov hwaeiv v/u,ea<; SiKrjv fiaaiXel ttJ? " diroa-TaaLO^i. dXX! e/jLOi re TrelOeade Kal ifiol v/jLea6vyovcrL 69 rrjv ecovrcov ' oaoLcn Be twv ILlcov dBvvaTOL -^o-av at vee<; viro rpco/jbdrcov, ovtol Be C09 eBiooKOVTO, Kara^vyyavovai 7rpd<; tyjv MvKaXTjv. 10 vea<; fiev Brj avrov ravrrj eiroKeikavTe^ KareXiTrov, ol Be ire^fj iKO/ubi^ovro Bed ttj^; i^weipov. iirel Be eaefBakov e? TTjv ^l^(f)€o-ir]v KO/jbL^c/jLevot ol Xto/., vvkt6<; re aTriKaro 69 avrrjv Kol iovrcov rfjcri yvvat^l avroOt OecrpLO^opicov' evOavra Brj or^cjyecrtoi, ovre 7rpoaK7)Ko6Te<; &)9 el^e irepl 15 Twv X.icov, lB6vTe<; re arparov h r-qv ')(^wprjv icr/Se^r)- Kora, irdy')(y a(j)ea^ KaraBo^avre^ elvai KX.a)7ra<; koX levau eirl rd<; yvvalica^, e^e^orjOeov TravBijfjuel kol eKrei- VOV TOV^ XiOL'9. XVII. OvTOt, (leV VVV TOLaVTrjCTL irepceTrtTrrov TV')(r)aL ' 1^lovv(7lo<; Be 6 ^coKaiev'^ eTreire 20 e/jiaOe t^v ^loovcov rd Trpr'jyfiaTa Biecf)dap/jLeva, vea^ eXdov rpeU tcov TroXe/iicov direTfkwe e'? fiev ^ooKatav ovKen, ev elBco^; C09 dvBpaiToBieLTai avv rf} dWrj 'IcovLrj, 6 Be l6e(o<; 0)9 €l')(^€ eirXwe e'9 ^0LViKr}v, yaiikov^ Be evdavra KaraBvcra^^ Kal ')(^pr][xaTa Xa^ciov iroWd 25 eirXcoe i<; XcKeXCrjv, 6p/jLe6fjLevo<; Be evOevrev XrjiaTrj'^ KaT€(7Tr)Kee 'KWtjvccv fih ovBevd<;, aap)(^i]Bovlcou Be Kol Tvp(Tr)VO)l'. Fall of Miletos. XVI 1 1. Ot Be IlipcraL eVe/re ry vav/jLa^iD ivLKCop Toi)9 'lcova<;, rrjv MIXtjtov iroXiopKeovTe^ eK 30 10 HPOAOTOY XVIII 7^9 /cal 6a\aao-r/<; koI V7ropvacrovT€ hpa/jbari. The richer Samians^ disapproving of the action of their leaders, abatidon their comitry and sail to Sicily, and seize the town of Zankle. XXII. Mt\?7T09 fJLeV VVV MlXtJO-LCOV rjplJ/jLCOTO, ^ajjbicov he Tolai ti e\ov(Ji to /xez/ e? tou? Mt/Sov? eV ToJj^ arparrjywv rwv a^eTepcov iroiT^Oev ovhafiw^ 20 rjpeaKe, ihoKee he /lerd rrjv vav/jLa')(^ir}v avrUa jSou- Xevofievoia-i, irplv rj a(f)L e? rrjv 'X^coprjv diriKeaOai top Tvpavvov AldKea, e? diroLKiriv eKirXooeiv fJLTjhe ^ievovTa<; ^r}hoL(Ti re Kal AlaKei hovXeveiv. "Lay kXoIoi ydp 01 diro '£tKeXL7)<; top avrov ')(^p6vov rovrov 7refjL7roi'Te<; e? 25 TT]v ^Icovlrjv dyyeXovf; eTreKaXeovro rov^; "Icoi^a? e? 12 HPOAOTOY XXII K.a\yjv aKTrjv, povKofievoi avroOt ttoXlv KTiaab^lcovoav' Tj Be K.a\7] avTT) diCTrj KaXeofievr] earl fiev %LKe\ct)V, Trpo? Se TvpCTTJVLlJV T€Tpafl/jL€V7J T^9 StK6\lT]<;' TOVTCOV (ov iiTLKaXeo/JLevcov ol '2,d/jLLoc /jLOvvol 'Icovojv icrToXr)- 5 aav, avp Be cr(f)i ^ikrjautiv ol eKTrec^evyore'^, XXIII. 'Ez^ w TOLOvBe Br) tl a-vvrjveLice ^eveaQai' 'Ed/JLtoc yap KOjJLi^ofjLevoi e? ^iKeXlrjv eyivovTO ev Ao/cpolau Tocat ^E7n^€(j)VpioLo-t, Kol TiayickaloL avToL re Koi 6 l3ao-L\ev<; avTWv, Tcp ovvo/jua tjv ^kvOt}^, TrepiKareaTo ttoXcv toov 10 ^LKeXoov e^eXelv j3ovX6[JbevoL, fiaOwv Be ravra 6 'Prjjlov Tvpavvo<; 'Ava^iXeco^i, coare ecov Btd(j>opo<; TOLat ZayKXaioLO-L, cru/A/x/fa? rotcri ^a/JLioLo-L dva- irelOei, d}<; %/3eoz/ elj) l^aXrjv fiev dKrrjv, iir rjv 6itX(oov, edv yaipeiv, rrjv Be TidykXi^v cr^^ett^ eovaav 15 eprjixov dvBpayv. ireiOofievcDV Be rwv Sa/iicov teal ayoi'TCDv rrjv ZdjKXrjv evOavra ol ZayicXaioi w? eiTvOovTo e')(Ofievriv rrjv iroXiv ecovrcov, ejSoi^Oeov avrfj /cat eireKaXeovTO 'iTTTTOKparea rov TeXr)^ rvpavvoV 'qv yap Brj ac irkfi'yjraa-i, e? AeX^oi)? x^P^^ verjvtecov kicarbv Bvo fiovvoL TOVTcov d7r€p6aTr)aav, tov<; Be oktco re kol ivevrjKovra avroov Xoiyu,o9 vTToXa^oov diTrjveLKe' tovto Be ev Ty ttoXl top uvtov tovtov xP^^^v, oXiyo) irpo 15 T^9 vaufjuax^V^y iratal ypdjjLfiaTa BcBaaKOfievoLaL eve- Treae rj aTeyr), coa-Te utt' eKaTov /cal ecKoat TraiBwv eh fjLOVvo^ d7re(j)vye. TavTa fiev rjv €V7reTea)aXr}v TTjv 'laTLaiov \ovaavT(i<; re koI irepLcrTeikavra'^ ev iveretkaTO Oa-^ai oj? avhpo^ fieyakco's ecovrS re Kal Il€pcrr](Ti €vepy6T€co. After wintering at Miletos (b.c. 494 — 493) the Persian fleet reduce Chios^ Lesbos^ and Tenedos. Tlie Persian drag-net. 5 XXXI. Ta pjlv Trepl 'lariatov ovrco ea-^e. 6 Be vavTiKO<; aTpaTO<^ 6 Tiepaewv 'xetfieplcraf; Trepl M^IXtjtov T(p Bevrepw ere'C co? dpeifXcoae, aipeei euTrertco? ra? vrjaov; Ta<; irpof; rfj rjirelpw KeLp.eiaL dvelXe olicKnrjv eirdyeaOai iirl rrjv x^PV^ TOVTOV, 09 dv (T(f)6a<; diriovra^; e/c rov Ipov irpwro^ iirl ^eivia KoKeay. lovre^ Be ol AoXoy/cot rrjv Iprjv oSov 10 Sid ^(OKecov T€ Kol ^otcoToov rjiaav Kai (Tea^ co9 ovhel^ €Kd\€6, eKTpdiTovrai eir 'KOr^vewv. XXXV. 'Ez^ Se T7]ov, rd, fiev dveKadev 15 ott' AlaKOv T6 Kal Alylvrj^; liXTidBrj<^ koX tov<; ^K'^lvOlov^ rpoirw TOLOvTcp coad/jbevo<^, twv Xolttwv irpcoTotaL eiroXefirjae Aa/jLyfraKTjvocaL Kai fiiv ol AafJL-^aKrjvol \o')(^rj(TavTe'^ alpeovai ^(oypir). rjv he 6 ^iCkTidhr}^ J^poLacp tS AvBo) ev yvcofir) yeyov(6<;' jrvOofievo^; (vv 6 Kpol(70evyev, 25 ftera Be reXevra aTrat?, ttjv dpxn^ Te kol Ta xRW^t^ 7 — 2 20 HPOAOTOY XXXVIII 7rapaSov<; ^rrjaayoprj rw Kl/jicjvo^; dBe\(f)€ov iraiol o/jLOfjLTjrplov. Kai ol TeXevrrjaavTL Hepaovrja-LTai Ov- ovat, 0)9 v6fJL0<; olKiaTrj, koI a^wva iTrirLKov re Kai ryvfiVLKov eTnaraai, iv rw Aa/JL-\jraK7]vcov ovSevl iyyl- 5 verat dyayvl^eaOai. iroXefiov he e6vT0<; 7rp6<; Aa/Lt-v/ra- K7}vov<; KOL XTr)(Tay6prjv KareXa^e diroOavelv ciTraiSa, TrXrjyevra rrjv K€(pa\rjv TreXe/cei iv tu> TrpvravTjta) TT/Do? dpBpb<; avTo/juo\ov fiev rco Xoyo), iroXefxiov he Kai iiTToOep/JLorepov rS epyw. XXXIX. TeXeuTTjcrai^ro? 10 8e KoX "^Trjaayopeco rpOTTO) TOiwhe evOavra MiXrtdSea Tov K.i/JLcovo<;, XrTjaayopeo) Be rod Te\euT7]aauT0<^ dBeXcpeov, KaraXafi^lrofievov ra Trpjjy/iara iirl ^epao- vrjyLGTOV dwv/ia ipecD Tolau firj airoheKoiievoiai '^Wr]v(ov Yiepaeoiv Toldi, iirra 'Ordvea r^vcofirjv ajroBe^aadaL, oj? %p6oi/ ei7] Brj/jLOKpareeaOac Uep(Ta<;' rov^; jap Tvpdvuov Trjv 15 ^Kalrjv. B.C. 491. The Thasians deprived of their fleet, and ordered to dismantle their fortifications. XLVI. Aevre/Oft) Se erei' rourcoi/ 6 Aapelo^i irpwra fxev ^aalovaTO, irefi'^af; dyyekov eKeXeve a(j>€a(; to re?;^©? irepiaLpeetv Kal Ta Tft) ^aaiXel KeXevaavn Kal to Tel')(o^ to cr^eTepov KaTeTkov Kal Ta? vea<; Td<; Trdaa^ eKopiLaav 69 "A/Shrjpa. MeTa he tovto direireipciTO 6 Aapelo^; toov *EX,X,?;- vcov, o TL ev v6(p e'^oLev, KOTepa TroXe/jueeLv ecovTot ^ 20 Trapahthovac ac^ea'^ avTovvkd^aL Tr}v yetva/jLevi^v, oKorepov tcov TralBcDV lo TTporepov \ovet koI o-ni^ei' kol rjv fxev Kara ravrd (jyaivrjrai alel irotevcra, rov<; Be irdv e^eiv oaov re koI Bl^rivraL kol eOekovau i^evpelv, rjv Be irXavdrac koI eKeivrj evaXkd^ iroLevcra, BrjXd (Tc eaecrOai, co9 ovBe eKeivT} rrXeov ovBev dlBe, erf dXXrjv re a(f)ea<; rpd- 15 TTeadaL oBov. evOavra Brj toi)? ^iraprir^ra^ Kara rdeov 25 eV rjv dv ^ovXcovTai x^pV^> tovtov he firjheva elvai l^irapTLTiTewv hiaKoyXvTrjv, el he p^rj, avTov ev tw dyel ivex^o-Oar aTpaTevop^evcov he irpcoTov^ levac T01/9 l3a<7LXeai BeBorat,' rjv Ovaii] Ti9 Br}fxoTeXrj^ iroLer^Tai, irpwrov^ errl to Belirvov Tfetr Toi)? ^aaiXea^ koI diro tovtcov irpwrov dp')(^€a6ai, BtTrXrjaLa vefiovraf; eKareptp rd iravra i) rolcri 10 aXXoiac Bairvfjuoveai' Koi airovBap'^ia^ elvai rov- T(ov, KoX Twv TvdevTwv TCD BepfittTa. veo/jLTjvla'; Be dvd Tracra? Kal €l3B6fjLa<; lara/xevov rov fir]v66povTat Be aWo rohe rotcn Tlepcrrjcn' eiredv d'7rodav6vTO<; rov ^aaiXeo^ «\Xo9 ivlarrjrat 5 ^a(TLkev<;, ovro^ 6 icricov ekevOepol o(ttl^ to XTrap- TLtjricov T(p paa-Ckei rj tqj hrjfjLoaLcp w^eCke. iv 8' av Ueparjai 6 KaTtcrTd/jL€vo<; ^aaiXev^ rov Trpoocpet- Xofievov (f)6pov fjieriet rfjai, ttoXlo-c irdarjcTL. and with the Egyptians. LX. '%V}x<^kpovTai Se KoiX raSe kl^vrTTioKJi lo KaKehaiiiovLOL' ol Ktjpv/c€6<; avTTJ'i, ola dvOpcoTrcov re oX^lcou OvyaTepa Kal BvaetBea iovcrav, Trpo? Be Koi opeovaa Tovu> yvvalica XiyeTai iTTicfiavrjvai, iirC' (j)av6iaav Be iireipecrOal fiLV, o tl (pepec iv tj} dyKaXy, Kal TTJv (f)pdaaL, to? iraiBlov (popeef ttjv Be KeXevcrai 20 ol Be^at' TTJv Be ov (pdvai' dTreipfjadat yap ol iK twv yeivapbevcov /jbTjBevl iirtBeiKvvvaL' ttjv Be iravTcof; ecovTrj KeXevecv iiriBe^au' opeovcrav Be ttjv yvvaiKa irepl TToXXov iroLevp.ev-qv IBeaOat, ovrco Br) T-qv Tpo(pov Be^ai TO iraiBiov' ttjv Be KaTayjrcoaav tov 25 iraiBiov Trjv KecpaXrjv elirai, a)<; KaXXiaTevaei iraaecov TWV iv ^TrdpTT) yvvaiKwv. diro iiev Brj TavT7j<; Trj "^^^ A7]/j.dp7]T0V iyeyovee, Tore 8e e/c T^9 KX€op,eveo<; TrpoOvfiirj^ 6 Aevrvx^^V^ KarofivvraL Arj/jLaprjTov, ^a9 avrov ovk lKV€Ofievco<; PacnXeveLV XirapTLTjTecov, ovk eovra iralha 'Aptarcovo^. fierd Be 25 rrjv KaTco/jLocTLTjv iSicoKe dvaaco^cov eKetvo to eVo?, to etTre ^AplaTcov t6t€, ore ol e^ijyyetXe 6 olKeT7)<; iraiBa 3—2 36 HPOAOTOY LXV yeyovei'at, 6 Se avixpaXofxevo'i toi)? iJ,rjva<; dirwfioae, ^«9 ovK ecovTov eivai. tovtov Brj eTTi^are'uwv rov p^/jLaTOop^dv, koI i/ie " elvat eKelvov iralBa. eyco cov ae fxeTep^op-ai tco^ " 6eot}v elirelv TCoXr]6e^' ovTe yap, et irep 7re7T0L7]Ka<; " TL TCOV Xeyofievcov, /jlovvt] Bi^ 7re7roL7]Ka<;, jieTa iroX- 25 " Xecov Be, o re X0709 ttoXXo? iv SirdpTrj, w? AplaTcovL " aTrepfia TraiBoTroiov ovk evr)v' TeKelv yap dv 01 Kat " Ta9 TTpoTepa^ yvvalKu^;!' 38 HPOAOTOV LXIX His mother's explanation. He is the son of tJie Hero Astrabakos^ or of Ariston. LXIX. 'O yulv 8rj Toiavra eXeye, 7) Be dfjuelfBeTO roKTiBe' "'12 iral, eVetTe fie Xirfjai iieTep')(^£aL elirelv Trjv aXrjOelrjv, irav e? ae KaretprjaeraL T(o\r]6e<;. w? fjue TJydy €T0 'Aplarcov e? iwvTov, vv/crl Tpirrj dirb tt]<; tt/jwtt;? '^X6e fjuot (pdafjua elhofxevov ^KpicTTcavi, avvev- vr)6ev Be tov<; dvov<^, elpoora, tL^ CLrj o pbOL Bov0r] e? ZdKVvOov Bia^dvye eK XirdpTrj^ viro BtKaarrjpcov vira^ddehf Kal ra olKia ol KaTecr/ea(; e? yrjp rrjv ^Attiktjv 7rapa6iJK7jv TrapaTidevraL e? Tovvy6vTa^ €K T^9 fid^V^ KaTaytvecov KareKoiTTe Kal avTo to dXaro St] \ifivr)v TavT7)v €9 ')(^aaiJLa d^ave'^ eKBiSovaav dua- ^alvecrdai iv ^Apye'l, ro ivOevrev he to vScop rjSr] TouTo viT 'Kpyelcov '^paalvov KaXieaOai), dirLtcofievof: 5 8' wv 6 KXeofjLev7]<; iirl rov Trora/iov tovtov iaar/i,d- ^ero avTO). Kal ov yap ifcaWiipee ovhafiw'^ Bca^aiveiv pbLV, dyaadai jxev €(p7j rod '^paalvov ov irpohihovrofi Toi)? iroXi^Ta*;, ^Apy€tov<; /livroc ovB' co? ')(aLpr)aei,v. fxerd Be ravra e^ava'^^^coprjo-a^ ttjv crTpaTLrjv KaTrjyaye 10 69 Svperjv, a(f)ayiaad/ji€vo<; Be ttj OaXdacrrj Tavpov TfKoioLai (T(l>ea^ rjyaye 69 re ttjp Tcpvpdlrjv '^^coprjp Kal ^avirXlrjv. He kills a number of Argtves at Tiryns by a ruse; LXXVIl. ^ApyeloL 8' i/SoyjOeov 7rvv6av6/xevoi TavTa iirl dakacraav. w^; Be dy^ov fiev eyivovTO Trj^; 15 Tipvpdo^, X'^PV ^^ ^^ TOVTw tS KeeTai 'Yiaiireia ovvofxa, /xeTaL'XP'Lov ov fiiya aTroXiTrovTe^ l^ovto dvTLOL TolcTL AaKeBaLfiovLOKTL. ivOavTa Brj ol *Apyeloi> TTJV fjuev eK Tov (fiavepov p^d-^W oi)/c icpo^eopTO, dXkd p^rj B6\(p aipe6i(oai. kol yap Brj ar(f>L €9 tovto to 20 Trprjyp^a el^e to XPV^'^VP''0V, to eirUotva expV^^ V IIv6l7] TovToial re Kal M-tXTjaLOiac, \eyov SBe' 'Aw' oTav rj OrjXeia tov dpaeva vLKi]craaa i^eXdar), Kal kvBo<; iv 'Apyecotcrcv dprjTat^ iroWd^ 'Apyelcov d/x^iBpvcfiea^ TOTe OrjceL. 2$ 0)9 TTore Tt9 epeei Kal eirea-crop.evcov dvOpwTTWV' BeLvo^ o(j)L(: TpieXLKTOdf; avroov ^X^^^ '^^ diroiva' diroiva Be eari IleXoTroi/- vrjaioiai Bvo fiveat rerayfievai, Kar civBpa al')(jjLdX(orov 20 eKruvetv. Kara TrevrrJKOvra Bt] wv rojv ^Apyeiwv (W9 €Kd(Trov<; eKKaXevixevo^ 6 K.Xeo/jL€vr)dpevoL pLV hcopohoKrjcravTa ovk eXelv TO "Ap7o?, irapeov evTreTeco? pLiv eXetv. 6 hi (7(fn eXefe, oi/Ve el -yjrevhopevo'; ovt6 el dXrjOea Xe7&)z^, e;^a) aa(f)T]veci)^ elirai, eXe^e S' uiv (^dpevo^, iireLTe h^ TO TOV "Apyov Ipov eIX,e, ho/ceeiv ol e^eXrjXvOevai tov 20 Tou 6eov '^pT]crp,6v, tt/do? wv TavTa ov hiKaiovv ireipdv T17? 7ro\t09, TTpLv ye hrj IpoZai '^p7])<6ya 7rup6<; iKXafi-yfrac, fxadelv Se avTOf; ovrco rrjv drpefceiijv, on oik alpeei, to "Apyo^' el fiev yap etc T7J<; Kecj^aXrjf; rov dyaXfiaT0<; e^e\a/jL\jre, 5 alpeeiv dv Kar uKprj^ rrjv ttoXlv, eK rwv (7Tr]6eo)v 8e \dix'y\ravro ^LyaXeix; dir ^ApKaBlrjf;' ovro^ tou? BovXov<^ dveyvwae eTTiOeadai rocai BeaTTorycn. eK rovrov Be TroXe/Ao? 20 a(f)i 7}i> eTTL 'xpovov av^vov, e? o B)) fi6yiea<; eovra^i ^aariXea^ irapaOeaOau Kal ov BiKaiovv To3 erepa) dvev rod erepov dTToScSovai. ov at to 7rp7]yfjLa,ovTe 20 'fie 7repL(j>epec ovBev elBevai tovtcov tSv vp^eh Xeyere, ' ^ovXopual re dvapLvyadel'^ Troieeiv irdv to BUacoV 'Kal yap el eXajSov, opOoo^ diroBovvai, Kal el ye dp')(rjv 'p^rj eXa^ov, vopoicn Tolat 'KXXrjvcov ')(p7]o-op,ac e? 'vp,ea<^. Tavra wv vpuv dvaffdXXopLat Kupcoaeiv e? 25 'TeTapTov pbrjva dno rovBe.^ Ol puev Brj ^liX^atoc avpL- (j^oprjv iroievpuevoL diraXXdaorovTo co? direcTTeprjpevoL tSv ')^pr]p,dT(i)v, TXavKo<; Be iiropeveTO e? AeX^oi)? '^7ja6pLevo<; tqj ')^r}a-T7jpL(p. iireLpcoTeovTa Be avrov TO ')(^p7]crT7]piov, el opK(p Td ')(^pr)pLaTa Xrjta-rjrac, rj 30 Hvdlrj pLeTep^eTac TOiaiBe Tolai eireau' H. VI. 4 so HPOAOTOY LXXXVI "TXavK ^F^TTiKvSeiBi], TO /xev avriKa KepBiov ovt(o<;, " 'opK(p viKrjaai Koi '^p^f^ara \t]iaGa(j6aL "'6/jLPv\ eVel Odi^arof; 76 Kal evopKov fjuivec dvhpa. '"d)OC "OpKov TTciCf; iarlv dvcuvvfj,orj TO TretprjOTJvai rod Oeov Kal to iroiTJaai Icrov " BvvaaOai. T\avKO<^ fiev Br) fxeTaTre/jLyjrdfievo^; tov<; " MiX7](tIov<; ^elvov^ diroBiBol a(j)i rd '^pijfjLara. rod " Be eiveKev 6 \d709 oBe, w ^ KOr^valoi^ wp/jLrjdy] XeyeaOac "e9 vfJiias, elp7]creTaf TXavKov vvv ovre ri dTToyovou 15 " eari ovBev ovr [(ttIt) ovBefjLia voixL^ofxevrj elvac "TXavKov, eKTeTpLTrrai re irpoppi^o^; eK ^TrdpTT]^. " ovTQ) dyaObv fJLTjBe BiavoeeaOai irepl 7rapaKaTa9r)Kr}<; " dWo ye rj diroBiBovai!^ A.evTv^lhri<; fxev e'cira^; ravra, oj? 01 ovBe ovTco earjKOVOV ol ^AdijvaLOL, diTaWdaaeTO. The Aeginetans retaliate on Athens by seizing the Sacred vessel off Sunium. 20 LXXXVI I. Oi Be AlyLvrjrac, irplv tcov irporepov dBiKyfJudroov Bovvat BiKa^;, rwv e? 'Adrjvaiov; vfipcaav Srj^aioicri ')(^apL^ofjLevoL,e7roi7]aav roiovBe' ixefK^ofievoi, TOLOTL ^K6r)vai0Lai Kal d^tovvT€6/jL€Vo<; fiev rolav AlytvTJTya-L 5 TTporiprjv icovTov e^eXacnv ifc rrj^; vrja-ov, /xadoov Sk Tore Tou? ^ AOrjvaLOVi dvapTrjfjuevov^i epheiv Alyivrjja^ KaKwi i/ea?, ev tovtw 8te(j)6dp7] xa irprjy/JuaTa. ol Be l^opLvOioi, rjaav yap a(f)Lac tovtov tov '^povov (j)i\oi €9 Ta jxaXio-Ta, ^AdrjvaiOLaL BcBovat Beofjuevoiai ecKocTL vea<;, BiBova-t, Be 7revTaBpd'^fjLov v6/jL(p ovk e^fjv Bovvai. TavTa^ re 20 Brj Xa^6vTe<; ol ^AOrjvaloL fcal ra? cr(f>eTepa^, irXrjpco- aavTe^ efiBo/juijKOVTa veai ci/xa NtKoBpofifj) eireKpaTT^aav, koX eTretra a(pea<; ')(eipo)aci- fievot e^TJyov diroXeovre^. diro tovtov Be koX dyo^ lo (7(^i iyevero, to eKOvcraadai ovk oIol re eyivovro iirLfirj'^aveofJLevoL, a\V e(j)6r]aav eKireaovTefi irpoTepov €K Trjv avBp6<; rfj avrfj ravTy ia^oXfj. kgl a(j)L vir 'Apyelcov iiTe^Xrjdri ^7]fiLr}, ^^Xta rdXavra eKTiaac, TrevraKocria eKarepov^. ^lkvcovlol fiiv vvv crvyyvovre'^ dSLKrjaai 5 (jofioXcyrjcrav eKarov rciXavra iKTicravT€<; d^yfjLCOL elvai, Alytvrjrac 8e ovre o-vveyivcoa kovto, rjadv re avOa- hearepoi. hid h) wv acpt ravra Seo/ievoiai dirh /lev Tov hrjixoalov ovh€i<; ^Apyelwv ere ifiorjOee, iOeXovTol he €9 %6\/ou9' riye he avrov^ arparTjyo^ F^vpu/Sdrrji;, 10 irevrdeOXov iira(JKi)(Ta<^. tovtcov ol TrXewe? ovk aTrevocTTriaav ottlctco, dXX' ereXevrrjcrav vir ^AOrjvaLcov ev Alyivr)' avro'^ he 6 aTpaTr)y6<^ Ytvpv^dTr}<; fiovvo- /lax^Tjv eiradaio(i KaTaarpe(j)€a6at Trj<; 'EWaSo? tov<; jjurj h6vTa<; avT(p lyrjv T6 KOL vBcop. M.apS6viov jxev hr) ^Xavpco^ Trprj- 5 ^avra rw aroXw TrapaXvec rrj^ arpan^ylrj^;, aWov; Be aTpaTTjyov^ airoBe^a^ airecTTeXke eTrt re 'Fipirpiav Kol ^KOrjva^, AaTLv re iovra ^rjBov y6vo<; kol ^ApTa(j)6pv€a Tov ^ ApTa(j>€pveo(; iralBa, dBeXcpiBeov ecjVTOV' ivT€t\dfjL€vo<; Be aTreTre/z-Tre e^avBpairoBl- lo a-avraf; *Adtjva<; koX 'Fiperpiav dyayelv e(ovTu> €9 o'^tv rd dvBpdiroBa. The Persian army mtisters on the Ale'ian plain in Kilikia. The fleet takes all on board a7id sails to Naxos, where they burn the temples and town. XCV. 'n? Be OL aTpaT7]€p6/jL6V0L Trpoae/jLt^av rfj Nafco (eVt ravTTjv yap Brj irpwTrjv e'rrel')(^ov aTparevecrOat ol Uipcrai), f^efivij/ievot 5 Twz; iTpoTepov ol ^d^Loi Trpo? rd ovpea oX^ovto (l3€vyovT€<; ovBe vTrefietvav. ol Be Yiepaai dvBpairo- BiadixevoL toi)? Kareka^ov avrwv, iviirprja-av kol rd Ipd Kol rrjv ttoXlv, ravra Be TroLi](TavTe^ eirl Td<; a\\a<; vqcrov^ dvrjyovTO. 10 The Delia ?is fly to Tetios. The Persians anchor at Rhenaea, a?id endeavour to ifiduce the Delians to return. They treat t/ie sacred places with reverence. XCVII. 'Ei^ w Be ovTOi Tavra eirolevv, ol ^rfkLoi eKXiTTOvre^ koI uvtoI rrjv ArjXov ol'^ovto (pevyovre'i e? Trjvov. T^9 Be o-rpaTt,7]<; KaTa7rXo)Ova7]<; 6 Aar^? 7rp07rX(oaa<; ovk ea ra? via<; tt/qo? rrjv AtjXov irpoaop- fiL^eadat, dXXd Treprjv ev rfj ^Vrfvalr), avT0<; Be irvdo- 15 fievo<; iva rjaav ol A'tjXioL, Trefiircov KrjpvKa ijyopeve a(j)L rdBe' ""AvBpe'i Ipol, rl (jyevyovre^ ot')(eade, ovk " iTTiTrjBea Karayvovre^ Kar efiev] iyco yap Kal avTo<^ " cttI TocrovTo ye cj)poveco Kal jjlol eK ^aa-tXeo^ wBe " eirearaXraL, ev rfj x^PV °^ ^^^ ^^^^ iyevovro, ravrrjv 20 " firjBev (TLveaOai, /x^jre avrrjv ttjv x^prjv /ir'jre roi)? " OLKojTopa^ avTrjaiv6 6 Oeo^. iirl yap Aapetov tov 'TfTTacTTreo? Kal 'Bip^eco tov Aapeiov Kal ^Apra^ep^eco TOV Hejofect), TpLwv tovto)v i7r6^fj<; yeveewv eyeveTo lo TrXeo) KaKci tt} ^EXXdBi rj eVt eXKoart aXXa^i y€V€d<; Ta9 7rp6 Aapeiov yevo/jLepa<;, rd fiev diro twv Uepaecov avTTJ yevofJLeva, Ta Se dir avToov twv Kopv(^aiwv irepl Trj^ dp')(ri€Teprjv '^EXXrjve'; KaXeoiev. The Persian fleet touches at Karystos on the South of Euhoea. The Karystians yield. XCIX. Ot he fidp^apoi w? aTrfjpav ck t/;? Ai)Xov, 7rpoaLO-')(^ov tt/do? TdeTepr}v, 'Iva fjurj TrpocTaiTo- Xwvrai. ol Be ^Adrjvalot ravra Ala'^lvrj avfi^ov- XevaavTL ireiOovTai. CI. Kal ovtol /lev Bia^avre'^ e9 ^Hpa^TTov ecrco^ov (7(f)ea<^ avrovevyovTi, 'OXv/JLindSa dveXeaOai Te6pi'inr(o avve^Tj, Kal ravrrjv fiev rrjv vUr^v dveXofxevov jiiv TcovTO e^eveiKaorOai rw S/nofirjrpla) aSeX^eo) MtXrid- Sy. fxerd he ry vareprj ^0\v/x7ndSi, rfjac avrfja-c 5 CTTTTOio-L vtKoov TTapaSiBoL UeicTLarpaTM dvaKrjpv^- OrjvaLy Kal rrjv VLKrjv irapel^ rovrqy Karrfkde eirl ra 6C0VT0V V7r6(T7rovBo<;. Kal jjllv dveXo/ievov rfjai, avrfjai LTTTroKTi dWrjv ^OXv/jLindha KariXa/Se diroOavelv vtto Twv HeiaLo-Tpdrov iralhcov ovKen irepieovTO^ avrov 10 U €1(7 tar par ov KTeivovai he ovrol fitv Kara to irpv- Tavqiov vvkt6<; v7reiaavTe<; dvhpa^. reOaTrrat Be K.Lfia)V irpo rov do-Teo<;, Treprjv rrj^ Bid KolXrjf; KaXeofievr)<; oBov, Karavriov 8' avrov at lttttol rerd- (^arai avrac al rpeU 'OXf^vrtaSa? dveXo/xevac. eiroiT)- 15 crav Be Kal ciXXat XiriroL rjBr) tcovto tovto ^vayopeco AaKcovof;, TrXeco Be tovtcov ovBafxaL 'O fiev Brj TTpeafivTepof; rcov TrauBcov rw 'Kifiwvt ^rrjcra'yoprjf; rjv rrjvLKavra irapd rep irdrpcp M-tXridBrj Tpe(f)6/jLei^o<; ev ry Kepaovijaw, 6 Be vecorepo^; Trap* avTa> J^l/jlcovl ev 20 ^K.6r]vr](TL, Tovvoixa ex^^v dmo rov OLKiareco rrj^ 'Kepcrovyaov MiXridBeo) MiXTidBrj^;. CIV. Ovto^ By ^v Tore 6 MLXTcdBy ""EW7;<7t BovXoavvr) irepiTTeaovaav 7rp6(; dvBpwv ^ap- 25 " ^dpcoV Kal yap vvv ^Kperpid re 7]i'Bpa7r6Btarac Kal " ttoXl Xoyi/JLW 1) 'EXXa? yeyove daOevearepi].'' 'O [xev evil EPATH 6i Sj] cr(f)t ra ivreraXfieva cimj^yeWe, rolai he eahe fxev ^oi-jOeeLV 'AOijvaLOtai, dSvvara Se a(f)t rjv to Trapav- TLKa woLeeiv ravra ov ^ov\o/j,evoLat Xvecv rov vofxov t]v yap Icnap^evov rov fJL7]vo<; elvdrrj, elvdrrj he ovk i^eXevaeadat ecpaaav firj ov TrXijpeo^ i6vT0<; rov 5 kvkXov. Hippias' dream; and his lost tooth. CVII. OvToi [xev vvv rrjv TravcreXTjvov efievov, rolai he /3ap/3dpot 10 elprj/jiepw, tJkop Be Tore €9 Mapaddopa ^OTjOeopre^. The AtJwiian generals are divided in opinion. Some argue against attack^ others with Miltiades wish for an immediate advance. CIX. Toto-t Be ^ AOrjpalwp aTpaT7]yoL(Tt iyipovTO Bi'^a at ypcofiai, twp /juep ovk iooPTwp aufi^dXXetP, 6Xiyov<; yap elpai arparifj rf} IS/hjBcop crufi^aXeip, TQ)P Be Kol 'MiXTLdBeco KeXevoprcop. w? Be Blxa re 15 eyivoPTo koX ipi/ca rj ')(eip(op tcop yprofiecop, epOavra rfP yap epBeKaro^ '\lrr](f)LBo(})6po<; o rw Kvajxw Xa-^wp 'Adrjpaicop iroXefjbapx^eiP, {to iraXaiop yap ^AOrjpalot, ofjioylrTjipop TOP 7roX€fMap')(^op eiroievPTo roccn arpaTTj- yoZ(TL^rjv re rore 7roXe/jLapxo<; YLaXXiixay^o'^ ^ A<^LBpalo<;, 20 7r/)09 TovTOP eXOciop MiXxtaS?;? eXeye rdBe* Speech of Miltiades. " 'Ez^ <7o\ pvp, KaXXt/ia^e, earl i) KaraBovXooaai "^AOT]va<;,y eXevdepa^ iroirjaapTa fiPTj/jLoavpa Xnreadat " €9 TOP diraPTa dpOpwircop /Slop, ola ovBe 'Ap/JL6Bi6<; " T€ Kal 'ApLaToyeLTO)P Xeiirovac. pvp yap Brj, ef ov 25 64 HPOAOTOY CIX ' iyevovTO ^AdrjvatoL, e? kIvBvvov yKovcri fieyLarov. koX ' rjv jjuev ye VTroKvyfrwat rolat ^Ir^hoicTL, hehoKTac to, ' irelaovTat TrapaSeSofievoi 'linTir), i)v he Treptyevrjiai ' avrrj rj TroXt?, oIlt] re earc Trpcorr) rcov 'FiWrjvlScov ttoXlcov yeveadai. /cw? wv 8rj ravra ola re icm ' yeveardai, koX /coo? e? ae toc tovtcov dj^rjKec rajv ' TTprfy/jLcircov to Kvpo^ ^'x^^^j ^^^ ^PX^f^^^ (^pdawv. ' r]fie(ov Twv arparrjywp eovrcov heKa Sl'^a ylvovrac at ' yvoo/JLac, roov /juev KcXevovTcov, rwv he ov crv/jb^dX\eLv. ' rjv fxev vvv fjurj auix^dXco/iev, eXTTOfiat riva ardauv ' IxeydXrjv efiTreaovcrav hiaaeiaeiv rd ^ Kdrjvaiwv (f)po- ' vrjixara ware ixrjhiaai' rjv Se avfijBdXwjJuev irplv rt, ' KoX aaOpov ^ AOrjvaLcop fiere^erepoio-i, eyyeveaOac, ' dewv ra laa vefjbovrcov oloi re elfxev irepiyeveaOai rrj 15 ** av/jL^oXy. ravra (vv irdvra e? (re vvv reivei Kal eK ^ aeo i]pr7]rai' i]v yap av yvco/nT] rfj e/xf) irpoaOf), ean ' roi 7rarpL<^ re eXevOepi] Kal ttoXl^; irpcori] rwv ev rfj ^'YtXXdhi, rjv he rrjv rwv drrocnrevhovrwv r))v av/ju- ' ^oXrjv eXrj, vrrdp^ei rot rwv eyco KareXe^a dyadwv ' rd evavria^ The Polemarch Kallimachos is convinced^ and four of the Strategi surrender their days of command to Miltiadcs. ex. TaOra Xeyoav o ^iXridhif]^ irpoaKrarai rov KaXXl/jLa')(^ov. 7rpo(Ty€VOiJLevrj<; he rod iroXeiMap-^ov TJ79 yv(6/jir}<; ^KeKvpcoro avfjL^dXXeiv. fierd he ol arparrjyol, rwv 1) yvwjMi] e(f)epe avfi^dXXeiv, a5? 25 etcdcrrov avrwv eylvero Trpvravij'uj rfj<; i]/j,epr]<;, MtX- Ttdhr) rrapehlhoaav 6 he he/co/ievo^ ovn K(o avfju/SoXyv eiroteerOi rrplv ye hrj avrov irpvravTjtrj eyevero. CXI! EPAin 65 Miltiades waits until his right day for command co??ies rounds ari then draws out the men for action. CXI. 'fl? Se e? eKelvov TrepirfkOe, ivdavra hr) iraaaovTO wBe 'AOrjvaloL oj? avfjL^a\eoifTe6^o<; dKovaai. The Athenian centre is repulsed; hut their two wings turn the enemy, and then close up ajid efigage and beat the forces that had repulsed their centre^ and follow them with slaughter to their ships. CXI 1 1, yiayop.kvwv Be iv t(S MapaOcoi^t, ')(p6vo^ iylvero ttoXXo?. kuI to fiev fxeaov tov aTpaToireBov lo evLKODV ol ^dp^apoi, ttj Uepaat re avTol koX XdKat iTeTay^CLTO' Kara tovto puev Br) evU(ov ol ^dp^apoi, KoX prj^avTe^ iBlcoKov e? Tr]v fMeaoyacav, to Be Kepa<; eKdrepov ivUayv ^Adrjvalol re Kal UXaraiee?. vcKO)VTe Be TO fxeaov py^aa-L avTOctv avvayayovre'^ tci Kepea d/jbcjiOTepa e/jud'^ovTo Kai evUcdv ^ AOrji'aiot. ^evyovaL Be Tolai Tieparja-i eXirovTo KoiTTOVTe^, e? o €7rl TTJv Oakaaaav aTriKOfievoi irvp Te alTcov Kal eTTeXafifidvovTo twp vevov. Kalliniachos and Stesileos fall Kynegeiros loses his right hand in the struggle at the ships. 20 CXIV. Kal TOVTO jjLev ev tovtw tm itovw 6 TToXefiapxo^ KaXXi/L6a;)^09 Biai^OeipeTai,, dvrjp yevo- /jLevo 69 Tr/v ^Kgltjv, eTrei re eyeveTO ev Mv/coVoi), elBe cyjnv ev TO) virvw. koX r)Tiq jxev tjv tj o"v|ri9, ov XeyeTai, o Be, 0)9 rjjJbepr) Ta^caTa eTreXafiyfre, ^rJTTjatv eiroieeTO 20 t6)v vewv, evpcov Be ev ^oivlaarj vrjl: dyaX/ia 'AttoX- Xwvo^i Ke'^pvaa)/jL€vov eirvvddveTO oKoOev aeavXr}- fievov eh]' irvOofievo^ Be i^ ov rjv Ipov, eirXcoe Trj eoavTOv vtjI' €9 A^Xov. koI dirlKaTo yap Ti]viKavTa ol ArjXtoL OTr/ao) €9 t))v vfjaov, KaTaTlOeTai re 69 to Ipov 25 TO dyaXfia, /cal evTeXXeTac toIq-l ArfKioiai dirayayelv TO dyaXfia 69 AyXiov to ©rj^alcov' to 8' eVrt iirl daXdaay XaX/ct8o9 KaTavTiov. AaTt9 yLtei^ Bij TavTa evTeiXd iievoa(TLa<; IBea^' Kal yap a(T(f>a\Tov Kal dXa<; Kal eXaiov apvaaovrac e^ avrov 15 TpOTTft) TOLwBe' dprXeerac fiev KrjXcoprjiw, dvrl Be yavXov rj/jLLav qxtkov ol TrpocrBeBerac' virorl'^a'^ Be TovT(p dvrXeei Kal eireira ey)(^eei e? Be^afievrjv' e/c Be ravTrj^i e? dXXo Bta^eofjLevov Tpdirerat rpLcpaaia^; oBov'i. Kal rj jjLev d(T(f)aXTO<; Kal ol aXe;/x&) irpoeBlBoaav rrjv irarplBa. ov fxev wv yadv (7(f)€0)v dXXoc BoKificorepoi 25 ep ye WOTjvaloLai, dvBpe<^, ovB' oc pidXXov irerifiearo. ovro) ovBe X0709 alpeec dvaBe)(^6y]vaL gk ye dv rourwu dajrlBa eVt roiovrw Xoyw. dveBix^^ H^^v ydp dairU, 72 HPOAOTOY CXXIV Kol Tovro ovK ecTTL aWo)? elirelv' iyevero yap' 09 fievroi '?]v 6 dvahe^at;, ov/c e;^a) Trpoacorepco elirelv TOVTWV, Origin of the wealth of the Alkmaeonidae. Kroesos take?i at his word. CXXV. Ot Se ^KkKfJLaLcoviZaL rjaav fiev koI Ta 5 dveicadev Xa/jLirpol ev rfjac ^AOijvyai, aTro Be ^AXKjial- (0V0<; Kol avTCepe' eVSi)? Kidcov-a pueyav Kal koXitov ttoXXov KaraXcTro/jLevo^ tov KiOoovofi, Ko06pvov<; toi)? evpiCTKe evpvTdTov fiev eirXovrrjcre rj oIkltj avrrj /leyaXo)?, /cat 6 *A\K/jiaL(ov ovTO<; ovrco Te6pnnTOTporjaa 5 ovofjLaaTOTeprjv f^eveaOai ev toIctl '^EWija-t, rj Trpo- repov rjv. KXeLaOevel yap tm 'ApLarcovvfiou tov 'Mvpcovo'^ TOV 'AvSpeo) yiverai Ovydrrjp, rfj ovvo/xa r)v *AyapLo-T7). ravTTjv rjOeXTjae 'EXX?;z^q)z/ Trdvrcov e^ev- poov TOV dpicTTOv T0VT(p yvvaLKa TTpoGdelvai. '0\v/jL- 10 TTLCOV WV eOVTCOV KoX VLKWV €V aVToliTL TeOpLTTTTW 6 KX6iad6vr)<; KtjpvyiJLa enroujaaTO, o(ttl<^ '^XXrjvcov ewvTov d^Lol KXetaBeveo^ ya/Jb/Spov -yevecrOai, r/Keiv e? e^TjKoaTTJv i^fieprju rj koX irpoTepov e? ^i/cvoova co? KVpooorovTO^ K.X€Ceo<; M.d\r)<;. diro Be UeXovov- VTjaov ^eLBcovof; tov ^Apyetcov Tvpdvvov 7ral<^ Aeo)- KTjBr}^, ^elBcovo^ Be tov tu /neTpa iroirjaavTo^ IleXo- TTOVvrjaiOLaL kol v^plaavro^i /jbeyiara Brj ^EWrjvcov diravTaw, b? e^avaaT7]a'a<; roi)? ^HXelwv djo)vodeTa<^ lo auTo? TOV iv ^OXv/jlttltj dyoova edrjKe, tovtov re Brj 7rat9, /cat ^AfjLLavTo<; AvKovpyou 'ApKd<; e/c Tpaire- ^ovvTOd(TL0<; avTov KXecaOeveo'^, tov Kplvoc eK irdvToav, 6vaap')(r](TaTO. Kal kw<^ ecovTM fxev dpeaTws wp-^eeTo, 6 Be KX€La6ev7]<; opecov oXov to 20 Trprjy/jLa vwcoTTTeve. pueTa Be eTrLa')(U)v 6 'liriroKXeiBri'^ ')(p6vov eKeXevae ol Tcva Tpdire^av eaevetKaiy iaeX- Oova7j<; Be r^? Tpaire^Tj^ TrpcoTa pbev eV avTr]<; cop')^ij- aaTO AaKcovLKa o-'^ij/jbaTta, pueTa Be dXXa 'Arrt/ca, to TpiTov Be TTJv Ke(f)aXrjv epeLcra<^ iirl Trjv Tpdire^av 25 Tolat (TKeXeat i^eipovopLTjae. KXeia6evr)t^? fjLvrjo-rrjpe^^ iyw Ka\ 7rdvTa<; " vfiea^ iiraLvew, kgX iraatv vylv, el olov re elrj, xapi- lo " ^oijuLTjv dv, firjT eva Vfxicov i^aiperov aTTOKpivwv fjujre "toi)? XoiTTov^i aTroSoKi/jbd^cov' dXX' ov yap old re iarc " /jLtrj<; irepL irapOevov /SovXevovra irdcn Kara voov " TToieeiv, TolcTL fiev Vfxewv direXavvofievoiaL rovBe rov " rydfiov rdXavTOV dpyvplou i/cdarq) Bcoperjv BcBcofii 15 " Trjf; d^Lcoaio'i eiveKev t?;v ef e'/xeO yrj/jbat Kal t/;? " ef OLKOV aTroBrj/jLLrj^;, tu> Be ^ AXKfjLa[covo<; MeyaKXii " iyyvot) TralBa rrjv i/jbrjv 'AyaplcTTrjv vofjuoiat rocai "'Adrjvalcov." ^a/ievov Be iyyvdaOac MeyaKXio^ €K€KvpcoTO 6 yd/uLO'i KXeLcrdeveL Kleisthenes the Reformer. 20 CXXX I. ^A/i(j)l fiev KpL(TLo<; rwv jivr^aTrjpwv Toaavra iyevero, koI ovra) ^ AXKfxaidivlBai e/SwaOyaav dva rrjv EiXXdBa' to'utwv Be avvoiKTjcrdvrcov yiverat K.XeLadev7]<: re o Ta9 ) yi'verai MeyaKXii Kal 'l7r'n-0KpdTr]<;, €k Be '\'7T'iTOKpdTeo<; MeyaKXerjf; re dXXo'^ Kal ^ Ayapiari] dXXy, diro r?/? CXXXTTI EPATfl 77 KX€i(j6iv€0<; 'AyapLaT7]<; e')(ovaa to ovvofia, ?'; avvot- K'^aaad re 'B^avdiinrw rco 'ApL(ppovo<; Kal €yKvo<; iovaa elBe o-y^iv iv rw V7rv(p, iSoKee Be Xeovra reKelv Kal fier 6\Li, eV rjv eTTLaTparevaeTat, y^coprjVy oKkd (f)d«?, ^1/ ^jltJ ol Booat, ovK diravacTTrjaeLV ttjv aTpaTcrjv, Trplv rj 25 e^eXj] a^ea<;. ol Be Yidpioi, oaco)? pLev tl BcoaovcrL 78 HPOAOTOY CXXXIII M.tXTioSrj dpyvpiov, ovSe ScevoevpTo, oi 8e, o/cco? SLav\a^ovai rrjv ttoXlv, tovto ifjirj-^avcovTo, aXXa re iTTKJypa^ofievoL, koX rfj fiakKTra ecr/ce eKaarore eiri' \xa^ov Tov reix^o^;, tovto afjLu vv/ctI i^TjeipeTo 5 hiirXiqaLov tov dp^acov. The priestess Timo admits him to the tetiiple of Demeter. He is seized with a panic and in retreatijtg injures his thigh. CXXXIV. 'E? iikv Srj ToaovTO tov \6yov ol 7rdvT€fi ''EW7]ve<; Xijovai,, to ivOevTev he avTol Udptoc yeveadat ooSe Xiyovo-c ^ItXTLaSr) diropeovTi eXOelv 69 X6yov<^ al^^/jidXcoTov yvvaiKa, kovaav fiev lo Uaplrjv yevo<;, ovvofia Si ol elvat Tl/jlovv, elvai Se VTro^aKopov twv 'X^Oovicov Oewv. TavTrjv eXOovcrav €9 6'>^LV MfcXrtaSeft) crv/ilSovXevo-ai,, el irepl ttoXXov iroteeTaL Tldpov eXelv, Ta dv avTr) virodrjTaL, TavTa iroieeLV. fieTa Be ttjv fiep virodecrdai, tov Se diriKo- 15 jJLevov enX tov koXcovov tov irpo Tr;9 7r6Xto<; eovTa to 6pK0<; 6€crfjLO(j)6pov Ai]/jLr)Tpo<; virepdopelv, ov Swdfievov Ta9 Ovpa^ dvoL^ac, virepOopovra Se levat eirl to jieyapov o tl Brj Troirja-ovTa evTO^;, ehe KivrjaovTa tl Twv dKLVTjTCDv e'lTe TL hx) KOTe irpyj^oPTa- 7rpo9 r^crt 20 Ovpyai T6 yeveaOat, koX irpoKaTe (j)pi/C7)Xavp(o<; ex^^ 25 direirXee oiriaw, ovTe ;^p>;/xaTa 'AOijvaioiaL ciywv CXXXVI EPATH 79 ovT€ Ylapop 7rpoaKTJ]aafMevo^, aWa 7ro\iopK7](Ta7]cr€ ev TOicri XoyoicTL Xeycov oS/zcco?' iireLTe <; IBetv TovovaLa)u yvvaiKa'?, ivOevrev he npirda-avre'^ tovtwp woXXd'^ o'l^ovTO diroirXeovre'^, kUl crcfyea^i e? Afj/ivov dya- y6vT€<; TraXXa/ca? el')(^ov. oj? he reKVwv avrav ai yvi'alKe<; vTreirXrjadT^crav, yXwcro-dv re rrjv \K.TTiKrjv 15 KoX TpoTTOu? Toi)? ^ Adrjvaiwv eSiSacTKov tov<; iralha^;. ol he ovre av/i/ilo-yeaOai rolcn eK toov HeXaayihcov yvvaLKCov Tracal rjdeXov, et re tvtttolto tl^ avroov vtt' ixeLvcov Tivo^, i^oi^Oeov re iravre^ koI eTifiwpeov dXXrjXoLau* Kal hrj Kal dp'^eiv re rwv iraihwv ol 20 iralhef; ehuKaievv Kal iroXXbv eTreKpareov. fiadcvre^; he ravTa ol HeXaayol ecovTOC(7i \d70v9 ihlhoaav' Kal cr^i (BovXevo iJLevoL(T L heivov tl ecrehvve, el hrj hiaycpco- cKotev a(f)icn, re jSorjOeetv ol iralhe^i 7rpd<; rwv Kovpi- hceoov yvvaiKwv rov^ iralha^ Kal rovrcov avriKa dp')(eLv 25 7reLpa>aT0,Tl hrj dvhp(£>6evTe<; hrjdev TroirjaovaL. ivdavra eho^e (7(j)t KTeiveiv tov<; Tralha'^ toO? eK toov 'ATTiKecov H. VI. 6 S2 HPOAOTOY CXXXVIII 'yvvaLKoov. iroievat, hrj ravra, irpoaairoWvovaL he acj^ecov kul Ta<; ixr)Tepa€Tepov<; 7ralhd<=; re koX yvvalKa'^ ovre yyj Kapirov €(j)6pe ovre oL BLBovat TravTO^ tov dBcK)]fjLaTo<;. ^ AOtivolol Be ev Ta> TrpvTavijiM kXivijv arpuiaavTer}v<; e^avvarj " €K T?;? vfieTepr]<; €9 ttjv rjixeTepr^u, t6t€ TrapaBcoao- " fjLev." TovTO elirav eirca-Td/jLevoi tovto elvai dBvvarov yeveaOai' t) yap ^Attlk)) Trpo? vorov KeeraL ttoXXov 25 T/J9 A1J/JLV0U. CXL EPATH oivtKas l^avacmjo-as. Though Herodotos says that there was no foundation for ascribing this intention to the king, it would not have appeared altogether improbable to the Chians, remembering the transference of the Paeonians in a body from Europe to Asia [5, 13 — 15], and seeing the good service which the Phoenikian ships did the king. 15. cirwrrciXeie sc. Histiaios. ovBiv ri k.t.X. These words are a comment of the historian, and are not connected by any particle with the previous sentence : compare a similar case in c. 2 1 ovdev 6fji.oius 0: 'AdrjuaToL. 16. cSeijiaTOv 'he was trying to frighten', with the sense of false alarm. Thus in Aristophanes, Ranae 145, Dionysios says in reply to the description of the monsters he will meet in Hades, ixi] jM ^KTr\7)TT€ fiTjo^ deifxaTov ou ydp fj.' dTroTpexJ/eis. CHAPTER IV. 18. [ierd adverbial, p. 39, 1. 14. 81* dyyiKov 7roi€Tj|X6vos 'acting by means of a messenger'. 20. j3i,j3Xia 'a letter', written on paper made from the byblus, which was now common in Ionia, though a kind of parchment made from skins had formerly been used there. See 5, 58. [The MSS. are mostly in favour of /Sf/SXia, Inscriptions of ;St,3Xta.] «S -irpoXcXeo-x-qve-uiie'vwv 'which might imply that they had conversed M'ith him before on the subject of a revolt'. This and the other compound irepiXeaxw^^Tos {i, 135) are peculiar to Herodotos, though 88 NOTES ON iv the simple deponent Xeax'l^^^ojj.ai occurs in other writers. For \^ 31 ^Treipu>VTo.,.Troii€crdai.. Cp. 8, 142. 12. d-Ku(rr6s...yCviTa\. = aTricd^€Tai 'is banished' or 'expelled'. Again a poetical expression, cp. Soph. JJ. 1020. 13. ov -ydp ^'7r£i0€...wo-T€ Sovvai 'for he could not prevail upon them to give him ships', though they had helped him in other ways. 15. iTTiia-i, notice the aorist used of the one successful act, whereas the imperfect in the last sentence expressed his unsuccessful attempt at persuading, ol 8^, the Lesbians. 17. i^6|X€vot 'taking up a position', an odd word to use in reference to a naval squadron. It is common of land forces, see 9, 2, 17, 26; p. 43, 1. "^y- ^ rds tK Tou IIoVTov cKirXwoucras the merchant vessels engaged in the corn trade from the shores of the Black Sea, then, as now, a great wheat-producing district. See 4, 14 — 18, 108 where several semi-Greek •staple towns' for this trade are mentioned, especially Olbia and Gelonus. €Xdp.pavov, imperfect, 'they made a practice of seizing'. VII HERODOTOS. VI. 89 iS. irXi^v r\ oai riouT€i fii] e/xir6piov yii-wi'Tai.. Here the Persian leaders would have said ocooiua/xcu /x?; ov yiyib/neda ' we IX HERODOTOS. VI. 91 fear we shall not be able '. On the other hand the historical mood is also used, as ovk^ti iireTideuTo dedoiK&res /j.7] dTroT/xrjdei-rjaav Xen. An. 3, 4, 29. Goodwin, Af. arid T., § 46. 6. virepPaXeo-eai 'to overcome'; cp. 7, 163. Herodotos also uses it as— *to postpone' 9, 45, *to be dilatory' 9, 51. Kal ovtu 'and in that case ' i.e. if they failed to beat the Greeks at sea. 7. oio£ T€ ' able '. The suffix re is a survival of a use much more common in earlier Greek. ' Its force is that of an undeclined rts ', Monro, Homeric Grammar, § 108, and it survived in certain other connexions, cp. oaov re (9, 23), err' y re (9, 4), are, worrc. pi] ovK lovT€S ' if they were not ', ' unless they were '. firj ov is used ^vith participles depending on negative expressions, cp. p. 61, 1. 5 ; see also 2, no, ovk Civ dUaLou etvai IcxTdvai, iix-rrpoade tuv iKcivov dvadTjjmTuu firj ovk VTrep^aW6/j.evov roicri. ^pyoicri. 7, 8. irpos T6 Aopcfov ' and should also run the risk of some severity at the hands of Darius', re answers to oire in 1. 6. p. 9, 1. 15. 8. Ktv8vvei5cr«(ri XaPeiv. Herodotos constructs KivSweieiv in three ways, (i) with the infinitive, as here : (2) with the dative of the thing risked r^ ^pvxv 7> 209 : 'EXXdSi 8, 60 : {3) with the preposition irepl, cp. 9, 74 Trept eKebrji [UeXoTrovu-Qa-ov] KivdwerieLv. Lastly it is used as = doK€'iv, cp. 4, 105 KLvdvue^ovaL ol di^Opuiroi yorjres elvai. 10. ot VTT 'Apt€vyov Is Mi^Sovs 'were in exile and had taken refuge with the Persians'. For this pregnant meaning of ^eas KaWld ' which shall actually befall them*. 23. e|av8pairo8i€vvTat [App. D. ill. note 2] future passive, though in I, 66 it is active. Cp. p. 9, 1. 23. 25. Is BaKTpa. To send to Baktra was to send to the farthest province of the Empire. CHAPTER X. 6 3. ctYvwjioo-vvT) Sicxpe'ovTo * persisted in an attitude of obstinate defiance '. So rpoiru} diaxpaadai, 7,9; rrj d\r)6r]'tri diaxpdadat, 3, 72 ; 7, 102; d^ovXiy diaxpdadai 7, 210. For dyvojfxojvvri cp. 9, 3. Herodotos seems to regard the action of the lonians as at least ill-advised. 4. nrpoarUvTO 'accept', p. 71, 1. 11. ti]v TTpoZo 155 e^^TrAwcras tCjv (ppevCjv. A metaphor from the course of a ship, Aeschyl. P. V. 902 ^|aj hh dpo/nov (pepo^xai X^aarjs Trve6fj.aTt impyu), as in a like sense the race-course is used, cp. Soph. AJ. 182 dT)vat 'granted them the privilege of having their names inscribed'. irarpoOev 'with the names of their fathers', cp. 8, 90 oi ypa/j.y.aTt,€v"yovcri 'cITect their escape', ts tijv twurwv so. 7j>. xvii HERODOTOS. VI. 97 9. ovToi 8€. The main subject when repeated, or represented by a pronoun followiug a relative sentence, is often introduced by 5^ repeated. Madvig§ 188, Rem. 4. II. V€'as n^v 81). The Stj emphasises the v^as : ' as for their ships, they ran them ashore on Mykale and abandoned them'. avToii i.e. on the nearest shore, without attempting to go elsewhere. 13. KOjj.i|6fi€voi 'in the course of their march'. vvKTos T€...Kal eovTcov. . .0€s eirl TO. (XLTia olxo/J-evovs. Arist. Rayiae iii ':7\^es kirl rov Kip^epov *to carry off Kerberos'. iravSiifiel 'with a levy en masse'. Cp. p. 62, 1. 4. It is the natural word in such cases, whereas iravarpaTi-Q refers to the formal levies of all arms, ^ktcivov 'began slaughtering'. CHAPTER XVII. 21. rd irpTJ-ynara, see p. 7, 1. 28. 8i€<})9ap|jL€va 'ruined', p. 51, 1. 16. 23. dv8pa'iro8c€iTat passive future, see p. 5,1. 23. 24. I0€(i>s «s €tx€ 'exactly as he was', i.e. without waiting to take on board anything from hume. H. VI. 7 98 NOTES ON xvii ■yavXovs trading vessels of a structure peculiar to the Phoenikians. Cp. 3. 136 — 7; 8, 97. It properly means a 'bucket', see p. 69, 1. 17; though the accent differs, 7aOXos and 7auXos. 25. KaraSvo-as 'having disabled' by making them water-logged. See 8, 90; and Thucyd. i, 50, i oi^oplvQioiTa i-v, 'did not return their kind- ness '. 7—^ too NOTES ON XXI ,8. TiPiiSov 'old and young alike', 'from youth upwards*. dircKcCpavTO ' cut their hair ', as a sign of mourning. This was a custom of the Greeks, as well as of the East generally. See 2, 36; 9, 24. 9. irpoo-eGrJKavTO ' assumed ', ' entertained '. The first aorist middle ed-qKaix-qv is not used in Attic. 10. Tc3v...t8|i€v, attraction of relative into case of an antecedent not expressed. G. § 153 note. €|6iv 109; 8, iii. 24. ol diro SiKcXiTis ' who live in Sicily '. In speaking of persons or things at a distance the Greeks could speak of them either as in such and such a place, or from it, according to the point from which they are regarded. Thus 9, 76 to d7r' ea-ireprjs Kepas 'the west wing'. 26. lircKaXeovTo tovs "I«vas 'invited the lonians to come over'. The people of Zankle (Messina), who were colonists from the Ionian Chalkis in Euboea, naturally turned to the men of the same blood, when they wished to strengthen their position in Sicily ; probably as against the incursions of Etruscan mariners and adventurers. 2. SiKcXtov 'of the native Sikels' as opposed to the Zi/ceXturat or 12 Greek inhabitants of Sicily. 3. TTJs I1ik6XCt)s a topographical genitive (partitive), cp. p. 14, 1. 3 : 5. 01 iKire^jevYOTCS, that is, when Miletos was captured, c. tS. CHAPTER XXIII. ■ - 6. €V w ' in course of which transaction '. 9. iroXtv Twv SiKeXwv ' a city of the native Sikels ', see 1. 2. Stein thinks that its name has probably been lost from the text : but it is not needed for the purposes of the narrative. 13. dr] the optative in Ofatio obliqtia. Iir* i^v 2irXcD0v 'which was the object of their voyage'. 14. cdv x,a^p€«-v 'to give up all idea of, lit. 'to say good-l)ye to', cp- 9» 41, 44- I02 NOTES ON XXIII 18. lireKayovTO, p. ii, 1. 26, ' invited to come to their aid '. 19. %-i\ shows that Herodotos is giving, not his own statement of the reason, but the motive of the Zankleans. 21. novvapx.ov. He is called /3a(rt\ei/s in 1. 8, but not T()pavvoi, and he was therefore probably a legal and constitutional sovereign. 26. €lpTip,6vos ' settled ', * agreed upon '. 27, 28. lirfirXwv 'moveable property'. XaPeiv 'that he should receive '. The infinitive is in apposition to f^urdos. 30. €v dvSpairoSwv Xo-ytp 'as slaves', cp. p. 10, 1. 19. d\€ Sijoras 'put into prison and retained them there', cp. p. 7, 1. 8; p. 73, 1. 20. 31. Kopv<|>a£ovs {Kopv(pr] 'top') 'leading men', cf. p. 56, 1. 12; 3, 82, 159. CHAPTER XXIV. 13 4. irapriv Is 'came to', cp. p. i, 1. 3. av^pri 'went up the country ', probably to Susa. 7. •irapaiTTik\^6i, sc. 6 Oeos, ' there are wont to be forewamings '. Cp. 0ei, vi(p€L and other verbs expressing natural processes. K»s ' it seems', nescio quornodo. 9. Kttl Yap ' for in fact '. 10 — 14. TOVTo [Ji€v...TovTo 8^ 'in the first place '...'in the second place', p. 23, 1. 15; p. 38, 1. 14. II. Tiv liroiT] ^^^d though B.xQf\ aybnevos may be defended by such expressions as (pevyoiv iKi> rd ^TrXa Kal irpb tG)v dvpCjp Befxevos els rbv arevuTrbv, Plutarch Sol. 30). 20. alxK-as. Carrying arms had been discontinued in Greece by this time, and was a sign of barbarism. Cp. Thucyd. i, T), 1 irdaa yap i] 'EXXdj ibp€i 8id rds dcppaKTOvs olKrjcrfis Kal ovk dacpaXeU trap' dXXTjXoDS i(p6dovs, Kal ^vvi)Qri rrji' blaiTav fifO' SirXcov (woirjcrai'To, diawep ol ^dp^apoi. XXXVII HERODOTOS. VI. 109 irpoo-tPwo-aTO ' he shouted to them to come to him *. 24. (Aiv ir€i0€aXiiv. See G. § 160. Tw irpuTttVTjto) ' in the court-house ', the place of assembly for the magistrates, whether their title was -rrpirrdveis or not, cp. 7, 197 X-qCtov Kokiovai rb irpvTav^l'ov ol 'A^ato^ 8. Kttl viro0€pnoWpov * and a somewhat bitter one too '. XL HERODOTOS. VI. iii CHAPTER XXXIX. lo. IvQavTtt ' thereupon ', p. 9, 1. 15. 12. TO, irpTJYiiaTa ' the government', cp. p. 9, 1. 21. But it does not appear from Herodotos' narrative that Miltiades was an indepen- dent tyrannus. Rather he seems to hold the government under Athens, without losing his citizenship, and when he returned was indicted for tyraniiis as being subject to Athenian law, c. 104. 15. 8ii9€v, p. T, 1. 7. 16. Iv d'Wa) Xo-yo) ' in another part of my book ', see c. 103. 17. dyji Kar' oI'kovs ' kept within doors', cp. 3, 79; as a sign of grief, cp. Eurip. Hipp. 131 evr^s Itx^iv oiKcov. 18. eiriTijJiecov ' by way of showing respect to '. [This meaning however of e-mTiixav is exceedingly doubtful. And various emendations have been attempted : Irt Ti/xeuv, ^rt irevdewv, ireudeojv (Cobet). In the two passages quoted by Stein for iiriTl/jLLov, in that from Aeschylos S. c. Th. 1024 it may mean ' a penalty ', and in that from Sophokles El. 915 TainTifxia has been altered by most editors to TairiTiJiuL^La. The only other place in which Herodotos uses i-mTifxav is 4, 43 tt]v dpxai^w SiKrjv eiriTLfidv * inflicting the ancient punishment '.] STiXaSi] * as he gave out ', intimating that it was not the real reason. Cp. 4, 135 irpocpdaLos ttj(j5€ 8r)\adr], ws ai>Tbs...iiri6-q(rea6at fi^Wot Toiai 1,K{i6ri(TL. In this compound 8r] = 8r]d€u, cp. 9, il. 21. «s o-vXXvn-qOT^o-oixevoi 'as though with the view of joining in his mourning'. Koivw otoXw, cp. 5, 6^, 91, 22. iv ' keeping 500 mercenary guards ', cp. Thucyd. 7, 48, 5 Kcd VaVTLKOV TTOkil ^TL eVLaVTOV 7]8t] §6(TK0VTaS. CHAPTER XL. 26. vcwo-tI ^kv €Xr|Xv0€€. This must refer to his return after his expulsion by the Skythians; for he had been many years in the Chersonese when this happened ; having been sent there by the Peisistra- tidae, whose power in Athens terminated in B.C. 510. The most probable arrangement of dates seems to be Miltiades comes to the Chersonese B.C. 512 Darius' Skythian Expedition B.C. 508 Miltiades expelled by the Skythae, but restored the same year B. C. 495 Miltiades flies to Athens B.C. 493 112 NOTES ON XL But it seems strange that Herodotos should refer this movement of the Nomad Skythians to the expedition of Darius so many years before. |jt€v...8€ expressing simultaneousness, p. 3, 1. 20, cp. the use of /cat... /.at 9, 67 and re. ../cat 8, 83; 9, 55. 27. KaTeXa[i.pav€, impersonal^ see above, 1. 6. 21 I. dX\a...xa'^'e'n'»T€pa 'other troubles more severe than those in which he was now involved'. For TT/OTyY/xara = troubles, cp. 7, 147 -Kpipf- fiara ^xetj' cTTpaTrjXeovras. Thucyd. 8, 48, 3 irpay/JxiTa ^x^'-'-'^ots 'A^?;- »'o:ots irpocrOefxevov. Arist. F/ui. 652. In the Orators it commonly refers to lawsuits and such troul)lesome business. 2. TpiTU) 2t€i toutwv 'in the third year de/o?'e these', see 1. 8. 3. €p€9icr0€'vT€S 'having been provoked by Darius', i.e. in his Skythian Expedition of B.C. 5o8(?). They seem to have been induced by the first successes of the Ionian revolt to try retaliation. 6. e'(j)6VY€...€s 5 'was in exile from the Chersonese until'. 7. KaTTJ^a^ov, see p. 3, 1. 5. 8. Tore, i.e. at the time Herodotos is now speaking of, in h.c. 495. CHAPTER XLI. 14. TTJo-i VT]vo-£ ' with their ships ', for this dative see p. 6, 1. 27. 15. KaTa(})£\j-y€i 'effects his escape'. 22. dvi^-ya-yov 'took him up country to the King', cp. p. 16, 1. i. XdpiTa fieydX-qv KaTa0TJ£€'poi€v Kai aYoi€v 'pillage', by carrying off property and driving off cattle, Lat. ferre agere. Cp. i, 88 (^iptiv koX ayeiv ra ad: 3, p,g ^cpepe Kal TJye Trctfras: 9, 31 ibpoi. For the tribute imposed on the various K VI. 8 114 NOTES ON XLii Satrapies under Dariir, see 3, 89. The tax according to this statement was calculated on the land, so much a square parasang. How such tax was contributed individually by the people living in this tract was a matter for local authorities to determine. Each' district thus marked out for taxing purposes was called a voix6% (3, 89). The Trpdros vo/x6$ or vofxbs Twn/cos consisted of the lonians, Asiatic Magnesians, Aeolians, Karians, Lykians, Milyans, Pamphylians, paying altogether 400 talents to the royal treasury. The measure of Artaphernes here described does not appear to have affected the amount of this tribute, but to have been an internal arrangement for levying it on an equal scale. 12. ?Ti Kttl Is €|X€ *up to my time'. Herodotos does not apparently mean to the time at which he is writing, but to the time within his personal knowledge. For after the battle of Mykale (b.c. 479) most of the towns and Islands of the Asiatic Greeks were really though not professedly free from the Persians. This freedom was formally secured by the 'Peace of Kimon' B.C. 449 — 8 and lasted till the ' Peace of Antal- kidas' B.C. 387. Yet that this freedom did not extend at once to all Greek towns is shown by the fact that the King was, in B.C. 465, able to assign Magnesia, Myus and Lampsakos to the support of Themistokles, Thucyd. i, 138. Probably the same official rating may have nominally remained, although some of the towns ceased to pay. 13. I| 'ApTa<|)€pv€os : for iK=VTrb cp. p. 11, 1. 20. 14. irpoTcpov, i.e. in the original arrangement of Darius referred to above and described in 3, 89 — 90. TCI ilyjov = us elxou sc. oi (popoi. CHAPTER XLIIL 15. €lpT]vata opposed to ^s vetKos (pepov 1. 2. 16. KaraXeXviitVwv 'having been superseded in their commands'. So 7, 16 KaraXveiu rhv oivtKos ' the son of Phoenix ', and therefore brother of Europa. This legend is part of the tradition which traced much of the civilisation of Europe to Phoenikia. 13. ovpos |X€7a dv€. 509) or drifidaas ^%et 'continues to treat with dishonour' Eurip. A/ecil. 33. 4. vTii = ai)rots, a-^Ca-i^iavTols). For the construction and meaning cp. Horn. (9^/. 22, 73 iirl S' auTip iravres ^x'^M^ • Thucyd. 8, 105 rds irrl acas ix^iv ' they were not however able to decide which of the two they should choose'. The infinitives here and in 1. 26 are negatived by ov according to the rule in indirect discourse, see p. 37, 1. 8. ovs- Thus we find the Oracle consulted in a somewhat similar difhculty in regard to Demaratos c. 66. It is interesting to observe again and again the indications of the Oracle of Delphi being the general referee of all Greece, the one source to which all look for impartial advice and information in all difiQcullies great and small. When the belief in its fairness faded, it quickly fell into dis- repute. I. o Ti \pr[cro>vTai tw Trpr^y^ari 'how they were to manage the 28 affair'. So 8, 20 the direct ovdev xp?;o-d;U€voi rotat eireai ' not being able to make anything of the verses '. 4. 81] ' as I say ', often used in summing up the result of previous sentences. Cp. p. 25, 1. 23. 6. vtroQia-Qai ' suggested an explanation', cp. p. 78, 1. 13. 7. etvai. The verb in the relative sentence in an oratio obliqua may follow the mood of the main verbs, or be in the indicative for its own clause. Here the former consti-uction is adopted. Cp. p. 80, 1. 9. 9. <}>vXa|ai ' to watch and see '. The aorist is used because it is not meant to set a general watch upon the mother ; but only to observe one particular and definite action. Cp. 5, 12 (pvXa^ai on XP'/cerot T(p iinrii} 7} yvvq. 10, II. TJv Kara Tavrd <|)atvT]Tai aUl iroievxa 'if she prove to invariably follow the same course '. II. Tovs Be 'they, on their part'. For 5e in apodosis, cp. p. 15, 1. 22 J p. 31, 1. 27. G. § 227, 2. %iv ' ascertain ', p. 38, 1. 18. 12. irXavarai Kal ckcivt) ' but if she too varies in her practice '. ForirXavdrai, cp. p. 19, 1. 18. 13. €vaXXa| ' first in one order and then in the other '. 14. 15. c-opous, p. 12, 1. II. 25. },. KaL-.-yc 'and even'. 27. €l 8i |it] 'otherwise'. The Greek idiom retains the negative in this phrase, even though the idea requires no negation. Here he means *if he does hinder him', cv tv re reKeibiv ^ovXerai avTidaas ijfuv dirb Xoiybv dfJLVvai. From Xen. jR. L. 15 it seems that the victims were often swine. 6S 'AttoWcovos, sc. Ip6u, 'to take to the temple of Apollo'. For the pregnant use of is see p. i, 1. 3. 14. fi.e'8i|jLvov...AaKa)viKiiv. The Lakonian fie8i.iuivos=i^ Attic, which latter=ii gals. 4 pints English. Therefore the Lakonian me- dimnos= 1 7 gals. 2 pints. The TcrdpTT], or quart, is a fourth part of some measure, but it seems uncertain what its capacity was. We find that the allowance for the king of barley-meal per month is the same as the amount contributed by each citizen to the avaaiTia, i.e. a fi^di/xvos, Plutarch Lycurg. 12. It is reasonable therefore to suppose that the amount of wine was also the same, which Plutarch states at 8 x<5f5, which is two-thirds of an Attic [leTpy^Tris. The Lakonian measures of capacity were therefore probably different, but we have not sufficient information to determine what they were. The following explanation is founded on a comparison of Herodotos and Xenophon, but is offered only as a conjecture. We find in line 22, that the allowance to the king when absent from a banquet was 2 xoi;/[Kes = ^V of the monthly allowance of a /j^di/xvos. Supposing then that the allowance of a kotOXtj of wine is the same proportion, and starting with the supposition that his monthly allowance of wine is the same also as the monthly contribution of each citizen (8 xoes), we may construct the following table : I iLi€Tpr)T-i^s = ^2 xd(ievoi. This middle participle of (p-qfxi is rare in Attic. aUl ' from time to time '. 26. TovTov 81] ' that he of course '. Here hr) like adeo emphasises the word which it follows. 27. TovToj 8^ 'in his honour', see on p. 11, 1. 13. For 8^ in apodosis, see p. 15, 1. 22. 28. eS €6pov |i,€t£€i 'remits the tribute due'. Thus, on the death of Cambyses, the Magus Smerdis sent round to every nation granting a remission of military service and tribute for three years (3, 67). CHAPTER LX. 9. Kal TttSc 'in the following respects also with the Egyptians '. Ktti refers to the whole clause, not to rdSe alone. II. Tcls Trarpctftas T^vas. On the various ^ivea or 'castes' of the Eg}'ptians, devoted to various trades or callings, see 2, 164, where seven are mentioned. Other writers have stated the number as three, H. VI. Q I30 NOTES ON \x counting the priestly and warlike as two, and all the others under the general head of artificers; others count five, and others six. Herodotos here seems to mean that the system was carried on in regard to all callings in life, of which he instances three, which happen to cor- respond with some hereditary trades in S}iarta ; where the avXrjTi'js as giving time to war dances and marches ; the cooks as furnishing the syssitia ; and the heralds as being closely connected with military expeditions, and authorities on matters of intemational etiquette or law, would be important persons. The family of heralds were called Talthybiadae, and were believed to be descended from Talthybios, herald of Agamemnon, 7, 134. 13, 14. ov KaTd...'irapaKXT]to\)06v<» Kttl d'yo 'jealousy and envy '. Cp. 8, 69 dyai6/jL€vo(. /cai opiiv...iroi6v|j^vovs 'regarding her appearance in the light of a misfortune', 'being greatly vexed at her appearance', p. 49, 1. 26. Cp. 9, 77 cviX(pop7]v iiroieOvTO, 5, 90 €p€i 'what she is carrying'; for the use of this form, so soon after the other form epopee (1. 12) and with (poppet in 1. 20, Stein quotes other examples from i, 133 ; 5, 25 ; 9, 1 1» The difference between the two is perhaps slight, but avai 'refused', 'said 'no". d'7r€ipT]}Tii>7]v, but cp. p. ir, 1. 5. 5. d|JL<{>l TT] -yvvaiKl, p. 75, 1. 15. This use of d/xtpl is poetical. Madvig § 72. It is nearly synonymous with -n-epl (see other uses with dat. in i, 140; 5, 19, 52) and gradually disappeared from use: not, for instance, occurring at all in Polybios. 6. €Trl TovToio-i 'upon the above terms'. 7. ^-m^Xao-av, sc. dWrjXois, ' they imposed strong oaths on each other', cp. i, 146 a(f>it] KaTaiv€. 6^z, Kal irpurov Xoyiaai (pavXws p.T] xprjcpois d\X dird Xeipos. Hence the word ireiXTrd'^eiv or Trep,TTd'^eadaL 'to count', Odyss. 4, 412. (rv}j.pa\Xd|xevos 'reckoning', cp. 2, 31 to(Tovtol yap av/x^aWo/x&Ci) fir}ves eOpicTKOUTaL. 23. diroiAocras ' denying on oath', p. 36, 1. i. 24. irpT^-yjia ovS^v €TTOi.T]cravTO ' they took no especial notice of it ', * they did not regard it as important ', cp. 7, 150. 26. TO dpri^ivov H€T€H€\€ ' repented him of what he had said '. For n€Ta/xe\€i. with nom. of thing repented of, cp. 9, i, Toicn rd irpb tov Tr€Trpr)yfjL(va /xer^fieXe oiideu. A more common construction is witn participle, e.g. i, 130 ixerepAX-qcri 6do-as...clp'irdo-as 'having anticipated him in carrying off'. The ancient custom at Sparta, whereby a bridegroom carried off his bride by force, generally from the chorus of maidens, was still in use. See Plut. Lycurg. 15 iyap-ow 5t' apirayijs. The practice was probably in some way mitigated by convention; and the offence of Demaratos was that he availed himself in full of the old custom. See MUller's Dorians, vol. 2, p. 293, Engl. Tr. 23. KaTdjJtvvTai AT]|iapi]Tov 'took oath against Demaratos*. In p. 38, 11. ID, 13 it is used without an object, ='to swear earnestly', Lxvii HERODOTOS. VI. 135 cp. KaraSoKeu}. [Stein reads AT^/iapiyry, but against some of the best MSS., comparing the construction of KaTayeXdv in 3, 37.] •24. iKV€Op,^v«s 'rightfully', see p. 30, 1. 28; p. 47, 1. 8. 25. (JL€Td 8^ Tqv KaTft)|io(riT]v 'after making the formal accusation on oath', dvao-w^wv 'recalling to memory'. 1. dir(6|iO(r€ 'denied on oath', p. 34, 1. 23. 36 2. liriPaT€v«v 'taking his stand upon'. In 3, 63 i-m^aTeveiv o{>v6- fiaros, 'to usurp a name'. 3. d'ire(j>aiv6 'tried to prove '. 4. ouT€...ovT6, with the participle oi not jxtj is the regular con- struction. 6. irdpeSpoi 'sitting in council with him'. CHAPTER LXVI. 11. dvoCoTOu -ycvoiJtevov 'the matter having been referred (avacpepw) by the deliberate design of Kleomenes*. 12. irpocnroweTai 'he won over to his interest'. The Dorian inhabitants of Delphi were always closely connected with Sparta, on whose influence they depended for the maintenance of their claim to manage the temple of Delphi, as against the officers of the Phokian League, who represented the Aeolic and Achaean inhabitants of Phokis. Thus a Spartan king would be sure to have many men In Delphi on whom he could put pressure. 14. Tqv Trpd|JiavTtv 'the Pythia', the girl who uttered the oracles which the Trpo(prp-rjs reduced to writing, generally in metre, and delivered to the applicants; see 7, iii; 8, 135 where the two are mentioned. 15. dvairciOei 'bribed', see p. 71, L 21 and on 9, 33; 5, 63 dueTretdov Xpvt^o.ai.. 20. €irav(r0T) 'was deposed'. Other instances of the Pythia being bribed are mentioned in 5, 63, 89, 90. Thucydides 5, 16. CHAPTER LXYII. 21. 8t], p. 28, 1. 4. 23. CK TOiov8€ oveiSeos ' in consequence of the following insult '. 2. "HPX* atpcOels 'was holding an elective office', apparently one of 37 those connected with the management of the boys, for an account of which see MUller's Dorians, vol. 2, p. 310. Some have thought that he was an Ephor, which X think Baehr has given good reasons for 136 NOTES ON Lxvii disbelieving. Y^jivoiraiSCai a festival held of great importance in Sparta, consisting of choruses of boys and men dancing and singing the warlike songs of Thaletas, Alkman and Dionysodoros. According to Pausanias it took place in the Agora near the statues of Apollo, Artemis and Leto (3, 11, 9); but it seems at one time to have been held at Thyrea, whence the gai-lands which served as prizes at it were called QvpeariKoi [Athenaeus 678 B, c]. It took place at Midsummer. 5. c-irl ■ycXtorC t€ Kal \d. 243. 12. ^9v6 ' he set about sacrificing '. CHAPTER LXVIII. 14. €) and handed by him to others. Stein also quotes Lykurgos v. Leocrit. 20 d^iovr^ Toi>s lidpTvpas...Xapdi>Tas ra Upa Kara, rbv vd/xov i^o/xdaaaOai. l6. o-e. Obs, the place of tlie pronoun in such solemn appeals. Lxix HERODOTOS. VI. 137 Cp. Eur. Hipp. 605 vox irpos ae ttjs (rrjs de^Lcis. KaTairroiicvos ' appealing to ', cp. 8. 65 ATjfjLaprjTov re Kal tQv aWwj/ /xapT^puiv KaTaTrrdfxevos. 17. kpKiCov Atos ' Zeus the god of our household ', lit. the God of the ^pKos or front court, where there would be a statue of him. TovSe ' about this '; objective genitive. 19. €v TOu xpr/crrcDs odovraL. 23. €Trl Tovs Al-yiv-qras 'to fetch the Aeginetans ', p. 9, 1. 18. 24. irpoiTTjXaKi.crfJiov ' insulting language '. The origin of the word is doubtful. The received derivation was from irrjXds ' mud ', giving the general sense of ' pollution '. Dr Rutherford [N^av Phryn. p. 127] derives it from irrjXiKos 'how old?', as though TrpoirrjXaKi^eiv was to ask a man how old he was before you knew him, i.e. to take a liberty. There are however objections to this derivation, besides its somewhat far-fetched character. It generally refers to language rather than action, ovrta Br\ 'in these circumstances', cp. p. 18, 1. 29. ouTt followed by t€ p. 9, 1. 15. 41 I. a|JL(j>OT€pwv Tcov pao-iXt'wv. Tlie Aeginetans do not venture to resist a demand made by Sparta against which no technical objection can be made ; thus confirming the high position of that town in Hellenic politics implied by the original application of Athens. 2. CKtivoi, sc. Kleomenes and Demaratos, 4. Tj-yov 'took them away', as prisoners, p. 47, 1. 20. Kal 8tj Kal, cp. p. u, 1. 13; p. 26, 1. 6; p. 35, 1. 10. Lxxv HERODOTOS. VI. 141 7. irapaOTJKTiv irapaTiOevTat 'deposited them as a charge with the Athenians', cp. p. 48, 1. 11. [Stein reads KaTaridevTat with some Mss.] Observe Is which Herodotos uses after any verb which imphes move- ment. CHAPTER LXXIV. 10. Is *in reference to', p. i, 1. 13. 8£ijia...2'irapTiT]T€«v *a fear of the Spartans', objective genitive. «ir€|€'povTf(ravTa, obs. the two tenses, 'as he was in the habit of acting thus and was now gone clean mad '. 142 NOTES ON Lxxv 8. ol 7rpo 'in wooden stocks', which apparently left the hands free ; see the case of Hegesistratos in 9, 37, where only one leg seems to have been fastened. 12. T]V "ydp Twv Tis €iXa)T€«v 'for he was a helot', and therefore would have no redress against anything the king might do afterwards. 14. ■^'px€TO...€wvTbv Xc«)pwn€vos ' bcgau mutilating himself ', op. 3, '55- 19. TT]v nv0CT]V dve-yvwo-fi. See c. d^. This sense of dvayLvdiaKeiP *to persuade ' is peculiar to Ionic Greek, cp. p. 46, 1. 18. ai. €S 'EXeuortva. See c. 64. Madness was looked upon as in a special sense a visitation of Providence and a punishment of impiety. ^K£ip6 TO T€|JL€vos * began cutting down the trees in the sacred enclosure*, cp. 8, 65; 9, 15. t«v 0€c3v of Demeter and Persephone. See Historical Index s.v. KSpyj. 22. 41 ipov..."Ap70v. According to Pausanias [2, 20, 8] the Argives who took refuge in the temple of Argos were tempted out by a promise of their lives ; and when the first who came out were killed, the rest shut themselves up in the temple and were burnt in it : while the town of Argos itself was saved by the heroic defence of the women under the leadership of the poetess Telesilla, see c. 79. 24. Kara-yiv^wv ' inducing them to come down ', from the temple and enclosure. Stein points out that the word is appropriate, as the temple and grove were on a hill, "Apyov Xocpos. CHAPTER LXXVI. 57. "Ap-yos aipTJo-€iv 'that he would take Argos', which was fulfilled by his taking the temple of Argos, not the town, p. 45, 1. 5. For such equivocal utterances of Oracles we may compare the Oracle which about B.C. 416 told the Athenians that they would 'take the Syracusans *, fulfilled by the capture of the lists of Syracusan men- at-arms ; and the advice of the Oracle to the Athenians d7eij' the priestess of Klazomenae, whose name was 'Hcri^x'a ' Peace ' [Plutarch Nidasy cc 14 and 13]. 43 3- ^S x^o"!*"- d<|>a'Vis 'into a cavern of invisible depth'; a deep limestone chasm into which the waters of this lake do actually dis- appuar. Lxxvii HERODOTOS. VI. T43 6. 8* «v 'however that may be', resuming the thread of his narrative after the parenthesis. 7. avTw, so. to the river Erasinos. P'or sacrifices to rivers, see 7, 115; 8, 138. Kal ov -ydp, cp. p. 33,1. i. lKaXXi^p€€ ' favourable omens were not obtained '. Impersonal, or with rd Ipa understood, cp. 9, 19 KaWiepTjcrdi'Tuv twu IpQv, p. 46, 1. I. 8. oi5 irpoSiSovTos ' for not betraying '. 9. ov8' ws 'not even so', cp. p. 26, 1. 19. \aipi^i.s to the national emblem of 'Apyos, with which he connects the old interpretation of ' Apyei^ovrrjs 'the slayer of Argus', or of the 'snake '. Stein points out that Sophocles {A ni. 12^) calls an Argive warrior d^rtVaXoj 5paKeas ' torn on both cheeks ', that is, in mourning for their brethren and husbands slain in the war. //. 2, 700 tov 6e Kal d/Jicpi5pv(pT]s aXoxos ^vXclkt} iX^XenrTO. 28. vXaopovs 'brought him before the Ephors'. Cp. the case of Leotychides p. 40, 1. 17. The Ephors, five in number, were elected annually, at first probably for the humbler duties of superintending the markets; but they had by this time obtained a paramount power in the state, as forming a tribunal before which every officer, from the kings downwards, could be tried. 16. SwpoSoK-qo-avTa, cp. p. 40, 1. 14. 17. irapeov ' though he might', see on p. 40, 1. 13. 19. 8* c5v * be that as it may '. 20. e^eXT]Xv0€'vat = €|t]K€iv in 1. 5. 21. ireipdv, see p. 47, 1. 4. 22. 'Trplv...XP'no">lTai Kal (idOi] 'until he should have sacrificed and learnt'. tcpXv with subj. regularly has a.v. The latter however is often omitted in poetry. Cp. Soph. Phil. 917 ii^\ criva^e irplv fiadrjs, and occasionally in prose, cp. i, 136 irplv 5k rj irevTair-qs y^vrjrai, ovk dwiKvieTai is 6\f/LV t<^ iraTpl. So also irporepov r]...yii'r]Tai 7, 54. Goodwin, M. and T. § 66—7, Madvig, § 127. 23. dxt irapaSiSoi (sc. 7r€tpaj')...€l'T€ ^(rrqKC, 'whether God allows him to make the attempt, or forbids him' (stood in his way). For 81801 see A pp. D. iv. a. 46 I. KaXXt€p€vp.^v(p 'but as he was sacrificing for good omens'. The sacrifices were said KaWiephiv, p. 43, 1. 7, the man KaWiepieadai, cp- 7» 113 iKaWiepiovTO d€as...KeX€veiv 'and (to say) that they bade the Spartans start from Ephesos etc. '. The two parallel clauses are cis xpf^" ^'i-V and (T^^as /ceXei/eiv, and Herodotos varies the construction as he does frequently the moods and tenses of two parallel clauses. See on p. 2, 1. 9. Stein quotes a somewhat similar variation from 3, 53 6 HepiavSpos Ki^pvKa TrifXTrei ^ovXofxei/os airbs fih is KipKvpav ^kciv, iKeivov bk cK^Xeve is KopipOou diriKOfieuov oiddoxov. ' 6. €S T«\JTo diravrdv * to come together ', * to meet '. 7. 6irl Tavra * with this object '. 8. Tov iKvcojie'vov 'than was suitable', cp. p. 30, 1. 28; p. 35, 1.24. 10. 'iK T€ TOV ' and ever since '. So irpb tov p. 82, 1. 10. 11. Swporepov 'somewhat stronger wine than usual', i.e. to drink merum or unmixed wine : the mark of dypoida in Theophrastus C/iar. 4, cp. //. 9, 203 ^porepov T€ Kipaie. 12. €iria-Kv0t(rov 'pour out Skythian-wise ', i.e. unmixed wine. Athenaeus 427 c relates this story of the cause of Kleomenes' madness, and quotes some lines of Anakreon 'Aye 5evT€, firjK^d' ovtu) TraTaycp re KoKaXrjT^ ^KvdiKTjv irdcnp irap olvi^ fxeXeTiOfJLev. rd irtpl KX€op.€V€a ' the story of Kleomenes *. CHAPTER LXXXV. 17. Karapwo-ofx^vovs ' to denounce ', followed by the genitive, a9 Lxxxvi HERODOTOS. VI. 149 KaTTjyopdo} and other compounds of Kara with the meaning of * against'. Madvig, § 59. 18. T«v 6|i-i]pa)v, see c. 73. 8iKa7]drjvai. Sometimes it takes the dative of the punishment, as KaraKpivuv davdru}. In 2, 133 the person is in the dative, KaTaK€KpifJL4v(t}v ol roiruv. Cp. 7, 146 roTcri KaraK^Kptro ddvaros. 2. 0K«s...H-ii 'take care lest, if you carry this out, they may 48 hereafter inflict upon your country some utterly ruinous mischief. Before 6'/cws must be understood opare or evXapeiade or some such word. The future indicative is more common than the subjunctive in this phrase. Madvig, § 124, Rem. i. Cp. 5, 79 dX\a fidWov p/t) ov TovTO y t6 xP''7<^'r^/"oi'. 5. ?do-tas sIXkov 'made excuses to delay the business'. Abicht quotes Aristoph. Lysist. 726 Trdcra? re wpocpdcrets (oa|jL€V(DV 8€ 'so, as the Athenians refused'. 16. xoie€T6 'ye will be doing what religion demands'. The vivid present for the future, cp. p. 46, 1. 3. 6opT]v iroi€up.€voi ' regarding it as very grievous '. Cp. 9, 76; p. 33, 1. II. 27. «s dTreoTepTjue'vot 'fully convinced that they had been cheated out of the money '. 30. €l...XiiC. 319 sqq. : d yap TLS Kal xctpi /S/t; /x^yau 6\^ov e\7?rat rj 6 y a-rrb y\(b(Tts 5^ apxi-^^^P'-o-^ k^oX d.ppy}(}>opia$ Kal dXXa TOiaDra. The reading of most MSS. is ircvTTJpT]?. But this presents a great difficulty. The Greeks are not known to have possessed quinqueremcs until B.C. 325; and it is unlikely that this vessel Lxxxix HERODOTOS. VI. 153 should have been one. On the other hand we have no in- formation about these ship-races except the allusion in Lysias. This is definite enough ; but does not seem conclusive as to their existence so much earlier, and before the Athenians had become possessed of a fleet, or made themselves conspicuous as a naval power. 26. Ti^v 6€«pi8a, the ship carrying the state deputation {dewpol) to view the naval games at Sunium. CHAPTER LXXXVIIL 2. ovK€Ti dv€pdXXovTO...}Ji,"i^ ov...AlYiviiTT]cri *no longer hesitated 51 to put in practice every kind of device against the Aeginetans '. A verb containing a negative idea as ' forbidding ' or ' hindering ' is followed by firj with the infinitive ; if this verb is negatived the infinitive has /XT] oily G. § 283, 6 — 7. For iirl 'against', see p. 26, 1. 7 ; p. 41, 1. 14. 3. Kal ^v Yap, see p. 50, 1. 24. We possess no other information as to this movement of Nikodromos in Aegina. From c. 91 it seems to have been a popular rising against the Dorian oligarchs ; joined perhaps with an attempt to assert the position of Ionian or Achaean settlers against the Dorians who formed the bulk of the inhabitants. The Athenians never found Aegina a peaceful possession till they removed the Dorian land-o%vners and put in lonians in their place [Thucyd. 2, 27; 7, 37], who again were displaced by Lysander in B.C. 404 [Xenoph. Hellen. 2, 2, 5]. Probably the question of race was mixed up with that of political constitution. 7. dvapTT][JL^vovs 'prepared', 'resolved', cp. 7, 8 § 3 tovtuv e'ivcKev a.vdpT7}/.Lai e7r' ai/rovs (TTpareTjeaOai. CHAPTER LXXXIX. ir. Ka.ra = Ka9' d 'according as', cp. 5, n, 12. But Stein reads Kara to. in both places. 12. Ti^v iraXan]v. This has been variously explained to mean the citadel of the town of Aegina, and another ancient town called Oea (5, 83), about 3 miles farther inland than Aegina. 13. es Se'ov 'up to time', 'at the right moment'. So h to Uov 'when wanted' 2, 173; but cp. i, 186 es to Seov yeyovivai 'to serve its purpose '. It is a general expression and may refer to other things than time, see Aristoph. JVudes 859 uavep UepiKX^rj^ els t6 8^ov a7ru>Xc€p6v T€ Kal T)"yOV, p. 22, 1. 'J. 6. TavTa, i.e. the plundering of Aeginetan coasts by these exiles. vo-T€pov, after the battle of Marathon. CHAPTER XCI. 7. eiravao-TavTos ' having revolted against them *. 9, e^Vj-yov ' were leailing them out of the town '. 10. TO €K6v(ra(r8ai...€Tri(XTjxav€6n€voi * which they were never able to wipe out by sacriUccs, though they tiicd various means of doing so '. xcii HERODOTOS. VI. 155 II. ^9T]povea> ' I have so much reverence in me at least *. So t6 ^povetv is contrasted with impiety in Eurip. Bacch. 389. 20. Iv TTJ X"PTI> ^'^ ^^^^ terra. 8vo 0eol, Apollo and Artemis, see 4, 35. The antecedent x^P'Q is attracted into the clause and case of the relative, G. § 154. 22. diriTc, leave Rhenaea and return to Delos. 24. (JicToL 8^, adverbial, p. 2, 1. 18. XtPavwrov... Kara vrj eras 'having made a heap of incense on the altar weighing 300 talents '. The talent = 57 lbs. avoirdupois. 25. €9v|A£T]o-e ' he burnt it'. Such an enormous amount of incense could hardly have been burnt at once. The ^cj/jlos was doubtless the large altar outside the temple. CHAPTER XCVIII. 56 I- M-fcv 8t], p. 52, 1. 6. 3. AloX^as. Herodotos has not mentioned them before in this connexion. They had not been involved in the Ionian revolt, and had long been tributary to Persia (2, 90) ; he appears to mention them here only to draw attention to the fact that the fleet sailing against Greece was partly manned by Greeks, p-era 8^ tovtov c^avaxOcvra ' and after his departure '. 5. Kttl irpcUra Kal ^rrara, \i(\pi i\uv * for the first and last time up to my time '. Thucydides says that there was an earthquake at Delos * shortly before the Peloponuesian war and ucvcr before \ xcviii HERODOTOS. VI. 159 These two statements of course cannot both be true, and we may suppose (i) That Thucydides meant to contradict Herodotos, or (2) That while Herodotos had got his information from the Delians before going to live in Italy (i.e. before B.C. 443) and had not heard of the second earthquake (just as at p. 22, 1. 6, he writes about the aorav crrpaTcvco-Oai ' refused to serve '. " Verbs expressing to hope, to expect, to protnise, and the like, after which the future infinitive stands regularly in indirect discourse, sometimes take the present". Goodwin, Moods and Tenses, p. 14. 4. 4v0avTa 'in these circumstances', p. 9, 1. 15. 5. ^Kcipov, p. 42, 1. a I. 6. irap^a(rias ISg'as 'two different plans'. i8ea=^enus, p. 69, 1. 14. ^ 16. id oKpa TTjs EvPoiT]s. The mountainous district which formed the centre of Euboea. 17. ot(r€o-0ai ' that they would get for themselves', p. 59, 1. 3. 18. TovTwv iKdrepa 'both of these designs', i.e. that of retiring into the interior, and of making terms with the Persians. 19. tA irptora ' the leading man among the Eretrians ', 9, 78 Xd}nro)v...Al'yipr)T^b}v to. Trpwra. Cp. 3, 157 iravTa ehaL 'to be all in all '. 20. Toio-i TJKOvori Tc5v *A9T]vaiwv * those of the Athenian cleruchs who came from the Chalkidian territory to help in the defence of Eretria '. 22. "iva. jJLT] irpoo-airoXwvrai * that they might not perish as well as themselves'. The dramatic subjunctive in a clause depending on a verb in an historic tense. Aeschines' own words would have been IVa /xjj TrpoaaTTokqcrSe. See on p. 5, 1. 5. CHAPTER CI. 26. KaTctrxov rds vsas 'put in their ships', does not differ materially from Trpocr^crxoi' in 1. i. Like Karayeiv it means to bring J(Kon to shore, as opposed to dpdyew to put to sea, as though the sea were higher than the land, cp. S, 41 ol dXXoi Kareaxo'' ^s 2a\a^t?ya. H. VI. It 1 62 NOTES ON CI Ti^S * EpcTpiKi]s X**P^s ' ill the territory of Eretria ', a topographical genitive, p. 54, 11. 3 and 13. 58 I. e^ePaWovTo ' set about disembarking '. 3. 01 8^ *Ep«Tpie€s...^p.€X€ ir^pi 'but it was not the design of the Eretrians to sally out and give battle ; rather, they were intent upon defending their walls if they could by any means '. For €iroi€vvTO PovXi]v = cj3oi'X6i5ot'ro, see on p. 32, 1. 22; p. 60, 1. 11. For €1'k«s... ^jxcXt, cp. p. 27, 1. 26. 5. TovTOV ^]xeX€ irepi, cp. 8, 65 irepX arpaTtrjs TTjade deoTs yueXiJo-et. 'iviKO. plaant 'it was decided ', cp. 8, 9 toWQv XexOivTUu evlKa...viKTa fx^a7}v irap^vres iropeveadai. With a nominative case, p. 63, 1. 16. 7. €irl ?| ii|i€pas 'extending over 6 days', cp. 9, 8 tovto 8^ Kot kirl 8iKa ^/x^pas kiroleov. 11. TOVTO (J.^V... TOVTO 8^, p. I4, 1. IQ ; p. 38, 1. I4. 12. Twv kv SdpSio-i KaTttKavBevTcov, i.e. when the Athenians took vSardis, see 5, 102 /cat 2ap5tes ixkv ^veTrprjcrdrjaav, ev 8k avrrjai Kal ipbv eTTix^piT^s deov Kv^rj^rjs, t6 a-KrjTrro/JievoL ol HipaaL vcrrepou dvTeveiriju- irpaaav to, iv"EWr}(n ipa. B.C. 500. See 8^ 33 — 5, 130. For KaTaKav- 06VTWV, see on p. 17, 1. 12. CHAPTER CII. 17. KaTep-yovTc's tc -iroXXdv 'making much haste', 'pressing on eagerly '; in 5, 63 it is transitive, and some explain it here as governing toi>s 'AdT]uaLovs ' pressing the Athenians closely '. For iroXXov, cp. p. 46, 1. 8. TavTo, TO, Kal, see on p. 52, 1. 24. 19. Kal...7dp, p. 6, 1. 11; p. 51, 1. 17, and Index. 19, 20. €TnTTi8ewTaTOV...6vi.'n"ir€vo-at 'the most suitable district in Attica for cavalry to ride in '. Cp. 9, 2 x^P^^ emTTjSeoTepos eparpaTO' ircotveadai. Attica as a rule is mountainous and not fitted for cavalry, 9, 13 oijTe iirTraffi/xr] i] x<^PV W V 'A-ttik-q, the only good plain being that of Athens itself. The plain of Marathon, though not very large, was naturally selected for this purpose; and Hippias knew of it from experience, having landed there with his father Peisistratos wiicn he came to recover his rule, more than 30 years before [i, 61 — 2]. TTjs 'Attiict]s, topographical genitive, cp. p. 57, 1. 26. CHAPTER Cni. 24. 6 8lKaTos. The Strategi were elected annually, one from each of the Icu tribes. The order in the list of each Strategus cm HERODOTOS. VI. 163 would depend on that of his tribe, which was probably decided by lot. 25. KUTeXaPt 'it befell ', cp. p. -20, 1. 6. 2. 'OXvp-TTiciSa dv£X€aTai. This perf. passive of ddinoj seems to occur no- where else. The mss. vary between TeTd€as avrovs 'had committed themselves to the protection of Athens '. According to Thucydides (3, 86) this took place 29 years before, i.e. B.C. 519. Grote (vol. 4, p. 94) maintains that it must have been after the expulsion of Hippias B.C. 510; principally on the ground (not a very good one) that before that date Kleomenes would have had no motive for wishing to embarrass Athens, he being a close friend of Hippias. 9, 10. irapaTvxovo't KX€OH€'v€i...AaK68ai|iovioi(ri 'to Kleomenes and the Lakedaemonians who happened to be in their neighbourhood ' We only hear of two invasions of Attica by Kleomenes, the first in B.C. 510 to expel the Peisistratids in accordance with the corrupt oracle [5, 63 — 4] : the second, which is Grote's date for this occurrence, in B.C. 508 — 7 undertaken to restore Hippias [5, 74—6]. The date B.C. 519, if it is correct, must refer to some earlier invasion of which we have no account, and to which we can assign no known motive. The Plataean envoys probably visited Kleomenes in the neighbourhood of Eleusis, where the road descended from Kithaeron leading from their town. 12. iiriKOvpCx] vjnixPT '^lut a cold (i.e. ineffective) defence '. Cp. 9, 4 ivxpv pIkv- 13. <|>9a£'qT6...'^' 'you would be en.slaved before any one of us heard of it'. Cp. Hom. //. 23, 444 (pdrjaovrai totjtoliti irSBes Kal yovva Ka/jLOPTa ^ ifuv, cp. p. 52, 1. ii icpdrjaav iKTr€a6vTes...irp6T€pov...7]. 15. irXTjo-ioxwpoio-t. The Attic frontier along Kithaeron coincided with that of Plataea on the Northern slope. 17 — 19. ov...oiJT«.,.«s 'not so much from goodwill to the Pla- taeans as from a wish to embarrass the Athenians by bringing them into hostility with the Boeotians'. opos [\pr](pLs, -TSos] * possessed of a right of voting '. 6 T« Kvd|J.u> Xa^wv iroX.«.|jiapX€€iv ' he who had been assigned by lot to the office of Archon Polemarchos', that is the 3rd of the 9 Archons ; the first of all being t/ie Archon who gave his name to the year (Eponymus), and the second the Archon Basileus. The other six were called Thesmothetae. He speaks of him as being appointed by lot (r^ Kvd/xi{} Xaxwf) in contradistinction to the Strategi who were elected, p. 60, 1. I. 18. TO iraXaiov ' formerly '. When Herodotos wrote, the change, inevitable in the case of a people constantly engaged in military expeditions, whereby the command in the field was wholly in the hands of the elective officers, had already taken place. The Polemarch became, like the other archons, a civil magistrate ; his particular function being to act as magistrate in the preliminary trials in suits in which aliens or foreigners were engaged. 22. kv trol yvv Io-tI *on you depends', cp. 8, 60 ey col vvv iarl o(j}aai T7]v''Ei\\d8a, See 8, 118. 23. |i,VT]|j,o(rvva Xiire'crQai ' to leave behind a memorial 0/ }'oursei/\ 24. Harmodios and Aristogeiton were of Aphidna also, like Kallimachos. 25. Si], emphatic, ' for at this moment above all others '. 2. viroKvi|/«(ri 'submit', p. 13, 1. 20. g4 3. 'ir€pi.'Y6'vT]Tai 'conquer', cp. 1. 14. It also means 'survive' 5, f6 novvos Trepieyevero tovtov tov vddeos. 4. otrj T6 ' it is capable of becoming ', see on p. 5, 1. 7. 6. Kal Kws €S o-£ Toi...dv7]K€i 'and how it has fallen precisely 170 NOTES ON cix upon you '. cri toi * you and no one else '. Soph. AJ. 360 ai toi, ci rot [xbvov MbopKa. 7. rh Kupos '^X«iv, * to have the decision ', ' the power of de- termining '. 9. T(5v 8^ oil, sc. KeK^vbvrwv. 10. ^Xirojiai *I expect ', 9, 113 6 ok iXirbixevbs tI ol KaKov elvai. 12. Ti Kal o-a0p6v 'some dishonourable sentiment', opposed to vyi4s p. 57, 1. 13. This is the ordinary meaning of the word, and it does not seem necessary to explain it as a metaphor from a leak in a ship as Stein does. [Connected perhaps with ffiqdoj to sift.] 13. |Ji€T€|€T€poi(ri ' to somc of the Athenians', p. 40, 1. 2. There was always a medizing party even at Athens. In fact the Athenians had been the first to set the example of appealing to Persia [5, 73]; some treason was afterwards (c. 115) shown to exist at this time; and eleven years later, some of the oligarchical Athenians met at Plataea and designed to submit to Persia [Plut. Aristid. 13]. 14. 0€wv TO. lo-a v€p,dvT(ov, cp. p. 6, 1. 20. olol T€...'ir€pi"y€V6'(r0at, see 11. 3 and 4. 15. €S cr^ vvv T€LV€t * depends on you ', — much the same as avqK€i in 1. 6. Cp. Eurip. Phoen. 438 ^s ck relvei ruiude diaXvcrii KaKuii' (St.). Kal €K (re'o -qpTiyrai ' and hangs upon your decision ', cp. 9, 68 wavra to. Trpr)yfj.aTa tuiv ^ap^dpiav rjprrjTO iK Ilepar^uv. 16. 7rpoa0][| 'if you give your adherence to ', cp. i, 109 oO ol t>w7e TTpoadrjcroixai rrj yuibfj-r]. 18. TT]v Twv diroo-TTCvSovTwv, sc. yuu/J.rjv. 19. ^\t) ' adopt '. CHAPTER ex. 21. orpoo-KTaTai ' gained over', cp. 8, 136 rot's yhp'Adrjvalovs oi'to; idoKee fidXto'Ta irpoaKT-qaea 6 ai. 23. €K€Kup(«)TO 'it had been decided*. The force of the pluperfect is explained by the next clause. — ' Though it had been decided to fight, yet the four generals, to make it still more certain, surrendered tlieir days to Miltiades '. Why then did he not fight at once? Mr Grote thinks it could have been no mere punctilio about acting on his own day. And perhaps that alone would not have decided it : although he may have considered the extra danger of prosecution at home if he acted unsuccessfully on a day other ihan his one of legal command ; just as afterwards Aralob was placcil in sonic d;uiL;cr by taking dvci the CXI HERODOTOS. VI. 171 seal of the Achaean league some days before he was legally in office and failing in his movements [see Polyb. I v. 14]. But still there was doubtless something else. What Miltiades wanted, I think, was not necessarily to make the attack at once; but the power of making it whenever he chose. He was apparently aware from spies, or other sources, of a movement about to take place in the Persian camp, which would give him the opportunity of charging them when in the hurry and disorder of an embarkation. The traitorous signal of the flashing shield (c. 115) afterwards displayed shows that some intrigues were already going on, of which he was likely to have got intelligence; and he would be therefore waiting for the right moment to strike. This view of his action is supported by the article in Suidas s.v. X'^P^^ l-mreTs, who says that the lonians affirmed that, when Datis had gone on board with the cavalry, they signalled to Miltiades x^^P'-^ 0^ t7r7re?j ' the cavalry are gone ', and that then he charged. 24. 2€p6 'inclined', 5, 118; 8, 100. 25. irpvTavT)tT] 'chief command'. Herodotos uses the word in a general sense of being first, without reference to any technical title ; just as he used irpirravifCov p. 20, 1. 7 for a public hall or court-house. 16. d'yi.a t-yivcTo KaXd 'the sacrifices became favourable', i.e. for attack. For this waiting to charge until the sacrifices showed good omens cp. the conduct of the Lakedaemonians at Plataca 9, 61 — 2. There however the Tegeans appear to have begun the charge before the sacrifices became favourable. It may perhaps be suspected that p. good commander took care that these favourable omens should come at the time he thought best for moving. In Xen. //r//. 4, 2, 18 we are told that in a battle, while the Boeotians were opposite the Spartans, In g^ Feet 1000 SOOO 10000 15000 > I 1 I I I I I I I I I I I « 'I Cambridge Unizersity Press. SITE OF THE BATTLE OF MARATHON cxii HERODOTOS. VI. A73 the omens continued unfavourable for a charge ; but directly, by a change of order, they became opposite the Achaeans, the omens at once became favourable : which at any rate vt-as a convenient co- incidence. 19. ws avriCBria-av {aTiT]/j.i) 'when they were let go', as though they had been longing to charge, and at last got the order, cp. 7, 122 6 vavTiKbs arpaTbi ws a-rreldi) virb fi,ip^eu}. 20. 8p6na> tevTO ' they started at the double to charge the bar- barians '. This of itself would tend to show that the Persians were not in battle array, but in all probability engaged in the embarkation ; for no general would lead his army at the double for a mile before reaching an enemy drawn up to receive them. Arriving in a panting and partly exhausted state they would be in a poor condition for attacking an enemy standing fresh and in good order. ordSioi OKTW, nearly a mile, p. 19, 1. 7. p-eTaixK-wv, p. 43, 1. 16. 22. irapto-KevdtovTo 'began 10 get ready'. So that they were not in line, and were taken by surprise by the movement. 23. Kttl irdyx^ dXeOpf-qv, sc. fiavirju, 'they attributed madness to the Athenians, and a madness that would undoubtedly lead to their utter destruction '. 25. ovVe t'inrov...To|€V|xdT«v ' though they had neither cavalry nor archers ' to cover their charge. The Persian method was to begin by pouring in volleys of arrows before charging, see 9, 61. 26. [xiv vvv, p. 24, 1. 13. KareiKagov 'they surmised', i.e. that they were mad, cp. KaradoK^cj, p. 9, 1. 17. 2. 'irp(5Tot...8p6jJi.a). What Herodotos regards as an innovation — 66 charging at the double — seems, as I have said, only a measure adopted under particular circumstances : from the desire, that is, of reaching the enemy while in disorder, and before they had time to form. 4, 5. 'jrpc5TOt..,lXdo-T«v veos ' laying hands on the curved sterns {aplust?da) of the ships'. The scene is described almost in the words of Homer, //. 15, 717: "E/crw/) 5k Trpvfivijdeu iwel Xd^ef, ovxl fJ-edlei, &(pXa(7T0v ixera X'^P^^^ ^X^^f Tpcjalv Sk K^Xevev ot.xdd% 8, 84. The ships were on shore with their btcrns as usual cxvi HERODOTOS. VI. 75 toward land, cp. Eurip. Iph. T. 1349 sqq. dvaKpoveadat is not therefore used in the sense of 'to back water', as in 8, 84 i-rrl irpij/jLPtjv a.v€KpoiovTo. It refers to the pushing off by long poles [kovtoI). €K TTJs VTjVov, sc. Styra, see cc. loi, 107. 8. ircpieirXtoov Sovvtov ' they began rounding the headland of Sunium '. 9. alrCt] ^orx^g * an accusation arose at Athens'. ea-xe = KaT4ax^ •prevailed', or perhaps we may take it ^(rxe, so. avroOs as in 5, 70 [Stein reads aiTiTjv ^pcaTos. Bitumen pits are common in the district of Kir-Abt where Rawlinson places this Ardericca. Tpi,<|>aa(rCas 68ovis 'here takes three different shapes '. But it seems to me that Herodotos means to describe the reservoir (Se^a/iev J?) as having three outlets which send the three substances out by different channels into the second vessel {is aXXo) where they arrive divided. cxxi HERODOTOS. VI. 179 23. o8jJLT]V ^apeav gravem odorem ' aa unpleasant smell '. The name paSiuaKT] for this petroleum does not I believe occur elsewhere, nor is it known what Persian word it represents. 24. lAtxpt €|X€o, and many centuries afterwards, see note on I. 10. Herodotos seems to have visited the place. 26. |J.€v 8ti. p. 68, I. 14. CHAPTER CXX. 2. (i€Ta rqv Trava-(\r\vov. That is, they started on the 13th of 70 September, arrived at Athens on the 15th, the very day of the battle, and proceeded to Marathon presumably on the next day, to see the dead Medes before they were buried. From Sparta to Athens was about 1500 stades (about 187 miles). 3. KaraXa^ilv, the exact meaning of the words seems rather doubtful. Stein explains sc. 'Adrjvas ' to reach Athens '. I am more inclined to accept Abicht's explanation, sc. ra Tp-qyixaTO. * to be in time to take part in the action '. 6. [MTO. Si, p. 2, 1. 18. 7. TO ^p-yov, p. 15, 1. 14. CHAPTER CXXI. 9. Tov XoYov * the assertion '. See c. 115. 10. otv KOT6 ctvaSe^ai * that they ever displayed '. The infinitive aorist with om here stands for the modest or dubitative aorist optative after a verb declarandi or scntiendi, Madv, § 173. Cp. p. 71, 1. 11 where o.v is omitted, and 1. 27. The /core adds to the indefiniteness of the clause without a distinctly temporal meaning, much as we use the word 'ever', cp. p. 26, 1. 21. 12. [idXXov TJ d|Jio£a)S 'equally, if not more so'; lit. 'more or equally', cp. p. 71, 1. 9 6/xoicjs ij ov8h iccov. 14. TC.Kal ' as '...'so', 7^/...//a. 15. oK»s...lK'ir€€vyov tovs Tvpdvvovs 'were in exile at the instance of the Peisistratidae'. Cp. 5. 62 ' A\K/.'.aL(avioai yivos i6vT€S 'Ad-rjvaioi Kal (pejjyovres UeLffLarpaTldas. 16. «s eyw KpCvta. The judgment of Herodotos was that of Thucydides also, as we may gather from 6, 59. But in the popular view Harmodios and Aristogeiton were blameless heroes of supreme desert; and Herodotos would hardly have ventured to read this sentence at Athens. 17. TOVS viroXoiirous Il€i(ris XotTroi/s is used, though Hippias was the sole ripavvos. 20. €l S-i] ovToi Y€ ' if it was really they, as they say'. 21. ol dvaireCo-avTcs *who bribed the Pythia ', cp. p. 36, 1. 15; 5, 62 ws u)v 5rj ol 'M-qvaioi \&yovaL odroi. ol avSpes ev A€\ep€ 'he brought it to bear', 'he applied it'. koXttov 'a fold' across the breast, to serve as a pocket. 17. KoBopvovs 'boots' with tops or buskins fastened high up the leg, as opposed to the ordinary sandals or shoes {viro5Tf]fxaTa) : cp. i, 155, where they are spoken of as a luxury; lhouy;h they seem also to have been ordinarily worn by huntsmen. In Athens the term seems mostly reserved for the theatrical buskin. cxxvi HERODOTOS. VI. 183 20. irpwra |Aev...n€ToL Zk: cp. 1. 7 touto jxkv answered by /lerd 5^ in P- 73. !• 4- For iierk adverbial see Index. irap4ij(ras, see on p. 18, 1. 14; cp. c. 122. 73 3. *0Xv(i,irid8a dvaip^crai, p. 39, 1. 21. This again seems to be a mistake, as the first of the family to win an Olympic victory was Alkmaeon's son Megakles (Find. Pyth. 7, 14), to whom perhaps the whole story may refer. CHAPTER CXXVI. 4. fi€Td 81 'and at a later time ', answering to tovto fxlv, p. 72, 1. 7. SeuTe'pT) 'next', cp. p. 16, 1. 7. 5. |xiv...€|-»J€ip€ sc. TT)v oIkl7]v ' contributcd to raise it'. 10, II. *0\vjjnr£ci>v...KT]pv7(j.a. The Olympic and other games, being attended by men from all parts of Greece, offered convenient opportunities for the publication of any notice meant to apply to the Greeks at large, in or out of Greece proper. Another way of publishing such notices was to send them to Delphi and Delos, as places resorted to continually by visitors to the shrine or at their yearly festivals. 13. i^K6iv 'that he should come', the infinitive follows K-fjpvyfxa iiroffiiraTo as equivalent to a verb of ordering, cs l^i^Kotmiv 'by the 60th day'. 16. IvGavTtt 'thereupon', p. 16, 1. t8. 17. €|«7Kw|ji€voi 'puffed up', 'proud of themselves or their country'. 19. eir avTw tovtw €l\i ' devoted himself exclusively to this business ', i.e. to entertaining his guests. i84 NOTES ON cxxvii CHAPTER CXXVII. 23. CIS refers to the superlative eirX TrXeta-Tov. It often strengthens a superlative with which it agrees. Here it may be translated ' who arrived at the greatest pitch of luxury that any single man ever did'. Cp. the use in Latin of tcnus with superlatives, e.g. umts negntssinius, i//ia pulcherrima etc. 74 2. TiTopjJLOV, sc. d5e\0os. 3. vir€pvvTOS TC.Kttl <}>vY0VT0s ' who while surpassing all Greeks in physical strength, shunned mankind and fled to the farthest boun- daries of the Aetolian territory '. Aetolia was always a country little known in the rest of Greece; its inhabitants were wild and believed to be semi-barbaric. 4. TovTov, for the repetition of the genitive, cp. p. 67, 1. 20. 7. Tov TO. [i€Tpa irotiio-avTOS ' who introduced a system of weights and measures in the Peloponnese '. See Historical Index, s.v. Pheidon. 8. vPpto-avTos |iC7iorTa 8t), notice the aorist, * who committed the most outrageous acts of violence '. The Eleans had from the first had the control of the Olympic games, and from that circumstance had enjoyed by common consent immunity from violence, especially during the festival. To oust them from the management of the games, and to act as president himself, was an outrage on Greek feeling on Pheidon's part something analogous to what the violent removal of the Pope from his spiritual functions, and their assumption by the Emperor, would have been in the middle ages. 10. TOVTOu St). For 5r; continuing a story after a parenthetical interruption, see p. 59, 1. 17, and Index. 12. 'A^i^v ' an Azanian', see Geograph. Index, s.v. Azania. 14. airo TouTOv ' from that time forward '. 15. |civo8oK^ovTos TrdvTas dvOpwTrous 'entertained all comers', sc. lest he might be unawares again entertaining gods. 20. dvOtvo-Tjs ' at a high pitch of prosperity ', i.e. as a mercantile and naval town. CHAPTER CXXVIII. 26. irpwra |JLiv...p.€Td 8i, cp. p. 72, 1. 20. 2y. TTJs opv^is 'their disposition', or 'temper', in the old sense of tlie word, whicli docs not refer merely or perhaps at all to anf^er, but to cxxix HERODOTOS. VI. 185 the whole character of the mind. Stein quotes Theognis 963 fii) vot eiraivr}(jrj'i irplv dv db^$ &pdpa d(rios (iK-cpaipca) ' for Kleisthenes to make known '. 14. «s 8^ diro SsiTTVOv t-ye'vovro 'and when they had finished dinner '. Indicating the time between the eating and the wine, cp. 9, 16 ws 5^ dTTO 8elirvov ^aav, 8t.aTriv6vTuv...So 5, 18 ws d^ cltto delirvov eyivovTO, biairlvovTes k.t.\, 15. d}t(}>l, see on p. 34, 1. 5. 16. Ka\ Tw Xryojievo) es to }ieo-ov ' on a subject proposed for general discussion '. The suitors recite or sing against each other, and hold also a kind of debate on some subject proposed. This is an interesting indication of an early habit of Hellenic society; as it suggests a reason for the later writers often putting their philosophical discourses in the form of a Symposium, as for instance Xenophon and Plato. See Plutarch Cleom. 12. Theognis is also quoted (493) u/tets 5' e5 ixvdelade irapa. KpTjTTJpi, fxeiovres is TO fxicrov (putveivres. 17. KaTc'xwv troXXov 'by way of far outdoing'. Cp. Xen. Hdl. 4, 6, 10 p.6Xa Kareixov ^dWovres Kcd aKovri^ovTes ol 'Ajcapvapes. Thucyd. 4, 92, 5 Tjcro-ov iTolfXOJS Karix^i-v. 18. €|i}J.€X€iav 'a dance tune '. According to a passage of Aristoxenos quoted by Stein from Bekker's Anccd. p. loi a particular kind of tragic i86 NOTES ON cxxix dance was called an i/nfiiKeia, which would also be the tune on the auXbs to which it was danced, 21. inrci)irT€U€ 'began to have suspicions', i.e. as to his worthiness. That a Greek of good birth should dance was not only undignified, but rendered him open to charges of gross immorality. See Demosthenes' scathing description of the Makedonian court, as it had been reported to him, Olynth. 2, § 18 — 19, where, among other things, he says 6.vepih- irovs oUvs fiedvadiuTas dpx^'^o'dai roiavra ola iyCd vvv 6kvu) Tpbs vfias 6pofid(Tai. Music on the other hand was in many parts of Greece, especially in Arkadia, from very early times a necessary part of a gentleman's education, and he was expected to give evidence of his skill whenever called upon [Polyb. 4, 20]. [jLCTd hk adverbial, see p. 2, 1. 18. 24. AaKwviKcl (rx^lH-aTia 'Lakonian steps', i.e. a war dance. The ancient Kretans and Spartans, according to Polybios 4, 20, first intro- duced the pipe and rhythmic movement in war. See also Historical Index, irpwra (i^v...|i€Td Bk...Tpirov 8^, for another way of marking three stages or clauses cp. p. 66, 1. 20; p. 71, 1. 3. 26. rd |i^v irpwra Kal rd Seurcpa, that is the Lakonian and Attic steps. 27. diroa-rvyitiiv 'rejecting the idea with disgust'. 28. dv yevia-Qai for on dv yifoiro, cp. p. 70, 1. 10. 76 3« dirwpx'ijo'ao 'you danced away', a transitive verb coined to express a special thing; cp. such a word as KaraKv^tveiv to, ti^ra 'to gamble away one's property'. CHAPTER CXXX. 6. diri Tovrov jx^v tovto 6vo\t.d%tra.i 'from this circumstance these words have become proverbial ', sc. ov ^pbvTLs 'IiriroKXeidji as a proverb for indifference of a rather foolish sort. 7. Is jxeVov 'publicly', cp. p. 75, 1. 16. 9. el otov T£ cl't], xctpiloffiTiv dv 'if it could be, I would gratify you air. The supposition is an impossible one and might have been expressed by indicative in protasis and apodosis ; but the optative puts the matter more modestly and less offensively, as though the conditions were still future. Goodwin, Afooi/s attd Tenses, p. 105. For xap/^f^^at cp. p. 71, 1- 6. II. dXX* ov Ydp old T^ co-Ti 'but seeing that it is impossible'. cxxxi HERODOTOS. VI. 187 For 70/3 introducing the reason by anticipation see p. 6, 1. i r and Index. 12. Kara voov ttoUhv = xap/fea}i€vov ky^MO-fr^ox Mc-yaKXe'os 'upon Megakles saying that he accepted the engagement', se conditionem accipere. 19. lKCKvpft)To...KX€i(r6€vei 'was ratified by Kleisthenes'. The pluperfect expresses the immediate consequence in the past, cp. ippurro p. 65, 1. 17. For the dative of the agent see p. 17, 1- 3; p. 71, 1. 22, and on p. 46, 1. 6. CHAPTER CXXXI. 20. d|il 'concerning'; cp. i, 140. For its meaning with dative see on p. 34, 1. 5. 21. ip«(r0T]pa(ras...€Tno-TpaT€v 32, 4 cv/jL^affTjs {j(TTep6v 61 r^s reXeuTTj? Wapov re afiaprovri Kal 5i' airb ^s Kplaiv 'Adrjvaiois KaraaravTi. This is shown by the fact that the blockade of Paros lasted 26 days, during which he might have been easily recalled. A very similar incident occurred later on in B.C. 390 in the case of the hero of the restored democracy Thrasybulos, who went on a similar roving commission round the shores of the Aegean. Me himself was killed at Aspendos, but one of his colleagues Ergokles was impeached and condemned to death. Lysias, Or. 28. cxxxni HKKODOTOS. VI. 189 11. TotavTiiv Zt\ 'of such wealth, as he pretended ' [p. 21, 1. 23]. 12. ol'o-ovrat 'they would get for themselves', p. 57, 1. 17. The future indicative is generally retained in indirect discourse ; but some- times is represented by the future optative. Goodwin, Moods and Tenses, §§ 26, 69. 13. Tos vcas. Seventy ships, according to Nepos Milt. 7 : the whole available war fleet probably of Athens. CHAPTER CXXXIII. 17. virTjplav, sc. dSt/ctas 'had given the first provocation', cp. p. 69, 1. 7 ola dp^dvTOJv doiKLTjs. i, 5 tov VTap^avra ddUup ^fr/cju. 9, 78 6pov, see on p. 9, 1. 13. The temple of Demeter is as usual outside the city. See on p. 52, 1. 15. 18. o Tt B-q nescio quid 'something or other, I know not what'. It is more indefinite in the next line by the addition of kots, p. 34, 1. 8. Ktytjo-ovTct Ti T(3v dKtvT]Twv ' with the intention of meddling with some of the things which might not lawfully be moved ', — treasures or arms under the protection of the temple. 20. T6...Kal expressing simultaneousness, cp. 8, 83 ^c6s re 5^ 5i^\avpa)s 'ix€as r[{rv\Cr\ ttjs iroXiopKCris ^(rx.€ ' when they found themselves relieved from the siege '. ' To be quiet' or * to enjoy im- munity from trouble ' is dycLU ti 7i 5 ^<^os ^X^t Tkva ('reputation') 9, 87. 7. cl KaTaxp'qo-ovTat * whether they should kill '. The indicative future here represents the deliberative subjunctive in oratio recta ; which Herodotos sometimes retains after et, see p. 18, 1. 28 ; p. 49, 1.30. 8. €'|iTyT]o-ap^vt]v • for having pointed out to the enemy the way to capture her native town'. e^T}yieadai.= {i) to lead the way, 9, 11 avarpa- T€va6/j.e6a iirl t7]v of yrjv iKclvoi i^rjyiuvrai, (2) 'to demonstrate', 'to explain', with accusative, cp. 3, 4 i^rjyieTai, ttjv fKaaiv. 9. rd Is 'ipavT]vai, sc. Tifiouy, i.e. her phantom appeared to lure him to his doom. CHAPTER CXXXVI. 16. 2 yap 7]v tot' ovt€ MdvTjs oihe cttjkIs ovdevl dovXos, dX\' avras I5et fjLoxdeh airavT iv oiKiq.. Timaeos [Athen. 6, pp. 264, 265; Polyb. 12, 6] asserts that it was H. VI. 13 194 NOTES ON cxxxvii against Greek tradition originally to be served by purchased slaves, and that the Lakedaemonians and Thessalians and Chians were tlie first to practise it. The original slaves were no doubt captives in war, and the practise of purchasing barbarians was adopted as a means of avoiding the enslavement of captured Hellenes, who were put to ransom instead. oKws Be ^\0oi€v ' and whenever they came ', see p. i6, 1. 9. 24. iJPptos ' wantonness ', oXi-ytopC-qs ' insolence '. The first has a sense of lewdness. pLdo-6ai ' treated them with violence '. 26. 6iripovX€vovTas...e'ir avTOwpa) <{>avT]vak 'were detected in the act of making a plot to carry them off'. 81 I. dfj-efvovas ' more liberal and merciful'. irapeov * whereas they might lawfully have put them to death ', p- 40, 1- 13- 5. Ktti %r\ Kal, see p. 11, 1. 13. Here the second koX belongs closely \.o K.T]ix.vov^ the first answers to re. lK€iva...TavTa 'the former'... 'the latter'. Notice the different tenses Ae^e...X^70iy(rt. Hekataeos made a statement in his history; the Athenians continue to state their view of the case. CHAPTER CXXXVIII. 9. Tcls *A0T]vat(i)v oprds * being well acquainted with the dates at which the Athenians celebrated their festivals '. For the selection of such seasons for raids of this kind see on p. 9, 1. 13. II. €V Bpavpwvi, for an account of this festival see Historical and Geographical Index. 14. iraXXaKds 'concubines', as opposed to Kovpidiou yvvaiKes, 1. 24 and I, 135; 5, 18. 20. Kal 81] Kttl 'nay, more', see p. 11, 1. 13. 21. cSiKawvv 'claimed', p. 9, 1. 3. iroXXov 'by a great deal', p. 46, 1. 8. 22. €WUTOi(rt = dXXT7Xois, p. 7, 1. 5. Xo^ovs €8£8oovs (Ab.). It seems to follow 1.^—2 196 NOTES ON HERODOTOS. VI. cxl the analogy oihihAcK^iv. Cp. the construction ol ireideadat with genitive p. 7, L 16. TO ovSafid ifXirwrav * which they expected would never by any means be fulfilled upon them'. Cp. ^Xiro/xat p. 64, 1. 10. 11. irape 6; 4, 3, 4; 9, 5, 15]. AZANIA, C. 127. A district of Arkadia, the name of which legend derived from Azan, son of Kallistos, son of Arkas, who divided Arkadia with his two brothers Apheidas and Elatos [Pausan. 8, 4, 2]. Baktra, c. 9. The chief city of Baktriana, a large district in Asia corresponding to the modem Bokhara. It was a very ancient city, on the site, it is believed, of the modern Balkh. The remoteness and wildness of the district made it a kind of Siberia of the Persian empire [9, 113]. BiSALTES, C. 26. Son of Apollophanes, a native of Abydos. Boeotians, cc. 34, 108. The inhabitants of Boeotia. According to Thucydides [r, 12] they were an Aeolian people originally living in Phthiotis in Thessaly, who being expelled by the Thessalians migrated into the land then called Kadmeis, to which they gave their name. They were a rather loose confederacy of towTis, of which the most powerful had originally been Orchomenos, but in these days was Thebes. Their enmity to Athens was probably caused originally by frontier disputes, especially in regard to the possession of Oropos. They had joined the Chalkidians in ravaging Attica in B.C. 505 [5, 74], and in the subsequent struggle with Persia were for the most part conspicuous medizers [8, 34; 9, 68]. The only exceptions were the towns of Plataea and Thespiae; the former following the lead of Athens. Brauron, c. 1 38. One of the 12 ancient Cantons of Attica. In historical times it was chiefly known for its temple of Artemis (q. v.), in which the ancient image was believed to have been deposited when brought by Orestes and Iphigeneia from the Tauric Chersonese, though according to other legends Qiis statue was placed at Halae [Eurip. /. T. 1452]. It was on the Eastern coast, south of the river Erasinos, and its name is preserved in the village Fa/ed Vra6na. There was a festival every four years held there, at which Attic girls were initiated previous to marriage H. VI. 14 2 TO HISTORICAL AND [4, 145]. The origin of the festival and the initiations of the young girls, to which the term apKreveadai. was applied, was ascribed by legend to the killing of a bear by the brothers of girls who had been torn by it [Schol. on Aristoph. Lysist. 646]. It seems impossible to decide what the true origin of the festival was: it may have been connected with some hunting episode, or with some substitute for human sacrifice. Brygi, c. 45. A Thrakian tribe living above the Chalkidian Chersonesos. They were supposed to be of the same race as the Phrygians [7, 73]. Byzantium, cc. 5, 26, 33. The Byzantines, c. 33. An Hellenic colony from Megara on the site of Constantinople founded B.C. 657 [4, 144]. It was reduced to Persian dependence by Otanes about B.C. 514 [5, 26], but was forced in B.C. 501 to join in the Ionian revolt [5, 103]. The advantages of its situation, as commanding the commerce of the Black Sea were early recognised [4, 144]; and having become a member or subject of the confederacy of Delos, after its rescue from Persian hands by Pausanias in B.C. 478 [Thucyd. i, 94], it was at various times an object of contention. Thus it revolted from the confederacy in B.C. 440 during the Samian war, but submitted again at the fall of Samos [id. i, 115 — 7]. In B.C. 410 the Pelopon- nesian fleet closed it against the Athenians, and placed in it a Spartan garrison and harmost. Taken again by Alcibiades in B.C. 408, it was retaken by Lysander in B.C. 405 [Xen. Hell, i, i, 36; i, 3, 14—20; 2, 21]. Though it suffered much from Philip of Makedon and the Gauls, we find it in the 2nd century B.C. occupying an important position in the commerce of the Levant, and even venturing to re-^ist the Rhodians, who at that time were masters of the sea, and had the most powerful fleet of any Greek people. But though its position was so favourable on the sea side, its prosperity was much checked by the constant hostility of the Gallic tribes that had migrated to its frontier [Polyb. 4, 39, 43 — 52]; and it was not until it was refounded by Constantine in A.D. 330 as New Rome that it became the powerful and important place that it was in the Middle Ages. Chalkedonians, the, c. 33. The inhabitants of Chalkedon, a colony of Megara, in Biihynia, near the entrance of the Pontus [Thucyd. 4, 75]. Megabazos remarked that the settlers must have been blind not to have chosen the better position opposite, where 17 years later Byzantium was founded [4, 144]. Chalkis, c. 118. Chalkidians, c. 106. Chalkis (mod. Egrifo) was on the coast of Euboea, just where the channel, the Euripos, is narrowest, and is now spanned by a bridge, resting on a rock in mid-channel. It was a very ancient town, and had sent out colonies into Italy and Sicily. It was from old times in hostility with Athens, and in B.C. =,06 tlie Athenians liad conquered it GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. 211 and divided its territory among 4000 kleruchs or allotment-holders [5, 77]. Chersonesos, cc. 33— 4> 36—41, 103, 140. Chersonesians, cc. 38 — 39. The Thrakian, or, as Herodotos calls it, the Hellespontine Cherso- nese, is the Peninsula extending along the western side of the Hellespont. At the narrowest part, near Agora, it was protected by a wall about four miles long. It had in very early times been colonised by Greeks, especially by Athenians, the principal cities being Kardia, Paktya, Kallipolis, Alopeconnesos, Sestos, Medytos, Elaeos. The supremacy of the family which had established their dominion there came to an end by the flight of Miltiades [B.C. 493]; after which it was subject to the Persians until after B.C. 479, when it became again nominally independent, but was an object of contention between Sparta and Athens, until it fell under the power of the Makedonians. Chios, cc. 2, 5, 8, 15 — 6, 26 — 7. Chians, cc. 1, 5, 26, 31. An island off the coast of Asia Minor, separated from the peninsula of Er}nhrae by a strait 5 miles broad at the narrowest point. It is about 32 miles long, and 18 miles wide at the broadest and 8 miles at the narrowest part. It was celebrated for its wine, which was the best in Greece, and for its pottery ; and its inhabitants are said by Thucydides to have been the most wealthy of the Greeks [Thuc. 8, 24 — 5]. It therefore soon recovered from the effects of Persian severity. It revolted from Athens as head of the Confederacy of Delos in B.C. 412 [Thucyd. 8, 14 sq.], and managed to hold its own. The island maintained an independent position for some centuries ; but suffered another devasta- tion by Zenobris, a general of Mithridates, in B.C. 86. It was then restored to freedom under Roman protection by Sulla, B.C. 84; but in the time of Vespasian was included in the Pro^nncia Insulartim. In A.D. 1 300 — 5 it suffered a massacre by the Turks, in a.d. 1346 was taken by the Genoese, and about a.d. 1600 was retaken by the Turks, and remained fairly prosperous until 1822, when the Turks punished a rebellion in the island by a savage massacre. Chilon, c. 65. Son of Demarmenos and father of Perkalos the wife of KingDemara- tos. He was regarded as the wisest man in Sparta [7, 235; i, 59]: and as one of the Seven wise men of Greece, and to him is attributed the famous saying -yvi^Qi aeavrou. He is said to have died for joy at his son's winning an Olympic victory [Pliny iV. //. 7, 32]. CHOEREAE, C. 10 1. A place in Euboea in the territory of Eretria. Some suppose that the name applies to some small islets off the main islands now called A'ava/cWi. 14—2 212 HISTORICAL AND Darios, cc. 1—3, 9, 2o, 24—5, 30, 40—1, 45, 48—9, 70, 94—5. 98- Darios, son of Hystaspes, was king of Persia from B.C. 521 to B.C. 485. He was of Achaemenid stock [7, 11], and had served Kambyses in Egypt in B.C. 525 [3, 38], and, upon the death of that king, joined the other Magi who put to death the false Smerdis, pretending to be a son of Kyros, and then contrived to be made king himself [3, 70 — 87], and married Atossa and Artystone the daughters of Kyros [3, 88 J. As Kyros had gained the Empire, so Darios was its organizer. He distri- buted the whole into 20 satrapies, fixing the amount of tribute each was to pay, and introduced an elaborate system of checks upon the officers employed in their management [3, 88 — 96, Xen. Oecon. 4, 5 — 10]. The Persians expressed their view of him by saying that Kyros was the father of his country, Kambyses the master, and Darios the broker (/cciTrT/Xos) [3, 89]. Like all men who have obtained power in an irregular manner over a combination of different nationalities, he was forced to secure his position by military activity. Hence his expedition into Skythia [4, 85 — 144], and his attempts upon Makedonia and Greece. His enmity to Athens and Eretria arose especially from the help given by them to the revolt- ing lonians in the burning of Sardis [5, loi — 105], after which event he is said to have instructed a slave to say three times each day to him when at supper, ' Sire, remember the Athenians' [5, 105]. He is said to have been about 20 in B.C. 538-7. If that be so, he would be approach- ing 70 at the time of Marathon [i, 209]. Daskyleion, c. 33. Daskyleion was the capital of the Northern Satrapy [the 3rd] of Asia Minor, which included the Phrygians, Asiatic Thrakians, Paphlagonians, Manandynians and Kappadokians [3, 90]. It was in Bithynia on the Propontis, but its exact site is somewhat uncertain. Xenophon \^Hell. 4, I, 15] describes it as beautifully situated amidst hamlets and parks well stocked with game, and on a river filled with various kinds of fish. Datis, cc. 94, 98, 118, 119. A Mede by birth, of whom Herodotos tells us nothing except what we read in this book. From Suidas, however, we learn of him that he learnt to speak Greek, but spoke it so imperfectly that AdrtSos fxk\o% (Arist. Pax 290) or oaTia/xos became a proverb for barbarous Greek. A son of his is mentioned in 7, 88. AEKEAETS, c. 92. Of Dekelea, 12 miles to the N.E. of Athens, commanding the Eastern pass over Parnes. It was one of the 12 original Cantons said to have been united by Theseus. The modem village of Taioi is on its F,ite. Delos, cc. 97—9, 110. Delians, the, cc. 97—8, 118. Delos, occupying a central situation among the Cyclades, had been to island Greece and Ionia much what Delphi was to continental GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. 213 Greece or Greece generally. Legend said that it had once been a floating island and had become fixed when Latona brought forth Apollo in it. Its temple accordingly was for a long time the centre of the worship of Apollo, and the meeting place of the Panionian congress. This yearly gathering is described in the Homeric Hymn to Apollo (146 — 155); and though when the meeting place of the Ionian League was removed to Ephesos by Polykrates of Samos, about B.C. 530 — 20, this yearly festival lost something in character and in the number of those frequenting it, yet it was still attended largely by lonians from all parts of Greece. The deupiai. were conducted with considerable splen- dour [see Plutarch Nicias c. 3], and its temple was enriched by numerous offerings from individuals and states. Its peculiar position was shewn by its selection as the treasure-house of the Confederacy of Delos [B.C. 476] ; and its yearly assembly continued to the end of the period of Greek independence to be largely attended; for we find in B.C. 178 that when King Perseus wished to circulate a proclamation among all Greeks he sent copies of it to Delos, as well as to Delphi and the temple of Itonian Athene (Polyb. 25, 2). It appears however to have gradually degenerated into a fair [efxiropiKov n irpdy,ua Strabo 10, 5). The island regained some importance after the destruction of Korinth (B.C. 146), because it was made a free port and was regarded as a half- way place between Athens and Ephesos, the ordinary route taken by the Roman ships going to Asia (Cicero ad Att. 5, 12). It is the smallest of the Cyclades, lying between Rheneia and ^Iykonos. Delium, c. 118. A small to\vn or hamlet in Boeotia, within the territory of Tanagra, It got its name from a temple of the Delian Apollo on the sea coast, and was afterwards rendered famous by the defeat of the Athenians there in B.C. 424 [Thucyd. 4, 90]. Delphi, cc. 19, 27, 34—5, 52, 57, 66, 70, 76, 135, 139. The to^vn of Delphi stood in a kind of natural amphitheatre to the S. of the sloping foot of a precipitous two-headed cliff which terminates the range of Parnassos. The valley is watered by the river Pleistos flowing to the S.W. into the Krissaean gulf. The name of the town in the Homeric poems is Pytho (nv^oi), hence the 'Pythian games', and the 'Pythia', the priestess who delivered the oracles. To its famous temple of Apollo men came from all parts of Greece to consult the oracle on all manner of questions. The oracle was also often consulted on matters of international dispute between the Greek States ; it was therefore of great importance to secure its impartiality, and position of independence. Hence the question of the custody of the temple, disputed between the Delphians and the Phokian League, was one which Sparta and Athens thought it worth while to maintain in arms [circ. B.C. 449 Thucyd. i, 112]. The Amphiktyonic League met there and at Thermopylae alternately, and was specially bound to maintain its inviolability. The restoration of the temple by the Alkmaeonidae, mentioned in this book, was in consequence of its destruction by fire in B.C. 548. 214 HTSTORTCAL AND Demaratos, cc. 50—1, 6r, 63—7, 70—5. Son of Ariston, who was the 14th of the Spartan kings of tlie junior house (the Eurj pontidae). The story of his deposition is told in this book. But though he was thus forced to take refuge in Persia, he did not lose all concern for Greece ; for he took pains in B.C. 481 to warn his coun- trymen of the intended invasion of Xerxes (7, 239). Still he accom- panied the king in his invasion, and occupied a high place in his confidence [7, 10 r — 4, 209, 234 — 7]: and was rewarded by the posses- sion of the cities of Pergamum, Teuthrania and Alisarna, which were in the possession of his descendants in B.C. 399 [Xenoph. Hdlen. 3, i, 6]: though he nearly forfeited the favour of Artaxerxes by imprudently asking to be allowed to wear the tiara [Plutarch Theinist. 29.]. Demarmenos, c. 65. A Spartan, father of Prinetidas, see 5, 41. Demeter, c. 91. The most venerable of the goddesses in Greek mythology. She was the daughter of Kronos and represented mystically the secret operations of nature. Her worship was mystic, and the initiation in the mysteries was regarded as the most solemn act in a man's life. Her temples were usually in a solitary place some M^ay from a town [see 9, 69, 97, Vergil, Aen. 2, 714]; but the most celebrated one was that at Eleusis. DiAKTORIDES, C. 7 1. A Spartan, father of Eurydame, wife of king Leotychides. DiAKTORIDES, C. 1 27. Of Crannon in Thessaly, one of the suitors of Agariste: of the wealthy family of the Scopadae (q. v.). See also Kraniion. DiDYMA, c. 19. A place just outside the gates of Miletos in which there was a very ancient temple and oracle of Apollo, said to be anterior to the settlement of the lonians, and to have been founded by Herakles [Pausan. 5, 13, 11; 7, 2, 4]. It was also called Branchidae, and was with others presented with rich offerings by Kroesos [i, 46, 92, 157; 5, 36]. Some of the works of art in the temple were taken to Ecbatana [Pausan. I, 16, 3]- DiONYSIOS, cc. II, 12, 17. A man of Phokaea elected by the lonians to command their combined fleet. The people of Phokaea had long taken the lead in naval enter- prise among the Greeks, and had been the tirst to shew the way to the Adriatic, Italy, and Spain. Rather than yield to Harpagos, the com- mander sent against them by Kyros, they had migrated almost in a body to Corsica and thence to Rhcgium [i, [63 — 167]: hence the departure of Dionysios, to lead a buccaneering life in and near Sicily, was in the natural course of things. Dioscuri (Ai6$ KoO/oot), c. 127. Castor and Pollux, the twin soas of i^cus and Leda. The story of GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. 215 their entertainment by Euphorion is not mentioned elsewhere ; but there is another similar story told by Pausanias (3, 16, i) of their asking to be entertained by one Phormio, and of this man being punished by the loss of his daughter for refusing. DOLONKI, cc. 34 — 5, 60. A Thrakian tribe, supposed to be named from Dolonkos, a son of Kronos and Thrake. They continued to exist and retain their name until after the Christian era, but were never important. Dorians, the, cc. 53, 55. One of the great divisions of the Hellenic race, which settling first in the north afterwards migrated into the Peloponnese and elsewhere. According to the myth they were descended from Dorus, the eldest son of Hellen [i, 56]. Egyptians, cc. 6, 54—5, 60. The inhabitants of Egypt ; to whom Herodotos ascribes the com mencement of most of the arts of life: history [2, 77], knowledge of immortality [2, 123], writing [2, 37], the divisions of the year [2, 4], religious worship [2, 4], divination [2, 57]. Herodotos also believed that there had been before the immigration of the Dorians an Egyptian occupation of the Peloponnese led by Danaos [7, 94; 2, 71]. Elaeus, c. 140. A town near the extremity of the Thrakian Chersonese, at the entrance of the Hellespont. It was a colony of Teos in Ionia, and was celebrated for its tomb and temple of Protesilaos [7, 33], the wealth of which was plundered by Artayktes, who deceived Xerxes into granting him permission to do so [9, 116]. Eleusis, cc. 64, 75. Eleusis, situated on a bay to which it gives a name, was about II miles W. of Athens. It is opposite Salamis and at the mouth of the western branch of the Attic Kephisos. It was famous for its temple of Demeter, at which mystic initiations were performed yearly; and the road to it from Athens was accordingly called the 'sacred way', along which the citizens went in solemn procession to attend the yearly celebration. Eleans, the, c. 127. Elis, c. 70. Elis was the North- Western province of the Peloponnese. _ Its inhabitants were partly immigrants from Aetolia, and are not prominent in this period of Greek history except as managers of the Olympic festival held in their territory. Enneakrounoi, c. 137. The Nine-Springs, the name of a spring in Athens, which had been 2i6 HISTORICAL AND constructed into a conduit with nine pipes by Peisistratos for the use of the public. It was close to the Odeium and Olympeion, on the S.E. of the Acropolis. It was the only natural spring in Athens, though there were numerous wells [Thucyd. 2, 15; Pausan. i, 14, i]. It was, most likely, from this fountain that certain citizens illegally drew off water for private use and were prosecuted by Themistokles as v^arwv iin.(TTaTrj$ [Plularch Them. 31]. Ephesos, c. 16, territory of, c. 16. A town on the coast of Lydia at the mouth of the Kayster. It had a good harbour called Panormos, which has now been silted up. It was one of the twelve Ionian cities which joined in the yearly festival at the Panionium, a temple of Poseidon on Mykale [i, 142, 148]. This festival was afterwards called the Ephesia, indicating that Ephesos was the chief city of the Ionian league [Thucyd. 3, 104]. Its celebrated temple of Artemis was believed to be far older than the Ionian settle- ment ; that is to say, that, when the lonians came there, they found a frequented temple of some Goddess, to whom they gave the name of Artemis [Pausan. 7, 2, 6 — 7]. Epidamnos (or -um), c. 127. A colony of Korkyra on the Illyrian coast between Apollonia and Lissos [Thucyd. i, 24]; its name was changed by the Romans, from an idea of its evil omen, to Dyrrachium {Du7-azzo), Pliny N. H. 3, 145: and it became the usual port for ships starting from Brundisium. Epikydes, c. 86. A Spartan, father of Glaucos. Epikydeides, c, 86, =S. of Epikydes, see Glaukos. Epistrophos, c. 127. Of Epidamnos, father of Amphimnestos, one of the suitors of Agariste. Epizelos, c. 117. An Athenian, who distinguished himself at Marathon, and was represented in the picture in the Stoa-Poekile. Erasinos, c. 76. A river rising at the foot of Mt Chaon and flowing across the plain of Argos. Its modern name is Kefalari^ and it was believed to be united by an underground stream with the river of Stymphalos in Arkadia [Pausan. 2, 24, 6J. Eretria, cc. 43, 94, 102, 105, 119. Eretrians, the, cc. 99, 100, 119, 127. In Euboea nearly opposite Oropos. Its inhabitants were mostly lonians [8, 46], and it had long been the seat of considerable com- mercial activity and a rival of Chalk is- The Eretrians sent a contingent GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. 217 of five ships to help the lonirais in their revolt, in gratitude for help long ago given them by the Milesians, in their struggles with Chalkis [5, 99; Thucyd. 1, 15]. Erythraeans, the, c. 8. The inhabitants of Erythrae, a town in Ionia (mod. Ritri), standing on a peninsula which juts out into the bay of Er}'thrae. It was one of the 12 Ionian cities [i, 142]: and is grouped by Herodotos Avith Chios as using the same dialect of Ionic Greek [i, 142], though the two states were at times at war with each other [i, 18]. According to the legend given by Pausanias, it was founded by Erythros from Krete, who brought beside Kretan settlers, Lykians, Karians and Pamphylians, and was afterwards strengthened with lonians under Kleopos son of Kodros [Pans. 7, 3, 7]. Erythraean Sea (?) 'Epvdp-n daKaaaa), c. 20. The ' Red Sea ' of Herodotos includes the Indian Ocean with its gulfs, the Red Sea and Persian Gulf. What we call the Red Sea he calls the Arabian gulf [6 'Apd^ios KdXrros 2, 11 ; 4, 39]. Etesian winds, the, c. 140. The periodical N. -West winds which in the Aegean blow for forty days from the rising of the Dog-star (26 July), cp. 7, 168. Euboea, cc. 100, 127. A long island, not, as H. says, as large as Kypros [5, 31], extending from the Malian gulf as far south as about half the length of Attica. The channel between it and the mainland was very narrow at one point, but was not bridged until B.C. 410. Down the centre went a long range of mountains dividing it into only three plains of any extent, that of Histiaea (Oreos) in the north, of Chalkis and Eretria in the centre of the west side, and of Karystos in the south. It had long been the seat of a flourishing commerce, and had been fruitful in colonies. Its country folk seem to have been a hardy race of mountain shepherds, who even in Pausanias' time were clothed in coats of pigs' skin [Pans. 8> I, 5]- These were of three different races inhabiting the three districts mentioned above, Ellopians (lonians), Thrakians from Abae, and Dryopians (Pelasgi). Euphorbos, c. ioi. Of Eretria, son of Alkimachos. With Philagros he betrayed his native city to the Persians, and was rewarded by the king with a gift of territory [Plutarch de Garrnl. 15. Pausan. 7, 10, 2], EuPHORiON, c. 114. The father of the poet Aeschylos and of Kynageiros [2, 156]. He seems to have lived at Eleusis and been connected with the worship of Pemeter. 2i8 HISTORICAL AND Europe, cc. 33, 43. According to Herodotos, Europe ended at the Colchian Phasis {Rioni) ; though others looked upon the Tanais (the Don) as the boundary to the N.-East. The question of whether a sea washed its northern shores was looked upon as entirely insoluble [4, 45], and the western shores of the ocean were almost as unknown. He derived the name from evpm and 61/', because of its lengthened frontier stretching opposite to Asia and Libya. EURYBATES, C. 92. An Argive athlete, who commanded a thousand volunteers in the defence of Aegina [9, 75; Pausan. i, 29, 5]. EuRYDAME, c. 71. Second wife of king Leotychides of Sparta, daughter of Diaktorides. EURYSTHENES, CC. 51 — 2. The descendant of Herakles with whom began the elder family of the kings of Sparta [8, 131]. Plerakles Hyllos Kleodaeos I Aristomachos I Aristodemos I I Eurysthenes Prokles I I Agis Siris (hence the Agidae) | Eurypon (hence the Eurypontidae) EuxiNE, the, c. 33. Called also by Herodotos the North Sea {^ ^opiftr] ddXaacra, 4, 37). It was earlier called the inhospitable sea {irdvTos A^evos Pind. /yfh. 4, 362). The English name of Black Sea appears to be a translation of the modern Greek Maurothalassa. EVAGORAS, C. 103. Of Sparta, the owner of some famous racing mares. Gela, c. 23. On a river of the same name in Sicily. It is on the S. coast between Agrigentum and Kamarina. It was a joint colony froii^ GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. 219 Rhodes and Krete formed B.C. 690 [7, 153. Thucyd. 6, 4, 3]. Its name was believed to be from an African word meaning 'white-frost' (gelu), from the appearance along the banks of the stream (the Fiume di Terra- Niiova) : but others have derived it from the notion of brightness contained in 7eXaj' to laugh [op. Hom. //. 19, 362 oX-yKi] 8' ovpavov Ue, yeXaaae de iraaa irepl x^^^ XaX/coO viro (TTepoir9)s\. For a while it was independent and flourishing ; but when one of its citizens Gelo became tyrant of Syracuse (b.c. 485) he took away a great part of its citizens and settled them in Syracuse, giving over Gela to his brother Hiero, who in his turn became tyrant of Syracuse and continued the same policy. After the expulsion of the Syracusan tyrants however (b.c. 466) it again rose to importance, until it was laid waste by the Cartha- ginians in B.C. 405. It partially recovered this, but was again destroyed by Phintias, tyrant of Agrigentum, some time between the ist and 2nd Punic wars, and from this it never thoroughly recovered [Diodor. Sic. 22, 2J. Glaukos, c. 86. A Spartan, son of Epikydes, a man of high position and character, whose attempted dishonesty was denounced by the Pythia [Pausan. 2, 8, 2; 8, 7,8]. GOBRYAS, C. 43. The father of Mardonios [7, 82]. He was one of the Persian nobles who killed the false Smerdis [3, 70, 73, 78]. He accompanied Darios into Skythia and interpreted the meaning of the Skythian emblematical missive [3, 132]. He was married to a daughter of Darios, and Darios married his daughter [7, 2, 5]. HARMODIOS, CC. 109, 122. One of the two conspirators who killed Hipparchos, son of Peisistratos [5, 55]. See Aristogeiton. Harpagos, cc. 28, 30. A Persian in command of an army of the Persian king in Mysia. Hegesander, c. 137. Of Miletos, father of Hecataeos (q. v.). Hegesipyle, c. 39. Wife of Miltiades son of Kimon, and daughter of the Thrakian king Oloros. Hekataeos, c. 137. A native of Miletos [circ. B.C. 550—476]. One of the earliest Greek historians and geographers; and the first to travel personally to various countries to collect his information, afterwards set forth in two works, IleptoSos 7^5 or irepi-qy-qaLS, and 'Icrrop at or 7evea\o7iai. Herodotos knew and used his writings. He was the son of Hegesander, 2 20 HISTORICAL AND and of an illustrious family [2, 143]. He displayed great wisdom and moderation at the time of the Ionian revolt. He dissuaded Aristagoras from beginning it without preparation [5, 36] ; and on his failure again offered him salutary advice as to the best way of securing himself [5, 125]. After the collapse of the revolt he went as ambassador to Arta- phemes and obtained mild terms for his countrymen. Helen, c. 61. Wife of Menelaos, and daughter of Leda and Tyndareos. Her temple at Sparta was in the Phoebaeum, a part of the Platanistas, a broad level south of the Dromos planted with plane trees [I'ausanias 3, 15. 3]- Hellas, cc. 24, 48 — 9, 61, 85, 94, 98, 106, 109. Hellenes, the, cc. 17, 29, 43, 53 — 4, 106, 112, 126 — 7, 134, 137. Herodotos uses Hellas and the Hellenes in the widest sense,^ including all those who were united by common descent (the mythical ancestor of all being Hellen), common language, and religion. Thus in c. 24 we see that the Greek cities in Sicily were included, as well as those in Asia Minor (c. 29). Hellespont, the, cc. 33, 43, 95, 140. The narrow strait (varying from i to 3 miles) now called the Dardanelles, between the Thrakian Chersonese and the coast of Asia. It was lined with Greek colonies — the list of which on the European side is given in c. 33 — attracted thither by the facilities for trade in the Black Sea (c. 26). Hephaestia (or -ias), c. 140. A town on the north of Lemnos, which like the island was sacred to Hephaestos, who was said to have fallen upon it when thrown from heaven [Horn. //. i, 594]: a legend accounted for by the evident marks throughout of violent volcanic action; on which account also it was sometimes called Aethaleia. Heraeon, cc. 81 — 2. Temple of Here, sister and wife of Zeus. Her worship was especially common among the Dorians; but the most celebrated and frequentea temple of all was this between Mykenae and Argos. There was held a solemn yearly festival [i, 31]; and the names of the priestesses, appointed annually, served, like those of the Archons at Athens, to mark the years in the calendar [Polyb. 12, 11]. Pausanias says that the temple was 15 stades (or \'^ miles) from Mykenae, on a stream called Eleutherium [2, 17, i]. It was burnt down in u.C. 4*3 by the carelessness of the priestess Chrysis [Thucyd. 4, 133], and rebuilt on a somewhat lower site [Pausan. 1,17, 7]. Herakles, cc. 53, 108, 115. Son of Zeus and Alkmena, according to the commonest legend. GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. 221 His worship was very widely spread. Herodotos says that he found it going on in Eg}'pt [2, 43, 145], at Tyre [2, 44] and in Skythia [4, 59]: though the Egyptians did not know the Greek myths in regard to him. The worship of Heroes was usually of a different character to that of Gods [ws ■)7/3W{' ivayl^ovcri ws ^e^ dvovai, Pausan. 2, ii, 7]; but the peculiarity of the worship of Herakles was that both sorts were paid to him [2, 44]. He was the mythical ancestor of the royal families of Sparta and of Lydia [i, 7; 7, 204; 8, 131; 9, 26], and temples to him existed in many parts of Greece. Herakleiox, c. 116. A temple and precinct of Herakles at Marathon (q. v.) and K}Tiosarges (q. v.). Hermippos, c. 4. A native of Atanieos in Mysia, an agent of Histiaeos. Hesifeia, c. 77. The MSS. vary between i] UtTreia, 'H(TiVeia and a-rjTreLa. This place was apparently between Argos and Tiiyns, but it is not mentioned elsewhere. Himera, c. 24. Himera (mod. Terviini) was the only independent Greek city on the N. coast of Sicily. It was colonised from Zankle (about B.C. 64S), mostly with Chalkidians, but also with some exiles from Syrakuse [Thucyd. 6, 5]. Its modern name is derived from Thermae, which was built not far from the site of Himera, after its destruction in B.C. 408, and was so called from its hot baths or springs [Cicero Verr. 2, 35]- HiPPARCHOS, C. 123. The yoimger son of Peisistratos, according to Thucydides [6, 54 — 55], whose elder brother Hippias (q. v.) succeeded his father as tyrannus. Thucydides says that he had made special inquiries and ascertained this to be the case; although there was a common notion that Hipparchos was the elder, and that Hippias succeeded at his death. This popular view is assumed in the dialogue Hipparchos [228 b] falsely attributed to Plato, but not much subsequent in date to him. Herodotos [5, 55] confirms the statement of Thucydides that Hippias and not Hipparchos v.as the tyraimus: yet Thucydides seems to attribute some apxh to Hipparchos ; and the explanation may be that they succeeded jointly to the functions of their father, but that Hippias, as the elder, had the chief dignity and authority. The story of the assassination of Hip- parchos told by Thucydides attributes the action to jealousy on the part of Aristogeiton of Hipparchos' afifection for Harmodios. Hippias, cc. 102, 107 — 9, 121. The elder brother of Hipparchos (q. v.) and son of Peisistratos. The assassination of his brother [B.C. 514] embittered Hippias, and 222 HISTORICAL AND caused his rule, which had been mild and beneficent, to degenerate into a harsh tyranny [Thucyd. 6, 59J; and he was expelled in K.c. 510 [5, 63]. He went first to Sigeium, of which his half-brother Hegesistratos was despot, and thence to the court of Darios, to request his help to regain his power [5, 96J, after a vain attempt of the Lakedaemonians to restore him [5, 93]. He was doubtless influential in prompting the invasion of Attica, and suggested Marathon as a place of landing; for it was there that his father Peisistratos had landed in B.C. 537, accompanied by Hippias, when successfully endeavouring to regain his power [i, 62]. HiPPOKLEIDES, CO. 127 — 9. An Athenian, son of Tisander, one of the suitors of Agariste. HiPPOKRATES. (i) c. 103. The father of Peisistratos. When a private citizen he was warned by an omen at the Olympic games that his son was destined to work some mischief [i, 59]. (2) c. 23. Tyrant of Gela (q. v.) in Sicily, succeeding his brother Kleander in B.C. 498. He conquered the Syrakusans in a decisive batt'e, and much extended his territory. In B.C. 491 he died while besieging Hybla in the course of a war with the native Sikels [7, 154 — 5. Thucyd. 614]. (3) c- 127. Of Sybaris, father of Smindyrides who was one of the suitors of Agariste. {4) c. 131. Son of Megakles and Agariste, and brother of Kleisthenes the reformer. IIlPPONIKOS, C. 12 r. Son of Kallias. The two names were taken in alternate generations by the eldest sons [7, 151]. See Arist. ^z/. 283 wVTrep d X^yois'l-mroviKos KaWiov Ko^ 'IttttovIkov KaXXias. They were the head of a very ancient and wealthy family at Athens. HiSTIAlos, cc. I — 5, 26—9, 4'). Histiaios, son of Lysagoras, was tyrant of Miletos, at the time of Darius' expedition intoSkythia: and was one of the Greek tyrants who resisted the proposal to cut the bridge over the Danube, and so prevent the king's retreat [4, 137 — 8]. He was rewarded by the gift of Myrkinos and its territory in the country of the Edones [5, 11]. Leaving Miletos in the care of his son-in-law Aristagoras, he proceeded to fortify Myrkinos. This roused the suspicions of Megabazos, who warned Darios that he was meditating some act of insubordination. He was consequently summoned to Sardis under the i)relext of his advice GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. 223 being needed by the king, and was kept there and at Susa in a sort of honourable captivity [5, -23 — 4]. Getting tired of this he determined to stir up a movement among the lonians, with the hope of being sent do^vn himself to repress it. He did this by sending a slave down to Ari^tagoras with the words ' Raise the lonians' \a.iTo-ing black mail on the ships coming out of the Hellespont, and retahated on the Chians by seizing their Island [6, 26 — 7]. He then besieged Thasos, for the sake of its gold mines. Hearing that the Phoenikian fleet of the king was about to leave Miletos he removed his army southward to Lesbos. But not finding sufficient provisions he crossed to the mainland, where he was captured and taken to Sardis. There Artaphernes without waiting to refer to the king, crucified him [6, 28, 30]. He is described as a man of great subtilty and acuteness [Seti/os /cat (ro0os, 5, 23]. Hydar.xes, c. 133. One of the assassins of the false Snicidis [3, 70]. He was afterwards governor of the maritime district of Asia Minor [7, 135], and his son commanded the Immortals in the Army of Xerxes [7, 83, 211]. His descendants became kings of Armenia [.Strabo 11, 14, 1=]. Hyllos, c. 52. Son of Herakles, see Eiirysthenes. He it was who, according to the legend, led the Herakleidae back to the Peloponnese. According to one story his mother was Melite (Apoll. Rhod. 4, 538), according to another Omphale (Paus. i, 35, 8), to another Deianeira [Soph. Track. 56]. He was killed in single combat by Echemos of Tegea [9, 26]. HvMETTOS, c. 137. A double range of mountains to the S.E. of the plain of Athens, divided by a deep depression. Its greatest height is 3506 feet. It was celebrated for its bees, as Pentelicos for its marble quarries, and Fames for its hunting [Pausan. i, 32, i]. Hysians, the, c. 108. The people of Hysiae, a small town on the N. slope of Kithaeron, on the road from Athens to Thebes [9, 15, 25]. Hystaspes, c. 98. Father of Darios, and son of Arsames, of the family of the royal Achaemenidae, of which Kyros was a descendant by an elder brajich [7, 11]. He accompanied Kyros in his expedition against the Massage- tae, but was sent back to Per.-ia to prevent a movement of his son 224 HISTORICAL AND Darios, which Kyros wrongly fancied was foretold in a dream [x, 209 — 210]. At the time that his son succeeded to the throne he was governor (i/Trapxos) of the Persians [3, 70]. And from inscriptions it appears that he acted as his son's general against the Parthians. Ias, cc. 9, 31. Ionian (f. adj.) see lonians. IcARiAN Sea, the, cc. 95 — 6. The S.E. part of the Aegean, along the coasts of Caiia and Ionia, deriving its name from the island of Icaria. The name was as old as Homer [//. 2, 145]. Imbros, cc. 41, 104. An island off the Thracian Chersonese, about 35 miles in circumfer- ence. It is mountainous and well-wooded, with fertile valleys. It was first inhabited by Pelasgians [5, 26], and then colonised from Athens, of which it was always regarded as a possession. Inycum, cc. 23 — 4. A small town in the S.W. of Sicily, on the river Hypsas [mod. Belic{\. In mythology it was connected with Daedalos, who took refuge there when flying from Minos of Crete. Ionia, cc. i, 7, 13, 17, 22, 28, 43, 86, 95. lONiANS, the, cc. I — 3, 7 — 14, 17, 22, 26, 28, 31 — 2, 41—3, 98. Ionia was the maritime district of Asia Minor, extending from the River Hermus on the North to a short distance S. of Miletus. ' The 'region', says Herodotos, 'is the fairest in the whole world: for no ' other is so blessed as Ionia, either North or South or East or West of ' it. For elsewhere the climate is either too cold and damp, or else the 'heat and drought are oppressive' [i, 142]. Pausanias [7, 5, 2] also says that, 'The lonians have the very best possible temperature of the seasons'. In this pleasant region the cities were colonized by the lonians, which together with ihe islands of Samos and Chios established an Amphiktyone, or community for religious worship, the centre of which was the Panionium, or temple of Poseidon, on the promontoiy of Mykale ; though for political purposes the states were nidependent. Ephesos and Miletos, the two principal cities, were believed to have been founded by the two sons of Kodros, king of Athens, Androkles and Neileos ; and therefore Athens was regarded as in a sense the Metropolis or mother city of Ionia. But the Athenians and other Ionic states in Greece became ashamed of the title ' Ionian ', and did their best to renounce it. The Asiatic cities on the other hand were proud of it, and they became to all intents and purposes ' Ionia'. The cities were Miletos, Myus and Priene, in Karia : Ephesos, Colophon, Lebedos, Teos, Clazomenae, Erythrae and Phokaea, in Lydia. They were not purely Ionic ; for the Ionian settlers had intermarried with the original Karians, Lydians, and other inhabitants, and they did not all speak the same dialect ; but the GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. 225 predominant element in them all was Ionian. By B.C. 528 all these towns had been reduced to subjection to Persia, by Harpagos the general of Kyros [i, 162 — 170]- The only member of the confederacy still remaining free being Samos, which under Polykrates for a time maintained great power and prosperity. But by B.C. 519 Samos too submitted to become tributary [3, 39 — 47; 54 — 6; 120 — 5]. It is the rising of these tributary states, beginning by the expulsion of the despots established by Persian influence, and its suppression as related in the first part of this book, that served to bring about the collision between Persia and the continental Greeks. See Introduction. Ionian Gulf, the, c. 127. By the Ionian Gulf (/coXttos 'loi'ios) Herodotos means the Adriatic [9, 92]. The name must have arisen from ' lonians' being from their extensive colonies regarded as equivalent to ' Greeks'. Italia, c. 127. By Italy Herodotos seems always to mean the Greek cities in Italy. He does not mention Rome, but the power in central and northern Italy known to him is the Etruscan empire (Tyrrhenia) i, 94, 163. Kaikos, c. 28. The Kaikos flows through the S. of Mysia, past Pergamum, and discharges itself into the Sinus Eleaticus between Pitane and Elaea. By the plain of Kaikos Herodotos apparently means the part near Perga- mum. It was very rich and fertile. KoXt) 'AkTT], CC. 2 2 3. The Fair-Strand, on the N. coast of Sicily, between Helaesa and Haluntium, was in Roman times called Calacta [Cic. ii Verr. 3 § 43]. It was noted for the fisheries in the sea near it [Silius Ital. 14, 251]. There was another place of the same name on the W. coast of Krete. Kallias, cc. 121, 122. Son of Phaenippos, a wealthy Athenian, and violent opponent of the Peisistratidae. See Hipponikos. KALLIMACHOS, cc. 109 — III, 114. An Athenian of the deme Aphidna, who was Archon Polemarchos in B.C. 470 and fell at Marathon. He and Miltiades were the most conspicuous figures in the picture of the battle of Marathon in the Stoa Poikile [Paus. i, 15, 3]. Karja, c. 25. Kar, c. 20. Karia was the district in Asia immediately South of Ionia. The boundaries between the two differed at different times, sometimes being reckoned as formed by the Messogis range, and sometimes by the Maeander. It had in the last century been subdued and annexed by Kroesos [i, 28], and afterwards by the Persians under Harpagos [i, 174], and joining in the Ionian revolt was again subjugated by the H. VI. I.S 226 HISTORTCAL AND Persians [5, 117 — 120]. The original inhabitants were Leleges, and had once been widely spread in Island Greece or, as Herodotos says, had come from the Islands, though they denied this themselves [i, 171], but were reduced to subjection by Minos of Crete [Thucyd. i, 8]; and either their inferior position among the Ionian settlers, or the fact of their practice of serving as hired troops, brought Ihem into such contempt, that 'the value of a Karian' and 'to risk a Karian' came to be proverbs for what was worthless. [Plato Laches 187 B. Eurip. Cycl. 654. Polyb. 10, 32]. The Greeks regarded them as ^ap^apoi, but though their language was not Hellenic, it was largely mixed with Hellenic words [i, 171]. Karchedonians, the, c. 17. The inhabitants of Carthage [Ka/)X'?5wi'], who in the time of Hero- dotos were a great mercantile people, and were encroaching on Sicily, though resisted by successive rulers of Syrakuse [7, 165], as they had done on Corsica [i, 166]. Kardia, cc. 33, 36, 40. A town in the Northern part of the Thrakian Chersonese, at the head of the Black Gulf (fx^Xas Koatpoj q.v.). It was originally a joint colony from Miletos and Clazomenae; but was strengthened afterwards from Athens. It was destroyed (about B.C. 300) by Lysimachos, and partially restored with the name of Lysimachia. Karystos, c. 99. A town on the South of Euboea near Mt Ocha, still called Karysto, though now a mere village. It was celebrated for its marble quarries. Like Styra in the same district its inhabitants were Dryopians, a Pelasgic race from a district near Malis [4, 33; 8, ()(i\. In B.C. 469 — 7 they waged a not unsuccessful war with the Athenians [9, 105. Thucyd. 1, 98J. Kasamros, c. 73. An Aeginetan, son of Aristocrates. He was one of the leading men selected by the kings of Sparta to be delivered, as a hostage for the loyalty of Aegina, to the care of the Athenians. KiLIKIA, C. 95. KiLIKIANS, C. 7. The South-Eastern district of Asia Minor, bordering on the Medi- terranean opposite Kypros [5, 49], bounded on the \V. by Pamphylia and Pisidia, and on the East by Mt Amanus, though Herodotos [5, 52] extends it to the Euphrates. Its Northern frontier is Mt Taurus, it therefore counted as ^^a' tov Tavpov as opposed to that part of Asia which was spoken of as 17 ivl rdde rod Tavpov, a division which may be taken to correspond to that of Asia Minor and Palestine, Kilikia being on the borders of the two. The Kilikians, originally called Hypachaei [7, 91] were probably of Aramaic origin, and connected with the Pliamikians. GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. 227 KlMON. (0 cc. 34, 38—40, 103, 140. The father of Miltiades, an Athenian of wealth and influence, but according to Plutarch \^Cimon 4] of bad character, and of such mean intellect as to get the nickname of KodXe^ios 'the fool'. For his family and descendants, see Miltiades. (2) c. 136. Son of the great Miltiades and Hegesipyle. His youth, according to the gossip in Plutarch's Life (which however is probably derived from hostile and untrustworthy sources) was discreditable ; but his after career was of great service to Athens. In conjunction with Aristeides he was the founder of the confederacy of Delos [b.c. 478], and his victory over the Persians at the mouth of the Eurymedon in Pamphylia [B.C. 466J finally decided the freedom of the Greek states from Persian influ- ence : though the actual conclusion of the treaty after it, mentioned by Plutarch, has been denied. The rising power ot Perikles, combined with the unfriendly attitude of Sparta, of which Kimon had been always a partisan, contributed to secure his ostracism in B.C. 461. But on his recal in B.C. 456 he again did good service to his country in Egypt and Kypros, in which latter island he died while engaged in the siege of Kitium [B.C. 449]. Taken as a whole the policy of Kimon was for the Athenians to keep on friendly terms with Sparta, and in conjunction with her to maintain the status quo in Greece, while he pushed the Athenian Empire abroad : that of Perikles was to make Athens supreme in Greece, and in order to do so, to depress Sparta. KissiA, c. 119. A district in Asia [mod. Khuzistdn^ of which the Capital was Susa. Kleandros, c. 83. A native of the town Phigaleia in Arcadia, a mantis or soothsayer. Kleisthenes. (i) cc. 126, 128—130. The last tyrannus of Sikyon, of a dynasty established by Orthagoras, which lasted 100 years, owing, says Aristotle {Pol. 5, ii), to the moderate and law-abiding character of the sovereigns. In B.C. 595 he commanded the joint army of the Amphiktyons in the Sacred War, which after 10 years ended in the destruction of Kirrha. The year of his death and of the end of his dynasty is not known, but it was subsequent to B.C. 582. (2) c. 131. Son of Megakles and Agariste the daughter of Kleisthenes tyrant of Sikyon, His reforms on the Solonian constitution of Athens were introduced shortly after the expulsion of Hippias and his family [b.c. 510]. They were in a democratic direction; the foundation of them being the division for political purposes of the people into 10 local tribes instead of the four ancient tribes, which were combinations of 15—2 228 HISTORICAL AND (pparplai or clans. His rival Isagoras applied for help from Sparta, and in the course of the ten years [510 — 500 B.C.] Kleisthenes with the rest of the Alkmaeonidae had to leave Athens; but was soon afterwards recalled. Of the end of his life we know nothing. [See 5, 63, 66, 69—73.] Kleodaeos, c. 52. Son of Hyllos (q. v.), and grandson of Herakles [see pedigree given in article Etirysthenes, and comp. 7, 204 ; 8, 131]. He had an Heroum or Chapel at Sparta near the Theatre [Pausan. 3, 15, 10]. Kleomenes, cc. 50 — I, 61, 64 — 6, 73 — 5, 78—81, 84 — 5, 92, 108. The 1 6th king of Sparta of the elder line, the Agidae, from B.C. 520 to B.C. 49?. He was the son of Anaxandridas by his second wife [5, 41 — 2]. He was all his life strange and eccentric, and finally died by his own hand in a state of absolute madness. His career as king of Sparta was, as might be expected from his character, a strange and sometimes discreditable one: though it does not appear to have been stained by the usual corruption of Spartan kings in regard to taking bribes [3, 148; 5, 51; 6, 82]. In B.C. 511 — 10 he led an army against Athens, and compelled Hippias and his family to quit [5, 64 — 5], and two or three years later supported Isagoras and expelled Kleisthenes with the other Alkmaeonidae from Athens [5, 70], but was shortly afterwards forced to give up the Akropolis which he had seized [5, 72 — 3, 90]. He however made another attempt to set up Isagoras as tyrant of Athens, which was frustrated by a quarrel with the other king Demaratos [5, 74 — 6]. While on the Akropolis he had discovered the oracles which the Alkmaeonidae had fraudulently obtained from Delphi ordering the expulsion of the Peisistratidae, and had taken them to Sparta, and this induced the Spartans to make an attempt to bring back Hippias [5, 72]. After refusing to take part in assisting the Ionian revolt [5, 49 — 51], his next enterprise was that against Aegina recorded in chs. 49 — 51 of this book. His most outrageous proceeding was his invasion of Argos, and the severity with which he treated the inhabitants [cc. 76—80, cp. 7, 148], which so embittered the Argives against the Spartans, that they readily entered into terms with the Persians, and all through the subsequent Persian war consistently nicdized. His final loss of reason seems "to have been brought to a crisis by intemperate habits [6, 76J. Knop:thos, c. 88. An Aeginetan, father of Nikodromos. KoBON, c. 66. A man of high position at Delphi, son of Aristophantos, who acted in collusion with Kleomenes in the matter of Demaratos. KOENYRA, c. 47. A place in the island of Thasos, near which were some silver mines once worked by the Phoenikians. GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. 229 KoiXa, Tcl, c. 26. A place in the Island of Chios, 'the Hollows,' but whether so called from a depression in the land, or from the configuration of the shore is not known. The same name in Euboea refers to the lie of the coast [8, 13]. KolXt] 680s, T], c. 103. The ' Hollow Road ' or the ' Valley Road, ' the name of a road outside Athens, on the north of the town. It leads through a place called KoiX?;, in which was the tomb of Thucydides. KORINTHOS, C. 128. KORINTHIANS, the, CC. 89, I08. The territory of Korinthos was separated from the Megarid on the north by the range of Geraneia, and from Argolis on the south by Oneum. Korinth itself consisted of a citadel, the Akrokorinthus (1900 ft.), with a town round it enclosed with wall, and joined to its western port, Lechaeum, by long walls. Its eastern port, Kenchreae, was more than eight miles distant. Its position on a narrow isthmos commanding the road from Northern Greece to the Peloponnese, and with easy access to both seas, made it early important ; and in it the first triremes were built [Thucyd. i, 13]. Though the inhabitants were for the most part Dorians, they were at this time on friendly terms with Athens rather than with Sparta, and refused to join in the attempt to re-establish the tyranny there [5, 75, 93]. KOUPHAGORAS, C. 1 1 7. An Athenian, father of Epizelos (q. v.). Krannonian, a, c. 127. Of Krannon, also called Ephyra [Find. Pyth. 10, 85]. It was a town in the district of Thessaly called Pelasgiotis, in which the most wealthy and important family was that of the Scopadae, whose great flocks feeding ou the fertile plain round it are mentioned by Theocritus Id. 16, 36: ttoKKoX 8e HiKOTrddaLffiv iXavudfiepoL ttotI craKoi/s luxTXpt. ai/u Kepaycriu i/xvKrjaavTO ^oeaaiv fivpia 5' d/xTrediov Kpavvcoviov ev8iaxi 34—6]. Krotonians, the, c. 21. The inhabitants of Kroton, a Greek colony on the E. coast of Bruttium, about six miles N. of the Lacinian promontory, founded about B.C. 710 by a band of Achaeans led by Myskellos of Rhypae. It was long the residence of Pythagoras, and his club of 300 for some time exercised supreme political influence there; and during this in- fluence (about B.C. 510) occurred the war with Sybaris referred to in this passage, which ended in the total destruction of that town [5, 44]. Kynegeiros, c. 114- Son of Euphorion, and brother of Aeschylos. According to Trogos (Justin. 2, 9) his right hand with which he was holding on to a Persian ship being cut off, he laid hold with his left, and when that too was cut off, with his teeth. Kyneas, c. ioi. An Eretrian, father of the traitor Philagros (q- v.). Kyniskos, c. 71. A name ('the Whelp ') given by the Spartans to Zeuxidamos son of Leotychides. Kynosargos, c. 116. A precinct of Herakles, and gymnasium outside Athens, on the road to Marathon, near the Dromeian gate. The gymnasium was frequented by half-bred Athenians and illegitimately bom boys, — Herakles, half man and half god, being the patron of such [Plutarch Themist. i]. It was on high ground commanding a view of the sea. Kyprians, the, c. 6. The inhabitants of Kypros, an island opposite the coast of Kilikia. It was valuable to the Persians, both as possessing a navy of its own, and as being in the way for the Phoenikian ships crossing to Asia Minor. It had been under the power of Amasis king of Kgypt [a, 182]; then, with Asia and Egypt, tributary to the king of Persia [3, 91]; and joining in the Ionian revolt had again been subdued. The Kyprians were originally Phoenikians; but Greek colonies had been settled in it from Salamis, Athens, Arkadia and Kythnos, and some from Aethiopia [7, 90]. It is 150 miles long, with a maximum breadth of 40 miles. Kypselos, c. 34. The father of Miltiades, the first tyrant of the Chersonese. See Miltiades. He was supposed to be descended from the Aeakidae, and was a man of great wealth. GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. 231 Kypselidae, c. 128. The descendants of Kypselos, for 30 years tyrant of Corinth, having deposed and decimated the ohgarchical clan of the Bacchiadae [about B.C. 655]. His name means a 'chest' or 'corn-bin,' in which the infant Kypselos was concealed from the emissaries of the Bacchiadae, who in consequence of an oracle wished to kill him [5, 92]. This chest was preser%-ed in the family, and, being covered wiih. cedar and gold, was dedicated in the temple at Olympia. [Pausan. 5,17, 5]. He was succeeded by his son Periander who died after a reign of forty years [about B.C. 5S5]. and was succeeded by a relative, Psammetichos, after a few vears of whose reign the dvnasty was suppressed [Aristot. Pol. 5. 9]- Kyzikos, c. 33. A city in Mysia on the extremity of a peninsula (or island joined to the mainland artificially, which has now become a peninsula) projecting into the Propontis. The ruins of it are now called BcJ Kiz. The Kyzikenes were apparently of Greek origin, but it is not known whence they came or when the town was first formed. It was included under the supremacy of Athens after the Persian wars; revolted and was recovered in B.C. 411 [Thucyd. 8, 107]; was taken by the Spartans in B.C. 410, and recovered by Alkibiades [Xen. Hell, i, i, 16], and by the peace of Antalkidas (B.C. 3?7) reverted to the Persians. It was a wealthy mercantile town, and its gold staters were widely ctirrent in Greece. Lade, cc. 7, ii. The largest of a group of islands off Miletos. It is now part of the continent, and represented by a hill in the plain of the Maeander, the deposits of the river having extended the land beyond the scene of the battle. Lakedaemonians, the, cc 52—3, 58, 60, 70, 75, 77, S5, 92, 106. loS, 120, 123. The inhabitants of the district of Lakonia, over which, as weU as over Messenia, the citizens of Sparta (which contained 8000 men of military age, 7, 234) were supreme. At this time their military reputation gave them an informal supremacy throughout Greece, as is shown by the Athenians accusing the Aeginetans to them, as though they were the natural judges in a matter of international dispute (c. 49). Lakonian dances, c. 129. Probably war dances, or steps like a march to music; for we leam that • the Lakedaemonians used to march out to battle, not to the sound of trumpets, but to the strains of pipes, lyre, and kithara' [Pausan. 3, I?) 5]- See also note to this passage. Lampito, c. 71. Daughter of king Leotychides, and wife of Archidamos. She was the mother of king Agis, and was alive in B.C. 427 [Plato, Alcib. i. 124 A]. 232 HISTORICAL AND Lampsakenes, the, cc. 37 — 8. The inhabitants of Lampsakos, a city of Mysia on the Hellespont. It was originally called Pityusa, but received the name of Lampsakos after being colonised from Phokaea and Miletos. It had an excellent harbour, and its territory produced good wine. It had been captured by the Persians during the Ionian revolt [5, 117]. Its tyrant was Hippokles, whose son Aeantides married Archedike, a daughter of Peisistratos [Thucyd. 6, 59]. Laos, c. 21. Laos, 35 miles from Sybaris, on the west coast of Italy and the mouth of the river Laos (mod. Lao). Laphanes, c. 127. An Arkadian of Paeos, in the district of Azania (q. v.), one of the suitors of Agariste; he was son of Euphorion (q. v.). Lemnos, cc. 137 — 140. An island lying between Mt Athos and the Hellespont, about 150 square miles in area. Its earliest known inhabitants were a Thrakian tribe called Sinties, which perhaps means robbers or pirates (tr/vo/iat) ; it then received the Pelasgi expelled from Attica. It was conquered by the Persian Otanes (5, 26), but after its deliverance by Miltiades it remained a possession of Athens till late times [Thucyd. 4, 28. Polyb. 30. 18]. Lemnian deeds, c. 139. The A-Zj/xvca ^pya referred to, besides the slaughter of these sons of the Attic women, were as follows. The Sintians of Lemnos loathed their wives, on whom Aphrodite had sent a curse {dvaoa-fiia), and married others from Thrace. In revenge all the women murdered their husbands and fathers, except Hypsyle who concealed her father Thoas [Apollo- dor. I, 9, 17]. Leoprepes, c. 85. A Spartan, father of Theasides. Leotychides, cc. 65 — 7, 69, 71—3, 85—86. The sixteenth king of Sparta of the junior branch (the Eurypontidae). There is some confusion as to his pedigree, for in 8, 131 Herodotos calls his grandfather Agesilaos, not Agis, as here. His and Demaratos' families seem to have parted 8 generations earlier, both being descended from sons of Thcupompos, king circ. B.C. 772 — 713. Sec .-i^'-is. He com- manded the' Greek fleet at Mykale [9, 98]. Lesbos, cc. 8, 14, 28, 31. The Lesbians, cc. 5, 8, 26—7. An island about 7 miles off the coast of Mysia. It had two excellent harbours, and was celebrated for the healthiness of its climate, and the excellence of its wine. It had been origin;\lly divided into six territories; but four of them became absorbed in the dominions of the GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. 233 two cities of Methymna and Mytilene, the latter of which gave its name after \\ards to the whole island. The inhabitants were principally Aeolians ; and the island was regarded as the central seat or fnrrpoiroKLs of the Aeolians. It never became part of the Lydian kingdom, but submitted for a time to the Persians [i, 169]. After the Persian wars it joined the confederacy of Delos, and was attached to the Athenian interest ; but in the course of the Peloponnesian war revolted from Athens [Thucyd. 3, 15], and was punished by the division of the territory of Mitylene among Athenian cleruchs [Thucyd. 3, 50]. LoKRi Epizephyrii, c. 23. The 'Western Locrians/ that is, the Lokrians in Italy as opposed to the Lokrians in Greece. The town of Lokri was on the S.-E. coast of Bruttium, 5 miles from the modem Gerace ; but even its ruins have almost entirely disappeared. There seems a doubt as to whether they were colonists from the Opuntian or Ozolian Lokrians, Pausanias (3, 19, ] i) and Vergil (Aen. 3, 399) favouring the former; and Strabo and others the latter. Aristotle said that the colony was formed by certain slaves of the Lokrians, who, in the absence of their masters on an expedition, intrigued with the Lokrian ladies, and when their masters were about to return, fled with the women to Italy. This account however was strenuously denied by Timaeos, who asserted that Italian Lokri was a colony from Greek Lokris, sent out under the usual honourable circumstances [Polyb. 12, 5 — 9]. Some derive the ap- pellation of Epizephyrii, not from the distinction between western and eastern Lokrians, but from the promontory Epizephyrium in their territory. Lydians, the, cc. 32, 37, 125. Lydia was properly the district in Asia Minor separated from Mysia on the N. by the range of Temnos, and from Karia on the south by the Messcgis Mts or by the R. Maeander. In Homer [//. 2, 865 etc.] the inhabitants of this country are called Meiones (Mgoz'es), who appear to have been of Pelasgic origin. At some period before B.C. 700 these Meiones were conquered by the Lydi, whose place of origin is quite un- known, but who appear to have been connected ethnologically with the Karians. In the reign of Kroesos [B.C. 560 — 546], of the 3rd dynasty established by Gyges [i, 18 — 13], the kingdom of Lydia included all Asia Minor except Lykia and Kilikia. This kingdom was annexed to Persia by Kyros [B.C. =46], and by Darios Lydia and Mysia were formed into a Satrapy, the seat of government being Sardis [3, 90]. Herodotos describes them as an active and warlike race, [i, 7], the first to engage in commerce and coin money [i, 94], with institutions similar to the Greeks [i, 35, 74, 94]. Yet their blood relationship to the Karians was commemorated by a joint worship of the Karian Zeus [i, 171]. Lykurgos, c. 127. An Arcadian, father of Amiantus, of the city Trapezus (q. v.), who was one of the suitors of Agariste. 234 HISTORICAL AND Lysagoras, c. 133. Son of Tisias, of the island of Pares. Lysanias, c. 127. Of Eretria, in Euboea, one of the suitors of Agariste. Makedonia, cc. 44—5. Makedonia proper consisted of two parts: Upper Makedonia, an inland district on the east of the chain of mountains which form a continuation of Pindos, and watered by the confluents of the Upper Haliakmon : Lower Makedonia consisting of the basin of the Axius, but not reaching to the sea. In this latter district of Lower Makedonia, a dynasty had established itself with Edessa as its capital, founded by Perdikkas, who claimed to be a grandson of Temenos of Argos [8, 127; Thucyd. 2, 99]. Under the reign of Amyntas I., fifth in descent from Perdikkas, and his successor Alexander [5, 22 ; 8, 34], Makedonia, having been gradually organised by them and their predecessors, began to be mixed up in Hellenic politics. Malene, c. 29. A town in the district of Atarneos (q. v.). Males, c. 127. An Aetolian, one of the suitors of Agariste. Marathon, cc. 102—3, 107, iii, 113, 116, 120, 132. A small plain on the E. coast of Attica, 6 miles long and varying from 3 to 5 miles broad between the mountains and the sea. In it were originally four townships, Marathon, Probalinthos, Trikorythos and Oenoe, which together under the name Tetrapolis formed one of the 12 original cantons of Attica. On the union of all Attica, attributed to Theseus, all four of these places became Attic demes. Its northern end is filled up by a marsh which leaves only a narrow pass between it and Mt Koraki : on the south the hills approach close to the sea. Four roads lead from this plain over the hills into the interior : the southern between Pentelikos and Hymettos; the next more northwards to Athens by Kephisia ; the next through Aphidna and Dekelea to Athens; the next between Ml Koraki and the large marsh to Khamnos and so along the coast to Oropos, It had long been known as a place of landing in Attica [Homer, Odyss. 7, 80], and had been used by Peisistratos and Hippias in B.C. 537 [i, 62], see Ilippias. For the battle of Marathon, see Introduction. Mardonios, cc. 43—4, 94- Son of Gobryas by a sister of Darios [7, 5J, whose daughter Artazostra he married. After his failures recorded in this book and his removal from command, he still seems to have retained influence at court. For he is represented as being the chief means of persuading Xerxes to undertake his expedition against Greece [7, 5], and was commander in-chief of the land forces [7, 8 2 J. After the battle of GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. 235 Salamis he persuaded Xerxes to go home, and leave him with 300,000 men to complete the conquest of the Peloponnese [8, 100 — 6]. After wintering in Thessaly [8, 113] and vainly trying to win over Atheus by negociation [8, 133 — 141], he occupied it once more [9, i — 4], and after retreating into Boeotia [9, 12—15] finally fell at the battle of Plataea [9. 63]. Medes, cc. 9, 22, 24, 67, 109, 120. Medike, c. 84. A Mede, c. 94. Median army, c. hi. IMedian dress, c. 112. The Medes were an Aryan people [7, 62] who when first heard of inhabited a district south of the Caspian now called Khorassan. About the middle of the 7th century B.C., havino: removed to Media, — a country which with its capital Ecbatana [Haniadan) is included in the modern Irak Ajem, — they fell under the power of the Assyrian monarchy. An independent Median kingdom seems to have been established by Kyaxares about B.C. 635. In B.C. 624 he took Nineveh, and before his death extended his dominions up to the river Halys, and threatened Asia Minor [i, 103]. His successor Astyages was conquered by Kyros and the Persians. The new monarchy thus formed was called the Persian Empire or the Medo-Persian; the official title being often the * Medes and Persians ', as in Daniel. The Greeks spoke of them as Medes or Persians indifferently, as does Herodotos; though when necessary he clearly distinguishes them. The official class seems almost always to consist of Persians, and therefore Herodotos (c. 94) is careful to note that Datis was a Mede: cp. i, 156; i, 62; 7, 88 for other cases. Megabazos, c. 33. Megabazos, or Megabyzos [4, 143] was one of the conspirators against the false Smerdis [3, 81], who wished to establish an oligarchy in place of a king. When Darios obtained the crown, hov/ever, he held office under him. He was left in command of the forces in Europe after the Skythian campaign, and subdued the Hellespontine cities [4, 143 — 4] and Thrace [5, i], transferred the Paeones to Asia [5, 14], and warned the king of the ambitious designs of Hi.stiaeos [5, Megakles, (i) cc. 127, 130— I. The son of Alkmaeon and husband of Agariste. He was at first a great opponent of Peisistratos, and managed to expel him from his tyranny soon after he had first obtained it [560 B.C.], but presently assented to his return on the condition of his marrying his daughter [i, 59 — 60]. Peisistratos however neglected his new wife, and Megakles again managed to expel him. But when after 1 1 )eai s' exile Peisistratos returned [about B.C. 547] Megakles with the other Alkmaeonidae retired from Athens [i, 61 — 4]. 236 HISTORICAL AND (2) c. 125. Son of Alkmaeon, and grandfather of the subject of the last article, the successful suitor of Agariste. (3) c. 131. Son of Hippocrates, grandson of Megakles and Agariste. See Alhnaeonidae. [icXas KoXiros, c. 41. The gulf on the west side of the Thracian Chersonese, mod. Xeros, into which a river also called M^Xas (mod. Saldatti) flows. Menares, cc. 65, 71. A member of the junior royal family of Sparta, father of Leotychides (q.v.). Menios, c. 71. A Spartan, son of Diaktorides and brother of Eurydame, second wife of Leotychides. Mesambria, c. 33. One of the five important Greek cities in Thrace on the shores of the Euxlne. It had apparently existed before the Greeks came there, and was first colonized by Megarians; and afterwards, as here stated, rein- forced by fugitives from Byzantium and Chalkedon. The orthography of the name appears to vary between Mesambria, Mesembria, and Melsembria, the latter being derived from a founder Melsas [Steph. B.]. Messenian, a, c. 53. That is, a native of Messene, the S.W. province of the Peloponnese, which since about B.C. 668 had been completely subject to Sparta. Metiochos, c. 41. A son of Miltiades, who was taken prisoner by the Persians, and settled in Persia. MiLETOS, cc. I, 5 — 7, 9 — 10, 13, 18 — 9, 21 — 2, 24 — 6, 28 — 9, 31, 86. „ inhabitants of, cc 5, 7 — S, 19 — 22, 29, 77, S6. ,, territory of, c; 9. Miletos, an Ionian city in Karia, stood on a peninsula on the South- west of the Latmian bay, opposite the mouth of the Maeander, which was at this time about 10 miles distant. The deposits of the Maeander have now filled up the L.almian bay, and covered the ancient site of the city. It was formerly inhabited by Karians, whose husbanils and other male relations were massacred by the lonians when under their leader Neleus they occupied the town [1, 146. Homer //. 2, 867], though some authorities speak also of Leleges and Kretans as forming part of tlie inhabitants. Between the time of its settlement by lonians and its capture by the Persians, in B.C. 494, it had risen, greatly owing to its favourable siiualion and excellent harbour, to a po^iiion of high pros- GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. 237 perity and power : though frequently ia the hands of tyrants [i, 20— 2], and torn by violent civil strife [5, -28 — 9]. It had offered a firm resistance to the encroachment of the Lydian kings, and had made a treaty on favour- able terms with them [i, 17 — 22]; asalso\vith Kyros [i, I43, 169]. In- duced by Aristagoras to join the Ionic revolt, it had at the period at which this book opens sustained a crushing defeat [5, 120]. After its depopu- lation, here narrated, it was restored on the defeat of the Persians at Mykale [B.C. 479] and joined the confederacy of Delos, but revolted from the Athenian supremacy in B.C. 445 [Thucyd. i, 115], and main- tained its independence for some time [Thucyd. 8, 25, 84]. It never however quite recovered its old position as the chief city of the lonians. MiLTIADES. (i) Son of Kypselos, cc. 34 — 7, 41, 103. Miltiades was a wealthy Athenian, who traced his descent to Philaeos, son of Ajax. He was the first tyrant of the Chersonese, invited there by the Dolonki, and has been confounded with his kinsman the son of Kimon (q. v.). The connexion will be best seen by the following table : Kypselos = J/ci'>^^r=Stesagoras i. i I Miltiades i. Kimon Stesagoras II. Miltiades ii. = Hegespyle Metiochos Kimon ii. Though other authorities make the pedigree thus Kypselos = {Mother) = Kimon i . i r ' Miltiades i. Stesagoras Miltiades ii. (2) Miltiades, son of Kimon, cc. 34, 38 — 40, 103, 108 — 9, 133 — 7, 140. The career of Miltiades, the victor at Marathon, is contained for the most part in this book. His advice to the Ionian princes to cut ofif Darios in Skythia by breaking the bridge over the Danube is narrated in 4, 137, cp. Nep. 3. Nepos {Mi/t. i) appears to confuse the circum- stances of his going to the Chersonese with those of the elder Miltiades ; but his narrative, like that of Herodotos, seems to assume that Miltiades was not 'tyrant of the Chersonese' in the ordinary sense, that is, he was not an independent prince, but held the Chersonese for Athens. The affair at Paros, which cost Miltiades his reputation and life, is very differently related by Nepos. According to him Miltiades was despatched with the regular Athenian fleet of 70 sail to punish the islanders who had helped the foreigners, and was very largely successful in reducing them to obedience; only landed troops on Paros upon the refusal of the Parians to submit ; and retreated from a false alarm of the coming of the Persian fleet. Nepos' authority was apparently Ephoros, 238 HISTORICAL AND and it may be urged that he indicates relationship between Athens and the islands which did not exist at this time; and confuses the pro- ceedings of Miltiades with those of Themistokles after the battle of Salamis, ten years later, who even then acted not as an Athenian, but in the name of all Greece. The account in Herodotos is not so intelligible, though it may be the truer, and is not less discredit- able to the Athenian Demos than to Miltiades. For the former, after giving Miltiades free licence to maraud, the 70 ships being necessarily for that purpose, and after taking no step to recall him during his 26 days' siege of Paros, condemned him not really for his attempt upon Paros, but for its failure, as Pausanias (i, 32, 4) also seems to think when he says * Miltiades came to his end for having failed to take Paros * (na/oou aixapTbvTi) and being thereupon brought to trial by the Athe- nians. ' MoLOSSi, c. 127. A tribe of Epeiros, inhabiting the district between the R. Aoos and the Ambrakian Gulf. Mykale, c. 16. A high headland in Karia, opposite Samos, and between Ephesos and Miletos; on it was a temple and precinct of Poseidon common to the lonians, and called the Panionium [i, 148]. It is a high ridge terminating Mt Mesogis; its extreme point was called Trogylium {S. Maria). In the narrow channel between it and Samos, and on the shore at its foot, was fought the final battle in B.C. 479 between the Greeks and Persians [9, 98 — 104]. Mykonos, c. 118. A small island of the Cycladcs only two miles E. of Delos, about 10 m. long by 6 ra. broad. It was colonised from Athens, but was in great part a barren rock. Myrinaeans, c. 140. Inhabitants of Myrina (or -inna) a town on the Western coast of Lemnos (q. v.). Mod. Casiro. There was another town of the same name in Mysia. Myson, c. 126. King of Sikyon and grandfather of Kleisthenes (q. v.). About B.C. 648 he won the chariot race at Olympia, and built a treasure-house in the Altis in commemoration of it [Pausan. 6, 19, r]. Mysians, the, c. 28. The inhabitants of Mysia, the N.W. district of Asia Minor on the Propontis and Aegean, The part bordering on the Propontis was called Mysia Minor, and its eastern boundary separating it from Hilhynia seems to have varied, for Xenophon speaks of Kios as in Mysia [He/l. i, 4, 7J. The southern part bordering on Lydia with its capital Pergamum was called Lydia Major; while the N.W. district bordering on the Hellespont GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. 239 and Aegean was the Troas. It had numerous Hellenic colonies; but the native Mysiaus, a simple pastoral people, were connected in race with the Lydians and Karians [i, 171; 7, 74]. They were conquered by Kroesos [i, 28], and afterwards included by Darios in the second Satrapy [3, 90]. Mytileneans, cc. 5, 6. The inhabitants of Mitylene, the chief to\\Ti of the Island of Lesbos (q. v.). Its inhabitants were Aeolians [2, 178], and had been at war with the Athenians for the possession of Sigeium [5, 94]. Myusians, c. 8. The inhabitants of Myus in Karia, one of the 12 Ionian cities [i, 142] situated on the S. of the Maeander, about 4 miles from the mouth. Its inhabitants were afterwards transferred to Miletos [Pausan. 7, 2, 7]. Nauplia, c. 77. In Argolis, built on a rocky peninsula in the Argolic bay, connected by a narrow isthmus with the mainland. It was now the port of Argos, hut had been once an independent town, said to have been originally founded by Eg)'ptians [Paus. 4, 35, 2]. It came into the hands of Argos about the time of the 2nd I^iessenian War [B.C. 685 — 668]. Naxos, c. 96. Xaxians, the, c. 96. The largest and wealthiest of the Cyclades [5, 28] formerly conquered by Peisistratos [i, 64]. It was the resistance made by the Naxians to the attempt of Aristagoras to restore their banished Oligarchs which led to the Ionian revolt [5, 30 sq.]. The inhabitants were lonians, and afterwards revolted from Athens [Thucyd. i, 98]. XlKODROMOS, cc. 88 — yl. An Aeginetan, who appears to have been a popular leader in opposition to the oligarchs, who had managed to secure his banishment. His confederacy with Athens was doubtless on the understanding that they would establish democracy in Aegina ; but we have no farther information concerning him. Nonakris, c. 74. A city in Arkr.dia, the next town west of Pheneos [Paus. 8, 17, 6]. It was one of a confederacy of three towns {TpiiroXis) with Kallia and Dipoena [id. 8, 27, 4]. NoTHON, c. 100. An Eretrian, father of Aeschines. Oebares, c. 33. Satrap of Daskyleion (q. v.), and Son of Megabazus (q. v.). Olorus, cc. 39, 41. A king of the Thracians, whose daughter Hegesipyla married 240 HISTORICAL AND Miltiades, The father of Thucydides, also called Olorus, is supposed to have been descended from Miltiades, which would seem to be confirmed, if his biographer Marcellinus is right in stating that his mother's name was Hegesipyle. Olympiad, an, cc. 70, 105, 125. A victory at the games at Olympia in Elis, held every 5th year. This was the great national festival of all Hellenes, at which none were allowed to contend except those of Hellenic descent. Onomastos, c. 127. Son of Agaeos of Elis, one of the suitors of Agariste. Orkos, c. 86. * An Oath ', personified as the God of Oaths : who according to Hesiod \Theog. 231, Op. 802] was the son of Eris. See also an oracle in the Anthol. xiv. 72. Oropos, c. 160. A town in the maritime plain of the river Asopos, on the borders of Boeotia and Attica. Geographically it belonged to Boeotia, but it was always a subject of contention between the Boeotians and Athenians, the latter of whom were often in possession of it. It exact site appears to be doubtful; and in fact the ancient site was changed by the Thebans, who removed the inhabitants to a distance of a mile farther from the sea [Diodor. Sic. 14, 17]. It was an important place to the Athenians, as, being opposite Euboea, it served as a port for landing corn and other merchandise brought from the North into the Euripos, and thence conveyed through Dekelea to Athens [Thucyd. 7, 28]. Otanes, c. 43. Son of Pharnaspis. His daughter married the false Smerdis and detected his imposture [3, 67 — 9]. He then led the conspiracy by which the Pretender was put to death [3, 70 — 2], and endeavoured to persuade the Magi to establish a democracy instead of the monarchy, [3, 80]. Failing to carry his point he secured independence for himself and family [3, 83] ; but still served under Darios in restoring Syloson to Samos, and in inflicting vengeance on that island [3, 141 — 9]. Pactya, c. 36. A city on the Thrakian Chersonese, on the coast of the Propontis, about \\ miles from Kardia, on the opposite side of the Isthmus. Alkibiades retired there after his second disgrace on the disaster at Notium [B.C. 407]. Nepos, Alcib. 7. Paeos, c. 127. An Arkadian town of the district Azenia (q. v.). Its site is unknown; but Pausanias (8, 23, 9), mentions the ruins of Paos, a village in the district of Kleitor. GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. 241 Pan, cc. 105—6, An Arkadian pastoral deity, haunting the mountains, and hunting the game in that wild district. But his worship extended to other parts of Greece, and was often connected with that of Dionysos [Pausan. ^, 24, 6]. His temples were generally caves in mountain sides. Thus the Korykian cave at Delphi was sacred to him [Paus. 10, 32, 7] and also a grotto on the north side of the Akropolis at Athens. Pausanias [r, 28, 4] tells us that Pan met Pheidippides on Mt Parthenium, the skirts of which are crossed near Tegea by the road to Sparta, and that at the spot a temple to Pan was built [8, 54, 7]. Panionium, c. 7. A name given to a sacred enclosure and temple of Poseidon on Mykale, as being the central place of worship for the 12 Ionian cities of Asia Minor. [See loniatis.'] They wished it also to be regarded as common to all lonians wherever they might be living; but no other city except Smyrna [Pausan. 7, 5, i] took advantage of the privilege, the term Ionian conveying some notion of inferiority [i, 143 — 4, 148, 170]. Panites, c. 51. A Messenian, who apparently lived at Sparta. Paros, cc. 133—6. Parians, the, cc. 133 — 5. Parian, a, c. 134. One of the larger of the Cyclades, 6 miles west of Xaxos, cele- brated for its quarries of white marble. It was said to have been originally inhabited by Kretans and Arkadians, and afterwards to have been colonised by lonians. Before the Ionian revolt the Parians were in a high state of prosperity, and enjoyed so high a reputation for equity, that they were called in to settle the civil disputes in Miletos [5, 28]. They do not however appear to have been eager to take part against Persia. Besides the case of the single ship, mentioned in c. 133 as having served in the Persian fleet at Marathon, they kept cautiously aloof from Salamis [8, 67], and after the Greek victory secured themselves by promptly sending Themistokles the indemnity he was demanding from the medizers [8, 112]. Pedasa, the people of, c. 20. Pedasa was a town in Karia, between Miletos and Halikarnassos, some way from the coast. The people for some time resisted Harpagos, the general of Kyros, fortifying themselves on a hill called Lide [r, 175 — 6]. The Persians sustained a defeat near it in the course of the Ionian revolt [5, 121]. Its exact site is not known. Peisistratos, cc. 35, 102—7, 121. Peisistratidae, cc. 39, 94, 123. Peisistratos, son of Hippokrates, and a relation on his mother's side of Solon, became tyrant of Athens in the usual way by taking the lead of the poorer classes against the two factions of the wealthier men which were led respectively by Lykurgos and Megakles. By pretending that his life had been attempted by his oligarchical enemies he obtained H. VI. 16 242 IITSTORICAL AND a grant of a body-guard, and thus was enabled to possess himself of absolute power. He was born about 612 B.C. His first usurpation took place in B.C. 560 and his death in B.C. 527. Of the 33 years between his usurpation and death he only was in actual possession of power for 17 years, being twice driven out by Megakles and the Alkmaeonidae, and twice restored [i, 59 — 63]. The dates of these two exiles are not certain; but we are told that the second lasted 10 years [i, 62]. He made no changes in the laws, and ruled well and wisely [i, 59]- ^y the Peisistratidae is meant the sons of Peisistratos, and their families. Peisistratos left three legitimate sons, Hippias, Hipparchos, and Thessalos [Thucyd. i, 20]. Of these Hippias succeeded his father, and Hipparchos was associated with him in some way not clearly defined. \^&t Hipparchos. Hippias.'] The third son Thessalos never appears to have had any part in the government ; and it is said he was a philosopher, an ardent admirer of equality, and lived as a private person in great repute at Athens [Diodor. Sic. x. fr.]. Hipparchos was assassinated in B.C. 514, and Hippias and all the family of the Peisistratidae expelled in B.C. 510 [5, 65]. Peisistratos had during his lifetime secured possession of Sigeium, to which the people of Mitylene had long laid claim, and had placed his natural son Hegesistratos in command of it [5, 94 — 5]. The Peisistratidae accordingly retired thither. Grote vol. 4 p. 43. Pelasgi, the, cc. 136 — 140. The inliabitants of a great part of Greece before the coming of the Hellenes, to whom however they seem to have been allied. Their name survived in that of Pelasgic Zeus [//. 16, 233] and Pelasgic Argos [//. 2, 681; 24, 437], and in a tribe living near Larissa in Thessaly [//. 2, 840, 843]. Herodotos mentions remnants of them at Kreston, Skylake, and Plakia (in Makedonia and Mysia), and says that their language was barbarous [i, 57] and that it was those of them that remained in Attica that got the credit of being Hellenes [2, 51]. We know nothing of their language except that Larissa and Argos are said to be Pelasgic for 'fortress' and 'plain'. They settled in rich plains and were great builders and reclaimers of land. Thucydides speaks of them as the prevailing race in Greece before the Hellenic name superseded them [ i , 3, 2] ; and asserts that some of them migrated to Etruria and returned afterwards to Clialkidike, as well as to Lemnos and Athens [5, 109, 3; cp. Pausan. 7, 2, 2]; tiunigh Pausanias was told that they came from Sicily [i, 28, 3]. A reminiscence of the Pelasgic building at Athens was the place called rb l\e\a 81. INDEX TO THE NOTES. [ The references are by page and line.'] accusative^ of remoter object with passive verb 8, 8; of time 75, 4; cognate, represented by relative 16, 19; with Troieladai [q. v.)', with infinitive, after doKec tlvl II, 21; after idioPTo avrov iS, 24. Cp. 57, 9; 59, 3; abso/u/e 25, 13; 40, 13; 45> i7; 8i>i dyaX/xa Kexpvaoojjihov 68, 20 ayKOS 51, 20 dyv()}/j.oavP7] 6, 3 dyopeveLU 55, 16; -eadai 6, 10 d7op^ 6, 9; 3r, 29 d70s 29, 27 a7w lead off [to picnishnient) 41,4; ^ 47> 20; 52, 18 dyuvoderai 74, 9 delpaodai rd icrrt'a 8, 17 al/j.aaiTJs kvkXos 51,20 aZpe'ei X670S 71, 27 aifjeffis 78, 23 aW?? ^(7xe 67, 9 dKiurjTos 56, 14; 78, 18 dKovuv apLara 48, 23 ; iJKovaa 68, 10 dKpi^s, Kara 10, 2 dKp-qTOTTOTrjs 46, 25 dXXd ydp-Jj, 23 dXXws re /cai 60, 5 d/xaprds 15, 17 d/xoi^aia 2, 25 dM^t (r/^//.) 34, 5; 75. 15; U''^'-"-) 76, 20 dfx(pi8pv(pi^s 43, 25 dv 7£///'/z infinitives 26, 2 1 ; 46, 5 ; 70, 10; 71, 27; 75, 28 dj'd 25, 22; 82, 5 dvajSdXXo/xaL Kvpihcreiu 49, 25 dvdyeiv 15, 22; 21, 22; 69, 5; duaias 69, 4 dvayivibaKca 26, 21 ; 42, 19; 46, 18 dvadeiKvvixi. 71, 27, 28 dvaipeeadai 'OX^'/xirta 18, 30; cp. 59. 2; 73, 3 dvaKT]pvaaeiu 59, 6 d^'a/crdtr^ai 46, 13 dvaKOJxe^eiv 67, 20 dvaireldeLv 36, 15; 71, 21 dvaireLpaddai 7, 20 dva-KLixirXdvaL 7, 6 aVaTTi/crra 35, 7 dvapT7}ixivos 51, 7 di'do'Trao'Tos 16, 23 di'tto-raupdaj 15, 28 dvaTpi(pw 25, 13 avSpairodieTTai 9, 23 duihcadeu 29, 5; 72, 4; 75, 8 dvriK€Lv 64, 6 dvr}Kov 60, 10 aTraTT] 79, 18 INDEX TO THE NOTES. 257 CLTTdprjadai 33, 21 aTrirj/xL 65, 19 dird in consequence of do, 17; 76, 6; ol dwo 2t/ce\n;s ir, 24 airoypa(prji'ai 8, 20 aTToSoOi'at tt/z/ 6/J.oi7]v 11,5 dirodaveiv 59, 9 ; d7r6 5' ^davev 66, 22 &iroLva 44, 18 dTo\afnrpvpofj.ai 39, 18 aTToXaueti' 49, 12 diroireipdadat. 25, 19 ^TTopos 23, 23 dTTOppiTTTOi) 38, 26 diropxdofxai •j6, 3 dTTOCTTvyeeLv 75, 27 dirTecrOai 39, 12 dTTWCTTOS 3, 12 -i/ja 33. 30; 57. i3 Argos, defence of by women 43, 23 apij 35. 5 apO/xia 46, 16 dpi6iLi.(^ 3ij 20 dpiffrhs 45, 9 dpfjio^eadai 35, 17 flri';zj, carrying of, in Greece iS, 20 dpxa^pecrir] 32, i dpxeiv alpedeis 37, 2 apx^. r? 56, 12 dpxV adverbial 17, 17; 49, 23 oo-TTtSa dmoe^ai 67, 12; 71, 27, 28 asyndeton 2, 13; 32, 13 are with participle 24, 11 drpeKeir) i, 9 Attica, invasions of -3^1, 9 attraction of relative 11, 10; 50, 21 avXeir] dvprf 38, 15 ai/XrjTT^i 75» 19 auTotcri dvdpdai 53, 19; avTolaL tois ipdiat 16, 25 avTo 10 ^latorepov tl ^X'^'-^ 5> 20 ^6(TKeLV 20, 23 ^ov\6fi€vos et Kws 27, 27 ^v^XLa 2, 20 H. VI. construction, variation of in co- ordinate clauses 2, 9; 47, 4; 89, ^3 rnz/Zj z« Egypt 32,11 7a/ioi; (hpairi 71,3 7dp introducing the cause by an' ticipation 6, 11; 29, 15; 33, i; 39, 15; 42, 2; 43, 7; 49, 2; 51, 18; 57, i; 58, 19; 63, i; 76, 11; 79' "5 Kai7a/> 14. 9 7aOXos 9, 24 7011X0? 69, 17 7AWS iarj\6e 72, 27 genitive, of time within which 7 15; 9, 13; 22, 4; 31, 29; of the subject 13, 17; 34, 13; ^ M^ no sense of irony =Uhey thought'' 81, 26 8r]\a8r] 20, 18 drjfMOffioi', TO 28, 21 ; 32, 6 ; 53, 8 drj/jLOTeX-^s 30, 6 6i' i]ix4pr]s 7, I ; 5i' erew/' elVoo-i 68, 29 5ia/3aX\w 32, 18; du^Xi^Orj tivl 35. 8^ dLaircLpaadai 74, 28 oiacpopos 12, 11; 28, 24 ciaxpdo/xaL 6, 3, 15 diddaKeti' (of a play-writer) 11, 14 diCKTrXdoetv 9, 5 StKaidw 9, 3; 48, II ; 8r, 21 diKaarripiov 47, 18 OLirXTjaia. rd, iravTa 30, 9; iravra ib. 23 8id}K€ip Tvpavvldos e^Cf, 30, cp. 79, 18 doK^CLV, cbs ^/iof 54, 25 5/)6/ty 65, 20 5vd}8€Ka Otol 62, 2 1 5co/)o5o/v^w 40, 14; 45, 16 duaidiKOL 22, "J idv xo-ipeiv 12, 14 ; j^*?^ under ou earthquakes at Delos 56, 5 iyyiyveadat 20, 4 iyKOTOf ^x^'-" 77> 19 '4yvuaav 47, 19; cp. 6:5, 3 c'^Aet 19, 19 iOtXoKaK^u) 8, 2S d followed by ov 5, 20; w/V/t «/^- junctive 18, 28; 49, 30; ^r future indicative 79, 7 ; ei 5^ /U97 29, 27; €1 577 siquidem 71, 20; 81,23 eZSo/xevos 38, 5 dXwToX 42, 12 dirai 33, 26 elprjvaia 22, 15 elprjadci} 29, 18 ets zcz'/^^ superlatives 73, 23 e/c Tf/z'M genitive of the agent {nearly = viro) y, 21; 11,20; 22, 13; 33. 22; 44, 9; 71, 27; 'm accordance with' 26, 23; 44, 11 ; 'after' 33, 7; ^ in consequence of 36, 23; 69, I eK^dXXeadaL 'to disembark' 58, i cKdexof^cLL 65, 6 eKetJ'a...TaOTa 81, 5 ^Kdieiv 52, 10 iKTXweiv iK Tov vov 7, 7 iKpriyvvfii 'j6, 1 iK^abo) 2, 12; ^K 7; ^ over and above^ 14, 19; '/^ reach' 22, 24; Vt? attack^ 23, 10; 54, 6; 55, 9; ivl yeXcoTi 37, 5; e7r' avTO(pu)pq} 64, 15; ctt^ T£j/t ex"" ' ^^ ^ 10; 43, 20; reivei ^64, 15 ; x^pe'ei:' es 44, 8; is ii-te 22, 12; es iojvToO 38, 4; of time 73, 13; 74' 25 iadyeadai 34, 15 evepyirrjs 16, 3 ei^wX^eti; 75, 13 e'xeiJ' 7£/eVA aorist participle 7, 8; '/ 19; ^x^"' ^'' CT'o/ictcri 79, 16 iX^ddat ' hold on to' 54, 2; ' i^t?///^ «}(Tvvai 5vo 29, 24 Tcra v^/Aeii' 6, 20; 64, 14 iara/JL^vov firjvos ^o, 11; 6r, 4 to-riT? 50, 15 Kalydp 14, 19 Kttt 5^ 7, 10; KaldrjKal 11, 13; 26, 6; 35, 10; 41, 4; 48, 23; 81, 5; Kal 577 Kou 6, 9; 75, 5; /cai 5i7 /core 33, 17; /cal raOra 6, 13; Toi)S auToi>$ Kai 52, 24; rairci Kcd TO, 58, I 7 ; ofioidos Kal 82, 5 KoXKipiet, impers. 43, 7 ; -€iaQa.L 46, I KaXXKTTeiJeii' 16, 23 KOLpra, Kal to 27, 26; Kai Kapra 72, 6 /fttTci = Ka^' 551, II KOToi fcoT6i' ri I, 5; 'KaiJLTrpo(f)U}vlriv 32, 13; TatTct 16, 16; Trpea^v- yeveirjv 27, 8; dvdpayadirjv 75, 8; dSiKtTj;/ 79, 27; vofiou 27, 20; 3 Ti 2, 9 ; Kar' oI'koi^s ^f '" 20, 1 7 ; TavTOL 28, 10; 7 78, 21 KaraLviaai 34, 12 KaraKaiu} 17, 12; 58, 12 KaraKaXinTTo/iLai. 37, 11 /caTd/cXttrts 75, 11 KaTaKpiv (a followed by infin. 47,20 KaraXafijSdpec impers. 20, 6, 27; 58, 25; -eadai 20, 12; 29, 2f /faraXi/oj 22, 16 KaTajxiaivecrdaL 31, 13 KaTarideaOai x.dpLTa 21, 22 Karacpevyeiv 21, 15 KaraxpacrOai 79, 6 KaretSe 44, 25 KareiKd^eiv 65, 26 KaTipyeiv 58, 17 KaTipxo/xai 61, 12 Kariaxov 57, 26 KareOxofiat 65, 12 Karix^iu 'to prevail' 75, 17 KaTTjyopieiv followed by relative 26, 10 Karofj-vvfii 35, 23; 38, 10 Karcofiocrir) 35, 25 KHfxai 43, 16 KetpeiJ/ 42, 21; 57, 5 /c^pas 6, 25; 8, 11; Tct K:^/)ea 65, 15 KrjKwvii'Cov 69, 16 /ciJ'Siy/'eyeii', construction of 5, 8 /vV/^j of Sparta cc. 56 — 58 K\-t]povx^^^v 58, 10 Kj/Z^eiv 33, 30 Kbdopvos 72, 17 Koij'oi', TO 8, 20; 26, 20; 31, 8 KdXiros 72, 16 Kdfi-qrai 10, 15 KbtTTeadaL 31, 24 Kopv(pa7os 12, 31; 56, 12 Koa/xeiadai is 21, 30 Kpiveadai. 75, 8 Kvdjxifi Xax^^iv 63, 17 Ki^/)t77 TWJ' 7}ixepiij}v, Tj 75, 10 Kupos, ^x^"' ^^ 64> 7 Kvp6(t) 64, 23 \a/J.Tra8r](popia 60, 17 landowning in Sparta 30, 27 Xci(T^77 37, 5 Xe76/iero;', t6 75, 16 INDEX TO THE NOTES. 261 X^wj/ 77, 3 \07d5es 29, 29 X67t/Ci05 60, 26 X670J', rov irwTo. 2, 6; cp. 39, 2 ; '•explanation'' 19, 18: ''treatise' 20, 16; XoYous 51561/01 49, 4; 81, 22; T^ \by(^ praetexiu 39, 7; ef dvSpaTTodojv \6yix} 10, 19; 12, 30; X670S Xeyerai 74, 13; 'ar^^w- ment,' '■proof Xoyosaip^ei 71, 27 /la^cij/ 33, 12 ytioXa, 01' 2, 12 imKiara, ^s to 34, 27; 51, 18 /j.S.\\ov i] bjxolwt 70, 12 fxavLOLS vovaos 42, 4 yctovrij 46, 17 viarriage by abduction 35, 20; w//M flr« aM«/ 40, 9 fieSifxvos Aavajj-iKT? 30, 14 /ie/iom 47, I /i^v 76 24, 24 /ji€v...8€ expressing sitmeltaneous- ness 3, 20; 4, 3; 20, 26 ytifi/ j/yv II, 18; 24, 13; 25, 15; 29, II ; 46, 22; 53, 5; 6s, 26; 78, 24; (J^v C}v yi, 25 ixiaov, is to 75, 16; es fiecrov 76, 7 ; TO ixiaov 66, 9 fierd adverbial 2, 18; 6, 8; 34, 7; 39, 14; 55, 24; 59, 5; 70, 6; 72, 20; 73, 4; 75, 21 fxeTouxpuov ^^, 17; 6^, 22 fJi€T€fXe\€ 34, 26 /iere^'e'repoi 40, 2 ; 64, 1 3 fierepxonai. 37, 23; 38, 2; 48, 31 fxeTirjfu 15, 2; 19, 2 2 fiirpa, TO. [of Pheidon) 74, 7 /i^t ^/ieO 56, 5; eyae'o 69, 24 /x^ zi/z/A indejinite participle 63, 2 /xt; ou £i/?^r verb of fearing 5, 5 ; wzV/i infinitive t^i, 2 ; with parti- ciples 5, 7 J 6, 18; 61, 5 middle voice, farce of 2\, 21; 25, 26; 27, 22; 57, 17; 59, 3; 63, 23; 14, 21 fio^vapxos 12, 21 liovvop-axi-n ti^ 13 juuptos 37, 10 vai'TTT/verv and elcxdai 24, 22 1*005 fiaKpai 25, 26 vet/cos 36, 19 ved>T€pa TrprjacreiP 2, 4; 41, 12 vrjcndrai 26, 4 j'^crwj', 5ta 54, 25 vt/caj/ 58, 5 ; 63, 16 vbfiov, Kara 27, 20 vQra, TO, 30, 3 ^eiVta 18, 9 ^eivo5oK€€iv 74, 15 ^eij'6w II, 10 ^vpov dK/xijs, eirl 6, II 656s, T7 tpT? 18, 9 65o0j' 40, 21 oZa with participles 33, 9; 61, 20 oTa 577 14, 5 oiKiTox 9, 23 oiKia-TTis 20, 3 olosre 5, 7; 6, 15; 16, 17; 64, 4 oTos Tts eyivero 71,4 otaeadai 57, 17 oKotov TL 37, 6; 48, 17 OAcws ^whenever' 16, 9; 33, 15; 44, 3 ; 80, 13; j^r 6'/)a o/cws 48, 2; with fiture indie. 77, 26 6X17775, oi5/c=7roXX^ J 15, 7; 6X1704 w//-^ ?«;?«. 63, 13 Olympic games, notices published at^ 73, 10 6p.p.6.~(j)v ecraov 7i> 9 o/JLoXoyieiv 27, 10 oirXi^eiv 6, 27 optative in coordijiate clause with ijidicative 2, 9; of frequency 16, 9; 33' 135 44. 3; "^ Z"-^^?^ obliqua 12, 13; 24, 18; m /;«- possible condition "16, g oracles and dreams, disappointing fulfilment of ^2, 27; 45, 5 6prn 74. 29 Ti. = Kad 8 Ti 29, 19; 5 rt 5^ 34, 8; 5 Ti dri Kore 78, 18, 19; 5t' 5 TL 60, 10 ov with infinitive in oratio obliqua 27, 22; 37, 8; li'ith participles 36, 4; closely connected with 262 INDEX TO THE NOTES, verbs ovk idu 63, 13; 79, 10; ot) OLKaiovv 48, 11; OVK 'i\€6pos 19, 23 Tapa^aivco 7, 6 7rapa7W777 34, 13 Trapad'qKT] 41, 7; 48, 9 irapairiofiai 13, 7 Trapaaayyai 22, 9 7ra/)a(7rdr?7S 68, 13 wdpeSpoi 36, 6 Trapeyd^KT) 10, 9 irapeov 40, 13; 45, 17; Br, i; Jr^ Acctis. Abs. Trap€crTr]4p(a 49, 20 TTLTVo'S Tpbirov 19, 17 TrXavdadai 19, 18; 28, 13 ttX??!' 3, 18 TToSw;', ws elxof 67, 14 TTOieiadai, irepl iXarropos 3, 25; Trepi TToXXoO 33, 24; 78, 12; eV /ce/>5et 8^ 4 ; avp.(popr]v 33, 11; 49, 26 ; Trp7]yp,a ov8iv 34, 24. ^V/^ cognate object for simple verb, p.v7j/Ji7fv 10, 22; airovdriv 61, 24; avfji^oXriv 64, 26; (SovXriv 58, 3; eTTt'/Sao-ty 32, 22; ^erov 30, 29; ^P'?" 35' 3 ; iTrLp.eXei.au 60, 1 1 ; Kr)pvyp.a 73, 12 ; KaTaaTpo 25; irpiV7e 077 44, 24; 64,27 irpooLyopeveiv 19, 16 trpo^ovXoi 4, 15 irpoedpla 30, 15 irpoepydi'eadai 32, 18 irpo^x^'-v {or ■L(TX'^i-v) i7> 16; -tax^cr- dai 5, 17; 26, 3; 48, 27; 80, 16 wpodupa 18, 18; 52, 15 irpoXeaxv^^^^'^^f^'- 2, 20 wpopavTLs 36, 14 Trpo^eipoi 30, 16 Trpowr]\aKi(T/.t.6s 40, 24 TTpSppL^OS 50, 16 TTpoj adverbial 33, 10; 55. i ; 72, 28; (f/tzA) ^near' 4, 21; {gen.) of the agent 5, 7 ; 60, 24 irpoadyfadai 13, 20 vpoajJodadai 18, 29 INDEX TO THE NOTES. 263 wpocyepiadai 79, 25 irpocexris 8, 23 TpO(j-i]KOVT€S, ol 31, 3; 4'2, 8 ■wpoarjKiav ijv 75, 9 TTpocrrjXde 25, 6 Trpocrieadat 6, 4 ■n-poaiax^i-v es 56, 23; 69, 4 TrpQaKeifMai 30, 16; 33, 4 irpocrKToUrOai. 64, 21 irpoairoteiadai 36, 12 IT p oar idea 6 ai il, 9; 64, is irpocxntJ-o. 23, 12; 77, 18 TrpvravTjtTj 64, 25 irpxiravrfiov courthouse 20, 7 ; a/ Athens 59, 11 ; 82, 16 wpsra, TO, 57, 19; TTpCbra ixkv... fiera Si 72, 20; 74, 26 [rplTov 5^ 75. 26) ransom, rateo/^^, 18 pveadai. 4, 8 pdjvvvpiL 65, 17 cra77;i'ei;eii' 16, II (xadpbv 64, 13 (re z« adjurations 37, 16 x^'^w conspirators, the 23,3 ships, mwiber of Athenid'! 51, 22 (nrieaOai 30, 19 ffKnjTpod' clause TovTo 54 67, 2; 71, 3. ToCro p.kv...[X€Ta bi 72, 7 r/ow/ia 77, 5 TVpavvls 59, 30 tyrants, expulsion of Ionian 5, 10; 23, 4 ij^pl^eiv 74, 18; u^pts 80, 24 '>yt7?s 57> 13 inrdyeiv 79, 17 VTrdyeixdat 40, 17; 45, 15 iirapx^iv ddiKias 77, 17 U7r€(ipeLv is 22, 2; (pepeiv Kal dyeiv 22, 7; 52, 4; (pipeadat 34, 10; 57, 17 0ei^7ei»' '^0 be in exile 5, ii; 21, 6; 71, 12 ^ddueiv 7] 62, 13 pove1v 55, 19 (ppovTis, ov 76, 4 0uXat 65, 6; 76, 23 ipv\d(T(Teiv ^ watch' 28, 9; ^belea- guer' 44, 13 Xat/3w»' 26, 18 Xapi^eadai 71, 6; 76, 9 X«/)ts 40, 16 Xeipovofxieiv 75, 26 XVP°^ 46, 10 XO£vt$ 30, 22 Xopos ver]vU(j}v 14, ri Xpcicdai II, 17; 28, I XPVf^^- iJimiber 23, 8 rf/eijSecrdat 16, 18 \j/7)(f>ovs rideadai 31,5 rf^vxpv eTriKOvpiT] 62, 12 (p, iv 12, 6 wv (opj') resumptive 7, 25; 8, 10; di' 5?) 80, 6 a5s = ouTW 8, 25; 43, 9 wVre a/?^r eireide 3, 13; =dTC 23, 26; 27, 22; 53, 22 CAMBRIDGE: PRINTKD BY JOHN CI.AT, M.A. AT TUB UNIVBRSITY PRESS. 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