NOTES 
 MONOGRAPHS
 
 HISPANIC NOTES 
 
 HISPANIC SOCIETY
 
 AND MONOGRAPHS 
 
 OF AMERICA
 
 J
 
 HISPANIC 
 
 NOTES & MONOGRAPHS 
 
 ESSAYS, STUDIES, AND BRIEF 
 BIOGRAPHIES ISSUED BY THE 
 HISPANIC SOCIETY OF AMERICA 
 
 V
 
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 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA 
 SANTA BARBARA
 
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 BENITO ARIAS 
 MONTANO 
 
 AUBREY F. G. BELL 
 
 OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS 
 HUMPHREY MILFORD 
 
 1922
 
 PRINTED IN ENGLAND 
 
 AT THE OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS 
 
 BY FREDERICK HALL
 
 PREFACE 
 
 PREFACE 
 
 ONE of the great humanists of the six- 
 teenth century, the editor of the celebrated 
 polyglot Bible of Antwerp, the friend of 
 Fray Luis de Leon, Benito Arias Montano 
 deserves an elaborate biography both for 
 his own worth and owing to the interest 
 of the times in which he lived, and the 
 variety of affairs in which he took part on 
 behalf of his master, Philip II of Spain. 
 The following notes can hope to present 
 but a slight sketch of the man who in 
 his lifetime was known as the Spanish 
 Jerome (i). A short life by Tomas 
 Gonzalez Carvajal, accompanied by 
 seventy-seven documents, was published 
 in the Afemorias de la Real Academia dc 
 la Ilistoria, torn. 7 (1832), pp. 1-199: 
 Elogio histnrico del Doctor Benito Arias 
 Montano [here referred to as Carvajal]. 
 
 HISPANIC N O T ]: S 
 
 V
 
 VI 
 
 V 
 
 ARIAS MONTANO 
 
 His activity as book-collector in Flanders 
 was dwelt on by R. Beer in the Jahr- 
 buch der kitnsthistorischen Sammlungen des 
 aller hochsten Kaiserhauses, Bd. 25(1905), 
 pp. i n: Niederl.ndische Biicherenvcr- 
 Ifungen des Benito Arias Montana im A i/f- 
 tragc Kflnigs Philip //. Some of his 
 letters, written in the years 1568-80, were 
 printed in the Colcccion de Documentos 
 ineditos para la historia de Espana, torn. 41 
 (1862), pp. 127-418: Correspondencia del 
 Doctor Benito Arias Montana con Felipe II, 
 el Secretario Zayas y otros sugetos, desde 
 Ij68 has la 1580 [here referred to as Docu- 
 mentos ine'ditos~\. Recently a work on 
 Arias Montano appeared in Spanish by 
 C. Doetsch, but as I have not seen this 
 book I am unable to say whether it gives 
 an adequate account of the great Spanish 
 scholar. 
 
 AUBREY F. G. BELL. 
 
 HISPANIC NOTES
 
 ARIAS M O N T A N O 
 
 i 
 
 BENITO ARIAS MONTANO 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 THE dates of the birth and death of 
 
 
 Benito Arias Montano coincided with 
 
 
 those of Philip II. The King's future 
 chaplain was born in 1527 (2) at Fregenal 
 de la Sierra (in the diocese of Badajoz). 
 where his parents owned some property, 
 being hidalgos long settled there (3). His 
 father, Benito Arias Montano, a secretary 
 of the Holy Office (4), saw carefully to his 
 son's education. The latter attended 
 
 
 courses of philosophy at the University of 
 Seville in the years 1546 and 1547, but it 
 seems probable that he had earlier studied 
 at Seville, which indeed became his second 
 
 
 home, so that in his works he often styled 
 himself Hispalensis. He went thence to 
 
 
 HISPANIC N O T K S 
 
 V
 
 ARIAS M O N T A N O 
 
 V 
 
 the University of Alcala, where he took 
 the degree of Bachelor of Arts, and where 
 we know that his name was entered for 
 two courses of theology lectures in 1551 
 and 1552. Here also he was formally 
 crowned (laureatus) as poet in the latter 
 year. He probably continued his studies 
 at Alcala for some years after 1552, and 
 in 1560 he professed in the Order of 
 Santiago in the celebrated convent of San 
 Marcos at Lec"n. Although his first work 
 was not published till 1571, he had evi- 
 dently won a great reputation at Alcala. 
 A letter addressed to the King against the 
 Jesuits as early as February 1551 has 
 been attributed to Arias Montane, but 
 this was perhaps only an inference from 
 his outspoken attack on the Jesuits in the 1 
 introduction to the polyglot Bible many' 
 years later. In 1562 he was chosen to 
 accompany Bishop Ayala to the Council 
 of Trent, where his learning and bril- 
 liant gifts were further displayed. In 
 1566 Philip II appointed him his chap- 
 lain, and two years later chose him to 
 
 HISPANIC NOT M S
 
 ARIAS M O N T A N O 
 
 supervise the new edition of the poly- 
 glot Bible. Cardinal Ximenez's Complu- 
 tensian Bible, printed by Arnaldo Guillen 
 at Alcala, had become exceedingly rare 
 many copies had perished at sea on the 
 way to Italy, and it was now scarcely to 
 be bought at however high a price (5). 
 The famous French printer, Christophe 
 Plantin (c. 1520-89), long established at 
 Antwerp, was ready to undertake the 
 work, provided that Philip II would ad- 
 vance a sum of six thousand ducats. 
 Philip sent his chaplain Arias Montano 
 to the University of AlcaLi to confer with 
 the Doctors of Theology on the subject, 
 and finally, with their approval and that 
 of the Holy Office, the King accepted the 
 offer, and on March 25, 1568, Arias Mon- 
 tano was instructed to proceed to Flanders 
 with a yearly salary of three hundred 
 ducats, in addition to that of 80,000 mara- 
 vcdis as chaplain (6). He carried with 
 lim a letter to the Duke of Alba, and a 
 etter of credit for 6,000 ducats on Jero- 
 limo de Curiel, and minute instructions 
 
 AND MONOGRAPHS 
 
 V 
 
 1) 2
 
 ARIAS MONTANO 
 
 V 
 
 as to the printing of the Bible. Owing to 
 the troubled state of France he was to go 
 by sea, embarking at Laredo or some 
 other port of the Basque Provinces, and 
 receiving a free passage and meals on 
 beard for himself and his servants. But 
 the sea also was troubled, and Arias 
 Montano found himself, ill and alone, in 
 a northern spring, and 'in a land infested 
 by heretics. He was wrecked on the coast 
 of Ireland, and traversed the greater part 
 of that island, and the whole of England. 
 The relations between Philip and Eliza- 
 beth had by now become very strained. 
 Since 1565 Philip had actively taken up 
 the cause of Mary, Queen of Scots, 
 while Elizabeth, just about the time of 
 Arias Montano's adventure, was entering 
 into close relations with the Dutch rebels. 
 On March 29, 1568, Cecil had formally 
 protested against the cruelties of the Duke 
 of Alba, and added that Spanish pride 
 wished to master the whole world (7). 
 The zeal of the English Ambassador at 
 Madrid, John Mann, Dean of Gloucester, 
 
 HISPANIC NOTES
 
 A R I \ S M O N T A N O 
 
 for his own religion, seems to have got 
 the better of his diplomacy : he openly 
 called Philip a papist and ' de embajador 
 se habi'a convertido en perturbador ' (8) 
 so that on April 6 he was given his pass- 
 ports ; and on May 13 the Spanish Am- 
 bassador in London, Don Diego Guzman 
 de Silva, Canon of Toledo, whose polished 
 learning had elicited from Queen Elixabeth 
 the remark that she had heard that the 
 priests in Spain were innocent of Latin, 
 but he knew even Greek, was transferred 
 to Venice. In his account sent to 
 Philip II Arias Montano rudely calls the 
 Irish ' savages ', and says that he under- 
 went 'some natural things and some civil 
 and uncivil, leaving me plenty to remem- 
 ber, and I am not sorry to have experi- 
 enced them, however irksome at the 
 time ' (9). What his experiences were 
 we may surmise from those of another 
 Spaniard, Diego Ortiz de Urizar, wrecked 
 near Guatafurda (Waterford) six years 
 later. Before reaching Waterford, which 
 he describes as a town of barely a thousand 
 
 AND MONOGRAPHS
 
 ARIAS MONTANO 
 
 families (verinos\ surrounded by a stone 
 wall with seventeen towers set at intervals 
 of seventy or eighty paces, ' fui saqueado 
 por los ingleses y salvajes de aquella 
 tierra' (10), and he subsequently ran other 
 risks of his life and liberty (n). At Ox- 
 ford, London, and other places, Arias 
 Montano found that news of the projected 
 Bible had preceded him, and he adds that 
 both in England and Ireland he found 
 ' an innumerable number ' of Catholics 
 secretly attached to the King of Spain (12). 
 On May 10 he reached London (13). 
 Guzman de Silva had not yet left (his 
 successor, the zealous D. Guerau (or 
 Gueraldo) de Espes, did not arrive till 
 September 3, 1568, and he left ten days 
 later). On May 15 Arias Montano 
 arrived in Flanders, and on May 18 was 
 at Antwerp. He was everywhere well 
 received, and a friendship sprang up be- 
 tween him and the Governor, the Duke 
 of Alba, who consulted him on weighty 
 affairs of State. Arias Montano lost no 
 time in getting to work, and the next few 
 
 V 
 
 HISPANIC NOTES
 
 ARIAS M O N T A N O 
 
 years were the busiest of a busy life. The 
 Bible was begun in July 1568, and finished 
 in March 1572. In July 1569 it was so 
 far advanced that he could write to his 
 intimate friend, the King's secretary. 
 Gabriel de Zayas, that he hoped to have 
 it ready in another two years, and it says 
 much for his and Plantin's diligence and 
 goodwill that so great an undertaking was 
 completed in less than four years. Arias 
 Montano's activity at this time, in spite 
 of ill-health, is amazing. The rigours of 
 winter in -Flanders sorely tried him. In 
 February 1569 he became dangerously ill, 
 with a feverish cold, so that his life was 
 despaired of, and his chief regret, he says, 
 was not to be able to finish the Bible (14), 
 which had then reached the end of the 
 Pentateuch. In May 1570 forty men were 
 'at work on it daily, and it occupied eleven 
 hours a day of Arias Montano's time, in- 
 .cluding holy days (15). He soon had 
 many acquaintances and friends for 
 Arias Montano to make an acquaintance 
 was to make a friend in Flanders and 
 
 AND MONOGRAPHS 
 
 V
 
 10 
 
 ARIAS MONTANO 
 
 
 II 
 
 
 MUCH of his time was taken up with 
 
 
 acquiring books for the Escorial, to the 
 
 
 purchase of which the 6,000 ducats ad- 
 
 
 vanced to Plantin were to be devoted as 
 
 
 they were repaid (23). He had scarcely 
 
 
 recovered, in February 1569, when he set 
 
 
 out to Breda to examine a library for sale, 
 
 
 and some of the most picturesque and 
 
 
 vivid pages of his letters are concerned 
 
 
 with his activities as book-collector for the 
 
 
 King. His heart was clearly very much 
 
 
 in this matter. He was careful not to 
 
 
 come forward himself as buyer and to 
 
 
 conceal the fact that the books were for 
 
 
 the King. Thus he writes to Philip from 
 
 
 Antwerp, on May 9, 1570: 'Last autumn! 
 
 
 I began to visit the libraries of the con- 
 
 
 vents of these Estates and found much 
 
 
 damage done in original manuscripts 
 
 V 
 
 HISPANIC NOTES
 
 ARIAS MONTANO 
 
 which had been carelessly lost or sold to 
 booksellers and binders during these last 
 years, and the books were of all kinds, and 
 every day they were diminishing. I knew 
 from the character of the people here, that 
 if any serious person asked for any book, 
 the least of them, to buy or borrow it, 
 they would not give it, believing it to be 
 some great treasure, and, on the other 
 hand, I saw that they had sold or lost 
 large volumes of good authors. I decided, 
 before completing my visits, to take a step 
 which has not been unsuccessful and has 
 greatly pleased the Duke [of Alba]. This 
 was to send secretly to the booksellers 
 near the convents to buy what they could 
 of original manuscripts in parchment, so 
 that we might by this means have some for 
 your Majesty's library at the Escorial ; and 
 in this way they have brought me a good 
 quantity of them so cheap that if I myself 
 had bought but three of them in the con- 
 vents it would have cost me more. They 
 have brought me good things and others 
 that only serve as old parchment, for I 
 
 AND MONOGRAPHS
 
 ARIAS M O N T A N O 
 
 other countries (16). In questions of 
 ecclesiastical preferment and even of civil 
 advancement he was always consulted. 
 He had a secret list of all able persons in 
 Flanders, many of them being personally 
 known to him, and many owed their ad- 
 vancement to him without being aware of 
 it (17). Besides the printing of the great 
 Bible he had to superintend the printing 
 of the new Missal and the new Breviary, 
 of which Plantin had obtained a mono- 
 poly, and of books of hours and small 
 hand-bibles ; he was given the principal 
 part in drawing up a list of forbidden 
 books ( 1 8) this took him to Brussels 
 and was entrusted with the difficult business 
 of apportioning the yearly sum of 4,000 
 florins given by Philip to destitute English 
 Catholics in Flanders (19). He had to 
 make the designs with which the various 
 title-pages of the Bible were elaborately 
 adorned (20), and he was obliged to write 
 his Spanish letters with his own hand, 
 since the only secretaries that he could ob- 
 tain at Antwerp wrote ' ktra franccsilla y 
 
 V 
 
 HISPANIC NOTES
 
 ARIAS MONTANO 
 
 vscura'(2i). Moreover, he had to pro- 
 cure and send off (22) 'in some good 
 English or Biscayan ship' and en buenos 
 cofres, besides books, a multitude of articles 
 for the King, for Zayas, and other friends 
 in Spain : tapestries, precious stones, pic- 
 tures, illuminated manuscripts, paper, 
 spectacles, candles, leather, writing-desks 
 [arquimesas)) curtains, an illuminated 
 crucifix. 
 
 AND MONOGRAPHS
 
 12 
 
 V 
 
 ARIAS MONTANO 
 
 told them to buy everything, and what is 
 useless I give to the printers almost for 
 the cost price, for, at the price I gave, the 
 ood books are exceedingly cheap ' (24). 
 In the same letter he says that he had re- 
 ceived from Paris (where the Spanish 
 Ambassador, Don France's de Alava, had 
 been instructed to assist him in acquiring 
 books for the Escorial) a catalogue of 
 original copies of Greek books for sale, 
 ' and as I cannot endure that the King 
 should buy at higher prices than his 
 vassals ... I answered that your Majesty 
 did not require those books, but that I, a 
 a poor private student, would buy them if 
 they would give them at the prices I paid 
 at Venice and Trent and other places '. 
 He thus obtained, for less than sixty 
 ducats, books for which over 120 ducat! 
 had been asked. With the books bought 
 at Breda (of which he gives a list (25) 
 fifty-seven books, mostly manuscript) he 
 was especially pleased, since they were 
 copies dedicated specially by their authors 
 to the ancestors of the Prince of Orange, 
 
 HISPANIC NOTES
 
 ARIAS MONTANO 
 
 and only a very few had been printed, 
 and that in a very defective manner (26). 
 Don Frances de Alava suggested that 
 since ' here in Paris many new books are 
 published daily, and this might diminish 
 the value of the manuscripts acquired by 
 King Philip, special Spanish editions 
 should be made, with the words " Ex 
 nobili et locuplete bibliotheca Philippi 
 Regis " ', but King Philip would not have 
 these words inserted (he underlined them 
 and wrote in the margin : ' Esto no hay 
 para que se haga y asi se avise '). Arias 
 Montano was anxious that all the books 
 acquired should be set apart and most 
 carefully kept at the Escorial(27\ In 
 the hunt for books he was diligently 
 assisted by Plantin (28). On August 30, 
 
 1571, he is bidden send all the books, 
 both printed and manuscript, in the fleet 
 in which the Duke of Alba was returning 
 to Spain. It was no easy matter to get 
 them from the coast to the Escorial. Thus 
 Zayas writes to Arias Montano on April 1 3, 
 
 1572, 'So far, nothing of what you sent 
 
 AND MONOGRAPHS
 
 ARIAS MONTANO 
 
 has arrived, for Juan Martinez de Recalde 
 says that the bales and boxes are so large 
 that no muleteer will or can take them ' 
 (29). When Arias Montano was in Italy 
 he continued to collect books for the 
 Escorial, both at Venice, where he leftj 
 them in the hands of the Ambassador, j 
 with others that he already had, Latin andj 
 Greek, good and bought very cheap, and 
 at Milan. He had not always been satis- 
 fied with Venice prices, whatever he 
 might affirm to the Paris booksellers. 
 The story of how he turned the tables on 
 his bookseller and fleeced the fleecer must 
 be told in his own words, written to Zayas 
 on November 9, 1568, from Antwerp: 
 ' I have had a piece of luck in this respect 
 these last days, in which I have served his 
 Majesty as I should, and I only wish I 
 had other such occasions to do so. For 
 a Greek seller of original manuscripts, 
 whom I knew in Venice, where I had 
 bought many books of him, and very 
 dear, and Covarrubias, the present Bishop 
 of Segovia, had bought a thousand ducats' 
 
 V 
 
 HISPANIC NOTES
 
 ARIAS M O N T A N O 
 
 worth, was passing through with some 
 books for the Queen of England, in hope 
 of returning with a. great profit ; but the 
 soldiers of the enemy plundered him on 
 the way, and he arrived here with three 
 attendants and his books, but without a 
 penny. He therefore tried to sell two or 
 three books in order to continue his jour 
 ney, but as he asked so high a price no 
 one was willing to begin to buy, and those 
 who wanted to have some of the books 
 came and told me,in order that I might buy 
 some and make the price easier for them. 
 I sent for him, and when he recognized 
 me he was glad and asked me to furnish 
 him with money for the journey to England 
 and letters recommending him to the 
 Ambassador of his Majesty in England 
 and to other persons on the way, since he 
 was afraid of being ill-treated in the 
 present disturbances. I at once gave him 
 letters for the Ambassador, but pointed 
 out the difficulties of the journey and the 
 uncertainty of his dealings with the Queen 
 of England, considering the conditions 
 
 AND MONOGRAPHS
 
 i6 
 
 ARIAS MONTANO 
 
 V 
 
 now prevailing in that island, and that 
 these books were all religious and Catho- 
 lic except a few devoted to philosophy ; 
 and I told him that he had better sell 
 them to me, and, in view of the former 
 ones which I had bought so dear, sell 
 them at a reasonable price. Frightened 
 by what he had gone through and by 
 what I and others told him he had to ex- 
 pect, he offered to sell me part of them. 
 I said I must have all or none, and be- 
 tween ancient original manuscripts and 
 good copies there are forty of them, but 
 neither he nor those would-be buyers 
 imagined that I wanted them for any one 
 but myself. They, hoping that he would 
 yield them some of the books at a moder- 
 ate price, helped me greatly by refusing to 
 buy any from him and by urging him to 
 sell them to me, because, as he had no 
 money and no means of obtaining any, he 
 was forced to come to terms with me : 
 and he begged me to pay for them at the 
 price I knew they were worth and he 
 would be content with that. I insisted 
 
 HISPANIC NOTES
 
 ARIAS MONTANO 
 
 on his naming a price, saying that, being 
 away from my country and without much 
 money, I could not pay for them at their 
 real value. He asked 400 ducats. He 
 seemed to me to be growing reasonable, 
 for the books were certainly worth a good 
 300. I said I could give him but 100, 
 and that there was no more to be said, 
 and that it was reasonable that he, in his 
 need, should conform to mine, since I had 
 bought or caused him to sell over 1,000 
 ducats' worth. In this way I kept him 
 coming and going during four days, until 
 in despair he gave them to me for 115 
 ducats and settled for the money to be 
 paid to him at various places on the way 
 to Italy for the expenses of the journey. 
 I think he never made a worse bargain 
 nor I a better. When those greedy men 
 came for their share, I told them that the 
 books were for his Majesty and I could 
 not remove one of them. They, who 
 considered me a very simple man, were 
 amazed at the way I had played with UK: 
 Greek and with them, but I told them 
 
 AND MONOGRAPHS 
 
 V
 
 i8 
 
 ARIAS MONTANO 
 
 that one who had spent so much time 
 and money buying books might well have 
 an occasional windfall ; and believe me, 
 if the little Greek had realized that they 
 were for his Majesty, we should not have 
 had them for 500 ducats, for not one of 
 them is worth less than four ducats and 
 some of them are worth over forty ' (30). 
 Truly Arias Montano had the genuine in- 
 humanity of the bibliophile and a dis- 
 interested love of a bargain for its own 
 sake. 
 
 V 
 
 HISPANIC N O T K S
 
 ARIAS MONTANO 
 
 III 
 
 IN addition to the continual pressure 
 of business during these years he was 
 constantly beset by money worries. He 
 could tell the Greek with truth that he 
 was short of money, and might have said 
 the same of his royal master. To a 
 scholar like Arias Montano, punctilious 
 and exact in money matters, the methods 
 of the State were a perpetual vexation 
 As early as November 1568 his salary is 
 in arrear, and, as he wrote to Zayas, 
 money could only be borrowed in Flanders 
 at a very high rate of interest (31). 'As 
 they see me with the habit of Santiago 
 and know that I am a servant of the King 
 they think that I am rich, whereas my 
 credit is merely nominal' (32). On April 
 6, 1569, c ya ha dias que gasto sobre mi 
 palabra', on October 9, 1570, nearly a 
 year of his salary is unpaid (33). He was 
 
 AND MONOGRAPHS 
 
 C 2
 
 20 
 
 ARIAS MONTANO 
 
 V 
 
 not the only person in Flanders to be 
 thus afflicted. The Governor was heavily 
 in debt, and the Spanish soldiers mutinied 
 to obtain their pay. It is not surprising 
 that the printing of the Bible also suffered. 
 ' The work is going on slowly,' la obra se 
 detiene^ he writes on Way 9, 1570, and in 
 1573, after it was published, Plantin is 
 en aprieto de dincros. On December 19, 
 1571, when there was a question of givin 
 a chain of the value of 300 escudos to 
 Andreas Massius, Arias Montano writes to 
 Zayas, with a touch of malice, that the 
 Duke of Alba considered it too little, 'but 
 I nevertheless thought it better to hold 
 the bird I had in my hand than to wait 
 for the vultures we might shoot down, see- 
 ing the scarcity of money there is here and 
 the difficulty there is even in the payment 
 of what is due' (34). To be given a 
 letter of credit by King Philip and to 
 pocket the money were two very different 
 things, and Arias Montano complains over 
 and over again that the King's treasurer 
 or bankers do not honour the bills he ha? 
 
 HISPANIC NOTES
 
 ARIAS MONTANO 
 
 contracted in the King's name. At last 
 he wrote direct to the King on the subject, 
 and further made it a condition of his re- 
 turn to Spain that the debts which he had 
 incurred for the King in Flanders should 
 first be paid (35). The Bible had been 
 planned and executed on a truly princely 
 scale. By February 1569 Arias Montano 
 writes that it had taken the sails out of a 
 heretic edition in three languages that was 
 being prepared in Germany (36). The 
 real cost was estimated at 20,000 ducats 
 in January, 1571, whereas 'nobody be- 
 lieves that it is less than 60,000 ' (37), and 
 to produce such a work would cost others 
 over 40,000 (38). In December, 1571, 
 ' everyone here [at Antwerp] believes the 
 cost of producing the Bible is 100,000', 
 whereas the whole cost to the King and 
 Plantin does not exceed 40,000, of which 
 the King has already provided 9,000. 
 Eleven parts of the Bible out of sixteen 
 were now ready, and one set had been 
 sent secretly to Rome, another presented 
 to the Duke of Alba, who was having it 
 
 AND MONOGRAPHS
 
 22 
 
 ARIAS MONTANO 
 
 richly bound in silver. Apart from the 
 scholarly revision of the text in five lan- 
 guages (Latin, Greek, Hebrew, Syriac, 
 Chaldean), and the apparatus criticus and 
 introduction by Arias Montano, the great- 
 est care had been taken by Plantin, King 
 Philip's ' prototypographer ', to make the 
 work the finest example of the printer's 
 art. The best paper was brought from 
 Auvergne, the title-pages were elaborately 
 adorned and engraved, new type for each 
 of the languages was cast, the abbrevia- 
 tions of Ximenez's Bible were abolished, 
 and the margins widened. The edition 
 was confined to 1,150 copies, including 
 fifty of a special format and six on vellum 
 (39). The price of copies unbound was 
 25 to 30 ducats, and 30 to 35 ducats; the 
 vellum copies could not be sold for under 
 1 20 florins, but -were not for sale (40). 
 King Philip wrote on the margin of the 
 above letter : ' Add this up to see what will 
 be got out of it.' Obviously, if the work 
 cost 40,000 ducats, and the ordinary copies 
 were to sell at not over 30 ducats each. 
 
 V 
 
 HISPANIC NOTES
 
 ARIAS MONTANO 
 
 2.3 
 
 the profit could not be great, even dis- 
 counting the 9,000 ducats advanced by 
 King Philip. In Spain, the royal Bible 
 could in 1577 be bought direct from 
 Flanders at a cost of from 43 to 45 ducats, 
 but a few copies in the King's possession 
 were priced at 60 ducats until they were 
 reduced by the King to 45 ducats at Arias 
 Montano's suggestion (41). A copy was 
 sent to the Ambassador in Rome, Don 
 Juan de Ziiniga, in 1573, but King Philip 
 saw 'no occasion to send one to the 
 Emperor, the King of France, the King 
 of Portugal, or other potentates' (42). 
 He, however, sent a copy to his cousin, 
 the Duke of Savoy. There had been 
 some idea of giving the new Bible the 
 trade name of Philippic, and Arias Mon- 
 tano was careful to point out that the 
 word might denote a gold coin as well as 
 a violent oration. A certain Salamanca 
 professor would have undertaken to justify 
 the title, for money difficulties were not 
 Arias Montano's only hindrance in his 
 great work ; the selection of the texts was 
 
 AND MONOGRAPHS 
 
 V
 
 ARIAS MONTANO 
 
 not all plain sailing, and a few months 
 after his arrival at Antwerp Leon de 
 Castro was already on the war-path. The 
 Professor of Greek at Salamanca was an 
 honest man, with a violent and domineer- 
 ing temper, who believed that what he did 
 not know could scarcely be worth know- 
 ing, and he laboured under the fixed idea 
 that any scholar who went behind the 
 Vulgate and consulted the Hebrew original 
 deserved (as Castro himself knew little 
 Hebrew) to be persecuted and condemned 
 as hebraizante, judaizante, judio, the friend 
 of Rabbis and declared enemy of Doctors 
 of the Church. Arias Montano, on the 
 other hand, pleaded the necessity of going 
 to the Hebrew, which, in its richness, often 
 admitted of a double meaning, verbal or 
 allegorical, literal or poetic (43). On 
 November 9, 1568, Arias Montano writes 
 to the King's secretary, Zayas, on the 
 subject of Leon and the Latin version of 
 the Bible (44). In King Philip's instruc- 
 tions given to Arias Montano on March 25, 
 it had been expressly stipulated that the 
 
 HISPANIC NOTES
 
 ARIAS M O N T A N O 
 
 Vulgate should retain its place unaltered 
 as in the Alcala edition (45). Another 
 subject of contention arose when Arias 
 Montano examined a Hebrew codex of 
 the Anglican Psalter submitted to him by 
 an Englishman of the name of Clement 
 (tin cierto Cletnente ingle's de nacioii) and 
 rejected its supposed antiquity and worth, 
 although Bishop Guglielmus Lindanus had 
 accepted it as authentic. Lindanus, who 
 seems to have been a Flemish Leon de 
 Castro (46), a man of terribleza e impetus, 
 never forgave what he considered a per- 
 sonal insult. Arias Montano, in order to 
 ' let him down easily ', had expressed the 
 view that he had not seen the book. 
 Lindanus, deaf to the entreaties of his 
 friends, insisted on an apology to the 
 effect that he had seen it (47). This only 
 made matters worse for him, as he presently 
 perceived, and his rage was accordingly 
 the more envenomed, so that in league 
 with Castro he carried on a campaign 
 against Arias Montano for years in Flan- 
 ders, Spain, and Italy. ' And one after- 
 
 A N D MONOGRAPHS
 
 ARIAS MONTANO 
 
 noon, as I was in my cell at San Lorenzo,' 
 says Arias Montano (48), ' the good 
 Bishop came in ' and they were reconciled, 
 but when he returned to Flanders Linda- 
 nus forgot all about the reconciliation. 
 
 Philip II had at first thought that the 
 approbation of the Bible by the Faculty 
 of Theology of the University of Louvain 
 would suffice at Rome (49), but it soon 
 became clear that the matter would not 
 be so easily settled. The Pope refused 
 to authorize the book unless it was exa- 
 mined in Rome. It was in vain that the 
 Spanish Ambassador, Don Juan de Zuniga, 
 assured his Holiness that the work was 
 virtually the same as the old Alcala edi- 
 tion (50), a remark which its editor would 
 certainly not have endorsed. There was 
 nothing for it but to send Arias Montano 
 to Rome to present a copy of the Bible to 
 the Pope. In his Rhetorica, written many 
 years earlier, and published at Frankfurt 
 in 1572, he had laughed at the young men 
 who after spending barely three months in 
 Italy returned home uttering 
 
 V 
 
 HISPANIC NOTES
 
 ARIAS MONTANO 
 
 27 
 
 Nil nisi inauditas voces, nova nomin.i 
 
 rerum 
 Italico accentu crepitant, damnantque pa- 
 
 ternos 
 Sermones (51). 
 
 He had himself always had the scholar's 
 desire to see Rome. He had not been 
 in Flanders a year when he referred in 
 a letter to Zayas (Feb. 28, 1569) to ' the 
 wish I have to go to Rome ', and in July 
 1569 he again writes of 'my desire to see 
 Rome once, for I have never seen it, and 
 to spend at least one month there '. He 
 suggests that it would not be difficult to 
 give him some mission to Rome, and that 
 his absence from Flanders during three or 
 four months would not be greatly felt, and 
 the work of printing the Bible would go 
 on without him. It was not till nearly 
 three years later that his wish was satisfied. 
 He left Flanders at the end of April 
 r 57 2 (5 2 )- Neither Pius V, who died 
 this year, nor his successor, Gregory XII I, 
 was the Pope who denounced Philip II 
 as a son of iniquity, but Arias Montane 
 
 AND MONOGRAPHS
 
 ARIAS MONTANO 
 
 can still speak of ' jealousy at Rome that a 
 work so excellent ' as the new Bible should 
 come from Spain (53). Cardinal Pacheco 
 and the Spanish Ambassador at Rome 
 considered that it would be better to print 
 the work without the papal privilege and 
 let it take its chance, but all difficulties 
 disappeared before Arias Montano's con- 
 fidence and charm. He had made light 
 of the objections raised against the 
 Bible (54), and remarked that at Rome 
 they had thought that Talmud was the 
 name of some dangerous heretical gentle- 
 man (55). It is noteworthy that both 
 Albornoz and Philip II had declared that 
 his presence at Rome would remove every 
 obstacle (56). Arias Montano was in 
 fact received several times by the Pope, 
 who showed him great favour and at once 
 granted the required privilege. He in- 
 quired of Arias Montano concerning the 
 state of Flanders, and told him that he 
 would serve God and the Church better 
 by his pen than by any other business in 
 the world, a remark which Arias Montano 
 
 V 
 
 L 
 
 HISPANIC NOTES
 
 ARIAS MO N TANG 
 
 took good care that Philip II should learn. 
 At the beginning of the winter he left 
 Rome for Flanders by way of Venice and 
 Milan, but henceforth he constantly har- 
 boured the thought of a few years of quiet 
 .iterary work in an atmosphere so con- 
 genial as that of Italy, far from the disquiet 
 and envy of the Peninsula (57), which 
 imprisoned such men as Luis de Leon 
 (1572-76) and Damiao de Goes (1571- 
 73). Not that he does not do justice to 
 Flanders and Plantin. There is no 
 printing in the world, he considers, such 
 as that done in Flanders, and they get 
 through more work at Antwerp in a month 
 than at Rome in a year (58), while the 
 breviaries printed at Rome and Venice are 
 ' intolerable '(59). As to Plantin, 'every 
 day I find in him things that move me to 
 praise God ' (60). 
 
 AND MONOGRAP II S
 
 30 
 
 ARIAS MONTANO 
 
 
 IV 
 
 
 ON his return he found affairs in 
 
 
 Flanders ' miserabilisimas '. The depar- 
 
 
 ture of the Duke of Alba he had always 
 
 
 considered a fatal error. The first news 
 
 
 of it, told him in confidence by the Duke, 
 
 
 had filled him with dismay, and at the 
 
 
 bidding of the King he had written an 
 
 
 elaborate report of the condition of the 
 
 
 country. In this report (61), which was 
 
 
 praised by the King, he is somewhat slow 
 
 
 in coming to the point, but he dwells on 
 
 
 the great importance of Flanders from the 
 
 
 point of view of religion and of commerce, 
 
 
 and politically as a curb on France, Ger- 
 
 
 many, and England. Religion, justice, 
 
 
 and finance all equally demanded a firm 
 
 
 and stable rule (' ya se que cosa es popu- 
 
 
 lacho ', he exclaims, ' cuando entiende 
 
 
 que un corregidor entra y otro se va ') such 
 
 
 as that of the Duke of Alba, which had 
 
 V 
 
 HISPANIC NOTES
 
 ARIAS MONT A NO 
 
 3 1 
 
 effected a marked improvement against 
 alse religions, bribery and corruption, 
 uxury and dissipation. He has also a 
 good deal to say about the intolerable 
 burden of taxation, the ' asisas y maltotes 
 jue con grande pesadumbre y, segun en 
 tiendo, con imposibilidad de sufrirse y 
 tolerarse pagan sobre la comiday bebida ', 
 and about the new ten per cent, tax ; and 
 lie laments that the Duke of Alba's rule, 
 while waiting for his successor, except in 
 matters of religion, has become weak and 
 negligent. His successor, Don Luis de 
 Requesens, also honoured and consulted 
 Arias Montano (62). The hitter's wish to 
 remain in Italy was disregarded, as was 
 also his suggestion that he should be ap- 
 pointed a member of the Council in 
 Flanders, not with a great salary, but 
 ' una raxonable ayuda de rostas '. On 
 February 27, 1573, he writes confiden- 
 tially to Zayas : ' I declare before God 
 that I am very free from ambition of 
 dignities or other high estate, and my 
 greatest ambition has ever been to retire 
 
 AND MONOGRAPHS 
 
 V
 
 ARIAS MONTANO 
 
 V 
 
 to my Pena ', but in view of the exhorta- 
 tions of the Pope and of learned men in 
 Spain, France, and Germany to persevere 
 in his studies, he suggests that the post of 
 Ambassador at Venice would admirably 
 suit him (63). Venice was not greatly 
 frequented by Spaniards, the post of 
 Ambassador had not so much business as 
 to interfere with his studies, the help of 
 learned foreigners, 'among whom I have 
 some authority and much friendship by 
 the grace of God ', was near at hand, and 
 there were facilities for obtaining books 
 from the East (64). In April 1574, how- 
 ever, he is still at Antwerp, expecting 
 alguna Iniena merced from his Majesty. 
 On October 9, since his services are evi- 
 dently of so little avail, he begs, in a letter 
 addressed personally to the King, to be 
 allowed to retire to La Pena or some 
 place even more remote. In the following- 
 spring, on the pretext of the peligro evi- 
 dente de Franda, he set out to return to 
 Spain by way of Italy. At Milan, as he 
 found no ship ready to sail owing to the 
 
 HISPANIC NOTES
 
 ARIAS MONTANO 
 
 roubles at Genoa, he proceeded to Rome 
 o attend the jubilee (thus gratifying an 
 old wish) and present some of his recently 
 published works to the Pope. King 
 Philip's meek chaplain was in fact in open 
 rebellion, for although he had the King's 
 permission to return, dated August 21, 
 
 1574, he had delayed to set out till the 
 Following spring (65), and once at Rome 
 lie became exceedingly reluctant to leave 
 it. He wrote to the King on July 29, 
 
 1575, conjuring hi m par el honor de Dios 
 to allow him to remain, were it but for two 
 years or one and a half or one. Besides 
 the wish to pursue his studies, and his 
 delight in the congenial society of men of 
 letters, he had other reasons for desiring 
 to be at Rome and not to return to Spain. 
 He was anxious to counteract the machina- 
 tions of Leon de Castro at Rome, and he 
 feared that in Spain he might share the 
 fate of his friend Fray Luis dc Leon, who 
 had now been for over three years im- 
 prisoned at Valladolid. We need not 
 assume that Arias Montano did not 
 
 33 
 
 AND MONOGRAPHS Y
 
 34 
 
 ARIAS MONTANO 
 
 ponder frequently on this long imprison- 
 ment because he makes no reference to 
 it in his letters: there is only a bare state- 
 ment from Zayas announcing the ar- 
 rest (66). As to Castro, ' almost the \vhole 
 of the last year that I spent in Flanders ', 
 wrote Arias Montano to the Bishop of 
 Cuenca on August 12, 1575, 'I have per- 
 ceived a great uproar that Leon de Castro, 
 who lives at Salamanca, has raised in that 
 University, finding fault with and throwing 
 discredit on the greatest work that has 
 ever been given to the world of letters, to 
 wit, the Royal Bible which his Majesty for 
 the benefit of Christianity ordered to be 
 printed at Antwerp under my direction ; 
 and, as I understand, the handle he has 
 seized for his campaign against it is the 
 presence in the apparatus criticns of part 
 of the Bible of Sanctes Pagnino, which was 
 given in that place at the request of many 
 learned men of the Universities of Paris 
 and Louvain.' Writing to Cardinal Hosius 
 from Salamanca in August 1574, Pedro 
 Fuentiduenas enumerates the heads of 
 
 V 
 
 HISP AN 1C NOTES
 
 ARIAS M O N T A N O 
 
 the accusation against the Bible, speaks 
 of the attitude of the Salamanca champions 
 of the Vulgate, quotes St. Augustine and 
 St. Jerome to the effect that the Hebrew 
 text should be consulted, and declares 
 that ' the matter is full of public scandal 
 which extends daily, not without en- 
 dangering many '(67). At Rome Arias 
 Montano found the cardinals all agog 
 about it, 'and his Holiness also knew 
 of it, and they kept asking me what 
 it was all about, and who was Maestro 
 Leon,' Considering that the Bible had 
 been printed for the Catholic King, and 
 that its editor had received permission to 
 publish it from the Pope himself, only 
 Leon de Castro, one would suppose, 
 would have had the audacity to carry 
 his ' x.eal ' so far (and it is /.eal, wrote poor 
 Arias Montano, although it is the Devil 
 that inspires it) ; but he found helpers 
 and abettors in Rome, for when Arias 
 Montano answered that ' it was an old 
 fad and infatuation of Castro's against all 
 the Latin versions, and that in Spain this 
 
 AND MONOGRAPHS
 
 V 
 
 ARIAS MONTANO 
 
 mania of his was notorious (en Espana era 
 muy conodda su condition) ', this was not 
 enough to satisfy the cardinals. There 
 were, he was told, ' letters and commissions 
 and intrigues of Leon de Castro at Rome, 
 with a view to raise a greater noise and 
 scandal there than in Spain, and this was 
 facilitated by his being less known at 
 Rome' (68). On September 7, 1575, 
 Philip II summoned Arias Montano to 
 Spain to examine into a matter of heresy 
 which was considered of great importance, 
 but which was going very slowly in August 
 1574, and was likely, Arias Montano 
 thought, to be protracted for many years 
 to come (69). His enemies could not have 
 done more to vex him ; it was his enemies, 
 he no doubt presumed, who had done it ; 
 he professed his readiness to obey, and on 
 October 20 wrote to the King that he 
 hoped soon to be able to sail from Genoa, 
 but on March 22, 1576, he is still at 
 Rome, suggesting to Zayas that he should 
 be given a post on the Council of 
 Flanders (70). ( If his Majesty were 
 
 HISPANIC NOTES
 
 ARIAS M O N T A N O 
 
 willing that I should serve him in some 
 way for the present in Flanders,' he says, 
 and he bids Zayas show his letter to no 
 living man. His distress is obvious, and 
 his reluctance great to return to Spain, 
 where the lion was roaring for its prey. 
 King Philip turned a deaf ear to these en- 
 treaties. On May 17 Arias Montano writes 
 to the King from Rome concerning the 
 vacant sees of Ghent and Antwerp. On 
 July 25 he is back in Spain, and has already 
 taken up the business of ' the Centuries ', 
 but has not yet seen the King (71). Yet, 
 although he returned not to Flanders, but 
 to Spain, he evidently had powerful pro- 
 tection against the Inquisition and Castro, 
 while the question of the Bible was referred 
 to the learned historian and Jesuit Juan 
 de Mariana (ti624). It was a difficult 
 position for Mariana, all the more so be- 
 cause Arias Montano was an acknowledged 
 opponent of the Jesuits. He succeeded, 
 however, in satisfying both sides or 
 neither ; for, while on the essential point 
 whether the Antwerp Bible should be 
 
 AND MONOGRAPHS
 
 3 
 
 ARIAS MONTANO 
 
 placed on the Index he decided, after 
 much delay, in Arias Montano's favour, 
 he gave the latter's adversaries much 
 pleasure by noting numerous minute de- 
 fects in the edition. Meanwhile, on 
 March r, 1577, Arias Montano arrived at 
 the Escorial, and was installed in the con- 
 vent with two pages the rules did not 
 allow of more, although ' from Andalucia, 
 Aragon and other parts they offer me so 
 many servants that if they were got to- 
 gether they would fill a convent greater 
 than that of the Escorial' (72), and for the 
 next ten months he was busily engaged in 
 cataloguing the King's new library. King 
 Philip, in the words of its modern librarian, 
 ' had chosen for the task the most learned 
 and competent Spaniard then living, Arias 
 Montano ' (73). On May 31 he writes to 
 Zayas that so far he does not know what 
 the King wants of him, but holds his 
 tongue, and bides his time till the cata- 
 logue be finished, at the end of June he 
 hopes, in order to ask permission lo retire 
 to Andalucia. But he remained at the 
 
 V 
 
 HISPANIC NOTES
 
 ARIAS MONTANO 
 
 39 
 
 Escorial till January of the following year, 
 and the King then sent him on a mission 
 to Lisbon. 
 
 
 AND MONOGRAPHS 
 
 V
 
 40 
 
 ARIAS MONTANO 
 
 
 V 
 
 
 WITH a letter from the King, dated 
 
 
 January 31, 1578, to the Spanish Am- 
 
 
 bassador at Lisbon, Don Juan de Silva, 
 
 
 a free pass for himself and servants, 
 
 
 five mules laden with cases containing 
 
 
 clothing and two gold habits of Santiago 
 
 
 with badge of silver, and three hundred 
 
 
 ducats in gold and silver for his expenses, 
 
 
 he set out from Madrid. After spending 
 
 
 two half-days at Toledo he stayed another 
 
 
 half-day with his old friend the chronicler 
 
 
 Ambrosio de Morales (1513-91) at La 
 
 
 Puente, and, leaving Guadalupe on his 
 
 
 left, proceeded direct to Alcantara. At 
 
 
 El Canaveral he met the Bishop of Coria, 
 
 
 and altogether his journey from Madrid 
 
 
 to Lisbon occupied seventeen days. He 
 
 
 found Lisbon in mourning for the Queen. 
 
 
 Her chaplain, Francisco Cano, and many 
 
 V 
 
 HISPANIC NOTES
 
 ARIAS MONTANO 
 
 other friends welcomed Arias Montano. 
 He spent six or seven days at Lisbon and 
 set out to return to Madrid on March i, 
 leaving 'all men of letters and under- 
 standing, and especially the King, greatly 
 attached to him ', as the Spanish Ambas- 
 sador wrote to Philip II (74). King 
 Sebastian in fact received him four times 
 during his week's stay at Lisbon : the first 
 audience, on Saturday, lasted an hour, 
 the second, two and a half hours. The 
 King touched on the African expedi- 
 tion several times, but Arias Montano ab- 
 stained from giving an opinion until at 
 the fourth audience, when King Sebastian, 
 after dining early, kept Arias Montano 
 from eight till eleven and openly asked 
 him what was King Philip's opinion and 
 what was said about it in Castile. He- 
 answered that King Philip's views were 
 doubtless already well known to his 
 Majesty, and as to opinion in Castile 
 told him 'what he perhaps had not heard 
 from his Portuguese favourites and ad- 
 visers, and he entered into a discussion 
 
 AND MONOGRAPHS 
 
 V
 
 ARIAS MONTANO 
 
 with me concerning his design and under- 
 taking, and with due respect I answered 
 and contradicted during more than an 
 hour, until I realized that he had more 
 will than reason' (75). Arias Montano 
 was not the man to impose his views on 
 the recalcitrant, but King Sebastian had 
 evidently hoped to win him over and 
 through him Philip II. He found opinion 
 in Portugal generally adverse to the expe- 
 dition (76), and as to the succession to 
 the throne heard that many nobles were 
 favourable to Castile, but the people 
 hated the Castilians (77). King Philip's 
 chaplain maintained strict reserve on this 
 matter : ' To those who conversed with me 
 on the subject of the expedition I said no 
 more than that his Majesty did not consider 
 it advisable, any more than did the Portu- 
 guese, and that I believed he would try 
 to persuade their King as though he were 
 his own son [ten years had passed since 
 the death of Don Carlos], to which many 
 sensible persons replied : " King Philip 
 proves his Christianity and worth in that, 
 
 V 
 
 HISPANIC NOTES
 
 A R I A S M O N T A N O 
 
 4. 1 , 
 
 for when lie might say to his nephew : 
 
 
 ' I won't bid you knock your head against 
 
 
 a wall, but if you choose to dash it in 
 
 
 pieces I won't stand in your way ' he not 
 
 
 only does not condescend to adopt such 
 
 
 an attitude, but with the greatest care and 
 
 
 diligence seeks to prevent the King from 
 
 
 ruining himself, although his nephew's 
 
 
 ruin might be to his own gain" (78). 
 
 
 If Arias Montano was sent to Lisbon 
 
 
 in order to sound public opinion or to 
 
 
 influence prominent persons it is curious 
 
 
 that his stay should have been so short. 
 
 
 To King Sebastian he declared that he 
 
 
 had come to Portugal merely to see some 
 
 
 friends (7 9). 
 
 
 A N D M O N O G R A P H S 
 
 V
 
 44 
 
 ARIAS MONTANO 
 
 
 VI 
 
 
 IN the following spring Arias Montano 
 
 
 was at last happy, restored to his beloved 
 
 
 La Pena, and on April 25 he writes to 
 
 
 Zayas that, although he had not yet re- 
 
 
 covered his strength, consuelame este retira- 
 
 
 miento. How keenly he felt that his 
 
 
 services should not have received any 
 
 
 recognition is evident from a letter written 
 
 
 to Zayas later, in which he says that he 
 
 
 left the Court without any intention of 
 
 
 returning (80). But his corner of paradise 
 
 
 in Andalucia threw a magic over poverty 
 
 
 and disillusion. Arias Montano at La 
 
 
 Pena is the realization of Luis de Leon's 
 
 
 dreams : 
 
 
 Vivir quiero conmigo, 
 
 
 ('ozar quiero del bien que debo al cielo, 
 
 
 A solas, sin testigo, 
 
 
 Libre de amor, de zelo, 
 
 
 De odio, de esperanzas, de recelo. 
 
 V 
 
 HISPANIC NOTES
 
 Del monte en la ladera 
 
 For mi mano plantado tengo un huerto, 
 
 Oue con la primavera 
 
 De bella flor cubierto 
 
 Ya muestra en espcranza el fruto cierto. 
 
 La Pefia consisted originally of the 
 Hermitage of Our Lady of the Angels, 
 belonging to the Cathedral of Seville, from 
 which it was distant a long day's journey 
 ^fourteen short leagues). It lay high up 
 in the Sierra de Aracena above the village 
 of Alajar and two leagues from Aracena, 
 a town of a thousand veeinos. The road 
 for one of these two leagues, says Arias 
 Montano, is the most beautiful in Spain. 
 A few leagues to the north was Fregcnal, 
 his birthplace, and the whole region was 
 filled with friends and relations. In pro- 
 portion as Arias Montano became more 
 celebrated the number of his relations 
 grew, with ' esperan/as 6 espectativas 
 puestas sobre el cielo de Jupiter' (Si). 
 Scattered along the Sierra de Aracena 
 were over a thousand houses in which the 
 ignorant and untaught peasants supported 
 
 AND MONOGRAPHS
 
 4 6 
 
 V 
 
 ARIAS MONTANO 
 
 life with difficulty, glad enough of oats 
 to eat in years of scarcity (82). About 
 the year 1550 (83) Arias Montano, hav- 
 ing received the hermitage from the 
 Prior of Seville Cathedral (later his right 
 was confirmed by the Pope), found it in 
 ruins and the whole place uncultivated 
 and overgrown (jin criazo y zarzal espe- 
 sisimo). He soon made the wilderness 
 to blossom like the rose. He built or 
 rebuilt a church and house, planted an 
 orchard and vineyard, and when he left it 
 in the care of a servant in 1565 he had 
 spent over 3,000 ducats on the estate. 
 The servant betrayed his trust, house and 
 garden were allowed to fall again into 
 disrepair, tools and furniture were stolen. 
 He now, in 1568, set to work to restore 
 the place, and before his death he is able 
 to estimate its yearly produce at 500 reaks. 
 La Peiia was always cool, even when 
 Madrid and Seville were being tortured 
 by the fiercest heat ; it was healthy, well 
 supplied with water, wine, and fruit, with 
 plenty of game in the surrounding hills. 
 
 HISPANIC NOTES
 
 ARIAS MONTANO 
 
 rystal springs supplied the house with 
 water, which, after providing a runlet along 
 a marble table in ^paiio of jasmine, flowed 
 out to water the orchard which Arias 
 Montano had planted. By ringing bells 
 in a variety of ways he communicated 
 with the villagers at Alajar below. Here 
 he could, in the words of Nicolas An- 
 tonio, latere sibi et liicris (84), here he 
 could exclaim with Duke Vicentio : ' How 
 have I ever loved the life removed !' 
 ' There is no place in all Europe which 
 can excel it in natural beauty,' he tells 
 Zayas, and when he wrote these words, in 
 1569, Arias Montano had travelled widely. 
 It is 'a place fit to be owned by a king', 
 and he was in fact anxious that King 
 Philip should become its patron and pos- 
 sessor after his death. The King seems 
 to have accepted the suggestion, since in 
 his will (June 28, 1598) Arias Montano 
 leaves it to King Philip and his heirs (85). 
 'For private life I consider this retreat 
 suits me better than the splendour of the 
 Court,' he writes to Zayas on January 4, 
 
 AND MONOGRAP H S 
 
 \ " 
 
 4/ 
 
 V
 
 4 8 
 
 ARIAS MONTANO 
 
 1579, 'and I understand that his Majesty 
 does not consider that I am fit for any- 
 thing more than to be his chaplain.' The 
 fact is that the Spanish Ambassador at 
 Venice, Guzman de Silva, had died in the 
 previous year, and the post had not been 
 offered to Arias Montane, although it was 
 known that he desired it. But his real 
 complaint was that, whereas he required 
 leisure and quiet for his studies, the King 
 was always employing him on troublesome 
 missions or summoning him to Court (86). 
 He now delayed his return as long as he 
 could, and evaded a hint that he should 
 proceed to Portugal on the matter of the 
 succession, although he drew up a report 
 of prominent persons who might be favour- 
 able to Spain (87). At last he obeyed an 
 urgent summons, and having hired mules 
 which were to be back at Seville on 
 September 18, and leaving his luggage 
 to follow with the arriero of Alcald, he 
 arrived at Madrid on September 8 (1579). 
 The King seems to have thought that in 
 getting his chaplain to Court he had done 
 
 V 
 
 HISPANIC N O T K S
 
 ARIAS M O N T A N O 
 
 49 
 
 enough for the present, and on Septem- 
 ber 23 Arias Montano complains to Zayas 
 that his coming was to serve the Escorial 
 monks in matters which ' a half-educated 
 layman could do better than I ' (88), and 
 dwells with some bitterness on the loss of 
 his time. On October 10 he writes even 
 mere bitterly that the King, after sum- 
 moning him in such haste from his retreat 
 (wi rinconcillo], for the great service of God 
 and the Church and the King, should 
 have left him for over a month doing 
 what a boy could do better than he (89). 
 When lie left Andalucia it was evidently 
 believed by his numerous friends and 
 relations, and perhaps by himself, that he 
 had been summoned to receive some high 
 post in the State, and he speaks of the 
 ridicule and mockery (si/fa>s, escarnios, 
 bitr/as, risailas] that will ensue. He 
 speaks, too, of his exfrcwa pobrcza, and 
 of the prospect of its becoming daily 
 greater, and says that at Madrid the Lion 
 (Leon de Castro) is roaring after its prey, 
 denouncing him in law courts and the 
 
 A N D MONO G R A P II S
 
 market-place, in churches and convents, 
 with the encouragement of the terrible 
 onsets of Lindanus and of others who 
 incite him (90). The shadow of the In- 
 quisition was upon his spirit, and from 
 his letter of January 9, 1580, to Zayas we 
 know that he still had Italy in view. He 
 seems to have lived in retirement till he 
 attended the Provincial Synod at Toledo 
 in September 1582, and for the next ten 
 years his life was divided between Anda- 
 lucia and the Court. We do not know 
 when he went on a mission to England 
 and to France, if he went (91). In 1584 
 he resigned his chaplaincy, and in 1592 
 he retired definitively to Andalucia. He 
 passed the remainder of his life in Seville, 
 at the Convent of Santiago, of which he 
 was now Prior (he was also Comendador 
 of Santiago, having been granted by the 
 King the encomienda of Pelay Correa, a 
 favour previously confined to laymen, so 
 that his income must now have been con- 
 siderable), at La Peiia, and at a country 
 house nearer Seville, which he had bought 
 
 V 
 
 HISPANIC NOTES
 
 ARIAS MONTANO 
 
 5 1 
 
 n 1587. It was called Campo de Flores 
 ind was later known as Las Casillas de 
 Montano ; it consisted of a house in olives 
 ind fallow land. One of his last acts was 
 o found a Chair of Latin in the town of 
 Aracena (July 12, 1597). On June 28, 
 1598, he made his will at Campo de 
 Flores. Thence he went to the Carthusian 
 convent, where he had been given a cell 
 which was to have a special door opening 
 on to the orchard; but immediately on 
 In's return to Seville he was taken ill and 
 was removed to the house of Dona Ana 
 Nune/, where he died on July 6, 1598. 
 
 AND MONOGRAPHS 
 
 V 
 
 K 2
 
 ARIAS M O N T A N O 
 
 VII 
 
 THERE is a close resemblance between 
 the character and circumstances of Arias 
 Montano and Luis de Leon. Born pro- 
 bably in the same year, both came of 
 hidalgo stock, both had relatives in good 
 position - Luis de Leon's brothers and 
 Arias Montano's nephew were Veinticua- 
 tros. Both were scholars to their finger-tips, 
 inspired poets, Hebrew scholars who in- 
 curred the wrath of the redoubtable Pro- 
 lessor of Greek at Salamanca ; both were 
 lovers of Nature and 'the life removed', 
 and both were actively engaged in many 
 and various affairs. Unlike Luis de Leon, 
 Arias Montano wrote almost exclusively 
 in Latin. His only Spanish works are his 
 Aforismos (1614), being a translation of 
 500 maxims from Tacitus, and a para- 
 phrase of The Song of Solomon (92). 
 
 V 
 
 HISPANIC NOT ]<; S
 
 ARIAS M O N T A N O 
 
 His first published work was the Monn- 
 menta hninanae salttlis, consisting of 
 seventy-two Latin odes on religious sub- 
 jects, printed by Plantin at Antwerp in 
 1571. Another work of the same kind 
 was his flimnict Saecu/a (1593). The first 
 of his many celebrated Latin commentaries 
 on various books of the Bible al,so appeared 
 in 1571. Mis Rhelorica in Latin verse 
 was published in 1572, the De Hfbraico- 
 ri/m librarian scriptione ct ledione, written 
 at La Pefia, nine years later. Mis last 
 years were occupied with a vast work 
 which he had been contemplating for 
 many years, a history of the human race 
 based on the Scriptures. Its appearance 
 was delayed by the slowness of the Censor, 
 who complained of the smallness of the 
 handwriting, but the first part (Aninui), 
 Liber gcncrationis ct regenerationis Adam, 
 was published in 1593. The second part 
 (Corpus), Naturae historia, was ready in 
 1594, but was published posthumously in 
 1 60 1 ; the third part remained unwritten. 
 Readers of the extracts invcn in the notes 
 
 AND M O N O G R A P II S 
 
 53 
 
 V
 
 54 
 
 V 
 
 ARIAS M O N T A N O 
 
 of the present volume will agree that his 
 style was as pure in Spanish prose as it 
 ,vas in Latin verse, and will regret that he 
 did not follow Luis de Leon's example 
 and write in the vernacular. Another 
 point in which he differed from the great 
 Augustinian was in the exceptional suavity 
 of his temper. He had none of that 
 fierce energy which made Luis de Leon's 
 nemies writhe beneath the lash and 
 return to their attacks with redoubled 
 venom. Small of stature and certainly 
 not robust (93\ witty and charming in 
 conversation, he combined the directness 
 of the scholar with a singular gentleness 
 and attraction. The Duke of Alba (94), 
 twenty years his senior, Pope Gregory 
 XIII (95), the young King Sebastian, 
 Philip II himself, all evidently fell under 
 the spell. Countless friends throughout 
 Europe, such as the Bishop of Arras, 
 rarisinio en sus letras y elocuenda, or Car- 
 dinal Delfmo, who would take him to 
 converse in a garden outside Rome, or the 
 Portuguese bishop and historian Osorio, 
 
 HISPANIC NOTES
 
 ARIAS MONTANO 55 
 
 testified to the depth of his learning and 
 the variety of his interests (96). He was 
 the most popular Spaniard in Flanders (97). 
 He was of so affectionate a nature that he 
 could regard it almost as a failing (98). 
 In his letters he constantly asks for news 
 of mis prendas or mis hermanos at Seville, 
 and when he does not hear from them 
 ,'estoy tan afligido desto que no sd de mi 
 y con mis pensamientos que acerca de 
 los que bien quiero jamas reposan hago 
 doscientos discursos a la hora, y todos 
 tristes ' (99). He wished harm to nobody 
 (unless it were the little Greek bookseller) 
 and felt resentment against none. Even 
 Leon de Castro, he thought, meant well : 
 it was not he, but Satan who incited him, 
 that was to blame (100). At the most he 
 hints that ("astro has offended all the 
 Other countries of Europe in claiming to 
 be the only man with eyes in a blind 
 world (101), or that his mil may appear 
 differently to others (tii/nel bucn hombrc 
 \'on su celo que e'l llamii] (102), or that it is 
 a pity that it should be said that Spaniards 
 
 AND M O X O G R A P II S V
 
 ARIAS MONT A NO 
 
 devour one another (103) ; or he refers to 
 the diligencias exqidsilas of certain monks 
 at Seville and elsewhere to discover matter 
 in his works to denounce, slighting them in 
 convents and even in the book-shops (104). 
 By the time he was fifty experience had 
 brought him disillusion, if not bitterness, 
 and the philosophic mind : 'A los hom- 
 bres servirlos en lo posible con caridad 
 y estar sin envidia alguna, y no esperar 
 dellos salud, pues no la tienen ni pueden 
 dar' (105). The words in which he de- 
 scribes a friend might be applied to him- 
 self : un angel en la condition. Had he 
 the weakness which often goes with such 
 gentleness and charm ? A lover of truth 
 and exactness, he was clear-sighted, had 
 a strong will, a powerful intelligence, a 
 knowledge of affairs, and a keen insight 
 into men's character, but in his relations 
 with others, if the charm of his manner 
 failed to act or was only momentarily 
 successful, as with Lindanus at the Esco- 
 rial, he did not always succeed in imposing 
 himself. He did not obtain a seat at the 
 
 V 
 
 HISPANIC NOTES
 
 ARIAS M O N T A N O 
 
 57 
 
 Flanders Council, nor an Italian holiday, 
 nor the post of Ambassador at Venice. 
 Respect for him did not prevent his pages, 
 for whom, when they were ill, he would 
 sit up all night, from coming to blows, 
 and we are not very anxious when he 
 announces his intention of reprimanding 
 another offender : maiiana le hablart y 
 dare una f rater na (106). He could not 
 get rid of his obsequious friends and poor 
 relations at La Pefia, and at Court he 
 found it easier to apply himself to amiable 
 conversation than to study (107). Al- 
 though very abstemious, he was perhaps 
 not naturally austere. Carvajal certainly 
 exaggerates his asceticism when he says 
 that he only ate one meal a day, at sunset. 
 never ate meat or fish, and slept on a mat 
 spread on a plank-bed (108). We know 
 from Arias Montano himself that, although 
 he did not generally care for meat, he was 
 not a professed vegetarian (109), and had 
 no objection to helping to eat a ham 
 occasionally in Zayas's company (110). 
 We know also that at the Escorial he 
 
 AND MONOGRAPHS 
 
 V
 
 ARIAS MONTANO 
 
 slept in a silken bed, which Zayas later 
 had sent after him to La Pena. Arias 
 Montano valued friendship far too highly 
 to be a gloomy ascetic in and out of 
 season, but only by severe self-discipline 
 could he have attained his wonderful 
 mastery of ancient and modern languages 
 and have added to this knowledge a pro- 
 found learning. His interest in mathe- 
 matics was shown when the Duke of 
 Alba proposed to found a Chair in 
 Flanders; in his youth he had studied 
 medicine with zest, while his concern for 
 all matters relating to education was con- 
 stant : he wished for an exchange of 
 scholars between the Universities of Spain 
 and Flanders, that foreigners might imbibe 
 in Spain that strength of character and 
 that grave dignity which were peculiarly 
 Spanish (m). He was an active man of 
 affairs as well as an acute scholar, and 
 could combine the resignation of the 
 Christian (i 12) with the curiosity of the 
 humanist. Posterity, like the Popes and 
 Kings of his own day, will delight to 
 
 V 
 
 HISPANIC NOTES
 
 ARIAS M O N T A N O 
 
 honour this great scholar of the Spanish 
 Renaissance. More truly than most men 
 jhe might have said that he had willingly 
 | injured no man, but worked diligently to 
 promote the welfare and happiness of 
 many. 
 
 A N D M O N O G R A P II S
 
 6o 
 
 ARIAS M O N T A N O 
 
 
 N O T E S 
 
 
 (l) Carvajal, Document 65, p. 182: 'A 
 
 
 quien por otro nombre la Universidad de 
 
 
 Alcala le clio el titulo de el Geronimo 
 
 
 Espafiol por sus muchas letras y erudicion ' ; 
 
 
 ib., p.. 184: ' Fuit unus ex Patribus Concilii 
 
 
 Trident in i nominatusque in eo secundus 
 
 
 maximus Hieronimus'; Lope de Vega calls 
 
 
 him ' un Jeronimo espafiol ' (Bib. Aut. Esfi., 
 
 
 vol. xxxviii, p. 236.) 
 
 
 (2) 'Obiit Hispali anno MDLXXXIX' (Car- 
 
 
 vajal, p. 184), but his age is not given ; his 
 
 
 will, however, is ' escrito de mi mano y 
 
 
 firmado de mi nombre en mi heredad y casa 
 
 
 de Campo dc Flores, fecho y acabado en 
 
 
 veinte y ocho de Junio de mil y quinientos y 
 
 
 noventa y echo, vispera de San Pedro y San 
 
 
 Pablo, y aiio de setenta y uno de mi edad ' 
 
 
 (Carvajal, p. 198). On November 9, 1568, 
 
 
 he spoke of himself as being ' con cuarenta y 
 
 
 tres anos de vida' (jDocwtientos ineditos,^. 
 
 
 135), whereas on October 10, 1579, he says 
 
 
 he has ' cincuenta y tres anos a cuestas ' (ib., 
 
 
 p. 408), from which we might have inferred 
 
 V 
 
 HISPANIC NOTES
 
 NOT ]: S 
 
 that he was born between October 10 and 
 November 9, 1525, but such assertions cannot 
 be implicitly relied on. Plantin gives three 
 different dates for his own birth. 
 
 (3) In the examination of witnesses as to 
 his descent and character before entering the 
 :Order of Santiago in 1560, all agree that his 
 ancestors ' no pccharon '. One witness says 
 that it is said they are 'hijos-dalgo monta- 
 neses ' (according to Nicolas Antonio the 
 name Montano was derived from Fregenal 
 de la Sierra), another similarly that ' decfan 
 [personas viejas] que cran Montarieses '. As 
 to his mother's name, two witnesses say that 
 they think it was Isabel Gomez, four do not 
 remember her name, one gives only the name 
 of his father, but mentions the nair.e of his 
 brother as Juan Arias de la Mota. One 
 witness only gives her name with certainty : 
 'su madre se llamaba Francisca Minhoca', 
 and this witness, a priest, Ruy Gonzalez 
 Granero, declares that he was her relation 
 (Carvajal, pp. 123-31, Document i). This 
 would seem conclusive, but there is doubt as 
 to the word Minhoca, and Martinez Bo/a [or 
 Mota?] has been suggested. Nobody would 
 hesitate on this excellent evidence to accept 
 Francisca as the Christian name ; one would 
 
 AND MONOGRAPHS 
 
 61
 
 ARIAS MONTANO 
 
 V 
 
 infer, too, that both his father and mother 
 were dead in 1560. But in a letter of 
 February II, 1569, Arias Montano refers to 
 the recent death of ' mi sefiora Dona Isabel, 
 mi madre ' (Documentos ineditos, p. 142). 
 In the same letter and elsewhere he refers to 
 ' mis hermanos', although one of the witnesses 
 in 1560 declared that of the three children o] 
 the elder Benito Arias only two, Benito and 
 Juan, survived. Only if Dona Isabel Gomez 
 was his stepmother, and the words 'mis 
 hermanos ' refer to the Licenciado Juan Arias 
 and his wife, can all these conflicting state- 
 ments be reconciled. 
 
 (4) Relator or Notario. Benito Arias, his 
 son, was also Consultor and Notario of the 
 Holy Office when still a young man (Car- 
 vajal, Document I [1560]). 
 
 (5) Carvajal, Document 20: 'por haberse 
 perdido en la mar una gran mu'.titud dcllas 
 llevandolas a Italia' (Philip II to the Duke 
 of Alba, March 25, 1568). 
 
 (6) Ten years later, in 1578, we may note 
 that the 300 ducats that Arias Montano took 
 to Lisbon were worth 112,500 ftiaravedis, so 
 that we may assume that he now had about 
 200,000 maravedis a year. His salary's 300 
 ducados or escudos were of 40 placets each, 
 
 HISPANIC NOTES
 
 NOTES 
 
 63 
 
 but the exchange varied, and in his letters he 
 
 
 speaks of ducats of 46 and ducats of y) placas. 
 
 
 The placa would roughly be about a quarter 
 
 
 of a real. Life in Inlanders was expensive, 
 
 
 and both Albornoz (Carvajal, p. 150) and the 
 
 
 Spanish Ambassador at Rome (Carvajal, p. 
 
 
 161) say that Arias Montano's salary was 
 
 
 insufficient. The former says bluntly to 
 
 
 Zayas : ' cierto Vms. se hubieron estrecha- 
 
 
 mente en lo del entretenimiento, que yo juro 
 
 
 como christiano que, con darme el Duquc de 
 
 
 comer para mi y dos criados, que con cin- 
 
 
 cuenta esrudos mas al mcs no puedo vivir '. 
 
 
 The Ambassador says to the King : ' Y 
 
 
 aunque el no me pidio que yo hiciesc el 
 
 
 oficio que ahora hare, no puedo dejar de 
 
 
 decir a V. M. que es imposible poderse 
 
 
 sustentar con los trescicntos ducados que se 
 
 
 le dan de partido y que se que el se socorre 
 
 
 de paricntes y de amigos '. The least yearly 
 
 
 sum that could keep body and soul together 
 
 
 was, we are told, 45 florins (for food and 
 
 
 clothing). (See Documentor ineditos, p. 1 68.) 
 
 
 (7) Toinas Gonzalez. Apuntamientos para 
 
 
 la historia del Rev Don Felipe Scgiindo de 
 
 
 Espana for lo tocantc <i xi/s rcliui<>nes con 
 
 
 la Reina Isabel dc Inglaicn\i, etc., in Me- 
 
 
 A N D MONOGRAPHS 
 
 V
 
 6 4 
 
 V 
 
 ARIAS M O N T A N O 
 
 morias de la Real Academia de la Historia, 
 t. 7, p. 327. 
 
 (8) ib., pp. 328, 332. 
 
 (9) Carvajal, p. 148, Document 26 : 'Si yo 
 hubiera hecho este viage a proposito de 
 reconocer tierras no sd si me hubiera ordenado 
 tan a punto para servir a V. M. en ello como 
 sin pensarlo me sucedio con las peregrina- 
 ciones que he hecho, echandome Dios con 
 contrariotiempoy con enfermedadenlrlanda, 
 cuya gran parte com acompanado de salvages 
 della, y despues, embarcado en uno de los 
 estremos de aquella Isla, apportando en 
 Inglaterra y travesandole de parte a parte, 
 en los cuales caminos vi y passe cosas ansi 
 naturales como civiles e inciviles que tengo 
 bien de que acordarme y no me pesa de 
 haber pasado por ellas, aunque al presente 
 algunas me fueron trabajosas.' 
 
 (10) Tomas Gonzalez, op. cit., Documento 
 No. 16, pp. 429-32 : ' Relacion que hace el 
 capitan Diego Ortiz de Urizar de lo que vi6 
 en Irlanda. Diolo a S. M. en Madrid a 
 veinte y dos de Junio de mil quinientos 
 setenta y cuatro.' 
 
 (u) ib., p. 432: 'me quisieron enviar 
 preso al Visorey sino por los naturales de la 
 tierra que le fueron a la mano, y asi procuro 
 
 HISPANIC NOTES
 
 N O T K S 
 
 de apoderarsc de mi y matarme, que para 
 ello hicieron sus diligencias asi por mar como 
 por tierra.' He gives an unflattering account 
 of King Philip's Irish allies. They eat little 
 bread, 'y no es por falta de la tierra . . . sino 
 que la gente es muy holgazana, enemiga de 
 trabajar, y asi lo que siembran cuatro lo 
 vienen a comer ciento, porque el que mas 
 pucde hurtar al vccino se tiene por ma's 
 hombre ' (ib., p. 430) ; ' cada seiiorete tiene 
 su torre de piedra pucsta y alii serecogen los 
 malhcchores y dcstas torres hay una infini- 
 dad ' (ib., p. 431). ' Kl Conde de Osmont 
 [cf. p. 274 Dhestmon and p. 316 Desmownd] 
 mdaba,a la sazon que yo llegue en la Isla, con 
 cinco 6 seis mil hombres en compana y 
 habiase sefioreado de algunas tierras y cas- 
 tillos que los inglcses le tenian tornados, que 
 eran suyos de su patrimonio. Encstetienen 
 inucha esperanza los catolicos* (ib., p. 431). 
 Conditions were probably not much more 
 tranquil when Arias Montano traversed 
 Ireland in 1568. 
 
 (12) Carvajal, p. 148. 
 
 (13) Tomds Gonzalez, op. ctt. t p. 328. 
 
 (14) Docnincntos in fit it as, pp. 171-172. 
 
 (15) Docitmcntos int'ditos, p. 173: ' Puesto 
 que me sea necesario estar cada dia once 
 
 6.5 
 
 AND MONOGRAPH S
 
 66 
 
 V 
 
 ARIAS MONTANO 
 
 noras estudiando, cscribiendo, recorriendo y 
 visitando lo que se hace y hade hacer, y esto 
 tambien las fiestas como los otros dias.' Cf. 
 
 135 : 'A mi no me falta obra ni me sobra 
 tiempo, de manera que aun las fiestas tengo 
 bien que hacer' (Nov. 9, 1568); p. 187: 
 ' tengo bien en que entendcr ' (Oct. 9, 1570) ; 
 
 201 : 'he tenido todos los dias once horas 
 de ocupacion en estudiar, leer y escribir Ic 
 quehacia al proposito de mi mision ' (Feb. 5, 
 
 I57I)- 
 
 (16) Docnmentos ineditos, p. 335: ' Tenia 
 ansimesmo 6 amistad piiblica 6 secreta in- 
 telligencia con buenos personajes de todas 
 las vecindades, Lieja, Colonia, Cleves y 
 hasta Alemania, y alguna en Paris y en 
 Inglaterra.' Cf. pp. 333, 334. 
 
 (17) ' Aqui se hace un catalogo de libros 
 que se vedan* (Antwerp, March 4, 1569). 
 Documentos intditos, p. 151. Cf. pp. 173-174. 
 Arias Montano was of opinion that Erasmus 
 and other writers should be expurgated, but 
 not condemned totally. 
 
 (18) Documentos ineditos ', pp. 168-171 
 [1570]. In 1572 both the Earl of Westmor- 
 land and the Countess of Northumberland 
 were receiving 200 florins a month. (T. 
 Gonzalez, op. '/., p. 379.) 
 
 HISPANIC N O T K S
 
 N O T K S 
 
 (19) Documentos intditoS) p. 143 : 'Yohice 
 a invencion dellas de carbon y plomo '. 
 
 (20) ' Para escribir cosas en espanol no 
 son buenos porque no lo entienden y aun en 
 latin no hacen bucna letra sino francesilla y 
 oscura ' (Docitmentos ineditos, p. 143). 
 
 (21) Cf. Documentos ineditos, p. 266 (Dec. 
 19, 1571): 'Quedo empacando dos mill 
 breviarios', and many similar passages. 
 
 (22) Carvajal, p. 143 (Document 19) : 
 ' Demas de haccr al dicho Plantino esta 
 comodidad y bucna obra es bien que lleveis 
 entendido que desde agora tengo aplicados 
 los seis mill escudos que se le prestan para 
 que como se vayan cobrando del se vayan 
 cmplcando en libros para el monesterio dc 
 Sanct Lorenzo el Real de la Orden dc Sanct 
 Hieronimo, que yo hago edificar ccrca del 
 Escurial como sabeis ; y asi habeis de ir 
 advertido deste fin e intencion para que con- 
 forme a clla hagais diligencia de recogcr 
 todos los libros exquisites assi imprcssos 
 como de mano, que vos como quien tambien 
 [= tan bien] lo entiende vicredes que seran 
 convenientes para los tracr y poner en la 
 libreria del dicho mi monesterio, &c.' 
 
 (23) ' El otono pasado comence a hacer 
 visita por las librerfas de las abadias destos 
 
 AND MONOGRAPH S
 
 68 
 
 ARIAS MONTANO 
 
 Estados y halle mucho destrozo hecho en 
 libros originales.que por negligencia se habian 
 perdido y vendido a libreros y encuaderna- 
 dores en estos anos pasados, y estos eran en 
 todas faculdades, y cada dia se disminuian 
 mas ; y entendi del ingenio de la gente de 
 por aca que si le pidiese alguna persona 
 grave un solo libro, el menor de lodos, com- 
 prado 6 prestado, no lo darian, pensando ser 
 algun grande tesoro, y por otra parte vi que 
 habian vendido 6 perdido grandes piezas de 
 buenos autores. Acorde diferir el cumpli- 
 miento de la visita hasta haceruna diligencia 
 que no me ha sucedido mal, de que el Duque 
 esta muy contento ; y fiie disimuladamente 
 enviar a los libreros comarcanos de los 
 monasteries para que comprasen todo lo que 
 pudiesen de libros en pergamino, porque 
 desta manera habriamos algunos para la 
 librena real que V. M <1 . instituye en Sant 
 Lorenzo, y ansi me han traido buena suma 
 dellos en tan buen precio que si yo comprara 
 tres dellos de las mismas abadias me costaran 
 mas. Hanme traido cosas de provecho y otras 
 que no sirven mas de para pergamino viejo, 
 porque yo di orden a que se comprase todo, 
 y lo que no es de provecho lo doy a los im- 
 presores en el mismo precio casi por que yo 
 
 V 
 
 HISPANIC NOTES
 
 N O T K S 
 
 lo he comprado de manera quc los buenos 
 me salcn baratisimos.' (Documettfos inttlitos, 
 p. 176.) 
 
 (24) Documcntos intdi d>s, pp. 160-162. 
 
 (25) Documentos ineilitvs, p. 154. 
 
 (26) Documentos intditos, p. 194. 
 
 (27) 'Servicio dc V. M (i . y provechogrande 
 seria de la librerfa que V. M d . niandase hacer 
 en la libreria misma una pieza aparte 6 
 atajada con muro 6 con reja de madera que 
 fuese como tesoro de los libros originales. 
 porquc aquellos ban de servir por ejcmplares 
 perpetuos y por piedras de toque de In 
 vcrdad, y no es nccesario que esten en la 
 comunidad de los otros que ban dc estar 
 expuestos al uso de todos los que quisieren 
 cstudiar en ellos ; y estando ansi guardados. 
 seran mas estimados en el monasterio y con 
 mas curiosidad consultados de las personas 
 doctas que dcllos sc quisieren aprovechar, y 
 libres del pcligro que suelcn tener scmejantcs 
 originales, que 6 los hurtan los que saben quc 
 valor ticnen 6 los mozos los despedazan por 
 quitarlcs las ilium inaciones 6 para el uso del 
 pergaminolos despojan. Yo tengo originales 
 que valen mas de mill cscudos y no los daria 
 yo por ningun precio para ser quito dellos. 
 Son hebraicos, griegos, caldeos y latinos, y los 
 
 6 9 
 
 AND MONOGRAPHS 
 
 V
 
 ARIAS MONTANO 
 
 tengo mandados en mis testamentos a la 
 libreria de los originales de vuestra Majestad. 
 Con una mcdiana pieza que se apartase en la 
 libreria hasta doce cobclos en cuadro 6 a 
 proporcion desto bastaria. En las librerias 
 de Italia tienen los libros raros en cajas con 
 Haves, cada uno en su caja, y ansi hacen mas 
 venerable la auctoridad del libro.' (ib. p. 1 78.) 
 
 (28) ' Usa de gran diligencia y ardid para 
 allegar libros manuscriptos originales para la 
 libreria de S. M' 1 . Tiene ya mas dc 70 que 
 le ban costado la decima parte dc lo que a 
 otro se vendieran. Tiene en su poder los 
 que hallo en Haustrat y dc Paris le ban 
 traido otros griegos. Con estos y los suyos 
 manuscriptos, de que piensa hacer heredera 
 la libreria de S. M d ., dice se podran juntar 
 hasta 300, que desea se pusiesen en la libre- 
 ria en pieza aparte.' (Docu/tientos ineditos, 
 p. 167.) 
 
 (29) Docmnentos infdilos, p. 271. 
 
 (30) ' Estos dias pasados me ha sucedido 
 una buena suerte en esta razon, en la cual he 
 servido a S. M' 1 . como se lo debo, y holgaria 
 que se me ofreciesen otras ansi ; y es que un 
 mercader griego de libros originales, al cual 
 yo conocfa en Venecia y le habia comprado 
 harta suma de libros y bien caros, y el obispo 
 
 V 
 
 HISPANIC N O T K S
 
 NOTES 
 
 qtie es agora de Segovia, Covarrubias, tam- 
 bien habia comprado del en mill e?cudos, 
 pasaba por aqui con unos libros que llevaba 
 a la reina de Inglaterra con esperanza de 
 tornar con gran preinio, y surediole que los 
 soldados enemigos le despojaron en el camino, 
 y llego aqui con tres companeros y con sus 
 libros, y sin una placa, y procure vender dos 
 6 tres libros para pasar adelante ; y como 
 pedia tan caro por ellos ninguno oso comenzar 
 a comprarle, y los que deseaban haber algunos 
 me dieron aviso dello para que yo le tomara 
 algunos y hiciera precio para ellos. Yo le 
 hice llamar y como me conocio tomo contento 
 y rogome le socorriese con dineros hasta 
 Inglaterra y le diesc cartas para el embajador 
 dc S. M' 1 . que alii esta, que le favoreciese, y 
 para algunos por el camino, porque se temia 
 de mal tratamiento, estando la tierra tan 
 rcvuelta por aca. Yo le di lucgo cartas para 
 el embajador, empero puscle la dificuldad 
 que habia en el viaje y el incicrto succeso 
 que con la reina de Inglaterra temia estando 
 las cosas de aquella isla en el estado que 
 estan y siendo estos libros todos eclesiasticos 
 y catolicos salvo algunos philosophicos ; y 
 con csta ocasion dije que me los vendiese a 
 mi, y de cuantos le habia comprado caros 
 
 AND MONOGRAPHS 
 
 V
 
 que fuesen estos agora en buen precio. El, 
 amedrentado de lo que habia pasado y con 
 lo que yo y otros dijimos de lo que podia 
 esperar 6 temer, trato de venderme parte 
 dellos. Yo le dije que no le compraria uno 
 sin otro 6 sino todos, que son cuarenta libros 
 cntre originates antiguos y copiados buenos, 
 y jamas sinti6 el ni los otros que deseaban 
 comprarle algunos que yo los querfa sino 
 para mi ; y con esperanza de que a sus cabales 
 les daria parte me ayudaron mucho en no 
 comprarle ellos ninguno y en solicitar que 
 me los vendiese, y ansi el fue forzado a tratar 
 conmigo, porque no tenia un real ni hallaba 
 modo de habello, y pidiome luego que se los 
 pagase conforme a como yo sabia que valfan 
 y que no querfa mas. Yo no quise sino que 
 nombrase el precio, porque yo no se los 
 podia pagar por el valor estando fuera de 
 mi tierra y con poco dinero. Pidiome cua- 
 trocientos escudos. Pareciome que se ponia 
 en buena razon, porque cierto los libros valen 
 largos trescientos escudos. Yo le dije que 
 no tcnia que cien escudos para le dar y 
 que no querfa inns hablar en ello y que 
 era razon que 6\ con su nccesidad se con- 
 formase con la mia, pues le habia yo ya 
 comprado y hecho comprar en mas dc mil 
 
 V 
 
 HISPANIC NOTES
 
 NOTES 
 
 escudos. Desta manera lo tuve cuatro dias 
 yendo y vinienclo, hasta quc visto no podia 
 mas me los dio por ciento y quince escudos, 
 y procuro aqui como se los fuescn pagando 
 por el cam i no de Italia por los lugares donde 
 tiabia de pasar, para gastar en el viaje. Yo 
 creo que el no hizo en su vida mas mal 
 cmpleo ni yo mejor. Cuando los codiciosos 
 acudieron por parte yo les dije que pensaba 
 servir con ellos a S. M d . y que no podia 
 quitar ninguno. Ellos, que me tenian por 
 muy sencillo, se espantaron del artificio que 
 tuve con el griego y con ellos. Yo les dije 
 que quien habia gastado tanto tiempo y 
 dinero en esta mercaduria no era mucho 
 echasc algun buen lance, y V. M. tenga por 
 cierto que si el grccheto cntendicra que eran 
 para S. M d . no los hubieramos por quinientos 
 ducados; porque ninguno hay que valga dc 
 cuatro escudos abajo y hay algunos que 
 \-alen sobrc cuarenta.' (Docutnentos ineditos, 
 
 PP- I37-I39)- 
 
 (31) Letter of July 20, 1568. 
 
 (32) Documenios infdilos, p. 144 : ' Como 
 me ven con habito de Santiago y con nombrc 
 de criado del rey piensan que soy rico, y 
 tengo credito dc palabra no mas.' 
 
 (33) Documcnios ineditos, pp. 156, 184. 
 
 73 
 
 AND M O N O G R A V II S
 
 ARIAS M O N T A N O 
 
 (34) Documentos ineditos, p. 267. Cf. p. 299. 
 
 (35) Cf. Documentos ineditos, pp. 307, 
 308-9 (Arias Montano to the King, from 
 Antwerp, June 6, 1574: 'las dilaciones y 
 respuestas aviesas 6 secas del tesorero '), 
 311 (Arias Montano to the King, from Ant- 
 werp, October 9, 1574: ' tanto tieinpo ha 
 que nunca se han pagado, por lo cual mi 
 conciencia csta cargada y mi honor mas 
 empenado de lo que fuera servicio de V. 
 M' 1 .'), 323-6, 328, 329, 331- 
 
 (36) Documentos ineditos, p. 142. 
 
 (37) Documentos ineditos, p. 167. 
 
 (38) Documentos inedilos, p. 181. 
 
 (39) Documentos ineditos , p. 262 : ' Im- 
 primense mill y ciento y cincuenta biblias, de 
 las cuales hay tres suertes : la una carta real y 
 otras dos de carta mas cara y mas grande, 
 destas no hay mas que cincuenta y otra 
 media docena de un papel hechizo que cuesta 
 a escudo la mano.' (Letter of Arias Montano 
 to Zayas from Antwerp, Dec. 14, 1571.) 
 
 (40) Ibid. The number of copies to be 
 printed on vellum had been originally fixed 
 at six, but was raised to twelve. (Carvajal, 
 Document 25.) 
 
 (41) Documentos ineditos, pp. 342-3. 
 
 (42) Documentos ineditos, p. 293. 
 
 V 
 
 HISPANIC NOTES
 
 N O T K S 
 
 (43) In the De hebraicorum libroruin 
 ipt! one ct Icctione [1581]. 
 
 (44) ' En este plicgo quc envie por tierra 
 respondi largo a la carta dc Leon, la cual 
 respuesta iba tan solamcnte para V. M., y 
 ansi le suplico que no la mucstre a persona 
 sino mande sacar la sustancia della si alguna 
 tiene ; porcjue a mi no me incumbia responder 
 iquella carta, mayormente tomando con- 
 tencion de defender a Pagnino, porque en 
 nucstra Biblia el no va hasta agora, ni ya 
 
 [lie fuese pod r fa ir en parte donde los que 
 no estan bien con el pudiesen calumniar. Y 
 sepa V. M. que de Paris y Lovaina se pidio 
 ;[ue se pusiesc, y esto despues que yo estoy 
 iquf, que antes no se h.ibi'a tratado del en 
 cstas paries quc digo, e yo le respondi que 
 no habi'a lugar por agora. Kmpcro si V. M. 
 quisicse escribir a Leon que dentro de cuatro 
 meses 6 tres le enviase los lugares que le 
 >fenden en aquclla version y csto con toda 
 :aridad y sencillez, podn'a ser quc fuesen 
 provechosos algunos de sus avisos, y que 
 con agradecimiento se le recibiesen 6 yo 
 ordenasc como el consiguicse su intcnto. 
 Porque scpa V. M. para cntre nosotros que 
 yo, por desco del provecho comun, he pro- 
 puesto csto en la universidad de Lovaina y 
 
 A N D M O N O G R A P II S
 
 ARIAS MONTANO 
 
 rogadoles quelo vean de nuevo con diligencia, 
 y se va haciendo. Y si Leon enviase algo 
 que fuese de importancia serfa bien recibido, 
 porque este interprete, por ser catolico y 
 literal, audit bene apud omnes etiam si non 
 omnia assecictus est. Y si V. M. entiende 
 que allcl no se ha de hacer esto sencillamente, 
 mas valdra dejarlo, porque aca ]o haran bien 
 y sin pasion.' (Documentos ineditos, pp. 
 1 36-137: Letter of Arias Montano to Zayas, 
 from Antwerp, Nov. 9, 1568.) 
 
 (45) Carvajal, p. 142, Document 19 : ' En 
 la muestra que aca enviq Plantino habin 
 puesto la edicion de Xantes Pagnino, como 
 habeis visto, en Ingar de la Vulgata que en 
 la impression complutense esta junto al texto 
 hebraico, y porque ha parescido que en esto 
 no conviene que aya mudanza ni se altere ni 
 quite lo de hasta aqui, direislo assi al Plantino 
 y hareis que la dicha edicion Vulgata se 
 ponga y quede en cl mesmo lugar que cstaen 
 la Biblia complutense por la auctoridad que 
 tiene en toda la Iglesia universal, y porque 
 siendo como es la mas principal de todas las 
 versiones, no fuera justo que faltara ni se 
 dejara de poner en una obra tan insigne y en 
 el principal lugar de aquella.' 
 
 (46) ' Cierto que fue colerico ', mildly says 
 
 V 
 
 HISPANIC NOTES
 
 NOTES 
 
 Arias Montano (Carvajal, p. 190, Document 
 73), and he adds that 'habfamovido graudes 
 tragedias y amenazas contra mi y mi nombre 
 y todos mis escriptos ; y esto habia sido en 
 Lovaina y Anvers.' He says that he partly 
 owed his bishopric to him : ' Obispo de 
 Ruremunda, parte quiza por mi sufragio, de 
 que no importa afirmar . . . nunca tuve rencor 
 in pasion contra e"! en el tiempo que vivio 
 aunque supe cuanto dijo contra mi en Flandes, 
 en Roma, y mas en Espana, donde parece 
 hallaba oidos mas a proposito.' (Carvajal, 
 p. 189.) 
 
 (47) Ibid., p. 191 : ' Istud ipsum, istud 
 ipsum ; nam profecto ipse his oculis vidi 
 librum et habui in manu.' Arias Montano 
 says that he knew not a word of Hebrew. 
 
 (48) Ibid., p. 192. 
 
 (49) Ibid., p. 157, Document 35. 
 
 (50) Ibid., p. 159, Document 37. 
 
 (51) Rhetorica, lib. iii, 93, ap. Carvajal, 
 p. 19. 
 
 (52) Documentor intditos y p. 273. 
 
 (53) Docttmentos ineditos, p. 274. 
 
 (54) Carvajal, p. 161, Document 38: 'En 
 las dudas de Roma no hace fundamento el 
 Doctor, antes ric de ellas, pareciendole que 
 
 77 
 
 AND MONOGRAPHS
 
 ARIAS MONTANO 
 
 ban condenado el Talmud solamcnte por el 
 nombre ' (Albornoz to Zayas). 
 
 (55) Documentos ineditos, p. 276 : ' Les di 
 a entender en lo que estaban errados, ansi en 
 lo que me habfan escrito del nombre del 
 Thalmud, que pensaron que era algun hombre 
 extrano que se llamase ansi, y otras cosas 
 semejantes que fuera bien no haberse dicho 
 ni escrito por ellos.' Other doubts concerned 
 the new Latin version of the New Testament 
 ('no se sabe si aquella translacion es la de 
 Erasmo u otra nueva '), the Syriac text, 
 some cosas muy incicrtas y no averiguadas in 
 Arias Montano's treatises and ' la traslacion 
 de Sanctis Pagnino.' (Carvajal, Document 
 37, p. 1 60.) 
 
 (56) Carvajal, p. 161 : ' Con su presencia 
 facilitara todas las dificuldades ' (Albornoz to 
 Zayas, March 19, 1572); p. 162: ' Yo creo 
 que Montano lo dara a entender de manera 
 que cesen todas las dudas.' (Philip II to 
 the Duke of Alba, March 17, 1572.) 
 
 (57) Documentos ineditos, pp. 289 (' en 
 Espana, donde se que terne mas envidia que 
 ayuda '), 304. 
 
 (58) Documentos ineditos, p. 179. 
 
 (59) Documentos intditos t p. 185-6. 
 
 (60) Documentos inedilos, p. 147 : ' Cada 
 
 HISPANIC NOTES
 
 NOT E S 
 
 dia hallo en el cosas que me mucven a alabar 
 Dios, y sobre todo la grande humildad y 
 paciencia increiblc que tiene a la mucha 
 envidia que los de su artc y trato le ban 
 mostrado y tenido siemprc, a los cuales pu- 
 diendo con mucha justicia hacer mal jamas 
 ha dejado de hacer bien. En nombrandole al 
 rey llora de afcccion que le tiene.' 
 
 (61) Document os inMitos, pp. 2CO-235. 
 
 (62) Documcntos int'ditos, p. 303. 
 
 (63) Documcntos infditos, p. 288. 
 
 (64) Letter to Zayas from La Peiia de 
 Aracena, January 4, 1579 (Documentos ine- 
 ditos, p. 377). 
 
 (65) Caryajal, p. 172, Document 55. 
 
 (66) * Al maestro fray Luis de Leon, doctor 
 Martinez y Grajal han prendido por la In- 
 quisicion, que por ser nombres tan senalados 
 ha causado harta admiracion.' (Zayas to 
 Arias Montano, from Madrid. April 13, 1572, 
 Documcntos ineditos, p. 272.) In a letter 
 printed by Carvajal (p. 189) there is a refer- 
 ence to half a line of macaronic Latin quoted 
 by Arias Montano in the presence of Luis 
 de Leon. Carvajal seems to accept the 
 statement that Arias Montano had been 
 Professor of Greek at Salamanca. That he 
 had opportunities of seeing Luis de Leon at 
 
 79 
 
 AND MONOGRAPHS 
 
 V
 
 8o 
 
 ARIAS M O N T A N O 
 
 Salamanca in the fifties and sixties, and at 
 Madrid and the Escorial later, admits of no 
 doubt, and it was only after Luis de Leon's 
 death in 1591 that Arias Montano retired 
 definitely to Andalucia. We know from 
 Luis de Leon's trial that as early as 1559 the 
 purity of Arias Montano's faith could be 
 questioned by zealots at Salamanca. See 
 Docitmentos inediios, vol. x, pp. 68-69, and 
 J. Fitzmaurice-Kelly, Fray Luis de Leon 
 (Oxford, 1921), pp. 63, 83. 
 
 (67) Carvajal, pp. 169-171, Document 53: 
 ' Capita accusationis haec sunt : quod ad- 
 posita fuerit Xantis Pagnini versio, quod ilia 
 appelletur proprissima Translatio, quod Vul- 
 gatae non summa auctoritas deferatur, quod 
 Tractatus illi qui Bibliis additi sunt e Rab- 
 binis christianae Religionis hostibus sint de- 
 sumpta,quodloca quedam Scripturae Sanctae 
 quibus juxta editionem vulgatam dogmata 
 aliqua fidei stabiliuntur aliis Versionibus 
 convellantur, quod post versionem Vulgatam 
 Sacri Concilii Tridentini decreto confirmatam 
 non licet confugere ad Hebraeos Graecosque 
 fontes ' (p. 170). His account of the activities 
 of Leon de Castro and his friends at Sala- 
 manca is interesting and important : ' Ex hac 
 enim Schola Salmantina prodierunt et in ea 
 
 V 
 
 II I S P A N I C NOTES
 
 NOTES 
 
 versanturqui hasmodo tragoedias excitarunt. 
 Oui mihi videntur, suscepta Rufini persona, 
 bellumdenuoSanctissimis Hieronimi manibus 
 movcre voluissc. Adripiunt enim ansam, ut 
 dixi, ex Concilii decreto quo dccernitur: ut 
 haec ipsa Vulgata, quae longo tot scculorum 
 usu in Ecclesia probata cst, in publicis Icctio- 
 nibus, disputationibus, praedicationibus, et 
 cxpositionibus pro authcntica habcatur, et ut 
 nemo earn rejicerc quovis praetextu audcat 
 vel praesumat. Haec sunt legis verba ; quae 
 quidcm ita ill! accipitint ut non modo qui de 
 ejus aliquid auctoritate detraxerit sed qui 
 vcl punctis et apicibus Yulgatae editionis 
 fulem non adhibuerit haercseos crimen in- 
 currisse clament. Dcinde non licere jam 
 confugerc ad Hcbraeos et Graecos Codices, 
 immo vero illos per hanc latinam Vulgatum 
 editioncm csse corrigcndos. Haec ego non 
 scriberem nisi iiUerfuissem publicis disputa- 
 tionibus theolngicis quibus id agitari et pcr- 
 tinacitcr defcndi ea animadvert!. Ego sane 
 existimavcram Sacrum Concilium voluissc 
 tueri huius editionis auctoritatem cum ob 
 iliius antiquitatem turn ad abolendam Versio- 
 num varietatem, et quod nihil in ea aut fidei 
 aut moribus esset adversum ; minutas vero 
 alias concertationes de proprictate et signifi- 
 
 AND MONOGRAPHS 
 
 81
 
 82 
 
 ARIAS MONTANO 
 
 catione quorundam verborum, adhibitis Codi- 
 cibus Hebraeis et Graecis posse componi. 
 Sic enim Augustinum ad Hieronymum scri- 
 bentem dixisse memineram : " ut veterum 
 librorum fides de Hebraeis voluminibus exa- 
 minanda est, ita novorum veritas Graeci 
 sermonisformamdesiderat." Et Hieronimum 
 Commentariis in Ezechiel : " Cogimur itaque 
 ad Hebraeos recurrere et sclent iae veritatem 
 de fonte magis quam de rivulis quaerere ", 
 atque haec inter Sacros Codices a Gratiano 
 fuisse relata. Hi vero mordicus tenent solam 
 Vulgatam editionem incorruptam esse, He- 
 braeos vero codices et Graecos corruptos 
 atque depravatos jam olim fuisse, cum dicat 
 Augustinus XV de Civitate Dei cap. 13 : 
 "Absit ut prudens quispiam vcl Judaeos 
 cujuslibet perversitatis atque malitiae tantum 
 potuisse credat in codicibus tarn multis et 
 tarn longe lateque dispersis ". Et Div. 
 Hieronymus in cap. 6 Esiae : " Praesentia, 
 inquit, tempora omnia ita exhibent sicut in 
 Scripturis longe ante conscriptis Prophetae 
 nuntiaverunt." Isti vero contra Vulgatam 
 editionem volunt unicum esse canonem Divi- 
 norum omnium scriptorum ; aliis haec 
 non probantur. Res est plena publicae offen- 
 sionis et quae serpat quotidie longius non 
 
 V 
 
 HISPANIC NOTES
 
 NOTES 
 
 sine periculo multorum ' (ibid., pp. 1 70, 
 171). 
 
 (68) Documentos ineditos, p. 318. 
 
 (69) Carvajal, p. 171, Document 54: ' Os 
 he escogido por una de las personas que ban 
 de entender en lo que se ha deescribir contra 
 el libro de las Centurias . . . y querri'a yo 
 que se hiciese con la brevedad posible, y asi 
 os encargo mucho que os vengais con la 
 primcra comodidad de buen pasage ' (Philip 
 II to Arias Montano, Madrid, Sept. 7, 1575); 
 Carvajal, p. 169 : ' DC Centuriis nihil est 
 quod scribam. Consultationibus tempus 
 teritur et omnia solita cunctationeettarditate 
 geruntur' (Carta de Fuentiduenas al Cardenal 
 Osio, Salamanca, Aug. 22, 1574); Docu- 
 mentos im'ditos, p. 329 : ' Lo de las Centurias 
 sera cosa mas larga que V. M. piensa y de 
 mcnos efecto de lo que estima. Aca lo 
 toman de otra manera que alia ; por mucho 
 que yo vivicse no creo que en mi vida vere 
 el fin que esta cosa podra tener, sin que baya 
 mas que hacer en ella, y ansi lo entienden 
 aqui' (Arias Montano to Zayas, Rome, Dec. 
 
 24, I575)- 
 
 (70) Sec his interesting letter written from 
 the convent of St. Praxed, near Rome. Docu- 
 inentos infditos, pp. 330-339. 
 
 V
 
 ARIAS MONTANO 
 
 V 
 
 (71) Carvajal, p. 172, Document 56. 
 
 (72) Documentos ineditos, p. 351 (Oct. 15, 
 
 1577). 
 
 (73) P. Guillermo Antolin, La Real Biblio- 
 teca del Escorial : l Y como todo lo queria 
 hacer del mejor modo posible, llamo para 
 esto al hombre mas sabio, mas competent 
 que entonces teniamos en Espaiia, Arias 
 Montano. Llego al Escorial el I de Marzo 
 de 1577 y estuvo por espacio de diez meres. 
 El P. Fr. Juan de S. Jeronimo dice que era 
 " muy buen letrado y gran tcologo y muy 
 visto en todo genero de sciencias y lenguas, 
 hebrea y caldea, griega y latina, siriaca y 
 ardbiga, alemana, francesa y flamenca, 
 toscana, portuguesa y castcllana, y todas las 
 sabia y entendia como si en estas naciones 
 se hubiera criado ", que hizo el catalogo 
 " ansi griego como latino de la librei fa y la 
 destribuyo por sesenta y cuatro disciplinas ". 
 y " dio orden en que se pusiesen en esta 
 libreria estatuas romanas y retratos de sumos 
 pontifices y emperadores yreyes yde personas 
 doctas ".' (La Ciiidad de Dios, 20 de Julio 
 de 1921, p. 106.) ' Fruto de la inteligente 
 labor de Arias Montano en la ordenacion de 
 la Biblioteca del Escorial ', adds Fray Gui- 
 llermo Antolin, ' fue' un magnifico catalogo 
 
 HISPANIC NOTES
 
 NOTES 
 
 de toda ella en tres tomos. Hoy solamente 
 se conserva la segunda parte en la sign. 
 X. I. 17. Se titular C aid logo de los iibros 
 escritos de mano de la libreria real de S. 
 Lorenzo escrito por mandado de su magestad. 
 Ario </6'/j77. Estacs la segunda parte. Con- 
 tiene los manuscritos latinos, griegos, hebreos 
 arabes, espanoles, lemosines, Portugueses, 
 italianos, franceses, alemanes, flamencos, 
 persas y armenos . . . P'elipe II le dio el 
 titulo de Librero mayor' (ibid., pp. 108, 109). 
 
 (74) Carvajal, p. 179, Document 63: 'El 
 Doctor Arias Montano ha estado aquf seis 6 
 siete dias y quedan todos los hombres de 
 letras y entendiiniento aficionadi'simos suyos. 
 y el Rey especialmente que le ha mandado 
 llamar tres o cuatro veces, y teniendole mill 
 horas en diversas platicas : no se puede 
 ncgar al Rey la particular aficion y gusto de 
 favorecer y comunicar hombres insignes ; y 
 asi ha conocido y admirado mucho la par- 
 ticular habilidad y bondad de que Dios ha 
 dotado a Arias Montano. Mariana parte de 
 aqui cargado de conchas de caracoles, sin 
 haber probado el pescado de Lisboa.' (Don 
 Juan de Silva to Philip II. Lisboa, Jan. 31, 
 1578.) 
 
 (75) Docnmentos itu'ditos, pp. 398, 399. 
 
 AND MONOGRAPHS 
 
 5 
 
 V
 
 86 
 
 ARIAS MONTANO 
 
 (76) Carvajal, p. 176, Document 62: 
 'Hallo aqui al pueblo descontento con este 
 proposito tan constante que el Rey tiene de 
 hacer Jornada para la cual no se halla funda- 
 mento.' (Arias Montano to Zayas, Lisbon, 
 Feb. 28, 1578.) 
 
 (77) Documentos inediios, p. 400 : ' Em- 
 pero que el vulgacho aborrecia a los cas- 
 tellanos.' In the same letter he speaks of 
 'la pasion del vulgo portugues '. (Arias 
 Montano to Zayas, La Pena, April 29, 1579.) 
 
 (78) Documentos intditos, pp. 397, 398. In 
 a letter of October 9, 1570, to Zayas, Arias 
 Montano referred to Portugal in away which 
 was, perhaps, significant (Documentos ine"- 
 ditos, p. 183). 
 
 (79) Carvajal, p. 174, Document 6 1. 
 
 (So) Documentos ine'ditos, p. 414 : ' Cuando 
 sail de Madrid el ano de 1568 ... no llevaba 
 deseo ni proposito de tornar aunque veia mi 
 pobreza y afrenta.' (Escorial, Jan. 9, 1580.) 
 
 (81) Documentos intditos, p. 374. 
 
 (82) Documentos ineditos, p. 378. 
 
 (83) ' Yo hube csta [ermita] del prior mas 
 ha de 25 anos.' Arias Montano to Zayas, 
 La Pena, Oct. 16, 1578. (Documentos ine- 
 ditos, p. 371.) He must have spent all his 
 money on it, since the Bishop of Segovia 
 
 V 
 
 HISPANIC NOTES
 
 NOTES 
 
 speaks of him as being niuy fobre in June, 
 1563 (Carvajal, Document 5). 
 
 (84) Bibliotheca Hispana Nova, I. 207. 
 
 (85) Carvajal, p. 197. 
 
 (86) Cf. Francisco Cano's letter to Zayas, 
 from Enxobregas, July 15, 1577: 'Y en 
 estremo me he alegrado que S. M. entienda 
 el tesoro quc tiene [in Arias Montano], mas 
 dcseo que le dd ocio y libertad para que 
 aprovechc a la Iglesia Universal, pues Dios 
 ha dado mucstras de ser instrumento suyo 
 escogido para este fin, y asi es de creer que 
 lo hara,aunque yo, como maldiciente, imagine 
 que los Reyes algunas veces son como 
 mujeres desperdiciadas que para hacer la 
 cobcrtera de la olla quiebran un cantaro sano.' 
 (Carvajal, pp. 177-178.) Cf. Carvajal, p. 180, 
 Document 64: 'Justamente desca S. M. 
 tcnerle consign, aunque e"l se queja de que 
 injustamentc lo detiene.' 
 
 (87) Docitnicntos intditos, pp. 383-386. 
 
 (88) Documentos inc'ditos, p. 406. 
 
 (89) Documentos ineditos, p. 408. 
 
 (90) 'En Madrid el Leon bramando y 
 prdcurando tragarme, deshonrandome por las 
 audiencias y oidores y plazas 6 iglesias y 
 monasteries, ayudandose dc la terribleza y 
 impetus de Lindano y de los demas que lo 
 
 AND MONOGRAPHS
 
 ARIAS MONTANO 
 
 ncienden.' (Docw/ientos z'ntfdi/os, pp. 407- 
 408.) 
 
 (91) ' Negotiaque summa et ardua ei com- 
 mittebat [Philip II], ex legatione Galliae 
 Oratoris, Angliae Cadticeatoris delegavit.' 
 ap. Carvajal, p. 184. 
 
 (92) This was printed by J. N. Bohl de 
 Faber in his Floresta de Rinias Antiguas, 
 t. iii (1825), pp. 41-64. 
 
 (93) References to illnesses and weakness 
 abound in his letters, e.g. Documentos in- 
 edttos, pp. 296, 304, 362, 379 ; Carvajal, 
 Document 30. 
 
 (94) Carvajal, p. 132, Document 2: 'El 
 Duque mi Senor huelga extranamente con 
 el, y el rato que se ven tratan de cicn mil 
 materias ex es ' [excelcntes or excepciona- 
 les ?]. Albornoz to Zayas, Brussels, June 
 29, 1569. 
 
 (95) ' Me tiene buena voluntad y en buena 
 opinion.' Arias Montano to Zayas, Rome, 
 March 22, 1576. (Documentos int'ditos, p. 
 338.) 
 
 (96) He left goodwill wherever he went in 
 foreign countries. Juan de Albornoz, writln 
 to Zayas on March 19, 1572, from Brussels, 
 says (Carvajal, p. 161, Document 38) that 
 Arias Montano is ' so necessary to the Church 
 
 Y 
 
 HISPANIC NOTES
 
 NOTES 
 
 that he should be kept in cotton-wool '. The 
 Spanish Ambassadors at Rome and Lisbon 
 were loud in his praises. The former, Don 
 Juan de Ziiriiga, says (August 31, 1572) that 
 ' S. S. le ha honrado y favorecido como 
 merecen sus letras y virtud ; las cuales se 
 han cstimado en esta Corte tanto como en to- 
 das las otras partes donde el ha dado nmestras 
 dcllas ' ; and (October 13, 1 572) bears witness 
 to his disinterestedness : ' Es tan poco 
 codicioso que no solicito que S. S. le premiase 
 su trabajo' (Carvajal, pp. 165, 166). Cardinal 
 Sirleto, writing to Philip II about Arias 
 Montuno on October 4, 1572, says, ' e di 
 gran dottrina et qualita rarissime ' (Carvajal, 
 p. 1 66). 
 
 (97) Documentos inc'ditvs, p. 305. 
 
 (98) Documentos ineditos, p. 345 : ' Recelo 
 de hacer nuevos conocimientos por causa de 
 mi terneza natural, de la cualno pueclo dcs- 
 pojarme.' (Arias Montano toZayas, Escorial, 
 May 31, 1577.) 
 
 (99) Documentos in^diios, p. 163. 
 
 (100) ' Por parte del enemigo dc la vcrdad 
 divina ' (Documentos ineditos, p. 173) ; 'estos 
 nublados, que, como yo crco, el enemigo de 
 la Sagrada Escritura ha procurado levantar 
 contra ella, aprovechandose del celo del 
 
 89 
 
 AND MONOGRAPHS; V
 
 ARIAS MONTANO 
 
 maestro Leon, que parece cierto ser cclo ' 
 (ibid., p. 319). 
 
 (101) Documenlos incditos, pp. 328-329. 
 
 (102) DoLitmcntos incditos, p. 323. Cf. 
 Arias Montano's moderate and dignified 
 etter to Fray Esteban de Salazar (Feb. 4, 
 1594) ap. Carvajal, pp. 188-193. 
 
 (103) Documentos intditos, p. 322. 
 
 (104) Documentos ineditos, pp. 380, 381, 
 
 37, 395- 
 
 (105) Documentos intditos, pp. 347-348- 
 (Arias Montano to Zayas, Escorial, June 9, 
 1577. The same letter contains the sentence : 
 ' Terrible cosa es ver lo que pasa en el 
 mundo y no irse a los yermos quicn lo 
 siente.') 
 
 (106) Documentos ine'ditos, p. 352. 
 
 (107) Documentos ineditos, p. 413: ' Es 
 pensar que los rios tornaran contra corriente 
 quicn se persuadiere que la corte no sera 
 para mi lo que ha sido siempre, si yo no soy 
 totalmente otro, y si esto fuese seria entonces 
 mucho menos para corte.' (Arias Montano 
 to Zayas, January 9, 1580.) 
 
 (108) Carvajal, pp. 1 06, 184. 
 
 (109) Documentos intditos, p. 414: 'Jamas 
 he profesado que no como carne, aunque no 
 la como de buena gana.' 
 
 V 
 
 HISPANIC NOTES
 
 NOT E S 
 
 9 1 
 
 (no) Docunicntos ineditos, p. 346. 
 
 
 (m) Carvajal, Document 34, p. 157: 
 
 
 ' Cogerian tambien algo de la gravedad de 
 
 
 costumbrcs de Kspaiia.' 
 
 
 (112) Cf. Docnmentos iat'iiitos, p. 172 : ' Me 
 
 
 ten fa persuadido quc, llcvandome Dios, e"l 
 
 
 sabia lo que hacfa y hacfa lo quc a mi me 
 
 
 cumplfa'; and p. 380: 'mis ejercitadores, 
 
 
 que otros Hainan emulos, no cesan, porque 
 
 
 parece debe ser esto cosa que me cum pie y 
 
 
 ansi Dios lo pcrmite '. 
 
 
 AND MONOGRAP H S 
 
 v 
 
 j
 
 INDEX 
 
 93 
 
 INDEX 
 
 
 A PAGES 
 
 
 Alava (Frances de) ... 12, 13, 14 
 
 
 Alba, Duke of 3, 4, 6, 11,13, 20, 21, 30, 31, 54, 58 
 
 
 Albornoz (Juan de) . . s 28,63,88 
 
 
 Antolin ^Guillcrmo) ... 38, 84-5 
 
 
 Antonio (Nicolas) ..... 47, 61 
 
 
 Arias de la Mota (Juan) . . . 6l, 62 
 
 
 Arias Montano (Benito), birth, i, 60-1 ; educa- 
 
 
 tion at Seville, i ; at Alcala, 2 ; professes in 
 
 
 Order of Santiago, 2 ; attends Council of 
 
 
 Trent, 2 ; is appointed Chaplain to Philip II, 
 
 
 2 ; supervises Antwerp edition of Bible, 3-8, 
 
 
 21-6; in Ireland, 5; collects books for the 
 
 
 Escorial, vi, 10-18 ; money-troubles, 19-21, 
 
 
 62-3; in Italy, 26 9, 32-7; sends report on 
 
 
 state of Flanders, 30-31 ; returns to Spain, 37 ; 
 
 
 catalogues Escorial library, 38-9, 84-5 ; in 
 
 
 Portugal, 40-43 ; at La Pefia, 44-8 ; returns 
 
 
 to Madrid, 48 ; attends Synod at Toledo, 50 ; 
 
 
 returns to Andalucia, 50 ; founds Chair of 
 
 
 Latin at Aracena, 51 ; death at Seville, 51 ; 
 
 
 character, 52 9 ; Latin works, 53 
 
 
 Arias Montano (_Benito) the elder . . i 
 
 
 Arras, Bishop of ..... 54 
 
 
 Augustine, St. ...... 35 
 
 
 Ayala, sf* Perez de Ayala. 
 
 
 B 
 
 
 Beer (Rudolf) vi 
 
 
 Bohl de Faber (Juan Nicolas) &H 
 
 
 HISPANIC NOTES 
 
 V
 
 94 
 
 ARIAS MONTANO 
 
 Cano (Francisco) ... . . .40 
 
 Carlos, Prince ...... 42 
 
 Carvajal, see Gonzalez Carvajal. 
 
 Castro (Leon de) 24, 25. 33, 34, 35, 36, 49, 52, 
 
 55, 75, 76, 80 
 Cecil, Lord ...... 4 
 
 Cisneros, sec Ximenez de Cisneros. 
 
 Clement ....... 25 
 
 Coria, Bishop of ..... 40 
 
 Covarrubias (Diego de\ Bishop . . 14 
 Cuenca, Bishop of . . . -34 
 
 Curiel (Jeronimo de) .... 3 
 
 D 
 
 Delfino, Cardinal ..... 54 
 Desmond, Earl of . . . .65 
 Doetsch (C.) 
 
 E 
 
 Elizabeth, Queen of England . . 4, 5, 15 
 Erasmus ...... .66 
 
 Espes (Guerau de) ..... 6 
 
 Fuentiduenas (Pedro) 
 
 G 
 
 Goes (Damiao de) 
 Gomez (Isabel) . 
 Gonzalez Carvajal (Tomas) 
 Gonzalez Granero (Ruy) . 
 Grajal (Caspar de) 
 Gregory X11I . 
 Guillen (Arnaldo) 
 Guzman de Silva (Diego) . 
 
 34 
 
 29 
 61, 62 
 
 , 57, 49 
 . 61 
 
 79 
 , 28, 04 
 
 3 
 5, 6, 48 
 
 V 
 
 HISPANIC N O T E S
 
 INDEX 
 
 H 
 
 Hosius, Cardinal 
 
 Jerome, St. 
 
 35. 60 
 
 Leon (Luis dc"! v, 29, 33, 34, 44, 52, 54. 79, 80 
 l.iiuluiius (Guglielmus) 25, 26, 50, 56, 76, 77. 87 
 
 M 
 
 Mann (John) ...... 4 
 
 Mariana (Juan dc) . . . . -37 
 
 Martinez de Cantalapiedra (Martin) . . 79 
 
 Martinez de Rccalde (Juan) . . i .) 
 
 Mary, Queen of Scots .... 4 
 
 Massius (Andreas') ..... 20 
 
 Minhoca (Francisca") . . . . . 61 
 
 Morales ( Ambrosio de) .... 40 
 
 N 
 
 Northumberland, Countess of . . .66 
 Nunez " Ana) . . . . . .51 
 
 O 
 
 Orange, Prince of . . . .62 
 
 Ortiz dc Urizar (Diego) ... 5, 64 
 
 Oslo, srf Ilosius. 
 Osorio (Jeronimo), Bishop of Silvcs 54 
 
 P 
 
 Pacheco, Cardinal . .... 28 
 
 Pagnino, S. ...... 34 
 
 Perez dc Ayala (Martin\ Bishop of Segovia 3, 86 
 Philip II of Spain v, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9. 10, 13. 
 30, 21 , 22, 23. 24. 26. 27, 28, 20, 30, 32, 33, 36, 
 37. 38, 41, 42, 47, 48, 49. 54, 65, 85.89
 
 9 6 
 
 ARIAS M O N T A N O 
 
 
 
 pf 
 
 PiusV 
 Plantin (Christophe) 3,7, 8, 10, 13, 20, 21, 
 2 9. 53, 61 
 R 
 Requesens (Luis dc) ..... 
 
 GES 
 27 
 22, 
 
 ^1 
 
 
 S 
 
 O 
 
 
 Salazar (Esteban de) .... 
 Savoy, Duke of. 
 Sebastian, King of Portugal . 41, 42, 43 
 Segovia, Bishop of, see Perez de Ayala 
 Covarrubias 
 
 90 
 
 2 3 
 .54 
 and 
 
 
 Silva (Juan de) ..... 40 
 Sirleto, Cardinal ..... 
 Song of Songs, The ..... 
 Spes, see Espes. 
 T 
 
 , 4i 
 89 
 
 5 2 
 
 
 Tacitus ....... 
 Talmud, The ...... 
 
 28 
 
 
 U 
 
 
 
 Urizar, sec Ortiz de Urizar. 
 
 
 
 V 
 
 
 
 Vega (Lope Felix de) .... 
 
 60 
 
 
 W 
 
 
 
 Westmorland, Earl of .... 
 
 66 
 
 
 X 
 
 
 
 Ximenez de Cisneros (Francisco), Cardinal 3 
 
 .22 
 
 
 Z 
 
 
 
 Zayas (Gabriel de) 7, 9, 13, 19, 20, 24, 27, 
 
 34, 36, 37, 38, 44, 47- 49, 5, 57, 5 8 , 63 
 Zuuiga y Requesens (Juan) . 23, 26,28 
 
 3'- 
 63 
 
 V 
 
 HISPANIC NOTES 

 
 HISPANIC NOTES 
 
 
 
 THE LIBRARY 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA 
 Santa Barbara 
 
 STACK COLLECTION 
 
 THIS BOOK IS DUE ON THE LAST DATE 
 STAMPED BELOW. 
 
 1981 
 
 RBBDEC19198S
 
 A 001 033 730 1 
 A IN u MONOGRAPHS 
 
 3 1205 00649 3876 
 
 OF AMERICA