Letters of letector, on the 
 Seventh and Eighth Reports of 
 the Selcet Committee, and on 
 the India Pe;?ulating Bill 
 
 By 
 Nathaniel Brassey Halhed .
 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA 
 AT LOS ANGELES
 
 THE 
 
 LETTERS 
 
 O F 
 
 DETECTOR, 
 
 ON THE 
 
 Seventh and Eighth 
 REPORTS 
 
 O F THE 
 
 SELECT COMMITTEE, 
 
 AND ON THE 
 
 INDIA REGULATING BILL. 
 
 ' 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 Printed in the Year 1783.
 
 *tdb^ai 
 
 
 //&<? SEVENTH REPORT of the 
 SELECT COMMITTEE. 
 
 A 
 
 N the eve of an Ele&ion for Direc- 
 
 O 
 
 = 8 a tors to ferve the Eaft-India Com- 
 pany, and at a moment when the 
 Proprietary have an urgent neceflity for ex- 
 ercifing the moft unbiased judgment, in 
 chufing the future Guardians of their ex- 
 piring privileges, appears a thundering Re- 
 r port from the Seled Committee, arraigning 
 the conduct of the late Chairman and De- 
 puty, at prefent out by rotation, "and Candi- 
 dates for re-eledion. Recollecting, as I do, 
 J with all poflible veneration, the former very 
 candid and public-fpirited ftri&ures of this 
 refpe&able body, and fully awake to the 
 difintereftednefs of their labours, I am ex- 
 I ceedingly hurt that the obligation of feizing 
 4 the earlieft opportunity to draw the atten- 
 | tion of the Houfe* of Commons to matters 
 L<V of fuch magnitude, mould give envy and 
 fcandal a plea ^however groundlefs) for fuf- 
 B peding
 
 petting fomething of perfonality, or private 
 end, in the competition and publication of 
 the prefent Report. It will be faid (and I 
 am forry that I have not now time to refute 
 the charge) that the crifis chofen for print- 
 ing this Report is, of itfelf, a convincing ar- 
 gument of the illiberality of its principles. 
 That while the blame (if any blame there 
 be) with refpecl: to the feveral tranfactions 
 there mentioned, will be found ultimately 
 to reft in toto with the Secretary to the 
 Committee of Secrecy at the India-Houfe, 
 the main efforts of the Report are aimed 
 againft the character of Mr. Sulivan. That 
 as it is the very birth-right and unalienable 
 privilege of a Britifh fubject, to be heard in 
 his defence, and to be tried by his peers 
 fo it is the greateft invafion of that privi- 
 lege, and the moft tyrannous oppreffion of 
 that birth-right, to infinuate criminality be- 
 fore conviction ; to prejudice the Jury by 
 anticipated fentence, and by a premature 
 trial to preclude the poffibility of exculpa- 
 tion. It will therefore, I fear, be whifpered, 
 that it is an attempt to miflead the judgment 
 of the Proprietors, and to hurt Mr. Sulivan 
 in his election. And as no man, who lhall 
 come calmly to the perufal of the Report, 
 can poffibly hefitate, for a moment, in pro- 
 nouncing that gentleman's innocence, I am 
 
 much
 
 ( 3 ) 
 
 much alarmed, left national fpirit and honcft 
 indignation (hould fo far get the better of 
 private engagements, or perfonal diflike, 
 or prudential caution, in the prefent in- 
 ftance, as to infure Mr. Sulivan's election, 
 with a majorjty equal to that by which Mr. 
 Haftings very lately triumphed over a no lefs 
 equitable manoeuvre. 
 
 Shame to be cajoled by what may be re- 
 prefented as fo flimfy an artifice, confcious 
 abhorrence of imbibing prejudices from ex 
 Parte evidence, and real fympathy for the 
 common danger of having all our individual 
 rights and chara<5lers thus wantonly, thus in- 
 tereftedly, and thus injurioufly torn to pieces, 
 will operate moft effectually to the counter- 
 action of that fyftem, which many may ftif- 
 pecl: the Report to have been calculated to 
 promote : and as the mind naturally loves fo 
 fix on per/ons rather than things, it is to be 
 apprehended, that, if an idea of any unfairnefs 
 or lurking treachery in the compilation of 
 this Report, mould once unfortunately make 
 its way, the eyes of the public will natu- 
 rally be turned on the acknowledged Com- 
 piler. This is the circumftance I moft dread, 
 this is the point which all well-wimers to 
 the Report fhould labour to obviate. Should 
 this once obtain, motives and defigns, and 
 confequences refpecYmg the critical moment 
 
 B 2 Of
 
 ( 4 ) 
 
 of promulgation and infidious management 
 of the charge, will burft forth into convic- 
 tion. The Chairman of the Select Com- 
 mittee will then be well underftood to pit 
 himfelf againft the refpectable Candidate, 
 who has been eight times Chairman at the 
 Jndia-Houfe : as another great reporter has 
 caft his gauntlet at the Governor General of 
 Bengal. Dii bonil homo bomini quantum 
 diflatl The Honourable General has, how- 
 ever, fecured himfelf one advantage in the 
 prefent Conteft, by being no longer in a ca- 
 pacity to infult the feelings of the Proprie- 
 tary, or aggravate their abhorrence of his 
 Character and Principles, by naufeous decla- 
 mations. 
 
 For myfelf, wifhing moft fincerely well 
 to the caufe of truth and juftice, I can but 
 call on the Independent and difinterefted 
 Proprietors of India- Stock, to interpofe ef- 
 fectually, for the prefervation of their own 
 Freedom of Election; and to fupport, againft 
 the machinations of interefted malice, that 
 character, for firmnefs and confiftency, which 
 in two inftances they have lately fo honour- 
 ably acquired, by defeating all the overtures 
 of Minifterial Corruption, and all the bluf- 
 terings of Unconftitutional Authority. 
 
 Much as I refpect the general principles 
 QU which this Uft and fevemh Report from, 
 
 the
 
 ( 5 ) 
 
 the Select Committee is founded, I {hall take 
 the liberty of expreffing my fentiments on 
 fome of its articles, in which I am fo unfor- 
 tunate as not entirely to acquiefce. 
 
 In the firft place, I beg leave to obferve, 
 that the late aft for regulating the Judicature 
 in Bengal, owes its exiftence to the Select 
 Committee. The fole effective product of 
 feven voluminous Reports, it was the dar- 
 ling of their labours, the plea at once and 
 pledge of their exiftence : and no wonder 
 that their vanity was gratified in contempla- 
 tion of its importance, and their paffions in- 
 terefted in the completion of its objects. 
 Hence the eagernefs with which they have 
 traced its progrefs to India, and the folici- 
 tude with which they watched its fate : 
 hence too we mull account for their appa- 
 rently wilful ignorance of its arrival at Cal- 
 cutta, in their undifcerning fury for its ori- 
 ginal mifcarriage. 
 
 The public will, no doubt, confider the 
 Select Committee as perfectly juftified, and 
 even laudably anxious in afcertaining to a 
 point of indifputable certainty, the difpatch 
 of this regulating act to India: and in being 
 fomewhat warm at any delay, either cafual 
 or defigned. But it will probably conceive 
 them to have reafon to be fully pacified, or 
 at lead to abate part of their inveteracy, 
 
 oa
 
 ( 6 ) 
 
 on learning that the faid Aft did really pro- 
 ceed to India by the firft difpatch of that 
 nature, by which Acts of Parliament were 
 ufually tranfmitted ; and was in no refpeft 
 otherways retarded, than by the unavoida- 
 ble accidents of a fea voyage ; and is known 
 to have been within a week's diftance from 
 Bengal upwards of nine months ago. 
 
 With nothing more than a previous know- 
 ledge of this fact, how eafily may every 
 fyllable of criminatory matter againft Mr. 
 Sulivan, and Sir William James, as urged in 
 the Seventh Report, be done away ! Let 
 but the reader anticipate each fentence of 
 the Report with recollection of this fingle 
 circumftance, and I leave the reft, with the 
 mmoft confidence, to his own confcience. 
 We will now take a little furvey of the 
 whole tranfaftion. 
 
 In July, 1781, the Bengal Judicature Aft 
 pafled in Parliament. In Auguft, the Try- 
 al Sloop was difpatched with packets from 
 the India Company, to their feveral prefi- 
 dencies, and copies of this Aft were then fent 
 on board (Seventh Report, page 5). In De- 
 cember, 178-1, the Select Committee exa- 
 mined Mr. Sulivan, then Chairman of the 
 Court of Directors, refpefting the difpatch 
 of the Judicature Aft. His evidence was 
 lull) complete, and (as I'ftill think, with all 
 
 deference
 
 ( 7 ) 
 
 deference to the Commitee) fully fatisfactory, 
 in regard to the tranfmiffion of the Acts by 
 the Tryal Sloop. But Mr. Sulivan, with 
 the care of the commerce and finance, the 
 politics and legiflation, all the internal and 
 external arrangements of all the Company's 
 affairs, abroad and at home,on his moulders, 
 had forgotten to fend by an early opportuni- 
 ty an order for the retribution of certain in- 
 dividuals in India, for acts of oppreffion com- 
 mitted on them by the Supreme Court, to 
 which he flood pledged, as Chairman of 
 the Company. It was an overfight, not 
 poflible to be accounted for but by the hur- 
 ry of bufinefs. Neither Mr. Sulivan nor 
 his friends, nor his femoteft connections 
 could lofe or gain a milling by this retri- 
 bution. It would neither have committed 
 his authority, nor affected his interefts. He 
 acknowledged the omiffion, fubmitted to the 
 cenfure, and rectified the error by the very 
 firfl occafion. But on the fubject of tranf- 
 mitting the Act itfelf, he urged that it had 
 been Tent by the Tryal Sloop, the very firfl 
 public conveyance, within a month of its 
 being in print j that no other means of dif- 
 patch had offered, and that the packet had 
 been unfortunately retarded by ftrefs of 
 weather. 
 
 The Tryal floop finally failed in .February, 
 
 1782,
 
 ( 8 ) 
 
 1782, and by various letters now in England, 
 it is well known that (he parted from Gan- 
 jam (lefs than a week's fail from Bengal) on 
 the 3d of July laft, carrying with her both the 
 Act in queftion, and the orders for indemni- 
 fication of the Patna Magiftrates. Mr. Suli- 
 van's evidence therefore has been, from firft 
 to laft, uniform, undefigning, and ftrictly to 
 the point. He originally depofed, that the 
 Acts went in the Tryal Sloop, and that it 
 was fent with theCompany's only public dif- 
 patch. It has been proved in the firft Report 
 (page 1 1 ), that a General Letter from the 
 Court of Directors, is the ufual and official 
 channel for communicating Acts of Parli- 
 ament to their fervants abroad ; and it is 
 now certain, that the faid Judicature Acts ar- 
 rived in India, in the Tryal Sloop, in July 
 iaft. 
 
 The Select Committee then examined 
 Mr. Wilkes, Secretary to the Secret Com- 
 mittee, at the India-Houfe, to difcover whe- 
 ther any fecret difpatches had been fent from 
 the India-Houfe, in the interval, between 
 the firft publication of the Judicature Act, 
 and its final difpatch in the Tryal Sloop. 
 From him they learnt that a packet had been 
 fent away by fea on the 3d of Auguft, the 
 very day after the Act in queftion was print- 
 ed, and what feems to have furprifed them 
 
 much,
 
 /( <> t 
 
 much, that copies of the faid Ad were in- 
 clofed in that packet. 
 
 Here was opened a glorious fcene for ma* 
 licious conjedture, and perplexing crofs- 
 queftions. The Chairman had acknow- 
 ledged nothing but a public conveyance by 
 the Tryal Sloop the Secretary hinted, in 
 myfterious term's, a private difpatch. 
 
 In whatever confufion this matter might 
 have been involved, at the time of Mr* 
 Wilkes's firft examination, it is now known, 
 that thefe difpatches of the 3d of Auguft, 
 were fent on board two Men of War, under 
 fecret failing orders, but deftined for India : 
 and that in confequence of fome other ne- 
 ceffities of the State, the faid mips did not 
 perform their route to India, but returned 
 to England in Odober, and the Difpatches 
 from the Company were fent back to the 
 India-Houfc early in the month of Novem^ 
 ber. Mr. Sulivan, therefore, who gave 
 his evidence to the Select Committee in 
 December, and who had never confidered 
 the Difpatch of the 3d of Auguft but as of 
 a private nature, and within the ftrideft 
 conftrudion of a State Secret, might natu- 
 rally, and with propriety, deem it equivalent 
 fo no difpatch at all-, and therefore, fo far 
 from leading the Committee into an error 
 on that head (page 14), he gave them no 
 C grounds
 
 ( 10 ) 
 
 grounds for fufpicion of the poflibility of 
 fuch a circumftance. But the embarraffment 
 and perplexity of the Secretary, on his in- 
 quifitorial examination, having given the 
 Select Committee much room for unfair ani- 
 madverfion, it was permitted him to trench 
 fo far upon this Secret, as to acknowledge 
 the Difpatch of the 3d of Auguft. 
 
 To this fingle circumftance may, I think, 
 be afcribed the very exiftence of the Seventh 
 Report, and I defy the acuteft of mankind 
 to difcover the truth of the tranfaction, or 
 to unravel the confufion of cenfure, as in- 
 volved in the purpofed obfcurity of that Re- 
 port, without fome collateral knowledge 
 or information. And this I mail now en- 
 deavour to fupply. 
 
 Appendix, No. 2, A, of the Seventh Re- 
 port, contains the original draft of a letter 
 from the Committee of Secrecy at the 
 India- Houfe, to Bengal, dated the ift of 
 Auguft, 1781, and fent on the 3d of the 
 fame month on board the Men of War, as 
 above mentioned. 
 
 This letter is incontrovertibly proved to 
 have contained no mention whatever of the 
 Judicature Act; for the words, <c Att -puffed" 
 which are now, by implication, underftood 
 to fignify the Judicature Act, have been 
 foifted in, fince the letter returned from the 
 
 King's
 
 King's fhips, in the place of the real word, 
 " Appendixes," and the fentence, in its firft 
 ftate, ran thus, " We now fend another 
 " Copy of that Report, and of the Appen- 
 " dixes, for your further information." This 
 paragraph is clearly in the official language 
 of communication. But when the word 
 Appendixes was altered to Act paffed, and 
 the fentence made to run in this manner, 
 " We now fend another Copy of that Re- 
 " port, and of the Aftpaffed, for your further 
 " information," the fenfe itfelf is muti- 
 lated, the connexion broken, and the fidion 
 evident. For who would think of fending 
 an Act of Parliament by way of information? 
 And who would ufe the indefinite terms, of 
 an Aft paffed^s defcriptive of a particular Act 
 on a particular fubject ? This is not the ftylc 
 ofbufinefs: and common fenfe would have 
 combined with official experience in the 
 Chairman or Deputy to correct the paffage, 
 had it ever been (hewn or recited to either 
 of them. But Mr. Wiikes's own evidence 
 proves that it was done totally without their 
 previous advice, and that " There were no 
 '* orders given for t*' (page 9), nor did he 
 ever Jheiv Mr. Su/ivan the papers ajter thj 
 
 alteration was made (page 12). 
 On the return of that Difpatch, and 
 
 about the time of Mr. Sulivan's Examination^ 
 C 2 Mr.
 
 Mr. Wilkes called upon Mr. Sulivan, and 
 told him the Judicature Act had been fent 
 in it, (fee his Evidence, yth Report, page 
 1 1 ) he fays, " I called upon Mr. Sulivan, and 
 '.' told him the Judicature Ads had bee,n fent: 
 "- he knew the Packets were come back : 
 ", he directed me to bring the Letter, which 
 '-' I did, before there was any alteration made 
 *< c in it. He faid, he obferved there was no 
 " mention made of the Judicature Act in 
 .' the Letter. This is the fubfbnce of what 
 "pa(Ted between us r " Mr. Wilkes made 
 up., the Packet,' not Mr. Sulivan, Mr. 
 VV ilkes afTerted that the Judicature Aft had 
 l?een inclofed in it,- Mr, Sulivan oppofed 
 to this, the omiffion of all mention of it in 
 the Letter. Mr. Wilkes perfifted in his 
 fjrft aflertion, and, without any inftm&ion 
 from Mr. Sulivan, went home and altered 
 the Letter, which he never Ihewed to Mr. 
 $ulivan afterwards. 
 
 The Select Committee, in the 6th page of 
 the Report, have the following paragraph : 
 
 " Your Committee having perufed thefe 
 *' papers (i. e. the draft of letter of the 3d 
 " of Auguft) mufl remark to the Houfe the 
 '.* very different manner in which the Com- 
 *' mittee of Secrecy mentioned the, two <Affs. 
 V The Judicature Act, which, amongft 
 .*. oth|r iropqrtant points, gave relief to the, 
 
 ^ Patna
 
 ( '3 ) 
 
 Patna Magiftrates, is fent for the infor- 
 " mationof the Council General, without any 
 " injunction of obedience or attention to it : 
 <c But in the very next fentence, when the 
 ' Act of the prolongation of the Charter is 
 " mentioned, then it is faid to be fent, not 
 " for their information only, but for their 
 " guidance alfo, and ftri6t attention and 
 *' obedience is enjoined thereto/' 
 
 So palpable an infult on common fenfc 
 and common juflice, I did not think com- 
 patible even with Afiatic depravity of foul. 
 The character of an innocent man is firft of 
 all deliberately impeached by groundlefs 
 infinuation; and it is then proved beyond 
 the poffibility of cavil (pages nand $2), and 
 afterwards in the very words of the Report 
 (page 14), that, " not only from his own'* 
 (Mr. Wilkes's) " confeffion, but from the 
 c alteration in the Records, it evidently ap- 
 < pears, that no mention whatfoever had 
 <c been made in the letter of the 3d of Au- 
 " guft, 178 1, of the tranfmuTion of the Ju- 
 " dicature Act." 
 
 Can any terms he too grofs for fo infa- 
 mous a violation of every thing juft, and 
 manly, and decent? The Reporter firft takes 
 qp the falfe fide of the queition, and from 
 thence, by a jefuitical and unfair inference, 
 a criminatory charge againft the 
 
 Chairman
 
 Chairman of the Company, whom he knew 
 at the time to be unconcerned in the whole 
 tranfaction j and, in a very few pages after- 
 wards, thunders againft the embarrafled Se- 
 cretary as author of that very fallification, 
 from which he had but the inftant before 
 taken advantage to deduce a moft calumni- 
 ous and unwarrantable conclufion. 
 
 If thefe be the weapons by which he 
 means to aflail Mr. Sulivan and Sir Wm. 
 James, I affaire him they will all rebound back 
 upon himfelf, without any prejudice to his 
 antagonifts $ and I would advife him to 
 adopt the more effectual, and lefs diabolical 
 inftruments of poifon or aflaflination, to ac- 
 complifh his purpofe. 
 
 After all, the remark is no lefs ridiculous 
 than bafe; for what is the difference be- 
 tween tranfmitting one Aft of Parliament 
 for information,and another for obedience : 
 They were both to be tranfmitted to the fub- 
 jects of the fame State, and would become 
 obligatory without any notice or injunction 
 whatfoever from the Chairman and his De- 
 puty -, for in what method could they incul- 
 cate obedience to thofe who ihould be in- 
 clined to difobey an Act of Parliament ? and 
 how could they fuppofe their orders likely 
 to be more effectual than the laws of their 
 country ? And even admitting all this heap 
 
 of
 
 ( '5 ) 
 
 of abfurdity, it makes nothing againft the 
 paragraph in queftion ; for the operation of 
 the Judicature Act extended only to the 
 Members of the Supreme Court, and to 
 them moft certainly the authority of the 
 Chairman and his Deputy did not reach. 
 So that even in this flate of the fact they 
 might have fent the Act for their infor- 
 mation, but could not poffibly give them 
 orders to obey it. The Honourable General, 
 I find by this and other inftances of falfe 
 logic, is not an adept in the Ariftotelian 
 Science : His doftors have not been of the 
 clafs of irrefragable*. 
 
 Mr. Sulivan the Chairman, or Sir Wm. 
 James his Deputy, or both, are next crimi- 
 nated for having (as it is infilled page 15) 
 " given permiffion to the fictitious paragraph 
 " of the letter of the 3d of Auguft being 
 " prefented to your Committee as the real 
 " paragraph of the letter of the Committee 
 <' of Secrecy of that date." 
 
 Upon this article it is only given in evi- 
 dence, page 1 4, ' ' that when orders are fent 
 fc from a Committee of the Houfe of Com- 
 <e mons, for any papers, or copies of papers, 
 " that the proper officer waits upon the 
 " Chairman or Deputy Chairman of the 
 " Eait-India Company, to receive inftruc- 
 *' tions, and that the orders fo received from 
 
 " a Com-
 
 ( 16 ) 
 
 '* a Committee of this Houfe are read and 
 11 minuted by the Court of Directors at their 
 *' next meeting. " To what, therefore, does 
 this teftimony amount ? To nothing more, 
 than that the Secretary muft have waited on 
 the Chairman or Deputy for inftructions : 
 that his inftructions muft have been, that 
 he mould furnifh the Select Committee with 
 the letter in demand, and that he carried 
 that letter in which he had previoufly in- 
 ferted his own authorized alterations. 
 
 Not a particle of proof here, or even of 
 implication, to lead to a belief that either the 
 Chairman or his Deputy faw the letter be- 
 fore its tranfmiffion to the Select Committee, 
 much lefs that they authorized the prefen- 
 tation of the fictitious paragraph. And, in- 
 deed, Mr. Wilkes exprefsly affirms, (page 
 12,) that <e be did not Jf jew the Papers., ajter 
 *' the alterations, to Mr. Sulivan" Here, 
 then we have another infinuation, equally 
 well founded with the former, and no lefs 
 characteriftic of the principles and views of 
 its inventive parent. 
 
 I have pretty well got over the principal 
 articles of Accufation, and, I hope, fully 
 refuted them. Of the fmaller animadver- 
 iions, one is, the omiffion to fend the Judi- 
 cature Act, by Meffieurs Dunkin and Smart, 
 who commenced their journey to India, by 
 
 land k
 
 ( '7 ) 
 
 land, on the 8th of December, 1781. To 
 this objection it may be anfwered, that the 
 Packets fent by land from the Committee of 
 Secrecy, are always very concife, and moft 
 commonly in cypher ; that it was totally 
 unufual to fend an Ad: of Parliament by 
 any other than a Sea conveyance, and inclofcd 
 in a General Letter (i ft Report, pages r i and 
 32); and that there was good reafonto hope, 
 that the Tryal Sloop might get to India as 
 early as the land Difpatch. Events have 
 fully juftified the expectation ; for Meflieufs 
 Dunkin and Smart , arrived at Bombay on 
 the 20th of May, and are known to have 
 been at Madras in the middle of July. The 
 Tryal Sloop arrived at Ganjam (upwards of 
 400 miles beyond Madras) on the 2d of July, 
 and failed for Bengal on the 3d, where (lie 
 muft have arrived by the 8th at fartheft. 
 
 A few words on the flory of the Box, 
 related in pages 12 and 13 of the Report. 
 The box itfelf, the marks, &,c. are all plau- 
 fibly accounted for; the only doubt is about 
 the feal. It is proved that Mr. Stephens, of 
 the Admiralty, received and returned a fealed 
 Packet. Mr. Owen's evidence leads to a 
 fufpicion, that the Packet, of which he was 
 called to teftify the contents, was not jealed* 
 This concerns Mr. Wilkes alone,, and aa 
 Affidavit from Mr. Owen or Mr. Wilkes, 
 D
 
 muft here be the only method for coming at 
 the truth *: and let it turn out as it may, 
 Mr. Sulivan and Sir William James have 
 nothing to do with it. 
 
 In the firft page of the Report, the " Com- 
 " mittee beg leave to inform the Houfe, that 
 *' twenty months being elapied fince the 
 *' Judicature Adi was pafTed, and no advice 
 "of its promulgation being arrived, altho* 
 " evidence had been given of its being 
 *' fent on the 3d of Auguft, 1781, your 
 " Committee thought it highly neceflary to 
 <{ examine into all the circumftances of the 
 " tranfmiffion of that Act, by the Difpatch 
 " of the 3d of Auguft." 
 
 The reiult of that examination has been 
 already difcuffed, and the whole jumble of 
 inconfiftent Charges huddled together in the 
 Report, upon this original Error in Mr. 
 Wilkes's evidence, I have above explained 
 and done away. At prefent, I only mean 
 to recall the attention of the Public to 
 the aflertion, that no advice of the promul- 
 gation of the Act in India has yet arriv- 
 ed. The Report, indeed, is very careful 
 that this circumftance mall not be overlook-^ 
 ed; for we fyid it again induftfioufly thrufl 
 
 ^ Mr. Alices has fince cleared up the matter by 
 ^ circ'mntfantial affidavit, 
 
 forward
 
 ( >9 ) 
 
 forward in page ijth and laft, " finally, that 
 " although it is now upwards of 20 months 
 <c fince the Ad: was patted, no account of 
 " its being arrived at Bengal has yet been 
 " received by the India Company." 
 
 Thefe two attempts, to convey a totally 
 falfe idea in words compatible with meer 
 truth, are of fo mallow and flimfy a texture, 
 that I fufpedl the compiler of the Report 
 to have concealed their infertion from all 
 his more difcerning or fcrupulous Col- 
 leagues. 
 
 It is indifputably true that there is no in- 
 telligence of the promulgation of the Judica- 
 ture Act in India, and equally fo, that the 
 India Company (in its collecUve capacity), 
 has received no (official) account of its arri- 
 val in India. But that theTryal Sloop arrived 
 at Ganjam on the ad of July, 1782, and 
 failed from thence on the 3d For Calcutta, 
 is as well known to every individual con- 
 nected with the Company, as the exigence 
 of the Judicature A6t itfelf j and in July 
 the paffage from Ganjam to Calcutta is as 
 fafe by water as the Ferry over the Thames 
 at Weflminfter Bridge. So that a week be- 
 yond the 2d of July is much more than 
 ample allowance for its actual promulgation 
 at Calcutta. 
 
 This Seventh Report therefore is founded 
 D 2 upon
 
 ( 20 ) 
 
 upon the fame minute attention to the 
 ftate of facts, upon the fame liberality of 
 fentiment, and patriotic considerations for 
 public utility, as the Six preceding excel- 
 lent compositions, on which I have already 
 had the honour to offer a few remarks. It 
 is an admirable addition to the original work, 
 and compleats- the honourable compiler's 
 digeft of fabricated criminality. In the laft 
 Seffions the Honourable General was pleafed 
 to pronounce an elaborate panegyric on the 
 extraordinary merits of his Honourable 
 Friend's Six Reports: The illuftrious Author 
 has lately returned the adulatory incenfe in 
 an extravagant compliment on the prefent 
 mafter-piece of the General. As the merits 
 of both are nearly equal, fo I think are their 
 chances for the afient and approbation of 
 the Public. 
 
 >ui Bavium non odit> amet tua Carmina, 
 Mcevi. 
 
 DETECTOR. 
 il, 1783.
 
 On the new BILL, fropofed for the better 
 REGULATION of the BRITISH Possgs- 
 SIGNS in INDIA: 
 
 LETTER I. 
 
 Mr. EDITOR, 
 
 THE Secret Committee of the Houfe 
 of Commons, appointed to inyeftjr 
 gate the caufes of the war in the Carnatic, 
 acquired, in the courfe of their labours, fuch 
 an extenfive knowledge of all the Eaft-Inr 
 dia Company's concerns, as to be comper 
 tent for new-modelling every branch of Gpr 
 vernment, and overturning every principle of 
 policy in all our Afiatic pofleffions. Their 
 enquiries with refpedl to this war feemed to 
 be clofed lad feffions in 44 refolutions, of 
 which (although faffed by a very thin meejL- 
 ing of the Houfe of Commons) it is fair to 
 fay, that they were received with little crer 
 dit or refpect by the nation at large : tha 
 they were minutely, though candidly, carir 
 vaffed, and in great part fatisfa&orily refuted t . 
 Whatever might be the motive that pro- 
 duced thefe hafty refolutions, their effecl: has 
 indeed been very inconfiderable. The war 
 in the Carnatic ftill rages, and the caufe of 
 its commencement is fiill as obfcure as the
 
 period of its termination. Political empiri- 
 cifm has hitherto prefcribed no effectual re- 
 medy for the diforder, nor has Hyder Ally 
 fhewn the flighted tendency to pacification 
 in return for our voluntary effufions of mo- 
 deration and forbearance. If, however, an 
 idea of parliamentary interpofition hath al- 
 ready fo far operated on the Councils of the 
 Mahrattas, as to caufe delay in the ratifica- 
 tion of that treaty to which they had pre- 
 vioufly, by their plenipotentiary, given a full 
 affent ; if a reliance on the diffractions of 
 our government and the mutability of our 
 fyftems hath infpired our enemies with frefh 
 courage for the profecution of hoftilities 
 abroad : here, at leaft, our Committees have 
 effectually anfwered the purpofes of their 
 appointment. Delinquency has been clear- 
 ly defined, accurately traced out, and incon- 
 trovertibly convicted. Bills of pains and pe- 
 nalties have been urged with unufual feve 1 - 
 rity : and while afliftance for the vigorous 
 conduct of the war has been dealt out with 
 a parfimonious and fufpicious referve, all the 
 weapons of perfecution have been whetted 
 againft the devoted objects, to whofe inat- 
 tention or incapacity the origin of the ca- 
 lamity feems to have been imputed j juft as 
 if a furgeon, after performing amputation in 
 a dangerous fracture, fhould employ him- 
 
 felf
 
 felf in cutting and anatomizing the diftem- 
 pered limb, inftead of applying the bandages, 
 and fupprefling the haemorrhage. While the 
 Reports of the Secret Committee appeared 
 to bear uncommonly hard on certain Mem- 
 bers of the Madras Government, while Hy- 
 der's invafion was in them reprefented as 
 the joint product of ambition and refent- 
 ment, men looked for the caufes of the 
 war to the feat of its ravages ; and thought 
 that the mere deftination of hoftilities fuf- 
 ficiently difcriminated their motive. But 
 the Refolutions founded on thofe Reports 
 quickly opened their eyes, and attributed by a 
 chain of fanciful, remote,arbitrary deductions, 
 a portion of the misfortune to the Governor 
 General of Bengal. Slight, however, as his 
 (hare in the blame of this' tranfadion muft 
 neceffarily have been, and vificnary as the 
 imputation wiU moft certainly appear to all 
 who (hall take the trouble to perufe the Re- 
 ports, he was marked out as the firft objeft 
 of reprehenfion, and the Houfe of Com- 
 mons was, by fome management, prevailed 
 upon to vote his recal. 
 
 We can all well recollect the different 
 manceuvres pradlifed at the eaft and weft ends 
 of the town, for effecting this laudable pur- 
 pofe ; and we feel an honeft exultation ir\ 
 proclaiming, that the fpirited efforts of an
 
 extraordinary majority in the Court of Pro- 
 prietors baffled (as both by law and the 
 principles of their charter they were au- 
 thorifed to do) all thofe attempts. A fet of 
 men, deeply and perfonally interefted in the 
 JDrofperity of Indian affairs, agreed,/* to one, 
 to entruft the management and prefervation 
 bf their property to a man, whom a fudden 
 and unfatisfaclory vote of an inconfiderable 
 fart of one branch of the legiflature tended 
 to banilh from their fervice. About 40 
 members of the Houfe of Commons, carried 
 the refolution for Mr. Haftings's recal ; up- 
 wards of 420 proprietors of India ftock, 
 United for his continuation. Leaving the 
 doctrine of parliamentary infallibility to thofe 
 toho have never read reports or refolutions, 
 > 1 mall not fcruple to affirm, and to put it to 
 * the confcience of every man of common 
 Tenfe, that 420 refpectable proprietors of 
 India flock, are collectively as able judges 
 Qf the merits and demerits of Mr. Haftings, 
 sis any forty members who ever fat in the 
 tioufe. I will go farther, and will aflert it 
 as my moft unalterable conviction^ that the 
 humber of Members of Parliament who bal- 
 iotted in their proprietary capacity for the 
 feovernqr O^nera^s continuation, far exceed- 
 fd A^fe v/ho in the Houfe were content 
 
 by
 
 by a filent nod to authenticate the resolution 
 for his removal. 
 
 But, though the cloud of laft feffions 
 pafTcd over innocuous, the florm ftill con- 
 tinued to gather : and is now burft in the 
 tremendous thunder of a Bill ! It Mr. ttaft- 
 ings could heretofore (lem the ftream of 
 partiality in a vote of the Commons, he fliall 
 now be overwhelmed by a torrent of the 
 whole Legiflature. If the Proprietors of 
 India ftock wifely and confcientiouily con- 
 tributed to his continuation in their fervice 
 by a legal and conflitutional exertion, of their 
 prerogative, that prerogative {hall therefore 
 be abolished by law. If the India Company 
 has been preferved at the very inftant of 
 bankruptcy, and if their foreign porTeffions 
 have been defended by exertions bordering 
 on impoffibility : if the whole train of their 
 affairs have been gradually improved frorh 
 conrufion and diffipation, to fyftem, to 
 ceconomy, to profperity, by the man of 
 their unbiaffed and deliberate choicej felected, 
 approved, and confirmed to the fame office 
 by three fucceglve Acls of Parliament at 
 diftincl; and diftant periods 5 thofe Acts 
 jfhall now be abrogated in a moment 5 that 
 man (hall be violently removed by a new 
 law, and the Company's right of nominating, 
 continuing, or difplacing, not only this, but 
 E all
 
 all their other confidential fervants in tlid 
 whole extent of their fettlements, (hall be for 
 ever done away ! The only vifible plea or 
 pretence for this infringement of the char- 
 ter, this invafion of property, this bare- 
 faced exertion of defpotifm, is the dif- 
 miffion of Governor General Haftings. To 
 remove him, nothing lefs than an Act of 
 Parliament could fuffice : and permifiion for 
 bringing in an Act to this purpofe, being 
 once obtained, every additional encroach- 
 ment on the Company's rights that could be 
 any how foifted in, was fo much clear gain 
 to the Courtly fyftem of arbitrary Patronage* 
 Every ufeful, every plaufible alteration pro- 
 pofed by the prefent bill is fully compati- 
 ble with the Company's actual powers un- 
 der their Charter 5 and if the collective ex- 
 perience of a fet of men of biifinefs, who 
 have feen, as Directors of long ftanding, 
 the caufes of moft of our calamities in Afia, 
 and as Proprietors have felt their effects, be 
 not adequatp to the difcovery of the proper 
 remedies, furely the occafional perufal of a 
 number of temporary records in the courfe 
 of the fittings of a Committee for two Sef- 
 fions, and with all the interruptions of other 
 Parliamentary bufinefs, may be pronounced 
 very incompetent to the arduous undertak- 
 ing. In the courfe of my little correfpon- 
 
 dence,
 
 dence, Mr. Editor, I propofe to examine the 
 principles of the bill now before me, and to 
 give an account of the fcope and tendency, 
 the expediency and utility of its feveral 
 claufes. I have no doubt but the Com- 
 pany's cafe (as there treated) will fully ap- 
 pear to be that of a lunatic, who, though 
 not fo frantic as to be deprived of all the 
 benefits and profits of his eftate, is yet con- 
 iidered as too infane to be entrufted with 
 the management and controul of it, Much 
 do I fear that this legiflative courfe of treat- 
 ment, fo little adapted to the nature and 
 fymptoms of the malady, will very fpeedily 
 leave the patient no alternative from a ftrait 
 waiftcoat ! 
 
 DETECTOR, 
 
 LETTER II. 
 
 MR. EDITOR, 
 
 IT is a curious but melancholy fpeculatU 
 on, to trace the flow and infinuating ad- 
 vances of defpotic power: to obferve how 
 an almoft imperceptible change in the fpirit
 
 pf public meafures, under an affected fcru- 
 puloiity of adherence to eftablifhed forms, 
 may gradually undermine the ftrongeft bul- 
 warks of public liberty. My prefent ad- 
 dreis is to the proprietors of India frock j 
 but my fubject is of confequence to every 
 chartered body in the kingdom, and to eve- 
 ry man who can feel what it is to be a Bri- 
 ton. Within the laft ten years have the 
 fubftance and marrow of all the Bad-India 
 Company's corporate rights been gently and 
 unfufpedledly frittered away, under the ap- 
 pearance of much candid attention to the 
 privileges of its charters, and a ftudied com- 
 pliance with the eftablilhed principles of its 
 jnftitution. Every real prerogative, every 
 folid advantage of independence, hath been 
 melted down by piecemeal, and ablbrbed in 
 the all-gralping influence of the Crown ; in 
 ^hat influence, wjiich, by a momentary im- 
 pulfe of exalted patriotifm, the Houfe of 
 Commons voted to have increafed, to be in- 
 creai^ng, and that it ough^ ^;o be diminifhed. 
 4n, that virtuous vote is contained a fure and 
 perfect antidote againft the pernicious ten- 
 dency of a bill juft brought into Parliamenr, 
 ^nde* the fpecious title of a better regula- 
 tion and government of the Britifo po$e]Jions 
 in India , and ~t?e fiwrity and prefarvQtion 
 a bill which would diffolve every
 
 tie of public faith, violate every barrier of 
 perfonal and corporate property, annihilate 
 the fecurity of every grant from the legif- 
 lative or executive powers of government, 
 and eftablifh in Afia a fyftem of unlimited 
 tyranny. 
 
 " A bill for the better regulation and go- 
 " vernment of the Britifh poffeffions in In- 
 *' dia." Where are thefe poffeffions -by 
 whom acquired, and by whom enjoyed ? 
 Certainly by Britons and fo far they are 
 Britifo poffeffions. But the poffeffions here 
 alluded to are the fettlements and territories 
 belonging to the Britiih Eaft-India Compa- 
 ny: private, not national property. Though 
 I much fear, if this term * Britifh pojfefflonf 
 be admitted to pafs in acts of the legiflature, 
 as defcriptive of the Company's eftates, it 
 will (to ufe an elegant legal phrafe), by a 
 fiction of law, covin, engine or deceitful 
 conveyance, ultimately transfer to the Crown 
 a constructive claim to thofe eftates. 
 
 Britifh poffeffions !- The words at the 
 fir ft fight give an idea of poffeffions attach- 
 ed to and dependent on the Britiflh Crown j 
 in a legal and parliamentary ftyle they can 
 imply nothing elfe. Such are at this day. 
 fome few of the Weft- India Iflands, and 
 fuch were at one time the Thirteen Colo- 
 ies of America, now independent, But in
 
 ( 3 ) 
 
 this fenfe it is fair and decent to deny that 
 we have any Britifh poflefTions in India 
 and it will perplex the Crown, and the 
 Crown lawyers, and all the lawyers both of 
 JLngland and Scot/and, to prove that fuch 
 pofTeflions exift. I am aware that the pre- 
 lent bill has but adopted this term from the 
 late regulating and Judicature Acts j that 
 the reports of the Committees, both Secret 
 and Seleft, thus define the Eaft-India Com- 
 pany's territorial property, and that in ordir 
 nary difcourfe the phrafe might pafs unex- 
 amined and unfufpecled. But it is now time 
 to detecl: the fallacy, and this is the fpot 
 whereon to make our firft vigorous ftand. 
 A word is enough to the cunning as well as. 
 to the wife ; and this word ' Britijh,' if 
 carelefily admitted as definitive of the In? 
 dia Company's pofleflions, will foon leave 
 it no po/effions at all. The fadt is, that fince 
 the 27th of March, 1668, when King 
 Charles the Second ceded Bombay to the 
 Company for ever, and fince i6th of De- 
 cember, 1673, when the fame King ceded 
 $t. Helena to the faid Company for ever 
 alfo, the Crown has had no property what- 
 ever in India, nothing that can with legal 
 precifion be ftyled a Britift po/e/fion.. Even 
 the 2d claufe of the Bill now before me, 
 the inconfiftency of the term, and 
 
 fliews.
 
 ( 3' * 
 
 fhews the difficulty under which the framer 
 of it laboured in producing any thing like a 
 plaufible defcription of the Britijh pvjjeffions. 
 It is as follows: " And whereas, during 
 " the time that the faid United Company 
 " of Merchants of England, trading to the 
 " Eaft Indies, have been in the poflerTion 
 " and enjoyment of the faid whole fole and 
 " exclufive trade to the Eaft Indies, and 
 " parts aforefaid, the faid United Company, 
 " affifted by the fleets and armies of the 
 " King's Majefty, and his Majefty's royal 
 " PredecefTors, have conquered or other- 
 " wife acquired the kingdoms or provinces 
 " of Bengal, Bahar, and OriJJa, and alfo 
 " certain countries or diftricts fituate on the 
 <c coaft of Coromandel-, and alfo divers other 
 " countries and diftricls in thofe parts 
 " of Afia, commonly called the Eaft In- 
 " dies." It is therefore granted on all hands 
 that the Company hatn conquered or other- 
 wife acquired the kingdom of Bengal, &c.&c. 
 But it is aledged, * that they were affifted 
 4 by his Majefty's fleets and armies.' Be 
 it fo. The Company, trading under the 
 fanction and encouragement of a Royal 
 Charter, was clearly in the prote<lion of the 
 Crown, and entitled to its afliftance. In 
 every national war, the Company hath 
 borne its (hare of the public burthen, in 
 common with every other member of the 
 
 ftate
 
 . 
 
 ftate, and hath alfo incurred extraordinary 
 and voluntary expences to an enormous a.- 
 rnount in defence of its own property. If 
 his Majefty's fleets and armies have aflifted 
 the Company in Afia, the very great in- 
 creafe of revenue to the crown, and of 
 wealth to the mother country, produced by 
 the fuccefsful exertions of the Company's 
 fpirit of enterprize, hath purchafed that af- 
 fiftance a hundred-fold ; and thofe very 
 fleets and armies, while in India; are moftly 
 fupported at the Company's private charge. 
 If I regularly contribute my (hare of all the 
 parochial rates and afleflments, the parifh 
 muft protect me, in common with the other 
 inhabitants of the ftreet, by a nightly watch. 
 The Company have done more : they have 
 advanced their full proportion of the gene- 
 ral affefTments; they have yielded to the 
 heavieft duties on their trade ; to the moft 
 diftrefling conditions in all their negociations 
 with Government j and have paid the watch- 
 man alfo. But even were we to clofe with 
 the argument adopted by the framer of the 
 bill, it would be no eafy talk for him to de- 
 monftrate how the affiftance afforded by his 
 Majefty's fleets and armies, hath fubjeded 
 the poiTeffions of the Company to the power 
 of the Crown. Colonel Clive, with the 
 Company's own troops, gained the battle of 
 Plaffey, while the Royal fleet befieged Chan- 
 
 dernagofe.
 
 ( 33 ) 
 
 vcmagore. That fettlement, as it was con- 
 quered by his Majcfty's arm?, was given up 
 by his Majcfty's Minifters at the peace. Ben- ^ 
 gal, Bahar', and Oriffi, are held not in right 
 -of cwqucjt (for the Company reftored them 
 to the Nabob from whom they had been 
 taken), but by a formal deed of ceffion from 
 the Emperor of Hindoftan. And to whom, 
 were they ceded ? Not to the Crown or Par- 
 liament of Great-Britain, but to the Englim. 
 Eaft- India Company. His Majefty's fleets 
 and armies were fent to India to protect the 
 national caiife, againft a national enemy. 
 What affiftance they might afford to the 
 Company was on the plea and % to the piir- 
 pofe of diftreffing the French. That formi- 
 dable antagonift once removed, the Com- 
 pany's footing in the Eaft- Indies became 
 equally folid and extenfive. After all, I 
 would not be understood as dogmatically af- 
 fecting to pronounce, that the Crown hath 
 no right to the rerriforial acquilitions in 
 Afia -, but I affert that as yet there exifts no ,7 
 public and authoritative Act declaratory of 
 this right: and that it is beneath the dignity 
 of the Crown to obtain that prerogative or 
 influence by a quibbling fubterfuge, which 
 it hefitates to juftify on a legal and conftitu- 
 ttonal foundation. No doubt the firft regu- 
 lating Act of the 1 3th of the King, which 
 F difpofed
 
 ( 34 ) 
 
 difpofed of near ioo,oool. fterling pfer 
 annum, of the Company's property, in fala- 
 ries to the Supreme Council and Court of 
 Judicature, without the Company's confent, 
 was a ftrong fymptom of an intended appro- 
 priation of the entire property, when occafion 
 mould ferve. The introduction of the term 
 Britijh pojjeffions wag another collateral indi- 
 cation of the fame defign. The term again 
 occurs in the title of the prefent Bill, and 
 it is now incumbent on the Company to 
 provoke it to a legiflative definition. The 
 merits of the Bill are out of the cjueftion, 
 until this Preliminary Article (hall have 
 been amply and fatisfadtorily difcufled. 
 
 LETTER III. 
 
 Mr. EDITOR, 
 
 THE Eaft- India Company have been 
 long threatened with a parliamentary 
 decifion on the right of property to the terri- 
 torial acquifitions in Afia: and, though the 
 Crown has not yet formally put in its claim, 
 encroachments on the Company's fyitem of 
 
 adion
 
 ( 35 ) 
 
 action have of late been fo frequent and fo 
 alarming, as fufficiently to demonftrate the 
 fettled defign of a gradual fuperceflion. 
 When every executive function, and every 
 power of controul, fhall have been not only 
 fufpended, but annihilated, the mere phan- 
 tom of an obfolete title will no longer be 
 worth a ftruggle. Lefs than a dozen years 
 ago, when the chartered privileges of every 
 corporate body were ftill confidered as more 
 than cobweb fecurities -when the times, 
 perhaps, were not ripe for an open avowal 
 of the projected innovations on public faith 
 the very hint of an attempt to explain away 
 the Company's property in their Afiatic ter- 
 ritories, under the clear and literal conftruc- 
 tion of their charter, excited univerfal difcon- 
 tent. " Certain flubborn ideas of law and 
 right," (as Mr. Burke was pleafed to ftyle 
 them in a pamphlet, fubfervient to the then 
 patriotic purpofes.) were apprehended on the 
 occafion. " Some active perfons of the 
 Company were given to underftand, that 
 this hoftile proceeding was only fet up m 
 terrorem j that Government was far from ar* 
 intention of fei^ing upon the poffeffions of 
 the Company. Adminiftration^ they faid, 
 was fenfible that the idea was, in every 
 light, full of abfurdity, and that fuch a fei- 
 not tnpre out of their power, than. 
 F Z remote.
 
 ( 36 ) 
 
 remote from their <wijhes." " The original 
 ': plan," which (he fays before) " jcems to 
 " have been, to get the Houfe of Com- 
 " ",0ns to copjpliment the Crown with a fort 
 " ot indicia! declaration of a title to the Com* 
 <c pany's acqaifitions iri India," is now boldly 
 unmafked: what could aot be carried by a 
 coup de main, ha,s been obtained by flow ap- 
 proaches in a regular ftege ; the outworks 
 liave been all feebly deie.idt'd, or bafely de- 
 ferted; and the Lord Advocate, on a heap of, 
 ruins, now erects his battery againft t.be lafi; 
 l;enable quarter,. 
 
 The whole powers of the Company were 
 centered in General Courts-, and were cx- 
 ercifed by the colledive body of Proprie- 
 tors. They elected all their own Direc- 
 tors annc:?;l.y, and confidered thofe Directors 
 but as a Committee (by which name they 
 were, originally ftyled in all the charters 
 of the firft Engliih Eaft-India Company) 
 of their own body, felected for the difparch. 
 of bufinefs. They approved or refcinded the: 
 appointment and admiffion of all their own, 
 governors and fervants, and; declared their 
 own dividends on the profits of their own 
 trade. The independent performance of 
 thefe feyeral ads comprifes almoft the 
 whole authority which a corporate body can 
 Of thefe, fornier Ats of parlia- 
 ment.,
 
 ( 37 ) 
 
 raent, and minifterial influence together, 
 have already diminimed,or defeated the fub- 
 fiantial effect, and the Bill now propofed 
 will obliterate the very form. The little 
 controul which at prefent remains with the 
 General Courts over the refolutions of the 
 Directors, and which is the laft relique of 
 their former refpectability, is effectually to 
 be abolimed by the 3 ad claufe of this new 
 Bill. " And be it further enatt.ed and de- 
 " dared) that the feveral powers and authori- 
 <c ties by this Act given to, or vefted in, the 
 if faid Court of Directors, (hall and may from 
 ct time to time be exerciled, held, and put in 
 " execution by the Directors of the faid Uni- 
 " ted Company for the time being, or any 
 " thirteen of them; w&foallnot be jubjett to 
 " berefcinded, revoked, altered, varied, ajfeft- 
 <c ed y or in any refpeff confronted by the Court 
 ct of Proprietors, or any of the Proprietors of. 
 <c the faid United Company, "&C. &c. The Di- 
 rectors therefore, or " any thirteen of them " . 
 (for thefe bare majorities are exceedingly 
 convenient for minifterial purpofes) are here- 
 by effectually fecured from the mortifica- 
 tion of having their meafures fcrutinifed, 
 their motives detected, and their acts re- 
 fcinded, by an unmanageable Court of Pro- 
 prietors. No future concurrence of 420 
 refpeclable and influenced votes fliall here- 
 after
 
 after oppofe and defeat the malicious and 
 interefted combinations of thirteen ill-ad- 
 vifed or corrupted individuals. But, indeed, 
 no future General Court will probably ever 
 have a fimilar occafion, or a fimilar defire } 
 for why fhould the Company interfere to 
 ferve a flave of the Court, or a tool of 
 faction, whom they can neither promote, 
 protedb, nor difmifs ? Ely whom, if they are 
 not betrayed or ruined (and it may poflibly 
 be his intereft to do both) they will inevn 
 tably be infulted and defpifed. They will, 
 indeed, have one confolation* that of feeing 
 their Directors reduced to their ov/n level 
 of iniignificance ; notwrthftanding the hu- 
 miliating terms of this ^zd claufe, which 
 too manifeftly indicates the forenefs of mi- 
 nifterial difappointment on the late virtuous, 
 efforts at the India Houfe. If the General 
 Courts may no longer revoke, or alter, OF 
 controul the powers and authorities of the 
 Court of Directors, the Directors themfelves 
 fhall be completely manacled and hand- 
 cuffed in the exercifes of thofe boafled pow- 
 ers and authorities. Their choice of their 
 own Governor General, and the members, 
 pf the Supreme Council, fliall be reduced ta 
 a mere conge dehre (claufe 27); and they 
 ^all have no power to difmifs any of them, 
 frqm their fervice> (claufe 31). For, "in
 
 ( 39 ) 
 
 " cafe the Court of Directors of the faid Uni- 
 '* ted Company, lhall at any time be dif- 
 *' fatisfied with the conduct of any Gover- 
 " nor General and Captain General of all 
 " the Britim fettlements in India, or any of 
 " the Members of the Council of the fame 
 " Prcfidencf (meaning, I fuppofe, Cal- 
 cutta), " and (hall be defirous of his or 
 " their, or any of their recal or removal, the 
 " the faid Court of V\K&QK Jhall have full 
 *' power and authority," to do what ? 
 not to order and compel them to obey; 
 not to fufpend or remove them for difobe- 
 dience j not to exercife any of thofe a&s 
 which it is yet conftitutional for them to 
 refolve, and (with the confent of the Pro- 
 prietary) to enforce but c< to reprefent the 
 " fame to his Majefty, his heirs and fuc- 
 " ceflbrs, to the intent his Majefty, his heirs 
 ** or fucceflbrs, may have knowledge there- 
 <c of, and may, upon due confideration and 
 *' advice thereon, take fuch meafures con- 
 *' cerning the fame^ as to his Majefty, his 
 4< heirs or fucceiTors, in his or their royal 
 * wifdom, and y^vc.^ jhall Jeem mojljit and 
 " expedient" A very confolatory compen- 
 fation for thofe powers and authorities held 
 by law under the prefent charter, and fanc- 
 ticned by Parliament for above eight years 
 to come ! Thus we may obferve, that, if 
 
 the
 
 the Corrij&ny, in their general and corporate 
 icapacity, are laid at the feet of their own 
 Directors, thefe tyrants of the Company are 
 with retributive juftice made to crouch un- 
 der the throne. One privilege indeed the 
 Directors will lofe by this Act, of which 
 it is impoflible to fay too much, and which 
 I think tan hardly be made up to them by 
 the moft liberal extenfion of the prefent 
 mode of conferring contracts, lucrative jobs, 
 and all other minifterial douceurs, whofe 
 value is already fo well afcertained by the 
 able calculators of Leadenhall-ftreet : I 
 mean the chance in which each individual 
 among them now (lands, of becoming Su- 
 preme Counsellor, or even Governor Gene- 
 ral of Bengal. This fyftem of beftowing 
 the chief offices in India on members of the 
 Courtof Directors(however liable to be abuf- 
 ed) is moft certainly the next laudable and 
 advantageous expedient to that of fuffering 
 thofe who have ferved a regular gradation 
 of duty through all the Company's fervice 
 abroad, to rife by fucceffion and rotation 
 to ieats at the Council-board. But if the 
 new act mould take place, local knowledge 
 or perfonal experience will operate as de- 
 cifive difqualifications for ferving the Com- 
 pany 5 and the firft pretenfions of their fer- 
 vants, in all their moft confidential and ar- 
 duous
 
 ( 4' ) 
 
 duous employments, will be ignorance and 
 incapacity. At prefent, by a very fevereand 
 undeferved ftigma, thofe who have been in 
 the Company's fervice abroad, are prohibit- 
 ed from becoming candidates for the Direc- 
 tion at home, until they mall have been 
 a year in England ; and by the 3oth claufe 
 of the new bill, " it mall not be lawful 
 " for the faid Court of Director's, upon any 
 " vacancy or vacancies which mall happen 
 ft in the refpedive offices of Governor 
 ** General and Captain General, or Counfel- 
 " lor in the Presidency of Fort William in 
 < c Bengal, or of Governor and Prefident, or 
 << Counfellor in the Prefidencies or Settle - 
 " ments of Madras, Bombay, or Bencoolen, 
 < to nominate any perfon or perfons to tup- 
 f< ply any fuch vacancy or provisionally 
 " appoint any perfon to fucceed thereto 
 v refpectively, who is or are, or foall be at 
 ** the time of fuch nomination or appoint went ^ 
 " a Director or Directors of the Eaft India 
 
 <{ Company, orjhallhave been a Director 
 
 * c at any time within the fpace of four years 
 t( preceding fuch nomination or appoint- 
 <* ment" I fhall expect foon to fee the 
 Droite Aubaine take place here with re- 
 refpecl: to thofe unfortunate and profcribed 
 wretches, who have wafted the prime of 
 their lives in the Company's foreign fer- 
 Q.
 
 ( 4* ) 
 
 vice. Little elfe remains poffible for then* 
 to fuffer. 
 
 DETECTOR. 
 
 LETTER IV. 
 
 Mr, EDITOR, 
 
 IN my laft I ftated fome of the imme- 
 diate rights and privileges which the exe- 
 cutive branches of the Company's authori- 
 ty, the Court of Directors, and General 
 Court of Proprietors, would respectively lofe 
 by the new Bill j as a farther ill uft ration of 
 the fame lubjedt, and a more direct proof of 
 the dangerous crifis to which all civil liber- 
 ty is driven by the principles of this Bill, I 
 fhall here, in a fummary way, dernonftrate 
 the enormous acceffion of power which 
 Would from thence accrue to the Crown : 
 pnder a hope, that thofe whom no other 
 m.otive can perfuade to behold with the 
 frnalleil candour the dreadful Situation to 
 which the Company are reduced by tyran- 
 pic influence, will at lead (hudder at the 
 jntrpdudlipn of fo fatal a precedent for qther* 
 
 and'
 
 ( 43 ; 
 
 end more home-felt augmentations of regal 
 prerogative. 
 
 The firft twenty claufes of the enacting 
 part of the Act, defcribe the powers, civil 
 and military, to be given to the Governor 
 General, and Captain General of all India, 
 whom (as I am aWare that not being ex- 
 prefsly appointed to reprefent Majefty, he 
 cannot with propriety be termed Viceroy) I 
 fhall, for the fake of brevity, and with pro- 
 per conformity to oriental phrafes and man- 
 ners, in future, denominate the BASHAW. 
 In my next letter, I propofe to take a full 
 furvey of his delegated authority, and in the 
 mean time, can afTure your readers^ that no 
 three-tailed minion of the fublime Porte 
 ever enjoyed a more enlarged, or more def- 
 potic jurisdiction. This Ba/ha w, (however 
 nominally atid fpecioufly he may by the 5th 
 claufe be made t( fubject to fuch orders', 
 " and inftructions, as he /hall from time to 
 " time receive from the Court of Directors 
 " of the faid united Company,) " it mall 
 <{ and may be lawful to, and for the King's 
 " Majefty, his heirs and fucceflbrs, by any 
 '* writing or inftrument under the Royal 
 " Seal manual to be counteffigned by one 
 " of his Majefty's principal Secretaries of 
 ** State, or otherwife, at his or their royal 
 *' will and pkajure> to recal or remove ;" 
 G 2 *-*as
 
 ( 44 ) 
 
 as alfo '* the Members of the Council 
 " of Fort William aforefaid, to be at any time 
 * c hereafter appointed 5- -as alfo all, or any of 
 " the Governors and Members of the Coun- 
 " cils of the Prefidencies or fettlements of 
 " Fort Saint George, Bombay, and Ben- 
 " coolenj or other Britim fettlements in In- 
 " dia, for the time being ; and to vacate, and 
 <c make void all and every, or any appoint- 
 " ment or appointments, as well abfolute as 
 *' provifional, of any perfon or perfons to 
 '* any of the offices or places aforefaid." 
 (Claufe 25.) 
 
 The reigning Bafhaw, and his Council^ 
 being thus removed by the Fiat of Majefty, 
 it is provided by the ayth claufe, that the 
 Court of Directors " immediately alter every 
 " fuch vacancy or recal mall have been no- 
 " tified to them, or within 14 days after re- 
 <c quifition (hall be made to them by one 
 " of his Majefty's principal Secretaries of 
 " State, (hall proceed to chufe and nominate 
 " a fit and proper perfon or perfons -to 
 " fucceed," &c. 6cc. " and in cafe the per- 
 <c fon or perfons fo chofen jhall not be 
 tf approved by his Majefty, then within 
 f( feven days after" (notification thereof) 
 " the laid Court fliatl proceed to chufe and 
 " nominate fome other perfon or perfons 
 " and fo toties guottes," until his Majefty 
 {hall approve of their choice. 
 
 By
 
 ( 45 ) 
 
 By this claufe the right of nomination in- 
 fidioufly and jefuitically referved to the 
 Court of Directors, is reduced to a meer 
 conge d'elire. For if it be allowed that it 
 is abfolutely neceflary there mould be any 
 Governor and Council at all, the Crown 
 may periift for ever in rejecting the per- 
 fons chofen by the Directors for thofe of- 
 fices, and the choice muft ultimately fall 
 on them whom his Majefty mall be pleafed 
 to recommend, to be chojen. The Crown can 
 at prefent nominate a judge, or recommend 
 a Bifhop but once appointed, they remain 
 quam dm bene fe gefferint. The Bafhaw of 
 India is to be created on a more manage- 
 able plan : and while his powers of defpo- 
 tifm over fifteen or twenty millions of pec* 
 pie will far exceed all authority known to 
 the Britim Conftitution, his dependence on 
 the hand that raifed him, muft be propor- 
 tionably abjedl and flavifh j his office will 
 become a meer appendage to minifterial li- 
 berality, as changeable as the Government 
 at home, and changing hands regularly 
 with them : and it will be neceflary for the 
 Company to have a certain number of pac- 
 kets alwavs lying ready for the annual, or 
 more frequent recals and re-appointments 
 of Whig BaJJjaws and Tory Bo/haws : all 
 nominated ofcourfe by the Diredlors, and all 
 
 approved
 
 ( 46 ) 
 
 approved by his Majefty. It will not 
 Avail the Directors, if they happen by 
 chance, or on more folid motives, to wifh for 
 the continuation of their Balhaw for the time 
 being, to hefitate, and, by feigned or un- 
 avoidable delays, procraftinate the nomina- 
 tion of his fucceffor, in hopes that Majefty 
 may relent, or circumftances change in his 
 favour. The 28th claufe debars them of all 
 hope. " In cafe, and fo often as the faid Court 
 " of Directors mall refufe or neglect to pro- 
 *' ceed to any fuch choice and nomination 
 " within the time afore/aid'' (only fourteen 
 days), <{ then, and in every fuch cafe, and 
 fo often as the fame mail happen, it mall 
 '* be lawful for his Majefty to conftitute 
 " and appoint-- -fuch perfons or perfons 
 
 '* as his Majefty mall think proper." So 
 
 that, if thirteen Directors can but be per- 
 fuaded to perfift for one fortnight in a 
 refufal to nominate their (or rather the 
 Crown's) Bafhaw ; or if they mall not have 
 been able to come fo a decided choice with^ 
 in that period, the Royal fign manual fet- 
 tles the matter at once : and a man whofe 
 very name never reached Leadenhall-ftreet, 
 comes armed with an imperial fir maun to 
 demand from them unlimited controul over 
 all their property and all their fervants. If 
 
 they
 
 ( 47 ) 
 
 they ihould have forefeen this probable in-i 
 convenience, and wifh to prevent it, by a 
 timely nomination of provifional fucceffors 
 to their moft confidential offices, the new 
 a<ft has even tbere effectually difappointed 
 them : for fuch provifional nominations 
 " it Jiail and may be lawful" (by the 29th 
 claui-) " for uis Majefty 'without the con- 
 '- je-'it cf the faid i ourt of Directors, or of 
 " the faid United Company, to revoke and 
 " vacate." Indeed, as a very particular 
 grace, it is lib'rrally permitted the faid Court 
 of Directors, by the :ame 29th claufe, to 
 annul (" with the confent of his Majejiy, bi^ 
 " heirs t or fucceffors*' ) thefe their own pro- 
 viiional nominations : and alfo (ixibicb 1 
 think can never be granted for any good de- 
 Jign or purpofc) the faid Court of Directors 
 may give falaries to fuch perfons as fhall 
 by them be fo provifionally appointed, be- 
 fore their becoming entitled to, and taking 
 upon themfelves the feveral offices, if the 
 faid Court " exprefsly order and direft any 
 (( Jnch falary to commence and be paid at an 
 t{ earlier period^ in which cafe the Jame foal I 
 " take place ^ as the faid Court flail direct. ' 
 Who fo blind as not to difcern at leafl half 
 a dozen Minifterial finecures, at the Com- 
 pany s txpence, lurking beneath the flimfy 
 Artifice of this paragraph ? A provifional 
 
 Ba/haw,
 
 ( 48 ) 
 
 JSaihaw, and his provifional Council, amply 
 provided with the direftions and orders of 
 the faid Court for their provifional falaries, 
 for one, two, three, or any indefinite num- 
 ber of years, hired meerly to give their 
 votes at St. Stephen's, or for fome other 
 fuch laudable fervice, without the fmalleft 
 intention in themfelves to venture over a 
 (hip's fide on the Company's account, or 
 in their Mailers to emancipate them from 
 domeilic drudgery ! ! ! 
 
 By the 3 \ ft claufe the Bamaw is render- 
 ed compleatly and tpfo Jatto independent 
 of all authority whatfoever, as far as the 
 Company or the Court of Directors are 
 any way concerned and his Majefty is 
 Left at full liberty to reject all applications 
 from the faid Court of Directors for the re- 
 moval of the Bafhaw or any of his Council, 
 in cafe the faid Court ^fhould (on what 
 plea or motive foever) " be diffatisfied with 
 " them, and be defirous of his or their 
 " recal." 
 
 The 64th and 67th claufes finally rivet 
 the Company's fetters, as they give to the 
 Crown powers of removing and appointing 
 all the Governors and Qounfellors of all 
 the different presidencies and fettlements 
 in India, the fame in every refpect as we 
 ^ave already feen it to be veiled with in, 
 
 regard
 
 ( 49 ) 
 
 regard to the Supreme Government of 
 Bengal. 
 
 While all the rights and privileges of the 
 Eaft-India Company, as a corporate body 
 united under a Royal Charter, are thus 
 wantonly facrificed to the prerogative of 
 the Crown, their very property is no lefs 
 effectually (though in a mariner fomewhat 
 Jefs glaring) attacked in the 7th claufe of 
 the new Act, by the direction of a new 
 official feal for the public ufe of the Ba- 
 Jhaw in all his orders, refolutions, procla- 
 mations, and other ads of government. 
 
 The Company carry on all their official 
 and political correfpondence in India, 
 through the hands and in the name of 
 their Governor or Prefident at; each fettle- 
 ment refpectively : and each Governor or 
 Prefident has (in conformity to the uni- 
 verfal and unvaried ufage of the Afiatics) 
 a feal engraved in Perlian. characters, 
 with his name, or titles, or functions (as 
 the cafe is) : and for acts of internal go- 
 vernment, the infcription on the feal ex- 
 prefTes both the powers of the Company, 
 as Dewan of Bengal, Bahar, and OrifTa, 
 5cc. &c. and the name of the reigning Mo- 
 gul Emperor, as paramount of Hindoftan. 
 If it were neceffary to devife a mode by 
 which the utter annihilation of the Com T 
 H pany's
 
 ( 5 ), 
 
 pany's exigence (hould at once be cfeariy 
 and authoritatively conveyed to the Indian 
 Princes, and natives of every denomination, 
 nothing could be fo plaufibly recommend- 
 ed for the purpofe, as a change of the cuf- 
 
 tomary feal. " Whofe image and fuper- 
 
 *' Jcription is this?" would they fay to 
 each other, on obferving the uncouth let- 
 ters and monftrous figures on the new im- 
 preffion. " What revolution hath taken 
 ** place in the (lamp which ufed to give 
 " efficacy to all orders, authenticy to all 
 
 c < devices, and validity to all treaties?"' 
 
 The anfwer would confign to perpetual 
 oblivion, the very name of the Company, 
 and fuperfede it with that of KING 
 GEORGE. The application of this feal 
 (which the Bafhaw is exprefsly ordered by 
 claufe 22d to carry with him, if he mould 
 think it neceflary to go to any or all of the 
 Company's other fettle ments in India, and 
 to ufe the fame in all public Acls) would 
 moft emphatically declare to all the Aii- 
 atic world, the full aitumption of all execu- 
 tive and political powers, in the name and 
 for the fervice of that Monarch to whom 
 thofe royal arms appertained. 
 
 DETECTOR. 
 
 LET.
 
 LETTER V. 
 
 MR. EDITOR, 
 
 I Cannot help confidering the propofed 
 bill, for regulating tbe Brilijh poffeffions. 
 in India, as an inflance of moft deliberate 
 treachery againft aU the Principles of our 
 prefent Conftitution. Every paragraph fup- 
 prefles the exercife of fome pofitive Charter- 
 ed Right, or wantonly facrifices fome por- 
 tion of political freedom. I had flattered my- 
 felf that my two laft letters contained a full 
 ftatement of the balance in favour of the 
 Crown, in the new Account Current with 
 the Company j but, in the ifth claufe, 
 (page loth) I difcover an, omitted article, 
 which alone is fufficient to demonftrate 
 the iniquitous fcope and purport of the 
 whole corrupt compofition* ct And be it 
 " further enafted, That it (hall and may be 
 " lawful for the faid Governor GeneraJ, 
 V and Captain General of all the Britim fet- 
 c< dements in India, for the time being, and 
 '.' he is hereby authorised and empowered, 
 '.* on behalf o I the faid United Company^ an-d 
 v. IN THE NAME OF HIS MAJESTY, 
 2 J< his
 
 . 
 
 " his heirs and fucceflbrs, from time to 
 " time, to negotiate and conclude treaties of 
 " Amity, Peace, Commerce, or Al iance^ 
 " with any of the Indian Princes or Powers, 
 " or to declare, make, and levy war againft 
 " any Indian Prince or Power, who (hall 
 " commence hoftiltfies," &c. &c. *' againft 
 " the Britim Nation in India, or againft any 
 <e of the poffeffions, &c. of the faid Com* 
 " pany, or againft the Subjects, Pofleliions 
 " or Dominions or any Indian Prince or 
 Ct Poiver, whole Subjects, &c. the faid Com- 
 <c pany fhalt have engaged by any former, 
 rc or iliall engage by any future Treaty, to 
 ** defend and guaranty.'' But a war car- 
 ried on, or a peace concluded, or a treaty 
 even of commerce negotiated ' in bis Majefty's 
 
 * name,' will not infpire any Indian Prince 
 or Power with many favourable ideas of 
 the Company's refpeclability, or feem cal- 
 culated for any liberal purpoies, * on behalf. 
 
 * of, the jaid Company.' His Majefty would 
 become the principal and ible Axis of all 
 political traniadions in India and even/ 
 the unperceived and imperceptible Rana 
 of Gohud would treat on equal terms with 
 the Sovereign of the Britifh Empire. The- 
 Cp/npany, in the mean time, would have 
 :io greater credit or importance in public 
 
 irs^ than maybe acquired by the fplen- 
 
 did
 
 [ S3 J ' 
 
 did employments of forting mulmuls, and 
 weighing falt-petre. 
 
 But it is now time to take a nearer 
 furvey of that monfter of defpotifm, tpe 
 Bajhaw of all India ; who, like his Proto- 
 types of Bagdad or Aleppo, pofTeffing an al- 
 moft abfolute authority over the lives and 
 fortunes of millions, is an abjeidl flave to 
 every paffion or caprice of the power that 
 created him, and can no more difpute a 
 mandate under the Jlgn manual, than he can. 
 break with impunity his Oath of Alle- 
 giance. By the fifth claufe of the Adi, it 
 is provided, that u the whole civil and 
 " military government of the Prefidency 
 r < of Fort William, in Bengal ; and alfo 
 " the ordering, management, and govern- 
 c * men t- of 'all the territorial acquifitions 
 " and revenues, and the fuperintendence 
 " and controul, as well internal as exter- 
 ft na/," (mark that,) '* over the refpedtive 
 u Governors, Prefidents, and Councils of all 
 " the other Prefidencies or Settlements efr 
 " tabliflied by the faid United Company, 
 " and the Chief Command over all other 
 <f Commanders, Captains, Officers, and fbl- 
 <l diers employed, or to be employed, by 
 st the faid United Company in India, fhaU 
 Jt be, and the fame are hereby vefted in the 
 ** -^Governor General and Captain General 
 
 "of
 
 [ 54 ] 
 
 " of all the Briufti fettlernents in India for the 
 *' time being." This is the grand Patent of 
 the Bafhaw's officej the fum total of hist 
 prerogatives, and the general key to all the 
 claufes of the Bill. At firft fight, it is evi- 
 dent that a military man only can be com- 
 petent for- the difcharge of the military part 
 of the propofed duty, and as fuch, I hold 
 him almoft neceffarily and officially incapa- 
 citated for the civil functions of a commer- 
 cial government* and the minute perplexi- 
 tiSs of mercantile affairs* He is to be af- 
 fjired (claufe 6) by four fplendid fantoms, 
 tinder the title of Counfellors, whom he 
 may fummons to meet and advife him in 
 Council from time to timej " and as often 
 < its he Jhail think fit:" but " if it mall at 
 l< any time happen that the faid Governor 
 4t General, and Captain General, fhall pro- 
 V pofe any order, refolution, or other ad: in 
 il Council, and the major part of the Mem- 
 M ber?j or even all the Members of the faid 
 i Council, (hall differ in opinion from him 
 k > concerning the fame^ and (hall refufe their 
 * c bonfent to the paffing thereof . . -. . andjuch 
 " Members (cannot) be brought to adopt the 
 *' opinion of the faid Governor General and- 
 '* Captain General, then, and in every fuch 
 ** cafe- the faid Governor General and Cap-. 
 ^ taJA General," (fiift takii^g an oath of his
 
 ( 55 ) 
 
 belief of the neceflity of the meafure,) ** i$ 
 '" hereby authorized, by bis file authority t to 
 " command the fame to be carried into exe^ 
 *' cution, notwithftanding the diffent of the 
 <e Members of the faid Council." (Claufe 13,) 
 -As a proof of his independence as far as 
 concerns the Company, and a badge of Da- 
 very to the Crown, the Bafliaw is to ufe a 
 feal, " bearing the device, fculpture, and re^ 
 *' prefentation of his Majefty's Royal Arms, 
 '* within an exergue, or label, furrounding 
 " the fame, with this infcription, " the Bri- 
 l ti(h Seal for India. (Claufe 7.)! have 
 already declared my opinion of the motives 
 which led to the injunction of this new 
 Seal for the political government and corref- 
 pondence, and of the confequeaces to which 
 it will moft afluredly conduce : I flialj there^ 
 fore only add, in this place, that an impre/' 
 fion of animals and figures is exceedingly re*- 
 pugnant to the cuftoms and religious fyftem, 
 of all the Mahomedan inhabitants of India, 
 and argues a very great ignorance of, and in- 
 attention to their prejudices, or an intentional 
 infult .on their feelings. We have feen, by 
 the i3thclaufe, an abfolute power given to 
 the BafhaWi of enforcing any acl: which Jie 
 (hall think proper, even againft the adyipe 
 of all his Council. The nth claufe adds 
 to his authority for carrying all his own pro.- 
 
 pofition?
 
 portions into full effed: that of totally an* 
 nulling and quafhing, 'without caufe or rea- 
 fin alledged, all thofe of his Council, as 
 " no Ad:, Refolution, or Order, (hall be 
 " called or deemed (fuch), or be carried in- 
 " to execution without the fpecial confent 
 " of the faid Governor General and Captain 
 * General." The i6th claufe empowers him 
 <e to levy, arm, mufter, command, and em- 
 " ploy the armies, troops, and foldiers, in 
 " the pay of the faid Company, in India; and 
 " in cafe of invafion, actual or imminent" 
 to enforce military law on " all perfons 
 " ivhomjoeiier, refiding 'within *any of the 
 t lands, territories, and dominions, of or be- 
 " longing to, or fubjett to the government of 
 '* the faid Company in India, to refift and re- 
 " pel, both at land andfea, all enemies, pi- 
 " rates, and rebels, and fuch to purfue, in or 
 " out of the limits thereof." By this ty- 
 rannous permiflion, the Ba(havv is juftified in 
 forcibly arming all or any part of the Ryots 
 of Bengal, and in compelling them to take 
 a fea voyage againft the principles of their 
 caft, and at the certain lofs of their lives in a. 
 pertinacious and conlcientious refufal of all 
 nourimment on fhip-board, for the purpofe 
 of repelling an invafion in the Northern C'ir- 
 cars. I need be at no farther trouble for ob- 
 jections. He has alfo, by the j7th and i8th 
 
 claufes a
 
 ( 57 V 
 
 daiifes, authority to feize and imprifon all 
 perfons lufptcted of illicit correfpondence 
 with Indian or European powers ; and, if the 
 information be upon oath, may fecure and 
 take into cuftody even the Commanders of 
 his Majefty's mips or fquadrons, or any per*- 
 fons under them, or any Member of the 
 Supreme Court of Judicature, or any Com- 
 pany's fervant. 
 
 It is alfo provided by the 2 1 ft claufe, *' that 
 " from and after the commencement of this 
 * e Act, all and fingular the Governors, and 
 " Prefidents, and Councils of all the town?, 
 <c forts, factories, prefidencies, and fettle- 
 f< ments, which now are, or hereafter may 
 " be creeled or eflablimed by the faid Corh- 
 " pany in India, mall be dependent upon 
 " and fubordinate to the fuperintending and 
 " controuling power of the faid Governor 
 " General and Captain General of all the 
 " Britifli fettlements in India, in all cafes 
 " what /owe r y civil and military, refpecT:ing 
 ** the government and administration of their 
 " refpeftive governments and fettle men ts ;" 
 and ' if, at any time hereafter, any dan- 
 " gerous commotion mould arife, or fla- 
 c< grant mifmanagement be committed," 
 (claufe 2d,) at any of the fubordinate fettle* 
 ments, the Bafhaw " may, in perfon, repair 
 * 4 to fuch prefidency or fettlement, taking 
 I <* with
 
 . 
 
 " with him the feal aforefaid" and on Pro- 
 clamation being made of his arrival, " all 
 " the power and authority of the Governor, 
 <e Prefident, and Council thereof, mall be 
 *' fufpended, and the whole and fole order- 
 c< ing, management, and government of 
 * e the faid fubordinate prefidency or fettle- 
 " ment mall be vefted in the faid Governor 
 " General and Captain General, fo long as 
 " he mall there remain." He may alfo dif- 
 mifs and fend to Europe the former Preii- 
 dent and Council, and appoint others provi- 
 fionally in their places. I muft here re- 
 mark, that when the I3th of the King firfl 
 took place in India, and a majority of the 
 Supreme Council of Bengal came from 
 England to govern the political concerns of 
 India, without having pafled through the 
 feveral gradations of employment in the 
 Company's fervice, it was judged highly 
 neceflary for the intereft and well-doing of 
 the Company, that a Board of Trade mould 
 be eftablimed of fuch of the Company's 
 civil fervants as, being fenior in rank, had 
 naturally acquired moft experience and know- 
 ledge in the feveral branches of the Com- 
 pany's commerce -, thefe were to have the 
 whole and fole management of all the Com- 
 pany's mercantile tranfactions in Bengal j for 
 attention to which the Supreme Council 
 
 were
 
 ( 59 ) 
 
 were fuppofed inadequate, from the multi- 
 tude and intricacy of their financical and 
 political fpeculations, as well as incapacitated 
 by an utter inexperience in commercial mat- 
 ters. This Board of Trade (for aught that 
 appears to the contrary in the new Act) it 
 is flill propofed to retain, and therefore the 
 new Bafhaw and his Council would ftill, in 
 Bengal, be debarred by law as well as by 
 habit from giving any attention to the rules, 
 or principles, or practices of the Company's 
 trade. But by this 2 ad claufe, whenever 
 the Bafhaw {hall judge it expedient to take 
 his perfon and his feal to Madras, Bombay, 
 or Bencoolen, he becomes paramount in 
 commerce as well as in politics, and con- 
 trouls the Company's inveftment with as 
 little ceremony as he contradicts his own 
 Council. 
 
 We have feen above, that, by the I3th 
 claufe, the Bafhaw (on taking an oath) may 
 enforce any Act or Refolution of his own, 
 againft the advice and confent of all his 
 Council : and, by the nth claufe, that with- 
 out an oath he may quam every proportion 
 of his Counfellors by the meer witholding of / 
 his confent. Itfhould therefore feem, that by 
 thefe two claufes the power of the Bamaw 
 was extended to every thing that can be 
 called reafonable or decent in. any fpecious 
 I 2 fyftena
 
 ( 60 ) 
 
 fyAem of government, and the oftenfibls 
 functions of the Counfellors debafed as low 
 as any man with a fpark of human feeling 
 about him could fubmit to degrade himlelf 
 by accepting. But by the 23d claufe, we 
 may remark a refinement of defpotifm well 
 worthy ot Afiatic invention: as the Baftiaw is 
 there inftructed how, without the trouble or 
 expence of an oath in the one cafe, or the 
 mortification of putting a negative on the 
 wimes of his Council in the other, hq 
 may cxercife his double prerogative at Cal- 
 cutta in its whole extent, and take his full 
 fwing of political authority, joined to an 
 efficient and irrefiftable fway over all the 
 official departments of Commerce at fome 
 fubordinate fettlement into the bargain. I 
 muft therefore once more intrude ( Mr. 
 liduor) on the patience of your readers, for 
 'fomewhatofa long quotation, which I offer 
 as a hint to the new Bafhaw never to refide 
 jn Calcutta ; and to his Council never to be 
 ^t the fatigue of advifing, or the refponfibi- 
 lity of executing any meafure of Govern- 
 ment, but to pocket, as quietly as may be, the 
 miferable wages of their own insignificance. 
 *r-(Claufe 23} i< And be it further enacted, 
 V- that when and fo often as the faid Gover- 
 < pof General and Captain General mall be 
 ' abfent from the faid Prefidency of Fort 
 
 ! William,
 
 f f William, either upon his vifitation of any 
 " of the fubordinate Settlements, or other 
 " occafion, the ordering, management, and 
 " government of the faid Presidency (hall 
 u remain in, and be exercifed by the other 
 * c Members of the Council remaining at 
 " Fort William, in Bengal," &c. &c, --,. 
 " Subjeft never thelefs to fuch orders as they 
 c Jhall ba<ue previoujly received, or may 
 ( from time to time receive, from the faid 
 f Governor General and Captain General of 
 {i Bengal for tbe time being." 
 
 DETECTOR. 
 
 LETTER VI. 
 
 Mr, EpiTQRj 
 
 THAT part of the new Bill for the bet^ 
 ter regulation and government of the, 
 Britijh pojfejjions in India , of which I have 
 in my laft letters difplayed the dangerous ten- 
 dency and purport, fully authorifes my firm 
 fonvidlion that the whole will be unani-r 
 moufly rejected by the Legiflature with more 
 ordinary marks of fcorn
 
 ( 6' ) 
 
 tlon. An attempt to veft in the Crown the 
 fole appointment and difmiffion of all the 
 Governors, Prefidents, and Councilors em- 
 ployed in the Company's fervice in India, 
 and by thele means the entire controul and 
 difpofai of all that property holden by the 
 Company in right both of its Charter and of 
 repeated Acls of Parliament, will certainly 
 exci<:c very ftrong fenfations in thote who 
 wifh to preferve the general balance of our 
 prefent Conftitution. A covert and indirect 
 invafion of the Company's poillfTions, with- 
 out the proof or even the pretext of any le- 
 gal claim, while it betrays a dirty pettifog^ 
 ging meannefs of impofition, that would diC- 
 grace both the parts and the confcience of a 
 beggarly attorney, will, without doubt, be 
 flrongly reprobated by all who forefee the 
 confequences of innovations on chartered 
 and parliamentary fecurities. Thofe who 
 deprecate the increafe of venal and corrupt 
 influence in our Government, will affuredly 
 oppofe fo great an addition to Ministerial 
 importance, as would be acquired by the ar- 
 bitrary means of gratifying twenty more de-* 
 pendents with moft lucrative appointments 
 abroad, and of granting provisional falaries 
 (claule 29) to five others at home. Men, 
 %vho with a more extenfive liberality often-* 
 feel for the caufe of general liberty^
 
 .. 
 
 and look beyond national prejudices to * 
 Confideration for the common independence 
 of mankind, will be interefted by the mod 
 exalted of human pafTions, fympathy for the 
 fituation of feveral millions of Afiatics, as well 
 as fome hundreds of their own countrymen, 
 expo fed to all the worft effects of avarice, 
 ignorance, caprice, or brutality, in a dele- 
 gated tyrant, for whofe acts of legal defpo- 
 tifm the quickeft poffible termination can- 
 not be hoped in lefs than fix months, and 
 who, at the bare peril of an oath, is autho- 
 rifed to taks upon himfelf the perpetration 
 of every enormity that human invention 
 can fuggeft. Thefe being the oftenfible and 
 incontrovertible principles of the new Bill, 
 have required neither art nor induftry to 
 difplay them in their proper colours. 
 But as I do not fufpect it to have much 
 chance of attaining to any active powers of 
 exiftence, I fhould think it an unpardonable 
 trefpafs on the public, were I, in the prefent 
 ftage of the bufmefs, to difTect with fo much 
 minutenefs of attention as I have hitherto 
 employed, the other objectionable Members 
 that ftill obtrude themfclves on my notice, I 
 already difcern ample materials for a dozen 
 letters were they yet necefTary, on the eight 
 claufes from the4othto the 47th incliifive : 
 - On the certain ieeds of future contention 
 
 (own
 
 ( 64 ) 
 
 fown in the new powers intended for the' 
 Supreme Court ; in the "atfive as well as de- 
 ** liberalise voice "given to the Judges equal- 
 ly with the Supreme Council, for making 
 and iffuing " fuch rules, ordinances, and 
 " regulations, as mall be deemed juft and 
 ** reafonable for the good order and civil 
 " government of the faid kingdoms of Ben- 
 *' gal, Bahar, and OrifTa, and of the conn-' 
 ** tries or dijlrifts fituale on the coaft of 
 <c Coromandel, known by the name of the 
 " Northern Circars" (to which the power or 
 influence of the Supreme Court of Judica- 
 ture at Calcutta has never yet had the (hadow 
 of a claim), " and of all other Countries and 
 *' Diftridts in India, which now are or here- 
 " after may be fubjected to the government 
 tc and controul of his Majejly, or of the faid 
 " united Company: and a If o for the better 
 * e ordering, management, and government of 
 " the territorial acquifitions and revenues^ 
 <f and all other rents,- profits and revenues 
 ** arifing and growing due to the faid Com- 
 " pany within the fame, or any of them : 
 ** and alfo for the afleffing and levying 
 
 " reafonable taxes and impoiitions and 
 
 " alfo duties of export, import and tranfit, 
 " on all goods, wares, and merchandifes." 
 &c. &c. How far, I fay, thefe very un- 
 UfasA/ifcalfunffiws bellowed on the Judges 
 
 may
 
 f 65 ) 
 
 may fuit the interefts of the Company, of 
 contribute to the benefit of the ftate, may 
 be left as a fubjedt not ripe, nor likely to 
 ripen, for difcufiion. From thence to the 
 8oth claufe (except fo much as relates to the 
 new mode of appointing Governors and 
 Counfellors to the fubordinate fettlements) 
 is but a fuperceffton of powers already grant- 
 ed to the Company by former Adts and Char- 
 ters, or a recapitulation of orders even now 
 in force, or affeded refinements on the late 
 and former Judicature Ads. How the 
 Framer of the 8 1 ft claufe, which recommends 
 the eftablimment of falaries in the revenue 
 department on a liberal plan, " as a fatif- 
 <f faftion for the due and punftual perform* 
 " ance of that duty, " will reconcile his pro- 
 pofition here quoted, to that of the Sgth 
 claufe, which enacts, that lifts of all the 
 civil and military offices and employments 
 {hall be fent home, accompanied with 
 fchemes of oeconomy, and advices how the 
 fame may be better regulated, &c. &c. is 
 not for me to explain. Sure I am, that re- 
 peated efforts for fC retrenching unnecefTary 
 '* expences, and for introducing a juft and 
 tf laudable oeconomy in every branch of the 
 " civil and military fervice," have already 
 been exerted as faras reafon, juftice, and the 
 comparative duties of different ftations, 
 K- aod
 
 ( 66 ) 
 
 and neceflary gradations of rank arid- 1 
 precedence will admit. Expenees may 
 be thrown into different forms, emolu- 
 ments may be transferred to new channels, 
 plaufible pretences may introduce flat- 
 tering innovations, but the real and ulti- 
 mate charge to the public is already as 
 low as the public fervice will bear* 
 If Afts of Parliament (hall continue to con- 
 fer enormous falaries in pounds flerling to 
 new Governors and Counsellors, and to 
 give a licence (not likely to grow obfolete 
 for want of application) to the Court of 
 Directors for granting other provifional fa- 
 laries to provifional Governors, &c. all out 
 of the Company* s pocket ) the fum total of ex- 
 penditure will certainly and neceflarily in- 
 creafe, in fpite of the moft jealous and il- 
 liberal fcrutiny into all the little perquifites 
 and eftablifhed emoluments of office in In- 
 dia. In thefe cafes, what individuals may 
 lofe will be infinitely beyond all proportion 
 of what the public can poflibly gain : and 
 I affirm, with the utmoft confidence, that 
 more than what can be fubtracfted from fuch 
 emoluments will and muft (even by the 
 very reafoning of the Sift claufe) be added 
 to falaries. I (hall now juft flightly run 
 over the concluding claufes, thofe fringes of 
 the bill) and for the prefent take my leave j 
 
 not
 
 ( 67 ) 
 
 not without pledging myfelf to go into the 
 merits of each particular article, fliould the 
 mongrel foetus ot fervility and defpotifm fail to 
 fee ftifled in its birth. An Act intended for 
 the benefit of our Afiatic fellow-creatures, 
 ihould be the refult of much difpaffionate 
 reflection, philofophical experience, and dif- 
 interefted philanthropy. Whils the caufes of 
 our calamities in India are fo miferably mif- 
 underftood and fo mamefullymifreprefented, 
 every new political prefcription adds to the 
 complication of diforders. What fubftan^ 
 tial wifdom or found policy can be difcern- 
 ed in vifionary fchemes for the reftoration 
 of difpofTefTed Rajas and Zemindars, or a ref- 
 titution of their old feudal authority and ju- 
 rifdiction (and that too under the fanction of 
 a Britim Act of Parliament !) ? (claufe 82) 
 as if the ridiculous canting propofuls for re- 
 floring " the faid dominions to their antient 
 <e flate of fplendor and opulence" by fuch 
 frothy projects, had really been proved, as well 
 as " reprejented to the High Court of Par II- 
 
 " ament. y ' The 83d claufe argues a 
 
 profound ignorance of the internal ftate of 
 the Country Government, with refpect to the 
 Revenue, or elfe (which is as little admiffible 
 in an Act of the Legiflature) the words 
 " Phougdarree Court" are by mijlake infcrt- 
 ed far the Words " Court of Dewanny A- 
 K z " daulet,.
 
 ** daulet,** and at all events it militates, a 
 gainft the jurisdiction propofed by the 82<j 
 claule to be reftored to the Zemindars.' 
 The 84-th claufe is an echo to the 44 Re- 
 folutions of the Secret Committee, as far 
 as they tend to reprobate the purfuit of 
 *' Schemes of Conqueft and Extent of Do- 
 '* minion :" viz. thofe very points, on which 
 the refolutions themfelves failed to imprefs 
 conviction on any well-informed mind. 
 Schemes of Conqueft, and a wifli to extend 
 our Dominion, are ideas perfectly diftinct : 
 they have indeed both been imputed to 
 Governor General Haftings, and both in 
 every inftance have! been repeatedly ', c&n be 
 4t,prefent,2Ch&fiallbe at any and pue ryjutur'^ 
 period^ folemnly difavowed, and fatisfadtorily 
 difproved upon full and authentic feftimony. 
 Let the learned Framer of the Bill ftep for- 
 ward, and produce his vouchers that Mr. 
 Haftings hath ever *' wilfully adopted o 
 << countenanced a byftem tending to infpir^ 
 ^ a reafonable Piltruft of the Moderation, 
 *' Juftice, and good Faith of the Britiih Na- 
 H tion'* and I allure him the charge (hall 
 t>e formally and pointedly refuted. Thefe 
 ^flertions, 1- own, are vague, but none elfe, 
 can be adapted to his prefent vague futile 
 and general accufatipns. " When he has 
 d. his feyeral Criminatory Articles,
 
 pr when the metaphoric Orator on the other 
 fide of the houfe (who, like an unruly ele- 
 phant, cannot be trufted in public without 
 a camel on each fide to keep him in order,) 
 has reduced his erratic hyperboles to plain 
 reafon and matter of fatf, then, and then 
 only, will be the proper time for fpecioufly 
 bringing forward a Bill to remove the Au- 
 thor of the Mahratta Peace, and the Saviour 
 of the Carnatic. 
 
 The debts of the Nabob of Arcot, and 
 thofe of the Raja of Tanjore (including, I 
 fuppofe, the Aims borrowed to pay his A- 
 gents and EmbafTadors refidentiary) are re- 
 quired by the 86th and 87th claufes to be 
 inveftigated, which furely did not need the 
 interference and exprefs injunction of an Adt 
 of Parliament. An order from the Court of 
 Directors might at leaft be competent to 
 their examination, tho' perhaps affiftance 
 might be wanting to enforce their liquida- 
 tion. I had almoft forgotten the 85th claufe, 
 which fan&ions the independence of the Raja 
 of Tanjore by Parliament (no parliamentary 
 enquiry having taken place on the Jubjeffi), 
 on the principles recommended to, and 
 adopted by Lord Pigot. 
 
 I (hall now take the privilege of an old 
 correfpondent to leave off abruptly and with- 
 out ceremony. While India matters are the
 
 ( 7 o ) 
 
 fubjec"l of difcuffion, and particularly fo long 
 as one of the moft refpectable characters 
 in the Britifli Empire Jhall be 'wantonly and 
 injurioujly attacked, you, Mr Editor, and 
 the public, may expect occafionally to hear 
 from 
 
 DETECTOR, 
 May 10, 1783. 
 
 OBSERVATIONS
 
 t 7* 1 
 
 OBSERVATIONS on the EIGHTH RE- 
 PORT of fie SELECT COMMITTEE* 
 
 AT the conclufion of the Rohilla War in 
 1774, a Treaty was made between the 
 late Vizier of Oude, and Fyzoolah Khan, 
 one of the Rohilla Chiefs whereby the 
 latter, on certain conditions, was put into the 
 pofTeffion of Rampore, and fome other dif- 
 tricts in the Rohilla Country (8 Report, page 
 1 8) as a Jagheer for the amount of 1475000 
 Rupees per annum (page 4). In 1778, the 
 Company (through their Refident at the 
 Court of the prefent Vizier) became Guaran- 
 tees to this Treaty (page 9). In Septem- 
 ber, 1781, the Governor General of Bengal, 
 in a new Treaty of Alliance between the 
 Company and the Vizier, aflented to a mo- 
 dification of this Guarantee : by which the 
 Vizier was to be permitted, at fome future 
 period, to refume the ceded lands, on con- 
 dition of paying the annual ftipulated a- 
 mount of the Jagheer from his own Trea- 
 fury, through the hands of our Refident. 
 But as the Governor General apprehended 
 fome political inconveniencies both to the 
 Company and the Vizier from this propofed 
 
 Refumption.
 
 t 7i ] 
 
 Refumption of the Jagheer lands, he referv- 
 ed the actual execution of that Article in the 
 new Treaty to an indefinite term, fubject to 
 the future interpolation of our Government. 
 (Page 17.) 
 
 This is the outline of *the Cafe* which the 
 Select Committee have thought it their Duty 
 to reprefent to the Houfe in their Eighth 
 Report, and on which they appear to have 
 implicitly adopted the general and particular 
 cenfure eXprefTed by the Court of Directors 
 in their general Letters to Bengal, dated 1 2 
 July, 1782, and 14 Feb. 1783. (Pages 18, 
 19, and 20.) 
 
 ** To procure and maintain the peace of 
 *' India to quiet the Fears of the neigh- 
 <* bouring Powers, who, from the Conduct 
 *'* of our Servants, have had too much reafon 
 *' to be jealous of our Encroachments to 
 " adhere ftrictly to Treaties, and never to be 
 * c the aggrefTors to fecure to the Natives 
 " under the immediate Government of the 
 " Country the undifturbed Exercife of their 
 *' Religion and Cuftoms, and to encourage 
 " Cultivation, Manufactures, and Com- 
 " merce are the means by which we hope 
 *' to' regain the Confidence of the Native 
 *' Princes, and the Attachment of the Peo- 
 " pie. By fuch means, and by fuch alone, 
 11 we may hope to fee our affairs once more 
 
 " flourilh
 
 ( 73 ) 
 
 kt flourish, and Permanency again given to 
 " the Company's Poffeffions in the Eaft- 
 " Indies." 
 
 In the canting philanthropy of this plaufi- 
 ble paragraph, the Select Committee Teem to 
 have di (covered a moft fevere and pointed 
 Arraignment of the Governor General's 
 Conduct in the Cafe above related. For my 
 own part, I can only difcern in it fuch a 
 heterogeneous jumble of internal adminiftra- 
 tion with external politics, fuch general and 
 indefinite references to the Whole of Indl-a^ 
 as if it were all comprifed under one univer- 
 fal fyftem of Government, and actuated by 
 the fame common plan of policy, that fo 
 far from containing Cenfure, I doubt if it 
 can ever be flrained into meaning. 
 
 " To procure and maintain the Peace of 
 *' India, " we ought certainly to be Para- 
 mount, and muft necerTarily interfere in all 
 the difputes among the Indian Princes; but 
 this is diametrically the reverfe of that Con- 
 duct which our Governments are inftructed 
 to purfue. " 70 quiet the fears of the Neigh- 
 ic hour ing Powers," and particularly to ob- 
 viate the '* Reafons they have to be jealous of 
 " cur Encroachments" we muft withhold 
 every degree of influence in the interior 
 management of the refpective Territories of 
 thofe Powers i and yet we cannot poffibly 
 L " fecure
 
 ( 74 ) 
 
 " fecure to the Natives, under the immediate 
 " Government of the Country y the undi/lurbed 
 " exercife of their Religion and Cuftoms," 
 (whatever we may to thofe under the im- 
 mediate Government of the Company) with- 
 out continual and very ftrenuous exertions 
 of authority over the immediate Govern- 
 ment of that Country whofe Natives we 
 would thus fecure. If we encourage Com- 
 merce, we need be in no pain about the Cul- 
 tivation and Manujaffiures. They will im- 
 prove of courfe. But if any other Encou- 
 ragement be here implied, it can certainly 
 take place only in thofe Territories over 
 which the Company exercife an exclufive 
 Jurildidion. * k The means by which we 
 " may hope to regain the Confidence oftheNa- 
 " five Princes" are furely very different from 
 thofe which we muft purfue to acquire <c the 
 ' < Attachment of the People." For the firft 
 objedt, we are bound to be cautious in the 
 extreme, left we afford a pretext for difobe- 
 dience> or fupportany prefumptuous preten- 
 fions in the Subjects of any Native Power 
 towards their Sovereign, either by the per- 
 fonal protection of a Refident, or the pub- 
 lic Authority of a Guarantee. If therefore^ 
 under the plea of " fecuring to the Natives" 
 (fuch, I mean, as are not our own immediate 
 fubjeds) ** the undifturbed Exercife of their 
 
 * c Religion
 
 ( 75 ) 
 
 <c Religion and Cuftoms y " we officioufly ob- 
 trude our own ideas and principles of rela- 
 tive and diftributive Juftice, as Rules of 
 Action for the Country Powers in the Ex- 
 ercife of their own Dominion over their 
 own Subjects ; if we are for prefcribing 
 the meafure of Obedience due from the 
 Vaflal to his Lord; and, on the pretence of 
 protecting the people, avowedly exert an 
 unlimited Controul over the Prince, we 
 ihall never " regain the Confidence of the 
 " native Princes," nor (except by the Jus 
 fortioris) " procure and maintain the Pece 
 " of India." 
 
 Upon the whole, this moral and benevo- 
 lent Paragraph can but at moil be conftru- 
 ed to exprefs the Senfe of the Court of Di- 
 rectors, that it would be good policy in 
 their Governments abroad to exercife a libe- 
 ral and lenient Jurifdiction over their own 
 Territories, and to concern themfelves as 
 little as poffible with thofe of their neigh- 
 bours. 
 
 " It is exceedingly proper," fay the Court 
 of Directors, in the Paragraph immediately 
 preceding that which I have jufl analyfed, 
 " that your Government mould fee that Fy- 
 " zoolah Khan fulfills his Engagement with 
 *' the Vizier, according to the Treaty guaran- 
 by the Company." Much as this 
 
 L 2 '
 
 ( 76 ) 
 
 acute obfervation muft have coft of deep 
 and painful thinking to the Four and Twenr 
 ty Directors, it would not have been labour 
 ill-bedewed to have gone a ftep farther, 
 by considering how the Government was to 
 jee this Engagement fulfilled : for the whole 
 of the queftion feems to me to turn upon 
 the -Mode of Conduct proper to be adopted 
 upon this Occafion. For inftance, if Fy- 
 zoolah Khan were under the acknowledged 
 Government of the Company, their Orders 
 muft be deemed fufficient to bring him to a 
 Senfe of his Duty. If he were a Subject 
 of the Vizier, by withdrawing our Gua- 
 rantee,qn proof of his violation of the Treaty, 
 we quieted the Fears of a Native Prince on 
 the Extent of our Encroachments^ and left 
 the Sovereign at liberty to vindicate his own 
 fights by his own powers. IfFyzoolah 
 were an independent Prince, fui Juris, we 
 had no alternative, mould he perfiil in a re- 
 fufal to perform the Articles of his Agree- 
 ment, but to join our forces to thofe of the 
 Vizier, and, reduce him to a neceffity of 
 Compliance, under the terms of the Guaran- 
 tee. 
 
 As this mofr. efTential part of the enquiry 
 feems to be involved in a flu died obfcurity, 
 or at leaft to have been carelefsly overlook- 
 ed, I ftiall take the liberty to examine it un- 
 
 der
 
 ( 77 ) 
 
 der the five following heads; from which, 
 I doubt not, but we (hall extract fomething 
 of a decifive and fitisfactory elucidation of 
 the whole bufinefs. 
 
 1. What were the original relative fituation, 
 
 views and interefts of the two cqntracT:- 
 ing parties ? 
 
 2. For what purpofe, and to what extent, 
 
 did the Company annex their Guaran- 
 tee to the Engagements between the Vi- 
 zier of Oude, and the Rohilla Chief ? 
 
 3. Was the Treaty, to which the Compa- 
 
 ny were Guarantees, actually violated, 
 or implicitly fulfilled ? 
 
 4. How far can the Company, with pro- 
 
 priety, interfere in luch cafes, and in 
 this particular Cafe ? 
 
 5. For what caufe, and to what end, did 
 
 the Governor General of Bengal enter 
 into the new Treaty with the Vizier ? 
 With refpecT: to the firft Article, the ori- 
 ginal Treaties are fo loofe and indefinite, at 
 leaft the Tranflation is fo extremely fhort of 
 precifion, that it is very difficult from thence 
 to form an accurate idea of the footing on 
 which the Vizier and the Rohilla Chief 
 refpedively flood at the moment of their 
 mutual agreement. The Vizier, in his part 
 of the Treaty, is made to fay, " A Friend- 
 " Jhip having been entered into between me 
 " and Fyzoolah'Khan:" The other party re- 
 turns
 
 turns the fame form of phrafc, " A Friend* 
 *' Jhip hav ng taken place between the Na^ 
 ** bob Vizier ul Mulk Behader and me." 
 So far they appear to treat on terms of 
 equality, reciprocal obligation, and . mutual 
 independence : and it is only to a negoci- 
 ation between parties of fuch a defeription 
 that the term " Treaty" can with proprie- 
 ty be applied. Col. Champion makes no 
 ufe of this word in his public letter (p. 4). 
 He exprefTes himfelf by the terms " agree- 
 " men?' and " engagement" which leave the 
 nature of the political connection between 
 the ftipulators perfectly undefined : They 
 are however entirely conliftent with the re- 
 lative ftates offoverezgn &n<\fubjetl t while a 
 Treaty can only take place where there is 
 no immediate dependence and acknowledged 
 fubjeclion. The Counterpart of the Agree- 
 ment, on the part of Fyzoolah Khan, effec- 
 tually clears up the doubt, by a full and im- 
 plicit avowal of his own inferiority, and, 
 in terms that cannot be mifunderflood, pro- 
 mifes the allegiance of a fubjecl. " I will 
 " always, whilft I live, continue \r\fubmi/fi- 
 f f on. and obedience to the Vizier :" and far- 
 ther on, " Whatever the Nabob Vizier di- 
 ** retfs, I 'will execute.'* This furely is 
 not the language of a Treaty ; it is a 
 plain profeffion of Fealty. And if we 
 became fureties to Fyzoolah Khan for 
 
 the
 
 ( 79 ) 
 
 the due enjoyment of his Jagheer on the 
 one part, we certainly, on the other, guran- 
 teed to the Vizier a continuance of fubmiA 
 fion and obedience from the Rohilla Chief, 
 and a punctual execution of all his or- 
 ders. As the mere poiTeffion of a Jag- 
 heer mod indifputably does not emancipate 
 the Jagheerdar from the condition of a fub- 
 ject in other refpects, and ftill lefs confers 
 the powers and privileges of fovereignty, it 
 was a great overfight in the Court of Di- 
 rectors and the Select Committee to adopt 
 Mr.D. Harwell's inaccurate mode of expref- 
 fion, in calling Fyzoolah Khan's renters or 
 ryotts " bis Subjefts" (page 18.) whereas 
 he and they were in common Subjects to 
 the Vizier, as is amply proved by Fyzoo- 
 lah's own ftipulation. When the Jagheer 
 was firft granted to the Rohilla Chief, it 
 was exprefsly valued at 1475000 Rs. * but a 
 better knowledge of the country ariilng from 
 the keennefs of examination excited by the 
 
 Vizier's 
 
 * I have examined the Records of the Bengal Go- 
 vernment for the year 1774, and find that the propofed 
 Jagheer was augmented from 1200000 to 1475000, 
 by the ftrong interpofition of Col. Champion, and 
 granted with much reluctance by the late Vizier; on 
 Fyzoolah Khan's moft earnetf reprefentation, that 
 1200000 would be abfolutely inefficient to afford a 
 mere comfortable fubfiftence to his Relations and im- 
 mediate Dependents.
 
 Vizier's pecuniary diftrefTes, has fince difco- 
 vered the produce to have been greatly 
 (and, it is folemnly urged, fraudulently) 
 Under-rated. Moft afTuredly the Compa- 
 ny's guarantee cannot, by any latitude or 
 partiality of conftruction, be made to extend 
 beyond the fettled amount of 1475000 Rs. 
 and if more had been obtained byfalfe pre- 
 tences^ I fee neither juflice nor plaufibility 
 in our interference to prevent the Vizier 
 from refuming the Overplus. It muft be 
 remembered, that a Jagbeer in India is pre- 
 cifely the fame as a Fief under the feodal 
 Syftem, and in the fame manner ufually 
 held by military tenure : that is, fuch a 
 portion of land is deemed adequate to the 
 maintenance of fb many Troops, and the 
 Land-holder is bound to bring that num j 
 ber into the field on every requifition of the 
 Sovereign. When Fyzoolah Khan's Jag- 
 heer was firft granted, the peculiarity of his 
 fituation dictated fome peculiar claufes in 
 the grant. While he was a new fubject to 
 the Vizier, and while the Rohillas, his 
 countrymen, might be fuppofed to retain a 
 ftrong fpirit of revenge for their LofTes, and 
 had even yet the means of becoming formi- 
 dable, if united, it was prudence and policy 
 to obflruct by every cautionary expedient 
 the very poffibility of their union. There- 
 fore,
 
 [ 8, ] 
 
 fore, while other feodal dependents are 
 exprefsly held to furnifti a certain quota of 
 Troops^ it was only flipulated with Fyzoo- 
 lah Khan, that he mould not entertain a 
 Jingle man more than 5000 in his fervice. 
 His allegiance was at that time confidered 
 as fufpicious ; and the object was not fo 
 much to render his affiftance ufeful, as his 
 oppofition fruitlefs. But whatever hopes 
 of aggrandizement or independence Fyzoo- 
 lah Khan might have cherifhed in the early 
 part of his fubmiffion, it is clear, that, after 
 the death of Sujah Dowla, he was only 
 anxious to eftablim himfelf againft that 
 mutability of fortune which is congenial 
 to all Afiatic governments. We know that 
 in Turkey, in Perfia, in Hindoftan, and 
 wherever the principles of the feodal fyftern, 
 have been blended with defpotie power in 
 the Sovereign, the only fecurity cf the 
 throne feems to confift in the fudden eleva- 
 tions and removals of the feveral afpirers 
 to rank and dignity in the State. Jagheers 
 are granted and refumed, great employ * 
 ments are conferred on ob&tire men, and 
 the firfl: officers of the State degraded, or 
 banifhed, or put to death, with a prompts 
 tude of deciiion, disregard of formalities, 
 and indifference of perfons, utterly incom- 
 patible with the liberality and refinement o/
 
 [ 82 ] 
 
 ?Tiodern European manners. It muft cer~ 
 fainly therefore be more than commonly 
 grating to the Vizier, to feel the pervad- 
 ing Influence of Britim interference in the 
 internal management of his own concerns, 
 It muft leflen his dignity in the eyes of 
 every native Prince, and militate againft 
 all his own notions of the rights and func- 
 tions of Sovereignty, to be oppofed and 
 thwarted in executing his own purpofes 
 ppon his own Subjects by the interpofi- 
 tion of a foreign guarantee. 
 
 This will naturally* lead us to the fecond 
 head of enquiry as to the purpofe and ex- 
 tent of the Company's Guarantee in the 
 prefent cafe. Col. Champion's original let- 
 ter on the firft outfet of the bufmefs, ex- 
 prefles the matter in two lines: '* Fyzoolah 
 " Khan is to have a Jagheer of 1475000 
 * Rs. in the Rohilla Country, with liberty 
 f ' to keep 5000 men in arms." ^ Page 4.) 
 *?. Fyzoolah, in return, was to continue in 
 " fubmiffion and obedience to the Vizier, 
 " and execute whatever he dire&ed." 
 (Page 5.) The Company were not, by this 
 Guarantee, bound to fecure to Fyzoolah 
 a revenue of 30 Lacs iriftead of 14, nor to 
 eftablHh for him an independent Jurif- 
 didion over the lards which he held on the 
 common tenure of any other Jagheer, nor to
 
 defeat and render null the conditions of 
 obedience and fubmiffion in which he 
 pledged himfelf to the Vizier. We find 
 that before the conceffion of the Guaran- 
 tee, jealoufies and miftruft had arifen in 
 both parties. The Vizier fufpected Fyzoo- 
 lah Khan of an intention to throw off his 
 dependence : " It is not impoflible" (fays the 
 Company's Refident at Lucknow) * l but 
 he" (Fyzoolah) " might be induced to form 
 *' connections, and to engage in fchemes, 
 " incompatible with his .duty and allegiance 
 <c to the Vizier." (Page 5.) On the other 
 hand, he obferves, that Fyzoolah Khan, 
 * c having heard of the acts of injuftice and 
 " oppreffion which the Vizier is conflantly 
 tf exercifing upon thofe who are whol- 
 u ly at his mercy," was apprehenfive that 
 his country mould be feized, and him- 
 felf involved in ruin. (Page 6.) How 
 much foev^r the Vizier might wi(h to 
 act up to Fyzoolah Khan's apprehensions, 
 he has hitherto refrained from every thing 
 that could be conilrued into a deviation from 
 his engagements : but he has loudlyj and on 
 plaufible grounds, complained of infractions 
 of the Conditions on the other part. His 
 Letter to Mr. Haftings (page 17) ftates that 
 the cxce-fs of Collections in the Jagheer is 
 ** proved to demonftration" to have been a 
 M 2 fraud
 
 ( 84 ) 
 
 fraud in the Jirft valuation, inftead of thfc 
 produce of an increafed cultivation. What 
 collateral proofs the Vizier might have ob- 
 tained, we are not informed : but fuch is the 
 pofitive and authoritative Report of Mr. 
 Johnfon, ah Envoy deputed jointly from the 
 Vizier and the Company's Refident to the 
 Capital of the ceded Lands. " Fyzoolah 
 " Khan's esccefs vf revenue," fays he, " lays in 
 l( a fraudulent valuation at the time of tke 
 " Grant.'' (Page 15.) In the next place, 
 Mr. Johnfon, in his public capacity, and 
 in an official letter, pointedly and uncondi- 
 tionally aflerts, that " at this moment there 
 <k are not lefs than 20000 Rohilla Soldiers in 
 
 " the diftridl of Rampore alone." " Upon 
 
 *' this Claufe the Grant runs, and is of courfe 
 " forfeited.'' (Page 16.) When we recol- 
 lect that all the late Vizier's policy was ex- 
 erted, at the time of his firft agreement with 
 Fyzoolah Khan, to prevent any dangerous 
 accefs of numbers to his new Subject's 
 ftandard : that out of the prefent Vizier's 
 Jealoufy on the fame account, arofe the De- 
 putation of Mr. D. Barwell, before whom 
 Fyzoolah Khan was content to caufe near 
 5000 Troops to be muftered, which Mr. 
 Barweliy^W to fall rather Jhort of the num- 
 ber Jpecified in the 'Treaty (p. 7) : and that 
 Mr. Johnfon now affirms upwards of 20000 
 
 to
 
 to be In Rampore only, it muft feerri a little 
 extraordinary that the Court of Directors 
 jfhould write (p. 20), " We can no where 
 " dij cover that Fyzoolah Khan has been guilty 
 " of a Breach of Treaty" But this is not 
 all. Fyzoolah Khan was reftricled, it is 
 true, to 5000 men ; and on " the 2d day of 
 " November, 1780, the Governor General 
 " and Council, in their fecret department^ 
 " agreed " that the Governor General be 
 <f requefted to write to the Nabob Vizier, 
 " recommending to him to require from 
 " Fyzoolah Khan the quota of Troops fti- 
 tc pulated by Treaty to be furnimed by the 
 " latter for his Service, being five thoufand 
 " bcrfe." (Page 12.) Fyzoolah Khan re- 
 turned for anfwer, that the 5000 men al- 
 lowed him, conlifted, according to his ori- 
 ginal alignments for their Expences, " of 
 " 2000 borfe, and 3000 foof." (Page 13.) 
 
 That Fyzoolah Khan could not furnifh 
 Troops which did not exift is very certain : 
 nor is he blamed for it. But he mould 
 have offered to raife them, or at leaft to mount 
 his 3000 Infantry, which would have been 
 fufficient, ifhewiflied to demonftrate his 
 " continuance in Jubmijfion and obedience to 
 <c the Vizier -," and in neglecting to make 
 fuch offer, he moft indifputably "evaded the 
 " performance of hh part of fhe Treaty" as 
 
 flatcd
 
 ( 86 ) 
 
 ftated by the Governor General in his 
 minute. (Page 13.) To compromife the 
 matter, to gratify in fome degree Fyzoolah's 
 pertinacity without too public a degradation 
 of the Vizier's authority j to patch- up, in 
 fhort, this late evafion of the Treaty ere it 
 fhould amount to an abfolute Breach, was 
 the object of Mr. Johnfon's miffion. As on 
 the one hand Fyzoolah's offer ftated 2000 
 Cavalry, and the original demand had re- 
 quired 5000 there is an evident conceffion 
 and wi(h to accommodate the difpute, in 
 fending peremptorily to ''demand immediate 
 <c delivery of 3000 Cavalry" only. (Page 
 14.) To this injunction Fyzoolah Khan 
 anfwered by '<-aJlat Refujal" (page 16): 
 the very Fyzoolah who had " fworn on 
 < the holy Koran, calling God and his Pro- 
 " phets to witnefs, " that whatever the Na- 
 st bob Vizier directs, I will execute." (Page. 5.) 
 Having now, as I think, brought the proof 
 of a direct violation of the Treaty to irre- 
 futable demonftration, I would aik how far 
 the Company can, with propriety, interfere, 
 as guarantees, to exact a due performance of 
 the Articles, or to punifti the Infraction ? 
 " It is exceedingly proper," fay the Court 
 of Directors, in their General Letter to Ben- 
 gal (page 1 8), " That, your Government 
 " fhould fee that Fyzoolah Khan fulfils hi 
 
 ' engage-'
 
 ft engagement with the Vizier.'* The other 
 part of the Sentence {hews them ro have 
 confidered the Rohilla Chief as an indepen* 
 dent Prince ; and I have above amply proved 
 the contrary from Fyzoolah's own words. 
 " But we wifli," fay they, " rather to be 
 " coniidered as the Guardians of the Ho- 
 " nour and Profperity of the native Powers 
 <c of India with whom we are in any degree 
 " connected, than as the Inftruments of Op- 
 " preflion : we hope and truft, therefore, ' 
 " that no hoftile fteps have been taken 
 " againft the Rohilla Chief." 
 
 Fyzoolah Khan is no native power, in the 
 fenie there applied j he is a fubject to the 
 Vizier, guaranteed by us in the pofTeffion of 
 lands to a ftipulate,d amount, on certain con- 
 ditions. If he hath broken thofe conditions, 
 we farely do not become the injlruments. of 
 oppreffion, by leaving him to the laws of his 
 country, or the mercy of his own Sovereign. 
 The Vizier would have infinitely more rea- 
 jon to be jea'ous of our encroachments, had we 
 pretended to take the powers of executive 
 juftice out of his hands, and to punifh ac- 
 cording to our fyftem of Government, or at 
 our own difcretion, his fubjects for a failure 
 of allegiance to him. This would be crying 
 out in too loud a ftrain, " You (hall be King^ 
 " but We will be Vice-Roy over you." In
 
 ( 88 ) 
 
 fael, from the inftant that Fyzoolah Khan 
 forfeited his claim to the Guarantee by a 
 breach of his engagement, our connections 
 with him virtually ceafed. He became to all 
 intents and purpofes amenable to his Sove- 
 reign the Vizier, and to him alone. Policy, 
 perhaps, might incline us to ftand between 
 Fyzoolah Khan, and that wrath which 
 would ' leave him to join his other faith- 
 <l lefs Brethren that were fent acrofs the 
 *' Ganges ;" butjujjice, moderation, and good 
 faith, have nothing to do with. it. 
 
 " To quiet the fears of the Neighbouring 
 V Powers, who from tbs conduct of our fer- 
 ** <uants have had too much reafon to be 
 "jealous of our encroachments/' and parti- 
 cularly to fettle a more mutually advantage- 
 ous and fatisfaclory alliance between the 
 Company and the Nabob Vizier of Qude, 
 was the grand motive which induced the 
 Governor General to proceed up the coun-, 
 try. He found the Vizier much diilreiTed 
 and much difTatisfied : his Government re- 
 laxed, his Finances greatly difordered, and 
 his Country in confufion. To augment, if 
 poffible, the produce of the Revenues, to 
 give vigour to the Executive Powers, and 
 tranquillity to the Kingdom, without alarm- 
 ing the Vizier's jealoufy towards any thing 
 {hat might feem to trench, upon his inde- 
 pendence^
 
 ( 89 ) 
 
 pendence, and at the fame time without 
 prejudicing the interefts of the Company, 
 or committing their honour, required iupe- 
 rior talents, the cooleft difcretion, and the 
 moft rigorous impartiality. Among 'the 
 political evils to which it was found necefTary 
 to apply a remedy, the {rate of Lands grant- 
 ed in Jagheer feems to have been of the firft 
 importance. A profufion in the original 
 .donations, fraudulent m if- ftaiements of their 
 value, and abufes ,in the management of 
 delegated jurifdi&ion, had left the Vizier 
 but Tittle unalienated property, and as little 
 perfonal authority. The fecond article of 
 the new treaty, in prefcribing a palliative for 
 thefe diforders, effectually x eftablifhes their 
 exiftence. This article (not quoted in the 
 Report) is as follows : 
 
 " That as great diftrefs has arifen to the 
 *'. Vizier's Government from the military 
 " power and dominion aflumed by the Jag- 
 " heerdars, he be permitted to refume iuch 
 C as he may find neceiTary, with a referve 
 " that all iuch for the amount of whofe Jag- 
 " beers the Company are Guarantee^ (Lall, in 
 <c cafe of the refumption of their Lands, 
 " be paid the amount of their nett collec- 
 11 tions, through the Refident, in ready mo- 
 {< ney." 
 
 't'hen immediately follows the third Ar- 
 N tick}
 
 ( 90 ) 
 
 tide, relative to Fyzoolah Khan, on which 
 the Eighth Report is to ferve as a Com- 
 ment. 
 
 " That as Fyzoolah Khan has by his 
 c{ breach of Treaty forfeited the protedion 
 81 of the Engli(h Government, and caufes, 
 " by his continuance in his prefent inde- 
 " pendent State, great alarm and detriment 
 c < to the Nabob, he be permitted, when 
 " time {hall fuit, to refume his lands, and 
 *< pay him in Money, through the Refident, 
 " the Amount Jtipulated by Treaty, after 
 cc deducting the amount and charges of the 
 ct Troops he ftands engaged to furnim by 
 rt Treaty, which amount (hall be pafled to 
 e< the Account of the Company, during 
 " the Continuance of the prefent War." 
 
 Other Jagheerdars, therefore, againft 
 whom we hear of no explicit charge what- 
 ever, are to fuffer a refumption of their 
 Lands ; and why not . Fyzoolah Khan ? 
 Many of them, we fee, are guaranteed by the 
 Company as well as he, and a violation of 
 the agreement on his part ftands upon re- 
 cord j a flat refufal to execute what the 
 Vizier had directed, and a declaration c that 
 tc be would abide by it." (Page 16.) If the 
 Refumption of Jagheers in general were 
 found a meafure connected with the fafety 
 or welfare of the ftate, I fhould fuppofe 
 
 political
 
 political necejjity a full justification for its 
 admiffion. But though the plea were al- 
 lowed as far as concerned the other Jagheer- 
 dars, the Governor General's good fortune, 
 combined with his prudence, interpofed to 
 make the cafe of Fyzoolah Khan a fubject 
 for a diilindl article. It indicates a thorough 
 forel^ht of the malevolence of his enemies, 
 that he mould have provided for an attack 
 on the feparate cafe of Fyzoolah Khan, 
 which, to every perfon on the fpot, muft 
 have appeared to be entirely blended with 
 the general concerns of all the other Jag- 
 heerdars. But there is a nicety of condudt 
 in this tranfaclion, a delicacy of difcrimina- 
 tion between the aftual rights or powers of 
 the Vizier, and the policy of permitting 
 their full exertion, that, while it cannot dif- 
 prove the fact of Fyzoolah's forfeiture, is 
 content to palliate its enormity j and while 
 the Governor General might juftly have 
 reprobated the open violation of the treaty 
 in the ftrongeft terms, he is fo moderate as, 
 to fay, in his Remarks on this third Article, 
 " The conduct of Fyzoolah Khan, in 
 <c refuting the aid demanded, though not an 
 " abfolute breach of the treaty^ was eva/lve 
 <c and uncandid" (Page 17.) 
 
 The faft is, that, had Mr. Haftings ad- 
 mitted to its fulleft extent, the whole cir- 
 N. 2
 
 ( 92 ) 
 
 curnftance of the manifeft breach of the. 
 treaty, it would hardly have been warrant- 
 able in him to fcreen the Rohilla Chief, 
 as he has done, from the utmoft effects of 
 the Vizier's offended authority. But he 
 knew, probably, as well as the Court of Di- 
 re clors, " Fyzoolab Khans merits with the 
 " Company^'' \\Q ftill recollected the former 
 <c mark of bis faithful attachment" in fend- 
 ing, 4< without hefitation or delay, 500 men 
 " to co-operate with our forces ;' and be- 
 ing befides ' of opinion that neither the 
 " Vizier's nor the Company's interefts 
 " would be promoted by depriving F}2oo- 
 " lah Khan of his independency," (page 
 17,) he fufpended the Vizier's claim, which 
 he could not in point of equity attempt to 
 controvert, and " referred the execution of 
 " the agreement to an indefinite term." No- 
 thing, indeed, can, in my mind, exculpate 
 the Governor General for fuch apparent 
 interference and partial protection to the 
 difobedient Subject of an independent 
 Prince, " which mujl be known to all the fur- 
 " rounding powers" and which may well 
 ^xcite "future combinations againjl us" in 
 thofe who from this example can but have 
 t c too much reafon to be- jealous of our en- 
 ** croachments" Nothing, I fay, can excul- 
 pate Mr. Haftings on this head, but the full-
 
 ( 93 ) 
 
 nefs of his conviction, that it was necefTary 
 for our Government to interpofe to prevent 
 any ill effects from the violence of the Vi- 
 zier's difpleafure, and the chance of danger- 
 ous commotions in the country. 
 
 On the whole, It is as clear as the fun, that 
 Fyzoolah Khan was a fubjedt of the Vizier : 
 that he had obtained, by an unfair valuation, 
 Lands far beyond the amount of his Grant : 
 that he had, by a direcl breach of the Con- 
 ditions on which thofe lands were held, for- 
 feited all claim to the Company's Guaran- 
 tee : that the Vizier had an inherent indif- 
 putable title to the refumption of the Jag- 
 heer : and that the Governor General, en- 
 tirely from prudential motives, fufpended the 
 Execution of that Juftice, and the Exertion 
 of that Prerogative, to which he could but 
 admit the folidity of the Vizier's preten- 
 fions. 
 
 DETECTOR. 
 2 ift May, 1783.


 
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