THE 
 
 -ULSTER GUARD 
 
 [20th N. Y. State Militia] 
 
 AND THE 
 
 AE OF THE EEBELLION. 
 
 EMBRACING 
 
 A HISTORY 
 
 EARLY ORGANIZATION OF THE REGIMENT; ITS THREE MONTHS SERVICE; 
 ITS REORGANIZATION AND SUBSEQUENT SERVICE; A CHRONOLOGI 
 CAL RECORD OF EVERY MARCH. PLACE OF ENCAMPMENT OR 
 BIVOUAC, WITH DISTANCES MARCHED; ACCOUNT OF PRO 
 CEEDINGS OF DETACHMENT ON VETERAN FURLOUGH; 
 FLAG PRESENTATIONS, &c. ; COMPLETE ROSTER 
 DURING ENTIRE SERVICE ; OFFICERS AND 
 COMPANIES ON SPECIAL DUTY ; LISTS 
 OF KILLED AND WOUNDED; &c. ; &c. 
 
 WITH A BRIEF TREATISE UPON THE ORIGIN AND GROWTH OF SECESSION; 
 
 THE MILITIA SYSTEM, AND THE DEPENDENCE OF THE FEDERAL 
 
 GOVERNMENT UPON IT IN THE BEGINNING OF THE WAR; 
 
 FIRST BATTLE OF BULL RUN; CAMPAIGN OF GEN. POPE; McCLELLAN S 
 
 MARYLAND CAMPAIGN; BATTLE OF FREDERICKSBURG; HOOKER S 
 
 CHANCELLORSVILLE CAMPAIGN; GETTYSBURG CAMPAIGN; 
 
 AND A GLANCE AT THE CAMPAIGN FROM THE RAP- 
 
 IDAN TO APPOMATTOX COURT HOUSE. 
 
 BY 
 
 THEODORE B. GATES, 
 
 COL. AND BVT. BRIG. GEN. U. 8. V. 
 
 gto-i orh : 
 BENJ, H. TYRREX, PRINTER, 74 MAIDBN LANK. 
 
Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1879, 
 
 I .Y THEODORE B. GATES, 
 in the office of the Libra nan of Congr ss at Washing 1 on, D. C. 
 
the 
 
 OF THE GALLANT OFFICERS AND MEN WHO SEALED THEIR DEVOTION 
 
 TO THEIR COUNTRY WITH THEIR LIFE S BLOOD WHILE 
 
 FIGHTING UNDER THE COLORS OF THE 
 
 "ULSTER GUARD," 
 
 AND TO THE 
 
 SURVIVORS OF THOSE DEAD HEROES WHOSE COURAGE ON MANY 
 
 BATTLE-FIELDS TESTIFIED THEIR READINESS TO MAKE THE 
 
 SAME GREAT SACRIFICE IN THE SAME GREAT CAUSE; 
 
 THIS WORK IS 
 
 REVERENTLY AND GRATEFULLY INSCRIBED 
 BY THE AUTHOR, 
 
 M198200 
 
ERBATA. 
 
 1. For " Appendix A," at bottom of second para 
 graph on page 69, read " Note II." 
 
 2. For "Manillas," on page 193 and 196, read 
 "Manlius." 
 
 3. In connection with the account of the operations 
 of the Fourteenth Brooklyn, Ninety-fifth N. Y. and 
 Sixth Wisconsin, on pages 430 and 431, read extracts 
 from official reports of Generals Fowler and Words 
 worth, Appendix H. 
 
PREFACE, 
 
 I PRESENT this work to my old comrades in arms 
 with a confident reliance upon their indulgent judg 
 ment. I submit it to the public at large with great 
 diffidence. I was not ambitious to undertake the 
 labor of writing the history of the "Ulster Guard," 
 and, as most of its old members know, another pen 
 was expected to perform that service. But I confess 
 to having had a love for the task, which has 
 grown in strength as the work has progressed, until, 
 I fear, the volume has reached unpardonable dimen 
 sions ; and there still remains so much unsaid that 
 the book seems to the author very incomplete. There 
 are a thousand incidents of the march, the camp, 
 the bivouac, and the battle-field, which I have been 
 forced to exclude, upon being informed by my 
 publisher that the volume already overran 600 pages 
 100 more than I deisgned the book should contain. 
 It had been my intention to illustrate the work with 
 likenesses of the officers of the regiment ; but it was 
 found to be impossible to do this except to a lim 
 ited extent, and that would have subjected the 
 
VI PREFACE. 
 
 author to the charge of having made invidious 
 distinctions between different officers. 
 
 The members of the "Old Twentieth," and the 
 thousands of its civilian friends, have felt that its 
 services entitled it to a historical record ; and, so 
 long ago as 1862, Mr. Archibald Russell proposed 
 that the Ulster County Historical Society should 
 undertake such a work, and his proposition \vas 
 adopted [see page 57], but never carried into effect. 
 
 I am fully conscious of the many imperfections 
 of this work. As the advance sheets come from, 
 the press, I see much that I would be glad if I 
 could have spent more time and care upon. Fre 
 quent and often protracted interruptions have not 
 only delayed the publication, but have forced me to 
 devote the heat of summer to labor which I hoped 
 to have completed during the preceding winter ; and 
 latterly the cry for "copy" from my publisher, 
 and my desire to have this book issued before I 
 meet my old comrades face to face again, at our 
 annual Reunion on the 17th of this month, and 
 again have to apologize for its non-appearance, have 
 prevented that degree of care which such a work 
 should command at the hands of its author. But, 
 
 " What is writ, is writ, 
 Would it were worthier ! " 
 
 The high regard in which the regiment has al 
 ways been held by the people of Ulster County, 
 has led them to manifest much interest in the 
 promised history of its origin and service in the 
 field. Their hearty, practical and untiling interest 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 in its welfare and reputation, has been one of the 
 pleasant memories connected with its five years of 
 service, under the Federal Government. They so 
 identified themselves with the organization that any 
 truthful history of it must necessarily identify them 
 with its career. 
 
 Some readers may object that my subject did not 
 require me to discuss, as I have, many of the 
 operations of the armies of the Potomac and of 
 Virginia, and several of the battles fought by those 
 armies. But it must be remembered that the regi 
 ment is the lowest unit in the army organization, 
 and it acts in conjunction with its brigade, division 
 and corps, and, finally, with the army of which it is 
 a component part. To attempt to describe the indi 
 vidual operations of a regiment in such battles as 
 those participated in by the "Ulster Guard," would 
 be like asking you to judge of the merits of a great 
 painting from a fragment of the canvas. A history 
 of any given regiment must be at least a miniature 
 history of the war. It is but one of the united 
 implements in the hands of the Commanding Gen 
 eral, and its acts are always influenced, by its fel 
 lows. But beyond all this, I designed to give the 
 work something more than a mere local interest, 
 and to make it, so far as I was able, an accurate 
 history of the great events with which the regi 
 ment was connected. 
 
 I have claimed no merit for the "Ulster Guard," 
 that was not freely ascribed to it in the army in 
 which it served I have sought to do it only sim- 
 
Vili PREFACE. 
 
 pie, naked justice. I am persuaded its deserts were 
 greater than I make them appear, but my relation 
 to the regiment as its commander during a consid 
 erable part of its service, seemed to me a reason 
 why I should not be its eulogist. I have not, how 
 ever, felt that delicacy required me to exclude from 
 these pages the cordial commendations of others. 
 
 In the discussion of battles and the general op 
 erations of the armies, I have endeavored to be 
 accurate, fair and impartial. I have consulted the 
 best authorities, both Union and Confederate, and 
 have striven to arrive at just conclusions. While 
 the criticisms I have felt constrained to pass upon 
 some of the leaders of the Union Army may be 
 distasteful to many of my readers, yet they will 
 find it difficult to deny their justice, in view of 
 the facts upon which they are founded. 
 
 T. B. G. 
 
 42 FIEST PLACE, BROOKLYN, | 
 September, 1879. j 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 The Federal Constitution Its incongruous Elements Political Par 
 ties Growth of Anti-Slavery Sentiment The Case stated by 
 Mr. Lincoln By Alexander H. Stephens The South wedded to 
 its Idol Status of the Slave The South contemplate Separa 
 tion State s-Right Doctrine Its Application always only a 
 Question of Time Election of Lincoln Secession ensues Or 
 ganization of Confederate Government Seizure of Federal 
 Property Inauguration of Lincoln Attack on Fort Sumter 
 Destruction of Property at Norfolk Merrimac and Monitor 
 The North Aroused Southern Leaders surprised by Unanim 
 ity of Loyal Sentiment at North They cannot recede if they 
 would Women strongest Secessionists The Sword the only 
 Arbiter. 1 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Condition of Army at Outbreak of WarOf Navy Disloyalty in 
 both Branches of Service Confederates better prepared than 
 Federals Statements of Southern Leaders on the Subject Sen 
 ator Douglas glowing Sentences The Capital in Danger of Cap 
 ture Civilians organize to defend it The White House and 
 Public Buildings garrisoned Martial Weakness humiliating to 
 National Pride Purposes of Secessionists openly proclaimed 
 No Preparation on Part of Federal Government Mr. Buchanan s- 
 non-coercion Views Action of Southern Senators Treason an 
 unknown Crime Inauguration of Lincoln Pacific Address 
 The Opening Cannon The Militia our Source of Military 
 Strength Mr. Lincoln calls them forth The Response A 
 Dragon in the Way Prodigious Energy in f jrwarding Troops 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 Southrons surprised Political Lines obliterated South as unan 
 imous as North Sundry Delusions dispelled Extent of Re 
 volted States Negroes Faithful to their Masters Effect thereof. 12 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Constitutional Forethought Militia Decadence The 245th Colonel 
 Christopher Fiero Twentieth Regiment District Roster Letter 
 from Colonel Fiero Historical and Biographical General Sam 
 son An earnest Man A faithful Friend Austere but kind 
 A Scene with Captain Haulenbeck Another with the Officer of 
 the Day Requiescat in Pace. 28 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Colonel Zadock Pratt Early Years of George W. Pratt His Educa 
 tion and Travels A Doctor of Philosophy Becomes a Partner 
 of General Samson His Habits Marries Miss Tibbits Removes 
 to Kingston Identifies Himself with Affairs of Ulster A Mem 
 ber of the County Historical Society Proceedings of that Body 
 on Death of Pratt Addresses by A. Bruyn Hasbrouck, Henry H. 
 Reynolds, William Lounsbery and Archibald Russell Proposi 
 tion for a Monument to the Regiment Elected Senator Presi 
 dent of State Military Association Proceedings of that Body in 
 Honor of his Memory Proceedings in Ulster County His 
 Likeness cut in the Rocks Pratt becomes Colonel of the 
 " Twentieth" It improves under his Command Kingston and 
 Rondout present it a Stand of Colors W. S. Kenyon makes a 
 model Presentation Address Colonel Pratt s Reply Pough- 
 keepsie presents a Flag Officers meet at the Mansion House 
 Pratt s Views He is authorized to tender the Regiment The 
 Work of Preparation The Rebels fire on Sumter Loyal Meet 
 ing at Kingston Speeches by John B. Steele, William S. Ken- 
 yon, Theoderic R. Westbrook, Erastus Cooke, George H. Sharpe, 
 William H. Romeyn and Warren Chipp The Banks loan the 
 Regiment $8,000 Ladies Relief Society Ulster Military Relief 
 Committee Donations and Subscriptions An Order to report 
 to the President Surgeon Crispell detailed Ready for De 
 parture 38 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 The Departure from Kingston Scenes and Incidents Voyage to 
 New York Reception in the City Quartered in the Centre 
 Market Armory Transferred to Park Barracks Misunderstand 
 ings between Governor Morgan and Colonel Pratt Former De- 
 
CONTENTS. XI 
 
 clines to approve Requisition Major goes to Albany and gets 
 necessary Orders Another Hitch Ordered to return to Kings 
 ton Officers and Men Furious Inside History of the Trouble 
 Twenty-four Hours of Suspense Ordered to proceed to Wash 
 ington Ready in two Hours Friends to see us off Journey 
 to Annapolis What we found there General B. F. Butler in 
 Command The Sixth and Thirteenth N. Y. S. M Annapolis, 
 and what we did there. . 78 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 From Annapolis to the Junction Camp Reynolds Passing Troops 
 Acquaintances Reminders from Home Army Rations Duty 
 performed by Regiment Picket Posts Alarms Exciting Ru 
 mors A scared Chaplain Expeditions Thurlow Weed Rail 
 road Track threatened Arrival of Mr. Reynolds Sleepy Sen 
 tinels Invoice of Clothing Impedimentia Lieutenant-Colonel 
 Schoonmaker resigns An Election Deaths Funeral in a Thun 
 der Storm Efforts to get the Regiment sent to the Front Or 
 dered to Baltimore. 88 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Arrival at Mount Clair An Unpleasant Incident Report to General 
 Banks What he said March through Baltimore Patterson s 
 Park Camp Banks Another Death Marshal Kane Anns dis 
 covered Ordered into City Reception Regiment Divided 
 Quarters Loyal and Hospitable Baltimoreans Arrest and Re 
 lease of Lyon Return to Camp Banks Searching for Arms 
 Arrest of a Rioter Regiment paid off in Gold Longing for 
 Home Bull Run detains us A Flag Presentation Compliment 
 from the Baltimore American Newspaper Capture of Secession 
 Flags Major Hardenburgh takes Kane and others to Fort La 
 fayette A mysterious Shot Return Home Reception at Kings 
 ton 97 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 McDowell and the First Army of the Potomac Plan of First Battle 
 of Bull Run Inexperience of Officers and Men Militia Regi 
 ments Position of Confederates and Unionists Patterson and 
 Joe Johnston McDowell s Design Beauregard s Line of Battle 
 He resolves to attack Orders Miscarry McDowell attacks his 
 Left Admirable Strategy of Union Commander Advance of 
 turning Column First Encounter Difficulty in maneuvering 
 large Bodies of raw Troops Gallantry of Fourteenth Brooklyn 
 
XII CONTENTS. 
 
 Confederate Left turned " Stonewall " Success of the Union 
 ists Heat, Dust and Thirst Confederates form a new Line of 
 Battle Splendidly Officered McDowell s Line of Battle at Noon 
 Had Driven Confederates a Mile and a Half Confederate View 
 of the Situation McDowell prepares his Coup de Main Uni 
 forms and Flags Major Barry mistakes a Confederate for a 
 Union Regiment Fatal Consequences Federals Repulsed from 
 the Plateau Loss of Ricketts and Griffin s Batteries Final Ad 
 vance of Federal Line Inopportune Arrival of a fresh Brigade 
 of Johnston s Army General Keyes McDowell s Opportunity 
 Gone Tactics and Strategy Porter and Sherman The Retreat 
 What caused Confusion Disorder not general Any Troops 
 would have been demoralized under like Circumstances Re 
 porters and other Non-combatants Bonham dare not attack 
 retreating Troops Confederates badly disorganized Compli 
 ments to Militia Regiments Imputations upon McDowell Anec 
 dote of Lincoln Character of McDowell General Meiggs 
 Public Ignorance of Circumstances which lead to Defeat A 
 useful Lesson. .......... Ill 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Reorganization Importance of Retaining Old Rank Camp Arthur 
 "Chapel of the Preparation " Fasting and Prayer B and E 
 Companies disbanded Review and Flag Presentation Embarka 
 tion and Arrival in New York Roster Philadelphia and its 
 " Cooper Shop "The Way it struck the Chaplain From Balti 
 more to Kalorama Heights Desolated Kalorama From Wash 
 ington to Upton s Hill General Wadsworth. .... 144 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Upton s Hill and its Surroundings Falls Church and its interesting 
 Associations Washington, Lee, Fairfax A Memorial Tablet 
 The Graveyard becomes the Resting-place of Some Members of 
 the Twentieth Thoughts suggested by an old Church Edifice 
 A regimental scrubbing Party Magnificent Weather Locality 
 in Possession of Rebels They fall back before Federals Bar 
 ricaded Roads Rebel Position during Autumn and Winter of 
 1861-2 How the Regiment was employed Murder along the 
 Picket Line "The Picket Guard" Foraging Capture of a 
 Party Division Drill and an Alarm from the Front The Twen 
 tieth sent forward Grand Reviews Are we now to march ? 
 Still Stationary Deaths Wadsworth s Brigade Queer New 
 Year s Celebration A Dinner Party New Guns A Flag of 
 Truce and what was said of it Hanging as a Cure for Treason 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 XIII 
 
 Alarm on the Picket Line Welcome Visitors A Sword Pre 
 sentation Hallelujah ! the Army moves Music and Banners 
 and marching Troops Centreville and Wooden Guns. . . 157 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 Centreville and its Surroundings McClellan and McDowell Visit 
 Bull Run Battle-field Scenes along the Way Rebel Huts 
 Beauregard s Dessert Plains of Manassas The Junction What 
 we saw there Universal Destruction Quo Animo The Le 
 gend in a Hut Burning Bridges The Wicked flee when no 
 Man pursueth On the Field Signs of the Battle The Generals 
 draw Rein Their Appearance Their reversed Positions Mc 
 Dowell s Story of the Fight McClellan as an Auditor Appre 
 ciative, perhaps, but not Sympathetic Painful Position for 
 McDowell As True as the Needle to the Pole How Merit may 
 sometimes suffer Is recognized at last McDowell on his 
 Men His Idea of Discipline Consequences of its Absence. . 171 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 The Tarry at Centreville A Swarm of Visitors Two old Acquaint 
 ances Passes An Anecdote of Lincoln Boddy s Statement 
 Another Visit to Bull Run The Lewis House A stormy Night 
 Pleasant Quarters and Hoe-cake A Sick Surgeon An Orderly 
 with an Order Reveille and Return Twenty-five Miles March 
 Top Boots Upton s Hill again Bailey s Cross Roads More 
 Visitors How they regarded McClellan s Strategy Embarka 
 tion of Army Cost of Transports Formation of Corps d Armee 
 Twentieth in First Corps What McClellan designed to have 
 First Corps do Some Observations thereon First Corps de 
 tached from McClellan s Command 181 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 General Patrick His first Appearance in Camp His second Com 
 ing and what the "Boys" said about it A brief Biography 
 Discipline and what it accomplished A Letter from the 
 General, in which he talks of the Regiment 1 and its Services 
 Another Letter from the General, in which he says Something 
 about himself Tents struck Organization of First Corps 
 On the March Gooding s Tavern A terrible Storm A Prayer 
 Meeting at Headquarters A Ride and an Incident State Pride 
 In what we should glory Poor white Trash What it was 
 What it may possibly realize. 191 
 
X JV CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 Pleasant Weather Manassas Junction Mortality among Confederate 
 Soldiers Reminiscences of Bull Run Rejoicing and Praying 
 Erroneous Notions of Army Demoralization What Discipline 
 does in this Regard Order No. 36 A Letter on Army Influ 
 ences Men prone to believe Evil of their Fellows Critics of 
 Military Officers Anecdote of Lincoln Rev. Dr. Balch and 
 treasonable Talk Brute Instinct Marching South "Go as 
 you please " Skirmishing at the Front Falmouth Bridges 
 burned Vessels burned The "French Lady" Across the 
 River How we were received Fredericksburgers and their 
 Anecdotes of Washington He was Master of their Masonic 
 Lodge His Letter to the Grand Lodge of Maryland The Grave 
 of Washington s Mother The Consideration for a Monument, 
 and how one of the contracting Parties failed to perform 
 True Love never did run smooth Valley of the Rappahannock 
 Annies encompassing it Federal Bands "Music in Camp." . 203- 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 Auger s Brigade Brooklyn Fourteenth Killed and Wounded 
 Fredericksburg Surprised Its Business and Society The Change 
 from Gray to Blue General Field not a Hector General Ander 
 son and West Point His Observations thereon and upon other 
 Matters "The clattering Car" Does it portend an Attack! 
 Some Observations thereon The Peculiar Institution " 
 Strange Manifestations Lieutenant Decker Falmouth Dilapi 
 dation and Decay Chimneys No Townships in Virginia Phil 
 lips and Lacy Houses Judge Coulter and his Widow Manu 
 mission of Slaves disallowed Lacy takes the Estate and its 
 Human Chattels General Wadsworth rides into Camp The 
 Boys go for him A Pontoon Bridge The Twentieth, Twenty- 
 third and Thirty-fifth take Possession of Fredericksburg Some 
 thing about the City Contraband of War Residue of Brigade 
 and General Patrick cross River First Corps Repairing Rail 
 road A Reconnoissance, and what came of it Picket Duty 
 Alarms Cheers Dreams St. George s Flag of Truce Mc 
 Dowell angry Advance of Pickets Rebs spiteful Messrs. 
 Steele and Hasbrouck The President How he appeared on 
 horseback Orders Countermand " Waiting March " A Halt. 216 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 At Massaponix Creek March Northward Human Endurance What 
 we get used to Night Marches Visitors Re-entre into Fred- 
 
CONTENTS. XV 
 
 ericksburg Reconnoissances Captures The Army of Virginia 
 What it was, and what it was expected to do Effect of 
 McClellan s Defeat King s Operations Jackson at Gordonsville 
 Location of Pope s Army Enemy drive in our Cavalry Pope 
 concentrates Banks at Cedar Mountain Deceived by Rebel Tac 
 tics Brings on Engagement against Orders Repulsed Rick- 
 etts reinforces Banks Enemy advance and are driven back 
 Heavy Loss King s Division marches to join Pope Capture of 
 Lee s Letter Reno arrives Bluff Army falls back Crosses 
 the Rappahannock Kilpatrick The Ira Harris Cavalry charge 
 a stone Wall Somebody blundered The Contrabands. . . .231 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 Position of Armies Artillery Fire Feints Pope s difficult Role 
 Halleck s Order Sigel Pope s Plan Its Chances of Success 
 Sulphur Springs A Rebel Battery C Company as Skirmish- 
 ers On the Right by File into Line A Freshet New Plans 
 Position of Pope s Army Where is the Foe ? Lee s Designs 
 Jackson in Rear of Pope Condition of Pope s Army Re-en 
 forcements Jackson destroys Railroads and Cars Goes to Cen- 
 treville Pope s Tactics to capture him Jackson s Danger 
 Hooker and Ewell Patrick s Brigade March to Gainsville 
 March of other Troops Fitz-John Porter and Pope s Order 
 Jackson returns to Manassas Junction Pope s Orders thereon 
 Number and Quality of Jackson s Corps Marches from Cen- 
 treville Pope pursues Ricketts Division sent to Thoroughfare 
 Gap Jackson surrounded King s Division on Centreville Pike 
 Three Horsemen A Battery A severe Battle Pope s Or 
 ders How his Plans were overthrown General King 243 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 Renewed Efforts to capture Jackson His Position Union Line Re 
 turn towards Gainesville File Right King s Division attack 
 Repulsed Captain J. T. Hendricks Would go into action with 
 his Company A Letter to his Father Pope s Famous Order to 
 Porter Heintzleman and Reno attack Porter does not fire a 
 Gun His Disobedience of Orders Drum-head Court-Martial 
 Crying Evil in Federal Army Instances in Pope s Campaign 
 Distinction between Excuses offered for Porter Untenable 
 Longstreet s Statement Why should Porter have waited for 
 Orders ? The Business was to fight What influenced Porter 
 McClellan s Grievance against Pope Army of Potomac with 
 drawal ordered McClellan s Finesse Delays Confederates mov 
 ing North Halleck urges Expedition McClellan procrastinates 
 
xv j CONTENTS. 
 
 Reaches Alexandria Ordered to send Franklin to Pope- 
 How he does it His Idea of obeying Orders How Pope could 
 have been saved "Leave Pope to get out of his Scrape "- 
 A Prevarication Was this Treason ? McClellan s Coterie Por 
 ter a Member. 255 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 The wounded left on the Field Difficulty in finding way back to 
 Lines Losses on the Twenty- ninth Enemy believed to be re 
 treating What induced this Opinion Federals exhausted 
 How McClellan was going to send Supplies to Pope Opera 
 tions on the Thirtieth Rickett s "Enemy in full Flight" A 
 sad Mistake Patrick s Brigade attack Repulsed Ordered to 
 Retire Army in Retreat Pratt mortally wounded " Twen 
 tieth " Halt at Cub Run March into Centreville next morning. . 271 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 Condition of the Army Preparations for Defence Demonstration 
 on the Thirty-first Strength and Condition of Armies Pope s 
 Want of Confidence in Officers of Army of Potomac A Day of 
 Rest Want of Energy in Pursuit A Flank Movement The 
 Twentieth sent to meet it Hooker On Little River Turnpike 
 "Hold it at all Hazards" Regiment deployed as Skirmishers 
 Enemy repulsed Report at Headquarters The Adjutant-Gen 
 eral s View of it Turning Movement abortive Upton s Hill 
 again 279 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 A Day at the Front Farewell to Upton s Hill At Leesboro A Ter 
 rible March Unexpected March Disappointed Husbands, Fath 
 ers, Wives and Children Lee s Strategy Invades Maryland 
 Marylanders disappoint the Confederates Deceived by Balti 
 more Secessionists A ragged, bare-footed and unwashed Army 
 Confederates encamp at Frederick Union Forces on their 
 Line of Communications Lee s Order to disperse them Char 
 acteristic and Instructive Consolidation of Union Armies Mc 
 Clellan in Command Organization of Army Advance to the 
 Monocacy The Scenery City of Frederick "Round about the 
 Orchards sweep" Pleasonton strikes Rebel Rear Forward 
 South Mountain Pleasant Valley Turner s Gap An Artillery 
 Duel The Battle of South Mountain What it and other like 
 Battles prove Wasted Ammunition Loading without firing 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 What was found on the Gettysburg Battle-field Hill and Long- 
 street in Possession of Turner s Gap Federals carry the Moun 
 tain Crests A cold Night Relative Strength of contending 
 Forces Prisoners Killed and Wounded President s Telegram 
 A Brilliant Victory 286 
 
 CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 Tardy Movements Location of Army McClellan s Views as to 
 Enemy Lee s Strength at Antietam McClellan calls for Rein 
 forcements Colonel Miles Dispatch from President McClel 
 lan s true Policy Franklin Crampton s Pass McClellan s Order 
 Franklin carries ^the [ Pass Killed and Wounded In Pleasant 
 Valley Franklin s March to Relief of Miles arrested Miles sur 
 renders Is Killed McClellan s Time to strike "Beat him in 
 Detail" Too cautious Order to Franklin Confederate Divi 
 sions rejoin Lee in Time for Antietam 302 
 
 CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 In Pursuit What McClellan knew Pleasonton strikes the Rear 
 Guard Richardson and Sykes form Line of Battle McClellan 
 hoped to fight on the Fifteenth The Advantage he would 
 have had Advance of Patrick s Brigade Antietam and its 
 Bridges Sharpsburg and its Surroundings Position of Rebel 
 Army Lee s probable Designs Straggling Appearance of Suc 
 cess Obliged to fight to withdraw Circumscribed Position 
 First Corps across the Antietam Shot and Shell Position of 
 Union Troops McClellan s Plan Faulty^Hooker s Attack on 
 Seventeenth A Strange Oversight The Twentieth in Support 
 of Campbell s Battery Major Hardenburgh in Command of Left 
 Wing Captures Rebel Colors and recovers a Union Flag Enemy 
 try to take Battery Repulsed with great Slaughter Loss of the 
 " Twentieth "Rebel Losses The Battle at other Points- 
 Mansfield killed Hooker wounded Sumner assumes Command 
 What he said Sedgwick s Gain and Loss The " Sunken 
 Road " Burnside s Assault and Success Rebels Re-enforced 
 Burnside driven back The Battle ended Some Comments. . 308 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 After the Battle Pollock and his Dog Union Re-enforcements Lee 
 withdraws Losses McClellan s Dispatch Criticised Griffin 
 captures a Rebel Battery Porter Ambushed Lee s Position 
 McClellan s Stationary Gives his Reason Some Comments 
 
i CONTENTS. 
 
 thereon Losses of different Corps Correspondence between 
 Halleck and McClellan A little Irony Relative Condition of 
 the two Armies Disadvantage of Federal System Again on the 
 March McClellan removed Burnside appointed A just Esti 
 mate of himself News of Col. Pratt s Death Order thereon 
 Resolutions by Officers General Patrick resigns Command of 
 Brigade General Paul his Successor. . ... . 325 
 
 CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 What was expected of Burnside Must Act quickly Position of 
 Lee Burnside acceptable to Army What he should have 
 done What he did do Armies move on parallel Lines Lee 
 ahead A Muddle about the Pontoons A Blunder at the Outset 
 Burnside alone responsible Burnside s Mistake at Fredericks- 
 burg Operations preceding the Crossing Fruitless attempt to 
 lay the Bridges Signal Guns Bombardment of Fredericksburg 
 Crossing in the Pontoon Boats The Rebel Sharp-shooters dis 
 persed The Bridges laid The Army crosses the River Posi 
 tion and Strength of Lee s Army Three Hundred Cannons 
 The Slaughter of the 13th December Fighting by Driblets- 
 Franklin s Orders What a zealous General would have done 
 Operations on the Right Burnside inexorable Night, at last 
 The Losses Burnside s Statement Burnside assumes all Re 
 sponsibility President interdicts Movement by Left Inter 
 ference by Subordinates What Burnside intended to do What 
 he did do The Mud Campaign His Order against certain 
 Officers He himself relieved Hooker succeeds him The " Ul 
 ster Guard " in the Battle Its Movements down to the End of the 
 Year Its Casualties during the Year. ..... 340 
 
 CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 Gloomy Winter Rebel Raiders Deserters and Absentees Improved 
 Morale under Hooker Opening of Campaign Strength of Ar 
 mies Rendezvous at Chancellorsville What it was Congratu 
 latory Order Advantage of the Initial Success lost Hooker 
 Surprised that Lee did not retreat A Campaign of Manoeuvres 
 Lee studying the Chess-board Makes his Move Why did 
 Hooker tarry in the Wilderness Moves out and returns Hook 
 er s Statement of it Hooker believes Lee is Retreating when he 
 is Marching to attack him The Error of returning to the Wilder 
 ness Hooker forms line of Battle. . 357 
 
CONTENTS. X JX 
 
 CHAPTER XXVII. 
 
 Jackson s March Sickles strikes his Column Follows Jackson 
 Where he went Devens on extreme right Jackson falls upon him 
 The Result Howard to Devens Lee attacks the Left and Cen 
 tre Fearful Confusion Hooker in the Saddle "Receive theEne- 
 my on your Bayonets" Pleasonton Major Keenan " General, I 
 will do it " Pleasonton checks the Advance Saves the Army 
 Ward s Attack Jackson mortally hurt His Character. . . . 372 
 
 CHAPTER XXVIII. 
 
 The Eleventh Corps made the Scape-goat Is it just? General Sickles 
 Statement Fallacy of Hooker s Statement Reynolds ordered to 
 the Right Sedgewick ordered to march to Chancellorsville Dif 
 ficulties in the Way Carries Marie s Hill Marches on What hap 
 pened Meantime at Chancellorsville Lee sends M Laws to meet 
 Sedgwick Sunday s Fight at Salem Church Hooker s Opportu 
 nity Monday s Fight at Salem Church Sedgwick crosses the Riv 
 er Lee prepares to renew Attack on Hooker Latter crosses Rap- 
 pahannock Unequal to the Command Hooker s Order Sophis 
 tical Stoneman s Operations Lee s Order Losses Hooker. . 382 
 
 CHAPTER XXIX. 
 
 Relative Condition of Armies Lee moves North Howe s Reconnois- 
 sance Rebel Cavalry at Culpepper Pleasonton goes to look after 
 them Well done A dash across the Potomac Milroy in the Val 
 ley Overwhelmed Hooker starts North Rebels at Chambers- 
 burg Hooker across the Border Levying Tribute French at 
 Maryland Heights Halleck refuses to send him to Hooker The 
 latter resigns His order thereon General Meade appointed Dif 
 ference in character Meade sOrder Is given Command of French 
 Meade moves towards the Enemy A Cavalry Encounter Lee 
 gathers his Anny around Gettysburg Lee was obliged to fight He 
 could not afford to wait Stuart astray Order of March on Night 
 of Thirtieth of June What it shows 396 
 
 CHAPTER XXX. 
 
 Gettysburg Rebels hovering around it Reynolds on Marsh Creek 
 Hill and Longstreet near by Question as to Strength of Armies- 
 Did either Commander know of the other s Proximity? Lee did 
 not expect to fight at Gettysburg Neither Lee nor Meade knew of 
 strategic Advantage of Gettysburg Reynolds knew the Enemy 
 were in considerable Force near him Pleasonton Buford 
 Devens . 410 
 
*X CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXI. 
 
 The first day at Gettysburg The Cavalry meet and check the Enemy 
 Approach of first Corps Position of Wadsworth s Division 
 Messages to Sickles and Howard Reynolds killed A Word about 
 him Archer s Brigade captured Changes in Commands resulting 
 from Reynolds Death Doubleday in Command of the Field No 
 thing could be better Wadsworth Chapman Biddle Fourteenth 
 Brooklyn, Ninety-Fifth N. Y. Sixth Wisconsin capture two Mis 
 sissippi Regiments Robinson s Division in Reserve Doubleday s 
 Division Arrives on the Left Captains Baldwin andCunningham 
 hold the Harman House The Van of Elwell s Corps arrives 
 Eleventh Corps arrives Heavy fighting on the Right and Centre 
 Splendid Fighting by First Corps Eleventh Corps overcome by 
 Rodes and Early 423 
 
 CHAPTER XXXII. 
 
 First Day at Gettysburg continued Ulster Guard in Biddle s Brigade 
 on extreme Left Fighting on that part of Field What Mr. Bates 
 says about it Right of First Corps gives way Situation on the 
 Left Evidences of Coolness Left falls back to Seminary 
 Colonel Biddle wounded No Disorder or Confusion on the Left 
 Left Brigade Retires Ulster Guard Covers Movement Time 
 Embraced by these Operations What Messrs. Swinton, Lossing 
 and Jacobs say A Letter from General Doubleday Enemy s 
 Demonstrations in Evening The Van-Guard of the Federal Army 
 had accomplished its Mission Professor Bates Comments on the 
 first Day s Fight " Where was the Rest of the Army ?" Losses 
 in First and Eleventh Corps The Hills and Round Tops were 
 ours " On the Left at Gettysburg." . . . 440 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIII. 
 
 An anxious Night In-pouring of the Union Army Rebel Talk in 
 Gettysburg Arrival of General Meade Posting the Army 
 Newton assigned to First Corps Roads and Topography Third 
 Corps swings out of Line Brings on a Battle Break through 
 Sickles Left Push for Round Top What Warren did Terrible 
 Fighting Rebels driven from Round Top Federals forced back 
 along the low Ground Attack on Slocum s Line Rebels make 
 a Lodgment Ulster Guard in Front Line Night and Quietness 
 A Walk over the Battle-Field Lieutenant W. J. Cockburn 
 Colonel C. R. Westbrook Preparations for the Morrow. . 453 
 
CONTENTS. xx f 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIV. 
 
 Third Day at Gettysburg Expulsion of last Night s Intruders 
 Position of Ulster Guard and One Hundred and Fifty-First 
 Pennsylvania Stannard s Brigade Artillery Fire Cessation of 
 Hostilities Stannard s men build a Breastwork Leave opening 
 on Right of Ulster Guard A terrific Bombardment The Infantry 
 come forward Opening of Musketry Fire The Enemy face to 
 the Left Corresponding Movements by Ulster Guard and One 
 Hundred and Fifty-first The Fight for the Bluff Enemy re 
 pulsed Heavy Loss in Killed, Wounded and Prisoners Colonel 
 Hodges Fourteenth Virginia Losses Letter to General Double- 
 day Mr. Bachelder s Map incorrect General Doubleday s Reply 
 Letter from General Hardenburg Operations of First day 
 Second and Third Days The Eagle from the Ulster Guard Color 
 Staff A ridiculous pretence A promise to investigate that was 
 not kept General Doubleday s order. ..... 462 
 
 CHAPTER XXXV. 
 
 The Retreat from Gettysburg Union Losses Confederate Losses 
 Armies in Virginia Manoeuvres Winter Quarters Morale of 
 Union Army Lieutenant-General Grant A new System to be in 
 augurated Grant makes his Headquarters with Army of Potomac 
 Delicate Treatment of General Meade General Meade s Order 
 Army cuts loose from its Base From the Rapidan to the James 
 Fight in the Wilderness Wads worth killed Spottsylvania Court 
 House Sheridan s Operations Butter s 4-bortion Corked up at 
 Bermuda Hundred Cold Harbor Reach the James Losses on 
 the Way. . . . . . . . 475 
 
 CHAPTER XXXVI. 
 
 In front of Petersburg The Mine The Fuse goes out Lieutenant 
 Douty and Seargeant Rees re-light it The Mine explodes Led- 
 lie s Division in the Crater Troops withdrawn Heavy loss 
 Women of Petersburg Demoralization of Lee s Army He de 
 signs to retreat Assaults Fort Steadman Carries it and is driven 
 out Heavy Loss The Right of the Confederate Works carried 
 Federals capture Guns and Prisoners Confederates driven to their 
 inner Line They retreat A Petersburger s Account of the last 
 Scenes . 484 
 
XXII CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXVII. 
 
 Jefferson Davis Lee s Dispatch to him A weeping Congregation 
 Lee s Flight Explosion and Conflagration in Richmond Lee hopes 
 to join Johnson A terrible Disappointment A starving army 
 Sheridan and the Fifth Corps swing across Lee s Line of Retreat 
 Prodigious Efforts of Lee to escape A remorseless Pursuit De 
 struction of Rebel Trains Capture of Men and Guns Ewell sur 
 renders Ruin staring Lee in the Face Unionists determined to 
 bring him to bay Miserable condition of Confederates Views of 
 Lee s Officers Grant sends a Note to Lee Lee s Reply Grant 
 writes again Lee s Diplomacy Grant s Counter-stroke Fight 
 ing, flying, pursuing Rebel supply Trains captured Lee orders 
 Gordon to cut his Way through Union Lines Fails Sheridan 
 prepares to charge A Flag of Truce Lee surrenders his Army 
 What Lee said, and how he appeared The two Armies fraternize 
 Rebels eating Federal Rations The War practically ended An 
 inevitable Ordeal Wonderful Vitality Fruits of the Union Vic 
 tory. ..... . 493 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 NOTE I. 
 
 Letter from McD. Van Wagoner, Esq., in relation to statement on 
 page 240. .... .... 561 
 
 NOTE II. 
 
 Additional list of Officers of the "Twentieth," prior to its depart 
 ure for the War. ... .564 
 
 APPENDICES. 
 
 APPENDIX A. 
 
 Chronological Record containing an accurate Account of the Move 
 ments of the Regiment during its entire Second Term of Service 
 Distances marched Places of Encampment or Bivouac Duty 
 employed on Details of Officers and Men Proceedings of De 
 tachment on veteran Furlough Visit to Albany Hon. Jacob 
 
CONTENTS. xxiii 
 
 Lefevre s Resolution In the Assembly Chamber Presentation 
 of Colors to Master Pratt Acceptance by Gov. Seymour Pre 
 sentation of Colors by Mrs. Kugler Speech of Hon. George T. 
 Pierce Address of Regiment to Colonel Gates Colonel Harden- 
 burgh in Command Regiment to Defence of Fort Sedgwick 
 General Collis Order Regiment in Richmond How Officers and 
 Men were employed General Turner s Order Regiment at Nor 
 folk Colonel Hardenburgh in Command of District Mustered 
 out Colonel Hardenburgh s Address Reception and Flag Pre 
 sentation at Kingston Reorganization. .... 512 
 
 APPENDIX B. 
 
 Complete Roster of the Twentieth Regiment, N. Y. S. M., from Sep 
 tember, 1861, to January, 1866. . . . . .561 
 
 APPENDIX C. 
 
 List of Killed, Wounded and Missing in 1862-3 572 
 
 APPENDIX D. 
 
 Regimental Roster and Strength of Companies in three Months 
 Service. . . . . . . . .581 
 
 APPENDIX E. 
 
 Flag Presentation by the Ladies of Saugerties Rev. Mr. Gaston s Ad 
 dress Hon. T. R, Westbrook s Reply List of Subscribers 
 Colonel Gates Letter on Receipt of Colors .... 583 
 
 APPENDIX F. 
 
 Flag Presentation on return of Regiment Address of Mr. Henry H. 
 Reynolds Reply of Colonel Gates For Description of Flag and 
 Incidents of Presentation, see Chronological Record of Date of 
 February 22d, 1866. . .603 
 
 APPENDIX G. 
 
 Present Roster. . . . . .616 
 
 APPENDIX H. 
 
 Extracts from Reports of Gen. Fowler and Gen. Wadsworth. . . 618 
 
CHAPTER I. 
 
 THE FEDEKAL CONSTITUTION ITS INCONGRUOUS ELEMENTS POLITICAL 
 PARTIES GROWTH OF ANTI-SLAVERY SENTIMENT THE CABE STATED 
 BY MR. LINCOLN BY ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS THE SOUTH WEDDED 
 TO ITS IDOL STATUS OF THE SLAVE THE SOUTH CONTEMPLATE SEP 
 ARATION STATE S-RIGHT DOCTRINE ITS APPLICATION ALWAYS ONLY 
 
 A QUESTION OF TIME ELECTION OF LINCOLN SECESSION ENSUES 
 ORGANIZATION OF CONFEDERATE GOVERNMENT SEIZURE OF FEDERAL 
 PROPERTY INAUGURATION OF LINCOLN ATTACK ON FORT SUMTER 
 DESTRUCTION OF PROPERTY AT NORFOLK MERRIMAC AND MONITOR 
 THE NORTH AROUSED SOUTHERN LEADERS SURPRISED BY UNANIM 
 ITY OF LOYAL SENTIMENT AT NORTH THEY CANNOT RECEDE IF THEY 
 WOULD WOMEN STRONGEST SECESSIONISTS THE SWORD THE ONLY 
 ARBITER. 
 
 IT WAS impossible for the Government to go on har 
 moniously for all time in the exact form in which our 
 fathers had constructed it. The Federal Constitution 
 was adopted by the several States hesitatingly, and, in 
 some instances, by barely the requisite vote ; not more 
 than two of the original thirteen States cordially ac 
 cepted ifc as the fundamental law of the new nation. 
 Experience had taught them to be jealous of extraneous 
 authority, and they were averse to stripping their sev 
 eral States of any one of the functions of independent 
 government, which they had become accustomed to, 
 and conferring them upon a federal legislature and fed 
 eral officers. The Northern States were quite as inimi 
 cal to the Constitution in the beginning, as the South 
 ern States were ; but they gradually became reconciled 
 to it, and cheerfully acquiesced in the later interpreta 
 tions of the instrument, which tended to confer upon 
 the General Government even greater powers than were 
 
2 POLITICAL PARTIES. 
 
 at first supposed to be lodged in the Congress and Ex 
 ecutive Department of the nation. 
 
 The incongruity of a system of involuntary servi 
 tude, with a form of government professedly founded 
 upon the principles of civil and x^olitical freedom 
 and equality, was too patent to be overlooked by the 
 merest tyro in political economy, and the utmost the 
 framers of the Federal Constitution would accord to it 
 was a recognition of its existence, under the obscure 
 phrase of " persons held to service." As time went on 
 slavery languished, and finally utterly died out at the 
 North, rather because it could not compete with the 
 growing volume of free labor, and hence became un 
 profitable, than because of any sentiment that it was 
 morally and politically wrong, in the mild form in 
 which it existed, and which amounted to little more 
 than a condition of involuntary apprenticeship. Aboli 
 tion at the North had little moral or political signifi 
 cance, because the motive lying at the bottom of it was 
 only mercenary ; but there soon began to grow up new 
 views as to the moral aspect of slavery, and public sen 
 timent throughout the civilized world gradually arrayed 
 itself on the side of human freedom, the slave- holding 
 States of this Government constituting almost the soli 
 tary exception. 
 
 In this country, the Whig party in its latter days, 
 and after its dissolution, the Republican party were 
 the political exponents of this humanizing idea ; but 
 neither organization, as a party, claimed that the Gfen- 
 eral Government had authority to abolish, or in any 
 wise interfere with the institution of slavery in the 
 States, but only that it had the power, and that it was 
 its duty, to exclude it from the national domain, be 
 cause it was an abnormal condition of society, inconsis 
 tent with our theory of government ; and that while it 
 was protected under the Constitution wherever it al 
 ready existed, it could not be established in the terri- 
 
CASE STATED BY LINCOLN. 
 
 tories without express enactment therefor by Congress, 
 and that such authority ought to be forever withheld. 
 
 As time went on, this anti-slavery sentiment broad 
 ened and strengthened, and surged up against the 
 American Slave-holding States, with no other effect 
 upon them than to excite the apprehensions of the 
 slaveholders, as to the perpetuity of their cherished in 
 stitution, and to stimulate them to devise and carry 
 into execution, so far as they could, by friendly legisla 
 tion, protective measures. 
 
 The position of the Republican party on the ques 
 tion of slavery was stated with great force and per 
 spicuity by Mr. Lincoln, in the course of his great de 
 bate with Judge Douglas, in these words : 
 
 We have in this nation this element of domestic 
 slavery ; it is a matter of absolute certainty that it is a 
 disturbing element ; it is the opinion of all the great 
 men who have expressed an opinion upon it, that it is a 
 dangerous element. We keep up a controversy in re 
 gard to it ; that controversy necessarily springs from 
 difference of opinion, and if we can learn exactly, can 
 reduce to the lowest elements, what that difference of 
 opinion is, we perhaps shall be better prepared for dis 
 cussing the different systems of that policy that we 
 would propose in regard to that disturbing element. I 
 suggest that the difference of opinion, reduced to its 
 lowest terms, is no other than the difference between 
 the men who think slavery a wrong and those who do 
 not think it wrong. The Republican party think it a 
 wrong we think it is a moral, a social and a political 
 wrong. We think it is a wrong not confining itself 
 merely to the persons or the States where it exists, but 
 that it is a wrong in its tendency, to say the least, that 
 extends to the existence of the whole nation. Because 
 we think it wrong, we propose a course of policy that 
 shall deal with it as a wrong. We deal with it as with 
 any other wrong, in so far as we can prevent its grow- 
 
A. H. STEPHENS VIEWS. 
 
 ing any larger, and so deal with it, that in the run of 
 time there may be some promise of an end to it. We 
 have a due regard to the actual presence of it amongst 
 us, and the difficulty of getting rid of it in any satis 
 factory way, and all the constitutional obligations 
 thrown about it. I suppose that in reference both to 
 its actual existence in the nation, and to our constitu 
 tional obligations, we have no right at all to disturb it 
 in the States where it exists, and we profess that we 
 have no more inclination to disturb it than we have the 
 right to do it. We go further than that; we don t 
 propose to disturb it where, in one instance, we think 
 the Constitution would permit us ; we think the Con 
 stitution would permit us to disturb it in the District 
 of Columbia ; still we do not propose to do that, unless 
 it should be in terms which I don t suppose the nation 
 is very likely soon to agree to the terms of making 
 the emancipation gradual, and compensating the unwill 
 ing owners. Where we suppose we have the constitu 
 tional right, we restrain ourselves in reference to the 
 actual existence of the institution and the difficulties 
 thrown about it. We also oppose it as an evil, so far as 
 it seeks to spread itself. We insist on the policy that 
 shall restrict it to its present limits. We don t suppose 
 that in doing this we violate anything due to the actual 
 presence of the institution, or anything due to the con 
 stitutional guarantees thrown around it." 
 
 The views of so conspicuous a leader as Alexander 
 H. Stephens, the Vice-President of the Southern Con 
 federacy, and now a member of Congress from Georgia, 
 are in singular contrast with those of Mr. Lincoln, and 
 seem at this day almost like irony. Mr. Stephens was 
 by no means a "fire-eater," but belonged to the more 
 moderate class of Southerners, as will appear from a 
 brief quotation from an address he delivered before the 
 Legislature of Georgia, November 14, I860, wherein he 
 deprecated secession. He said : " The first question 
 
A TRANSFORMATION. 
 
 which presents itself is, shall the people of the South 
 secede from the Union in consequence of the elec 
 tion of Mr. Lincoln to the Presidency of the United 
 States \ My countrymen, I tell you candidly, frankly 
 and earnestly, that I do not think that they ought. In 
 my judgment, the election of no man constitutionally 
 chosen to that high office, is sufficient cause for any 
 State to separate from the Union. It ought to stand by 
 and aid still in maintaining the Constitution of the 
 country. To make a point of resistance to the Govern 
 ment, to withdraw from it because a man has been con 
 stitutionally elected, puts us in the wrong. We went 
 into the election with this people, the result was differ 
 ent from what we wished, but the election has been 
 constitutionally held. Were we to make a point of re 
 sistance to the Government, and go out of the Union 
 on this account, the record would be made up hereafter 
 against us." 
 
 After the Confederacy was established, he made a 
 speech to the citizens of Savannah, in which he gave an 
 exposition of the principles on which the new govern 
 ment was founded. He said : "The new Constitution 
 had put at rest forever all agitating questions relating 
 to our peculiar institutions African slavery, as it ex 
 ists among us the proper status of the negro in our 
 form of civilization. Jefferson in his forecast, had an 
 ticipated this, as the rock upon which the old Union 
 would split. He was right. What was conjecture 
 with him, is now a realized fact. But whether he fully 
 comprehended the great truth upon which that rock 
 stood and stands, may be doubted. The prevailing 
 ideas entertained by him, and most of the leading states 
 men at the time of the formation of the old Constitu 
 tion, were, that the enslavement of the African was in 
 violation of the laws of nature ; that it was w r rong in 
 principle, socially, morally and politically. It was an 
 evil they knew not well how to deal with ; but the 
 
6 WEDDED TO ITS IDOL . 
 
 general opinion of the men of that day was, that somehow 
 or other, in the order of Providence, the institution 
 would become evanescent and pass away. This idea, 
 though not incorporated in the Constitution, was the pre 
 vailing idea at the time. The Constitution, it is true, 
 secured every essential guarantee to the institution while 
 it should last, and hence no argument can be justly used 
 against the Constitutional guarantees thus secured, be 
 cause of the common sentiment of the day. Those 
 ideas, however, were fundamentally wrong. They rested 
 upon the assumption of the equality of races ; this was 
 an error. It was a sandy foundation, and the idea of a 
 Government built upon it was a wrong. When the 
 storm came and the wind blew, it fell. " 
 
 " Our new Government is founded upon exactly the 
 opposite ideas ; its foundations are laid ; its corner-stone 
 rests upon the great truth that the negro is not equal to 
 the white man ; that slavery, subordination to the supe 
 rior race, is his natural and normal condition. This, 
 our new Government, is the first in the history of the 
 world based upon this great physical, philosophical 
 and moral truth. This truth has been slow in the pro 
 cess of its development, like all other truths in the 
 
 various departments of science." 
 
 * * * * * * * 
 
 "In the conflict thus far, success has been on our 
 side, complete through the length and breadth of the 
 Confederate States. It is upon this, as I have stated, 
 our social fabric is firmly planted, and I cannot permit 
 myself to doubt the ultimate success of a full recogni 
 tion of this principle throughout the civilized and en 
 lightened world." 
 
 The South readily accepted such doctrines, and was 
 practically a unit on the question at issue between itself 
 and the advocates of non-extension of slavery. The 
 liberal and modern view of the natural rights of man, 
 negroes included, obtained no foot-hold among the plan- 
 
STATUS OP THE SLAVE. 7 
 
 ters, and found very little favor among the non-slave- 
 holding whites of the South. All classes of whites were 
 wedded to the system, and could see only good in it. 
 This was but the natural result of the Southerner s edu 
 cation and associations. His fortune, often, and he be 
 lieved his happiness and prosperity, were largely de 
 pendent upon the perpetuity of the institution, as it ex 
 isted in the Southern States. Upon it was founded the 
 industrial interests of his section, and even his domestic 
 establishment seemed impracticable without the glam 
 our conferred by slavery. 
 
 This unanimity of sentiment was an element of 
 strength in politics, and it proved itself capable of dic 
 tating party platforms and achieving some notable 
 triumphs in Congressional Legislation, and was not 
 without great influence in the highest judicial body in 
 the nation, as witness the national platforms of the 
 party with which the pro- slavery masses of the South 
 acted in 1852, 1856 and 1860 ; the repeal of the Missouri 
 compromise measures ; the Kansas -Nebraska Legisla 
 tion, the fugitive slave law and the Dred Scott decision. 
 
 The institution was a powerful element in our politi 
 cal fabric, and was the foundation for a large Southern 
 representation in the House of Representatives, while, 
 at the same time, our highest Court had declared that a 
 slave or the descendant of an African slave could not 
 be a citizen in the sense of the term as used in the Con 
 stitution of the United States, nor could he have any 
 political rights ; from which it followed that the three- 
 fifth slave representation was a property representation. 
 And the Southerner insisted that his slave was a mere 
 chattel, and that his title to him rested upon the same 
 broad principle of right, and was governed by the same 
 laws that applied to any other kind of personal prop 
 erty, and that therefore he had the absolute right to 
 take and hold this property. But all attempts to de- 
 localize the institution, finally failed, and it became 
 
8 ELECTION OF LINCOLN. [1860. 
 
 evident that the sentiment of the country was irrevoca 
 bly fixed against the expansion of slavery. 
 
 The South now began to look forward to a possible 
 separation of the slave from the free States, as the only 
 certain means of securing the perpetuity of their cherish 
 ed institution. With this eventuality in view, the old 
 question of the powers vested in the Federal Govern 
 ment and the reserved rights of the several States, were 
 diligently discussed and industriously propagated by 
 Southern leaders in politics, business and society. 
 Their theory practically denationalized the Government, 
 and left it the mere representative of the co-partnership 
 of sovereign States, any one or more of which could 
 withdraw at pleasure. Stability could scarcely be hoped 
 for, if the organic law were really of this character. 
 And if it were clearly otherwise, so long as a large and 
 influential section of the country believed its inter 
 pretation to be the true one, the practical application of 
 that theory was only a question of time and circum 
 stances, depending on some real or assumed provoca 
 tion. 
 
 The election of Mr. Lincoln in 1860 was made the 
 pretext for the inauguration of the fore-ordained experi 
 ment of secession of the Slave States ; it was the prac 
 tical application of the doctrine of State s Rights. Pres 
 ident Buchanan doubted the power of the General 
 Government to obstruct this process of disintegration, 
 or to " coerce a Sovereign State." The Cabinet, Con 
 gress, and the officers of the Army and Navy, were 
 largely in sympathy with these views, while many of 
 them actively espoused the Southern cause. 
 
 Thus it came to pass, that between the date of Mr. 
 Lincoln s election, in November, 1860, and his inaugura 
 tion on the fourth of March, 1861, secession had made 
 formidable progress, and a so-called Southern Confeder 
 acy had been actually established, with Jefferson Davis 
 at the head of it, without hindrance or obstruction 
 
1861.] ATTACK ON SUMTER. 9 
 
 from the General Government, The seceding States 
 had taken possession, without opposition, of the U. S. 
 Forts at Beaufort and Wilmington ; Forts Caswell and 
 Johnson ; the Arsenal at Fayetteville ; Fort Barrancas, 
 and the Navy Yard at Pensacola ; the Arsenal at Little 
 Rock ; the U. S. Mint at New Orleans, and had practi 
 cally dispossessed the parent government of its property 
 and symbols of authority in a half-dozen Southern 
 States, while the Administration of Mr. Buchanan look 
 ed on in a dazed and resistless condition. 
 
 In the meantime the South had organized an army 
 and prepared for war ; Sullivan s Island, in Charleston 
 Harbor, had been fortified, with works bristling with 
 hostile cannon pointing toward Fort Sumter, over which 
 still floated the Stars and Stripes, and which was gar 
 risoned by a small body of United States troops, under 
 command of Major Anderson, a loyal Southerner. Every 
 other Fort, south of Virginia, had already fallen into 
 Confederate hands, without the firing of a gun, except 
 ing only Fort Pickens. 
 
 On the fourth of March, 1861, Mr. Lincoln succeeded 
 Mr. Buchanan, and even he entertained hopes of some 
 adjustment that should preserve the integrity of the 
 country, and save it from the horrors of civil war ; but 
 it was not to be. In the Providence of God the time 
 had come to recast and mould anew this Nation, and as 
 the first gleam of light, on the morning of the 12th of 
 April, revealed the grim walls of Sumter to the anxious 
 watchers on Sullivan s Island, the boom of cannon rolled 
 out from the brazen throat of a Confederate gun, and 
 the last hope of a peaceful solution was crushed by the 
 iron hand of fratricidal war. Battery after battery fol 
 lowed this signal gun, until Sumter was enveloped in 
 fire, and stone and mortar trembled with the roar of 
 artillery, and crumbled under the iron deluge that poured 
 upon them. 
 
10 THE NORTH AROUSED. [1861. 
 
 Quickly following this disaster came a self-inflicted 
 blow upon our Navy. At Norfolk, were the powerful 
 forty-gun steam frigate Merrimac, the Cumberland, the 
 Germantown, the Plymouth, the Raritan, the Columbia, 
 the Dolphin, the huge three-decker Pennsylvania, the 
 Delaware and Columbus, with over two thousand can 
 non ; quantities of small arms, and immense supplies of 
 war material and naval stores, valued at $10,000,000. 
 These vessels, with one exception, were scuttled and fired, 
 and the property abandoned by Captains McCauley and 
 Paulding, of our Navy, who then, at four o clock on the 
 morning of the 21st of April, fled from the scene of their 
 suicidal exploit, on board the Cumberland, lighted on 
 their way by the nation s burning Navy. 
 
 As a thrilling epilogue to this disgraceful abandon 
 ment of the most valuable war material of the Govern 
 ment, it will be remembered that the rebels raised the 
 Merrimac, and converted her into a powerful iron -clad 
 ram, and that on the 8th of March, 1862, the monster 
 came out from Norfolk Harbor on her mission of de 
 struction. The escaped Cumberland and the Congress 
 fell a prey to the fury of this novel and uncouth levia 
 than, whose mailed surface beat back the shot and shell 
 which our devoted vessels poured upon it, as though they 
 were rubber pellets. Indeed, but for the opportune 
 arrival in the waters of Hampton Roads of the little 
 Monitor and the gallant Worden, it is doubtful whether 
 we could have held Fortress Monroe against the as 
 saults of this almost impervious engine of destruction. 
 
 These untoward events alarmed and aroused the 
 people in the non-slave-holding States, and led them, 
 at last, to believe in the possibility of an internecine 
 war between the Government and the revolted States. 
 The effect was electrical. Party lines disappeared be 
 fore the higher duty of patriotism. The uprising of the 
 masses in favor of sustaining the just prerogatives of the 
 
1861.] THE SWORD THE ONLY ARBITER. H 
 
 Federal Government, and maintaining the inviolability 
 of the Union, was a grand spectacle. The universality 
 of this sentiment of loyalty surprised and disappointed 
 the Southern leaders. They were bold and able men, 
 and most of them were sincere in their belief in the ab 
 stract question of the right of a State to secede. Behind 
 them stood a constituency who had inculcated this 
 dangerous doctrine from their youth, and who would 
 tolerate no suggestion of its fallacy. The women of the 
 South were even more tenacious of the rights of slavery, 
 and the ultimate right of a State to withdraw from the 
 Union, than the men were, and the moral influence they 
 imparted to the cause was tremendous. To recede 
 would have been political and social ruin to the leaders, 
 and it remained only to settle the great issue they had 
 thrust upon the country by the terrible arbitrament of 
 the sword. 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 CONDITION OF ARMY AT OUTBREAK OF WAR OP NAVY DISLOYALTY IN 
 BOTH BRANCHES OF SERVICE CONFEDERATES BETTER PREPARED 
 THAN FEDERALS STATEMENTS OF SOUTHERN LEADERS ON THE SUB 
 JECT SENATOR DOUGLAS GLOWING SENTENCES THE CAPITAL IN 
 
 DANGER OF CAPTURE CIVILIANS ORGANIZE TO DEFEND IT THE 
 WHITE HOUSE AND PUBLIC BUILDINGS GARRISONED MARTIAL WEAK 
 NESS HUMILIATING TO NATIONAL PRIDE PURPOSE OF SECESSIONISTS 
 OPENLY PROCLAIMED NO PREPARATION ON PART OF FEDERAL 
 GOVERNMENT MR. BUCHANAN S NON-COERCION VIEWS ACTION OF 
 SOUTHERN SENATORS TREASON AN UNKNOWN CRIME INAUGURATION 
 OF LINCOLN PACIFIC ADDRESS THE OPENING CANNON THE MILITIA 
 OUR SOURCE OF MILITARY STRENGTH MR. LINCOLN CALLS THEM 
 FORTH THE RESPONSE A DRAGON IN THE WAY PRODIGIOUS ENERGY 
 IN FORWARDING TROOPS SOUTHRONS SURPRISED POLITICAL LINES 
 OBLITERATED SOUTH AS UNANIMOUS AS NORTH SUNDRY DELUSIONS 
 DISPELLED EXTENT OF REVOLTED STATES NEGROES FAITBFUL TO 
 THEIR MASTERS EFFECT THEREOF. 
 
 THE Federal Government could scarcely have been 
 less prepared for war than it was on the day the 
 Confederate batteries opened their fire on Fort Sumter. 
 The army contained but ten thousand seven hundred 
 and fifty-live officers and men ; many of the former dis 
 loyal. This little force was chiefly distributed in South 
 ern States and the Indian Country. General David E. 
 Twiggs, who commanded that portion of the army 
 stationed in Texas, surrendered his force to that State, 
 together with $12, 000, 500 worth of public property, and 
 was very indignant because President Buchanan dis 
 missed him from the army, "for treachery to the 
 flag of his country." He addressed a letter to Mr. 
 Buchanan, which reveals a singular state of mind on the 
 part of the writer, as to his duty towards the Govern- 
 
 12 
 
1861.] DISLOYALTY IN HIGH PLACES. 13 
 
 ment which had educated and supported him, and to 
 which he had taken an oath of fidelity. He says : 
 " Your usurped right to dismiss me from the army 
 might be acquiesced in, but you had no right to brand 
 me as a traitor. This was personal, and / shall treat it 
 as such not through the papers, but in person. I 
 shall, most assuredly, pay a visit to Lancaster, for the 
 sole purpose of a personal interview with you. So, sir, 
 prepare yourself. I am well assured public opinion will 
 sanction any course I may take with you." Could in 
 solence further go ? 
 
 The navy was as weak and unavailable as the army. 
 The report of the Secretary of the Navy, July, 1861, 
 showed that of the 90 vessels belonging to the navy, but 
 two of them, carrying 27 guns and 280 men, were within 
 reach, and likely to obey the orders of the department. 
 Mr. Toucy, Mr. Buchanan s Secretary of the Navy, had 
 sent 5 of our ships to the East Indies, 3 to Brazil, 7 to 
 the Pacific Ocean, 3 to the Mediterranean, 7 to the 
 Coast of Africa, and others to other remote stations, 
 where they were of no use in our great emergency. As 
 early as February, 1861, a Congressional Committee had 
 been directed to investigate the conduct of the Secretary, 
 and this committee reported that the Brooklyn, 25 
 guns, and the store-ship Relief, 2 guns, were the only 
 vessels available for the defense of the Atlantic Coast ; 
 the latter vessel, even then, under orders for Africa. 
 The committee say nothing like it ever occurred before. 
 Such disposition of the navy, at so critical a period, was 
 pronounced extraordinary. The committee also arraign 
 the Secretary for neglecting to put in repair and com 
 mission a single one of the 28 ships dismantled in port, 
 although he had $646,639.79 of the appropriation for 
 repairs, unexpended. 
 
 Mr. Cameron, Secretary of War under Mr. Lincoln 
 at the outset of his administration, thus speaks of the 
 condition of the War Department, when it was turned 
 
14 SOUTH WELL ARMED. [186L 
 
 over to him at the end of Buchanan s administration : 
 I found the department destitute of all means of de 
 fence ; without guns, and with little prospect of pur 
 chasing the material of war. I found the nation with 
 out an army, and I found scarcely a man throughout 
 the whole War Department in whom I could put my 
 trust. The adjutant-general deserted, the quarter-master- 
 general ran off, the commissary-general was on his 
 death bed ; more than half the clerks were disloyal." 
 
 The Richmond Enquirer stated, that under a single 
 order Secretary Floyd sent, during the preceding year, 
 114,868 improved muskets and rifles from Northern to 
 Southern Arsenals. The Memphis Appeal boasted that 
 by the transfers made by Floyd, and by the seizure of 
 forts and arsenals, and some purchases abroad, the Con 
 federate States had, in the spring of 1861, 707,000 stand 
 of arms, and 200,000 revolvers ; a pretty good out-fit. 
 
 The seceded States appropriated, without scruple, 
 the government s war material, and there was no arm 
 of the service in which they were not thus very well 
 equipped. The abandonment by the federal forces of 
 the Norfolk Navy Yard, one of the most extensive naval 
 depots in the country, threw into the hands of the rebels 
 nearly 3,000 cannon of the most formidable and efficient 
 kinds many of them Columbiads and Dahlgrens. 
 They were spiked, of course, by our people, but that is 
 an idle ceremony, except to avoid immediate use of the 
 guns. Shot, shell, revolvers, carbines, and small arms, 
 in vast quantities, were cast into the harbor, to be fished 
 out again, with almost as much ease and certainty as 
 they were thrown in. From these combined sources the 
 Confederates were enabled to confront the Unionists, at 
 the beginning of the war, with a decided superiority, 
 both in quantity and quality of arms. 
 
 On the other hand, the South boasted of its readi 
 ness for war. On the 18th of February, 1861, a member 
 of the Military Committee of the Confederate Congress, 
 
1861.] SOUTHERN ADMISSION. 15 
 
 said: " My colleague, however, greatly errs, when he 
 states we are unprepared for war, and have no arms, 
 and I am unwilling to let the assertion go undenied. 
 Sir, we have arms in abundance, though no armories. 
 Every State has amply provided itself to meet any emer 
 gency that may arise, and is daily purchasing and re 
 ceiving cannon, mortars, shell, and other engines of 
 destruction, with which to overwhelm the dastard ad 
 versary. Organized armies now exist in all the States, 
 commanded by officers brave, accomplished and ex 
 perienced ; and even should war occur in twenty days, 
 I feel confident that they have both the valor and the 
 arms, successfully to resist any force whatever." But 
 in addition to all this, the South was educated up to the 
 undisturbed contemplation of a state of war between 
 itself and the Federal Government ; and victory, to the 
 Southern arms was the unquestioned and undoubted 
 result. The Charleston Courier was disposed to have 
 the Confederacy treat the Northern States as insurgents, 
 and deny them recognition. Still, if the North quietly 
 acquiesced in secession, the South, after transferring its 
 seat of Government to Washington, might possibly con 
 descend to recognize what might be left of the old Con 
 federacy, in order to enable it to maintain a feeble 
 national existence. 
 
 The South Carolina leaders but expressed the truth 
 as to the state of the Southern mind on the question of 
 a separation, when Mr. Inglis said to his colleagues in 
 the convention: "Most of us have had this subject 
 under consideration for the last twenty years." Mr. 
 Keitt said: "I have been engaged in this movement 
 ever since I entered political life." Mr. Rhett said : 
 " It (secession) is not produced by Mr. Lincoln s elec 
 tion, or the non-execution of the fugitive slave law. It 
 is a matter which has been gathering head for thirty 
 years." 
 
16 SENATOR DOUGLAS. [1861. 
 
 Senator Douglas, in his great speech before ten 
 thousand people at Chicago, on the first day of May, 
 1861, said : "There has never been a time from the day 
 that Washington was inaugurated first President of the 
 United States, when the rights of the Southern States 
 stood firmer under the laws of the land than they do 
 now ; there never was a time when they had not as good 
 cause for disunion as they have to-day. What good 
 cause have they now that has not existed under every 
 administration ? 
 
 " The slavery question is a mere excuse. The elec 
 tion of Lincoln is a mere pretext. The present secession 
 movement is the result of an enormous conspiracy, 
 formed more than a year since. Formed by leaders in 
 the Southern Confederacy more than twelve months 
 ago. 
 
 " But this is no time for the detail of causes. The 
 conspiracy is now known. Armies have been raised, 
 war is levied to accomplish it. There are only two sides 
 of the question. Every man must be for the United 
 States or against it. There can be no neutrals in this 
 war ; only patriots or traitors. I know they expect to 
 present a united South against a divided North. They 
 hoped, in the Northern States, party questions would 
 bring civil war between Democrats and Republicans, 
 when the South would step in with her cohorts, aid one 
 party to conquer the other, and then make easy prey of 
 the victors. Their scheme was carnage and civil war in 
 the North." 
 
 The Richmond Enquirer of April 23, 1861, urged an 
 attempt to capture Washington, and declared it entirely 
 feasible ; why such an attempt was not made in the 
 spring of 1861 is one of the unsolved riddles of Con 
 federate policy. That such an enterprise would have 
 had many chances in favor of its success, cannot be 
 doubted. While it is possible that such a movement 
 would have inflamed the North, and extinguished the 
 
1861.] WASHINGTON IN DANGER. 17 
 
 last spark of sympathy with the rebel cause in the loyal 
 states ; on the other hand, it would have been likely to 
 carry the border states over to the Confederates and 
 secure to the Confederacy the recognition of foreign 
 governments. 
 
 Well authenticated facts show that a secret organ 
 ization existed, from which the Capital was in danger 
 of capture, for a month after Mr. Lincoln s inauguration. 
 The plan involved a march upon the city by 3,000 
 Virginians, an uprising by the Washington Secession 
 ists ; while the Baltimore Rebels were to cut off the 
 communication by telegraph and rail with the North, 
 and march upon the beleagured city in such force as 
 they could command. If this movement proved suc 
 cessful, the Confederate government was to advance its 
 troops and occupy the captured town; but if the Federals 
 developed unlooked-for strength and the assailants were 
 repulsed, the Confederate government would stand in a 
 position to shirk all responsibility, and treat the affair 
 as the exploit of unauthorized partisans. 
 
 The Federal government knew enough of this scheme 
 to appreciate the danger to which it subjected the 
 Capital, and to be induced to make such provisions 
 against its success as were possible, with the limited 
 means at hand. The situation of the President, his 
 Cabinet, and the various officers, archives and property 
 of the several departments of the government, were 
 anomalous. The population of the city was largely and 
 bitterly opposed to the administration, while of the 
 clerks in the departments, about eighty per cent, were 
 from the South, and nearly every one of them was dis 
 loyal. The city of Richmond, itself, could hardly have 
 been more hostile to the administration, and Mr. Lincoln 
 and his Cabinet, in so far as sympathy was concerned, 
 might as well have been set down in the latter city. 
 But there were a great many transient inhabitants in 
 Washington at this time men who were loyal and 
 
18 MAETIAL WEAKNESS. [186L 
 
 friendly to the administration. These men met, by notice 
 quietly communicated, in the old church in rear of 
 Willard s Hotel, on the evening of April 18th ; the oath 
 of fidelity was administered, and the celebrated "Cassius 
 M. Clay Battalion" was formed. This organization 
 consisted of about 200 men; they were from the best 
 ranks of society and represented the culture and wealth 
 of the land. This battalion was divided into squads, 
 and each under an efficient commander, patrolled the 
 streets of the Capital. Another party of three hundred 
 men was quietly gathered in the east room at the White 
 House, under command of Gen. Lane, of Kansas ; and 
 for three weeks this improvised garrison occupied these 
 quarters. The veteran General Scott took possession of 
 the capitol building with a few hundred men, and con 
 verted the stiucture into a citadel, which he supplied 
 with provisions and military stores, adapted to a siege. 
 The long bridge across the Potomac was under charge 
 of a body of dragoons, and a detachment of artillery had 
 its guns planted on the Washington side to sweep the 
 structure. 
 
 All these preparations were very inadequate to de 
 fend the city against so formidable an attack as was be 
 lieved to, and probably did menace it. Why the medi 
 tated blow was not struck is now only a matter of con 
 jecture. 
 
 These circumstances revealed a state of affairs hu 
 miliating to a just national pride, and endangered for a 
 time the very life of the Republic. To see a govern 
 ment of 38,000,000 of people, rich in all the resources- 
 that tend to make them great and powerful, ranking 
 second to no nation of the earth, so denuded of its 
 proper martial puissance that it could not set a squadron 
 in the field, even to save its capital from capture, was 
 unspeakably humbling. 
 
 The lesson of 1861 ought to have taught our national 
 Legislators that we are not so isolated from the rest of 
 
1861.] FALSE ECONOMY. 19 
 
 the world, nor so safe from internal violence that we 
 can dispense with an army and conduct this government 
 on high moral principles alone. But we are advancing 
 now toward the same condition of impotence that cov 
 ered us with mortification and imperiled our existence 
 eighteen years ago. And still our u reformers " demand 
 a further reduction of the army, and would take from 
 the Federal Government the authority to control what 
 little there is left of it. 
 
 With new-born zeal for economy, they tell us the 
 army costs much money. True, it does ; but how many 
 tens of thousands of human lives, and how many mil 
 lions of dollars has the non-existence of an army cost 
 us ? Does any man believe that the war of the rebel 
 lion would ever have been inaugurated if the disloyal 
 element had not known that the Government was 
 practically powerless ? Does any one believe that the 
 war of the rebellion would have been fought if this 
 Government had had an adequate, a loyal and an efficient 
 army in 1861 ? NEVER ! ! 
 
 It is an unwise policy, if it is not a false and dishonest 
 pretence, which, in the name of economy, allows our 
 ships of war to rot in their ports and our army to be re 
 duced to a single corps. Such policy invites insult and 
 invasion from without, disorder and insurrection within. 
 
 Not till those halcyon days shall come, u when nations 
 shall learn war no more," can a great Government afford 
 thus to disarm itself before the world. We believe in all 
 just measures of economy, and in that reform which 
 looks to the elevation and prosperity of the whole 
 country ; but we do not believe in depriving the Gov 
 ernment of the power to enforce, at home and abroad, on 
 sea and land, on the plains among the Indians, or among 
 the strikers and rioters in Harrisburg and Baltimore, re 
 spect for its authority. 
 
 The thunder of preparation for war had rolled up 
 from the South for months. Her States had seceded 
 
20 NON-COERCION VIEWS. [1861. 
 
 and formed a new Government. They had possessed 
 themselves of the forts and war material of the nation. 
 They had organized armies for the avowed purpose of 
 resisting the authority of the Federal Government. They 
 had erected batteries and mounted heavy cannon to re 
 duce a Federal fort in Charleston Harbor. Their pur 
 pose had been openly declared on the floor of Congress ; 
 in the Cabinet of Mr. Buchanan ; by words and deeds, 
 all over the country. There had been no concealment 
 of the rebel purpose since November, 1860. It was a 
 dissolution of the Union and the erection of a separate 
 and independent Government, composed of some or all 
 the slave-holding States. This and nothing less, was 
 the programme defiantly and insolently flaunted in the 
 nation s face, through all the winter of 1860-1 ; and no 
 one called it treason. Indeed, our form of Govern 
 ment seemed to be either not a subject of treason, or 
 without power to punish it. 
 
 Mr. Buchanan could find no authority in the Consti 
 tution to justify an attempt to arrest the disintegra 
 tion. His Attorney-general concurred in this view of 
 the question. His Secretary of the Interior boasted of 
 the fact that he had telegraphed the rebels at Charleston, 
 that the Star of the West was on her way to re -enforce 
 Major Anderson, and that " the (rebel) troops were then 
 put on their guard, and when the ship arrived in 
 Charleston Harbor she received a warm welcome from 
 booming cannon, and soon beat a hasty retreat." His 
 Secretary of the Navy had paralyzed that arm of Gov 
 ernment power, as already shown. His Secretary of 
 War had been equally successful in neutralizing that 
 department, and he even had the effrontery to protest 
 to President Buchanan against the transfer of Major 
 Anderson and his men from Fort Moultrie to Sumter, 
 and to demand that the President should allow him to 
 issue an order for the withdrawal of Major Anderson 
 from Charleston Harbor, thereby surrendering it to the 
 
1861.] ACTION OF SOUTHERN SENATORS. 21 
 
 rebels. And because Mr. Buchanan refused to permit 
 such an order to be issued, Floyd resigned his port 
 folio, and betook himself South. 
 
 On the sixth of January, 1861, the Senators from 
 Florida, Georgia, Alabama, Louisiana, Arkansas, Texas 
 and Mississippi, then, and for weeks afterwards, hold 
 ing their seats as United States Senators under their 
 oath of fidelity to the Government, met together and 
 adopted resolutions advising such of their several 
 States as had not already done so, to secede and form a 
 Confederate Government, not later than the fifteenth of 
 February, then next ; the time being so fixed " to en 
 able Louisiana and Texas to participate." Senator 
 Yulee, of Florida, who communicated this resolve to 
 his constituents, said in his letter accompanying it : "It 
 seemed to be the opinion, if we left here, (Washington) 
 force, loan and volunteer bills might be passed, which 
 would put Mr. Lincoln in immediate condition for hos 
 tilities. Whereas, by remaining in our places until the 
 fourth of March, it is thought we can keep Mr. Buch 
 anan s hands tied, and disable the Republicans from 
 effecting any legislation which will strengthen the 
 hands of the incoming Administration." Senator Iver- 
 son, of Georgia, in withdrawing from the United States 
 Senate, said : Georgia is one of six States, which, in 
 less than sixty days, have dissolved their connection 
 with the Federal Union. Steps are now in progress to 
 form a Confederacy of their own. If you (the United 
 States) acknowledge our independence, and treat us as 
 one of the nations of the earth, you can have friendly 
 relations and intercourse with us ; you can have an 
 equitable division of the public property and of the ex 
 isting public debt of the United States. But if you 
 make war upon us, we will seize and hold all the public 
 property in our borders, and in our reach ; we care not 
 in what shape or form, or under what pretext you un 
 dertake coercion; in whatever shape you make war, 
 
22 INAUGURATION OF LINCOLN. [1861. 
 
 we will fight you." Still, nobody ventured to utter the 
 word "treason." With the conclusion of the trial of 
 Aaron Burr, treason seems to have been practically 
 blotted out of the statutes of the United States. 
 
 The inauguration of Mr. Lincoln produced no im 
 mediately apparent change in the bearing of the Admin 
 istration towards the South, but the views of the new 
 President were very carefully expressed on the great 
 questions towards which all thoughts were directed. 
 He said : "To the extent of my ability I shall take 
 care, as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon 
 me, that the laws of the United States be faithfully ex 
 ecuted in all the States. The power confided to me will 
 be used to hold, occupy and possess the property and 
 places belonging to the Government, and collect the du 
 ties and imposts ; but beyond what may be necessary 
 for these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of 
 force against or among the people anywhere." 
 
 This was the modest programme of the new Presi 
 dent, and it did not look very belligerent. To the 
 Secessionists he said : "In your hands, my dissatisfied 
 countrymen, and not in mine, is the momentous issue 
 of civil war. The Government will not assail you. 
 You can have no conflict without being yourselves the 
 aggressors. You have no oath registered in Heaven to 
 destroy the Government, while I shall have the most 
 solemn one to preserve, protect and defend it. I am 
 loath to close. We are not enemies, but friends ; we 
 must not be enemies. Though passion may have 
 strained, it must not break our bonds of affection. The 
 mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battle 
 field and patriot grave to every living heart and hearth 
 stone all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus 
 of the Union when again touched, as surely they will be, 
 by the better angels of our nature." 
 
 Though these words were pacific, and held out the 
 olive branch to the South, yet they fully covered the 
 
1861.] DEPENDENCE UPON THE MILITIA. 23 
 
 situation, and the conviction was general that Mr. Lin 
 coln would live up to his solemn pledge, and at the 
 proper time would act with decision and boldness. 
 Although it might have been said that the South had 
 already committed numerous acts of war against the 
 Federal Government, yet each side wished to leave to 
 the other the fearful responsibility of firing the first 
 gun, if war must come. 
 
 As time went on, and the Federal Government ad 
 hered to its inoffensive policy, the leaders of Secession 
 became apprehensive that the way to reconciliation 
 might be opened or that the Secession ardor might 
 abate, and they, therefore, resolved to put an impass 
 able barrier between North and South. To this end, on 
 the morning of the twelfth of April, they opened fire on 
 Fort Sumter, and the gauge of battle could no longer be 
 disregarded by Mr. Lincoln. The last hope of a peace 
 ful solution expired with the reverberations of the first 
 cannon that sent its shot against the walls of Sumter, 
 and aroused the nation at last to a partial conscious 
 ness of the imminence of the danger which threatened it. 
 
 Our fathers regarded the militia of the several States 
 as the true source of military strength in such a Gov 
 ernment as ours, and the Constitution makes provision 
 for calling out these citizen soldiers for service under 
 the Federal authority. It was feared, however, that 
 the " cankers of a calm world and long peace " had left 
 our militia organizations in anything but an efficient 
 condition. Nevertheless, they had to be depended upon 
 in this great emergency, and, perhaps, the result af 
 forded the highest evidence of the wisdom and foresight 
 of the fathers of the Constitution, in thus placing in the 
 hands of these patriotic and voluntary organizations 
 the ark of the Federal Constitution. At all events, they 
 did not disappoint any reasonable hopes reposed in 
 them, from the opening to the end of the rebellion. 
 
24 PRODIGIOUS ENERGY. [1861. 
 
 [Some reader who thinks it witty or popular to laugh at 
 the militia, (always excepting the New York Seventh 
 and a half-dozen other crack regiments, here and there) 
 is expected to turn up his nose at this general com 
 mendation, and ask : " How about the first Bull Run ?" 
 We answer unhesitatingly, that veterans have seldom 
 fought better under like conditions than our militia did 
 on the 21st day of July, 1861, at Bull Run. In proof 
 of this, we propose to present, by and by, some facts for 
 the consideration of the reader.] 
 
 Under the authority thus conferred, Mr. Lincoln, on 
 the fifteenth day of April, issued his proclamation, set 
 ting forth that certain States were engaged in obstruct 
 ing the laws of the United States, by combinations too 
 powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of 
 judicial proceedings, and that he therefore called for 
 the militia of the several States, to the aggregate num 
 ber of seventy-five thousand men. 
 
 The Bay State displayed most alacrity in responding 
 to this call, and on the day following the promulgation 
 of the proclamation, the 6th Massachusetts regiment, 
 completely equipped, left Boston for the National Capi 
 tal. Baltimore lay like a dragon across their line of 
 march, and while passing through that city, the regi 
 ment was attacked by a furious mob of rebel sympa 
 thizers, and several of its men were killed or severely 
 wounded. 
 
 Following this event, the railroad bridges over Gfun- 
 powder, Bush and Canton Rivers, between Baltimore and 
 Havre de Grace, were burned, and the Government was 
 obliged to find other routes for transporting troops and 
 war material, from the east and north to the Capital. 
 
 Now, however, inflamed nearly as much by the 
 brutal and unprovoked assault on the 6th Massachu 
 setts, as by the attack on Fort Sumter, prodigious 
 energy was displayed in the forwarding of troops, and 
 in a few days the Administration felt that all danger of 
 
1861.] PARTY LINES OBLITERATED. 25 
 
 its expulsion from the Capital was over, and that the 
 nucleus of an army was encamped around the city. 
 
 Considering the fact that the Eebellion was quasi- 
 political, the uprising of the masses of the people of 
 the loyal States, irrespective of party, was something 
 wonderful in the history of revolutionary movements. 
 The southern leaders supposed that the ties of party 
 would bind to their cause a considerable body of men 
 in every State, and that if they did not act with them, 
 they would at least openly sympathize with them. And 
 they believed that this course would seriously hamper 
 and embarrass the administration ; but instead of this, 
 political ties with the rebel South were snapped asunder 
 without a moment s hesitation, and Democrat and Re 
 publican stood sho alder to shoulder in support of the 
 Government. 
 
 The country had just passed through an unusually 
 heated and exciting political canvass, and it was the 
 purpose of the secessionists to strike the blow for 
 dissolution before the blood, warmed up in the political 
 contest, had resumed its cool and wonted flow. But its 
 eifect upon their political allies was the reverse of what 
 they looked for, and really, of what they had reason to 
 expect. No other age or country has ever presented 
 the exact parallel of such an inflexible line of demark- 
 ation as between the rebel and loyal States. True, the 
 people of the so-called border States were divided on the 
 question ; but passing these, either way, there were 
 no contending factions ; practically, on the southerly 
 side all the whites were rebels, and on the northerly side 
 all were loyal. 
 
 The impression that prevailed so generally at the 
 North, in the early days of the war, that a large propor 
 tion of the whites in the Southern States were opposed 
 to secession and wanted to see the Union preserved, was 
 a baseless delusion. There may have been many, who 
 like A. H. Stephens, were averse to a separation, but 
 
26 SLAVES FAITHFUL TO MASTERS. [1861. 
 
 when the deed was done, they, like him, gave their 
 whole souls to the cause. Exceptions here and there, 
 like the case of John Minor Botts on the rebel side, and 
 Vallandingham on the Union side, were striking chiefly 
 because of the rarity of such instances. 
 
 It required a few months to effectually dispel another 
 Northern delusion, in which the "hope was father to the 
 thought." We could reason upon the fall of Sumter 
 without necessarily plunging the country into war, and 
 we tried hard to believe that when the South saw the 
 government arm for the strife, it would find some 
 way by which diplomacy might avert the impending 
 conflict, and restore the revolted States to their allegiance 
 to the Government. But Bull -Run extinguished this fond 
 hope, and as the news of that untoward battle sped over 
 the country, the Administration and the people saw the 
 struggle was inevitable and that it would assume her 
 culean proportions, and it and they prepared to meet it. 
 
 The revolted States embraced an area of 783,144 
 square miles, with a white population of 5,672,272 and 
 3,279,320 slaves. The slaves, who were counted upon 
 in the beginning, by our Northern people, as an element 
 of weakness to the South, really constituted one of the 
 rebels most useful factors in carrying on the war. Their 
 fidelity to their masters, under all the circumstances, 
 was most extraordinary, and enabled the white popula 
 tion to send all its able-bodied men into the field, while 
 the industry of the negroes provided for the wants of 
 the non-combatants, and very largely also for the Con 
 federate armies. Moreover, the negroes were employed 
 by the Confederates in various quasi-military occupa 
 tions in the commissary, quartermaster s and ordnance 
 departments, whereby an equal number of whites were 
 relegated to the ranks. 
 
 This condition of things enabled the Confederates, 
 with a white population greatly inferior to that of the 
 loyal States, to rally around their standards during the 
 
1861. J MAGNITUDE OF THE WAR. 27 
 
 first two years of the war, armies quite as large, and 
 sometimes larger than our own. 
 
 The magnitude of the attempt to coerce these people, 
 and constrain them to acknowledge and respect the 
 federal authority, can only be measured by the vast 
 area of their territory, the number and the circum 
 stances of the population, and the severity and duration 
 of the contest. 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 CONSTITUTIONAL FORETHOUGHT MILITIA DECADENCE THE 240TH 
 COLONEL CHRISTOPHER FIEKO TWENTIETH REGIMENT DISTRICT- 
 ROSTER LETTER FROM COLONEL FIERO HISTORICAL AND BIO 
 GRAPHICAL GENERAL SAMSON AN EARNEST MAN A FAITHFUL 
 FRIEND AUSTERE BUT KIND A SCENE WITH CAPTAIN HAULEX- 
 BECK ANOTHER WITH THE OFFICER OF THE DAY REQUIESCAT IN 
 PACE. 
 
 THE Constitution of the United States declares that a 
 well-regulated militia is necessary to the security of a 
 free State. The Constitution and Laws of the State 
 of New York provide for the creation and maintenance 
 of a militia organization. But there had been nothing to 
 arouse the military ardor of our people for more than 
 a quarter of a century after the close of the last war 
 with Great Britain, and our militia organizations 
 drooped and degenerated until they became mere bur 
 lesques. Long years of peace and habits of thrift and 
 industry had practically extinguished the martial spirit, 
 except in our cities, where favorable conditions enabled 
 the organizations to flourish. 
 
 The war with Mexico stimulated the military senti 
 ment in a gentle way, but produced no permanent results. 
 Again, a long period of peace ensued, and it seemed as 
 improbable that war should visit our peaceful land as 
 that the sun should cease to shine upon it, or that its 
 rich soil should refuse to return to the husbandman the 
 rewards of his industry. We were at comity with all 
 the world, and never dreamed of treason. Why then, 
 should our artizans and farmers, our merchants and 
 lawyers, play their brief hour at soldiering once or twice 
 a year ? Why should our intensely practical people 
 mimic the u pride, pomp and circumstance of glorious 
 war/ who never more should see "battle s magnifi 
 cently stern array?" 
 
 28 
 
1847.] TWENTIETH REGIMENTAL DISTRICT. 29 
 
 The militia organization of which the " Twentieth " 
 was the successor, was known in its day as the 245th 
 Regiment, and it did nothing to impress itself upon the 
 annals of its time. The very number it bore proves its 
 absurdity. Like its fellows, it had neither cohesion or 
 discipline, uniforms or equipments. It occasionally 
 helped to amuse the people at "general trainings," 
 which events usually resulted in a general train. 
 
 This was not the fault of its commanding officer, but 
 of the system upon which these regiments were organ 
 ized and maintained, and the inevitable demoralization 
 resulting therefrom. The 245th was the peer of any of 
 its fellow country organizations, and probably superior 
 to many. 
 
 Colonel Christopher Fiero, then and now a resident 
 of Saugerties, Ulster County, was commissioned by 
 Governor Silas Wright, colonel of the 245th, January 
 13th, 1845, and continued to command it until a re-or 
 ganization took place, under an act of the Legislature, 
 passed in 1847, whereby the counties of Ulster and Sul 
 livan were constituted a new regimental district, to be 
 known as the "Twentieth Regimental District," and 
 Colonel Fiero, as the senior commandant, was commis 
 sioned colonel of the new organization, April 28th, 1848. 
 
 The two counties were sub-divided into eight com 
 pany districts, according to population, and with the fol 
 lowing result : First Company Saugerties and Wood 
 stock. Second Kingston arid Shandaken. Third- 
 Hurley, Olive and Marbletown. Fourth Rosendale, 
 Esopus and New-Paltz. Fifth Rochester and War- 
 warsing. Sixth Lloyd, Plattekill and Marlborough, 
 for Ulster County ; and Sullivan as follows : Seventh 
 Rockland, Neversink, Callicoon, Liberty and Falls - 
 burgh. Eighth Cochecton, Bethel, Thompson and 
 Lumberland. There were to be two flank companies 
 raised in the district at large, one of artillery and one of 
 rifles. 
 
30 ROSTER. [1848. 
 
 The first regimental roster was as follows : Christo 
 pher Fiero, Colonel ; Henry A. Samson, of Samson- 
 ville, Lieutenant- Colonel ; John D. O Neil, of Falls- 
 burgh, Major ; John L. Butzel, of Saugerties, Adjutant ; 
 Jason Gillespy, of Saugerties, Quartermaster ; William 
 Hornbeck, of Ellenville, Paymaster ; Abram Crispell, 
 of Rondout, Surgeon ; Rev. Silas Fitch, Rondout, Chap 
 lain. 
 
 The line officers were: First Company -Francis 
 Haber, succeeded by Abram H. Martin, Captain ; Sea 
 man G-. Searing, First Lieutenant ; William B. Dubois, 
 Second Lieutenant. Second Company George F. Yon 
 Beck, Captain ; soon after promoted to Brigade inspector, 
 and succeeded by Adam Metzger. Nicholas Kreitel, 
 First Lieutenant. Third Company James A. Gillespy, 
 Captain, Stone Ridge. Fourth Company John Van 
 Ostrand, Rosendale, Captain. Fifth Company M. D. 
 Freer, Ellenville, Captain. Sixth Company John 
 Bodine, Modena, Captain. 
 
 An additional company was organized at Kingston, 
 with Teunis H. Haulenbeck as Captain, T. V. G. Folant 
 as First Lieutenant, and George Yan Keuren as Second 
 Lieutenant. A company was organized at Samsonville, 
 of which James E. Gay was Captain, J. P. Schoon- 
 maker, First Lieutenant, and Samuel Penneman, Second 
 Lieutenant. Of the artillery company, Dennis Carroll 
 was Captain, Michael Maher, First, and James Diamond 
 and Patrick Kinney, Second and Third Lieutenants. 
 John Derrenbacher was Captain of the rifle company, 
 and Jacob Hersch was First, and F. G. Horst was Sec 
 ond Lieutenant. 
 
 On the nineteenth of May, 1855, Gideon E. Bushnell, 
 of Clarryville, Sullivan County, was commissioned colo 
 nel, in place of Fiero, resigned. Colonel Bushnell had 
 some time previously been appointed lieutenant-colonel 
 in place of Samson, who had been promoted to the com 
 mand of the eighth brigade. 
 
1855.] COLONEL FIERO. 31 
 
 To show the interest still felt in the organization by 
 its first regimental commander, I take the liberty to 
 copy the concluding paragraphs of a letter recently 
 received from Colonel Fiero : 
 
 "My active connection with the regiment ceased on 
 my resignation in 1855, when I was succeeded by Lieu 
 tenant-Colonel Bushnell. Your intimate acquaintance 
 with the period immediately succeeding, will no doubt 
 furnish you abundant materials for further details after 
 that date. 
 
 "I must, however, be allowed to express the great 
 degree of satisfaction afforded me in learning of the 
 probable speedy completion of the story of the old 20th, 
 in whose early history I indulge a pardonable pride, 
 which is intensified by the fact, that in its subsequent 
 career, it more than fulfilled the hopes of its friends and 
 outdid the expectations of its founders. 
 
 u It is a source of hearty congratulation to those in 
 terested in the organization, that it is to find a historian, 
 not only from among those who are familiar with its 
 career during the piping times of peace, but in one 
 who was actively connected with it in the days that 
 tried men s souls, and who was in a position to learn the 
 facts which will now enable him to do full justice to its 
 merits. Wishing you abundant success in your under 
 taking, 
 
 I remain yours very truly, 
 
 CHRISTOPHER FIERO, 
 Late Col. 20th Retft, N. Y. 8. M." 
 
 On the eighteenth of October, 1878, an anonymous 
 writer published in the Kingston Journal an article on 
 the early history of the Twentieth, which contains so 
 many interesting historical and biographical facts, that 
 I insert it. It is as follows : 
 
 " The brief history ol the Twentieth Regiment given 
 
32 SAMSON VON BECK CRISPELL. [1852- 
 
 in a recent article in the Journal, in connection with an 
 account of the reunion of the veterans, has not only re 
 ceived warm commendation as a faithful and correct 
 sketch of its record during the rebellion, but has called 
 out reminiscences of the days before the war, and awak 
 ened interest in the story of the organization of the 
 Ulster Guard. 
 
 "We therefore recall some of the facts connected with 
 the formation of the regiment, which to many will re 
 vive associations and call up recollections of scenes and 
 faces once as familiar as "household words;" premising 
 that the intimation contained in the previous article, 
 that the regiment was formed in 1857, related to its con 
 solidation with the Twenty -eighth Regiment, which up 
 to that time had existed as a separate organization, into 
 a single command, under Colonel Pratt, rather than to 
 the date when it assumed the form and took the name 
 under which it has been a source of honor and just pride 
 to the citizens of Ulster. 
 
 The Twentieth Regiment was organized and estab 
 lished in 1851, under the direction of the State military 
 authorities, by Colonel Christopher Fiero, then and still 
 a resident of Saugerties, under the militia law of 1847, 
 and succeeded a military organization which had been 
 known as the Two Hundred and Forty-fifth Regiment, 
 of which Colonel Fiero was the commandant at the time 
 it was disbanded, and by virtue of his rank became 
 Colonel of the new regiment, and, as such, supervised 
 the enlistment of the men and recommended the ap 
 pointment of the officers ; and in 1852 many of the men 
 who were for a long time prominent in social, business 
 and military circles, and some of whom afterward dis 
 tinguished themselves at the front among the bravest of 
 the brave, began their military career. 
 
 "Prominent among the first officers was General Henry 
 A. Samson, who was appointed to the Lieutenant-Col 
 onelcy, in which position he always took a most intense 
 
1852.] DERRENBACHER BODINE. 33 
 
 interest in military affairs, and which position he filled 
 until, at a later date, he was promoted to the rank of 
 Brigadier-General, commanding the Eighth Brigade, 
 which included the old regiment. 
 
 "Major George F. Yon Beck received his first commis 
 sion as Captain of an infantry company of the Twen 
 tieth, which he was active in recruiting at Eondout, and 
 which he commanded until appointed Brigade-Inspector 
 upon the staff of General Samson, with rank of Major, 
 thus obtaining the military title by which he was best 
 known a position which he filled for a considerable 
 period. 
 
 * Dr. Abram Crispell was the first regimental Surgeon, 
 and how long and how creditably he filled that office is 
 a matter the recollection of which is not confined to 
 those alone who recall the days before the war, and his 
 connection with the command dates from its infancy to 
 the days when it made history, 
 
 "Captain John Derrenbacher was closely identified 
 with the enlistment of one of the companies, of which 
 he was the principal promoter and earliest commandant, 
 while other companies were organized at different points 
 throughout the county, including Saugerties, Rosendale, 
 Stone Ridge and Ellenville. 
 
 Among the company commanders commissioned at 
 this time is Captain John Bodine, who has since achieved 
 so enviable a notoriety as a representative American 
 rifleman, and whose wonderful nerve at Dollymount won 
 the admiration of Europe and America. Captain Bo- 
 dine commanded the company recruited at Modena, and 
 in his present position as Division-Inspector of Rifle 
 Practice, doubtless contemplates with no little pleasure 
 the proficiency in marksmanship of the members of the 
 Twentieth Battalion, when he recalls the fact that they 
 are the successors of the organization of which he was 
 once a conspicuous member. 
 
 " Shortly after the completion of the regimental organ- 
 
34 BUSHNELL GATES PRATT. [1856. 
 
 ization, Colonel Fiero, having arrived at the age when 
 military service was no longer obligatory, resigned his 
 commission, and was succeeded by G. E. Bushnell, who 
 had succeeded to the Lieutenant-Colonelcy on the pro 
 motion of General Samson. By this vacancy General T. 
 B. Gates, who had been connected with the regiment as 
 a member of the staff, was promoted to the rank of Ma 
 jor ; and that the General was one of those to whom 
 the Twentieth owes much of its early progress is almost 
 forgotten in view of the later events in its history, in 
 which he figured so prominently and acquitted himself 
 so creditably. In this connection it may be appropriate 
 matter for congratulation that in him the regiment is to 
 find a historian who has personal knowledge of all the 
 facts and circumstances of its early history, as well as 
 personal experience of the perils of the bivouac and the 
 field, and who can mingle with the calmness of the critic 
 the enthusiasm of the soldier, and add to the dignity of 
 history the vivid impressions of a spectator, and the 
 correct recollections of an observer. 
 
 " At a later date Colonel George W. Pratt, having re 
 moved from the territory in which the Twenty -eighth 
 Regiment had been recruited, took command of the con 
 solidated regiments under the designation of the Twen 
 tieth, and devoted himself to the drill and discipline of 
 the command, so that as he rode down Broadway at 
 their head on the march to the front, he might well feel 
 that he was leading one of the crack regiments of the 
 Empire State. Yet he perfected what another had 
 planned and organized, and under Colonel Fiero was 
 formed the nucleus of that splendid corps whose battle- 
 stained banners tell so impressive a tale of the dangers 
 and the triumphs of so many hard-fought fields. And 
 it is enough of honor to the memory of Co]onel Pratt, 
 that with one of the finest military organizations of the 
 State, brought to a high state of efficiency by his untir 
 ing labors, he led the way to the front while thousands 
 
1857.] CHARACTER OP SAMSON. 35 
 
 hesitated, and enough of glory that those who followed 
 dying were worthy of the baptism of fire to which 
 he led them, and living ever cherish the memory of 
 the hero of Bull Run. 
 
 " To the successors of the Ulster Gfuard is transmitted 
 all the responsibility as well as the glory of their bril 
 liant record, and it is safe to say that the present organ 
 ization can be fairly expected to keep up the reputation 
 of the Twentieth. " 
 
 Gen. Henry A. Samson, who was promoted from the 
 Lieutenant-Colonelcy of the regiment to the command 
 of the Eighth Brigade, was a very enthusiastic militiaman 
 and a most energetic officer. It was through his influ 
 ence, chiefly, that the great encampment was held near 
 Kingston, in August, 1855. He always attended the 
 parades and encampments of any troops of his brigade, 
 and exerted himself to the utmost to increase the num 
 bers and improve the condition of the force under his 
 command. He was a plain, uncultured man, and 
 really knew very little of military tactics or science, and 
 did not pretend to. But he was a true, earnest man, 
 faithful to every enterprise in which he embarked, and 
 loyal to his friends. His energy was tireless, and his 
 disposition was of that unusual quality of consistency 
 that his attachments for persons or occupations never 
 waned. He had a great fondness for the pomp and pag 
 eantry of military life, and the infrequent occasions 
 when he could review his troops or go into camp with 
 them, were epochs of genuine pleasure. NOT was this 
 a childish pleasure a mere love of spectacle ; but it 
 was a pleasure derived from a consciousness of power 
 of the command of men. While he would assume great 
 austerity towards officers who were remiss in the 
 discharge of their military duty, he had not the heart 
 to inflict punishment. He would terrify a delinquent 
 by the severity of his manner, and at the very climax of 
 the scene would relent and condone the offense. On 
 
36 A SCENE. [1855. 
 
 the occasion of a parade of the "Twentieth," at Kings 
 ton, in 1855, B Company tarried in the village, instead 
 of reporting at the parade ground, as was its duty, 
 and Gen. Samson was exceedingly indignant. Captain 
 Teunis Haulenbeck, who commanded the company, was 
 ordered to report, forthwith, to General Samson at the 
 Kingston hotel. In the parlor of that old and popular 
 kostelry was seated the General, belted and spurred, 
 and surrounded by his gorgeously uniformed staff. To 
 these enter Captain Haulenbeck, six feet three inches 
 tall, and looking every inch a soldier, but as solemn of 
 visage as a Crusader ; he walks to the center of the 
 room, halts, and gives the General a military salute. 
 For a minute or two no one speaks or moves, but the 
 General is looking at the towering culprit as though he 
 was deliberating upon the various modes of execution, 
 with a view to select the one capable of inflicting the 
 most suffering upon the victim. At length, in tones 
 hard as iron, he demanded of the Captain the reason of 
 his failure to appear on the ground at the proper time. 
 The Captain set up as his excuse for his breach of dis 
 cipline some trivial matter of military etiquette, which, 
 in his judgment, justified a disobedience of orders on 
 Ms part, but which really was of no force as a jus tin 
 ea tion. The General then began what was intended to 
 fee a severe reprimand, but his heart softened before he 
 Md gone far enough to hurt the Captain s feelings, and 
 he concluded with inviting the Captain to take a glass of 
 wine, and then directing him to march his company to 
 the field. 
 
 On another occasion, and while the Eighth Brigade 
 was encamped at Poughkeepsie, in 1857, the General 
 ordered the field officer of the day to be arrested upon 
 the ground that he had gone outside the line of senti 
 nels during the night. The incident occurred at mid 
 night, and the General and his staff had congregated at 
 the guard tent to see the order executed. The officer of 
 
1857.] AN APOLOGY. 37 
 
 the day denied the justice and legality of the order, and 
 insisted that, as officer of the day, it was his right, and 
 might often be his duty, to pass the line of sentinels, 
 and that they had no right to stop him, knowing him 
 to be the officer of the day. The General finally became 
 convinced that he was wrong, and apologized to the 
 officer for the threatened indignity, and there the mat 
 ter dropped. The officer shortly afterwards found a 
 basket of champagne deposited at his house, without 
 ever knowing from whence it came, but he always sus 
 pected General Samson. It was a libation in atonement 
 for an unintentional offense against the rules of the ser 
 vice, and was delicately made. 
 
 The General would have gone into the field at the 
 breaking out of the Rebellion, if physical infirmities 
 had not disqualified him. In his death Ulster County 
 lost a worthy and valuable citizen, and the National 
 Guard one of its most liberal and earnest friends. 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 COLONEL ZADOCK PRATT EARLY YEARS OF GEORGE w. PRATT HIS EDU 
 CATION AND TRAVELS A DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY BECOMES A 
 PARTNER OF GENERAL SAMSON HIS HABITS MARRIES MISS TIB- 
 BITS REMOVES TO KINGSTON IDENTIFIES HIMSELF WITH AF 
 FAIRS OF ULSTER A MEMBER OF THE COUNTY HISTORICAL 
 SOCIETY PROCEEDINGS OF THAT BODY ON DEATH OF PRATT AD 
 DRESSES BY A. BRUYN HASBROUCK, HENRY II. REYNOLDS, WILLIAM 
 LOUNSBERY AND ARCHIBALD RUSSELL PROPOSITION FOR A MONU 
 MENT TO THE REGIMENT ELECTED SENATOR PRESIDENT OF STATE 
 MILITARY ASSOCIATION PROCEEDINGS OF THAT BODY IN HONOR OF 
 HIS MEMORY PROCEEDINGS IN ULSTER COUNTY HIS LIKENESS CUT 
 IN THE ROCKS PRATT BECOMES COLONEL OF THE " TWENTIETH " 
 IT IMPROVES UNDER HIS COMMAND KINGSTON AND RONDOUT PRE 
 SENT IT A STAND OF COLORS W. S. KENYON MAKES A MODEL 
 PRESENTATION ADDRESS COLONEL PRATT S REPLY POUGHKEEPSIK 
 PRESENTS A FLAG OFFICP:RS MEET AT THE MANSION HOUSE 
 
 PRATT S VIEWS HE is AUTHORIZED TO TENDER THE REGIMENT 
 
 THE WORK OF PREPARATION THE REBELS FIRE ON SUMTEK 
 LOYAL MEETING AT KINGSTON SPEECHES BY JOHN B. STEELE, 
 WILLIAM S. KENYON, THEODERIC R. WESTBROOK, ERASTUS COOKE , 
 GEORGE H. SHARPE, WILLIAM H. ROMEYN AND WARREN CUIPP 
 THE BANKS LOAN THE REGIMENT $8,000 LADIES RELIEF SOCIETY- 
 ULSTER MILITARY RELIEF COMMITTEE DONATIONS AND SUBSCRIP 
 TIONS AN ORDER TO REPORT TO THE PRESIDENT SURGEON CRIS- 
 PELL DETAILED READY FOR DEPARTURE. 
 
 GEORGE W. PRATT was born on the eighteenth day of 
 April, 1830, at Prattsville, Green County, New York. 
 His father, Colonel Zadock Pratt, had acquired a fortune 
 in the business of tanning leather, and had achieved 
 considerable reputation as an energetic and sagacious 
 business man. He had represented his district in Con 
 gress, and had filled various minor positions of honor 
 and trust. Illiterate himself, he, nevertheless, appre 
 ciated the advantages of education, and gave his son the 
 best facilities for acquiring a thorough knowledge of 
 
 38 
 
1855.] GEORGE W. PRATT. 39 
 
 books and men. His education, begun here, was com 
 pleted in Europe. When but seventeen years of age 
 he traveled over the larger portion of his own country, 
 and a year later crossed the ocean and made the tour of 
 the Continent. He ascended the Mle, and spent much 
 time on its historic banks not in idleness, but devoting 
 his opportunities to the acquisition of knowledge, and 
 especially in studying the Arabic language, in which he 
 became proficient. Returning home in 1850, he was 
 made a captain in his father s regiment of militia, and 
 assumed the duties of cashier of his father s bank at 
 Prattsville. A few months later he again went to 
 Europe with his sister. In 1850, when he was but twen 
 ty years old, the First University of Mecklinburgh 
 conferred on him the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. 
 
 Young Pratt returned from his second European tour 
 in 1851. His father observed, on the occasion, that he 
 came back " in good health and much improved. This 
 trip and that previously made by Captain Pratt cost 
 about sixteen thousand dollars, but it was money well 
 spent." 
 
 On attaining his majority in 1853, his father gave him 
 fifty thousand dollars, and one-half of the Samsonville 
 Tannery, the other half of which was owned by General 
 Samson, and from that time until Pratt s death they 
 continued co-partners. 
 
 Pratt had not been spoiled, as so many other young 
 men have been, and will continue to be, by the affluence 
 which surrounded him, and the indulgence with which 
 he was treated. His habits were industrious, and his 
 tastes studious, with a fondness for literary pursuits. 
 He was an earnest, tireless worker at whatever he set 
 himself about, and possessed an ability for the compre 
 hension and arrangement of the details of business that 
 was as valuable as it was unusual. 
 
 On the thirty-first of May, 1855, young Pratt was 
 married to Miss Anna Tibbits, daughter of Benjamin 
 
40 ULSTER HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [1862. 
 
 Tibbits, Esquire, of Albany, by the Right Rev. Bishop 
 Potter, of Pennsylvania. Soon thereafter he removed 
 to Kingston, where he resided a few years, and then 
 settled upon a farm which he purchased, on the banks 
 of the Hudson, in the town of Esopus, in Ulster County. 
 
 From the moment Pratt took up his residence in 
 Kingston, he identified himself with the affairs of the 
 county, and was foremost in all works of a public 
 character, and especially in those voluntary movements 
 designed to promote the development of the historical 
 riches of the county a kind of study of which he was 
 very fond, and in which he would delve with tireless 
 zeal. He was a member of the Ulster Historical 
 Society," and I cannot better show the character of the 
 man, and the estimation in which he was held by some 
 of the best known and most distinguished men of the 
 county, than by incorporating into this work the pro 
 ceedings of the society, at its meeting held on the six 
 teenth of October, 1862 a month after Colonel Pratt s 
 death ; moreover, these proceedings show in what esti 
 mation these gentlemen held the regiment which Pratt 
 had commanded, and what they proposed to do to per 
 petuate the memory of its heroic services. May their 
 design be carried out ere "the opium of time deals 
 with the memories of men." 
 
 Hon. A. Bruyn Hasbrouck, LL.D., President, in the 
 chair ; Reuben Bernard, Esq., Treasurer and acting 
 Secretary. After the transaction of necessary prelimin 
 ary business, Henry H. Reynolds arose and said : 
 
 " ME. PRESIDENT : Limited as may seem to some 
 to-day our historic field of labor and the interest taken 
 by others in our efforts, none here are unconscious of 
 the events passing about us, making up a momentous 
 history, in many respects, of sad and solemn impor 
 tance. One of these is upon all our hearts to-day, as we 
 contemplate a vacant place, never so before, but at the 
 call of patriotism or duty. Of him who filled it, the 
 
1862.] H. n. REYNOLDS ADDRESS. 41 
 
 lips of the strongest among you were too tremulous 
 first to speak, for such knew him best and longest, and, 
 therefore, loved him most. So it has not seemed pre 
 sumptuous in me to accept the charge in offering the 
 resolutions I am about to present. JNo one who has 
 known our history or him for whom we mourn this 
 day will deem these resolves a mere formality, or 
 doubt the deep emotion with which we seek to add one 
 more wreath to his grave, one more tribute to his 
 memory. We could have said far more in like sin 
 cerity, nor blush in after years to speak of it to each 
 other, for to no other man has this Society owed so 
 much. The efforts of others have been earnest and 
 effective ; the desire to do honor to your noble ancestry 
 has prompted to honorable labors and sacrifices, and 
 yet amidst them all, again and again, as you have 
 marked the unwearied and unselfish perseverance of 
 our noble comrade, and responded to his earnest and 
 courteous appeals, you have freely passed to him the 
 tribute of commendation offered to all, and claimed 
 only for yourselves, that 
 
 " The trophies of Miltiades will not let me rest. 
 
 " It is too early yet for us to speak to each other of 
 the nature and extent of our loss ; and besides there is 
 too much that is sorrowful and sad in this and other 
 events about us to permit us to do more than cheer 
 and encourage one another. And so we need, in some 
 degree, to antedate our consolation as we strive for sub 
 mission to the Divine allotment. As the captive tribes 
 of Israel, amid all the depression or the prosperity of 
 their Babylonish condition, ever left some part of their 
 dwellings palace or hovel unfinished or broken, to 
 remind of the desolation of Jerusalem, we shall not be 
 without mementos of our loss, and do best for the 
 past, the present and the future, by recognizing in them 
 the hand that writes all history. 
 
42 H. H. REYNOLDS ADDRESS. [1862. 
 
 " Eight hundred years ago, in a cause then deemed 
 more sacred than the love of country, a mixed multi 
 tude went forth from Southern Europe to rescue the 
 Temple and the Sepulchre. In the market-place of 
 Clermont the eloquence of Urban awoke from an hun 
 dred thousand lips the shout, almost of triumph, 
 God wills it ! God wills it ! and so that host went forth 
 to the field of conflict and of death. That unearthly 
 battle-cry is the utterance, though far more sad and 
 low, that with muffled voice and sobbing, here and 
 elsewhere, speaks of our wise counselor and faithful 
 fellow-laborer. It is the assurance of our consolation 
 in the day when we may dare to speak of the great in 
 heritance of which we are co-heirs the memory of such 
 a life, the witness of such a death. Nor even now may 
 we forget, that as on the forms of ancient Christian 
 martyrs Andronicus and his fellow-sufferers a fond 
 tradition said the stars came down to rest ; so were 
 such a witness given to our honored dead not those 
 alone that on his country s banner told its past history 
 and advancing glory would be there, but those, to our 
 tearful vision, the brighter for its darkness that gem, 
 a crown more unfading and enduring than the laurel. 
 
 To our own section of land he loved so well he gave 
 no small portion of the earnest sympathies and labor of 
 his most active life ; to the whole of that land he gave 
 the sacrifice of that life ; and thus to both a memory 
 more enduring than either, and beyond which neither 
 shall have a trophy of history more priceless. 
 
 " They never fail who die 
 
 In a great cause though years elapse, 
 
 And others share as dark a doom ; 
 
 They but augment the deep and sweeping thoughts 
 
 Which overspread all others, and conduct 
 
 The world at last to freedom. " 
 
 "Mr. Reynolds then submitted the following resolu 
 tions : 
 
1862.] A. B. HASBROUCK S ADDRESS. 43 
 
 Resolved, That the Historical Society may well 
 claim a place among the multitude of mourners over the 
 honored grave of Colonel George W. Pratt, its late 
 Secretary, and record its sense of the great loss sustained 
 in that of one to whose ardent and unwearied labors in 
 its behalf, it owes much of its prosperity, if not its very 
 existence. 
 
 " Resolved, That while we bow in sorrowing submis 
 sion to the Divine dispensation which has removed from 
 the midst of us a scholar and patriot, we would recog 
 nize, with devout gratitude, his unsullied example, as 
 an incentive to earnest effort, as well in our especial field 
 as in every other of usefulness and philanthropy. 
 
 "Resolved, That such efforts in behalf of institutions 
 so dear to him, will be among the best tributes we can 
 render to his commanding excellencies, and best wit 
 nesses of the respect and affection with which he was 
 regarded by all who knew him. 
 
 "Resolved, That the Executive Committee be re 
 quested to obtain a portrait of Colonel Pratt, suitable 
 for preservation among our archives." 
 
 The President, A. BRUYN HASBROUCK, said : 
 
 " GENTLEMEN : It is known to the members of the 
 Society, that a memoir of the life and character of 
 Colonel Pratt was in preparation to be read to us at 
 this meeting. Our associate, the Rev. Mr. Temple, who 
 had kindly undertaken the task, was obliged to decline, 
 from not being able in due time before this meeting to 
 procure such particulars of the earlier life of Colonel 
 Pratt as he deemed necessary for the completion of 
 his work. I cannot but hope, however, that the rever 
 end gentleman will, at an early day, favor the Society 
 and the friends of Colonel Pratt with the result of his 
 inquiries, which cannot fail to be both interesting and 
 instructive. As it is, we are left to review the character 
 of Colonel Pratt only in its more general aspect, as it 
 was exhibited in his brief intercourse with the world 
 
44 A. B. ITASBROUCK S ADDRESS. [1862. 
 
 and in his connection with this Society. Enough, how 
 ever, remains to confirm the opinion of his friends and 
 of those who intimately knew him, that he was no or 
 dinary man ; to justify the warm eulogium expressed 
 in the resolutions now offered for adoption, and the 
 many public demonstrations of regard which have been 
 made since his death. I might, perhaps, after what 
 has already been said by Mr. Reynolds, have contented 
 myself with a mere cordial assent to the passage of 
 these resolutions. But it seems to me that the pro 
 prieties of the office I have the honor to hold among 
 you require something more than a silent vote ; that 
 my official and personal relations with Colonel Pratt 
 demand some open demonstration of my regard, some 
 outspoken expression of sympathy with the Society in 
 the loss it has sustained. I have often been struck at 
 Masonic funerals with the simple ceremony I observed 
 there, where each member of the Order throws a sprig 
 of evergreen into the grave of a departed brother. 
 Without understanding the meaning of this act, I can, 
 at least, catch its spirit ; and I would now, with all of 
 the recollections of the past, with all of the regard and 
 of the hope which it seems to imply, venture to offer 
 to the memory of our departed associate the poor 
 tribute of my reverence. 
 
 u It was my melancholy gratification, with some of 
 the members of this Society, as its representatives, and 
 with many citizens of Ulster, to be an attendant at the 
 funeral of Colonel Pratt. And as the procession moved 
 from the church to the distant cemetery, with muffled 
 drum and solemn dirge, through the crowded streets of 
 the Capital, amid ranks of soldiers, at mournful, mili 
 tary rest upon their arms, past long lines of sympathiz 
 ing members of the Masonic brotherhood, I could not 
 but recall the familiar line, which, though poetry, I then 
 felt to be no fiction 
 
 " The paths of glory lead but to the tomb. 
 
1862.] A. B, HASBROUCK S ADDRESS. 45 
 
 But after the last sad rites had been performed, and as 
 the mourners went about the streets, each carrying to 
 his home the lesson of mortality taught by the occa 
 sion, when the sun, on the very verge of the horizon, 
 suddenly shone through the clouds and illumined the 
 whole western sky with the rich tints of an autumnal 
 evening, I forgot the despondent sentiment of the elegist 
 in remembering the equally familiar but exultant strains 
 of the Christian poet : 
 
 " See truth, love and mercy, in triumph ascending, 
 And Nature all glowing in Eden s first bloom ; 
 On the cold cheek of Death smiles and roses are blending, 
 And beauty immortal awakes from the tomb. 
 
 " Yes, it is indeed consoling to know, that here is 
 not the end of our being that the grave is but the portal 
 to another world. For we have an assurance, which has 
 sustained many a stricken mourner and been a balm for 
 many a wounded heart which will exert its influence, 
 too, till the battle of the warrior is no more heard, and 
 garments are no longer seen rolled in blood ; an as 
 surance higher than the inspiration of mere human 
 poetry a Divine assurance, that this corruption must 
 put on incorruption, and this mortal must put on im 
 mortality. In the providence of God, the Angel of 
 Mercy is thus made to move swiftly on the footsteps of 
 the Destroyer, and survivors are consoled and cheered 
 in knowing and believing, that all our friend s graces 
 of character which so attracted our admiration ; that all 
 his amiable qualities, which so won and fixed our re 
 gard ; that all his talents and acquirements, which 
 blossomed so thickly in the dew of his youth, and 
 gave such hopes of unaccomplished years ; that all 
 his ardor of patriotism, which shrunk from no sacrifice, 
 even of life itself, have not been consigned to lie in 
 the cold obstruction of the grave ; but that they will 
 awake from the tomb, to be clothed upon with immor 
 tality. 
 
46 A. B. JIASBROUCK S ADDRESS. [1862. 
 
 " Among the personages of a former period, whom 
 history has delighted to honor, and around whose mem 
 ory are clustered the choicest tributes of eloquence, of 
 poetry and romance, stands conspicuous the name of 
 Sir Philip Sidney. I trust I shall not be suspected of 
 an undue or exaggerated estimate of our friend s merits, 
 when I say, that I find much in his life and character to 
 remind me of that distinguished man. Both possessed 
 of the advantages of wealth and high social position ; 
 both passing through early life, amid the dangers and 
 temptations incident to such a condition (so often, alas ! 
 fatal to young men), with untainted morality and habit 
 ual virtue ; both dying at an age when most men have 
 but just put on harness and are yet hesitatingly tread 
 ing the arena of action ; honored in their day and gen 
 eration, and mourned at their death, beyond the meas 
 ure accorded to few of their years ; with habits and 
 pursuits nearly identical, and talents and acquirements 
 different only in degree ; both, amid the love of books 
 and the calmer pursuits of polite literature, still intent 
 upon the knowledge of tactics and the study of all the 
 arts of war ; both tearing themselves away from troops 
 of friends, the caresses of society, and the endearments 
 of home to endure the privations of the camp, and to 
 meet the stern realities of war on the perilous edges of 
 battle falling, wounded on the battle-field, at precisely 
 the same age, and alike carried away by sympathizing 
 soldiers to die of their wounds at no distant day, among 
 kindred and friends ; it needs but the touching incident 
 of the cup of cold water declined by Sir Philip in the 
 extremity of his distress, and proffered to a dying soldier 
 at his side, to complete the parallel. From what we 
 know of Colonel Pratt s character and the impulses of 
 his nature, we may be sure, had the occasion presented 
 itself, that the cup of cold water and the generous offer 
 would not have been wanting still more to strengthen 
 the resemblance. 
 
1862.] A. B. HASBROUCK S ADDRESS. 47 
 
 " I need not, surely, remind the members of this 
 Society, how, with his whole heart, Colonel Pratt de 
 voted himself to its interests. One of its founders, its 
 first and hitherto its only Secretary, he labored to give 
 it character at home and a name abroad, with a degree 
 of success that outstripped the exertions of the best of 
 us. Coming to reside among us, almost an entire 
 stranger ; descended from a family that had never 
 struck root or fibre in the soil of our county since its 
 earliest settlement, he yet labored with the zeal of a na 
 tive to explore its early history, and to exalt its charac 
 ter. He came to seat himself, at once, with the fa 
 miliarity of kindred and descent, at what the poet has 
 called the fireside of our hearts ; and lis tening there, 
 with filial interest, to the tales and misty traditions of 
 former times, he garnered up his materials, not to grati 
 fy an idle curiosity, or to enrich the pages of some 
 future romance, but for profit and instruction ; to pre 
 sent them to us in the nakedness of truth to fix them 
 in the dignity of history. His paper, published in our 
 collections, on the expeditions of General Vaughan up 
 the Hudson, and the consequent destruction of Kingston 
 by the troops under his command, has been pronounced 
 by those best qualified to judge, a highly valuable con 
 tribution to the History of the Revolutionary War. I 
 can myself bear witness to the patience he exhibited, 
 amidst much doubt and perplexity, in the preparation 
 of that work ; to his liberal expenditure of time and 
 money, and to the earnestness with which he sought to 
 verify every statement he made extending his in 
 quiries even to the paper offices in London all, at last, 
 to result in a narrative of charming detail, and un 
 doubted authenticity honorable to himself and to this 
 Society. In my sober judgment, if Colonel Pratt had 
 no other claim ; if there were no faithful discharge of 
 duty, no generous public spirit, no patriotism, no loss 
 of life in his country s service to speak of, his interest 
 
48 A. B. HASBROUCK S ADDRESS. [1862. 
 
 in this Society and his contributions to it would alone 
 entitle him to the lasting gratitude of the people of 
 Ulster. 
 
 " Gentlemen : It is no light thing to tell of a man 
 after he has gone ; it is something that will blossom in 
 his grave and smell sweet in after days that, amid the 
 occupations of a busy life and in a period of great po 
 litical anxiety, he could turn aside to devote his time 
 and talents to rescue from neglect the piety, the suffer 
 ings, the bravery and the patriotism of an humble and 
 almost forgotten generation ; that he illustrated in his 
 own conduct, even to the bitter end, the love of liberty 
 and the devoted ness to his country, which he found 
 exhibited there. That he taught us by his example, in 
 the words of his own chosen motto of our Society 
 Qederikt aen-de-dagen-van-ouds to remember the days 
 of old ; that we, too, might learn there, lessons of con 
 duct, and gather courage and hope in the troubles that 
 so thickly beset us now. 
 
 Gentlemen : Colonel Pratt s course is finished ; 
 his warfare is accomplished. Having himself passed 
 into history, let us do for him what he has done for 
 others ; let us enroll his name among the worthies of 
 the country. Let the resolutions be entered on our 
 minutes, that those that are to follow us, in these our 
 labors of love, may know how highly we esteemed our 
 associate how truly we revered his memory, as a man, 
 a citizen and patriot soldier. For he was, indeed, an 
 embodiment of Shakspeare s conception of a finished 
 man : 
 
 " His years but young, but his experience old ; 
 His head unmellowed, but his judgment ripe, 
 And in a word, 
 
 Complete in feature and in mind, 
 With all good grace to grace a gentleman. 
 
 " Mr. William Lounsbery, having been requested, 
 from his acquaintance with Colonel Pratt s public life, 
 
1862.] ADDRESS OP W. LOUNSBERY. 49 
 
 seconded the Resolutions. He advocated their adop 
 tion as follows : 
 
 " MR. PRESIDENT : The Ulster Historical Society, at 
 this day of its assembling, commemorates the burning of 
 Kingston, and the sufferings of our early settlers in their 
 first struggle for independence. The resolutions which 
 have been proposed are equally suggestive of patriotic 
 sacrifice, and strike us with a closer sympathy. They 
 commemorate the loss of one of our founders, who has 
 lately fallen in another contest to preserve the liberties 
 and Government handed down to us by the heroism of 
 our ancestors. This Society would be unequal to its 
 trust, if it passed by in silence a loss so vital to the 
 country and itself. 
 
 "It is with no ordinary feelings that I have under 
 taken to respond to the resolutions just offered, and to 
 utter an appropriate tribute to the worth, enterprise 
 and heroism of our late secretary, Colonel George W. 
 Pratt. 
 
 " Government is the work of mortal man. The social 
 fabric is sustained and held together by the enterprise 
 of individuals. And when a man of intelligence and 
 active virtues falls, either by the ordinary decay of age, 
 or, more suddenly, by violence and war, we feel the 
 structure crumbling, and see the beauties of the edifice 
 defaced. In the death of Colonel Pratt a column has 
 fallen in the temple of liberty. The decorations which 
 art and learning and civilization have added to it, have 
 been marred and mutilated, and are not to be quickly 
 repaired. 
 
 u Some lives do not perform very vital functions in 
 the community. A retiring or selfish nature works in 
 quiet out of sight of associates, and does not mingle 
 in such efforts as society puts forth for its advancement 
 
50 HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [1862. 
 
 by the combination of multitudes. I do not say that 
 such are useless, but their death is not so much felt. 
 Their little circle of action revolves upon itself, and its 
 destruction does not jostle and unhinge the public as 
 pirations, or break up the social progress. They are 
 not missed from the world their death is not counted 
 by so large a value. So many of such do not seem to 
 die. The poet utters this conviction when he says : 
 
 " The good die first, and those 
 
 Whose hearts are dry as summer dust , 
 Burn to the socket. " 
 
 " Colonel Pratt was a man of active and busy enter 
 prise. He had the inspiration of a genius that works 
 and accomplishes. He set to work and did not look 
 back. He had the elements of a great man, which only 
 failed to ripen into eminence by the accident of his 
 early death. 
 
 " I recollect when the plan to form this Society was 
 first revolved in his mind. I think it originated with 
 him, though the materials for the work were not lack 
 ing either as to the field of operations or the workers 
 that were called out. He saw that Ulster County was a 
 rich field for historical research, and he undertook to 
 lead and stimulate the action of the people in that di 
 rection. 
 
 " I was one who distrusted the project and express 
 ed the fear that a society, organized simply for plod 
 ding among dusty records, or turning up memorials of 
 the past, could not be sustained by a practical and 
 working people, however intelligent. This was sug 
 gested to him when we were going in company to attend 
 the meeting to organize this Society. He thought dif 
 ferently, and it is proved that he was right. The half- 
 dozen that assembled in the Dutch Church, at New 
 Paltz, have grown into an organization that has made 
 its mark upon the literary character of the age. How 
 
1862.] ADDRESS OF W. LOUNSBERY. 5^ 
 
 much of this is due to the personal efforts of Colonel 
 Pratt, the members of the Society, here assembled, are 
 the witnesses. He was ably seconded by men of a high 
 order of intelligence and spirit, but the organization and 
 direction of the enterprise were his, and its present pros 
 perity is a part of the glory that clusters about his 
 memory. 
 
 "The spirit in which this enterprise was accom 
 plished was only a type of his other efforts. The Ulster 
 County Regiment was organized and equipped into a 
 military corps, and when the war broke out he marched 
 at the head of his men by the side of the regiments of 
 New York City. It was his glory and the glory of his 
 country, that he took to the field the only regiment of 
 the State Militia, outside of New York and Brook 
 lyn, and the one equipped under the eye of the State 
 authorities, at Albany. 
 
 " In the years 1858-9, Colonel Pratt represented 
 Ulster County in the State Senate. At that time the 
 Senate Library was being removed from its old room in 
 the Capitol, to the new building erected in the rear for 
 the purpose. The work of arranging the State collec 
 tions was entrusted to a committee of the Senate, of 
 which Colonel Pratt was the working head. 
 
 " I have lately had occasion to admire his work in 
 the arrangement of the invaluable archives there col 
 lected by our great State. It shows the master hand of 
 a faithful and intelligent worker, and will furnish for 
 ages a curious testimonial of his genius. 
 
 "After the return of the Ulster County Regiment 
 from its three months campaign, I visited Colonel Pratt 
 at his new residence in Esopus. He pointed out to me 
 his future plans in reference to beautifying the grounds 
 of his new home. I took in the picture which his own 
 fancy was painting for coming years. The happy 
 family circle of his wife and children the surroundings 
 of fields and shaded walks the landscape, with the 
 
52 HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [1862. 
 
 beautiful river in front his library, so full of the learn 
 ing of which already he had imbibed so much and 
 wealth to furnish every rational comfort were all his. 
 
 u In view of this picture, I asked if it was his in 
 tention to take command of his regiment for the re 
 mainder of the war. I felt then impressed with the 
 extent of the calamity, if his life were sacrificed by such 
 a resolution. I knew, too, that lie was impressed with 
 the fearful nature of the hazard. His wife had plead, 
 with tears of regret, all she dared urge against her 
 country. His children and his plans of home and 
 home comforts had been busy in dissuading him. And 
 his reply was impressive for its earnest sadness. I 
 shall go again, he said. He made the sacrifice and 
 oh, how great ! 
 
 "Who can replace the fallen column? Who can 
 repair the mutilated ornament, or restore to beauty this 
 shattered ruin ? Who can again fill the place in that 
 widow s blighted heart ? Who can heal an aged father s 
 sorrow ? Who can take up the noble aspirations that 
 were blossoming into bright fruition ? 
 
 " Death hath stricken us all. Country, society and 
 friends have suffered a common calamity, and have a 
 common sorrow. The grave, so arbitrary in its deal 
 ings, hath taken him in the beginning of usefulness. 
 His youth and virtue too glorious for a common 
 death, have given him a sacrifice to our Constitution 
 and liberties, and insured for his name an illustrious 
 immortality." 
 
 After the passage of the resolutions, Archibald 
 Russell, of Esopus, submitted a resolution proposing 
 the erection of monuments commemorative of the ser 
 vices of the gallant soldiers of Ulster. 
 
 "ME. PRESIDENT : During the crisis of our country s 
 history, it is proper that the Ulster Historical Society 
 
1862.] ADDRESS OF A. RUSSELL. 53 
 
 should consider whether any duties devolve peculiarly 
 upon it, and take efficient measures to discharge them. 
 Our attention is so apt to be diverted from the occur 
 rences around us to the war-stirring news from other sec 
 tions of the country, that we allow the materials of his 
 tory to be lost, and forget to take proper measures to 
 ensure their preservation. Already this county has sent, 
 in connection with Greene, three regiments into the field ; 
 and I question if we have in our archives the roster-roll 
 of any of them. It is evident, however, that it is the 
 duty of this Society to pay diligent attention to the part 
 which our neighbors are taking in the great drama en 
 acting around us. Our sons our young men are leav 
 ing us amid the sound of martial music, and with confi 
 dent step marching to defend the liberties of their coun 
 try ; but how many of them shall return to recount 
 their deeds and tell of their toils and sufferings, and to 
 be cheered by the Christian amenities of the domestic 
 hearth, after the rough experience of the battle-field \ 
 The blood of Ulster tinges the sod along the Annapolis 
 Railroad ; it can be traced upon the bank of the Poto 
 mac, and on Upton s Hill ; it crimsons the field of Man- 
 assas, and mingles in the bloody stream which swelled 
 the waters of Antietam ! And shall the Historical So 
 ciety sit silent and make no fitting record of the victims 
 who may have fallen, or of the gallant survivors who 
 may return ? It is fortunately not too late for us to ob 
 tain most of the information which it is important 
 should be preserved ; and I most respectfully urge upon 
 the officers of this Society, not to lose the opportunity 
 of doing so. It is proper that the names and positions 
 of all who enlist should be recorded with, as far as pos 
 sible, some brief biographical sketch. I would suggest 
 that suitable books, strong and durable, should be pro 
 vided ; that a page should be appropriated to each in 
 dividual, and a small fee paid to a neat penman for 
 entering such particulars as might be furnished con- 
 
54 HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [1862. 
 
 earning each. Few are so friendless as not to have some 
 one who would be interested in having recorded some 
 traits of their character and some events of their his 
 tory ; and their surviving comrades would furnish the 
 particulars of their death. In after ages, when blessed 
 with the peace for which we waged this war, how grate 
 ful will it be to all connected with its martyrs, to be 
 able to turn to our archives and trace the part the fore 
 fathers took in the National struggle for the preserva 
 tion of the Union. 
 
 " But while we thus make a record of the services 
 of the sons of Ulster, the manner in which I propose 
 having it done is necessarily private and devoid of pub 
 licity. We should not be satisfied with this we should 
 at the same time attempt to raise some public and en 
 during tribute, which in all future time will perpetuate 
 the self-denying efforts which our friends have made. 
 Each regiment should have a commemorative pillar 
 erected on some conspicuous place, to give prominence 
 to its services, and recall, as time rolls on, the memor 
 ies of the past. I am sorry to see so many bodies, 
 marred and maimed amid the carnage of the battle 
 field, returned to their homes, to be buried in the private 
 grounds and cemeteries of the land. It is a practice 
 injurious alike, I think, to the living and the dead to 
 the living, as exposing to contagion those brought in 
 contact with remains which have lain exposed and be 
 come corrupt ; to the dead, the most appropriate rest 
 ing place of the soldier being the battle-field. 
 
 " Tranquil amidst alarms, 
 
 It finds them on the field : 
 The veterans sleeping on their arms, 
 Beneath a blood-stained field. " 
 
 " But though many are brought back to be buried 
 among their relatives, more sleep beneath the sod of the 
 battle-field, or lie in the hastily dug trench, to wait with 
 their comrades in arms, the dawn of the Christian s hope. 
 
1862.J ADDRESS OP A. RUSSELL. 55 
 
 " It is not only to those who fall that I would sug 
 gest a commemorative pillar, but to those who have 
 breasted successfully the tide of battle, and return to 
 tell how fields were won. To the Regiment as such, to 
 all who went out to crush the rebellion, this tribute is 
 due, and I hope will be gratefully paid by their friends 
 and countrymen. 
 
 " Of the regiments that have been raised among us, 
 one only has as yet been actively engaged in service. 
 Under the leading of as true, modest and conscientious 
 a colonel as ever marshalled his men and led them into 
 battle, it went out one thousand strong. It stood the 
 rude shock of war, and still maintains, with one- fourth 
 of its number, its proud pre-eminence. But the sur 
 vivors mourn the loss of their gallant colonel ; the staff 
 and commissioned officers miss many of their number ; 
 and the men cluster around their war-worn standards a 
 mere handful. Shall we, who cheered them on their de 
 parture and reap the benefits of their sufferings, coldly 
 and calmly hear of their loss, and not raise a tribute of 
 respect ere * the opium of time (as Sir Thomas Browne 
 terms it) deals with the memories of men 3 
 
 " The most appropriate method of perpetuating the 
 remembrance of the heroic services of the Twentieth 
 Regiment would be to erect, on some of the prominent 
 mountain tops which abound in this picturesque county, 
 a simple stone column, massive, substantial and plain, 
 dedicated to the Regiment. As the county is so large 
 and is intersected by several mountain chains, it would be 
 impossible to select one spot that could be seen from all 
 its towns ; but if a similar monument were raised to each 
 regiment, and judiciously placed, there would be few 
 districts which would not be within sight of one of 
 them. Such a silent monitor, erected on the top of a 
 commanding height, with its outline sharply cut against 
 the sky, braving the storms of winter and heedless of 
 the alternations of our climate, would tell to all time 
 
56 HISTORICAL SOCIETY. [1862. 
 
 the grateful estimate which we, the loyal people of 
 Ulster, placed upon the devoted services of the War of 
 the Rebellion. 
 
 " Should this proposal be deemed worthy of adop 
 tion, I would suggest that the monument of the Twen 
 tieth Regiment should be erected on the top of Shap- 
 pawnic, as it overlooks the home of the gallant Colonel 
 who has sealed with his blood his devotion to his 
 country s cause. There are few points of land in the 
 country that are more generally seen. Situated about 
 ten miles south of Kingston, and about one mile from 
 the Hudson, it commands a view in almost every direc 
 tion. To the east, the valley of the Hudson stretches 
 far into the distance, and any monument erected on 
 Shappawnic would attract the notice of the tens of 
 thousands who daily throng this great national high 
 way. To the north, the view is unbroken till the eye 
 rests upon the Catskills, and easily discerns Rondout, 
 Kingston, and innumerable smaller towns and villages. 
 To the west, it overlooks the valley of the Esopus. and 
 Shandaken and Olive seem to be at its feet. To the 
 south, it looks upon New Paltz and the other settle 
 ments of the earlier Huguenots. It is also of easy 
 access by a good mountain road, which would greatly 
 facilitate the transportation of all the material required 
 in its construction. 
 
 " When we consider the number of small but expen 
 sive monuments that will be erected over the remains of 
 those connected with this Regiment, and the very ephe 
 meral character of all these structures, the severity of 
 the climate soon damaging the most elaborate carvings 
 and effacing in a few years all the inscriptions, it would 
 seem that a simple, unadorned and effective column, 
 built of rough mountain stone, and made enduring for 
 all ages, would, in connection with the records of the 
 Regiment already suggested, be the most appropriate 
 method of perpetuating the memory of our national de 
 fenders. 
 
1862.] MONUMENT TO "TWENTIETH." 57 
 
 " I would after this statement respectfully move : 
 
 " 1. That a committee be appointed, with power to 
 raise funds and carry the following resolutions into 
 effect : 
 
 " 2. To procure suitable books, in which to record the 
 names and a brief biographical sketch of all the mem 
 bers of the Twentieth Regiment who went to the war ; 
 to make arrangements for the engrossing of the sketches 
 and the preservation of the records. 
 
 "3. To obtain a suitable site on which to place a 
 monument to the Twentieth Regiment, and to erect the 
 same in an enduring and permanent manner." 
 
 These resolutions were unanimously passed, and 
 the following committee appointed : 
 
 ARCHIBALD RUSSELL, A. BRUYN HASBROUCK, 
 
 JOSHUA FIERO, Jr., RUFUS H. KING, 
 
 JAMES FITCH, HENRY H. REYNOLDS, 
 
 REUBEN BERNARD, THOMAS CORNELL, 
 
 HENRY A. SAMSON, JAMES L. HASBROUCK, 
 
 EDMUND ELTINGE. 
 
 In November, 1857, Pratt was elected State Senator 
 from the counties of Ulster and Greene, which composed 
 the Tenth Senatorial District. He was a Democrat in 
 politics, but of liberal views, and his personal popularity 
 secured him a large Republican vote. His majority in 
 the district was 1,493. 
 
 While in the Senate he did much to promote the in 
 terest of the State militia, and he was recognized as one 
 of the most earnest, judicious and influential friends of 
 the organization. The State Military Association elected 
 him its President, and he held that office at the time of 
 his death. At the meeting of the Association, in Janu 
 ary, 1864, the following proceedings were had in refer 
 ence to the deceased President : 
 
58 MILITARY ASSOCIATION. [1864. 
 
 Upon taking the chair. General Elias A. Brown ad 
 dressed the Association as follows : 
 
 " GENTLEMEN : 
 
 In the orderings of Providence I am called upon 
 for a second time to preside over this Association at its 
 annual meeting. At the last annual meeting, you will 
 recollect that we could scarcely count a quorum, owing 
 to the absence of our members filling their positions in 
 our armies in the field, including our president. It is 
 with diffidence that I assume this official station, con 
 scious as I am of the high qualities of the man whose 
 position I occupy, though I cannot ^supply his place. 
 Indeed, there are few who can command the respect and 
 lay fast hold on the esteem of this Association, in the de 
 gree and measure of our late chief. He will ever hold 
 a chosen place in the memory of all who knew his worth 
 His deeds have built him a monument for all time ; and 
 the simple inscription which says : Here lies GEORGE 
 W. PKATT, will be legend enough for posterity. His 
 name stands resplendent in the galaxy of those heroes 
 given by his native State to their country s cause, and 
 who have gone to a rest only to be broken by the 
 reveille of the last day." 
 
 Capt. Roosa moved the appointment of a committee 
 to draft resolutions expressive of the feelings of this 
 Association toward their late president, prefacing his 
 motion with the following remarks : 
 
 "In proposing a befitting expression by this Associ 
 ation of their regard for their late president, I trust I 
 may be indulged in a few remarks. There are very 
 many here, doubtless, who knew and valued Col. Pratt 
 aright comrades in arms and intimate friends, who 
 would pay a fitting tribute to his memory in more elo 
 quent terms than I, who am no public speaker. But 
 I was honored with his warm personal friendship for 
 years ; he was our county commandant, at the head of 
 
1864.] ADDRESS OF CAPTAIN ROOSA. 59 
 
 the Twentieth Regiment, N. Y S. M., which, long before 
 it had won the proud name it now has achieved in the 
 history of this war and the Army of the Potomac, was 
 one of the few militia regiments of the whole North, 
 disciplined and ready, with full ranks, animated with 
 the right spirit, to march at the first call to the defence 
 of our threatened National Capital. And that regiment, 
 Ulster Guard, was a part, arid the best part, of the 
 Brigade upon whose staff it has been my pride and 
 pleasure to serve for many years. You will therefore, 
 I am sure, gentlemen of the Association, pardon me if 
 there is any undue assumption on my part in moving 
 this tribute of respect to the memory of Col. Pratt. 
 
 " It may be said that I speak here for the Twentieth 
 Regiment and for the Eighth Brigade, and for the county 
 of Ulster as well, which has a just pride in the unspotted 
 name and unsullied fame of the leader of its veteran 
 regiment, who fell at its head in the very fore-front of 
 the battle. We, who have more intimately known all 
 his worth, are better able to feel to the full what we 
 have lost in his fall ; and we can say, in the fulness of 
 our hearts, and without fear of challenge, that in the 
 proud roll of the heroic who have given their lives for 
 the salvation of their country, there is not a name which 
 more vividly recalls and illustrates all the high quali 
 ties which are demanded to make the true hero and 
 patriot, than that of George W. Pratt. 
 
 " It is certainly not claiming too much for Col. Pratt 
 to say, that he was among the first to feel, to the full, 
 the responsibilities and duties of the commandant of a 
 regiment in the military force of this his native State. 
 Most of us can remember how the cankers of a calm 
 world and long peace had eaten into and sapped the 
 very vitality of the military system and array of the 
 most powerful State of the Union. Here and there 
 were company and even regimental organizations, which 
 showed a discipline and spirit only rendering the gen- 
 
60 MILITARY ASSOCIATION. [1864. 
 
 eral indifference and apathy more striking. From the 
 close of the war of 1812, the nation seemed to have sub 
 sided into the pleasurable delusion that we, of all the 
 polities of the civilized world alone, had fought our 
 last fight and won our last battle, and that no sound 
 would awake us to glory again. We never realized 
 accurately, till within three years, the tenure upon 
 which we held our very existence as a nation. The 
 Mexican war, so brief, brilliant, and remote, was hardly 
 felt by the nation at large, and certainly failed, and 
 haply did not need, to call out the resources and 
 strength of the country. Our boundary difficulties 
 now and then darkening our national horizon with the 
 ominous cloud, no bigger than a man s hand, but 
 which might, perhaps, bear in its bosom the tempest of 
 war with our ancient foe and the most powerful nation 
 of Europe, gave us a passing warning, now and then, of 
 our duties and needs. But one by one our impending 
 storms passed away, and serene skies lulled us into 
 fancied security and indifference. Our regular army 
 dwindled to a mere skeleton, barely supplying meagre 
 garrisons for the outposts of our extensive frontiers ; 
 and our militia, as a whole, half enrolled and miserably 
 equipped, had barely discipline and numbers sufficient 
 to maintain a nominal existence, and to get up a few 
 parades and nominal inspections. There is no wrong 
 in speaking the plain truth of our wretched and inade 
 quate military system, or lack of system, when its 
 solemn weight has been impressed so deeply by the 
 severe lesson following the startling outbreak of the 
 rebellion of 1861, at once dispelling our dreams and 
 arousing us from our slumbers. We, in the dark and 
 drear days of that sad year, realized in bitter severity 
 which we can now lay to heart, that we, as a people, 
 had failed in our duty to our country in one of the most 
 important responsibilities. We had not prepared in 
 peace for the contingency of war, always regarded as 
 
1864.] ADDRESS OP CAPTAIN ROOSA. gl 
 
 among the imminent probabilities of a nation s life by 
 the sagacious. 
 
 " Among those who, years before we had so startling 
 an arousal to our duty, took a comprehensive and clear 
 view of our full duties to ourselves and posterity, was 
 Col. Pratt. And his foresight was not shown by idle 
 words. He was ever eminently practical, and this was 
 more especially shown in his whole military career. He 
 never regarded the State force as a mere machine for 
 idle show and recurrent displays. He replied, when a 
 friend complimented him on the appearance and skill 
 ful evolutions of his regiment, many years before it was 
 called into service, that he wished that every nominal 
 regiment in the State were at least as well disciplined 
 and organized ; but, superior as it was to most of the 
 New York Militia on that score, the 20th Regiment, as 
 well as every other in the State force, was far below the 
 true standard of thorough efficiency. The nation, he 
 added, prophetically, would pay dearly, and that at no 
 distant day, for permitting its sole reliance for defence 
 to fall so far in arrear of the times. And he remarked 
 to the same point, one day, that one thing, at least, he 
 had learned in his travels in the Old World, and that 
 was, how far we were behind the foremost European 
 nations in military science. We have men and material 
 enough, he remarked, % but where is the military- pride 
 and spirit, and the discipline and organization which 
 they generate ? 
 
 "Col. Pratt s first exertions to do his share toward 
 arousing his countrymen to a due sense of duty on this 
 score were made in his native county, Greene. We all 
 know that he succeeded there, as he subsequently did 
 in Ulster, in arousing in the people something of the 
 required military spirit, and had not the accidents of 
 party prevented his continuance in the position of Ad 
 jutant-General, to which he was called for a brief term, 
 there is every reason to believe that he would have given 
 
62 MILITARY ASSOCIATION. [1864. 
 
 a new and needed turn to the military system and array 
 of the whole State, and imbued it with something of his 
 own spirit and energy. 
 
 4 When Col. Pratt took the command of the 20th 
 Regiment, it had little more than a nominal existence. 
 But, entering at once upon a vigorous discharge of his 
 trust, he brought it up to the full measure of efficiency, 
 according to the standard before the war. That regiment 
 was ready at the first word ; and was the foremost regi 
 ment north of, or outside of, the city of New York, to 
 march to the Potomac. At the close of its first three- 
 months term, the 20th re-enlisted for three years. Its 
 share in the conflicts which have made Virginia historic 
 ground, you well know ; and the price paid for its name, 
 in the life-blood of so many under its colors, is written 
 in the history of the nation. At the head of the regi 
 ment which he had in a great measure created, Colonel 
 Pratt received his death-shot ; and its colors, rent and 
 torn in the storm of battle, are now among the trophies 
 of the State, and will ever recall the remembrance of 
 the gallant leader who fell in their defence. 
 
 " In this brief history of the 20th Regiment, N. Y. 
 S. M., you have almost the entire record of Col. Pratt s 
 military life, which was bound up and identified with 
 that corps. Had he survived, there was doubtless be 
 fore him a higher position and more conspicuous career. 
 But he could not have achieved a higher place in the 
 regard of all who knew his sterling qualities, or have 
 closed an honorable life by a more heroic death, than 
 that which met him in the very flush and vigor of man 
 hood. 
 
 "The older members of this Association will unite 
 with me in a due estimate of the talent and patriotism 
 of Col. Pratt. He ever regarded this body as one of the 
 most promising and efficient agencies toward rendering 
 our State force what it should be, and was most earnest 
 in every word and work to promote its interests. We 
 
1864] RESOLUTIONS. 63 
 
 hoped much from his executive ability when called 
 upon to preside over this Association. But it was de 
 creed otherwise, and we can only record upon his tomb 
 the comprehensive lines graven over one of the best and 
 bravest of another clime and age : 
 
 " Here lies one without fear and without reproach ! 
 
 ; Mr. President, I move the appointment of a com . 
 mittee of three to report resolutions expressive o the 
 regard of this Association to their late president, Col. 
 George W. Pratt, and their respect to his memory." 
 
 The motion was carried, and Capt. Roosa, Gen. 
 Burnside and Col. Forbes were appointed such commit 
 tee, who reported the following resolutions, which were 
 unanimously adopted : 
 
 "WHEREAS, This Association have been called upon since our last 
 annual meeting to mourn the loss of our fellow-member and president, 
 Col. George W. Pratt ; it is 
 
 " Resolved, That we, individually, record our sorrow at the loss of a 
 friend distinguished for his intellectual endowments and scholarly attain 
 ments ; for his high moral qualities, his rectitude of purpose and purity of 
 life ; for his lofty, self-sacrificing patriotism and chivalric courage ; for 
 his courtesy, generosity, and magnanimity, and for all the gifts and graces 
 combining to make up the true soldier and man. 
 
 "Resolved, That as comrades in the State service and companions in 
 this body, we especially feel the loss of one whose energy, zeal, military 
 spirit, and talent were devoted many years to the advancement of the ef 
 ficiency of our State militia ; one of the founders of this Association ; the 
 first colonel in this State, outside of the city of New York, leading his 
 regiment at the first call to defend the capital and country against armed 
 rebellion ; and who consummated his labors and sacrifices by laying down 
 his life in defence of the Union on the field illustrated by his heroism. 
 
 Resolved, That these resolutions be entered on the minutes of this 
 Association, published in its proceedings, and that the Corresponding 
 Secretary be instructed to transmit copies of the same to the widow and 
 father of our late friend and comrade." 
 
 The following proceedings were had in Ulster 
 County in honor of the memory of Colonel Pratt. 
 
 At a special communication of Kingston Lodge No. 
 10, of Free and Accepted Masons, held at the Lodge 
 
64 PROCEEDINGS IN ULSTER COUNTY. [1862. 
 
 Room, in Kingston, on Saturday evening, September 
 13th, 1862, the death of Brother George W. Pratt was 
 announced by Worshipful Brother Warren Chipp. On 
 motion, it was resolved that a committee of five be ap 
 pointed to prepare and present resolutions expressive 
 of the sense of this Lodge upon the death of Brother 
 George W. Pratt. Whereupon the Worshipful Master 
 appointed Brothers John B. Steele, Henry Van Hoeven- 
 burgh, William S. Kenyon, Henry B. Luther, and 
 Abraham A. Deyo, Jr., such committee. 
 
 On motion, it was resolved that this Lodge attend 
 the funeral of Brother George W. Pratt, in a body, and 
 that the Lodge be draped in mourning for the space of 
 sixty days. 
 
 The committee reported as follows : which, on mo 
 tion, was accepted, and the preamble and resolutions 
 were unanimously adopted. 
 
 WARREN CHIPP, W. M., 
 [L. s,] ISAAC VAN BUKEN, Sec. pro tern. 
 
 To the Worshipful Master, Wardens and Brethren of 
 Kingston Lodge No. 10, of Free and Accepted, Ma 
 sons. 
 
 The undersigned, a committee appointed to prepare 
 and present resolutions expressive of the sense of this 
 Lodge upon the death of our lamented Brother, George 
 W. Pratt, respectfully report for consideration the fol 
 lowing preamble and resolutions : 
 
 PREAMBLE. 
 
 Upon the fall of Sumter, as the report "borne upon the lightning s 
 wing," flashed over the land, such an effect upon loyal citizens was expe 
 rienced as might have been expected had the tocsin of war sounded in 
 their ears or the roar of hostile cannon thundered at their gates. Here, as 
 if the subtile fluid which transmitted the intelligence, had electrified our 
 
1862.J PROCEEDINGS IN ULSTER COUNTY. 65 
 
 people, they spontaneously gathered together for counsel and for war. 
 As all such grand impulses need a definite object and aim to become use 
 ful, so this noble outburst of patriotism required a practical direction. 
 
 A young gentleman of modest pretensions, with stern and high resolve, 
 moved quietly and calmly among the people. He was well known, and it 
 seemed that his appearance had given direction to all thoughts, upon the 
 instant ; the pent-up feelings found expression in prolonged cheers for 
 Colonel George W. Pratt. From that moment our course was taken, and 
 in an incredibly short space of time our noble and patriotic 20th, with 
 their gallant young commander, went forth to battle. Their blood has 
 moistened many a hard-fought field, and many a stout heart, which then 
 beat high, is now cold in death. The horse that bore the leader of that 
 gallant band has returned without his rider, and we must now mourn the 
 death of our well-beloved brother, George W. Pratt, and mingle our tears 
 and sympathies with those who weep for him. 
 
 RESOLUTIONS. 
 
 1st. Resolved, That in the death of Colonel George W. Pratt, caused by 
 fatal wounds received while manfully contending for the honor of our 
 flag and the preservation of our glorious Union, upon the recent battle 
 fields of Virginia, this Lodge has lost a much-loved and worthy brother ; 
 the community a most useful and important citizen ; his family, a dutiful 
 and affectionate son, husband, and father, in whom was justly centered 
 much of hope and pride ; the armies of our country, a brave, intelligent 
 and enterprising officer ; and the Church of God, a highly useful and con 
 sistent member. 
 
 2d. Resolved, That while the virtues, talents, and acquirements of our 
 deceased brother were of that high order as naturally and properly to 
 inspire him with confidence and self-possession, and his ample fortune 
 and social position such as to draw around him many to court and flatter, 
 yet his ability was not more conspicuous than his modesty, and his natu 
 ral simplicity of habits and manner, genuine goodness of heart, and firm 
 integrity of purpose were proof against all the allurements of wealth and 
 blandishments of society. In his legislative career, while occupying the 
 position of State Senator from this district, he was, as in private life, emi 
 nently practical and useful; and when we see one thus gifted stricken 
 down in the first vigor of youthful manhood, we are constrained to say, 
 Thy w r ays, O God, are mysterious and past finding out. " 
 
 3d. Resolved, That although we would not detract from the just meed 
 of praise due to any who, struggling against poverty and adversity, have 
 perseveringly encountered and overcome obstacles to success, neither 
 would we be unmindful of the trials and temptations which beset the 
 pathway of such as would devote themselves to a life of usefulness and 
 toil, when possessed of that wealth and position which, so fatally to many, 
 invite to a life of inglorious indolence or more fatal indulgence ; and we 
 
 5 
 
66 PROCEEDINGS IN ULSTER COUNTY. [1862. 
 
 feel a natural and just pride in the example of our deceased brother, who, 
 with every inducement and facility to seek his own enjoyment and ease, 
 could, in time of peace, subject himself to the severe discipline of regular 
 business habits, and when his country called to arms, unhesitatingly sur 
 render all the enjoyments of a luxurious home for the privations and 
 hardships of the camp, and, resisting the entreaties of a loving and beloved 
 -family, offer himself a willing sacrifice upon the altar of his country. 
 
 4th. Resolved, That in addition to the usual formalities, this Preamble 
 .and Resolutions be entered in full upon the minutes of the Lodge, and 
 properly engrossed copies be furnished to the father and widow of the 
 deceased. 
 
 5th. Resolved, That such portion of the proceedings of this Lodge, in 
 reference to the death and burial of our deceased brother, George W. 
 Pratt, as may properly be printed, according to the usages and customs 
 of the Order, be furnished to the newspapers of Albany, Greene and Ulster 
 bounties, for publication . 
 
 All which is respectfully submitted. 
 KINGSTON, Sept. 13th, 1862. 
 
 JOHN B. STEELE, 
 
 HENRY VAN HOEVENBURGH, 
 
 ABM. A. DEYO, JR., 
 
 W. S. KENYON, 
 
 H. B. LUTHER, 
 
 Committee. 
 
 At a meeting of the citizens of Kingston, held at the 
 Court House, Friday evening, September 12th, 1862, 
 for the purpose of paying a tribute of respect to the 
 memory of Colonel George W. Pratt, Hon. Win. B. 
 Wright was chosen Chairman, Dr. H. Van Hoevenburgh 
 and A, B. Preston, Vice-Presidents, and H. D. H. Sny- 
 der and H. H. Reynolds, Secretaries. 
 
 After an address by the Chairman and Hon. T. R. 
 Westbrook, on motion of the latter, a committee of five 
 was appointed to prepare resolutions expressive of the 
 sense of the meeting. 
 
 Messrs. T. R. Westbrook, Rev. Dr. Hoes, Rev. Mr. 
 Waters, Wm. Lounsbery and H. H. Reynolds, Esqrs., 
 were appointed as such committee. 
 
1862.] PROCEEDINGS IN ULSTER COUNTY. 67 
 
 The Committee reported the following resolutions, 
 which, after addresses by Wm. Lounsbery and Henry 
 H. Reynolds, Esqrs., were unanimously adopted. 
 
 WHEREAS, It has pleased an All- Wise Providence, by a vicissitude of 
 war, to remove from our midst Colonel George W. Pratt, of the 20th 
 Regiment, N. Y. State Militia, and 
 
 WHEREAS, The deceased was greatly endeared to and beloved by us 
 all for his high social qualities and manly virtues therefore, in order to 
 testify our respect and love for the departed, be it 
 
 Resolved, That in the death of our late fellow citizen and friend, the 
 community in which he lived has lost an esteemed and valued member, 
 the country a wise statesman and gallant soldier, the Church an earnest 
 and faithful member, and his family an affectionate son, husband and fond 
 parent. 
 
 Resolved, That we tender to the father, widow and relatives of the de 
 ceased our warm and tender sympathy, in this the sad hour of their be 
 reavement, and humbly pray that He who governs and does all things 
 well will administer to them of His own rich consolation. 
 
 Resolved, That we cannot and will not forget that the deceased laid 
 down his life for the sake of country and government, and though sorrow 
 ful, we point with joy and pride to his great sacrifice, as worthy of emula 
 tion and imitation. 
 
 Resolved, That upon the roll of our country s defenders, the name of 
 George W. Pratt occupies a conspicuous position ; that dying, as a soldier 
 loves to die defending his country and flag, we are proud to know that 
 that country shall cherish his name and memory forever. 
 
 Resolved, That it be requested that the bells of the village of Kingston 
 and of this Senatorial district be tolled during the hour of the funeral of 
 the deceased, or from 2 o clock P.M. to 3 o clock P.M. on Sunday next. 
 
 Resolved, That a copy of the proceedings of this meeting be sent to the 
 father and family of the deceased, and that the same be published in the 
 papers of the district 
 
 In connection with the above, Hon. T. R. Westbrook 
 offered the following resolution, which was unanimously 
 adopted : 
 
 Resolved, That while we deplore the death of George W. Pratt, the gal 
 lant Colonel of the 20th Regiment, N. Y. S. M., we can not and do not 
 forget the bravery and virtues of every officer and private of that organi 
 zation, which go recently went from our midst to defend our country and 
 its institutions, but who now sleep with their commander that sleep which 
 knows no waking ; that to us their memories are dear and precious, and 
 their departure is mourned by this Senatorial District with sorrow, deep, 
 sincere and abiding. 
 
68 PROCEEDINGS IN ULSTER COUNTY. [1862. 
 
 On motion, it was resolved that the officers of the 
 meeting, and as many of our citizens as can conveniently 
 do so, be appointed to attend the funeral of Col. Pratt. 
 
 The citizens residing at and about Elmore s Corners, 
 in the town of Esopus, convened at the house of Wil 
 liam Atchison, on Saturday evening, September 12th, 
 for the purpose of passing resolutions expressive of 
 their feelings at the sad intelligence of the death of Col. 
 George W. Pratt, their late neighbor and fellow-towns 
 man. Cheney Ames was called to the Chair, and John 
 W. Wheeler and William Atchison appointed Secreta 
 ries. A committee was appointed to draft resolutions, 
 consisting of Daniel Freer, William Atchison, John 
 Griffiths and Cheney Ames. The committee then re 
 tired, and soon after reported the following, which were 
 unanimously adopted : 
 
 WHEREAS, Colonel George W. Pratt, a beloved and prominent mem 
 ber of this community, was mortally wounded while commanding his 
 regiment in one of the late battles of Virginia, and has since died in conse 
 quence of his wounds, 
 
 Resolved, That as members of the community from which he has thus 
 been taken, we regard the event of his death with feelings of deep and 
 heartfelt sorrow. 
 
 Resolved, That in his death w r e, as individuals, have lost a good neigh 
 bor ; society, a shining ornament ; the Christian Church, a faithful mem 
 ber, and our country, a valiant defender. 
 
 Resolved, That earnestly desiring the speedy suppression of this mon 
 strous rebellion against the best government man ever devised, our mourn 
 ing for the loss of our honored neighbor, is tempered with the consolation 
 that he did not give his life in vain ; that he died in a cause w r hich warmly 
 commends itself to our deepest sympathies ; and that in his self-sacrificing 
 devotion to his country he has left an example which cannot be too gen 
 erally imitated. 
 
 Resolved, That the sympathies of this community are hereby tendered 
 to the family of the deceased, in this their severe and irreparable afflic 
 tion. 
 
 Resolved, That a report of these proceedings and a copy of these reso 
 lutions be presented to the family of the deceased, and to the publisher of 
 the Kingston Argus for publication. 
 
 On the face of the rocky ledge that overlooks the 
 turnpike road, a half mile south of the village of Pratts- 
 
1862.] PRATT S LIKENESS ON THE ROCK. 59 
 
 ville, Colonel Zadock Pratt caused to be cut into the 
 rock a colossal bust of his son, whose right hand is up 
 lifted, and above ft the motto, " This hand for my coun 
 try," being the coat of arms and legend adopted by the 
 Colonel for the "Ulster G-uard." Below the bust are 
 inscribed the words: " Hon. G. W. Pratt, Ph.D., 
 Colonel XX. Regiment, N. Y. S. M., Ulster County. 
 Born April 18th, 1830; wounded August 30th, in the 
 second battle of Manassas, Virginia ; died at Albany, 
 (N. Y.), September llth, 1862. Good brave honor 
 able !" A fond father s commendation of the virtues of 
 his lost son and every word is true. Knowing him as 
 few others did, we can most sincerely repeat his 
 father s words : " Good brave honorable !" 
 
 Pratt had succeeded his father as Colonel of the 28th 
 Regiment of Militia, located in Greene County, and after 
 his removal to Kingston, the counties of Ulster and 
 Greene were united in one regimental district, while 
 Sullivan was detached. The result was that Colonel 
 Bushnell, who resided in Sullivan, was disqualified to 
 command the "Twentieth," and on the 12th of Sep 
 tember, 1857, Colonel Pratt was appointed Colonel of 
 the consolidated regiment, with rank from the 1st of 
 February, 1852. Hiram Schoonmaker, who had held 
 the position of Lieutenant-Colonel since May 19th, 1855, 
 and Theodore B. Gates, who had been Major from same 
 date, retained their commissions. Henry W. Smuller 
 was appointed Chaplain. The other members of the 
 staff were the same as shown in Appendix A. 
 
 The new Colonel of the "Twentieth" gave afresh 
 and wholesome impetus to the organization, and it grew 
 rapidly in his hands. He was a good disciplinarian and 
 an indefatigable worker. He had the regiment in camp 
 for about a week every autumn, and improved such oc 
 casions by enforcing order and devoting the time to 
 company and battalion drills. The result was that the 
 
70 "ULSTER GUARD." [1857. 
 
 regiment became one of the best in the State, and ac 
 quired a reputation of which it had a right to be proud. 
 
 Pratt gave the corps the name of " Ulster Guard ;" 
 a name it always afterwards bore. The citizens of Ulster 
 County, but more especially the people of Kingston and 
 Rondout, took a lively interest in the organization, and 
 to testify, in a manner, their regard for the regiment, 
 they united in presenting it a stand of colors, on the 
 thirty-first of August, 1858. The presentation took 
 place on the green between the two villages, afterwards 
 known as "The Camp Ground," and Hon. William S. 
 Kenyon, President of the Board of Directors of the vil 
 lage of Kingston, made the presentation address, and it 
 was the most perfect thing of its kind ever spoken. In 
 thought, in imagery, in a forecast of the future, in 
 beauty of language, it has no peer. It should be pre 
 served among the most durable archives of the "Ulster 
 Guard." I am glad to be able to give it a place in these 
 pages. Mr. Kenyon said : 
 
 " Colonel and Officers and Soldiers of the Ulster 
 Guard : The vast importance to a free and independ 
 ent people of a duly organized and efficient citizen sol 
 diery, both in a civil and political aspect, requires at our 
 hands no proclamation. The Constitution of this great 
 State, the text-book of our chartered civil and political 
 rights, proclaims it by a recognized equality between 
 the civil and military branches of the Government. So 
 close a relationship is established by constitutional par 
 entage between those branches, that the Governor, the 
 great civil head, is declared to be the commander-in- 
 chief of the military and naval forces of the State. A 
 union so complete, an intimacy so vital to each must of 
 necessity prompt a sense of mutual dependency, and 
 incite to an open expression of regard. Eminently meet 
 and natural is it that the civil and municipal authori 
 ties everywhere should proffer the right hand of fellow 
 ship to the military, and testify before the world to a 
 
1858.] HON. w. s. KENYON S SPEECH. 71 
 
 recognition of a common origin and one and the same 
 destiny. The corporations of Kingston and Rondout 
 here convened by their representatives, recognizing you 
 as an honorable and distinguished member of that noble 
 body of organized citizens of which the Empire State 
 has reason ever to be proud, seize this opportunity to 
 tender you a testimonial of their high appreciation of 
 your merits as soldiers, and through me to express an 
 abiding sense of your worth as citizens and as men. The 
 nag of his country, emblazoned all over with an ever-in 
 creasing galaxy of stars, symbolical of a prosperous 
 union of free and independent States, which God grant 
 may never be dissolved, must to the heart of every Amer 
 ican soldier prove a cherished souvenir. 
 
 " Receive these colors at our hands ; preserve them in 
 remembrance of an occasion so pregnant with interest, 
 and of a scene in which you act so conspicuous a part. 
 A thousand holy recollections will forever cluster around 
 them. The very heavens that are now smiling down 
 upon you ; these old hills that lie crouching all about 
 you with expansive ear, listening to catch the every ac 
 cent of this scene ; the very ground on which you stand, 
 enriched by patriotic blood and teeming with savory 
 memories of revolutionary times, will at sight of them 
 again and again start out before your mind s eye with 
 all the vividness of the present. 
 
 " Accept them as they are. Would that it were possi 
 ble with a graphic touch to represent upon them your 
 future glories. When Aeneas received from his god 
 dess mother the shield which Vulcan had wrought out, 
 he beheld with loving eyes all over it a prophetic history 
 of the future achievements and glory of his race. A wise 
 Providence has denied to us the power of tearing aside 
 the veil which hangs between you and the fulfilment of 
 your hopes. You will read upon this simple gift no 
 prophetic revelation, but you will not fail to discover 
 
72 COLONEL PRATT S REPLY. [1858. 
 
 on every fold some divine memento, traced there by the 
 hand of memory. 
 
 u Accept them and guard them with a valiant heart, 
 and may they, like that stand of heavenly colors flung 
 out by Israel s God a pillar of cloud by day and a pil 
 lar of fire by night introduce you to a full and free 
 fruition of your dearest hopes." 
 
 In accepting the colors, Colonel Pratt spoke as fol 
 lows : 
 
 "Mr. President and Gentlemen: In behalf of the 
 Ulster Guard, I thank you for this beautiful gift, and 
 the kind expressions of appreciation with which it is 
 accompanied. The soldiers constituting my command 
 cherish the homes and firesides of their country, and it 
 needs no incentive to earn a pledge of their protection ; 
 but it is a proud pleasure to them, that the municipal 
 authorities of the two largest villages of Ulster have 
 taken this occasion to express their regard. We appre 
 ciate the honor you have thus done us, and we promise 
 that, if this land is ever involved in war, these colors 
 shall wave with credit and glory wherever danger is 
 thickest and the fight is warmest. Gentlemen, we 
 thank you, and as 3^011 have alluded to our revolution 
 ary sires, we trust the Ulster Guard will never be found 
 unworthy of the noble inheritance of honor and virtue 
 they have left us." 
 
 Subsequent to this event, and shortly before the regi 
 ment left for the war, the City of Poughkeepsie pre 
 sented a beautiful national flag to it the regiment 
 going to Poughkeepsie to receive it. 
 
 On the evening of the seventh of January, 1861, 
 Brigadier-General H. A. Samson, Commandant of the 
 Eighth Brigade, JN". Y. S. M. ; Major Yon Beck and Cap 
 tains Rossa and Davis, of his staff ; Colonel Pratt, Lieu 
 tenant-Colonel Schoonmaker, Major Gates and six or 
 eight other officers of the " Twentieth," whose names I 
 cannot now recall, met in one of the parlors of the 
 
1861.] MEETING AT THE MANSION HOUSE. 73 
 
 Mansion House, at Rondout, to confer together as to 
 the course the regiment ought to adopt, in case of an 
 actual outbreak of the then threatened hostilities. 
 
 Colonel Pratt addressed the meeting, and stated that 
 he believed war was inevitable, and if it came, he in 
 tended to take part in it in some capacity, but that he 
 would very much prefer to serve with his regiment. He 
 foresaw that the Government would be obliged to have 
 recourse to the Militia of the Loyal States in the first 
 instance, and that the "Twentieth" could be soon put 
 in a condition to take the field. He was in favor of 
 tendering the service of the command to the Govern 
 ment, and he believed the officers and men would ap 
 prove of the act. 
 
 After a discussion that lasted until four o clock in 
 the morning, Colonel Pratt was authorized to tender the 
 services of the regiment to the Federal Government, 
 through the Hon. E. D. Morgan, then Governor of the 
 State of New York. 
 
 From this time the work of preparation went quietly 
 forward, and by judicious recruiting the companies had 
 been considerably strengthened by the beginning of 
 April. Company drills were frequent, and the regiment 
 had perceptibly improved in numbers and efficiency. 
 
 On the twelfth of April, Beauregard s cannon put 
 an end to the forbearance of the Federal authorities, 
 and Colonel Pratt s prediction was verified. The Seces 
 sionists had assumed the terrible responsibility of in 
 augurating a fratricidal war, with a wantonness that has 
 no parallel in the history of nations. 
 
 As the reverberations of their guns swept over the 
 country, loyalty shook off its lethargy, and made pro 
 digious strides in preparing to defend the Government. 
 Ignoring party distinctions, Democrats and Republicans 
 united in cordial declarations and acts in support of the 
 administration and in denunciation of secession. 
 
 Immediately on hearing of the attack on Fort Sum- 
 
74 LOYAL MEETING AT KINGSTON. [1861. 
 
 ter, a mass meeting was held in the Court House, at 
 Kingston, whereat Hon. John B. Steele, then a member 
 of Congress from that district, and a Democrat, pre 
 sided. On taking the chair, he said: "It must never 
 be supposed that the flag could be desecrated without 
 touching the soul of every genuine American ; no mat 
 ter what it must cost, the Stars and Stripes must wave. 
 But one heart beats here, and that is the true loyal 
 American heart." Throughout the war he was faithful 
 to these sentiments. Hon. William S. Kenyon, an ex- 
 member of Congress and a Republican, delivered an elo 
 quent and impassioned speech in denunciation of trea 
 son, and in favor of the most energetic measures for its 
 punishment. Hon. Theodoric R. Westbrook, a Demo 
 crat and an ex-member of Congress, and now one of the 
 Judges of the N. Y. Supreme Court, and who probably 
 did more work and made more speeches in behalf of 
 the Government and its soldiers than any other private 
 citizen in the State of New York, spoke at the Kingston 
 meeting, and among other things said: "I lay aside 
 all party lines, all party prejudices, all political bias, 
 and stand for my country alone. I love my party, but, 
 thank God, I love my country better. I am not going 
 to stop to consider who is right or who is wrong ; but, 
 right or wrong, my country." Grasping the folds of 
 the Stars and Stripes, he said : " Let it be known that 
 in the nineteenth century, traitor hands and traitor 
 hearts are found among us to disgrace that flag, which 
 had been their shield and protection as well as our own. 
 May God record my vow to stand by, protect, and, if 
 need be, to die for that flag." 
 
 Speeches were also made by Messrs. Erastus Cooke, 
 George H. Sharpe, William H. Romeyn and Warren 
 Chipp. Committees were appointed to aid in enlisting 
 soldiers for the "Twentieth," and for supplying the 
 wants of the families of those who needed help during 
 the absence of husband, father or son. 
 
1861.] A LOAN TO THE REGIMENT. 75 
 
 The regiment was deficient in many things that were 
 required for its complete equipment and efficiency, and 
 the State was not in a condition to supply its immediate 
 wants. An application was therefore made to the banks 
 of Kingston to advance the necessary funds to purchase 
 the needed articles. The following response was almost 
 immediately received : 
 
 KINGSTON, N. Y., 20th April, 1861. 
 Colonel George W. Pratt: 
 
 DEAR SIR At a meeting of the officers of the Banks in this town, held 
 this day, on the representation that the sum of $8,000 is needed to prepare 
 your regiment for the field, it was unanimously, 
 
 Resolved, That the Banks here represented, viz. : Ulster County Bank, 
 Kingston Bank, Bank of Rondout and State of New York Bank, will each 
 honor the drafts of the Regimental Paymaster of the Twentieth Regiment 
 for the sum of $2,000. 
 
 Yours, &c., 
 
 A. BRUYN HASBROUCK, 
 
 Chairman. 
 H. H. REYNOLDS, 
 
 Secretary . 
 
 A Ladies Army Relief Society was organized 
 about the same time, with Mrs. Dr. Finch as chairman, 
 whose judicious work contributed very greatly to the 
 comfort of the soldiers. 
 
 Another of the agencies organized at Kingston to 
 aid the Government and contribute to the comfort of 
 the soldiers, was the "Ulster Military Relief Commit 
 tee," of which Mr. Henry H. Reynolds was chairman. 
 In his report for the month of May, 1861, he announces 
 the following donations and monthly subscriptions. No 
 doubt later reports would show a very much larger list, 
 but I am unable to obtain, at this time, a subsequent 
 report : 
 
 DONATIONS. 
 
 J. F. Brower, $1 ; Mrs. Samuel Dubois, $1 ; John J, 
 Davis, $1 ; James L. Hasbrouck, $10 ; N. A. Houghta- 
 ling, $2 ; Joseph Maton, $3 ; Miss E. G. Ostrander, $1 ; 
 William Shaw, $4 ; Cash, per G. Southwick, $25 ; Peter 
 
76 MILITARY RELIEF COMMITTEE. [1861. 
 
 Van Buren, 3 ; A. C. Willis, $1 ; C. H. Coutant, $1 ; 
 Mrs. Peter Dubois, 50c. ; Isaac Decker, $5; J. S. Joy, 
 $2 ; L. Low, $1 ; P. T. Osterhoudt, $1 ; Jacob Sahler, 
 $10 ; David H. Smith, $1 ; Wessel Ten Broeck, $5 ; H. 
 Van Steenbergh, $1 ; F. L. Westbrook, $5. 
 
 MONTHLY SUBSCRIPTIONS. 
 
 G. W. Pratt (for regimental district), $100 ; Thomas 
 Beekman, $1 ; Bradley Burhans, 50. ; Reuben Bernard, 
 $5 ; Corns. Bruyn, $50 ; Thomas C. Broadhead, $2 ; H. 
 Broadhead, Jr., $25 ; C. & J. Burhans, $5 ; Edn. Crosby, 
 $5 ; P. J. Davis, $2 ; P. J. Dubois, $20 , G. W. Ewen, 
 $3 ; Mrs. A. E. Post, $1 ; Samuel L. Frame, $5 ; J. C. F. 
 Hoes, $1 ; M. Hauver, $2 ; P. Harlow, $1 ; J. F. Jen 
 nings, $5 ; John O. Legg, $1 ; James O. Merritt, $5 ; 
 Augustus Newton, $1 ; A. Near, $5 ; Jacob Osterhoudt, 
 50c. ; C. M. O Neil, $1 ; H. H. Reynolds, $4 ; Henry 
 Rosenkrantz, $2; Rev. W. A. Shaw, $1; W. P. B. Sharp, 
 $5 ; J. D. Sleight, $1 ; C. B. Safford, $1 ; J. H. Trem- 
 per, $5 ; W. I. Teller, $3 ; A. L. Yankenburgh, $1 ; 
 Ab m Van Keuren, $2 ; G. N. Van Deusen, $5 ; James 
 Wells, $4 ; Miss H. Wynkoop, $10 ; Rev. W. B. Askam, 
 $1 ; A. H. Bruyn, $30 ; Benj. Burhans, 50c. ; R. N. 
 Baldwin, $25 ; E. W. Budington, $2 ; Joshua Bruyn, 
 $10 ; B. L. Brodhead, $2 ; Jacob Burhans, $15 ; Howard 
 Chipp, $3 ; C. D. Crispell, $5 ; J. H. Dubois, $5 ; C. I. 
 Deyo, $1 ; Daniel Eckert, $1 ; John P. Folant, 50c. ; 
 William H. Hamlin, $1 ; P. S. Haines, $10; W. M. 
 Hayes, $3 , James Joy, $3 ; H. Legg, $1 ; Silas Myer, 
 $1 ; Peter Masten, $8 ; A. G. Nichols, $2 ; J. E. Ostran- 
 der, $2; J. P. Osterhoudt, $15; A. B. Paynter, $5; 
 Mrs. H. H. Reynolds, $6 ; Augustus W. Reynolds, $3 ; 
 William Reynolds, $10 ; W. F. Romer, $10 ; George P. 
 Sharp, $15 ; Justis Shaw, $2.50 ; Henry Snyder, $1 ; W. 
 P. Swart, $1 ; J. K. Trumpbour, $3 ; C. P. Van Deusen, 
 $8 ; John Vignes, $1 ; P. G. Yan Steenbergh, $1 ; P. Y. 
 S. Whitaker, 50c. 
 
1861.] READY FOR DEPARTURE. 77 
 
 On the 23d of .April the following order was issued : 
 
 GENERAL HEADQUARTERS, ADJUTANT-GENERAL S OFFICE, ) 
 
 ALBANY, April 23d, 1861. j" 
 
 General Orders, No. Major-General John Taylor Cooper, 3d 
 Division New York State Militia, is hereby directed to detail the 20th 
 Regiment, Colonel George W. Pratt, for immediate service, to report forth 
 with to the President of the United States, at Washington, until relieved 
 by proper authority. 
 
 By order of the Commander-in-Chief, 
 
 J. MERIDITH READ, JR., 
 
 Adjutant- GeneraL 
 
 On the same day General Cooper issued an order, in 
 pursuance of the above, to Colonel Pratt. On the 24th, 
 General Samson, commanding the 8th Brigade, issued 
 an order detailing Surgeon Abram Crispell of his staff 
 to report to Colonel Pratt for duty with the 20th. 
 
 Regimental orders were at once issued for the com 
 mand to prepare to march. The money advanced by 
 the banks was expended in partially uniforming recruits,, 
 and supplying the most pressing wants of the regiment. 
 The outfit of the regiment was not as good or as com 
 plete as the officers thought it ought to be, when going 
 into the field. The uniforms of a large proportion of 
 the men were old and worn, and the arms and accoutre 
 ments were of ancient pattern. It was believed these 
 arms and equipments could be exchanged for more 
 modern styles, and that new uniforms could be furnish 
 ed at New York, or forwarded to us in the field at an 
 early day, and requisitions therefor were forwarded to 
 the Adjutant-General at Albany, just before the regiment 
 departed from Kingston. These requisitions came very 
 near bringing the career of the Twentieth to an untimely 
 end. 
 
CHAPTER Y. 
 
 THE DEPARTURE FROM KINGSTON SCENES AND INCIDENTS VOYAGE TO 
 NEW YORK RECEPTION IN THE CITY QUARTERED IN THE CENTRE 
 MARKET ARMORY TRANSFERRED TO PARK BARRACKS MISUNDER 
 STANDINGS BETWEEN GOV. MORGAN AND COL. PRATT FORMER DE 
 CLINES TO APPROVE REQUISITION MAJOR GOES TO ALBANY AND GETS 
 NECESSARY ORDERS ANOTHER HITCH ORDERED TO RETURN TO 
 KINGSTON OFFICERS AND MEN FURIOUS INSIDE HISTORY OF THE 
 TROUBLE TWENTY-FOUR HOURS OF SUSPENSE ORDERED TO PROCEED 
 TO WASHINGTON READY IN TWO HOURS FRIENDS TO SEE US OFF 
 JOURNEY TO ANNAPOLIS WHAT WE FOUND THERE GEN. B. F. BUT 
 LER IN COMMAND THE SIXTH AND THIRTEENTH N. Y. 8. M. ANNAP 
 OLIS, AND WHAT WE DID THERE. 
 
 ON Sunday, the 28th day of April, the regiment 
 paraded in Academy Green, where, surrounded by 
 thousands of people, religious ceremonies were con 
 ducted by the Kingston clergy, and the formal leave 
 takings were then concluded. When these were over, 
 the regiment marched to Rondout, and embarked on 
 board the steamer Manhattan and a barge, which were 
 to convey the command to New York. The streets 
 through which the regiment marched to reach the boat 
 a distance of two miles were thronged with people, 
 whose voices filled the Sabbath air with cheers, while 
 flags were waving on every hand. 
 
 As the boats swung out into the stream, the regi 
 ment gave its friends on shore three rousing cheers, and 
 then sought the repose which the activity and wakeful- 
 ness of the last three days made most welcome. 
 
 The regiment arrived in New York in the evening of 
 the same day, and marched to Centre Market Armory. 
 It was vociferously cheered as it went through the 
 
 78 
 
1861.] MISUNDERSTANDING WITH GOVERNOR MORGAN. 79 
 
 streets of the city, and its welcome in the Metropolis 
 seemed as cordial as were the good wishes which fol 
 lowed it from its friends at home. 
 
 It was found that no provision had been made for 
 sending the regiment forward from New York, and it 
 soon became apparent at regimental headquarters that 
 trouble was brewing for it at the Adjutant-General s 
 office in Albany. 
 
 On Tuesday, the 30th of April, and while the regi 
 ment was still at Centre Market Armory, the Major was 
 dispatched to Albany to interview Governor Morgan, 
 and dissuade him, if possible, from sending the regiment 
 back to Kingston, which was believed to be his design. 
 The following entry in my diary, of Wednesday, 
 May 1st, gives Governor Morgan s side of the case, as I 
 understood it at that time. The matter caused a good 
 deal of talk and newspaper comment, and produced 
 some ill feeling : 
 
 i( I found on reaching Albany that such a contin 
 gency (sending the regiment home) had been contem 
 plated, owing to the fact that, when the Governor 
 ordered the regiment to march, he supposed, upon in 
 formation received from Colonel Pratt, that it was all 
 ready to take the field, and he was not disabused of this 
 idea until after we had left Kingston, when a requisition 
 arrived for nearly everything a regiment could require, 
 to lit it, ab initio, for the field. The Governor was 
 astounded. The articles were not to be had at the mo 
 ment, and the circumstance placed the Governor in a 
 false and embarrassing position, as he understood it. 
 The general view of the matter would be, that he had or 
 dered a regiment to march, and gotten it a hundred miles 
 from home, and in the way of other regiments going to 
 the front, when it was almost totally unprepared to 
 take the field ; and, moreover, that it would cost nearly 
 as much to equip the regiment for three months as it 
 would to equip one of the new two-years regiments ; 
 
80 ORDERED TO RETURN TO KINGSTON. [1861. 
 
 that New York s quota of three-months regiments was 
 already quite or nearly full, and that no regiment had 
 made any such demand upon the State for an outfit 
 as that received from the Colonel of the Twentieth. 
 Nevertheless, the Governor directed that the requisi 
 tions should be filled, and I returned to New York with 
 orders to that effect in my pocket." 
 
 But the Governor reconsidered his resolution, and 
 on the third of May caused an order to be issued, in 
 which it is said : " The prompt obedience of orders by 
 the organized regiments of the State militia, and the 
 alacrity of the volunteers, fully meeting the wants of 
 the National Executive, having superseded the necessi 
 ty for any additional regiments of the organized militia, 
 no more regiments of such organizations can be received 
 into service at this time. Accordingly, the Twentieth 
 Regiment, commanded by Colonel Pratt, now in New 
 York City en route to Washington, is hereby relieved 
 from that duty, and it will be ordered to repair to 
 Kingston, in Ulster County, whence the several com 
 panies will return to their respective districts. Special 
 Orders No. 113, directing the Commissary-General to 
 issue certain arms and equipments to that regiment, 
 are also countermanded. Major-General Sandford is 
 charged with the execution of this order/ 
 
 It will be seen that the Governor delicately evaded 
 the real ground upon which this action was taken, and 
 assigned reasons which were true in themselves, and 
 with the then existing views of the emergency were quite 
 sufficient to justify the order. He, no doubt, felt that a 
 revelation of the "bottom facts" would be unpleasant 
 to the officers of the regiment, and a disagreeable sur 
 prise to their friends. He seems to have been willing to 
 bear a good deal of animadversion, on account of this 
 order, rather than to attempt to justify it by giving 
 publicity to the facts. So much is due to Governor 
 Morgan. 
 
1861.] ORDERED TO WASHINGTON. gl 
 
 Colonel Pratt had forwarded the requisitions, which 
 caused all the trouble, with the very best of motives, 
 and without intending to have it understood that the 
 regiment could not take the field without the things 
 called for ; and this is proved by the fact that the regi 
 ment marched without these supplies. But Colonel 
 Pratt and his officers felt that the regiment would be 
 much better prepared for service, if it could be furnished 
 with new uniforms and arms. Those it had were worn 
 and old fashioned, and while they did very well for 
 home duty, were not just the outfit for a regiment to go 
 abroad with. Having sent in the requisitions and feel 
 ing that the regiment was entitled to the articles called 
 for, it then became a matter of etiquette to stand by 
 the action already taken. But when the order to 
 proceed came, it was made manifest that the regiment 
 could take the field in the condition in which it march 
 ed from Kingston. 
 
 Several influential citizens, from different parts of 
 the State, united with the officers of the regiment, in an 
 earnest appeal to Governor Morgan to allow the regi 
 ment to proceed. The corps had made many friends 
 during its sojourn in New York, and its drill and dis 
 cipline induced the belief that it would do good service 
 in the field. It was urged upon the Governor, that to 
 send it home would tend to discourage other organiza 
 tions preparing for the field, and that the effect would 
 be bad, in every point of view. The result was, that the 
 Governor revoked so much of the above order as direct 
 ed the regiment to return to Kingston, and instead, 
 ordered it to proceed to Washington. This latter order 
 was telegraphed from Albany, and reached head-quar 
 ters about six o clock on the evening of Monday, May 
 sixth. It was at once promulgated to the regiment, and 
 the scene that ensued is thus described by the New 
 York Commercial Advertiser: "When this news was 
 imparted to the troops, a scene of genuine enthusiasm 
 
82 READY IN TWO HOURS. [1861. 
 
 ensued ; cheer upon cheer rang upon the air ; the Presi 
 dent, the Governor, General Scott, Colonel Pratt, and in 
 fact every name the troops could think of, was wildly 
 cheered. Colonel Pratt was deeply affected at the en 
 thusiasm manifested by his men, and took no measures 
 to check their outbursts of joy. After order was re 
 stored, the commandant made a few pithy remarks, 
 thanking his regiment for the manner in which they had 
 undergone disappointments, and congratulated them on 
 the prospect of having an opportunity of showing of 
 what material the Ulster County boys are composed. 
 He said that his regiment would come back covered with 
 glory. He also exonerated the State authorities from 
 all blame in keeping them back, and said that the prin 
 cipal reason for their being ordered home, was the great 
 number of organized regiments of militia offering, by 
 which the Government was forced to decline one-half 
 the tenders. A few encouraging words to the men, and 
 the Colonel concluded by giving orders to be in march 
 ing order, as soon as possible. 
 
 "The celerity with which the camp was placed in 
 marching order is one of the very best evidences of 
 what might be expected of this regiment in actual 
 service; the train could not leave owing to the storm, 
 and the men again bivouacked. At reveille the men 
 were all ready in trim, ready to take arms and march; 
 a hearty and substantial breakfast was partaken of, and 
 all the arrangements made, necessary for the comfort of 
 the troops ; the order to form line was given at eight 
 o clock. After inspection by the officers and several 
 military celebrities, who had assembled to witness their 
 departure, the line of march was taken up, and the 
 command wheeled out of the west gate of the park, and 
 filed down Broadway to Cortlandt street ferry. The 
 officers were mounted on splendid chargers, and the 
 general appearance of the regiment elicited considerable 
 
1861.] JOURNEY TO ANNAPOLIS. 83 
 
 praise from the spectators; at the depot a train was in 
 readiness to take the troops to Philadelphia." 
 
 The reporter does not overstate the manifestations of 
 delight with which the order to proceed to Washington, 
 was received. The motives of patriotism and a desire for 
 military distinction, had united in inducing officers and 
 men to set out upon this enterprise. Some of them had 
 made considerable sacrifices, and all had taken leave of 
 family and friends, with a feeling that they might never 
 meet again, that months, at all events, and possibly 
 eternity, lay between them and a re-union. And now, 
 after a journey of a hundred miles, and without having 
 crossed the borders of their peaceful State, and after an 
 absence of a week, to march back to Kingston and 
 disarm, would have been a great humiliation. I think 
 if the regiment had been fairly out of the State when 
 the order to return came, it would have gone on, anyhow, 
 if it had been obliged to march all the way and forage 
 on the country, but in New York, it had to obey the 
 orders of the Governor, who is the Commander-in-Chief . 
 The men were ready to march within two hours after the 
 final order came ; they seemed to be afraid of a counter 
 mand before they could get off, every possible effort 
 was made by the officers of the regiment to get under 
 way Monday night, but transportation could not be 
 furnished until next morning. 
 
 The regiment took cars at Jersey City, and felt, at 
 last, that there could be no recall. A number of Ulster 
 County friends who had come to take a final leave of us, 
 accompanied us to the cars, and some of them went with 
 us as far as Philadelphia, Messrs. Erastus Cooke and 
 Jansen Hasbrouck, I remember as among the number. 
 Through New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and even in little 
 Delaware, we were treated with great courtesy and at 
 tention. At many stations the men were furnished with 
 lemonade and sandwiches, and other refreshments, and 
 crowds of people welcomed our arrival with cheers and 
 
84 JOURNEY TO ANNAPOLIS. [1861. 
 
 sent their blessings after us. Loyalty was burning warm 
 and bright in the hearts of the people, and manifested 
 itself in their looks, words, and acts. 
 
 Nevertheless, the journey from Jersey City to Perry - 
 ville, on the east side of the Susquehanna River, was a 
 very trying one. Our train was an extra, and we had 
 to keep out of the way of the regular trains. More 
 over, the road was encumbered with troops and army 
 store trains, and our detentions, from time to time, were 
 terribly tedious. We did not arrive at Perryville until 
 one o clock at night ; whereas, the ordinary time for 
 the journey is not more than six hours. The Baltimore 
 rebels had some time before destroyed the bridges, which 
 carried the railroad over the broad and deep streams 
 crossing its track west of the Susquehanna, and we were 
 obliged to embark on two steamboats at Perryville, and 
 proceed by water to Annapolis. But our boats were 
 not ready until five o clock in the morning, and I think, 
 to most of us, it was the worst night we had ever spent. 
 The novelty of the situation had ceased to divert, and 
 the wit and humor that had amused and entertained us 
 for many weary hours, were exhausted. Patience and 
 quiet submission to fatigue and discomforts, habits 
 which we by and by acquired, had not yet impressed 
 themselves upon officers or men sufficiently to smother 
 all expressions of discontent, and there was a slight im 
 itation of the bad habit of " our army in Flanders." 
 
 But as a bright April sun dispersed the gloom and 
 fogs of night, so also it restored cheerfulness and con 
 tentment to our tired and sleepy men. The waters of 
 the Susquehanna, which has its source in Otsego 
 County, New York, discharge into Chesapeake Bay 
 three miles below Perryville. We were soon on the 
 broad waters of the Chesapeake, and after steaming 
 about fifty miles, entered the Severn River, and drew 
 up in front of the grounds of the Naval Academy, at 
 Annapolis, Maryland. 
 
1861.] WHAT WE FOUND THERE. 35 
 
 Disembarking, we were directed to occupy certain of 
 of the Academic buildings, and we were soon in very 
 comfortable quarters. The buildings extend in a long 
 row across the upper part of the grounds, and are fur 
 nished with gas, water, bath-rooms, and all the conve 
 niences of a city house. The grounds are extensive, 
 and slope in a beautiful lawn to the Severn, on the east, 
 and the Chesapeake on the south. The grounds are 
 handsomely laid out, and adorned with fine trees. A 
 granite shaft reminds the visitor of the gallant Hern- 
 don, while a white marble monument testifies to the 
 merits of various other naval heroes. The view from the 
 Academy grounds was exceedingly pleasant, embracing, 
 as it did, luxuriant fields of grass and grain ; the waters 
 of the Severn and the bay, and the green-robed forests 
 covering the islands and the shores across the Chesa 
 peake. The Academy grounds are separated from An 
 napolis by a high wall, and no one was allowed egress 
 or ingress, without a pass from the proper authority. 
 The post is called " Fort Severn." At the breaking out 
 of the war, the Academy had seven professors and some 
 eighty midshipmen and students. 
 
 The city of Annapolis, which lies just outside the 
 Academy walls, contained less than 4,000 inhabitants, a 
 considerable proportion of whom were negroes. The 
 city is the capital of Maryland, and of Ann Arundel 
 County, and is about 38 miles south of Baltimore, The 
 Annapolis and Elkridge Railroad connects the town 
 with the Baltimore and Washington Railroad at An 
 napolis Junction, fourteen miles to the northwestward. 
 Annapolis is an old-fashioned place, but it has been 
 famous in its day. Its streets radiate from three cen 
 tres, which are the sites of the three principal build 
 ings in the place the State House, St. John s College, 
 and St. Ann s Church. These buildings are not re 
 markable for architectural effects, but they are con 
 sidered very important edifices by Marylanders. Dur- 
 
86 GENERAL BUTLER AND COLONEL SMITH. [1861. 
 
 ing the Revolutionary War the American Congress held 
 some of its sessions in the State House, and the closing 
 scene in that great drama was enacted in the senate- 
 chamber of that building, and the room and the appear 
 ance of many of the actors have been transmitted to us 
 with reasonable accuracy, in the picture representing 
 Washington in the act of resigning his commission to 
 Congress. This room, in honor of that great event, has 
 been preserved, in just the condition it then was. St. 
 John s College was founded in 1784, and just before the 
 war it had a president, five professors, twelve or thir 
 teen hundred alumni, eighty students, and a library of 
 4,000 volumes. 
 
 We found at Annapolis the Thirteenth N. Y. S. M., 
 (from Brooklyn), Col. A. Smith, who commanded the 
 post. Across the Severn was the Sixth N. Y., Colonel 
 Pinckney. Along the railroad, from Annapolis to the 
 Junction, with headquarters at the latter place, was 
 the Fifth N. Y. Volunteers, Colonel . General 
 
 Benjamin F. Butler commanded the Department, with 
 headquarters at Baltimore. 
 
 Our stay at Annapolis was brief, yet there were 
 some incidents connected with it that impressed them 
 selves very strongly upon my mind ; one of these was, 
 that Colonel Smith imposed all the guard and fatigue 
 duty upon the Twentieth, and that some ot the latter 
 work was exceedingly onerous, consisting in the re 
 moval of some heavy pieces of ordnance. We were 
 required to furnish a daily detail for guard duty of 250 
 men, with a field officer of the day. The second night 
 after our arrival one of our men was stabbed while 
 strolling through the grounds, and the circumstance 
 caused great excitement and indignation among our 
 officers and men. Fortunately, the man was not seri 
 ously wounded. About midnight the same night, we 
 were aroused by the " long roll" at Colonel Pinckney s 
 post, across the Severn, followed by the discharge of 
 
1861.] WHAT WE DID THERE. 87 
 
 fire-arms. Our regiment prepared to turn out, but soon 
 the concerted rocket signal of "all right" was given, 
 and the residue of the night passed without further 
 disturbance. These events would have seemed trivial oc 
 currences to us some months later, but at that time they 
 were exciting. Colonel Pinckney reported next day 
 that a small body of mounted men attacked a picket 
 post, and, exchanging shots, without damage to his 
 men, rode away, themselves apparently uninjured. 
 
 On the morning of the eleventh of May we received 
 an order from General Butler, to march from Annapolis 
 at 12 o clock, and to relieve the Fifth along the line of 
 the railroad, from Annapolis to the Junction, and es 
 tablish headquarters at the latter place. We were not 
 sorry of the opportunity to get out of Colonel Smith s 
 jurisdiction, and were soon ready to march ; but 
 Colonel Smith had a large fatigue party at work, and 
 although advised of the order, and the necessity of re 
 lieving the men, he omitted to do so until General But 
 ler, who fortunately arrived, sent him a peremptory 
 order to relieve them. 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 FROM ANNAPOLIS TO THE JUNCTION CAMP REYNOLDS PASSING TROOPS 
 
 ACQUAINTANCES REMINDERS FROM HOME ARMY RATIONS DUTY 
 
 PERFORMED BY REGIMENT PICKET POSTS ALARMS EXCITING RU 
 MORSA SCARED CHAPLAIN EXPEDITIONS THURLOW WEED RAIL 
 ROAD TRACK THREATENED ARRIVAL OF MR. REYNOLDS SLEEPY 
 
 SENTINELS INVOICE OF CLOTHING IMPEDIMENT A LIEUT, COLONEL 
 
 SCHOONMAKER RESIGNS AN ELECTION DEATHS FUNERAL IN A 
 
 THUNDER STORM EFFORTS TO GET THE REGIMENT SENT TO THE 
 FRONT ORDERED TO BALTIMORE. 
 
 AT twelve o clock, on the eleventh of May, we took up 
 our line of march for Annapolis Junction. The An 
 napolis and Elkridge Railroad had been disabled by the 
 local Secessionists, at about the same time the bridges 
 on the Trunk road were destroyed ; but a regiment 
 which preceded us had repaired it. We established ten 
 picket posts along the line of the road, with a signal 
 system between posts, and arrived at the Junction, with 
 the main body of the regiment, in the evening. The 
 Fifth New York Volunteers departed as we arrived, 
 leaving their tents standing for our occupation. The 
 regiment, with the line officers, took possession of the 
 abandoned camp, while the Field and Stalf secured 
 quarters in the " Annapolis Junction Hotel," which, 
 with the railroads, constituted Annapolis Junction. 
 Captain D. T. Van Buren, of the Engineers, procured 
 a straight sapling, 35 feet long, which was erected in the 
 front centre of the camp. Colonel Pratt issued the fol 
 lowing order : " The Stars and Stripes will be hoisted 
 on the flagstaff at half -past three o clock, and the camp 
 will be known as Camp Reynolds, in compliment to the 
 zealous and active friend of the Ulster Gfuard, Henry H. 
 Reynolds, of Kingston, N. Y." The flag was run to the 
 
 88 
 
1861.] REMINDEKS PROM HOME. 89 
 
 peak at the appointed time, amid the cheers of the regi 
 ment. Camp Reynolds was located in an open field, 
 near to and in full view of the railroad. The men went 
 to work to beautify their quarters, and the front of the 
 tents were soon adorned with evergreens, which afforded 
 a pleasant shade, and added greatly to the comfortable 
 appearance of their quarters. The grounds were kept 
 as clean as a house floor, under strict police regulations, 
 and the camp was a very pretty canvas village. Above 
 it floated an American flag, seventeen feet in length, 
 and around the borders of the camp constantly patrolled 
 a line of sentinels. 
 
 Meantime, the railroad communication on the Great 
 Trunk line between New York and Washington had 
 been re-opened, and Annapolis Junction had become a 
 scene of constant animation. It was a watering station, 
 and almost every train stopped there. Trains were fol 
 lowing each other in rapid succession, laden with troops, 
 on their way to the National Capital. They invariably 
 cheered Camp Reynolds, and the men within it gave 
 back a hearty response. The officers at headquarters 
 found acquaintances in nearly every New York regi 
 ment, going to the front, and pleasant interviews and 
 little acts of hospitality were the agreeable episodes of 
 every day. Numerous civilian friends from the East 
 visited us, and we were always glad to welcome them . 
 Boxes and bundles, for officers and men, were constantly 
 arriving, reminding us of the thoughtfulness and zeal 
 of those who had bidden us "God speed " on our de 
 parture from Kingston. It would require pages to 
 enumerate the various articles thus received while we 
 were at this post. At the risk of being deemed invidi 
 ous, I will mention a few instances of the kind referred 
 to. Colonel Zadoc Pratt, of Prattsville, Green County, 
 and Mr. Henry Dowey, Andes, Delaware County, N. Y., 
 sent us a large quantity of excellent butter of their 
 own make. Messrs. Wales, Van Deusen, Knapp and 
 
90 DUTY PERFORMED. [1861. 
 
 Deyo, of Rondout, N. Y., forwarded a large and well- 
 assorted supply of medical stores. From the Esopus 
 people, a bountiful donation of under-clothing. A like 
 donation from the ladies of Wilbur. Blankets, clothing, 
 and a large dry-goods box of delicacies for the table, 
 from the ladies of Kingston. Some grumbler in the 
 regiment had written home, complaining of the army 
 ration, both as to quantity and quality, and our friends 
 were led to apprehend that we were on starvation allow 
 ance. To relieve their minds on this subject, Colonel 
 Pratt caused the adjutant to send to our home papers, 
 the following statement, which is reproduced for the 
 information it affords, as to how our paternal Govern 
 ment feeds its defenders: "Government allowances of 
 rations : f Ibs. pork or bacon ; 1J Ibs. fresh or salt beef ; 
 18 oz. bread or flour, or 12 oz. hard bread, or 1 Ibs. 
 corn meal. At the rate of 100 rations, 8 qts. beans, or 
 in lieu thereof, 10 Ibs. rice, or in lieu thereof, twice per 
 week, 150 oz. of desiccated potatoes and 100 oz. mixed 
 vegetables ; 10 Ibs. coffee, or 1 Ibs. tea ; 15 Ibs. sugar ; 
 4 qts. vinegar ; 1J- Ibs. tallow ; 4 Ibs. soap ; 2 qts. salt. 
 This is not exactly the bill of fare that an epicure would 
 gloat over, but soldiers have no business to be epicures. 
 The regimental headquarters continued at Annapolis 
 Junction until the 29th of June. During this time the 
 duty required of the corps was neither arduous nor 
 dangerous. The picket posts already mentioned were 
 maintained, and others were established, covering several 
 miles of the Baltimore & Washington Railroad, east and 
 west of the junction. Around the camp was nightly 
 posted a strong guard, and every precaution taken 
 against a surprise. Detachments were now and then 
 sent off to intercept parties reported to be on the march 
 to join the rebels, and the houses of several notorious 
 Secessionists were searched for arms. Alarms were suf 
 ficiently frequent at the outer picket posts to keep 
 officers and men on the gui vive, and Colonel Pratt 
 
1861.] EXCITING RUMORS. 91 
 
 would often mount his horse at midnight, or later, and 
 accompanied by one or more of his officers, make the 
 "grand rounds" of the outer picket circle, which in 
 volved a ride of five miles, through fields and woods, 
 and which was a somewhat dangerous pastime. Our 
 pickets were especially cautioned to be on their guard 
 against a sudden dash of cavalry, and on two occasions 
 they mistook the colonel s party for rebel raiders, and 
 were on the point of firing on them. 
 
 "While the headquarter s family were at breakfast 
 one morning, a considerable body of troops were seen to 
 be approaching the junction from the direction of 
 Savages. The Annapolis Hotel w^as between the advan 
 cing soldiers and the regimental camp. Attention was 
 at once called to the column of troops, and an officer 
 designing to play a practical joke on Rev. Mr. D. - , 
 the regimental chaplain, whose fear of an attack on the 
 post was constant and notorious, sprung from the table 
 and buckled on his sword, the other officers at once 
 taking their cue, followed suit, with all the appearance 
 of haste and terror they could assume. The chaplain 
 gave one glance at the approaching troops, and one at 
 his hurrying comrades, and, springing from the table, 
 he fled from the house, and was not again seen around 
 headquarters until late in the day, when he strolled in, 
 with an expression of countenance which seemed to 
 deprecate any allusion to the little incident of the morn 
 ing. The chaplain had learned, meantime, that the 
 soldiers were from our own regiment, and were return 
 ing from a night s scout. 
 
 There was genuine excitement in our camp on the 
 24th of May, the Federal troops had entered Virginia the 
 night before, and Els worth had been shot in the Jack 
 son House, at Alexandria. The most extravagant and 
 startling rumors were pouring into our camp from every 
 passing train. On the 2oth, we were assured that heavy 
 fighting was going on at Alexandria and Arlington 
 
92 SLEEPY SENTINELS. [1861. 
 
 Heights. Among our informants was Mr. Tlmrlow 
 Weed, who said he reached Washington the preceding 
 evening, and that he was then hurrying back to New 
 York, at the request of the War Department, to ex 
 pedite the forwarding of troops. At ten o clock on the 
 same night Colonel Pratt received a dispatch from 
 General Cadwalader, who was then commanding the de 
 partment, stating that the rebels were threatening the 
 railroad track, near Laurel, five miles west of our post, 
 and directing him to protect it. Lieutenant Jacob 
 Sharp, B Co., with 40 men, was at once sent to the 
 menaced point ; while Colonel Pratt, the major, and 
 several staff officers, made a personal inspection of the 
 locality. On the same evening, our vigilant friend, Mr. 
 Henry H. Reynolds, arrived from Kingston, with parcels 
 and news from home. 
 
 Picket duty is very tedious, and green soldiers have 
 hard work to keep awake two or three hours on a quiet 
 post, especially after midnight. One night the colonel, 
 the major, and Captain Webster, officer of the day, were 
 making the rounds about two o clock, and came upon a 
 post where two men were stationed. We found them 
 both fast asleep on the ground. We quietly took their 
 muskets, which were standing against a tree, near by, 
 and returned to camp. A detachment of the guard was 
 then sent out to arrest the sleepers, whom they found 
 still asleep, and brought them into camp. The men had 
 been guilty of a very grave military offence, and they 
 were tried by a court-martial and sentenced. 
 
 On the 28th of May we received a supply of shoes, 
 socks, shirts, &c., from Washington, but the United 
 States uniforms were not issued to us during our three 
 months term of service. Subsequently, the Twentieth, 
 like other regiments, was uniformed by the Federal 
 Government ; and there never was a large army so well 
 fed and clothed as the Federal troops were during the 
 rebellion. Foreign officers were amazed to witness the 
 
1861.] IMPEDIMENTA. 93 
 
 abundance of food and clothing that were issued to our 
 soldiers. I am satified the men could have lived well 
 on two-thirds of the Government ration, and would have 
 been comfortable with half the allowance of clothing. 
 The chief reason why the Confederates often out-march 
 ed us was that they were nearly always in "light march 
 ing order," probably from necessity rather than from 
 choice. While a Federal column never could move with 
 out a cumbersome train of wagons, which the troops 
 must cover and protect. Such impedimenta rendered 
 celerity of movement simply impossible, and gave the 
 fleet-footed men of Jackson and other Confederate com 
 manders great advantage. As an example of the enor 
 mous encumbrance with which the Federal armies were 
 accustomed to move, I will take the army of the Poto 
 mac, during the campaign of 1864. That army averaged 
 about 125,000 effective men. Its transportation consist 
 ed of about 4,200 wagons. 800 ambulances, 30,000 horses, 
 including cavalry, artillery, and draft horses ; 4,500 pri 
 vate horses, and 22,000 mules, making a grand aggregate 
 of 56,000 animals, or nearly \ animals to men. The ratio 
 in our Western armies was even higher than this, and 
 ranged from to f . A civilian can hardly conceive the 
 effect of such an immense train of animals and vehicles 
 upon the movements of accompanying troops. Time 
 and again the latter are forced to stand for hours and 
 hours to allow the train to pass, or to await its move 
 ment, while it must always have an adequate guard. 
 When we consider that an army of 125,000 men, march 
 ing in column four abreast, with the usual intervals, ex 
 tends over a distance of 35 miles, and that each six-mule 
 team occupies about sixty lineal feet, or ninety teams to 
 the mile, we see how interminable the line seems to be, 
 and how difficult it must be to cover such a train, and 
 protect it against an enterprising enemy. But, to pur 
 sue the subject a little further, 6,300 mule teams will 
 extend about seventy miles, assuming the roads are 
 
94: LIEUTENANT-COLONEL SCHOONMAKER RESIGNS. [1861. 
 
 good and the teams are kept well closed up otherwise 
 they will stretch out a hundred miles. Nine hundred 
 ambulances will occupy, on the march, seven miles ; add 
 to these the space required for the artillery (say 40 bat 
 teries of six pieces each, requiring 7 miles), and we have 
 a grand total distance covered by the army of the Poto 
 mac, with 125,000 men, marching in one line, of 119 
 miles. When Lee surrendered at Appomattox Court 
 House, Grant s commissary gave the 20,000 starving 
 Confederates the first " square " meal they had eaten in 
 seven days, and supplied them with rations to last them 
 until they could reach their homes. I have no doubt 
 the liberal supplies made glad the table of many a poor 
 Confederate, after he got home. But our quarter 
 masters and commissaries always had enough and to 
 spare. It was this superabundance that often made 
 our armies slow and unwieldy on the march. 
 
 Hiram Schoonmaker, of Rondout, who had been 
 lieutenant-colonel of the regiment up to the first of 
 June, resigned on that day in consequence of the 
 pressing demands of a large and important business at- 
 home, which had already suffered greatly in con 
 sequence of his absence. According to the Militia Law 
 of New York, the field-officers of a regiment were elec 
 tive by a majority .vote of the field, staff and line officers. 
 Colonel Pratt called a meeting of these officers, at 
 headquarters, on the evening of the second of June, and 
 communicated the fact of the resignation of Lieutenant- 
 Colonel Schoonmaker, and asked what action the officers 
 would take in the matter. An officer moved that the 
 meeting proceed to fill the vacancy. This was seconded, 
 and carried, the election resulted in the choice of 
 Major Gates. The promotion of the major having 
 caused a vacancy in the majority, it was resolved to go 
 into an election for that office, and Adjutant Harden - 
 burgh was elected. Maurice McEntee, 1st Sergeant of 
 
1861.] EFFORT TO GET TO FRONT. 95 
 
 H Co., was appointed adjutant, in place of Harden- 
 burgh, promoted. 
 
 On the fifteenth, of June the first death occurred in 
 the regiment, and was the result of an accident. The 
 victim was Dunbar Schoonmaker, son of the late John 
 M. Schoonmaker, of Kingston. Dunbar was with a de 
 tachment of his Co. (B) at Laurel, and while stooping to 
 grasp his musket his pistol fell from the pocket of his 
 coat, and striking the musket, was discharged, the ball 
 passing directly through his heart. He was an active 
 and intelligent young man, and was much respected for 
 his many good qualities of head and heart. His remains 
 were taken home for interment. On the 26th of June, 
 John Cooper, private of E Co., died of inflammation of 
 the brain, at Annapolis Junction. He was buried in a 
 little oak grove, near headquarters, in the midst of a 
 terrific thunder storm, with religious and military cere 
 monies. John Converse Elmendorf, son of Peter P. 
 Elmendorf, of Kingston, went home on sick leave and 
 died at home, June 8th. He was a bright boy of 13 
 years of age, and a great favorite in the regiment. He 
 was a drummer, attached to F Co. His father was a 
 private in the same Co. 
 
 On the 24th of June the lieu tenant- colonel went to 
 Washington, to obtain an order, if possible, for the re 
 moval of the regiment into Virginia, where events 
 seemed to be drawing toward a crisis. He had an inter 
 view with General Scott, but that chieftain declined to 
 accede to the request to transfer the regiment to Virginia. 
 He said the duty we were performing was important, 
 and we were better qualified to discharge it than another 
 regiment new to the work would be. Senator Harris 
 was finally appealed to, and thus re -enforced General 
 Scott was again urged to let us cross the Potomac ; but 
 he peremptorily refused. 
 
 It was getting to be very dull and monotonous at the 
 Junction, and we were anxious to leave. We were tired 
 
96 ORDERED TO BALTIMORE. [1861. 
 
 of seeing trains of troops pass, and the eternal rumble 
 of cars and screaming of locomotives had become a 
 burden and a nuisance. A bit of unlocked for good 
 fortune befell us at this stage of ennui, in the form of 
 an order to proceed to Baltimore, which reached us on 
 the morning of the 29th of June, from General Banks, 
 at Fort McHenry, who was then commanding the de 
 partment. Colonel Pinckney, 6th N. Y. S. M., was 
 ordered to relieve us, and as soon as he did so we took 
 train for Baltimore, on the afternoon of the 29th of 
 June, rejoicing in the vicissitude which had delivered 
 us from Annapolis Junction and its hotel. 
 
CHAPTER VII. 
 
 ARRIVAL AT MOUNT CLAIR AN UNPLEASANT INCIDENT REPORT TO 
 GEN. BANKS WHAT HE SAID MARCH THROUGH BALTIMORE PAT 
 TERSON S PARK CAMP BANKS ANOTHER DEATH MARSHALL KANE 
 ARMS DISCOVERED ORDERED INTO CITY RECEPTION REGIMENT DI. 
 VIDEO QUARTERS LOYAL AND HOSPITABLE BALTIMOREANS ARREST 
 AND RELEASE OF LYON RETURN TO CAMP BANKS SEARCHING FOR 
 ARMS ARREST OF A RIOTER REGIMENT PAID OFF IN GOLD LONG 
 ING FOR HOME BULL RUN DETAINS US A FLAG PRESENTATION 
 COMPLIMENT FROM THE BALTIMORE AMERICAN NEWSPAPER CAP 
 TURE OF SECESSION FLAGS MAJOR HARDENBURGH TAKES KANE AND 
 OTHERS TO FORT LAFAYETTE A MYSTERIOUS SHOT RETURN HOME 
 RECEPTION AT KINGSTON. 
 
 WE were delayed by various causes on our short 
 journey, and it was after dark when we reached the 
 westerly suburb of Baltimore, and debarked at Mouiu 
 Clair. Everybody was worried and fagged out by the 
 hurry and bustle of the day, and ill temper was the 
 dominant condition of officers and men. Our bivouac 
 was an open field, south of the railroad track, where 
 the regiment was formed, stacked arms, and prepared 
 to spend the residue of the night. We did not know 
 our future destination. As it was expected we would 
 reach Baltimore early in the afternoon, no rations were 
 issued for the journey, but they were put into a freight 
 car attached to our train. On reaching our bivouac, 
 Commissary Lounsbery proceeded to perform the diffi 
 cult duty of getting his rations out of the car, in the 
 darkness, and issuing them to the several companies, in 
 the, established order. 
 
 The field officers were lying upon the ground, near 
 the right of the regiment, waiting for their own supper, 
 when their attention was drawn to a tumult, near the 
 commissary car. Colonel Pratt sent a staff officer to 
 learn the cause of the disturbance, who soon returned 
 and reported that the officers of a certain company were 
 7 97 
 
98 AN UNPLEASANT INCIDENT. [1861. 
 
 insisting that their men should be served out of their 
 order, and threatened to have their men take possession 
 of the car and help themselves, unless the Commissary 
 at once gave them their rations. 
 
 Pratt was not a stickler for matters of form, and was 
 ready at any time to deviate from any established rou 
 tine for the comfort or convenience of his command. 
 But he was a resolute enforcer of discipline, and the 
 last man in the world to allow one of his officers to be 
 overrun when in the proper discharge of his duty. 
 He at once went to the scene of controversy, and found 
 things rather worse than they were reported to be. The 
 Co. in question had fallen in, without arms, and were 
 quietly awaiting the course of events ; their Captain 
 was greatly excited, and was applying very strong and 
 uncomplimentary language to the Commissary, who re 
 ceived it with his habitual imperturbability. 
 
 Colonel Pratt ordered the captain to march his com 
 pany back to its quarters, and await his turn for ra 
 tions. This he refused to do, and the situation, there 
 upon, became delicate and important, in so far as the 
 discipline of the regiment was concerned. The issue 
 was squarely presented between the authority of the 
 colonel and that of a captain. But Pratt did not hesi 
 tate ; he ordered Captain Flynn to put F Company 
 under arms and march to the scene of trouble. When 
 they arrived Colonel Pratt told the captain of the Com 
 pany in question, that if he did not return with his com 
 pany to his quarters at once, he would order them to 
 tire upon him. After a moment s hesitation, the officers 
 returned with their men to their position in the line of 
 bivouac, while F Company, relieved from a disagreea 
 ble duty, returned to its place and stacked arms. The 
 commissary then proceeded with his work, and all were 
 finally supplied with their rations in proper order, and 
 our first night in Baltimore passed without further inci 
 dent worthy of notice. 
 
1861.] REPORT TO GEN. BANKS. 99 
 
 The following morning the lieutenant colonel, ac 
 companied by the adjutant, rode through the city, and 
 thence to Fort McHenry, and reported the arrival and 
 position of the regiment to General Banks. He in 
 quired what route we had taken to reach the fort, and 
 when informed, he said we had had a dangerous ride, 
 and directed we should return by a route that would 
 avoid the city. He said that he had arrested certain 
 prominent Baltimoreans the night before, and that the 
 feeling among the rebels in the city toward Union 
 soldiers was very bitter, and that we were liable to be 
 shot while riding through the streets. He directed that 
 the regiment should march through the city, to Patter 
 son s Park, on the east side, and encamp ; the two offi 
 cers, in returning to the regiment, took General Banks 
 advice, and gave the city a wide berth. 
 
 Fort McHenry is situated on the point of a penin 
 sula, at the mouth of the harbor, and is famous for 
 having sustained a 24 hours bombardment by 16 Brit 
 ish ships-of-war on the 13th of September, 1814. While 
 this bombardment was going on, Francis Scott Key, 
 then a prisoner on the British ship Minden, lying near 
 Soller s Flatts, eight miles below, and where the white 
 walls of the unfinished Fort Carroll now rise above the 
 water, composed the national song known as the " Star 
 Spangled Banner." Baltimore was justly proud of the 
 defense of the fort and the city, and well it might be, 
 in view of some contemporaneous events. Superadded 
 to the attack by the fleet, 9,000 troops landed and ad 
 vanced against the city. General Stryker, with the 
 Baltimore brigade of 3,200 men, met the invaders, and 
 opposed them so stoutly, killing a large number, in 
 cluding General Ross, their commander, that they were 
 glad to get aboard their ships again and sail away. 
 Battle Monument, in the city, commemorates these 
 events. 
 
 We marched through the city with drums beating, 
 
100 PATTERSON S PARK. [1861. 
 
 and colors flying, greatly to the disgust of the secession 
 element. As we advanced through the streets, we 
 could see heads thrust out of windows, in front, and 
 after a hurried look at the approaching troops, the 
 head would disappear, and the window blinds would be 
 closed. Men and women retired to their houses, and 
 the streets and buildings looked deserted. Many of 
 the people secluded themselves because they were 
 afraid of another street fight, but more of them did so 
 because they did not want to see Union soldiers, or ap 
 pear to take any interest in them. Reaching Patterson 
 Park, on the east side of the city, we went into camp. 
 
 This park contains 56 acres, some portions of which 
 are covered with trees of large growth, the shade of 
 which, on a July day, we found very acceptable. The 
 park is on high ground, which overlooks much of the 
 harbor, canton, and the surrounding country. The 
 City of Baltimore is built up to the westerly and north 
 erly limits of the park, and ten minutes walk takes 
 one into Broadway, one of the fashionable streets of 
 the city. Until eclipsed by the superior attractions of 
 Druid Hill Park, Patterson Park was a favorite resort 
 for pleasure seekers, and pedestrians yet resort to it in 
 great numbers, as a convenient and pleasant breathing 
 place in warm weather. It is so high it catches the 
 breeze from every direction, while it affords a view of 
 city, country and harbor that make up a very charm 
 ing combination of scenery. An earthen fort was con 
 structed in the park, as one of the means of defending 
 the city, in the war of 1812, and the embankment yet 
 remains, overgrown with sod and grass. The park be 
 longed to, and was called after the Patterson family, of 
 Baltimore, whose beautiful daughter Elizabeth married 
 Jerome Bonaparte, on Christmas Eve, 1803, and who 
 was deserted by her husband, in order to restore him 
 self to favor with his brother, the Emperor, and who, 
 on the 12th of August, 1807, at the command of his 
 
1861.] ORDERED INTO CITY. 101 
 
 brother, married Fredrica Catharine, daughter of the 
 King of Wurtemberg, while his wife was clasping to 
 her torn heart, his infant son, in her father s house, in 
 Baltimore. In Loudon Park Cemetery, near Baltimore, 
 peacefully repose the remains of the child of that 
 famous but unhappy marriage. On an imposing gran 
 ite obelisk is this legend : u Sacred to the memory of 
 Jerome Napoleon Bonaparte, born July 7th, 1805 ; died 
 June 17th, 1870, aged 65. Requiescat in pace" 
 
 We named the post "Camp Banks," in honor of 
 the commander of the department, Major-General N. P. 
 Banks. Soon after settling down we lost one of our 
 men, Dubois, of E Company, who died 
 
 of brain fever. He was buried by his comrades. 
 
 On the evening of Sunday, July , Colonel Pratt 
 received an order to report to General Banks, at Fort 
 McHenry. Returning to the camp about midnight, he 
 ordered the regiment to be ready to march at five 
 O clock Monday morning, excepting a detail of 100 
 men to be left in charge of the camp. 
 
 At the designated time on Monday morning the 
 regiment marched out of camp, and filing into Broad 
 way, moved down that fine street, until the head of 
 column rested on Bank street, where we were directed to 
 await orders. The rain came down in a steady drizzle. 
 We had no idea what was expected of us, but we saw 
 we were giving the occupants of the locality a genuine 
 surprise. As they arose and looked from their win 
 dows, the first sight that greeted their eye was a half- 
 dozen mounted officers and a good sized regiment of in 
 fantry, occupying their street, and apparently waiting 
 for some development. The rumor soon spread that 
 we were going to search the neighborhood, and especi 
 ally a church near by, for concealed arms, and I think 
 we rather fell in with the notion ourselves. 
 
 By and by an order came for four companies to 
 march to the Custom House, in Lombard street. Col- 
 
102 HOSPITABLE BALTIMOREANS. [1861. 
 
 onel Pratt took B, F, H, and R Companies, and pro 
 ceeded to that destination, leaving the remainder of the 
 regiment, A, B, C, E, & G Companies, under command 
 of the Lieutenant-Colonel, in the street. If our appear 
 ance surprised the denizens of Broadway, they were 
 soon quits with us, by administering a counter- surprise, 
 different in kind, but equal in degree. Invitations 
 were received by the Lieutenant-Colonel from a num 
 ber of families, for himself and officers to breakfast, 
 and they seemed so cordial and sincere that they 
 were accepted in such order that a certain number of 
 officers were permitted to leave the regiment and break 
 fast with our hospitable neighbors, others following in 
 their turn, until all had a " square meal." 
 
 Among our entertainers that rainy morning, and 
 often afterwards during our sojourn in that city, 
 were Doctor and Mrs. Inloes (the former of whom is 
 now deceased), Mr. Randolf, Captain J. W. Hugg and 
 family, Mr. Harry Wilson and family, Hon. Mr. Leary 
 and family, Captain - - James, Mr. Wollen, Mr. 
 
 Hunt, Rev. Mr. Reese, and many others, whose names 
 I cannot now recall. They made our stay in their city 
 very pleasant, and deserve to have their names recorded 
 in any volume that tells the story of the three months 
 campaign of the "Twentieth." Nor should the name 
 of Mr. John Thomas, now collector of customs of the 
 port of Baltimore, be omitted. A staunch and influen 
 tial Union man, he was a zealous and valued friend of 
 the corps. Captain Hugg was one of nature s noble 
 men, and his house was a second home to the writer of 
 this history ; his hospitality was bountiful and prince 
 ly, and his warmth of heart in keeping with his grand 
 physique. On the departure of the regiment for home, 
 he accompanied it to the borders of the State. When a 
 military hospital was established in Baltimore, his 
 eldest daughter devoted herself to the care of sick and 
 wounded soldiers. 
 
1861.] A LETTER FROM ONE OF THEM. 103 
 
 I cannot resist the temptation to insert a letter, writ 
 ten to me in behalf of the regiment s little friend, Neal 
 Leary, soon after the regiment left Baltimore. I know 
 it will be a. pleasant reminder of the bright lad to a 
 good many of the officers and men of the corps. It is as 
 follows 
 
 BALTIMORE, 12 Aug., 1861. 
 DEAR SIR : 
 
 My little brother Neal has just received, and begs me 
 
 to answer your pleasant letter of the 9th inst. He tells me to write that 
 the Wisconsin Brigade encamped in the Park, after the departure of the 
 20th Regiment, and was without doubt a good and patriotic body of men, 
 but he did not become acquainted with a single member of the Brigade, 
 and he is quite sure that no one can be found in it to take the place of 
 Col. Gates in his affection. 
 
 He asks me to write too, that he was very happy to learn from the 
 Kingston paper you kindly sent him, that the regiment would re-enlist 
 and that for the war, he will be very much disappointed if you are not 
 again ordered to Baltimore. He begs you to give his love to all the 
 gentlemen of the 20th that he knew and especially to Geddy and Charley 
 McEntee. 
 
 My father, mother and sisters send their compliments, and Neal sends 
 his photograph, which he begs you to keep as a reminder of your little 
 friend in Baltimore. 
 
 With much respect, 
 
 I am yours, 
 
 COL. T. B. GATES, P. LEARY, JR. 
 
 Kingston. 
 
 But while I have been indulging in these pleasant 
 recollections of Baltimore friends, the battalion has 
 been standing in the street. At nine o clock Major 
 Belger arrived with instructions to the lieutenant- 
 colonel to take possession of the station-house on Bank 
 street, and of the public school buildings on the corner 
 of Bank and Broadway, as quarters, and they proved 
 to be just adapted to the purpose. 
 
 We had daily drills in Broadway, which is a very 
 wide street, and through which the battalion could 
 march in column of companies. By a preconcerted 
 arrangement Col. Pratt marched down from the Custom 
 House, one afternoon, with his battalion and a section 
 
104 A DIVIDED POPULATION. [1861. 
 
 of artillery, and made a feigned attack upon the post in 
 Broadway. The Lieut. Col s command was underarms 
 and sallied forth to meet the foe, quite a brisk battle 
 took place in the street and the Col. was eventually 
 forced to retreat. A few days afterwards the Broadway 
 army moved down upon the Custom House and a lively 
 sham fight took place between it and Colonel Pratt s 
 forces, in presence of thousands of wondering spectators. 
 The defense was so vigorous and well conducted, we 
 were unable to "clean out" the establishment, and 
 were glad to retire without loss of colors, guns or 
 prisoners. 
 
 It seems we were ordered into the city in view of the 
 impending battle of Bull Run, and a bold aspect of the 
 secession element. The population of Baltimore at this 
 time, was about equally divided between Unionists and 
 Secessionists, but the latter had been so violent and 
 demonstrative before troops were stationed in the city, 
 that they seemed to be vastly in the majority. The 
 Unionists had not dared to openly express their senti 
 ments, and the Stars and Stripes were carefully secluded. 
 But the moment they felt themselves secure from insult 
 and violence, by reason of the presence of Federal troops, 
 the loyal sentiment gushed forth in words and acts, and 
 on the Fourth of July, the national colors were flying 
 from hundreds of private houses, where one would not 
 have been seen if the troops were away, or if they had 
 been displayed, they would have been torn down and 
 their owners outraged. Families who had lived side by 
 side for years and been upon terms of the closest inti 
 macy, had become estranged by their differences on the 
 great question of disunion, so that even the courtesy of 
 recognition was no longer observed between them, al 
 though meeting each other almost on their very door 
 steps, day after day. It was easier to be a staunch, 
 out-spoken Union man in Boston than it was in Bal 
 timore. 
 
1861.] ARREST AND RELEASE OF LYON. 105 
 
 Frequent detachments were sent out in search of 
 concealed arms designed for improper purposes, and 
 large quantities were from time to time seized. A large 
 quantity of arms and munitions of war, were found 
 concealed in the building occupied by Marshal Kane. 
 Captain Lent s Co. E. went out at midnight, on the 24th 
 of July, a short distance from camp, on the Phila 
 delphia Road, and fished out from under a hay rick a 
 quantity of arms and war munitions. About the same 
 time Lieut. Jervis M En tee, H. Co., captured two seces 
 sion flags, which were about being sent South. In one 
 house where a search was made for arms, was found 
 among other things, a drum belonging to the Sixth 
 Massachusetts Regiment, and which had been cap 
 tured at the time of the brutal atack upon the regiment 
 in the streets of Baltimore. We took possession of the 
 drum not only, but also of its custodian, and turned 
 him over to the Provost-Marshal to explain the circum 
 stances under which the drum came into his possession. 
 It was prima facie evidence of his connection with the 
 rioters who had attacked the Sixth Massachusetts. 
 
 Among the families with whom pleasant acquaint 
 ance was formed in Baltimore, was that of the Rev. Mr. 
 Lyon, of Philadelphia, who were guests of Dr. Inloes. 
 A son, Augustus Lyon, had the misfortune to fall under 
 the suspicion of the Federal authorities, and was 
 arrested as a Confederate officer, but upon application of 
 an officer of the "Twentieth," he was released and 
 escaped incarceration for an indefinite period at Fort 
 Lafayette. Baltimore was a bad place for a young man 
 whose convictions as to his duty to his government were 
 not well established. The young bloods of the city 
 were all Secessionists, and they were eloquent and per 
 sistent advocates of the cause. The tone of " society" 
 was decidedly disloyal, and Jeff. Davis could hardly 
 have had more enthusiastic and persuasive emissaries 
 
106 BULL RUN DETAINS US. [1861. 
 
 than were to be found among the beautiful women of 
 the Monumental City. 
 
 In the latter part of July, the regiment returned to 
 its camp in Patterson Park, and soon after was paid off 
 in gold. Officers and men were glad to exchange the 
 burdensome coin for bills. The three months for which 
 the regiment had enlisted had now expired, and many of 
 its members were anxious to go home. But the Federal 
 misfortune at Bull Run had inspired a fear of fresh 
 trouble at Baltimore, and we were required to remain. 
 
 The men were not entirely satisfied with this ar 
 rangement. Their term of service was up, and many of 
 them had business and domestic duties demanding their 
 attention at home. Colonel Pratt had the regiment 
 paraded, and addressed the men in an earnest and im 
 pressive speech, showing the necessity for their remain 
 ing, and appealed to them as patriots and soldiers, to 
 remain at their post until the present danger was over. 
 He submitted the determination of the question to the 
 regiment, but it was not prepared to act at once, when 
 Captain Flynn suggested to the colonel that it would be 
 well to let the men go to their company quarters and 
 decide the matter by separate company action. This 
 plan was adopted, and captains were directed to report 
 the result without delay. 
 
 I followed Company F to its quarters, as Captain 
 Flynn had acted as the spokesman of the line officers, 
 and I had some curiosity to see how he would get along 
 with his men. I knew some of them were very anxious 
 to go home. When Captain Flynn got on his company 
 ground, he opened ranks and made a stirring speech to 
 his company. He told them that the Capital was in 
 danger, and that their services were now needed as 
 much as they were the day they left Kingston, and it 
 would be disgraceful to leave. The captain then added, 
 in nearly these words: "If there are any men here 
 who are in favor of going home before this emergency 
 
1861.] COMPLIMENT FROM THE BALTIMORE AMERICAN. 107 
 
 is over, let them step three paces to the front, and I warn 
 you to be careful in doing so, lest your comrades shoot 
 or bayonet you ; and any man who goes home with a 
 wound in the back, will be justly considered a traitor." 
 It is needless to say that not a man stepped to the front, 
 but on the contrary, by a unanimous and enthusiastic 
 vote they resolved to stay until the crisis had passed. 
 The other companies came to a like conclusion, and the 
 regiment settled down to bide its time. 
 
 On the afternoon of the 2d of July, the ladies of 
 East Baltimore presented the regiment with a beautiful 
 silk national flag. Hon. Mr. Leary, M.C., made the 
 presentation speech, and Colonel Pratt replied in an 
 exceedingly felicitous manner. 
 
 The Baltimore American, the leading paper of the 
 city, thus spoke: "The Twentieth New York regi 
 ment, under command of Colonel Or. W. Pratt, now en 
 camped at Patterson Park, will, it is expected, shortly 
 leave this city on its return to the homes of those com 
 posing it. While in this city the regiment has, under 
 the strict discipline maintained by the officers, attained 
 an enviable reputation, there being no such cases of 
 interference on their part with citizens or their prop 
 erty as unfortunately has been exhibited by those be 
 longing to other regiments about the city. The officers, 
 during the brief space of time in which they have so 
 journed in this city, have made a very favorable impres 
 sion. Not only on those who are loyal to the Govern 
 ment, but also on those who are more favorable to the 
 Confederate cause, by reason of their scrupulous desire 
 not to interfere with private rights. Until the day of 
 their departure, the officers will be obliged to devote 
 their time to camp duties, so that all who wish to see 
 them must necessarily visit the camp at Patterson 
 Park." 
 
 By orders from department headquarters, the " Twen 
 tieth " furnished a guard of three companies, under 
 
108 REBELS SENT TO FORT LAFAYETTE. [1861. 
 
 command of Major Hardenburgh, to convey Marshal 
 Kane, the Baltimore Police Commissioners, and a num 
 ber of other Baltimore rebels, to Fort Lafayette, in New 
 York Harbor. They made the journey by steamer, and 
 the major delivered his prisoners and rejoined the regi 
 ment on its arrival in New York. 
 
 A few days before our final departure from Patter 
 son Park, Simon S. Roos, of Company C., was wounded 
 in the leg by a Minie ball whilst he was lying upon a 
 bench, within a hundred yards of regimental headquar 
 ters, and far inside the line of sentinels. No report of 
 the gun was heard, and no one could tell from whence 
 the shot came. The direction of the wound indicated 
 that the ball must have been fired from the north side 
 of the camp, and three companies were soon scour 
 ing the country, but failed to discover the would-be 
 assassin. 
 
 On Tuesday, the 30th of July, the welcome order 
 came to begin the homeward march, and we were soon 
 on board cars and speeding northward. We arrived in 
 New York Wednesday morning, and proceeded to the 
 Park Barracks, where the regiment was mustered out 
 of service. A large delegation of Kingston friends, 
 with the regimental band, met us in New York, and ac 
 companied us home. Thursday the regiment embarked 
 on board the steamer Manhattan, and debarked at Ron- 
 dout on Friday morning, August 2d. 
 
 The soldiers were met at the point of debarkation by 
 wives, children, and other relatives and friends, eagerly 
 welcoming them home. The two villages were all astir 
 from the evening before arrival, hundreds coming in 
 from the country during the night. 
 
 In anticipation of our coming, a meeting was held at 
 the Court House, on the evening of the 30th of July, at 
 which Gen. S. S. Hommel presided, with Messrs. Erastus 
 Cooke, as Vice-President, and L. B. Yan Waganen, 
 Secretary. A Reception Committee was appointed, 
 
1861.] RETURN HOME. 109 
 
 consisting of Messrs. T. R. Westbrook, J. S. Lang- 
 worthy, J. S. Burhans, A. A. Deyo, Jr., Erastus Cooke, 
 Samuel Frame, S. S. Westbrook, H. H. Reynolds, J. E. 
 Ostrander, A. M. Low, S. S. Hommel, L. B. Van 
 Waganen and A. Schoonmaker, Jr. This committee 
 did their work admirably. 
 
 The regiment was received by Brigadier- General 
 Samson and Staff, the Kingston and Rondout Fire De 
 partment, the Kingston National Greys, the Dragoon 
 Company of the 20th, and a corps of Juvenile Zouaves. 
 The regiment and escort were formed in Abeel street, 
 Rondout, and forming column, headed by the regi 
 mental band, proceeded up Wurts and Holmes streets 
 to the Plank Road, and thence to Kingston. Arriving 
 there, the regiment was formed in line of battle in Wall 
 street, right resting on North Front, and exercised in 
 the manual, &c., after which they were addressed by 
 Hon. T. R. Westbrook, who eloquently welcomed them 
 home, in the name of the citizens of the regimental dis 
 trict. Complimentary orders from the War Department 
 were then read by the Adjutant, when the regiment was 
 marched to Academy Green by companies, where a 
 bountiful breakfast had been spread by the ladies of 
 Kingston and vicinity, who personally attended the 
 tables. This over, the companies were dismissed ; 
 the soldiers from other towns hurried homeward, to 
 be again welcomed by their families, neighbors and 
 friends. 
 
 Thus terminated the first experience of the "Ulster 
 Guard," in the service of the United States. It saw no 
 fighting and performed no extraordinary deeds ; but it 
 went forth ready and willing to do for its country what 
 ever brave men might do, and it was not its fault that 
 it was not among the combatants at Bull Run, or on 
 some other field where martial honors were to be won. 
 Its officers solicited a more active field of duty, than 
 that to which the regiment was assigned. They were 
 
HO RECEPTION AT KINGSTON. [1861. 
 
 overruled by higher authority, and it was only left to 
 them and their men to perform the more humble role 
 which it has been the object of the preceding chapters 
 to narrate. Such duties as were devolved upon the regi 
 ment it discharged with alacrity and fidelity, and it was 
 so fortunate as to receive the commendation of its supe 
 riors, of the people among whom its duties were per 
 formed, and what was more precious than either or 
 both, of its friends at home. 
 
CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 MCDOWELL AND THE FIRST ARMY OF THE POTOMAC PLAN OF FIRST BATTLE 
 OF BULL RUN INEXPERIENCE OF OFFICERS AND MEN MILITIA REG 
 IMENTS POSITION OF CONFEDERATES AND UNIONISTS PATTERSON 
 AND JOE JOHNSTON MCDOWELL S DESIGN BEAUREGARD s LINE OF 
 BATTLE HE RESOLVED TO ATTACK ORDERS MISCARRY MCDOWELL 
 ATTACKS HIS LEFT ADMIRABLE STRATEGY OF UNION COMMANDER 
 ADVANCE OF TURNING COLUMN FIRST ENCOUNTER DIFFICULTY IN 
 MANEUVERING LARGE BODIES OF RAW TROOPS GALLANTRY OF FOUR 
 TEENTH BROOKLYN CONFEDERATE LEFT TURNED "STONEWALL" 
 SUCCESS OF THE UNIONISTS HEAT, DUST AND THIRST CONFEDER 
 ATES FORM A NEW LINE OF BATTLE SPLENDIDLY OFFICERED 
 
 MCDOWELL S LINE OF BATTLE AT NOON HAD DRIVEN CONFEDERATES 
 A MILE AND A HALF CONFEDERATE VIEW OF THE SITUATION 
 MCDOWELL PREPARES HIS COUP DE MAIN UNIFORMS AND FLAGS 
 MAJOR BARRY MISTAKES A CONFEDERATE FOR A UNION REGIMENT 
 
 FATAL CONSEQUENCES FEDERALS REPULSED FROM THE PLATEAU 
 LOSS OF RICKETTS AND GRIFFIN S BATTERIES FINAL ADVANCE OF FED 
 ERAL LINE INOPPORTUNE ARRIVAL OF A FRESH BRIGADE OF JOHN- 
 ^ SON S ARMY GENERAL KEYES MCDOWELL S OPPORTUNITY GONE 
 TACTICS AND STRATEGY PORTER AND SHERMAN THE RETREAT 
 WHAT CAUSED CONFUSION DISORDER NOT GENERAL ANY TROOPS 
 WOULD HAVE BEEN DEMORALIZED UNDER LIKE CIRCUMSTANCES 
 REPORTERS AND OTHER NONCOMBATANTS BONHAM DARE NOT AT 
 TACK RETREATING TROOPS CONFEDERATES BADLY DISORGANIZED 
 COMPLIMENTS TO MILITIA REGIMENTS IMPUTATIONS UPON MCDOWELL 
 ANECDOTE OF LINCOLN CHARACTER OF MCDOWELL GEN. MEIGGS 
 PUBLIC IGNORANCE OF CIRCUMSTANCES WHICH LEAD TO DEFEAT 
 A USEFUL LESSON. 
 
 THE hue and cry which rang through the country im 
 mediately after the first battle of Bull Run, has, to a 
 great extent, given color to the various histories of the 
 affair, and every one of them leaves the impression upon 
 the mind of the reader that the plan of the campaign 
 was defective and the conduct of the army pusil 
 lanimous. A few words in vindication of General 
 
 111 
 
112 FIRST BATTLE OF BULL RUN. [1861. 
 
 McDowell, under whom the Twentieth regiment served 
 so long, and of the militia regiments which were with him 
 at Bull Run, and in the reputation of which the " Twen 
 tieth" naturally feels that interest which is demanded 
 by a just pride in esprit de corps, seem not out of place 
 in a work of this character. 
 
 When the President yielded to the popular clamor 
 for an advance of the army, General McDowell was 
 called upon to submit a plan of campaign against the 
 rebel cohorts, who were flaunting their colors almost in 
 sight of the Capitol. McDowell prepared and submitted 
 to the President and his Cabinet such plan. Lieutenant- 
 General Scott, then General-in-Chief, General Charles 
 W. Sanford, then commanding the First Division, 
 N. Y. S. M., and Generals Tyler, Mansfield and Meigs, 
 U.S.A., were present. The plan was adopted with scarce 
 ly a change in any particular, and General McDowell 
 was directed to carry it into execution. Many of the 
 regiments which were to compose the army, were on the 
 east side of the Potomac, and some of them did not join 
 until the day the movement began. As to the novelty of 
 the situation General McDowell said : "I had no op 
 portunity to test my machinery ; to move it around and 
 see whether it would work smoothly or not. There was 
 not a man there who had ever manoeuvred troops in 
 large bodies. There was not one in the army ; I did 
 not believe there was one in the whole country ; at 
 least, I knew there was no one who had ever handled 
 30,000 troops. I wanted very much, a little time ; all 
 of us wanted it, we did not have a bit of it." Here, 
 then, was an army of 28,000 men thrown together in a 
 hurry, none of whom had ever been drilled in evolu 
 tions of the line, and who were compelled by the ex 
 igencies of the occasion, to advance against a force of 
 at least equal numbers, holding a position which they 
 had spent three months in fortifying. Nevertheless, 
 General McDowell expressed his belief in his ability to 
 
1861.] INEXPERIENCE OF OFFICERS AND MEN. 113 
 
 defeat Beauregard, if lie should not be re-enforced by 
 General Johnson. General Scott promised McDowell 
 that if "Johnson joins Beauregard, he shall have Pat 
 terson on his heels." 
 
 With this understanding, the march began on the 
 16th of July, and as the Union troops advanced, the 
 rebels fell back until they were under cover of their 
 works on the west side of Bull Run. 
 
 On the 18th of July the van of McDowell s army 
 occupied the Heights of Centreville. Before it, and 
 about five miles distant, flowing in a southeasterly direc 
 tion, was the historic Bull Run. McDowell had organ 
 ized his army into four divisions, commanded respec 
 tively by General Tyler, Colonel Hunter, U. S. A., Col 
 onel Heintzelman, U. S. A., and Colonel Miles, U. S. A. 
 Each division contained from 6,000 to 8,000 men. The 
 bulk of this army was made up of the advance regi 
 ments of three years men, and some of these knew 
 scarcely anything of company or battalion drill offi 
 cers and men equally ignorant. They had nobly re 
 sponded to their country s call for volunteers, and, in 
 time became splendid soldiers. But they went into 
 their first battle without knowing much about the " ma 
 chinery " of a military organization, and that ignorance 
 placed them at great disadvantage when maneuvering 
 in the field, against an army in position. General J. E. 
 Johnson, the Confederate commander, said on this sub 
 ject : "The Northern army had this disadvantage, a 
 great one to such undisciplined troops as were engaged 
 on both sides, of being the assailants, and advancing 
 under fire to the attack, which can be well done only 
 by trained soldiers. They were much more liable to 
 confusion, therefore, than the generally stationary ranks 
 of the Confederates." 
 
 General Scott telegraphed Patterson : "If not strong 
 enough to beat the enemy, make demonstrations so as 
 to detain them in the valley of Winchester." Again: 
 
114 FIRST BATTLE OF BULL RUN. [1861. 
 
 " Do not let the enemy amuse and delay you with a 
 small force in front, whilst he re-enforces the Junction 
 with his main body." Again, on July 18th : "I have 
 certainly been expecting you to beat the enemy ; if not, 
 that you had felt him strongly, or at least, had occu 
 pied him with threats and demonstrations. Has he not 
 stolen a march and sent re-enforcements towards Manas - 
 sas Junction ?" To the latter telegram, Patterson re 
 plied : "The enemy has stolen no march upon me. I 
 have kept him actively employed, and, by threats and 
 reconnoissances in force, caused him to be re-enforced." 
 When this dispatch was sent, Patterson had not only 
 not caused re-enforcements to be sent to Johnson, but 
 liad given him so little concern, that on the 19th he put 
 his army in march to join Beauregard, and had himself 
 gone to Manassas. This was the result of Patterson s 
 stupidity, cowardice or treason, whichever it may have 
 been, that had induced him on the night of the 16th of 
 July to withdraw from. a position near Bunker Hill, 
 within about nine miles of Winchester, where Johnson 
 lay, to Charleston, 22 miles in rear, and where, Pat 
 terson himself says, he could offer no obstacle to John 
 son joining Beauregard, whenever he chose. General 
 Charles W. Sanford, who was in Patterson s army with 
 some New York militia regiments, wanted to be allowed 
 to attack Johnson, with the men under his command, 
 but Patterson would not consent. The very day Pat 
 terson moved to Charleston, Johnson began to send 
 off troops to Beauregard. Patterson gives two reasons 
 for falling back on Charleston ; one was, he wanted to 
 provision his army, and his wagons were at Charles 
 ton, and he thought it was easier to march to the 
 wagons than to have the wagons come to the army. It 
 is but fair to . General Patterson, however, to say, that 
 this reason was more especially urged by Fitz-John 
 Porter, who was Patterson s adjutant-general. The 
 other reason was, that the enemy greatly outnumbered 
 
1861.] POSITIONS OF ARMIES. 115 
 
 him, and he was afraid of being attacked. This danger 
 Fitz-John Porter considered imminent. He and Patter 
 son both belonged to that somewhat distinguished body 
 of officers who always supposed that the enemy outnum 
 bered them, and whose demands for re-enforcements 
 were insatiable. Butler was to watch, and if necessary, 
 engage Magruder, although little danger was appre 
 hended from that quarter. Orders covering these ob 
 jects were given, before McDowell set his army in 
 motion. 
 
 Radiating, like the spokes of a wheel, with Centre- 
 ville as the hub, are three roads descending the slope in 
 a westerly direction, striking Bull Run at points about 
 four miles apart, and some five miles from the hub. 
 The most northerly of these roads is the Warren Turn 
 pike, which crosses Bull Run at the stone bridge. The 
 middle road leads to Blackburn s Ford, and is the di 
 rect route to Manassas Junction, ten miles away. The 
 most southerly intersects the run four miles further 
 down the stream. From Centreville to the line of Bull 
 Run the descent is gradual, but continuous, and the 
 bank along the east side of the stream is generally low. 
 The westerly side presents a more bold and difficult 
 shore, and the country in rear of it rises in ridges, sep 
 arated by smooth intervals of ascending ground, until 
 it spreads out into the plains of Manassas. On that 
 side of the run, for a distance of eight miles along its 
 course, the rebels had spent two months in fortifying, 
 and had covered the approaches at the fords and 
 bridges by heavy guns, and had obstructed the roads 
 on the west side of the stream with abatis. The cross 
 ing of a hostile force, at either of these points, would 
 have been attended with heavy loss, if indeed, it could 
 have been accomplished. 
 
 McDowell s original design was to pass Bull Run at 
 some point below Blackburn s Ford, and turning the 
 enemies right flank, seize his communications with 
 
116 FIRST BATTLE OF BULL RUN. [1861. 
 
 Richmond, and attack his line in flank and rear. But 
 reconnoissances from Centreville disclosed the fact that 
 Beauregard s right was more extended and stronger 
 than had been anticipated, and the country west of the 
 stream impracticable for the movement of large bodies 
 of troops, and, moreover, the unauthorized demonstra 
 tions of General Tyler, in front of Blackburn s Ford r 
 on the 19th, had lead Beauregard to be especially 
 watchful on his right, and to concentrate a heavy force 
 there, while at the same time he had neglected the ford 
 at Sudley s, two miles above his left. General J. E. 
 Johnson states in his "Narrative of Military Opera 
 tions," page 40, that Beauregard had received informa 
 tion, through spies, that the Federal army was to ad 
 vance by roads eastward of that leading directly to 
 Manassas Junction, and had been governed by such in 
 formation in posting his army. On the morning of the 
 twenty-first of July, Beauregard s right rested at Union 
 Mills, where the Orange and Alexandria Railroad 
 crossed Bull Run, and extended from thence, up the 
 stream, about a mile above Stone Bridge. EwelPs Bri 
 gade was on the extreme right, and was supported by 
 Holmes Brigade lying a short distance in the rear. 
 D. R. Jones Brigade was on E well s left, in front of 
 McLean s Ford ; and was supported by Earley s Brigade, 
 posted in a thicket of young pines, a short distance in 
 rear. Longstreet s Brigade was at Blackburn s Ford, 
 supported by Jackson s Brigade, concealed by a skirt 
 ing of pines ; and behind Jackson was Barksdale s 
 Thirteenth Mississippi Regiment. Along the edge of 
 the pines above mentioned, and with a view to support 
 any threatened position, were the brigades of Bee and 
 Bartow. In the front line, and on the left of Long- 
 street, was the brigade of Bonham, covering Mitchell s 
 Ford. On Bonham s left, and Gurding Island, Ball s 
 and Lewis Fords, was Cocke s Brigade, and on his left 
 was the brigade of Evans, covering the crossing at Stone 
 
1861] BKAUREGARD RESOLVES TO ATTACK. 117 
 
 Bridge, and a farm ford a mile above. Stewart s caval 
 ry guarded the level ground extending in the rear. 
 From Bonham s left to Cocke s right, two companies of 
 cavalry were posted in reserve, in the rear of Mitchell s 
 Ford. Wade Hampton s Legion, six hundred strong, 
 was held in reserve near the Lewis House. This force 
 aggregated 27,833 men and forty guns, and included 
 6,000 men who had arrived the day before from Win 
 chester, a part of the army Patterson was supposed to 
 be watching. 
 
 Beauregard resolved to assume the aggressive and 
 attack McDowell s left and rear, on the morning of the 
 21st, and issued orders for that purpose. Ewell was to be 
 gin the movement, and was to be followed by the brigades 
 of Jones, Longstreet and Bonham, with their respective 
 reserves. But the orders were miscarried, and while 
 Beauregard was waiting, momentarily expecting to hear 
 the outburst of battle on his extreme right, the Union 
 guns opened upon his centre and left. He then coun 
 termanded the order for attack, although Ewell had 
 finally thrown his brigade across Bull Run at Union 
 Mills, and Jones and Longstreet were in march to sup 
 port him. In lieu of the proposed attack, and to "re 
 tain and engross the enemy s reserves and forces at and 
 about Centreville, Ewell, D. R. Jones, Longstreet and 
 Bonham were ordered to make demonstrations on their 
 several fronts." These demonstrations were continued 
 during the battle, although the forces engaged in them 
 were largely drawn upon to re-enforce the left. Never 
 theless, the Confederate troops remaining at the centre 
 and lower fords, were sufficiently numerous to menace 
 McDowell s communications, and to compel him to de 
 tain Miles division and a brigade of Tyler s on the east 
 side of Bull Run. The fact that McDowell did not bring 
 these reserves into action, has been variously commented 
 upon, but the fact that he did not, and the reason why 
 
118 FIRST BATTLE OP BULL RUN. [1861. 
 
 he did not, have been approved by the soundest mili 
 tary critics. 
 
 From Centreville, therefore, McDowell s operations 
 were directed against the enemy s left flank, instead of 
 his right. And with the hope of detaining Beaure- 
 gard s forces in their then positions on his right and 
 centre, until the turning column should strike him in 
 reverse, Miles was directed to demonstrate strongly 
 against the lower and centre fords, with a part of his 
 division, while the residue was held in reserve near Cen 
 treville. Tyler was, in a like manner to threaten the 
 position at Stone Bridge. Meantime, Hunter and Heint- 
 zelman were to march to Sudley s Ford, about three 
 miles above Stone Bridge, in a direct line, but twice that 
 distance over the " tortuous, narrow trace of road, rare 
 ly used, through a dense wood the greater part of the 
 way," and which was the only practicable route open 
 to them. Having crossed Bull Run, they were to sweep 
 down on the west side and take the rebel line in flank 
 and rear. As the turning column uncovered the Stone 
 Bridge, by forcing the enemy out of his works, Tyler 
 was to throw his division across, and join the forces of 
 Hunter. If, however, the movement of Hunter and 
 Heintzelman induced the Confederates to fall back from 
 Blackburn s Ford, Miles was to cross with a part of his 
 division and attack. In like contingency, at Stone 
 Bridge, Tyler was to push across and attack the foe in 
 flank and rear. 
 
 Tyler s division, which was lying in front of Cub 
 Run, (a stream rising north of Centreville and flowing 
 into Bull Run, midway between Stone Bridge and 
 Blackburn s Ford), was ordered to march at half -past 
 two A.M., July 21st, and to advance to the vicinity of 
 Stone Bridge. Hunter s division was to follow to a road 
 a mile beyond Cub Run, which leads from the Warren- 
 ton Turnpike to Sudley s Ford. Thence by this road 
 to Sudley s. The march of Tyler s division was ex- 
 
1861.] M C DOWELL S ADMIRABLE STRATEGY. 119 
 
 pec ted to mark Hunter s column to the point where it 
 left the Warrenton Turnpike, and from thence, its 
 movements would be screened by the woods through 
 which the road ran. Heintzelman was to close in imme 
 diately after Hunter. (It should be stated, by way of ex 
 planation of the fact that the rear brigades of this 
 turning column did not arrive on the field until mid 
 day, that a column of troops, marching over a single 
 road, 10,000 strong, requires five hours to pass any given 
 point.) The head of Hunter s column was expected to 
 reach the ford at half -past six o clock, at which moment 
 Tyler was to open his batteries at Stone Bridge, as 
 though he designed to force a crossing there. Hearing 
 Tyler s guns, Miles was to threaten the enemy in front 
 of Blackburn s. While thus keeping the enemy in 
 doubt as to the real point of assault, it was hoped that 
 Hunter could make his flank march, followed by Heint 
 zelman, and reach the vicinity of the rebel left, before 
 the movement should be discovered or, at all events, 
 before Beauregard could re- arrange his line of battle, in 
 time to meet the attack. 
 
 The plan was admirable, and is admitted so to have 
 been by the best military judges. The faulty execution 
 was not chargeable to General McDowell. He designed 
 to begin the movement at dark on Saturday night, and 
 position his turning column, after an easy march, near 
 Sudley s, ready to cross at daylight. But his division 
 commanders preferred to remain in camp, allowing the 
 men to sleep the fore part of the night, and start at such 
 time as would bring them to their several positions in 
 one march, and, in their judgment, a start at half-past 
 two, Sunday morning, would be quite early enough. 
 Yielding to this view, General McDowell directed the 
 march to begin at that hour. Experienced troops would, 
 doubtless, have met the expectations of their command 
 ers, but this was a green and inexperienced army, and, 
 however ready it was to obey orders, it could not do so 
 
120 FIRST BATTLE OF BULL RUN. [1861. 
 
 with the facility of veterans. It was, therefore, long 
 after the time designated when the march of Tyler s 
 division began, and Hunter, who was obliged to await 
 Tyler s movement, was so much delayed thereby, that 
 when the head of his column reached Sudley s it was 
 half -past nine o clock just three precious hours after 
 the appointed time. Still, the enemy had not discov 
 ered the march of the turning column, but was absorbed 
 by the demonstrations of Miles and Tyler, whose guns 
 had been thundering for three hours, and whose pickets 
 had been skirmishing with the rebels all the morning. 
 
 It may be said, perhaps, that this turning column 
 should have been positioned sufficiently early to secure 
 its crossing at the designated time. But in addition to 
 the representations of the division commanders, Mc 
 Dowell may have been influenced by the consideration 
 that its chances of success were in the exact ratio to 
 the secrecy of its movements. That these operations 
 were conducted in the enemy s country, and that if 
 Beauregard were to be surprised, it must be by a sudden 
 operation, which would out-strip the willing feet of 
 watchful spies. 
 
 The road from Sudley s, over which Hunter was to 
 march after crossing the Run, is bordered by dense 
 woods for about a mile, and then passes through an 
 open country, towards Manassas Junction, crossing the 
 Warrenton Turnpike, a mile in rear of the left of the 
 Confederate lines. 
 
 About ten o clock, Colonel Evans, who commanded 
 the Confederate left, became aware of the approach of 
 Hunter s forces, and at once divined the real purpose of 
 the Union commander. Dispatching an aid to Beaure 
 gard, with notice of the impending attack, and a re 
 quest for re-enforcements ; he at once took measures to 
 oppose the best front he could to the flanking column. 
 He immediate^ detached a portion of his forces, and 
 put them in march for his left and rear, and marching 
 
1861. J FIRST ENCOUNTER. 121 
 
 nearly a mile across the fields, selected a position a lit 
 tle in advance of the intersection of the turnpike and 
 Sudley roads, in a cover of detached woods, command 
 ing the road over which Hunter must debouch from the 
 woods through which he was approaching. His artil 
 lery was so posted, that it could sweep this avenue of 
 approach, while a portion of his infantry was within 
 fifteen hundred yards of the point where the head of 
 Hunter s column was expected to appear. 
 
 Burnside s Brigade, composed of the 1st and 2d Ehode 
 Island Volunteer Kegiments, the 2d Rhode Island Bat 
 tery, the 71st N. Y. S. M., and the 2d N. H. Volunteers, 
 was in the advance, and by reason of the density of the 
 woods, or some other cause, no deployment was at 
 tempted until the open ground was reached, and the 
 men were actually under fire of both infantry and artil 
 lery. The manoeuvre should have executed, if possible, 
 under cover of the woods, even if the line had been 
 disarranged in advancing subsequently. Any manoeuvre 
 which exposes the sides or backs of troops to the fire 
 of any enemy is hazardous, and should be avoided. 
 Veterans become unsteady under such circumstances, 
 and raw troops must be composed of exceptionally 
 good material, who can keep their formations and be 
 successfully handled under such trying conditions. 
 Marshal Bugeaud says : "I affirm that I have seen 
 an entire division in column of regiments, which began 
 its deployment within range of the enemy s guns, 
 routed before it finished its manoeuvre." And he was 
 speaking of old soldiers. Burnside s men were thrown 
 into temporary confusion and began delivering an in 
 effectual fire. But they soon recovered from their sur 
 prise, and, completing their deployment, they advanced 
 towards the enemy, with a steady and well-directed fire, 
 which told seriously upon its ranks. 
 
 Colonel Andrew Porter s Brigade, in which were the 
 8th and 14th N. Y. S. M., now debouched from the 
 
122 FIRST BATTLE OF BULL RUN. [1861. 
 
 woods, and deploying rapidly, formed on Burnside s 
 right, while Sykes regulars took position on his left. 
 Evans kept his guns steadily playing while these 
 movements were taking place, but after the first shock, 
 failed to disconcert the Union line, although his fire 
 was rapid and effective. Hunter was cut down almost 
 at the first fire, and Colonel Andrew Porter assumed 
 command of the division. Griffin s Battery now dash 
 ed out of the woods, and getting into position, opened 
 such a vigorous and effective fire on the rebel cannon- 
 iers, that they were forced to direct their attentions and 
 their guns towards this battery. 
 
 But while the Federals had been disengaging them 
 selves from the woods and deploying, Evans was re- 
 enforced by the brigades of Bee and Bartow, and Imbo- 
 den s Battery a portion of the army of the Shenan- 
 doah, which had arrived from Winchester the day 
 before. Wade Hampton s Legion, which had come up 
 from Richmond on the 20th, went into action on Bee s 
 left. 
 
 The Confederates had the advantage of position and 
 of a defensive battle, but the Federals were the more 
 numerous. Now, however, began to be experienced 
 the disadvantages resulting from ignorance of the evo 
 lutions of the line, and the result was that regiments, 
 and in some cases, even companies, manoeuvred and 
 fought on their own account. The division, as a unit, 
 had no cohesion when it once got into action. Neither 
 officers or men of the volunteer regiments understood 
 the gradation of authority, and would receive orders 
 only from their immediate superiors. As these circum 
 stances operated to take the troops, to a great extent, 
 out of the hands of the division and brigade command 
 ers, it will be seen at once that its effect was to render 
 it impossible to manoeuvre the division, or even a brig 
 ade, so as to throw it on any desired point, or to em 
 ploy one part to support another. Colonel Averell, 
 
1861.] GALLANTKY OF "FOURTEENTH," BROOKLYN. 123 
 
 Porter s adjutant-general, says : that although McDow 
 ell had 18,000 troops across Bull Run, that there were 
 not more than 6,000 or 8,000 actually engaged at any 
 one time. But there was no lack of courage among the 
 men, and they advanced to the attack with undaunted 
 spirit. The rebel line was well posted, and its fire was 
 well delivered. But it could not check the ardor of the 
 assailants, who, although sometimes staggered by a de 
 structive volley, would return the fire and push on for 
 the goal to which the enemy was clinging so desperate 
 ly. The 14th JS". Y. S. M. advanced against a grove in 
 which Colonel Bee had posted the 7th and 8th Georgia 
 Regiments. The enemy allowed the 14th to reach the 
 edge of the woods before discovering himself to them, 
 and then poured a murderous fire into their very faces. 
 The surprise and the fatal effects of the volley, threw 
 the regiment into temporary disorder, but the discipline 
 of the men and the efficiency of their officers, soon re 
 stored the symmetry of their line, and pouring in their 
 fire, they charged into the grove, and put the Georgians 
 to flight. 
 
 For more than an hour the fight raged fiercely along 
 this line, but the pressure of Hunter s Division became 
 so heavy that the Confederates were gradually pressed 
 back across the wide open valley and up the slope on 
 the south side of Young s Branch and the Warrenton 
 Turnpike. The stone bridge was now uncovered, and 
 Tyler ordered Colonels Sherman and Keyes to cross 
 Bull Run, and marching in rear of the line of battle, 
 form on Hunter s right. Meantime, a portion of 
 Heintzleman s Division had debouched from the woods, 
 and following the movements of Hunter s line, joined 
 in the attack. Rickett s splendid battery of rifled 
 guns went into position on the right of Sudley road, 
 and did great execution. At noon McDowell was in 
 possession of the ridge south of Young s Branch, and 
 
FIRST BATTLE OF BULL RUN. [1861. 
 
 the Confederates had been driven back, in rear of their 
 line of works, a mile and a half 
 
 Leaving only sufficient troops in front of his fords 
 on his right to deter Miles from an attempt to cross, 
 Beauregard hurried six additional brigades to his 
 menaced left, and formed a new line of battle on the 
 orest of the plateau, half a mile in rear of Evans 
 struggling line, while at the same time Bonham, Long- 
 street and Jones were ordered to demonstrate strongly 
 along their front. 
 
 The initial point in McDowell s plan of battle had 
 been handsomely won, notwithstanding the untoward 
 delay of the morning. The enemy s left was turned, 
 and he was forced to form a line perpendicular to his 
 elaborate works, and meet the onset of battle from an 
 entirely unlooked-for quarter. McDowell had now 
 18,000 men across the Run, advancing upon the foe, 
 whose entire army was in the confusion and uncertainty 
 resulting from the nature of the Union assault, and the 
 necessity for a sudden change of front. 
 
 Jackson s brigade of five regiments, which had, up 
 to this time, been held in reserve, was thrown forward to 
 relieve the pressure on Evans retiring and disordered 
 line. Forming in rear of the discomfited troops of Evans , 
 with his line dressed as though on parade, Jackson 
 awaited the shock of the on-coming and exultant Feder 
 als. Here Colonel Bee endeavored to check the retreat 
 of his command, and to stimulate a spirit of emulation, 
 pointed to the brigade drawn up in perfect order, and 
 exclaimed: "There is Jackson, standing like a stone 
 wall;" and in this scene and circumstance was framed 
 a sobriquet for one of the Confederate s most gallant 
 leaders, that will be as lasting as the "Iron Duke." 
 But even " Stone wall s " bold front melted away before 
 the steady fire and impetuous advance of the Federal 
 line, whose right swep. up the slope and seized the 
 plateau on which stood the Robinson and Henry houses, 
 
1861.] CONFEDERATES FORM A NEW LINE. 125 
 
 and whither the batteries of Bicketts and Griffin were 
 at once transferred. 
 
 It was now mid- day. The Union army had been 
 afoot since two o clock in the morning, and the divisions 
 of Hunter and Heintzelman had marched fifteen miles ; 
 and for nearly three hours the division of the former 
 had been continuously engaged with the enemy. The 
 day was excessively warm, and the battle-field was en 
 veloped in smoke and dust, almost suffocating the com 
 batants. The inexperienced soldiers in McDowell s 
 army, oppressed by the heat and fatigue of the march, 
 had thrown off their canteens and haversacks, and were 
 now suffering from hunger and thirst. Men left the 
 ranks to find water, arid for a half an hour there was a 
 partial suspension of the battle. There can scarcely be 
 a doubt but that the Confederates would have been 
 totally routed if the Federals had instantly followed 
 up the victory they had gained at this time, by a general 
 and vigorous advance of the entire force on the west side 
 of Bull Run. But their delay was the result of the lack 
 of cohesion, growing out of causes heretofore mentioned, 
 and it was pregnant with disastrous consequences. 
 
 About 11 A.M., Generals Johnson and Beauregard 
 having sent urgent orders to their commanders on the 
 right of their line, and to their reserves, to hurry for 
 ward re-enforcements to the imperiled left themselves 
 set out from their headquarters, four miles away, and 
 spurred to the point where the battle raged. General 
 Johnson says : " We came not a moment too soon, for 
 the long contest had greatly discouraged the troops of 
 Bee and Evans. Bee had sustained heavy losses, es 
 pecially in field officers, and the troops of Evans were 
 dispersed or destroyed." They at once devoted them 
 selves to a reorganization of their disheartened and flee 
 ing troops, and to the formation of a new line of battle 
 on the crest above mentioned. 
 
 This line was formed along the northeasterly crest of 
 
126 FIRST BATTLE OF BULL RUN [1861. 
 
 a broad plateau, known as " Bull Run Hill," and which 
 rises to an elevation of one hundred and thirty feet above 
 the level of the stream of that name. The general direc 
 tion of this crest where the Confederate line was formed, 
 is oblique to the course of Bull Run, and is about two 
 miles west of it. The approaches from the northeast are 
 intersected by several irregular ravines, bordered with 
 straggling young pines and scrub oak. The Warrenton 
 Turnpike passes a mile to the north of this hill, while 
 the road from Sudley s, after crossing the Warrenton 
 Pike, at right angles, continues in a southerly course 
 over the hill, striking the crest at about the centre of 
 Beauregard s new line of battle. The Chinn House was 
 a few hundred yards in the rear of the Confederate left, 
 and near it was posted a battery, while three other bat 
 teries were embrasured in their line. The easterly 
 margin of the plateau was overgrown with dwarf pines, 
 affording excellent cover for sharp-shooters, and into 
 which the Confederate right was thrust ; while the 
 ground to the westward was covered with an oak forest, 
 on which Beauregard rested his left flank. The north 
 erly front was open country, excepting the fringe of 
 pines and scrub oaks, along the ravines above mention 
 ed, and the trees immediately surrounding the Henry 
 and Robinson houses, which, however, occupied por 
 tions of the northeasterly surface of the plateau itself, 
 and which the Federals now held. 
 
 Meantime the Confederates had been pressing forward 
 to this new line of battle, until nearly their whole force 
 was positioned on it or within supporting distance. A 
 golden opportunity had slipped through the hands of 
 the Union commander. An opportunity that he would 
 have successfully employed, if he could have had his 
 army in hand thirty days before the battle. 
 
 The Confederates were splendidly officered. 
 
 General J. E. Johnson was one of the ablest of the 
 Confederate commanders, and associated with him was 
 
1861.] CONFEDERATES DRIVEN. 127 
 
 Beauregard, then already famous as the captor of Fort 
 Sumter. These two exercised a joint command over the 
 Confederate army. Among the brigade commanders 
 were several whose names subsequently became familiar 
 to the world, Early, Ewell, Jackson, Hampton, Long- 
 street. 
 
 McDowell s line of battle was at this time well up 
 the slope of "Bull Run Hill," with its centre thrust for 
 ward upon the plateau, and was in possession of the 
 Robinson and Henry houses, to hold which the Con 
 federates had fought desperately. Wilcox s brigade, 
 of Heintzelman s division, was on the extreme right, and 
 just west of the Sudley road, in which was planted a 
 section of artillery. Howard s brigade of the same divi 
 sion came next in order, with its right near the Sudley 
 road. Then the brigades of Franklin (Heintzelman s 
 division) and Sherman and Keyes (Tyler s division) were 
 posted on the left of Howard, in the order named. The 
 right wing was supported by part of Colonel Andrew 
 Porter s brigade, and the cavalry under Palmer covered 
 that flank. Other supports were stationed in rear of 
 the centre and left of the line. As among the Confede 
 rate officers on this field, so also among the Union offi 
 cers, will be recognized several names which became 
 famous before the war closed, and which will live as long 
 as the history of the country endures. 
 
 The Federals were now in possession of all the ground 
 over which the conflict, during the forenoon, had surged. 
 The Warrenton Turnpike was several hundred yards in 
 their rear, and their left overlapped the Confederate 
 works at Stone Bridge. They had fought their way a 
 mile and a half beyond where Evans formed his first line 
 of battle. Their further success demanded the posses 
 sion of the entire crest of the plateau, where the Con 
 federates had re-established their line, and were rapidly 
 augmenting their numbers. With this view McDowell 
 swung his right flank forward, and ordered the batteries 
 
128 FIRST BATTLE OF BULL RUN. [1861. 
 
 of Griffin and Ricketts to an elevated position, near the 
 Henry House. The Fire Zouaves Elsworth s and a 
 small body of marines, were posted in support of these 
 batteries, while the Fourteenth N. Y. S. M., which had 
 behaved splendidly through the day, and won the en 
 comiums of General McDowell, and all others under 
 whose observation it had come (Colonel Wood having 
 been wounded, the regiment was now commanded by 
 Lieutenant-Colonel E. B. Fowler, with James Jourdan, 
 major), was sent into the oak woods, on the extreme 
 right flank of the army. 
 
 The battle, which had for some time languished, 
 now opened with redoubled fury. The Confederates 
 had posted thirteen guns behind a low undulation, 
 which partially concealed and protected them, some 
 500 yards northeast of the Henry House, and in easy 
 range of Ricketts and Griffin s Batteries, which were 
 very much exposed. For nearly four hours the strug 
 gle was stoutly maintained the Confederates to hold, 
 and the Federals to gain possession of the plateau, 
 with the prospects of success decidedly in favor of the 
 latter. 
 
 A correspondent of the Charleston, S. C., Mercury, 
 writing to his paper, said : " When I entered the field 
 at 2 o clock the fortunes of the day were dark, the 
 remnants of the regiment, so badly injured, or wounded 
 and worn, as they staggered out, gave gloomy pictures 
 of the scene ; and as, up to this time, after four hours of 
 almost unprecedented valor and exertion, no point had 
 been gained, the event was doubtful hope seemed 
 almost gone." A rebel officer, writing to the Richmond 
 Dispatch, July 29th, said : " There is no earthly doubt 
 that our army was overcome several times between 12 
 and 3, and the bulletins sent by the enemy are in the 
 main correct. But, alas ! The best laid schemes of 
 men and mice aft gang alee ; and, in this instance^ 
 verily there was a great slip between the cup and 
 
1861.] BATTERIES LOST AND REGAINED. 129 
 
 the lip." A Mr. Boddy, who lives near Centreville, 
 told the writer, when he was there with his regiment, 
 in March, 1862, that he was under guard two miles in 
 rear of the rebel army during the battle, and that at 
 about one o clock companies and regiments were coming 
 to the rear, in great disorder, and reported that the 
 " Yankees" had whipped them. General Jordan, 
 chief of staff to Beauregard, stated, that just a short 
 time before the giving way of the Union lines, " Streams 
 of stragglers and skulkers from the Confederate army 
 were pouring to the rear." 
 
 About half-past 1 o clock, two companies of Stew 
 art s Confederate Cavalry made a bold and determined 
 charge down the Sudley road, and threw the Union line 
 at that point into disorder. Taking advantage of the 
 confusion, the 33rd Virginia Regiment of Jackson s 
 Brigade, sprang forward and seized three guns of a bat 
 tery posted near the road, but before they could remove 
 them, the Federals rallied, recaptured the guns, and 
 repulsed the 33d, with heavy loss. A little after 2 
 o clock the Confederates made a desperate effort to ex 
 pel the Unionists from the plateau, much of which they 
 then held. The whole Confederate line made a simul 
 taneous and furious onset upon their antagonists, and 
 after a close and deadly struggle, they pressed them 
 over the crest, and two hundred yards down the slope. 
 The batteries of Ricketts and Griffin were among the 
 trophies of this brilliant success. Pausing a moment 
 to recover breath, as it were, the Federals again became 
 the aggressors, and their onset was so vigorous and 
 well-sustained that they recovered their lost ground 
 and their batteries, and forced the Confederates back 
 beyond their former position, with severe punishment. 
 
 General Johnson says of this stage of the battle : 
 " The aspect of affairs was not encouraging." Beau- 
 regard, speaking of the same crisis, says: "The whole 
 line, including my reserves, which, at this crisis of the 
 
130 FIRST BATTLE OF BULL BUN. [1861. 
 
 battle, I felt called upon to lead in person, were ordered 
 forward. The attack was general, and shared in by 
 every regiment on the field." At this time the Confed 
 erate troops engaged, largely outnumbered the Feder 
 als, and overlapped their right by several hundred 
 yards, and re-enforcements were constantly arriving. 
 
 McDowell now determined to execute a coup de 
 grace and finish the battle. He, therefore, directed 
 General Tyler to throw Schenck s brigade, (in which was 
 the 3d N. Y. S. M., and which brigade had not yet been 
 engaged, except in some desultory skirmishing in the 
 morning) across Bull Run, at the Stone Bridge, and fall 
 upon the enemy s right flank. The effect of such an 
 assault would, no doubt, have been very influential in 
 deciding the fortunes of the day, at that stage of the 
 battle, and while the Federals were stoutly maintaining 
 the fight along the entire line. The Confederates had 
 now put every man they dared draw from their works 
 on their right and centre into action, and they, although 
 subjected to much less marching than their opponents 
 had been, were battle- worn and discouraged. 
 
 A fresh brigade, impinged upon their flank, would 
 have doubtless thrown their right into irretrievable con 
 fusion, which would soon have communicated itself to 
 their entire line, and as their reserves had been brought 
 into action, it would have been difficult, if not impossi 
 ble, for the Confederate commanders to restore the bat 
 tle. 
 
 But events were transpiring on the farther side of 
 the field that overruled the purposes of the Union com 
 mander. When the Federals got possession of the 
 plateau, near the Henry and Robinson Houses, the bat 
 teries of Griffin and Ricketts were ordered forward, and 
 went into position west of the Henry House, and a few 
 hundred yards east of a strip of oak woods. The bat 
 teries were supported by the New York Fire Zouaves- 
 Ellsworth s and a battalion of marines. The woods 
 
1861.] MAJOR BARRY S MISTAKE. 131 
 
 were supposed to be occupied by Federal troops. A 
 most unfortunate circumstance for the Federals now 
 occurred, and proved to be the turning point in this 
 stubborn contest. 
 
 There was, as yet, no system of uniforming troops, 
 by which the men of one army could be distinguished 
 from those of the other. In fact, regiments, and even 
 different companies of the same regiment, followed their 
 own fancies, in many instances, in the matter of uni 
 forms. This, perhaps, was more especially so among 
 the Confederates. But on the Union side, there were 
 all sorts of costumes, from the plain United States style 
 of the regulars, to the gaudy, but not neat, outfit of the 
 zouaves, and the striking and stylish dress of the 
 "Brooklyn Fourteenth." The colors ran through the 
 several shades in red, blue and gray, as to clothes, and 
 for headgear, hats and caps were worn, indifferently, 
 and of every variety of pattern and material. The flags 
 carried by different regiments were as various as their 
 uniforms, and in the smoke and dust of a battlefield, it 
 was difficult to distinguish the Confederate from the 
 flags carried by the Federal regiments. Some months 
 later the Confederates adopted a battle-flag, which was 
 readily distinguished on the field. 
 
 So it happened, about half -past two, that a grievous 
 mistake was made by the Federals as to the identity of 
 a regiment of infantry, which just then emerged from 
 the oak woods on the right front of Ricketts and Grif 
 fin s batteries. At this moment, these batteries were 
 playing upon a Confederate battery only some 300 yards 
 off, and near the Sudley road. Griffin had two of his 
 guns on Ricketts right, and consequently, was nearest 
 to the woods. He saw this infantry regiment come out 
 of the woods, and an officer, whom he took to be its 
 colonel, stepped in front of the line and commenced 
 making a speech to his men. Griffin believed it to be a 
 Confederate regiment, although there was reason to 
 
132 FIRST BATTLE OF BULL RUN. [1861. 
 
 believe that some Federal troops were in that locality. 
 He ordered one of his lieutenants to open fire on it. 
 Two pieces were loaded with canister ; the guns directed 
 upon the regiment, and about being fired, when, at 
 that fateful moment, Major Barry, Chief of Artillery, 
 rode up and said to Griffin, "Captain, don t fire there ;. 
 those are your battery support." Griffin replied: 
 " They are Confederates ; as certain as the world, they 
 are Confederates." "I know, "said Barry, "they are 
 your battery support." Griffin then revoked the order 
 to fire on this regiment, and his guns were turned to an 
 other part of the field, whither they had been directed 
 before this incident occurred. In the meantime, the 
 officer in command of this dubious regiment concluded 
 his speech. He then faced his regiment by the left 
 flank, and marched about fifty yards along the edge of 
 the woods, when, facing to the front, the regiment ad 
 vanced towards the right of the two batteries, about fifty 
 yards, and suddenly opened fire on them. The volley wa& 
 most destructive to men and horses, and the batteries 
 were utterly disabled either for use or removing. 
 Colonel William W. Averell, who was Colonel Porter s 
 Adjutant-General, and who witnessed this untoward 
 event, says : Probably there never was such a de 
 structive fire for a few minutes. It seemed as though 
 every man and horse of that battery, just laid right 
 down and died right off. The destruction of the battery 
 was so complete, that the marines and zouaves sup 
 ports seemed to be struck with such astonishment, 
 such consternation, that they could not do anything." 
 But the guns were not surrendered without a further 
 struggle. The 14th N. Y. S. M., and the 27th, and 38th 
 N. Y. V., with fragments of other regiments, rushed to 
 the rescue of the batteries. Meantime, the Confederate 
 regiment was re-enforced, and the batteries were cap 
 tured and recaptured three several times. The fiercest 
 fighting of the day took place around the coveted can- 
 
1861.] FINAL ADVANCE OF FEDERALS. 133 
 
 non. Ricketts, who was lying on the ground wounded, 
 says the struggle went on over his body the contending 
 forces surging back and forward, and that his battery 
 was three times taken and recaptured. 
 
 Appreciating the advantage the possession of these 
 splendid batteries and the position they occupied 
 would give them, the Confederates made a most gallant 
 and skillful effort to hold the prize. Charging furiously 
 along the whole line to engage the Federals at every 
 point, they massed all the troops at hand on their 
 left centre, and again and again swept the Federals 
 back and swarmed around the guns to be in turn 
 driven off, as the Unionists with ball and bayonet re 
 claimed the batteries. The horses having been killed, 
 the guns could only be removed by hand, and the fight 
 ing was so close and desperate that neither party 
 ventured to disarm the requisite number of men to drag 
 the guns away. 
 
 At half -past three the Federals were crowded off 
 the plateau and forced to abandon the cannon to the 
 Confederates. The right centre of the Union line fell 
 back to a broad ridge near the intersection of the 
 turnpike and Sudley roads, while the left and the 
 extreme right maintained their positions. This gave 
 the line of battle a crescent shape, and it was still 
 in good form and temper. The guns of Griffin and 
 Ricketts were lost, but the Federals knew their adver 
 saries had paid dearly for them, and had made an 
 exhaustive effort to retain them, and they still believed 
 the victory would finally perch upon the Union ban 
 ners. 
 
 The whole Federal line prepared to advance about 
 four o clock, and essay once more the capture of the 
 entire plateau, while Schenck made his flank attack. 
 Beauregard says, in his report of the battle, "they (the 
 Federals) threw forward in fine style a cloud of skir 
 mishers, preparatory to another attack. " But now, 
 
134 FIRST BATTLE OF BULL RUN . [1861. 
 
 a new and an overwhelming disaster befell the Federal 
 right. The Confederate commanders had long and 
 eagerly looked for the arrival of the residue of John 
 son s army from Winchester, and that general had pro 
 ceeded some miles down the Manassas Gap Railroad to 
 intercept the train on which they were to come, and to 
 have his men debark opposite the battle-field, instead 
 of continuing on to the Junction. These troops, nearly 
 3000 strong, and lead by General Kirby Smith, arrived 
 at this momentous crisis. Early s brigade was, at the 
 same time, marched through the woods and formed 
 on the Confederate left, near the Chinn House, out-flank 
 ing the Federal right. 
 
 Up to this time Beauregard had considered his left 
 flank "much endangered. " But now his adversary was 
 out-flanked, and he had nearly 3,000 fresh and well- 
 drilled troops, with which to make his coup de grace, 
 by a resistless assault on the right flank of McDowell s 
 worn-out army. Heat and dust, hunger and thirst, 
 twelve hours of marching and five of fighting, had not 
 broken the spirit of the Union army. But the shouts 
 of 3,000 fresh adversaries, sweeping down upon the flank 
 of the Federals, extinguished all hope of victory. Gen 
 eral Keyes said : "I thought the day was won about 
 two o clock; but about half -past three o clock a sud 
 den change in the firing took place, which to my ear 
 was very ominous. * * * If Johnson had not come, 
 my impression is we should have won the battle. I 
 know that the moment the shout went up from the 
 other side there appeared to be an instantaneous 
 change in the whole sound of the battle; so much so, that 
 I sent my aide, at the top of his speed, to find out what 
 was the matter. It was the shout that went up from the 
 enemy s line, when they found out for certain that it 
 was Johnson and not Patterson who had come. " 
 Yes, it was Blucher, not Grouchy, who had come. 
 
 It was now too late for the success of McDowell s 
 
1861.] PORTER AND SHERMAN . 135 
 
 contemplated coup de main, and the march of Schenck 
 was suspended and dispositions made to cover the 
 retreat of the army. The right fell back in disorder 
 under the attack in front, flank and rear, towards 
 Sudley s ford, while the centre and left marched off the 
 field over the Warrenton turnpike and the adjacent 
 lots. 
 
 General Johnson says, it was four o clock and forty 
 minutes when the Union line gave way. He states in 
 his official report, that there were three brigades of the 
 army of the Shenandoah engaged in the battle. These 
 gave Beauregard not less than 10,000 more men than 
 McDowell had expected to encounter ; and that these 
 men turned the scale of battle in favor of the Confeder 
 ates, no one, who reads the story of the fight, can 
 doubt. And, even as against this largely increased 
 force, General Johnson says: "if the tactics of the 
 Federals had been equal to their strategy, we should 
 have been beaten. 
 
 General Andrew Porter testified before the Com 
 mittee on the Conduct of the War : " The plan of bat 
 tle was admirable ; it could not have been better ; 
 everything was as well looked to and taken care of as 
 could be." General Sherman says, in his " Memoirs," 
 vol. 1, page 181 : " It is now generally admitted that it 
 was one of the best-planned battles of the war." 
 "It is easy to criticise a battle after it is over; but 
 all now admit that none others, equally raw in war, 
 could have done better than we did at Bull Run ; and 
 the lesson of that battle should not be lost on a people 
 like ours." 
 
 A portion of the Federal Army left the field in con 
 fusion. But there were many causes conspiring to pro 
 duce this result, not the least among which were want 
 of drill, discipline and experience. But what added 
 immeasurably to the disorder and to the disintegration 
 of commands was the wild flight of horses, cnms and 
 
136 FIRST BATTLE OF BULL RUN. [1861. 
 
 caissons through the masses of retreating troops. 
 Speaking of certain batteries, Colonel Averell says : 
 " What there was left of them, a few limbers and cais 
 sons that had live horses to drag them, came galloping 
 down the hill, right through the mass of troops, and 
 occasionally a horse would fall and the whole thing 
 would get all tangled up." He says a great many men 
 were dying of thirst. Lieutenant Hazlitt, of Griffin s 
 Battery, speaking of another Union battery, said : 
 u We saw tlie battery flying all around, and the horses 
 with the caissons running in every direction." Imagine 
 these ponderous vehicles thundering over the roads and 
 fields, breaking the ranks of the retreating troops and 
 scattering the men in all directions. Officers were sep 
 arated from their commands, and men from their com 
 panies ; and re-formations under the circumstances 
 were simply impossible where this disruption had oc 
 curred. General Keyes says his brigade came off the 
 field in perfect order, and of the other troops he says : 
 4 As I approached the line of men in retreat, they were 
 all walking ; I saw nobody run, or trot even, until 
 coming down to Bull Run." The crossing of this 
 stream added to the disorder, and beyond it the confu 
 sion was increased by the flight of ambulances, army 
 wagons, and everything on wheels, which were now 
 rushing to the rear. Confusion became worse con 
 founded, as an occasional shell from the rebel batteries 
 exploded among the troops and teamsters. Men who 
 all day long had braved rebel bullets, and stood steady 
 under fire, were now seized with a nameless terror, and 
 all discipline was gone. At Cub Run bridge, caissons, 
 wagons and ambulances interlocked and were over 
 turned, blocking the way. The men crossed the stream 
 as best they could, and spreading over the road and 
 fields, pursued their flight. 
 
 So far as this portion of the army was concerned, it 
 was disorganized beyond the hope of immediate resto- 
 
1861.] THE RETREAT. 137 
 
 ration. But soldiers know how just such a state of 
 things could be produced by just such or similar cir 
 cumstances, without reflecting upon the courage of the 
 men. They know that even veterans are not panic- 
 proof. The steadiness of any troops depends upon 
 their cohesion. Break their military formation separ 
 ate men from their companies, and officers from their 
 men and even regulars would do little, if any better, 
 than these raw soldiers did. 
 
 Finding themselves without officers or military or 
 ganization, hundreds of these men straggled on towards 
 Washington ; their numbers greatly augmented by the 
 crowds of civilians who had come out to see the battle ; 
 until it looked as though the whole army was in flight. 
 Newspaper reporters led the van, and in a few days 
 they made their readers believe that the entire army 
 was as badly demoralized as they themselves were. 
 Members of Congress and other civilian spectators of 
 the stampede, who did not wait to see the end of the 
 affair, but, shouting "sauwquipeut" dashed away, 
 assumed that the residue of the army was in as bad 
 condition as that with which they fled, and flooded the 
 country with most unjust aspersions upon the conduct 
 of the troops ; and the impression is general, even to 
 this day, that our army showed the white feather at 
 Bull Run. 
 
 Colonel Don Piatt, in a recent letter of war reminis 
 cences in the Cincinnati Commercial, says : 
 
 " And here I must enter my protest to a world-wide slander heaped 
 upon us. Men talk of the panic at Bull Run who gather their informa 
 tion from Congressmen and correspondents who did not witness the fight. 
 When our men fell back before the re-enforcements of the Confederate 
 Johnson, there was, of course, great confusion, and so long as they were 
 under fire suffered the usual demoralization. But this lasted only some 
 ten or fifteen minutes. When the army re-crossed Bull Run it was a mob 
 something more disorderly than when we went into the fight, but possessed 
 of no panic whatever. I was sent into the road by Gen. Tyler, with 
 other officers, ordered to try and re-form the masses, yet armed, but surg- 
 
138 FIRST BATTLE OP BULL RUN. [1861. 
 
 ing on in disorder. I found them beyond control, but laughing, singing, 
 and talking in a very indifferent way, while hundreds stopped to gather 
 blackberries, then thick and ripe upon the ground. 
 
 " The panic referred to, and so implicitly believed in, happened, I am 
 told, in this way. About 2 o clock, perhaps later, a company of Con 
 federate cavalry, called mysteriously the Black-Horse, dashed crazily in 
 on the Warrenton pike, far in the rear of the battle-field . This road was 
 crowded with army wagons, hacks containing Congressmen, and buggies 
 and horses of correspondents, Bull Run Russell among the number. 
 When the charge occurred, Capt. Ayres, then on the eminence command 
 ing the road, wheeled about two pieces of artillery, and fired grape and can 
 ister into the entire crowd. Wagoners, Congressmen and correspondents, 
 thus brought, unexpectedly, between two hot fires, attempted to turn their 
 vehicles, upsetting many, and fled in a fearful panic and confusion toward 
 Washington. The stampede was ludicrous. To some it continued 24 
 miles, that being the distance to the capital ; to others 124 miles, for it is 
 said that quite a number kept on to New York. 
 
 " At the very moment this panic happened, our army in the field was 
 under the impression that we had won a great victory, and when some 
 hours later I passed along this road, I was amazed at its condition. I 
 found wagons upset and broken, hacks in ruins, buggies smashed, and 
 amid all, the unfinished lunches of patriotic Solons and scattered note 
 books of frightened journalists." 
 
 General Johnson states that Bonham was ordered to 
 march with his and Longstreet s brigades by the short 
 est route to the turnpike and intercept the retreat, 
 and adds: "When General Bonham saw the Federal 
 column on the turnpike, its appearance presented so 
 little indication of rout, that he thought the execution 
 of the instructions he had received impracticable. He 
 therefore ordered the two brigades to march back to 
 their camps." He admits that the severe handling the 
 Confederates had received had demoralized and disor 
 ganized them, nearly as much as defeat had their 
 adversaries. 
 
 General Andrew Porter makes honorable mention of 
 the behavior of the Eighth N. Y. S. M.; and of the 
 "Brooklyn Fourteenth," he says, quoting from the 
 report of Lieutenant-Colonel Fowler: "In the last 
 attack Colonel Wood was wounded, together with Cap 
 tains R. B. Jourdan arid C. F. Baldwin, and Lieutenants 
 
1861.] ANECDOTE OF LINCOLN. 139 
 
 J. A. Jones, J. R. Salter, R. A. Goodenough, and C. 
 Scholes, and Adjutant Laidlow. The officers, and es 
 pecially Major Jourdan, were distinguished by their 
 display of spirit and efficiency throughout the action." 
 In his examination before the Committee on the Con 
 duct of the War, he said : " The Brooklyn Fourteenth 
 behaved remarkably well." General Sherman speaks 
 highly of the 69th and 79th, which were in his brigade ; 
 and Burnside says of the 71 st, which served under him : 
 " I beg to again mention the bravery and steadiness 
 manifested by Colonel Martin and his entire regiment, 
 both in the field and during the retreat." 
 
 General McDowell was, of course, the scape-goat, 
 upon whom the chief volume of vituperation was 
 poured. Three-fourths of the people in the loyal States 
 were made to believe that McDowell was drunk on the 
 battle-field, and many yet believe that that had much 
 to do with bringing about the misfortune of that day to 
 the Union arms. Men are too ready to believe evil of 
 their fellow-men. It is a pitiable human infirmity. 
 Officers who were unfortunate in the field were too often 
 the subjects of unjust animadversions. General McDow 
 ell neither drinks wine, tea, or coffee. The corps of mili 
 tary critics and self-constituted mentors was very large 
 during the war, and they pronounced Sherman crazy, 
 and Grant habitually drunk. One of them complained 
 to the President of Grant s supposed inebriety. Mr. 
 Lincoln asked the grumbler if he knew what kind of 
 liquor Grant drank. "No," said he, "why do you 
 ask?" " Because," said the President, " I would like 
 to send some of the same kind to the other generals." 
 
 General McDowell was in the midst of the fight 
 throughout the day, and shared the perils of the field 
 with his men. No one felt more keenly than he the 
 misfortune that befell his army, not in a personal, but 
 in a national sense ; he had no political ends to sub 
 serve, and no personal ambition to gratify, save as it 
 
140 FIRST BATTLE OF BULL RUN. [1861. 
 
 tended to promote the welfare of his country. Among 
 the Union officers, McDowell had no superior in earnest 
 whole-souled devotion to his country s flag and cause ; 
 his habits are almost Puritanic in their simplicity. An 
 article in U Opinion National, thus speaks of him : 
 "His face is remarkably open and sympathetic, through 
 its air of frankness and kindness ; he is one of the most 
 honest, truest, simplest men you can meet." As an 
 illustration of one of these qualities, I quote his open 
 ing words in answering a question put to him by the 
 "Committee on the Conduct of the War," with refer 
 ence to the organization of the army into corps : "I am 
 personally interested in this, I will frankly say to you, 
 because it will affect my position, and I want you to 
 understand that it will do so, that you may understand 
 how much of personal bias there may be in my opinion 
 upon the matter." Again, on the subject of the staff 
 organization of the army: "The position of aide-de 
 camp on my staff is going begging ; I have not the 
 highest reputation in the world, but I have some charac 
 ter, and I know very well that so far as I am personally 
 concerned they would not object to going on my staff ; 
 they say so ; but they say they command batteries, or 
 are commissaries of subsistence, where they are cap 
 tains, while I only propose to make them lieutenants." 
 Quartermaster- General Meiggs, in testifying before the 
 same committee and in reference to the staff of a gen 
 eral commanding an army, said : "I think General 
 McDowell and all our officers at that time (battle of 
 Bull Run) were crippled by want of sufficient personal 
 officers to assist them. He had not the proper staff ; I 
 do not believe he had more than two or three men 
 around him after the battle began." On the subject of 
 the battle itself General Meiggs says: "The attempt 
 was made and it was successful to turn their flank, 
 and they marched out of their intrenchments and 
 fought us. * * * McDowell marched his army to 
 
1861.] CHARACTER OP McDOWELL. 141 
 
 the right, and actually did turn their left flank, and 
 drove them two miles to the south of the field of battle. 
 In his own opinion he had gained the victory ; and if it 
 had not been for the sudden and unexpected re-enforce 
 ments of Johnson s army, he would have held it." 
 
 The Chicago Tribune, speaking nine years after the 
 battle, said : 
 
 " We now begin to feel that we walk upon the solid ground in estimat 
 ing its heroes and its importance. 
 
 " In the first place, we have learned to estimate the character of McDow 
 ell, who planned this battle with a cool, wise head, and fought it upon this 
 plan according to the best advantage he could make of the material that 
 lay at his command. No other battle during the whole war was better 
 devised, and none in the East, fought upon the offensive, during the next 
 three years, had more nearly been successful. The Federal commander 
 was assailed for the folly of his troops here as few commanders have ever 
 been, and yet he kept up heart, stood patiently by the cause, took a third- 
 rate place under McClellan, with generous resignation, and gave all the 
 successive men placed over him hearty support ; and since the death of 
 George H. Thomas, it is safe to say that there is no man in the United 
 States upon whom we rely for judgment, for devotion, for willingness to 
 suffer above the common fate of all who suffered then, more than Irwin 
 McDowell. 
 
 " Last winter, when the Army of the Potomac met at Philadelphia, and 
 McDowell sat quietly among them, thinking himself an unsuccessful man 
 and one set down among the failures of the war, a quiet young officer 
 arose with his glass in his hand, and proposed the health of General 
 McDowell As he did so, he made a stammering effort to say that since 
 the war had passed by, and we had come to know man for man and man 
 to man, we were equal to the appreciation of the commander of the first 
 Army of the Potomac. At once the whole table rattled with bravos and 
 hearty cheers, and amid more applause than had greeted the name of any 
 man that night, McDowell rose, profoundly moved, the most patient and 
 heroic martyr of the war, and he said, as he had always said, that he knew 
 the justice of his countrymen would come at last; that he had expected it 
 long before, but that he had not complained, because he knew that it 
 would come ; and then his cold, regular army nature melting down to the 
 occasion, he gave a little burst of egotism, which was truer than tears, 
 because it was both the occasion and himself. There are more men who 
 fought in the Army of the Potomac who would enlist under McDowell 
 to-day than under any general commander which the war in the East 
 turned out, His great element of character was resignation, never mu 
 tinying, never abusing any man behind his back, holding to the cause at 
 
142 FIRST BATTLE OF BULL RUN. [1861. 
 
 the expense of frightful calumnies heaped upon himself, and it is probable 
 that his fame will glow henceforward as brightly as, during the war, it 
 was suddenly obscured." 
 
 But it should not be supposed that the whole army 
 ran away from Bull Run; excepting the 4,000 or 5,000 
 men who were disorganized as above described, the 
 army retired in good order and re-formed line of battle 
 on the Heights of Centre ville, where Miles reserves 
 were posted. It will be remembered that there was 
 really no pursuit, notwithstanding the fearful stories of 
 the "black-horse cavalry." General Johnson, who had 
 superseded Beauregard as his superior in rank, ex 
 plains the fact in his official report, wherein he says : 
 "The apparent firmness of the troops at Centreville 
 checked his pursuit." 
 
 I do not wish to be understood, from what I have 
 said about the popular clamor against McDowell and 
 his army, that anybody designed to do it or him injus 
 tice ; but the North had counted upon a victory, and 
 they had not yet learned how to accept defeat instead 
 of the expected triumph. In the popular judgment, 
 this unlocked for reverse could only be attributable to 
 some blunder on the part of the commander, or coward 
 ice on the part of the troops. The public at large 
 had no knowledge of the circumstances which inevit 
 ably tended to render the Federal army inefficient, but 
 seemed to suppose that, to make a soldier, it was only 
 necessary to arm and uniform a man. When General 
 McDowell had a few brigades drawn up for inspection 
 and review, some little time before marching to Bull 
 Run, he was charged with wanting to make a display, 
 and it was pronounced to be an unnecessary tax upon 
 the troops ; neither did the public know anything about 
 the assurances which General McDowell had as to John 
 son s army, or of the real causes which led to the defeat 
 of the Federals. 
 Unless a Union victory at Bull Run would have re- 
 
1861.] A USEFUL LESSON. 143 
 
 suited in a termination of the war, which was not at all 
 probable, it was, perhaps, the best thing that could 
 happen for the final success of the Federal cause that 
 the Unionists should have been defeated. The North 
 thereafter had a truer sense of the magnitude of its 
 undertaking, and while it hurled its men into the field, 
 it was content to allow a little time to its officers and 
 men to learn, at least, the rudiments of the art of war. 
 
CHAPTER IX. 
 
 REORGANIZATION IMPORTANCE OF RETAINING OLD RANK CAMP ARTHUR 
 "CHAPEL OF THE PREPARATION "FASTING AND PRAYER B AND 
 E COMPANIES DISBANDED REVIEW AND FLAG PRESENTATION EM 
 BARKATION AND ARRIVAL IN NEW YORK ROSTER PHILADELPHIA 
 AND ITS " COOPER SHOP THE WAY IT STRUCK THE CHAPLAIN 
 FROM BALTIMORE TO KALORAMA HEIGHTS DESOLATED KALORAMA 
 FROM WASHINGTON TO UPTON S HILL GENERAL WADSWORTH. 
 
 ON the 5th of August the Field Officers advertised for 
 recruits for three years, and began the work of reorgan 
 ization. Many of the original officers and men of the 
 command could not go out again, and large numbers 
 were discharged. 
 
 Lieutenant-Colonel Gates had had an interview with 
 the Secretary of War, before the regiment left Balti 
 more, wherein the Secretary expressed a wish to have 
 the regiment reorganize for three years or during the 
 war, and agreed that it should be re-mustered as the 
 20th N. Y. S. M., so that the old officers should be able 
 to serve under their then existing commissions. This 
 was a very important matter, as the welfare of the 
 regiment might be seriously affected by the way in 
 which this question should chance to be settled. It 
 has already been shown how Colonel Jesse Smith, who 
 happened to have an older commission than Colonel 
 Pratt, and therefore ranked him, compelled the Twen 
 tieth to do guard and fatigue duty at Annapolis. Now 
 there had gone into the field from the State of New 
 York, while the Twentieth was out on its three months 
 tour of duty, a hundred volunteer regiments, the officers 
 of most of which had had little or no experience, yet 
 to whose orders the officers and men of the Twentieth 
 would be subject, unless the old commissions stood. 
 Such a state of things might become very serious on the 
 
 144 
 
1861.] CAMP ARTHUR. 145 
 
 battle-field, where, by reason of the death or disability 
 of a brigade -commander, a ranking colonel of the brig 
 ade should succeed to a command he was unable to ex 
 ercise intelligently, and before higher authority could 
 interpose he might have destroyed or disgraced his 
 brigade. Governor Morgan, whose function it was to 
 commission officers of New York troops, acquiesced in 
 the understanding that the Twentieth should go as the 
 20th N. Y. S. M., if it would reorganize and return to 
 the field. 
 
 A camp was established on the parade ground, west 
 of the Plank Road, between Kingston and Rondout, to 
 which was given the name of " Camp Arthur," in compli 
 ment to General C. A. Arthur, late Collector of the Port 
 of New York, and at that time Engineer-in-Chief and 
 Acting-Quartermaster-General of the State of New 
 York. Lieutenant-Colonel Gates was put in command 
 of the camp. Rigid discipline was enforced and drills 
 were going on in squads by company or by battalion 
 hourly. 
 
 By the 18th of September there were about 450 men 
 in camp, and 150 more enrolled. The men in camp had 
 received new uniforms, and their appearance accelerated 
 recruiting. Lieutenant John M. Schoonmaker, a capi 
 tal bureau officer, was Acting- Adjutant ; Captain C. D. 
 Westbrook, Engineer, and Dr. Robert Loughran, Sur 
 geon. 
 
 The following observations and Order are copied 
 from the Kingston Argus of September 25th : " A few 
 citizens, warmly seconded by the officer in command at 
 Camp Arthur, have erected in the camp a commodious 
 place of worship, to bear the name of Chapel of the 
 Preparation," (Ephesians vi., 15). Services are held 
 on Monday, Wednesday and Friday evenings. The 
 presence of several ladies, and their aid in the singing, 
 add much to the interest of the gathering. We copy 
 the following Order, issued on Monday : 
 
 io 
 
146 SAMSON S LAST REVIEW. [1861. 
 
 HEADQUARTERS 20th REGIMENT, N. Y. S. M., ) 
 Camp Arthur, Kingston, Sept, 23d, 1861. f 
 
 Special Order No. 
 
 The President of the United States, having appoint 
 ed Thursday next as the day of general fasting and 
 prayer, there will be religious services in the Chapel, 
 at these headquarters, at three o clock and at seven and 
 one-half o clock, p. M. 
 
 For the purpose of enabling officers and soldiers to 
 attend these services, and to devote a portion of the 
 day to the purposes contemplated by the President s 
 proclamation, the afternoon drills will be suspended at 
 three o clock. 
 
 By order, 
 
 THEODORE B. GATES, 
 
 Lieut. - Col. Com ng . 
 
 J. M. SCHOONMAKER, 
 
 Post- Adjutant. 
 
 On the 31st day of August, B Company. Captain 
 Sharpe, and E Company, Lent, which companies had 
 not participated in the reorganization of the regiment, 
 were disbanded by orders from Brigade Headquarters, 
 for not having the required number of men to be 
 effective at this critical period of our national history." 
 
 On the 18th day of October General Samson re 
 viewed the Twentieth for the last time. The " Ellsworth 
 Grays," a military company from Poughkeepsie, was 
 present on the occasion, and the crowd of spectators 
 was immense. Ten days previous to this event, the 
 regiment had visited Poughkeepsie by invitation, when 
 it was presented with a beautiful silk national flag. 
 
 On Friday afternoon, October 25th, 1861, the tents 
 of Camp Arthur were struck, the baggage sent off, and 
 at three P.M. the regiment was in march for Rondout, 
 on its way to the seat of war, 987 strong. Embarking 
 
1861.] ROSTER. 147 
 
 on the Manhattan, the regiment was landed in New York 
 at sunrise next morning, and proceeded to the State 
 Arsenal, where the men were supplied with Enfield rifles. 
 From thence the command marched to the Park Barracks, 
 where dinner was furnished, after which they proceeded 
 to Pier 1, embarked on the John Potter and steamed to 
 Amboy, where they debarked and took cars for Wash 
 ington, via Camden and Philadelphia. 
 
 The regiment at this time was officered as follows : 
 Colonel, George W. Pratt ; Lieutenant-Colonel, Theodore 
 B. Gates; Major, Jacob B. Hardenbergh. The staff offi 
 cers were Lieutenant John M. Schoonmaker, Adjutant ; 
 Captain Cornelius D. Westbrook, Engineer ; Lieuten 
 ant John S. Griffiths, Quartermaster ; Selah O. Tu thill, 
 Paymaster ; Major Robert Loughran, Surgeon ; Captain 
 Robert K. Tuthill, Assistant- Surgeon ; Rev. Cornelius 
 Yan Santvoord, D.D., Chaplain. The line officers were : 
 A Company, James Smith, Captain ; Charles S. Wilkin 
 son, 1st Lieutenant ; Joseph H. Harrison, 2d Lieuten 
 ant. B Company, Walter A. Yan Rennselaer, Captain ; 
 Abram S. Smith, 1st Lieutenant ; John R. Leslie, 2d 
 Lieutenant. C Company, John R. Tappen, Captain; 
 Andrew S. Schutt, 1st Lieutenant ; Martin Snyder, 2d 
 Lieutenant. D Company, Daniel McMahon, Captain ; 
 Henry Mick, 1st Lieutenant ; James G. Wilson, 2d 
 Lieutenant. E Company, Peletial Ward, Captain ; 
 Albert S. Pease, 1st Lieutenant ; Edgar T. Dudley, 2d 
 Lieutenant. F Company, John S. Corbin, Captain ; 
 Nicholas Hoysradt, 1st Lieutenant ; George North, Jr., 
 2d Lieutenant. G Company, J. Tallma dge Hendricks, 
 Captain ; Wm. H. Cunningham, 1st Lieutenant ; James 
 M. Yan Yalkenburgh, 2d Lieutenant. H Company, 
 Abraham S. Smith, Captain ; Ely R. Dobbs, 1st Lieu 
 tenant ; Martin H. Swarthout, 2d Lieutenant. I Com 
 pany, James D. Balen, Captain ; John D. S. Cook, 1st 
 Lieutenant; Demetrius J.- France, 2d Lieutenant. K 
 Company, Ambrose N. Baldwin, Captain ; Alexander 
 
148 THE "COOPER SHOP." [1861 
 
 McFarland, 1st Lieutenant ; John R. Horner, 2d Lieu 
 tenant. 
 
 The regiment reached Philadelphia at half-past one 
 o clock Sunday morning, and as they left the ferryboat 
 that had carried them over the Delaware River they 
 were marched into an immense hall near the wharf r 
 called the "Cooper Shop," after Mr. Cooper, one of the 
 originators of the plan of operations there carried on. 
 In this building tables were set for the accommodation 
 of several hundred men at a time, and these tables were 
 spread with the best of bread, meat and vegetables in 
 abundance, while tea and coffee were furnished without 
 stint. It was one of the kindest and most considerate 
 conceptions for the health and comfort of the soldiers 
 of any developed by the war. It surprised the soldier 
 on his journey, and while he was still thinking of the 
 home comforts he felt it so hard to dispense with, and 
 before he had learned to be content with army rations 
 or, again, in coming home (for no matter which way 
 the soldier was journeying, the Cooper Shop was open to 
 him with a cordial welcome), he enjoyed the feast that 
 awaited him here, as a harbinger of what would be 
 found on the family board it got the taste of army ra 
 tions out of one s mouth, as it were. 
 
 I will quote from a letter written by the Regimental 
 Chaplain to the Kingston Argus, under date of October 
 30th, to show what he thought of the Cooper Shop, and 
 few men are better judges than he on such matters. 
 And I will also let the chaplain tell, from the same let 
 ter, the story of our progress from Philadelphia to 
 Washington. He says of the Cooper Shop : " Six tables 
 stretching the whole length of the apartment, and ample 
 enough to enable a whole regiment to stand around 
 them, were loaded with refreshments, furnished by the 
 hospitality of the city of brotherly love, thus proving 
 the name to be fittingly applied. And such refresh 
 ments excellent bread and delicious butter, superb 
 
1861.] HOW IT STRUCK THE CHAPLAIN. 149 
 
 cold beef and ham, potatoes, coffee and tea, pickles of 
 various kinds, etc., urged upon all with a persistent 
 hospitality that seemed to receive rather than to confer 
 a favor. The ministry of gentle hands was conspicuous, 
 as it always is in such scenes as this. Your corres 
 pondent being conducted toward the head of the boun 
 teous board, one angel took his hat, another disrobed 
 him of his overcoat, a third took charge of a package or 
 two, a fourth led him to a seat at the table, a fifth min 
 istered to his wants while there. And all with a deli 
 cacy and warmth of kindness, that brought forcibly to 
 his mind the pilgrim of Bunyan in the Palace Beautiful, 
 with the ministry of the fair sisterhood there, refreshing 
 and strengthening him for the hardships and dangers of 
 the way that lay before him. No wonder that the sol 
 diers, exulting in this goodly fare, broke forth, company 
 after company, into spontaneous cheers for the city of 
 Philadelphia, which made the rafters of the building 
 fairly ring again. Nor was this ample cheer all. Here 
 the sick soldiers are furnished with comfortable quar 
 ters, and receive assiduous medical care, until able to re 
 join their regiment, or failing this, are sent home, with 
 out money and without price. In addition to all, in a 
 room overhead, writing materials are furnished for those 
 who may desire, during the two or three hours stay in 
 the city, to write to their friends. Your correspondent 
 was urged there several times to write home, which, 
 though much fatigued, and the hour being two o clock 
 in the morning, he finally did, to show at least how 
 much he valued such attention and kindness. When 
 the letter was written and enclosed, they refused even to 
 let him pay for the stamp. All hail to the city of Phila 
 delphia, for such princely generosity, continued so long, 
 and yet rendered not only without grudging or com 
 plaint, but rejoicingly ! It will prove a noble and last 
 ing monument to her honor. 
 
 "Leaving the good city about 4A.M., the regiment 
 
150 BALTIMORE TO KALORAMA. [1861. 
 
 reached Baltimore at nearly noon of the same day a 
 slow passage but the length of our train and an in 
 ferior locomotive made slowness well-nigh a necessity. 
 I was curious to scan the faces of the populace in a city 
 kept submissive and peaceful only by the mighty mar 
 tial arm of the Government. As we entered Baltimore 
 there was no enthusiasm apparent, no cheers, perhaps 
 because the people feared to violate the Sabbath by un 
 seemly demonstrations little waving of handkerchiefs, 
 and not many smiling faces, such as we saw everywhere 
 farther north. Stern and scowling faces were plenty 
 enough, seeming to say : " Yes, ye Northern hordes, we 
 tolerate you because we must, but our day will come to 
 sweep you from the soil ye profane beware of that 
 day !" We will beware of it, bat it never will come. 
 The only hope of Baltimore is adhesion to the Union 
 and loyalty. If she disregard this, and persist in har 
 boring treasonable and rebellious designs, ready ever to 
 break forth into open hostility to the Government ; her 
 glory is departed and her doom is sealed. No clear 
 sighted citizen, not blinded by passion, can fail to see 
 this. Would that they all saw it, that this fine city might 
 find its prosperity restored, and become in all future 
 times one of the bulwarks of the Union, and a terror to 
 rebels and rebellion -hatchers of every name and de 
 gree. 
 
 " The regiment marched through the streets some mile 
 and a half to the depot of the Baltimore & Ohio Rail 
 road, without the smallest molestation or annoyance. 
 We found little aid or comfort, however, in the way of 
 refreshment and cheer, and left for Washington between 
 3 and 4 o clock P.M. traveling on the Sabbath, except 
 when unavoidable, should be sternly frowned upon. I 
 believe, with Sir Matthew Hale, that prosperity and a 
 strict observance of the Lord s day, are, as a general 
 rule, inseparable. In our case, necessity was laid upon 
 us to proceed at once to our destination. And as be- 
 
1861.] DESOLATED KALORAMA. 151 
 
 tween the evil of remaining over Sunday in one of the 
 large cities on our route, and that of going right on, the 
 latter was certainly the lesser. It was such a Sabbath 
 as I hope not to spend again, with little to remind one 
 of the sanctity of the day. In the officers car, however, 
 some familiar religious songs were sung, and well sung ; 
 a few remarks made, and a prayer offered ; and this 
 constituted all our religious service for the day. We 
 arrived in Washington about 9 P.M. The men were 
 marched into barracks prepared for their accommoda 
 tion, while the officers were allowed to choose their own 
 quarters for the night in the town. The next morning 
 at 9 o clock the 20th took up its line of march for our 
 present quarters, Kalorama Heights, about a mile and a 
 half from the White House the same position occupied 
 by the Ellsworth Regiment, till its removal a few days 
 ago over the Potomac. Our regiment marched in com 
 ing here, up the length of Pennsylvania avenue to 21st 
 street, in full dress. I scanned them closely on their 
 march through the city, and must aver that a finer look 
 ing body of troops, hardly excepting the Ellsworth 
 Regiment, has not left New York for the war. Ulster 
 County had reason to be proud of her "Guard." All 
 that is needed is a longer and more effective drill to 
 make the regiment a noble one, fully ready for a vigor 
 ous part in suppressing this infamous rebellion. Its 
 officers, from our honored colonel, indefatigable in atten 
 tion to his duties, to the various subordinates, are intel 
 ligent, gentlemanly, and well instructed, and are at once 
 worthy men and agreeable associates. But this letter is 
 already too long, and at this breathing place I bid you, 
 for the present, adieu." 
 
 Soon after the regiment settled down on Kalorama 
 Heights each officer and man was presented with a copy 
 of the Testament and Psalms, neatly bound together, a 
 gift from the Ulster County Bible Society, and very ac 
 ceptable to most of the recipients. 
 
152 MARCH TO UPTON S HILL. [1861. 
 
 Kalorama Heights was not long ago the site of a 
 fashionable residence, and the scene of many social 
 gatherings of Washington s elite. The family mansion 
 was large and pleasant, and the grounds around it were 
 extensive and well laid out, with a porter s lodge and a 
 circuitous drive among the trees from the gate to the 
 house. 
 
 But the tramp of thousands of infantry, the iron 
 hoofs of troops of cavalry, and the crushing wheels of 
 artillery and army wagons have taken all the beauty 
 out of the grounds of desolated Kalorama, while the 
 noble mansion, where wealth and domestic comfort once 
 reigned, now resounded to the jingle of spurs and the 
 clank of sabres. 
 
 On the seventh of November orders came for the 
 Twentieth to cross the Potomac, via Chain Bridge, and 
 report to General McDowell, Arlington House, Virginia. 
 By the latter s orders we proceeded to Upton s Hill 
 and reported to General Wadsworth, into whose brigade 
 we were incorporated. 
 
 Chain Bridge is about seven miles north of Washing 
 ton, while Upton s Hill is eight miles west of that city, 
 so that in reaching our destination, via Chain Bridge, 
 we marched along the easterly side of a triangle to the 
 bridge, and thence along the westerly side of Upton s 
 Hill, making a total distance marched of about fifteen 
 miles. Why we were not allowed to cross the long 
 bridge, or Aqueduct bridge, I never knew. 
 
 It became dark before reaching our destination, and 
 as we were in the enemy s country, and knew nothing 
 whatever of our surroundings, the men were ordered to 
 load their pieces, and the march, for the last two or three 
 miles, was made with the circumspection necessary 
 when troops are liable to be attacked. But, fortunately, 
 the only armed men we found that night were Union 
 soldiers, and of these there were a great many, en 
 camped along a line running nearly parallel with the Po- 
 
1861.] GEN. JAMES 8. WADSWORTH. 153 
 
 tomac, and embracing the high ridge which includes in 
 its general course Hall s, Upton s, Munson s and Mason s 
 hills, on the second of which hills we found General 
 Wadsworth s brigade, at nine o clock in the evening. 
 
 Officers and men were glad to hear the command 
 "halt ! " for the march had been a long and fatiguing 
 one, and they were tired, hungry and thirsty. Not one 
 of us knew anything about the commander into whose 
 hands we had just fallen, and the locality was a perfect 
 terra incognita to all of us. We knew we had reached 
 our destination, because we were halted by a guard 
 drawn up across the road in front of us, and an officer 
 directed us to file to the left, into an open field, and 
 bivouac. We marched into the field, and went to work 
 in the darkness, to make ourselves as comfortable as pos 
 sible, but the command was by no means in an amia 
 ble mood. Each officer and man knew we had marched 
 fifteen miles to reach a point less than eight from our 
 starting place, and that there were two routes no more 
 than half as far as the one we had been required to take, 
 and the consequence was we had arrived at our destina 
 tion too late to cook coffee or make any arrangements 
 for a comfortable night s rest. 
 
 But this feeling underwent a very sudden and unex 
 pected change. Lanterns were seen approaching from 
 what appeared to be a house, a few hundred feet west 
 of us, and a kind, cheery voice called out, u Twentieth, 
 where are you ?" The interlocutor was Brigadier- Gen 
 eral James S. Wadsworth, who captured the affections 
 of the entire command by his evident anxiety for their 
 comfort and by the practical way in which he mani 
 fested it. He had the men supplied with fuel, and the 
 whole regiment was furnished with an abundance of 
 splendid hot coffee, which he had had prepared for it as 
 soon as its approach was announced at his headquarters. 
 He did not turn this good work over to some of subor 
 dinate officers and get back into his comfortable house, 
 
154 THE "ULSTER GUARD." [1861. 
 
 out of the chill November air, but he personally super 
 intended it, and left only when he was assured the 
 men were properly provided for ; many a poor fellow 
 went to sleep that night blessing General Wadsworth, 
 and congratulating himself that his regiment had been 
 assigned to his brigade. 
 
 This example of consideration for the men over 
 whom he was placed was by no means exceptional. 
 He was the commander not only, but he was also the 
 watchful friend of the officers and men in his brigade. 
 There was no matter too trivial for his ready personal 
 attention, if it concerned the health or comfort of his 
 men. The guard-house, the kitchens, the sinks, the 
 stables ; all were frequently subjected to his inspection 
 and required to be kept in the cleanest and best possi 
 ble condition. The writer of this has been aroused by 
 General Wadsworth at four o clock of a winter s morn 
 ing, and requested to accompany him in a tour of the 
 camp, to see if the men s huts were properly warmed 
 and ventilated, and many a soldier of the Twentieth was 
 surprised, on being awakened in the short hours of the 
 morning, at seeing his gray -headed Brigade-Comman 
 der and his Lieutenant-Colonel inspecting his stove and 
 chimney and sniffing the air of his hut, as though they 
 suspected he had the choicest stores of the commissary 
 and quartermaster s departments hidden away in the 
 capacious recesses of his eight by ten palace. General 
 Wadsworth would stand in the snow and mud 
 for hours at a time, instructing the men how to build 
 rude fireplaces and chimneys, and he was especially 
 exacting in regard to the stables. He was a lover of 
 good horses, and he believed the brute deserved a good 
 dwelling-place, and that he should be well fed and 
 kindly treated. 
 
 General Wadsworth was a graduate of Yale College, 
 and was distinguished for his scholarly attainments. He 
 entered upon the study of law, and completed his legal 
 
1861.] GENEKAL WAD8WORTH. 155 
 
 course under the supervision of Daniel Webster, and, 
 in 1833, was admitted to the bar, but he never entered 
 upon the practice of the profession, and probably had 
 never intended to. His vast landed estates in Western 
 New York gave him an occupation more congenial to 
 his tastes. He brought to the pursuit of agriculture a 
 mind stored with all the knowledge that is required for 
 a successful career as a farmer in the highest and best 
 acceptation of the term. Agriculture with him was a 
 science, and conducted as such he found both pleasure 
 and profit in the pursuit. He was distinguished for his 
 liberality, and the tenants on his broad acres found 
 him a most generous and considerate landlord. When 
 ever great calamities befel people anywhere, James S. 
 Wadsworth was among the earliest and most liberal 
 benefactors. He furnished a ship-load of food at his 
 own expense, and sent it to Ireland in the days of the 
 great famine there. 
 
 He was a Republican in politics, and had been twice 
 tendered the nomination for Governor of his State, but 
 declined to be a candidate. When the Rebellion broke 
 out, General Wadsworth, then being in private life, 
 chartered two ships, and freighting them with provisions 
 sailed to Annapolis, Md., to provide for the militia, then 
 hurrying forward to the Capital. He forsaw that the 
 Government was unprepared to meet this want, and 
 his ever-active sympathy for his kind suggested the 
 possibility of suffering among the men who were hurry 
 ing to the front, and the next thing for General Wads- 
 worth to do was to provide, at his own expense, against 
 the threatened danger. 
 
 When the army advanced, in June, 1861, Wads- 
 worth, then being fifty-four years of age, volunteered 
 upon the staff of General McDowell. His chief says of 
 him : The latter, who does me the honor to be on my 
 personal staff, had a horse shot from under him, in the 
 thickest of the fight." He had heretofore declined a 
 
156 THE "ULSTER GUARD." |1861. 
 
 commission, but he now accepted the appointment of 
 Brigadier- General of volunteers, and was assigned to 
 command of the brigade lying at Upton s Hill. We 
 shall have occasion to speak of him hereafter, as our 
 history progresses. 
 
CHAPTER X. 
 
 UPTON S HILL AND ITS SURROUNDINGS FALL S CHURCH AND ITS INTER 
 ESTING ASSOCIATIONS WASHINGTON, LEE, FAIRFAX-A MEMORIAL TAB- 
 LET THE GRAVEYARD BECOMES THE RESTING-PLACE OF SOME MEM- 
 HE RS OF THE TWENTIETH THOUGHTS SUGGESTED BY AN OLD CHURCH 
 KDIFICE A REGIMENTAL SCRUBBING PARTY MAGNIFICENT WEATHER 
 LOCALITY IN POSSESSION OF REBELS THEY FALL BACK BEFO RE- 
 FEDERALS BARRICADED ROADS REBEL POSITION DURING AUTUMN A1?I> 
 WINTER OF 1861-2 HOW THE REGIMENT WAS EMPLOYED MURDER. 
 ALONG THE PICKET LINE "THE PICKET GUARD" FORAGING CAP 
 TURE OF A PARTY DIVISION DRILL AND AN ALARM FROM THE FRONT 
 THE TWENTIETH SENT FORWARD GRAND REVIEWS ARE WE NOW 
 TO MARCH STILL STATIONARY DEATHS WADSWORTIl S BRIGADE 
 QUEER NEW YEAR S CELEBRATION A DINNER PARTY NEW GUNS A 
 FLAG OF TRUCE AND WHAT WAS SAID OF IT HANGING AS A CURE FOR 
 TREASON ALARM ON THE PICKET LINE WELCOME VISITORS A riWORD 
 PRESENTATION HALLELUJAH ! THE ARMY MOVES MUSIC AND BAN 
 NERS AND MARCHING TROOPS CENTREVILLE AND WOODEN GUNS. 
 
 THERE are two rugged ascents between the Potomac 
 and the crown of Upton s Hill. The first occurs immedi 
 ately after crossing the river, and is short but steep ; 
 then, having ascended it, a broad plain stretches out to 
 ward the west, four or five miles, broken here and there 
 by gentle undulations, until it reaches the range of 
 hills heretofore spoken of. The general course of this 
 range is north and south, but Upton s Hill is thrown 
 considerably to the front of Hall s and is slightly in ad 
 vance of Munson s ; Hall s is northeast of Upton s, and 
 Munson s is about south. Between these hills the coun 
 try falls to nearly the level of the plain above the Poto 
 mac, but the intervals are narrow, and a cannon posted 
 on Upton s could send a shot to the summit of either of 
 its neighbors. From the top of Munson s Hill the dome 
 of the Capitol may be seen, and from this "coign of 
 vantage" the rebels unfurled their flag after the first 
 
 157 
 
158 UPTON S HILL AND SURROUNDINGS. [1861. 
 
 Battle of Bull Run, and thousands gazed upon the dis 
 loyal emblem from the Capitol dome, and many trembled 
 lest it should be borne into the very streets of Wash 
 ington. 
 
 Along the westerly rim of Upton s Hill was a fresh 
 ly constructed earth-work, called Fort Upton. It was 
 a substantial cover for men and guns in case of an 
 attack, and was one of that class of works which the 
 experience of the war proved to be the best that could 
 be constructed. The work itself was protected by a 
 line of well-set abattis, very difficult for an assaulting 
 party to pass, and between that and the fort was a wide 
 and deep moat. Within the work a few guns were 
 mounted, to sweep the approaches from the direction of 
 Fairfax or Vienna. General Wadsworth s headquar 
 ters were in the Upton mansion, just behind the fort, 
 and the encampment of the Twentieth extended to 
 within a few feet of the base of the fort and the gener 
 al s house. Three miles in our rear, toward Washing 
 ton, was " Ball s X Roads, " and about an equal dis 
 tance to the south, towards Alexandria, was the more 
 celebrated "Bailey s X Roads " Alexandria itself 
 lying live miles farther to the southward. 
 
 The rebels had occupied the entire country above 
 mentioned soon after the first battle of Bull Run, and 
 continued to hold it until the latter part of September, 
 1861. They had had a battery planted on Upton s Hill, 
 and had undisputed possession of the surrounding coun 
 try. When the Union troops began to advance, the 
 rebels gradually fell back, without fighting, but they 
 burned some of the houses in the neighborhood upon 
 suspicion that their owners were Union men. 
 
 As the rebels retired, they effectually barricaded the 
 roads leading to Fairfax Court House, which there 
 after became their advanced post, with their picket line 
 along the woods on the westerly side of the ridge here 
 tofore mentioned, some two miles beyond Fall s Church. 
 
1861.] FALL S CHURCH AXD ITS ASSOCIATIONS. 159 
 
 Fairfax C. H. was but eight miles from Pall s Church, 
 and Vienna, where the enemy had a strong force posted, 
 was only six miles northwest of Upton s Hill. The reb 
 el picket line extended from the Potomac river, two 
 miles above the Great Falls, in a due south course, 
 to the Occuquan river, which empties into the Potomac, 
 at High Point, ten miles below Mount Vernon. A refer 
 ence to the map of Virginia will show that this line in 
 tersected every road leading from Washington or Alex 
 andria into Virginia, and that no advance could be 
 made by the Union troops, occupying the cut de sac, 
 formed by the bend of the Potomac, without striking 
 this picket line within ten miles of Washington. 
 
 Three miles in front of Upton s Hill is a continuous 
 and uniform ridge, of about the height of Upton s Hill, 
 running nearly north and south, wooded on the easterly 
 side, and which constituted, during the fall and winter 
 of 1861-2, the picket ground of the Union army. 
 
 Nestling among trees and shrubbery, in the plain be 
 tween Upton s Hill and the ridge beyond, is the little 
 hamlet of Fall s Church, the only thing of interest 
 about which is the Protestant Episcopal Church ; and 
 not simply because it is a church, but because it is evi 
 dently a very ancient one ; and the sexton told us 
 George Washington used sometimes to worship there, 
 and pointed out the pew which belonged to him. 
 
 The village contained one tavern, three churches 
 (Baptist, Presbyterian and Episcopalian), two black 
 smiths , one carriage and one paint shop, two stores, 
 one grocery, and about twenty dwelling houses. The 
 place derived its name from the Episcopal church, 
 which is built of bricks imported from England, and is 
 said to have been erected in 1760. It is a plain, square 
 building, with two tiers of windows on each side ; the 
 upper ones surmounted by semi-circular fan lights. It 
 had doubtless been designed to construct a gallery, but 
 the wants of the community have never required it, 
 
Ig0 MEMORIAL TABLET. [1861. 
 
 and the effect of this arrangement of windows is rather 
 grotesque. The chancel is slightly raised above the 
 main floor, at the east end of the building, and is sur 
 rounded by a modest railing. The rector s desk is a 
 very plain inclosure, and the entire structure is in 
 primitive simplicity. In one of the walls are three 
 tablets, one containing the Creed, one the Lord s 
 Prayer, and the other the Ten Commandments. At the 
 right of the desk is another tablet, erected to the 
 memory of one of the patrons of the church, and bear 
 ing this inscription : 
 
 " HENRY FAIRFAX, 
 
 AN ACCOMPLISHED GENTLEMAN AN UPRIGHT MAGISTRATE A SINCERE 
 
 CHRISTIAN. 
 
 DIED IN COMMAND OF THE 
 FAIRFAX VOLUNTEERS, 
 
 AT SALTILLO, MEXICO. 
 ON THE 14TH DAY OF AUGUST, 1847. 
 
 But for his munificence this church might still have been a ruin. " 
 
 There is, to the minds of most people, a sanctity about 
 an ancient church edifice that begets a feeling of vener 
 ation and respect, which involuntarily induces them to 
 tread lightly on its time-worn floor, and treat with rev 
 erence its venerable shrine. For a hundred years de 
 vout men and women have gathered within its mouldy 
 walls, as Sunday after Sunday have dawned upon their 
 quiet hamlet, and offered up to the Christian s God, 
 the prayers and thanksgiving of a God-fearing people. 
 Here have the marriages of their children, for genera 
 tions, been solemnized, by the beautiful form of the 
 Protestant Episcopal Church ; here have the infants 
 been baptized ; and here have been pronounced the 
 solemn services of the Church over the hundreds of 
 forms now mouldering in the adjacent graveyard. In 
 fancy, youth, maturity, old age marriage, life, death 
 the highest joys and the keenest griefs, have been 
 
1861.] THE GKAVEYARD. 161 
 
 experienced within the walls of this old edifice. 
 It is the treasury of a thousand precious recollections. 
 It is the gate-way through which men and women for 
 ages have first approached the mercy-seat and learned 
 the way to life everlasting. And when added to these 
 associations, which are common to every old church, 
 was the additional circumstance, that " The Father of 
 his Country" had worshipped here a hundred years 
 ago, the quaint and moss-grown edifice was very pre 
 cious in the esteem of most of us. But some of our 
 men, not having their feelings touched by such con 
 siderations, and probably ignorant of the history of the 
 old building, defaced its walls by writing their names 
 and company and regiment upon them, while doing 
 picket duty in the vicinity. It \*as evidently not done 
 with a bad motive, or a design to commit an act of 
 desecration, else they would not have furnished evi 
 dence to convict themselves, as they did, by writing 
 their own names. The colonel soon learned what had 
 been done, and he ordered the guilty parties to provide 
 themselves with scrubbing brushes, and soap and 
 water, and to repair to the church and expunge the 
 evidences of their ability to write. They did it effectu 
 ally and neatly, and when the Twentieth bade farewell 
 to Upton s Hill, the old church looked as solemn and 
 decorous as it had any time during the last hundred 
 years. May it survive until the trumpet of the arch 
 angel shall arouse the sleepers who repose in the ground 
 around its foundations ! 
 
 In the adjacent graveyard were the graves of nine 
 teen rebel soldiers, killed in sundry skirmishes here 
 about. To these were added many graves of Union 
 soldiers, during the time the army occupied that neigh 
 borhood. The Twentieth made its first interment there 
 on the 9th of December, 1861, the deceased being pri 
 vate William Cator, of G Company. He was not more 
 than 19 years old, and came from Roxbury, Delaware 
 
162 MURDER ON THE PICKET LINE. [1861. 
 
 County, N. Y., where his father, a man of respectability 
 and in easy circumstances, resides. Young Gator s dis 
 ease was rapid consumption, which skill of physician 
 or nursing of sympathetic friends could not stay. He 
 was buried with military honors, most of the officers 
 -attending the ceremony. 
 
 From the time of our arrival at Upton s Hill down 
 to the last day of December, the weather was magnifi 
 cent ; days of clear, bright sunshine and nights of 
 star-lit glory ; an atmosphere as soft and balmy as 
 the month of May, in the latitude of the Hudson, with 
 just enough of autumn in it to give the blood a gentle 
 acceleration, and to make brisk exercise a pleasure. At 
 any time, down to the end of December, it was a luxury 
 to mount without overcoat, and canter ten miles over 
 the dry, hard roads, that seemed to invite a movement 
 of the army. 
 
 Company, battalion and brigade drills were frequent 
 and thorough, and occupied most of the time of officers 
 and men, except when on picket duty. General Wads- 
 worth was required to picket about three miles of the 
 line in front of Fall s Church, and this duty was done 
 alternately by the different regiments of his brigade ; 
 each regiment marching with two days cooked rations, 
 and staying out forty-eight hours, or until relieved. 
 Alarms were frequent on the picket line, and shots 
 were often exchanged between the Rebel and Union 
 pickets. The picket line is not intended as a line 
 of battle, but only as an alarm line in case of an ad 
 vance of the enemy, and to administer, if necessary, 
 a temporary check to such advance, but during the 
 early months of the war hundreds of Union soldiers 
 were murdered on the picket line. The burden of the 
 newspaper report, day after day, was, All quiet along 
 the Potomac," and this was but too true as to the army, 
 but it was bitterly false as to the picket line. To how 
 many sad households and to how many old veterans 
 
1861.] THE PICKET GUARD. 163 
 
 will the following poem recall incidents at " the front," 
 and blighted domestic joys at the home far away, in the 
 rear: 
 
 THE PICKET GUARD. 
 
 " All quiet along the Potomac," they say, 
 
 Except now and then a stray picket 
 Is shot as he walks on his beat, to and fro, 
 
 By a rifleman hid in the thicket. 
 Tis nothing; a private or two now and then 
 
 "Will not count in the news of the battle. 1 
 Not an officer lost only one of the men 
 
 Moaning out, all alone, the death-rattle. 
 
 All quiet along the Potomac to-night 
 
 Where the soldiers lie peacefully dreaming, 
 Their tents in the rays of the clear autumn moon, 
 
 Or the light of the watch-fires are gleaming. 
 A tremulous sigh, as the gentle night wind 
 
 Through the forest-leaves softly is creeping. 
 While stars up above with their glittering eyes 
 
 Keep guard for the army is sleeping. 
 
 There s only the sound of the lone sentry s tread, 
 
 As he tramps from the rock to the fountain, 
 And thinks of the two in the low trundle-bed 
 
 Far away in the cot on the mountain. 
 His musket falls slack, his face, dark and grim, 
 
 Grows gentle with memories tender, 
 As he mutters a prayer for the children asleep 
 
 For their mother may Heaven defend her! 
 
 The moon seems to shine just as bright as then, 
 
 That night when the love yet unspoken 
 Leaped up to his lips, when low murmured vows 
 
 Were pledged to be ever unbroken. 
 Then, drawing his sleeve roughly over his eyes, 
 
 He dashes off tears that are welling, 
 And gathers his gun closer up to its place, 
 
 As if to keep down the heart swelling. 
 
 He passes the fountain, the blasted pine tree, 
 
 His footstep is lagging and weary, 
 Yet onward he goes through the broad belt of light 
 
 Towards the shades of the forest so dreary. 
 Hark! was it the night-wind that rustled the leaves? 
 
 Was it moonlight so w r ondrously flashing? 
 It looked like a rifle " Ah! darling, good-bye! 
 
 And the life-blood is ebbing and plashing. 
 
 All quiet along the Potomac to-night. 
 
 No sound save the rush of the river, 
 While soft falls the dew on the face of the dead 
 
 The picket s off duty forever 
 
164 ALARM FROM THE FRONT. [1861, 
 
 General Wadsworth was very restless under the in 
 action of the army, and occasionally obtained consent 
 from headquarters to send out a foraging party through 
 the enemy s lines. One such party, commanded by the 
 general in person, and embracing the bulk of his brig 
 ade, with about thirty army wagons, proceeded at day 
 break to the vicinity of Vienna, and there entering fields 
 where the corn had just been cut, and in full view of 
 the rebel post at Vienna, proceeded to load our wagons 
 and march away with the valuable prize, without moles 
 tation. 
 
 But sometimes the rebels gave us a Roland for our 
 Oliver. In the latter part of November, a detachment of 
 fifty men from the 30th N. Y. V., (not in Wadsworth s 
 brigade) lying near us, went out on a foraging expedi 
 tion, and after loading their wagons, stacked their arms, 
 and entered the house of a Mr. Dulin, to enjoy one 
 u square meal." While engaged in this novel and de 
 lightful occupation, a body of rebel cavalry swept down 
 upon them, and gobbled up twenty-eight of their num 
 ber, including Captain Lanriing, of Troy, and Lieuten 
 ant Andrews, of Saratoga Springs. These gentlemen 
 had a very practical application of the trite proverb, 
 that "eternal vigilance is the price of liberty," es 
 pecially while foraging in the enemy s country. 
 
 Before we had fairly recovered from the exciting 
 effects of this untoward event, another and a still more 
 agitating episode threw the whole division into commo 
 tion. The division was on drill on the plain, south of 
 Munson s Hill, General McDowell being in command, 
 when a report came to him that the pickets of the Four 
 teenth Brooklyn had been driven in and many of the 
 regiment killed and wounded that the enemy was in 
 large force and threatening the Union works. General 
 McDowell at once ordered several regiments, the Twen 
 tieth among the number, to proceed with all dispatch to 
 the point of attack, which was a short distance west of 
 
ARE WE NOW TO MARCH? 165 
 
 Fall s Church. Before the re-enforcements could reach 
 the ground, the danger had passed, by the withdrawal 
 of the enemy, whose forces consisted of cavalry, and 
 the pursuit of which by infantry would have been use 
 less. The casualties to the Fourteenth proved much 
 less serious than they were at lirst reported to be. 
 Their loss was two men killed and ten taken prisoners. 
 
 On the fourteenth of December, General McDowell 
 accompanied by Governor Morgan, of New York, re 
 viewed his division on the plain near Ball s Cross Roads. 
 The troops looked well and the marching was admir 
 able. Both General and Governor complimented them 
 on their appearance and marching. 
 
 But the great review of the war, excepting the final 
 march of the armies past the White House, at the end 
 of the rebellion, was that held by General McClellan, on 
 the broad plain in front of Bailey s Cross Roads, on the 
 20th of November. The General was accompanied by 
 the President and Secretaries Seward and Cameron, and 
 other distinguished civilians, and a staff as numerous as 
 a squadron of cavalry, and glittering in gold. Sixty 
 thousand infantry, eight thousand cavalry, and onehun 
 dred and eighty-six pieces of artillery, each piece drawn 
 by six horses, with one hundred and eighty-six caissons 
 similarly furnished, and the artillerists necessary to this 
 number of guns, made a pageant surpassing in grandeur 
 anything ever before seen on this continent. 
 
 Now, surely, said the tens of thousands of civilians 
 who witnessed this superb display of the most superb 
 army the age had produced now, surely, there will be a 
 forward movement and the enemy must fly or be over 
 whelmed. This is the final gala-day parade, and hence 
 forth the march of the army is toward the enemy. His 
 bold troopers shall no longer come with impunity, with 
 in an hour s ride of the Capital of the nation ; his bat 
 teries shall no longer blockade the great river that leads 
 from the Capital to the sea. The army is ready ; the 
 
166 GEN. WADSWORTH S BRIGADE. [1861, 
 
 weather was made for a campaign and the roads are as 
 dry and hard as a Roman causeway Forward, Grand 
 Army of the Potomac ! 
 
 No events of importance transpired to disturb the 
 serenity of the Twentieth for the next three months and 
 a half. Drill and picket duty picket duty and drill. 
 It was a very dull and monotonous existence. 
 
 Up to the middle of December the Twentieth had 
 buried three more comrades in Fall s Church grave 
 yard ; Jacob H. Fox, who hailed from Philadelphia, and 
 who had been in three months service with us ; he be 
 longed to Company G ; Abraham C. Hinckley, of Mar- 
 garetsville, Delaware County, member of Company I ; 
 Smith McCoun, of Hunter, Greene County. All three 
 were good soldiers, and the two latter left families. The 
 sick-list became very large throughout the army, and the 
 probability is that we lost as many men by sickness, 
 the result of camp life, as we would have lost by the 
 casualties of a general engagement, with the enemy sup 
 posed to be in front of us. Later in the month Ananias 
 Hyatt, of Olive County, a member of I Company, died 
 and was laid besides his dead comrades in Fall s Church 
 graveyard, and on the 24th of December, Cornelius 
 Hunt, a private of B Company died, and was sent to 
 his friends at Kingston, N. Y. 
 
 General Wadsworth s brigade consisted of four regi 
 ments of infantry, namely : The Twentieth New York 
 State Militia, Colonel George W. Pratt command 
 ing ; The Twenty-first New York Volunteers, Colonel 
 Rogers, of Buffalo (a splendid officer), commanding ; 
 The Twenty-third New York Volunteers, Colonel Hoff 
 man, of , commanding, and the 
 Thirty-fifth New York Volunteers, Colonel Lord, 
 of , commanding. The Twenty-first 
 Regiment had one of the finest bands in the army, and 
 its camp was so near ours that we got the benefit of its- 
 music as fully as though it were our own band. This 
 
1861.] A FLAG OF TRUCE. 167 
 
 regiment introduced a novel feature into the celebration 
 of New Year s day. The officers all abdicated for the 
 day, and the men elected their successors, from colonel 
 down. Corporal Colton, of Buffalo, was chosen colonel 
 pro tempore. His first act of authority was to place the 
 line officers on guard around the camp. At dress pa 
 rade, which was commanded by the corporal-colonel 
 (and well commanded too), Colonel Rogers and his 
 field and staff officers were in the ranks, doing duty 
 as privates. 
 
 Wednesday evening, January eighth, the head-quar 
 ter mess of the Twentieth gave a dinner to General 
 Wadsworth, Colonel Rogers, and a few other officers, 
 which was a very enjoyable affair. 
 
 On the sixteenth of January the men had the pleas 
 ure of exchanging their old-fashioned arms for Austrian 
 rilled muskets, and they were very proud of their new 
 weapons. It was found that they were much more ac 
 curate in firing than the discarded pieces were, and the 
 men took great pleasure in practicing the firings, and, 
 as a regiment, became very good marksmen. 
 
 On the second of February, while the Twentieth was 
 on picket, a solitary horseman (like one of James ) was 
 seen approaching the line from the enemy s side, wav 
 ing a white flag. The peaceful emblem was recognized, 
 and the bearer allowed to approach. He proved to be 
 Lieutenant-Colonel Harrison, of the Second Va. Caval 
 ry, and the bearer of a sealed communication to General 
 McClellan from General Johnson, which he desired to 
 present in person. He was kept outside the picket line 
 until General McClellan could be heard from, and then 
 an officer of General McDowell s staff, specially de 
 tailed therefor, received the communication and con 
 veyed it to General McClellan ; Colonel Harrison, mean 
 time, being excluded from our lines, but remaining at a 
 house a few hundred yards in front, under cover of his 
 fiag, for several days, until a reply was received. It was 
 
168 WELCOME VISITORS. [1862. 
 
 said that a Cabinet Council was convened to consider the 
 matter contained in the fiag-of-truce letter ; how that 
 may have been I do not know, but certain it is, that 
 Colonel Harrison had to wait several days for a reply. 
 The Washington correspondent of the New Yorlc Her 
 ald wrote to his paper that the flag-of -truce letter was 
 from Jeff. Davis himself, and that it announced to Mr. 
 Lincoln the resolve of the Confederate authorities to ex 
 ecute Colonels Lee, Corcoran, Wilcox and other Federal 
 prisoners, then in the hands of the rebels, if the Federal 
 Government allowed certain rebel bridge-burners to 
 be hung, as was likely to happen, under orders of Gen 
 eral Halleck. The Washington Star said this was the 
 real subject of the communication. Well, the hangings 
 did not take place on either side. Our Government 
 seemed to be of Greeley s opinion, that the worst use 
 you can put a man to is to hang him. Yet, we some 
 times find men to whom nothing else in life seems so be 
 coming as this mode of ending it. The war developed 
 many such characters ; and, writing now, fourteen years 
 after its close, and while an extra session of Congress is 
 sweltering under the rays of a June sun, I feel con 
 strained to say that a few hempen lessons, designed to 
 make treason " odious," would have been beneficial to 
 the tone of public sentiment in some parts of our be 
 loved country. 
 
 At midnight on the third of February, a lively fu- 
 silade broke out along the picket line, in front of Du- 
 lan s, where a portion of I Company was stationed, and 
 the reserves were ordered up, but the attack died out, 
 as so many others had, without any other consequences 
 than a little extra excitement, and the waste of a few 
 rounds of ammunition. 
 
 During the latter part of January arid the beginning 
 of February, our camp was enlivened and honored by 
 the visits of sundry friends from Kingston ; among them 
 were Mrs. Gates, wife of the Lieutenant-Colonel, Mr. 
 
1862.] HALLELUJAH! THE ARMY MOVES. 169 
 
 Elijah Dubois and wife, and Mr. and Mrs. William B. 
 Fitch. Mrs. George W. Pratt visited Washington 
 about the same time, but in consequence of the badness 
 of the roads did not get over to the regiment. 
 
 A very pleasant episode occurred about this time, it 
 being the presentation of a sword to Captain Van Rens- 
 selaer, of B Co., by his command. It was an entire 
 surprise to the captain, and he was quite overcome by 
 this merited but unexpected testimonial of the esteem 
 in which he was held by his company. The surprise, 
 added to the captain s well-known modesty, rendered 
 him almost speechless, and it was some time before he 
 could command words in which to express his emo 
 tion. 
 
 HALLELUJAH ! The army is in motion ! A thousand 
 bands peal out their joyous notes upon the resonant air, 
 this glorious March morning. Ten thousand starry ban 
 ners reflect the light of the early morning sun. A hun 
 dred thousand men, armed in the cause of justice, good 
 government, humanity, have turned their faces toward 
 the west, and are moving upon the rebel stronghold of 
 Manassas. A thousand cannon glitter in their untarnish 
 ed brilliancy. Ten thousand horsemen clatter over roads 
 and fields, ready to try their maiden sabres upon the 
 boastful Southern cavalry. The army is launched at 
 last upon its terrible mission. Is it to be like a thunder 
 bolt in the grasp of Jove, or a mighty engine in a hand 
 too puny for so great a charge \ 
 
 The sun of Austerlitz was not more gloriously beau 
 tiful than the unobscured orb of day which greeted the 
 thousand banners of the Union army, as they expanded 
 in the early morning light. 
 
 Here the eye might rest for miles upon a line of 
 marching troops, whose neat uniforms and burnished 
 arms whose steady step and well-closed files denoted 
 the thoroughly drilled and self-reliant soldier ; while 
 above their ranks, the flag we love. " As it catches the 
 
170 MUSIC AND BANNERS. [1862. 
 
 gleam of the morning s first beam," floats out on 
 the breeze, filling the air with pictures of rarest beauty. 
 
 There again, in the distance, winds another and still 
 another column, of which you get but now and then a 
 glimpse. Sometimes their banners only can be seen 
 moving through the air, as though we were supported 
 on the right hand and on the left by an invisible host 
 arrayed under the ensign of freedom. 
 
 Have you ever seen your country s flag thrown out 
 against the sky, with only the blue ether for a back 
 ground ? Pencil or painter never wrought so beautiful 
 a picture ! Oh, how your heart has thrilled with patri 
 otic pride as you watched its graceful dalliance with 
 the winds of heaven, and thought how, on every sea, 
 in every port where commerce finds its way ; wherever 
 civilization has made a home, and human freedom has 
 an aspiration, that ensign is welcomed and beloved. 
 
 Have you ever seen that flag wreathed with the 
 smoke of battle? Oh, then, what sublime eloquence 
 glows in every star and speaks in every stripe ! It in 
 vokes you by all the memories of the past to maintain 
 the heritage its thirteen colonies bequeathed to you, 
 through sufferings unspeakable. Its constellation of 
 States tells of your wonderful growth as a nation, and 
 your glorious destiny as a people ; while through the 
 sulphurous clouds shine out, as though written by the 
 finger of Omnipotence, " In this symbol is the world s 
 last best hope of civil and religious liberty!" Thus, 
 onward moves the army of the Potomac, followed by 
 the nation s hopes and prayers. Annandale and Pair- 
 fax Court House are passed. The rifle-pits and breast 
 works around the latter place are the first exhibitions 
 we have of the digging propensity of the enemy. But 
 he does not stay to defend his lines. Our advanced 
 guard follows close upon the heels of his retiring out 
 posts, until the Heights of Centreville rise before us, 
 and we find its elaborate fortifications bristling with 
 icooden guns ! 
 
CHAPTER XL 
 
 CENTREVILLE AND ITS SURROUNDINGS MCCLELLAN AND MCDOWELL VISIT 
 BULL RUN BATTLE FIELD SCENES ALONG THE WAY REBEL HUTS 
 BEAUREGARD S DESSERT PLAINS OF MANASSAS THE JUNCTION WHAT 
 WE SAW THERE UNIVERSAL DESTRUCTION QUO ANIMO THE LEGEND 
 IN A HUT BURNING BRIDGES THE WICKED FLEE WHEN NO MAN 
 PURSUETH ON THE FIELD SIGNS OF THE BATTLE THE GENERALS 
 UK AW REIN THEIR APPEARANCE THEIR REVERSED POSITIONS 
 MCDOWELL S STORY OF THE FIGHT MCCLELLAN AS AN AUDITOR AP 
 PRECIATIVE, PERHAPS, BUT NOT SYMPATHETIC PAINFUL POSITION FOR 
 MCDOWELL AS TRUE AS THE NEEDLE TO THE POLE HOW MERIT 
 MAY SOMETIMES SUFFER IS RECOGNIZED AT LAST MCDOWELL ON 
 HIS MEN HIS IDEA OF DISCIPLINE CONSEQUENCES OF ITS ABSENCE. 
 
 THE day after the army drew up before Centreville, 
 Generals McClellan and McDowell, with their staffs and 
 two thousand cavalry as an escort, and a number of 
 field and staff officers anxious to see the famous field 
 of Bull Run, where General McDowell had been defeat 
 ed eight months before, set out for Manassas Junction, 
 seven miles to the westward. 
 
 From the heights of Centreville the view south and 
 east is almost unlimited, while to the northward it is 
 bounded by the Bull Run mountains, which seem to lift 
 their rugged peaks into the bending heavens in the 
 dim and hazy distance. Westward, and enveloping 
 Manassas Junction, dense forests mask the country 
 lying beyond, and over which the rebel army had re 
 cently retreated. 
 
 Centreville is a hamlet of a half dozen houses, plant 
 ed upon the most southerly of a succession of bold 
 ridges, which roll and swell, in ever-increasing propor 
 tions, until they are dwarfed and lost in the majestic 
 range that meets the horizon in the north. 
 
 The sky was cloudless, and the day was warm and 
 balmy as a day in May. The cavalcade that clattered 
 
 171 
 
172 McCLELLAN AND M C DOWELL VISIT BULL RUN. [1862. 
 
 down the Centreville road towards Bull Run, at noon, 
 was such as never before, or since, awoke the echoes of 
 that lonely way. General McClellan was followed by a 
 numerous staff, embracing, as it did, the officers regu 
 larly assigned to him, not only, but also many volun 
 teer staff officers native and foreign among the latter 
 of whom was the Prince de Joinville, who sought to 
 learn the art of war, or prepare to write its history, by 
 actual experience in the field. General McDowell had 
 a less numerous staff, but mingled with the members of 
 it were many officers of the army, desirous of availing 
 themselves of the opportunity to visit the scene of the 
 first great battle of the war. All were richly uniformed 
 and superbly mounted. Add to these an escort of two 
 thousand fine cavalry, and a grander pageant is seldom 
 seen. 
 
 Taking the road leading southerly from Centre- 
 ville, our course led us to Bull Run, at Blackburn s Ford, 
 three miles away. For most of this distance, on the 
 left side of the road, the ground was covered with huts, 
 tents and forts, which a few hours before were occupied 
 by rebel troops, but now no living creature moved 
 within them no sign of life within their walls no cu 
 rious faces gazing from their doors or windows, as the 
 glittering cavalcade swept by, with bugle notes and 
 cheerful voices floating away on the soft spring winds. 
 
 These huts or cabins were constructed by rebel sol 
 diers and were very comfortable tenements. They were 
 made of logs, nicely fitted at the corners, and the inter 
 stices stopped with clay. The roofs were of boards or 
 shingles, and the more pretentious huts were floored, 
 and furnished with windows. The Bull Run battle 
 field, west of the river, was covered with huts of this 
 description, composing, in fact, a city, capable of 
 housing a population estimated at 50,000 to 70,000 in 
 habitants. These houses were arranged in regular 
 blocks or rows, with walks or streets between, and with 
 
1862.] SCENES ALONG THE WAY. 173 
 
 bunks for the accommodation of from three to five 
 men each. We were constrained to confess that the 
 rebels had beaten us in the matter of hut-building. 
 
 A mile or two to the right of the road we were pur 
 suing, was observed an immense flock of vultures hover 
 ing in the air, alarmed, apparently, by the bugle blasts, 
 and the roar of our fast-riding column. Beneath them 
 had been a camp of rebel cavalry, and the carcasses of 
 near two hundred horses offered a bounteous banquet 
 to these foul birds. 
 
 Most of the details above given were learned by sub 
 sequent inspection of the country. Now we could only 
 note exterior things. Sweeping on down the road we 
 pass the stone cottage, which became a hospital after 
 McDowell s defeat ; pass the point where his army was 
 encamped on the 20th of July, and reach Blackburn s 
 Ford at Bull Run, where Richardson s column encoun 
 tered the enemy on the 18th of July. Near by, but on 
 the rebel side of the then battle-field, stands the 
 " Butler House," wherein General Beauregard was 
 taking his dinner when Lieutenant Babbitt, of Tyler s 
 Artillery, sent a shell through the building, and so near 
 the head of the Confederate chieftian that he abandoned 
 the table without waiting for dessert. A very slight 
 depression of the cannon would have ended the diner 
 with equal abruptness, and at the same time given 
 Beauregard his desert. 
 
 Fording Bull Run, the cavalcade sped on, and soon 
 reached the Plains of Manassas. The country here 
 about is very level. The town or hamlet at the railroad 
 station had no reputation before the war. It is twenty- 
 seven and a-half miles from Alexandria, ma the Orange 
 and Alexandria Railroad, and is the point at which the 
 Manassas Gap Railroad taps the former road, hence, 
 " Manassas Junction ;" it is twenty-eight miles from 
 Washington, as the crow flies. 
 
 As w T e reached the plain and approached the June- 
 
174 THE JUNCTION WHAT WE SAW THERE. [1862. 
 
 tion, signs of the hasty retreat of an army from its 
 winter quarters were visible on every hand. We came 
 upon a large quantity of artillery harness and blankets, 
 and like stores ; yonder to the left stand a multitude of 
 tents, sufficient to accommodate an entire division. To 
 the westward dense clouds of smoke hang over the 
 Junction, and all the way, as we approach it, signs of 
 ruin and desolation multiply. 
 
 Arriving at the Junction, we found a sight simply 
 indescribable. The railroad machine shops, the station 
 houses, the rebel quartermaster and commissary build 
 ings ; every thing, in fact, that could burn had been 
 burned, or was then burning. On the railroad track 
 was a wrecked locomotive, and near it the smouldering 
 remains of a train of freight cars. A little farther on, 
 and alongside the track, were hundreds of barrels of 
 flour, vinegar, molasses, pork and beef, the barrels 
 headless, and their recent contents strewn over the 
 ground. On the right hand and on the left the ground 
 was littered with clothing, cooking utensils, broken 
 guns, and hundreds of formidable dirks. These 
 weapons had blades about ten inches long, and two 
 inches wide at the middle ; both edges were sharpened, 
 and the knife was firmly set in a wooden handle, which 
 with the blade, would weigh three pounds. I brought 
 one of them away, and used it for many years to trim 
 my fruit trees ; it would cut like a razor, and hold its 
 edge under the severest treatment. 
 
 A car, standing on the track, and which had escaped 
 the conflagration, contained a printing press, types, &c., 
 and paper and printers supplies. It had been used for 
 printing military orders and other printing required in 
 an army. 
 
 The questions suggest themselves why did the 
 rebels abandon thousands of dollars worth of canvas 
 tents \ Why destroy such quantities of military stores \ 
 Why should they have wrecked a locomotive and 
 
1862.] THE LEGEND IN A HUT. 175 
 
 burned their cars, when they had but to get up steam 
 and move safely away % Why, if destruction was the 
 order, were the thousands of comfortable huts left 
 intact I 
 
 The retreat of the rebel army began some days be 
 fore McClellan s advance was inaugurated, and was 
 conducted leisurely, and would have so continued, if 
 the enemy had not taken alarm by the appearance of 
 our cavalry, near Manassas, on the evening of the tenth. 
 This apparition surprised the rear-guard, and in the 
 panic which ensued, the torch was applied to the build 
 ings and cars nearest at hand, and havoc was made of 
 whatever could be readily destroyed at the Junction. 
 There was no time to remove or tire the distant tents or 
 the more numerous huts. 
 
 A native of that locality, who had escaped conscrip 
 tion, said that General Joe Johnson gave orders not to 
 destroy anything, as he intended to return very soon. 
 This appears to have been the expectation of an occu 
 pant of one of the huts, who thus expresses his inten 
 tions in a notice left in his quarters : "To the gentle 
 men of the North, the champions of freedom, we 
 abandon these quarters to you, expecting to return in a 
 month or two. Assure yourselves they are not a gift, 
 but merely lent, with the Scriptural injunction, occupy 
 till I come. We feel constrained to burn our wearing 
 apparel, with the exception of what will be found 
 left as legacies our beds and comforts only for fear of 
 acting treasonably, for, by leaving them, we would be 
 giving aid and comfort to the enemy. Look out for an 
 other Manassas when we meet again. Yours, very truly, 
 a retired but not cowed adversary. Crescent Blues, 
 Louisiana Volunteers, for the war." 
 
 So I conclude from all the facts and circumstances 
 that General Johnson, who had succeeded Beauregard 
 in command, designed to remove the portable property, 
 and to leave the buildings for future occupation, when 
 
176 THE GENERALS DRAW REIN. [1862. 
 
 the rebel troops should return, as he believed they 
 would. But his subordinates became panicky when our 
 cavalry was reported to be approaching, and the results 
 above described ensued. 
 
 From Manassas Junction we could trace the lines of 
 retreat over the Manassas Gap, and Orange and Alex 
 andria Railroads, and the contiguous wagon roads, by 
 the columns of smoke ascending from burning bridges. 
 But the pursuit of the flying foe was not the object of 
 this expedition, and after devoting a half hour to an in 
 spection of the devastated Junction, the chieftains turn 
 ed their horses heads to the north ; the bugles sound 
 ed forward, and we were sweeping down upon the field 
 where the first great trial of martial prowess between 
 North and South took place. 
 
 There was much in the circumstances of the occasion 
 to give it a dramatic character. Signs of the fierce 
 conflict soon became visible on every hand. Trees per 
 forated by bullets, and felled by cannon balls and shells, 
 breast -works and rifle-pits, houses (of which there were 
 but four or five) rent by artillery missiles, and here and 
 there long, narrow mounds, indicating the blended rest 
 ing places of thousands of the battle s victims. But no 
 halt was made to note these things ; they were but the 
 common incidents of a field of battle. On thundered 
 the gorgeous cavalcade to the central point in the field ; 
 where, drawing rein near a squalid shanty, then occu 
 pied by a negro family, and from whence the country 
 along the valley of Bull Run, from Sudley s Mills at the 
 north, where Hunter crossed the stream to Blackburn s 
 Ford at the south, was exposed to view, the two generals 
 took a position in front, and a little apart from their 
 staffs, while the escort drew out, as a living wall along 
 the slope some distance in the rear. All eyes were fixed 
 upon the two men sitting upon their magnificent horses 
 in the extreme front ; McClellan to the right, McDowell 
 on his left. Both in the May of manhood. Both hand- 
 
1861.] MCDOWELL S STORY OF THE FIGHT. 177 
 
 some men in face and figure. McDowell the larger of 
 the two, and McClellan s senior by a few years. Both 
 had graduated from West Point, and the art of war had 
 been the study of their earlier years, while now they sat 
 side by side upon a field, where the senior had applied 
 that art in practice, and had been foiled by another 
 graduate of the same school. He was now here to re 
 hearse to his junior in years, but his senior in rank, the 
 story of that fateful July day, when he was driven in 
 disastrous flight from this ill-omened field. Then and 
 thereafter, till this younger man was called from the 
 West, McDowell was chief of the Union troops, west of 
 the Potomac. Now, he was subordinated to the com 
 rade sitting by his side, and had been brought to this 
 scene of his misfortune, to have probed anew the spirit- 
 wounds of eight months ago. 
 
 A few minutes of silence while the eye took in the 
 landscape, and then, in answer to a question from Mc- 
 Clellan, McDowell narrated the prominent events of the 
 day. He seemed to make no attempt at self-vindica 
 tion, but confined himself to a statement of the positions 
 and movements of the troops on each side, and describ 
 ing the ebb and flow of the battle, at different points 
 and times. There, two miles left of us, at Sudley s 
 Mills, Hunter s division crossed at six o clock in the 
 morning of the twenty-first of July. There on a hill 
 near the Henry House was posted Ricketts battery, 
 and just over the swell of ground to the northeast of us, 
 the rebels charged down upon and captured it, together 
 with its wounded commander. There was the division 
 of Tyler, and yonder Heintzelman s. All along the line 
 we were pressing the enemy back, and victory seemed 
 ready to perch upon our banners, when suddenly and 
 unexpectedly to the Union commander, General Joseph 
 Johnson appeared upon the scene with 10,000 fresh 
 troops, which Patterson had suffered to evade him, and 
 which, at a critical moment, swooped down upon the 
 
178 McCLELLAN AS AN AUDITOR. [1862, 
 
 right flank of the exhausted, but until then confident 
 and nearly triumphant Unionists. Beauregard s waver 
 ing line, reanimated by Johnson s shouting legions, 
 rallied for a final effort, and vigorously assailed the 
 Federals in front, while Johnson s men overwhelmed 
 their right, and the wreath of victory was snatched from 
 McDowell s grasp. 
 
 McClellan listened to the narrative of his predeces 
 sor without a word of comment, and at its conclusion 
 turned toward his staff, and saying: "Gentlemen, we 
 will now return to quarters," put spurs to his horse. 
 Again the bugles blared out their signals ; the escort 
 fell into line, and the gay cortege crossed the battle 
 field, forded Bull Run, near the blown-up stone bridge, 
 and from thence by the Warrenton Turnpike, through 
 Centreville, to quarters with the army. 
 
 It is scarcely possible that General McDowell could 
 have gone over the history of these events, under the 
 circumstances in which he was placed, without a sense 
 of painful humiliation ; and that feeling must have been 
 increased by the way in which it was received by 
 General McClellan. Almost any other man, in McClel 
 lan s place, would have sought to mollify this pain by a 
 word of friendly comment here and there, but the super 
 seded general was left to draw his own conclusions as 
 to the views of his successor upon the subject which 
 had been the theme of his painful narrative. 
 
 It was remarked above, that McDowell made no at 
 tempt at self -vindication ; and, it may be added, that 
 he never did, either as to Bull Run or other events in 
 his career as a soldier. He despised the methods by 
 which many officers magnified their exploits and ex 
 plained away their failures. Charged with disloyalty, 
 when a truer man never wore the Federal uniform ; 
 with incompetency, when he had few superiors in the 
 army ; with indolence, when there was scarcely his equal 
 for energy and industry ; with intoxication, when he 
 
1862.] HOW MERIT MAY SOMETIMES SUFFER. 179 
 
 never touched a glass of wine in his life ; with cowar 
 dice, when he did not know what fear was yet he never 
 sought to vindicate himself against these accusations, 
 except in so far as he should do it by a steady, untiring, 
 unswerving devotion to his duty as an officer in his 
 country s army, in a time of great trial and danger. 
 
 Amid the passions and prejudices engendered by a 
 great war, injustice is often done to the most meritorious 
 participants ; and it not unfrequently happens, that 
 officers of inferior merit, who have industriously blown 
 their own trumpets, or caused them to be blown by 
 newspaper reporters, have caught, and for a time re 
 tained, the popular acclaim ; but by and by, as the his 
 torian gathers up the scattered and diverse threads that 
 make up the story of the time, the pretender is rele 
 gated to his proper sphere, and true manhood is given 
 its just place on the enduring page of authentic and ac 
 cepted history. That General McDowell will occupy an 
 enviable place in the record which shall tell the story 
 of ; the great rebellion" to future ages, does not admit 
 of a doubt. 
 
 In December, 1861, McDowell was examined by the 
 Congressional Committee on the Conduct of the War, 
 and was asked, among other things, what was the con 
 dition of the division he then commanded in the army 
 of the Potomac. He answered, "The men are excel 
 lent men ; I do not suppose there are better men in 
 the world." This answer reveals one of the traits of 
 McDowell s character; he believed in the manhood 
 in the blood of his race, and he stood up for the men 
 under his command. When asked how his division 
 was in point of discipline, he said : The discipline 
 has an exterior which is good, but an interior which is 
 bad." The committee naturally asked the general to 
 explain this, and his answer gives the secret cause of 
 half the disasters to the Federal arms during the war. 
 He said: "I think discipline consists in an implicit 
 
180 M C DOWELL S IDEA OF DISCIPLINE. [1862. 
 
 obedience, not outwardly alone, but inwardly that im 
 plicit reliance and confidence that must exist on the 
 part of the commanded towards the commander. I 
 think our deficiency is in the quality of our officers ; I 
 do not think our officers stand towards the men in the 
 relations that officers should occupy towards men whom 
 they are to put into battle and hold up to their work, 
 and keep them from spreading or doubling their ranks, 
 or falling back to the rear, or breaking ranks. I think 
 that in the battle in which I was engaged last summer, 
 that thing developed itself in a very remarkable man 
 ner, and it became very evident to both officers and 
 men." A truer definition of discipline, and a more 
 striking and concise statement of the consequences of a 
 lack of it have rarely been given. It was the want of 
 this kind of discipline, extending from the enlisted men 
 up through all the grades to the General-in-chief, that 
 lost us Fredericksburg and Chancellorsville. It was the 
 want of this kind of discipline in our forces that so 
 often disappointed the reasonable expectations of the 
 country. Men of different regiments averaged about 
 alike in the quality of courage and intelligence ; and it 
 was owing to the presence or absence among them of 
 this kind of discipline that distinguished one regiment 
 from another in its steadiness and persistency under 
 fire. Without this kind of discipline, no army can be 
 reliable in a great emergency. 
 
CHAPTER XII. 
 
 THE TARRY AT CENTREVILLE A SWARM OF VISITORS TWO OLD AC- 
 QUAINTANCES PASSES AN ANECDOTE OF LINCOLN BODDY s STATE- 
 MKNT ANOTHEH VISIT TO BULL RUN THE LEWIS HOUSE A STORMY 
 NIGHT PLEASANT QUARTERS AND HOE-CAKE A SICK SURGEON AN 
 ORDERLY WITH AN ORDER REVEILLE AND RETURN TWENTY-FIVE 
 MILES MARCH TOP BOOTS UPTON s HILL AGAIN LAILEY S CROSS 
 ROADS MORE VISITORS HOW THEY REGARDED MCCLELLAN s STRAT- 
 EGY EMBARKATION OF ARMY COST OF TRANSPORTS FORMATION OF 
 CORPS D ARMEE TWENTIETH IN FIRST CORPS WHAT MCCLELLAN 
 DESIGNED TO HAVE FIRST CORPS DO SOME OBSERVATIONS THEREON 
 FIRST CORPS DETACHED FROM MCCLELLAN S COMMAND. 
 
 UNTIL the fifteenth of March, the army, or at all 
 events, the portion of it lying nearest to Centreville, re 
 mained quietly in its camp, awaiting orders. The 
 Twentieth Regiment occupied a pine grove on the north 
 side of the Warrenton Turnpike, and about two miles 
 cast of Centreville. 
 
 During this period the road was swarming with 
 civilians who came out from Washington to see the Bull 
 Run battle-field. Most of them came to gratify a very 
 natural curiosity ; some of them to search among the 
 dead for the remains of friends to whom they wished to 
 give the rites of a Christian burial among their kin. If 
 passes were required at all, in order to go out to the 
 army from Washington, the demand for them must have 
 kept several officers very busy. Indeed, soldiers and 
 civilians seemed to regard the occasion as a pleasure ex 
 pedition a sort of holiday recreation. No one seemed 
 to feel that this march of the Grand Army of the Poto 
 mac was the beginning of a series of movements which, 
 in its progress and results, would consign thirty thous 
 and of its members to graves and hospitals, within the 
 next four months. Men talked and acted as though 
 they believed the war was substantially over ; why, 
 
 181 
 
182 A SWARM OF VISITORS. [1862. 
 
 said they, the enemy has run away ; and if they dared 
 not stay to fight us behind their strong works at Centre- 
 ville, which they spent eight months in constructing, 
 it stands to reason they will never dare to meet this 
 army anywhere. So thousands comforted and deluded 
 themselves. 
 
 It was a source of much amusement to officers and 
 men to watch the flowing and receding human current, 
 moving past the camp. All kinds of vehicles were rep 
 resented, from the pretentious coach to the dilapidated 
 sulky. Men on horseback and men on mules vied with 
 each other for the first occupation of the Centreville for 
 tifications, as though each was a storming party and 
 ambitious to plant his banner foremost on the enemy s 
 works, and spike his wooden guns. And plodding wear 
 ily along were hundreds of footmen who were unable 
 to procure any sort of conveyance, and became for the 
 nonce tramps. Among the latter class were Messrs. Ford 
 and Baker, of Oneonta, N. Y., both of them gentlemen 
 of large wealth, and whom I had known many years be 
 fore. My surprise at seeing them there and on foot was 
 very great, but they said they were a little late in their 
 arrival at Washington, and a horse and wagon were not 
 to be had for love or money. As they had set out to 
 visit Bull Run, and it was uncertain what moment the 
 army might be withdrawn, they resolved to do what the 
 soldiers had done march and here they were. 
 
 The returning pilgrims were generally encumbered 
 with mementos from the battle-field, which, doubtless, 
 were shown with vivid narratives of the journey to 
 wondering and admiring friends at home. So, for three 
 days, the home-guard passed and repassed in review, as 
 it were, before the army, while thousands were turned 
 back in bitter disappointment, as they met the head of 
 the armed column on its retrograde march. 
 
 Some time subsequent to this it was found necessary 
 to establish and enforce very strict regulations in re- 
 
1862.] ANECDOTE OF LINCOLN. 183 
 
 gard to visits of civilians to the army, especially on the 
 eve of battle, or any important movement. And these, 
 of all others, were just the occasions when men desired 
 most to go, and they would waste their own and the 
 time of the officials in importuning for passes. Mr. 
 Raymond, in his life of Lincoln, tells a very good story 
 in this connection. Judge Baldwin, of California, being 
 in Washington, called one day on General Halleck, and 
 presuming upon a familiar acquaintance in California a 
 few years before, solicited a pass to go into Virginia to 
 see his brother. We have been deceived too often," 
 said General H., u and I regret I can t grant it." Judge 
 B. then went to Secretary Stanton, and met a refusal. 
 Finally he obtained an interview with President Lin 
 coln, and stated his case. "Have you applied to Gen 
 eral Halleck ?" inquired the President. " Yes, and met 
 with a flat refusal," said the indignant Judge. " Then 
 you must see Stanton," continued the President. "I 
 have, and with the same result," was the reply. "Well, 
 then," said Mr. Lincoln, with a smile, "I can do no 
 thing, for you must know tliat 1 7iave very little intf,u- 
 *ence with this administration" 
 
 Opposite the pine grove where the Twentieth lay lived 
 a Mr. Boddy. who professed to be a Unionist. He 
 said Beauregard sent out patrols just before McDowell s 
 advance, last July, and they seized all the able-bodied 
 men they could find, and took them to the rebel head 
 quarters, where they were called upon to elect between 
 taking arms and going into the ranks, or being sent 
 prisoners to Richmond. Boddy chose the latter alter 
 native, and was sent some three miles to the rear where 
 he was kept with a number of other prisoners, until af 
 ter the battle of July 21st, when they let him go. He 
 said that crowds of Beauregard s men were passing the 
 place where he was, in full retreat, and that it was said 
 they were beaten. But that soon word passed along 
 that General Johnson had arrived on the field, and then 
 
184 ANOTHER VISIT TO BULL RUN. [1862. 
 
 the retreat was checked and the men seemed eager to 
 get back into the fight. 
 
 He also stated that the county militia, to which he 
 belonged, had been ordered to assemble at Centreville 
 on the tenth of March, but for what purpose he did not 
 know. The militia, however, seemed to have waived 
 their claim in favor of Uncle Sam s soldiers, for none of 
 them put in an appearance, except Boddy, still, they 
 must have gone somewhere, for Boddy was the only na 
 tive, able to bear arms, who could be found for miles 
 around. 
 
 On the fourteenth of March, Lieutenant-Colonel 
 Gates and Captain Tu thill, Assistant- Surgeon of the 
 regiment, set out for Bull Run on horseback, while two 
 hundred and twenty-two line officers and men of the 
 regiment, who desired to see the field, all under the 
 command of Captain J. R. Tappen, began their march 
 for the same place ; the Captain was to report to Colo 
 nel Gates at the Francis Lewis House on the field. The 
 march began late in the day, and the intention was to 
 arrive on the ground in the evening, bivouac for the 
 night, and examine the country the next forenoon, and 
 return to camp in time for dress parade. 
 
 When the detachment arrived, the evening had be 
 come very dark and a steady rain was falling. The men 
 were told to seek shelter in the rebel huts about the 
 locality, and the officers were invited to accept head 
 quarters hospitality in the Lewis House. The negro 
 family referred to in Chapter XI. had been engaged to 
 furnish supper for the occasion, and with bacon, hoe- 
 cake and coffee, we felt our lot was, for that night 
 at least, cast in a pleasant place. The Lewis House, 
 which had long been deserted by its owners and occu 
 pied as rebel headquarters by Beauregard and Johnson, 
 was a spacious building, with large rooms above and 
 below, and vast fireplaces ; into these were piled cart 
 loads of wood, and roaring fires, regardless of insur- 
 
1862.] AN ORDERLY WITH AN ORDER. 185 
 
 ances, soon gave us warmth and light, while our savory 
 supper smoked upon the improvised table. The bois 
 terous March winds beat like ocean billows against the 
 great barn-like house, while the rain-drops dashed them 
 selves into spray against the window-panes. But all 
 within was cheery and content the sounds of ele 
 mental strife without enhancing the sense of comfort of 
 our little party, basking in the glow of our generous 
 fire. Here and there, through the darkness, we could de 
 tect the fitful glimmer of scattered lights, indicating the 
 localities of some of our men. But they seemed in the 
 deceptive gloaming wonderfully distant and far apart. 
 
 I had a sort of foreboding that something disagreeable 
 would happen before morning. The situation seemed 
 too pleasant and comfortable to endure till daylight. 
 The first event that interrupted our enjoyment occurred 
 about midnight, when Doctor Tuthill was suddenly 
 seized with severe and painful illness, that put an un 
 timely end to our jollity, and demanded our constant 
 ministrations. We were for a while apprehensive he 
 had been poisoned, and thought of arresting the negroes 
 who had furnished our supper as the guilty parties. 
 But as each one of us had partaken of each dish equally 
 with the doctor, and no one else was affected, we aban 
 doned this theory, and awaited results, which some 
 times threatened dissolution. 
 
 In the midst of the excitement and anxiety caused 
 by Dr. Tuthill s illness, and at about two o clock in the 
 morning, the corporal of the guard ushered into the 
 room an orderly, covered with mud and dripping with 
 water, who had ridden out, post haste, from Centre- 
 ville, with an order to Colonel Gates to return with the 
 20th Detachment forthwith, as the brigade was under 
 orders to march at daylight. The orderly had reached 
 the house without much difficulty, because its location 
 on high ground with its windows all aglow made it an 
 unerring beacon. But to go out into the thick darkness 
 
136 REVEILLE AND RETURN. [1862. 
 
 and arouse two hundred and odd tired and sleepy men, 
 dispersed in squads of three and five, over a mile square 
 of country that was terra incognita to us, was quite 
 another affair. But it had somehow to be done, and 
 Captain Tappen and his line officers with the head 
 quarters guard set about it. A bugler, whom we 
 chanced to have with us, sounded the reveille, but the 
 the winds made sport of his feeble blast, and the notes 
 floated away unheard on the boisterous air. It was 
 manifest to the officers at the Lewis House, that no bugle 
 call less commanding than Gabriel s could out-ring the 
 gale and penetrate the log huts, where their tired men 
 were enjoying nature s sweet restorer, and whose lights 
 were long since extinguished. So it became necessary 
 to grope about over stumps and logs, through ditches 
 and quagmires, from hut to hut, and awaken the 
 dreaming soldiers. But the searchers rapidly increased 
 in numbers, and in an hour from the time the order 
 was received, the detachment was drawn up in Hne in 
 front of the Lewis House, ready to set out on its march 
 for camp, locating as best we could the position of 
 the stone bridge, with reference to our starting-point, 
 and leaving rousing fires behind. We struck Bull 
 Kun a short distance below the bridge-site. The stream 
 had become much swollen since we crossed it a few 
 hours before, and the water was now deep and the cur 
 rent impetuous. But slinging their guns and cartridge- 
 boxes over their shoulders, the men forded the river, 
 and soon were striding down the Warrenton Turnpike, 
 without having had the opportunity of seeing the battle 
 field, which they had come so far to inspect. But five 
 months later most of them visited it again, coming upon 
 it from the opposite direction. A hundred thousand 
 armed men then covered the ridges and filled the val- 
 lies, and swarmed in the woods. Then as now a storm 
 swept over the fields, and thick clouds hung in the quiv- 
 
1862.] BAILEY S CROSS ROADS. 187 
 
 ering air. The clouds were battle s pall, and the storm 
 was lead and iron. 
 
 We had been obliged to leave Doctor Tuthill at the 
 Lewis House, in care of two attendants, and he was able 
 to rejoin the regiment in a few days. We reached the 
 amp in time to permit the men to breakfast, and 
 take their places in the ranks when the brigade march 
 ed. The rain poured down incessantly all day long, 
 and the roads became like beds of mortar ; but onward 
 we went with scarcely a halt, until we reached "Three 
 Mile Run," near Alexandria. If the Confederates had 
 been marching upon the Capital, we could not have 
 been hurried over the road any faster. McClellan 
 probably wanted to try our speed and bottom that is 
 the only* apparent motive for the Centreville expedition. 
 The march of the regiment was 17 miles, and that of 
 Captain Tappen s detachment about 25 miles ; which, 
 considering the condition of road and weather, was a 
 good day s work. How much farther we should have 
 been required to go no one can tell ; but the rain now 
 proved our benefactor, in that it had so swollen " Three 
 Mile Run " when we reached it that it was impossible to 
 cross, and we had to stop. I wore, on this occasion, a pair 
 of high top boots over my trowsers indeed, my trowsers 
 would not go over my boot-legs. The consequence was, 
 that I carried about a gallon of water in each boot-leg 
 most of the day, and when the opportunity offered, 
 some twenty-four hours later, to detach those boots 
 from my person, it required the united efforts of three 
 able-bodied men to separate us. I never afterward car 
 ried water in that way. 
 
 As we were bridging "Three Mile Run" next morn 
 ing, preparatory to crossing and proceeding to Alexan 
 dria, an order came directing us to our old quarters at 
 Upton s Hill, whither we proceeded, and where officers 
 and men resumed the huts they had taken leave of six 
 davs before. On the 18th of March, the regiment left 
 
188 EMBARKATION OF ARMY. [1862. 
 
 Upton s Hill, and moving towards Alexandria about four 
 miles, went into camp two miles south of Bailey s Cross 
 Roads, with a view to being nearer to the shipping- point 
 when its turn came to embark for the Peninsula. But 
 its turn never came. 
 
 We remained in these quarters until the fourth day 
 of April. During this time our camp swarmed witli civ 
 ilian visitors. Among them were Mrs. Pratt, wife of 
 the Colonel, and Mrs. Major Miller, who were under es 
 cort of Hon. Horatio Seymour, Ex-Governor of New 
 York. 
 
 My old friends Messrs. Fordyce L. Laflin, and his 
 cousin Addison H. Laflin, Captain Bouck, son of Ex- 
 Governor Bouck, and General Danforth, were among my 
 guests. The advance to and return from Cerrtreville, 
 seemed to be regarded as very creditable exploits the 
 next, best thing to an overwhelming victory. Very few 
 people were aware of the fact, that General McClellan 
 knew the Confederates were evacuating Centreville, be 
 fore he put his army in motion towards it. 
 
 The embarkation of the army at Alexandria was an 
 interesting and herculean operation. It occupied about 
 thirty days, and drew an immense body of spectators- 
 soldier and civilian who never tired of watching the 
 strange spectacle. Troops were marching in steady 
 streams on board of vessels at different wharfs, while at 
 others, wagons, batteries, and all the supplies and im 
 pedimenta of a great army, were being hurried aboard 
 ship. Including the troops shipped from Perryville, on 
 the Susquehanna, and from Washington, there were 
 121,000 men, 14,592 animals, 1,150 wagons, 44 batteries, 
 74 ambulances, besides pontoon bridges, telegraph ma 
 terials and enormous quantities of equipage required 
 for such an army. 
 
 To transport this multitude of men, animals and 
 property, there were used 113 steamers, for which the 
 Government paid $212.10 each per day ; 188 schooners, at 
 
1862.] WHAT THE FIRST CORPS WA.S TO DO. 189 
 
 $24.45 per day, and 88 barges at $14.27 per day ; aggre 
 gating for water transportation, $30,158.66 per day, and 
 amounting, with cost of fuel, to over a million dollars 
 to transfer the army from Alexandria to Fort Monroe. 
 
 On the 13th of March, the army was organized into 
 four corps d arme, in pursuance of an order from the 
 President. The 1st corps was commanded by General 
 McDowell, and consisted of three divisions, commanded 
 respectively by Generals King, McCall and Franklin. 
 The 20th Regiment was in Patrick s Brigade of King s 
 Division. The other regiments of this brigade were the 
 21st N. Y. V., Colonel Rogers ; 23d N. Y. V., Colonel 
 Hoffman, and 35th N. Y. V., Colonel Lord. 
 
 In McClellan s plans for the Peninsula campaign, 
 was included a flank movement of McDowell s corps, 
 and to the derangement of such plans by the retention of 
 this corps in front of Washington, he has chiefly attri 
 buted the miscarriage of the Peninsula enterprise. Mc 
 Dowell s corps was to be the last to embark and was to 
 land in rear of Gloucester Point, thus turning York- 
 town and opening up the York river. In view of the 
 fact that the navy declined to put their heavily armed 
 war vessels in range of the rebel batteries at Yorktown 
 and Gloucester Point, it is clear that the turning move 
 ment must have been directed from the Rappahannock 
 or Severn. And the corps would, in either case, be com 
 pelled to cross a broad and deep river, in face of the 
 enemy. There was no concealment of the general plan of 
 campaign, and it was probably quite as well known in 
 Richmond as it was in Washington. The share assign 
 ed to McDowell s corps, was discussed by officers of all 
 grades, a fortnight before the time for the expected em 
 barkation of the corps ; but West Point, at the head of 
 the river, was understood to be the first objective. To 
 reach it would have required a march of thirty miles, 
 from either the Severn or Rappahannock ; and having 
 reached it, the Mattapony and Pamunky rivers obstruct 
 
190 FIRST CORPS DETACHED. [1862, 
 
 the inarch and could only be crossed by bridging. West 
 Point is connected with Richmond by rail, from which 
 city it is but forty miles distant, and the entire peninsula 
 from Yorktown to Richmond, was in the hands of the 
 rebels, with a force, estimated by General McClellan, on 
 the 7th of April, "not less than 100,000 men. " How, 
 under these circumstances, McDowell s corps of less 
 than 25,000 men could have accomplished the role laid 
 out for it, while McClellan s army of 100,000 was held in 
 check by Magruder, with 12,000 men behind the works 
 at Yorktown, is not so clear. 
 
 But the experiment was not tried, and we can only 
 speculate upon the probable consequences of an attempt 
 to carry it out. On the fourth of April, the Adjutant- 
 General of the army telegraphed to General McClellan, 
 who was then at Fort Monroe, as follows: "By direction 
 of the President, General McDowell s army corps has 
 been detached from the force under your immediate 
 command, and the general is ordered to report to the 
 Secretary of War, Letter by mail. 
 
C II A P T E K XIII. 
 
 GENERAL PATRICK HIS FIRST APPEARANCE IN CAMP HIS SECOND COM 
 ING AND WHAT THE " BOYS " SAID ABOUT IT A BRIEF BIOGRAPHY 
 DISCIPLINE AND WHAT IT ACCOMPLISHES A LETTER FROM THE GEN 
 ERAL, IN WHICH HE TALKS OF THE REGIMENT AND ITS SERVICES 
 
 ANOTHER LETTER FROM THE GENERAL, IN WHICH HE SAYS SOME 
 THING ABOUT HIMSELF TENTS STRUCK ORGANIZATION OF FIRST 
 CORPS ON THE MARCH GOODING S TAVERN A TERRIBLE STORM 
 A PRAYER MEETING AT HEADQUARTERS A RIDE AND AN INCIDENT 
 STATE PRIDE IN WHAT WE SHOULD GLORY POOR WHITE TRASH 
 WHAT IT WAS WHAT IT MAY POSSIBLY REALIZE. 
 
 WHILE we were lying at Centreville, General Wads- 
 worth was appointed Military Governor of Washington, 
 and took leave of the brigade. Soon thereafter Gen 
 eral M. R. Patrick was appointed his successor, and 
 assumed command after the brigade returned to Upton s 
 Hill. General Patrick did not win the affections of his 
 troops so easily as did his predecessor ; indeed, he 
 made no effort in that direction. He was about the age of 
 General Wadsworth, but of a more slender figure and of 
 a sharp and rather stern face. His head was bald with a 
 rim of gray hair around the base, and he wore his beard 
 full and long. I remember well the first time I saw him 
 he came strolling into our camp on foot, with a Mexi 
 can blanket hanging over his shoulders and enveloping 
 his form his head passing through a hole in the centre 
 of this odd garment. The "boys" were amused by 
 the quaint costume of their unknown visitor. He said 
 nothing to anybody, but walked about as though he 
 were intent upon " spying out the barrenness of the " 
 camp. The next we knew of him he rode into our 
 midst in the uniform of a Brigadier-General, mounted 
 on a magnificent horse, accompanied by his staff, and 
 assumed command of the brigade. The aforesaid 
 
 191 
 
192 GENERAL M. R. PATRICK. [1862. 
 
 " boys " looked at him, and said one to another, " why, 
 that is the old fellow who was skirmishing around here 
 the other day in a horse blanket. Is he to boss this 
 brigade ? He looks as though he could bite the head off 
 a tenpenny nail, and would like to do it. Well, well, 
 we ll miss Uncle Wadsworth, you bet." And they 
 we. rather did miss Uncle Wadsworth for a while. 
 General Patrick was a graduate of West Point, and 
 had spent the better part of his life in the regular army. 
 He had seen service in Mexico, and, I think, on the 
 plains among the Indians. He was a thorough soldier, 
 and he exercised the authority of his grade with the 
 inflexible severity of an old army officer, whose educa 
 tion and habits of life, for fifty years, had made him a 
 thorough disciplinarian and a stickler for every pjint 
 of military etiquette and army regulations, in so far as 
 they were deemed conducive to the well-being and effi 
 ciency of the troops under his command. He was by 
 no means a martinet, but he believed the regulations of 
 the army were wise rules for the government of troops, 
 and that their enforcement was necessary for the pre 
 servation of that gradation of authority and that main 
 tenance of discipline, without which an army becomes 
 a mob. He was quick to detect, and stern in the pun 
 ishment of any wilful breach of these regulations, and 
 officers and men alike were not affectionately disposed 
 towards him. He did not care or, at least, did not ap 
 pear to care. Yet, when I came to know the General 
 better, I believed that during all the weeks of his early 
 command of the brigade, when his hand seemed to be 
 really against us all, he was longing in his heart for the 
 sympathy, respect and love of his officers and men. 
 Well, if he was, he consoled himself with a well-ground 
 ed faith that these sentiments would grow up in the 
 course of time, and he did not have long to waifc for 
 them. 
 
 The benefit of General Patrick s thorough system 
 
1862.] A LETTER FROM HIM. 193 
 
 with his command was appreciated by all, when the 
 real business of the war came to demand the exercise of 
 those qualities which make men soldiers, and inspire 
 them with a consciousness of the strength the organiza 
 tion gives them, either for offense or defence. The 
 power of resistance or the impact and persistency of an 
 attack, by an army, depends in a wonderful degree upon 
 the faith the men have in their officers and in each 
 other, and their dependence upon the discipline which 
 has cemented them together as one man, and yet en 
 ables them to execute any manoauvre required to make 
 their arms most effective. It is this discipline and this 
 conscious strength which makes a hundred well-drilled 
 men superior to an armed mob of a thousand. As we 
 more and more appreciated these facts, we more and 
 more appreciated our Brigade-commander, and, at 
 length, there was probably no general officer in the army 
 who was held in higher esteem by the officers and men 
 under his command, than General Patrick was by his 
 brigade and as for the Twentieth, it idolized the Gen 
 eral, and I believe he had a very good opinion of it. 
 At all events, he writes me this letter : 
 
 MAULIUS, N. Y., 23d November, 1878. 
 MY DEAR GENERAL : 
 
 I am heartily glad to learn that you are preparing a history of the 
 services rendered by the "Twentieth New York " during the late Civil 
 War. Justice to the regiment demands that such a history be made up r 
 from its always well-kept records, and from the documentary testimony 
 now available from many other sources. As a rule every regiment in the 
 Army of Potomac was attached to some brigade, of which it became an 
 integral part of the brigade treasure, jealously guarded by Brigade, 
 Division and Corps Commanders. Every act of heroism, every deed of 
 gallantry was honorably mentioned, and promotion urged as the reward, 
 by these several Commanding Generals. 
 
 The part played by that Old Brigade to which the Twentieth be 
 longed, during the Pope Campaign, was not, certainly, less prominent 
 than that of any brigade of Pope s Army ; but while his report as pub 
 lished, embodies the reports of all other Brigade-Commanders, mine alone 
 was suppressed. A glance at the revelations made before the Fitz-John 
 i 3 
 
194 GENERAL PATRICK S LETTER. 
 
 Porter Board, as to the operations of my brigade at Groveton, on the 29th 
 and 30th of August, 62, may give the reasons for its suppression. 
 
 From the bloody and disastrous field of Groveton, was borne away 
 the pure and chivalrous commander of your regiment to yield up his 
 young and joyous life upon the altar of his country. On that field, too, 
 were left I know not how many of your gallant dead, nor how many 
 more were carried away to linger and die of wounds that day received. 
 
 During the Maryland Campaign that followed, the regiment under 
 your own command added to its reputation already established on the 
 crest of South Mountain and the field of Antietam ; its brilliant record 
 for that year, closing up with the battles around Fredericksburg, 13th and 
 15th December. 
 
 As Provost-Marshal-General of the Army of Potomac, from the bat 
 tle of Antietam, it was absolutely indispensable that I should have troops 
 around me on whom I could rely. Regiment after regiment was assigned 
 to me, only to make further changes needful, until in early January of 63, 
 my request to have my Old Brigade assigned to my department was 
 granted, and from that hour I felt that I had those around me who could 
 be trusted. 
 
 In less than six months afterward the other regiments of that famous 
 Old Brigade having been discharged by expiration of two years service, 
 the Twentieth alone remained, charged with difficult, laborious and re 
 sponsible duties, increasing in magnitude and importance up to the close 
 of the war. Although the Provost troops were not, on ordinary occa 
 sions, in line of battle, yet, in every time of peril, from Gettysburg to 
 Petersburg, the hasty call on me was, "Put in your Twentieth and 
 " put in " it was ; and history tells the story. It records the heroic con 
 duct of the 20th N. Y. and 151st Pa. a demi-brigade under your own 
 command in resisting the main attack of Pickett s famous division, six 
 times your own number, for three hours, holding ground against nearly 
 100 guns, and eventually forcing the enemy from the field, but with the 
 loss of Corbin and Baldwin, and Brankstone, and many others of your 
 best and bravest. 
 
 And history too records the fact, that when the call was made, for the 
 last time, to " Put in the Twentieth," it did go in, and go through, and 
 planted the Stars and Stripes above the captured city of Petersburg. 
 
 But, with the passing away of every emergency that called the regi 
 ment into line of battle, it was relieved, with the thanks of its temporary 
 Commanding General, and returned to its normal duties in my 
 Department. Belonging to no corps, but "put in" whenever and 
 wherever necessity demanded, its services were not recognized and hon 
 ored as were the services of other regiments permanently attached to the 
 corps in which the Twentieth might be temporarily fighting. 
 
 If, however, the laurels earned by this regiment were sometimes 
 placed on other brows, there were garlands gathered by the Twentieth on 
 fields that were ail its own. To watch over the discipline and interior 
 
1862.] GENERAL PATRICK S LETTER. 195 
 
 economy of a great army, to check abuses, to carry out instructions of the 
 most difficult and delicate character, when to shut the eye to evil practices 
 would ensure the most liberal rewards, this was a service that tested the 
 courage more thoroughly than to grapple with an armed foe on the 
 battle-field. 
 
 Daily brought in contact with citizens of the Confederacy and their 
 families, to the credit of both officers and men be it recorded, that their 
 treatment of non-combatants in the invaded States was governed by that 
 law which required them to do unto these people what, under like cir 
 cumstances, they would consider just to themselves and their families, 
 were their own homes invaded. The conviction, that both officers and 
 men endeavored to act justly and kindly, as well as with firmness and de 
 cision, early forced itself upon these rebellious people, and elicited in 
 them a disposition to yield, "without strife, to requirements that, otherwise, 
 would have involved force and violent collisions. To this day the 20th 
 N. Y. is held in grateful remembrance by the inhabitants of Northern 
 and Middle Virginia. 
 
 If the duties devolving upon the regiment in 63, 64, and 65 were 
 unique and peculiar, the personal relations that came to exist between the 
 regiment and myself were not less so. If, at the first, there was no kind 
 feeling towards the Brigade-Commander, it was not long before good 
 sense, reason and experience placed a different estimate upon what had 
 been regarded as the iron rule of a heartless despot. Pride in exceptional 
 discipline and trustworthiness took the place of discontent, and the bap 
 tism of fire purged away all bitterness. In after-times, when countless 
 regiments were, from time to time, assigned to me, the rank and file of the 
 Twentieth seemed to share with their officers in the feeling, that some 
 how, they were the legitimate and special custodians of the reputation of 
 the Provost-Marshal-General s Department, and the honor of its chief. 
 
 While in the other regiments little material was afforded that could 
 be used with safety in my department, in the Twentieth there was a senti 
 ment of personal, almost filial obligation, in carrying out my wishes. 
 
 It would be strange, if such long-continued faithfulness and loyalty 
 should not have given birth to a responsive feeling on my part that this 
 particular regiment became almost a part of my military family, and that the 
 welfare of its members became a matter of deep personal interest. With 
 the fall of the Confederacy, in accordance with the promise of the Presi 
 dent, the regiment was ordered to follow me to Bichmond, and it was in 
 the conquered capital of the Rebel Confederacy, with which we had been 
 four years at war, that our war services were fitly ended. 
 
 Since I rode down the front of that veteran regiment on Sunday 
 evening, the llth of June, 1865, and our last good-bye was said, I have 
 never buckled on the old sword, but it hangs against the wall, to rust in 
 its scabbard, I trust, forever. 
 
 Of the many troops that, at different times, served under my com 
 mand, I have never mo!, nor kept up an acquaintance with nny, s;i\v the 
 
196 ANOTHER LETTER FROM GEN. PATRICK. [1862. 
 
 Twentieth, since the close of the war. This may be accounted for, in 
 part, from the militia organization of the Twentieth, as State troops, in 
 stead of simple volunteers, who disbanded at the expiration of their term 
 of service, but mainly, because I have always felt it to be both duty and 
 pleasure, to meet those with whom I was so long associated in the days 
 of darkness, and to whose personal kind feeling I was largely indebted 
 for the carrying out of a system, which entrusted to most others, would 
 have been sure of failure. 
 
 I have written more than I thought to have done when I sat down, 
 and will only add, that I am sure, with the abundant material at your dis 
 posal, it will be a labor both of duty and of love to enshrine the services 
 of the regiment you so long and worthily commanded, in a volume that 
 will be handed down, with just pride, to coming generations of those 
 whose fathers served in the Twentieth New York " during the War of 
 the Great Rebellion. 
 
 Very sincerely, General, 
 
 I remain yours, as ever, 
 
 M. R. PATRICK. 
 GENERAL THEODORE B. GATES, 
 371 Fulton Street, 
 
 Brooklyn, N. Y. 
 
 Accompanying the foregoing letter was a brief one, 
 of a personal character, and which the General did not 
 expect to see in print, but as it relates to himself and 
 refers to his health and feelings, I know his old com 
 rades of the Twentieth will be glad to read it, and I 
 therefore take the liberty to insert it. 
 
 MAULITJS, November 23, 1878. 
 My Dear General : 
 
 I did not mean, when I dropped you a postal, acknowledging your letter 
 of 26th September, that it would be the last of November before I should 
 reply to it. Although I am not often rigidly confined to my room, I am 
 much broken of late, and this season, especially. When I was East in 
 July, I came home sick and was not about much, until September. About 
 the 8th or 9th of October, I was called suddenly to Albany, to attend the 
 funeral of a friend, (the mother of Prentiss, who was on my staff in 64). 
 Being there, I concluded to go down the river to Rhinebeck, Kingston, 
 and New York, but while staying a few days with the family in Albany, 
 I was taken suddenly and strangely ill, and after waiting there three or 
 four days, finding myself no better, came back home. Have onlj got to 
 work again within the week, and am unloading my table as fast as possi 
 ble. Some days I am unable to control my hand to write. Most of my 
 
1862.] TENTS STRUCK. 197 
 
 troubles arise from rheumatism, which has saturated my whole system, 
 and develops itself in all sorts of strange and uncomfortable ways . And 
 now for the gist of your letter. I sat down this morning to block out 
 something to be used in the work you are preparing; but when I endea 
 vored to think, so many recollections crowded up before me, that I found 
 it would be easier to write a pamphlet than a page, so full were the years 
 of incident. I was unwilling, however, to say nothing; neither my sense 
 of justice to the right, nor the courtesy due to yourself would allow that. 
 So I have just written you a letter without delay, but which expresses my 
 opinions in somewhat general terms. I am not at all certain that it is 
 quite what ought to appear in your book, and I beg of you, if after read 
 ing it you should think, as others will, that it were better left out, do so, 
 without a moment s hesitation it don t suit me at all. You speak of a 
 photograph E. B. Townsend, formerly a Lieutenant of 20th, now in 
 Washington, sent a photograph of me to my daughter, a few months ago, 
 that the family think is the best they have seen. I don t remember, but 
 think it must be one of Gardiner s I ll write Townsend for one. In Jan 
 uary 77, I rang at your door, but you and madame were both in Kingston 
 (I think). I was in Brooklyn again, in February last, but made no calls. 
 Can t say whether I go down this winter. With kind regards to Mrs. 
 Gates, I remain, 
 
 Yours sincerely, 
 
 M. R. PATRICK. 
 
 GENERAL GATES, Brooklyn. 
 
 On the fourth of April, 1862, the first corps of the 
 Army of the Potomac struck tents, and again turned its 
 face toward the setting sun. The brigade, in which 
 was the Twentieth, consisted of the regiments already 
 named as composing it, while the division was com 
 manded by General King. General McDowell command 
 ed the corps. 
 
 We marched at four o clock in the afternoon, and 
 bivouacked at seven, two miles south of Annandale, hav 
 ing marched only about six miles. When we halted, I 
 found myself near a quaint, old-fashioned road-side inn ; 
 from a pole in front of which was suspended a weather- 
 beaten, creaking sign, bearing the name of William 
 Gooding, which the elements had failed utterly to ob 
 literate. For sixty years this hostelry had been known 
 as " William Gooding s tavern," and he, or some mem 
 ber of his family, had, during that long period of time, 
 
198 A PRAYER-MEETING AT HEADQUARTERS. [1862, 
 
 offered "entertainment for man and beast," at the 
 same board and in the same stalls never changing ; 
 never adding a rood of land to their possessions ; never 
 enlarging or improving buildings or lands, scarcely 
 restoring a shingle or board to exclude the elements. 
 What the tavern and stable were in the beginning, they 
 are now, " the natural wear and tear thereof, and dam 
 age by the elements excepted," the Gooding establish 
 ment is a type of Virginia conservatism, as it manifests 
 itself in the rural districts. 
 
 Passing through Fairfax Court House, Centreville, 
 Manassas Junction, where we struck the Orange and 
 Alexandria Railroad track, we went into camp at a rail 
 road station called "Bristoe," at two o clock, p. M., on 
 the sixth of April. We had marched thirty-eight 
 miles. 
 
 The next day a terrible storm of rain, snow and 
 sleet, set in, and continued for sixty hours. The only 
 protection the men had from this bitter storm, were the 
 wretched, brown paper affairs, called u tents cPdbri" 
 the only earthly use of which are to arrest the fall of a 
 gentle dew. The officers fared but little better than the 
 men, and the horses suffered fearfully. There were no 
 buildings into which either man or beast could take 
 refuge, and it only remained to us to endure hoping for 
 a speedy change. The people who had lived there 
 about said they had never had such a storm before at 
 that season of the year, and they insinuated that it was 
 a judgment upon the " invading Yanks." 
 
 Soon after taking command of the brigade, Gfeneral 
 Patrick introduced the practice of having prayers at his 
 headquarters, when in camp, conducted by some one of 
 the several chaplains of the brigade. The chaplain of 
 the Twentieth thus describes the situation in which he 
 found the General, when he went to his quarters, during 
 the storm at Bristoe, to conduct the evening service : 
 
1862.] A RIDE AND AN INCIDENT. 199 
 
 "I found the General sitting before his tent, wrapped 
 in his india-rubber robe, his feet resting on a log, and 
 striving to get some warmth from a fire of logs, which 
 was struggling with the storm for its very existence. 
 He was far from well, but received me cordially, ex 
 pressing his gratification that 1 had ventured to come 
 half a mile through such a storm for such a purpose. 
 He feared, however, that his usual attendance of officers 
 would be missing, which proved true, for on the sound 
 ing of the bugle none came, and a chapter was read and 
 a prayer offered in his tent, with none present but our 
 selves." 
 
 While tarrying at this place three or four of our offi 
 cers rode off some miles to the house of a Mr. Marcel- 
 lus, who was the prominent man of that section of coun 
 try. He stood at the gate in front of his house when 
 the officers came up, and received them with an air of 
 unmitigated disdain. While they were transacting 
 their business with him, he did not ask them to dis 
 mount. After this was over, one of them inquired if he 
 could not accommodate them with something to eat ? 
 
 He then very reluctantly invited them to dismount 
 and walk into the house. The parlor was a pleasant 
 room, uncarpeted and plainly furnished, and contained 
 a book case with a very good selection of rather ancient 
 literature. 
 
 Leaving the officers here some little time, Mr. Mar- 
 cellus announced dinner in an adjoining room. There 
 they found a table spread with a dish of cold baked 
 beans, a few slices of fat pork, and a plate of corn 
 bread. After partaking of these substantial s, they re 
 turned to the parlor, whither Mr. Marcellus had gone 
 immediately after showing them to the table, and one of 
 the party offered him the contents of a pocket flask. 
 It was politely accepted, and under its mollifying influ 
 ence our host s austerity yielded to a more genial mood 
 and a more benign manner. 
 
200 STATE PRIDE. [1862. 
 
 He took the trouble to produce and exhibit an old- 
 fashioned silver-mounted horse-pistol, which he said 
 was one of a pair General Washington carried, and 
 which had somehow become an heir-loom in the Marcel- 
 lus family. He professed to regard it with great ven 
 eration, and had concealed it on the approach of the 
 Northern vandals ; but a little good bourbon had re 
 moved all his fears and inspired him with unreserved 
 confidence in his visitors. 
 
 As his unbidden guests were about to depart, one of 
 them, considering that their entertainment, such as it 
 was, had been very reluctantly furnished, hinted as 
 delicately as he could, that they would like to make 
 some compensation for it. This was too much for the 
 blood of one of the first five families ! Straightening his 
 tall form and putting on an air of insulted dignity, he 
 exclaimed: " Sir, Iain a Virginian!" Of course, an 
 adequate apology was tendered, and the parties sep 
 arated on the best of terms. 
 
 This incident is related merely to show the inordin 
 ate conceit of these lords of the South. It was this 
 overweening vanity this self-ascribed superiority and 
 importance, which manifested itself in such expressions, 
 as " Sir, I am a Virginian ;" "Sir. I am a South Caro 
 linian," that did so much to engender a disdain for 
 the non-slave-holding portions of the country. 
 
 A reasonable degree of State pride is certainly allow 
 able, but to suppose that the accident of birth or the 
 circumstance of residence in any particular State con 
 fers superior virtues and dignity, was the antiquated 
 notion of an arrogant aristocracy. 
 
 To appreciate the absurdity of this fond conceit, 
 imagine, if you can, a citizen of one of our rich and 
 growing Western States, under like circumstances, 
 clothing himself with an oppressive weight of dignity, 
 and exclaiming to his startled guest: "Sir, I am a 
 Mich - i- gander / 
 
1862.] POOR WHITE TRASH. 201 
 
 No ! Let us not glory in that we are citizens of an 
 Eastern, Western, Northern or Southern State, for all 
 are equal under the Constitution and Laws. But let us 
 glory rather in the inestimable civil and religious privi 
 leges which we enjoy, as American citizens. 
 
 Another, and a much more numerous class, with 
 which a longer sojourn in the State brought us in con 
 tact, was what was known in the South as "poor white- 
 trash, and probably this term describes the despised 
 people to whom it was applied, as well as any English 
 words can. There are nowhere else in this country, a 
 people who can be likened to these pitiable specimens 
 of degraded humanity. 
 
 In the North, the poorest and most ignorant of our 
 population have some sentiment of manliness and inde 
 pendence some enterprise and thrift. 
 
 But these poor creatures were the veriest slaves of a 
 race of slaves, and possessed no sentiment above the in 
 stincts of the brute. 
 
 Dwelling in miserable kennels and sustaining a bare 
 existence by the fitful tillage of a few acres of worn out 
 land the property of some neighboring planter they 
 came and went at the beck or nod of their imperious 
 landlords, and were as obedient to their commands as 
 the colored slave, who felt it a degradation to associate 
 with these dependent whites. 
 
 Grown up themselves, and their children growing up 
 in the most abject ignorance mentally, morally and 
 physically debased by their condition and habits of life 
 excluded from intercourse with the planters around 
 them, and barely tolerated by the slaves, they were the 
 dupes of the nearest demagogue and the willing tools of 
 their task-masters. 
 
 Ignorant of the simplest forms of intelligible expres 
 sion, they had an idiom constructed of negro dialect 
 and words of unknown derivation. If you asked one of 
 them the name of his country or township, it was an 
 
202 WHAT IT MAY REALIZE. [1862. 
 
 even chance he could not tell you. If you inquired the 
 distance to the nearest planter s, and he ventured upon 
 the intellectual effort to inform you, it would be exe 
 cuted by a combination something like " two rises and 
 a right smart level ," or, "three sigJits and a go-by, I 
 reckon" He "totes" your baggage and "carries" 
 your horse to water. 
 
 It was such men who made up the great mass of the 
 rebel army, and who knew no more of the cause or pur 
 pose of the war, than they did of the planetary system. 
 If light ever breaks in upon their clouded perceptions, 
 they will realize that it was not the blacks alone who 
 were emancipated by the failure of their master s rebel 
 lion. 
 
CHAPTEK XIV. 
 
 PLEASANT "WEATHER MANASSAS JUNCTION MORTALITY AMONG CONFED 
 ERATE SOLDIERS REMINISCENCES OF BULL-RUN REJOICING AND 
 PRAYING ERRONEOUS NOTIONS OF ARMY DEMORALIZATION WHAT 
 DISCIPLINE DOES IN THIS REGARD ORDER NO. 36. A LETTER ON 
 ARMY INFLUENCES MEN PRONE TO BELIEVE EVIL OF THEIR FEL 
 LOWS CRITICS OF MILITARY OFFICERS ANECDOTE OF LINCOLN REV. 
 DR. BALCH AND TREASONABLE TALK BRUTE INSTINCT MARCHING 
 SOUTH GO AS YOU PLEASE" SKIRMISHING AT THE FRONT FAL- 
 MOUTII BRIDGES BURNED VESSELS BURNED THE "FRENCH LADY" 
 ACROSS THE RIVER HOW WE WERE RECEIVED FREDERICKSKURGERS 
 AND THEIR ANECDOTES OF WASHINGTON HE WAS MASTER OF THEIR 
 MASONIC LODGE HIS LETTER TO THE GRAND LODGE OF MARYLAND 
 THE GRAVE OF WASHINGTON S MOTHER THE CONSIDERATION FOR A 
 MONUMENT, AND HOW ONE OF THE CONTRACTING PARTIES FAILED 
 TO PERFORM TRUE LOVE NEVER DID RUN SMOOTH VALLEY OF THE 
 RAPPAHANNOCK ARMIES ENCOMPASSING IT FEDERAL BANDS MU 
 SIC IN CAMP." 
 
 WE were lying west of, and but four miles from Manas - 
 sas Junction. The Orange and Alexandria Railroad had 
 been repaired, and supplies were sent to the corps by 
 rail. The storm was succeeded by warm and beautiful 
 weather, which soon dispelled the feelings of discontent 
 and discomfort which for sixty hours had made several 
 thousand men and several hundred horses very miser 
 able indeed. The ground dried rapidly, and in a few 
 hours after, the snow and hail had disappeared. Offi 
 cers were in the saddle, giving themselves and their ani 
 mals a little agreeable exercise, and inspecting their 
 surroundings. 
 
 Manassas Junction was a favorite resort, because it 
 had already become historical, as rebel headquarters 
 for nearly a year, and there were still many evidences 
 lingering about it of the occupation and destructive 
 proclivities of Johnson s army. And, in the vicinity of 
 
 203 
 
204 REMINISCENCES OF BULL RUN. [1862. 
 
 the Junction, there were also abundant evidences of the 
 fearful mortality, especially among the troops from the 
 more southerly portion of the Confederacy, which had 
 prevailed during the preceding winter. In one lot we 
 discovered seventy-four graves, with plain wooden head 
 boards, the inscriptions on which showed that they had 
 died of disease, and not in battle, and most of them had 
 belonged to the 10th Alabama regiment. The period 
 covered by these interments was less than three months. 
 During the nine days the brigade remained at Bris- 
 toe, we revisited Bull Run battlefield, and gave it a 
 more leisurely inspection than we had been able to on 
 former occasions. But there is little to be added to 
 what has been already said of that famous field. The 
 rebels had done an immense amount of work in build 
 ing huts, stables and corduroy roads. Their cabins 
 were comfortable, but their arrangements for fires and 
 cooking seemed to have been very inadequate. In one 
 hut was this attempt at practical versification : 
 
 " To this cabin there is a door, 
 To this cabin there is a floor ; 
 So coming in please scrape your feet, 
 And closing the door there ll be some heat." 
 
 On the plateau, heretofore described, where the 
 rebels made their final stand on the 21st of July, and 
 upon the identical spot where he is said to have fallen, 
 a small marble shaft had been erected to the memory of 
 the Confederate Colonel, Francis S. Bartow, and en 
 graved upon it are the last words he uttered: "They 
 have killed me, boys, but never give up the fight." 
 They remind one of Bainbridge s dying exclamation : 
 "Never give up the ship." It is only a heroic spirit, 
 that can thus, in the agonies of death, forget self, and 
 as the soul is rending its mortal tenement, devote its 
 last earthly thought to the cause for which the body 
 dies. 
 
1862.] GENERAL ORDER NO. 36. 205 
 
 On the tenth of April, news was received in camp of 
 the capture of Island No. 10; of a Federal victory at 
 Corinth, and that McClellan was driving the enemy be 
 fore him at Yorktown. The following Sunday morn 
 ing, after inspection, prayers were offered before the 
 troops, in thanksgiving for recent victories to the Union 
 arms, and all seemed to unite devoutly in the solemn 
 ceremony. 
 
 The notion used to be very prevalent that the sol 
 diers were prone to profanity, dissipation and wicked 
 ness of all sons, and not mucli given to prayer. 
 
 I suppose that opinion still prevails. But I utterly 
 and entirely dissent from it. Necessarily, in a large 
 army, there will be men of bad character, and there will 
 also be weak men who may be corrupted by the bad. 
 This is true of all times and places. But the tendency 
 of military life, in well organized and properly discip 
 lined troops, is the reverse of evil. It teaches men 
 "Cleanliness which is next to Gfodliness. " It imbues 
 them with self-respect and a regard for law and order. 
 It gives them a sense of the dignity of manhood, and of 
 their just relations to their fellow men. 
 
 While some men were morally ruined by their con 
 nection with the army, a great many more, morally ruin 
 ed men, were regenerated and made good citizens, in the 
 same great school. 
 
 Officers, who have a just conception of the duties and 
 obligations they owe their men, will look after their 
 moral as well as their physical condition; and I find an 
 order issued by Colonel Pratt on the 12th of May, 1861, 
 which is so admirable that I quote it : "General Orders 
 No. 36. The Colonel commanding, reminds the officers 
 and soldiers of the 20th Regiment, that no one can ex 
 pect the favor of the God of battles, who habitually 
 takes His name in vain. Profanity in any man is 
 among the worst of vices ; in the soldier, who is subject 
 
206 CRITICS OP MILITARY OFFICERS. [1862. 
 
 to especial hazard, it is casting away the help of the 
 only arm that can give victory. 
 
 "The Colonel commanding therefore hopes that he 
 shall hear of no cases of profanity, which require the 
 severe notice of military law. " 
 
 The Articles of War, which constitute the military 
 law, prohibit profanity and drunkenness, and are, in 
 fact, a thorough moral code. 
 
 In a letter written from my camp in 1864, after three 
 years experience of army life, I said; "it is doubtless 
 true that military camps contain much wickedness, but 
 it does not follow, necessarily, that every one who be 
 longs to them, is sinful beyond the ordinary degree of 
 human weakness. Such camps contain all sorts and 
 conditions of men ; good, bad and indifferent. But I do 
 not believe these people are any worse in the army, than 
 they would be anywhere else. In fact, I do not think 
 there are half so many temptations to err, in the army, 
 as there are in Kingston or Saugerties, or any other lit 
 tle village in your county. I do not think the men of 
 my command, who may be so fortunate as to live to get 
 home, will be any worse citizens, because they have been 
 soldiers. " 
 
 That opinion has been strengthened by subsequent 
 observations. 
 
 Men are too ready to believe evil of their fellow-men. 
 It is a pitiable human infirmity. And it was fashion 
 able to charge officers, especially if they were unsuccess 
 ful, with drunkenness. This charge was brought against 
 McDowell, after the first Bull Run, when in fact he 
 never touched a glass of wine in his life. He is, and 
 always has been, a total abstainer. He drinks neither 
 wine, tea or coffee. 
 
 The corps of military critics and self-constituted 
 mentors was very large during the war, and they pro 
 nounced Sherman crazy and Grant habitually drunk. 
 
 One of them complained to the President of Grant s 
 
1862.] DR. BALCH AND TREASONABLE TALK. 207 
 
 supposed inebriety. Mr. Lincoln asked the grumbler if 
 he knew what kind of liquor Grant drank. " No, said 
 he ; "why do you ask?" " Because," said the Presi 
 dent, " I would like to send some of the same brand to 
 the other Generals." 
 
 Accompanied by the Regimental Surgeon and Adju 
 tant, we paid a visit to the residence of the Rev. Dr. 
 Balch, a learned and distinguished divine of that 
 neighborhood, and were invited to remain to tea. The 
 doctor s house was some six miles from camp, and it 
 was the best furnished house, and seemed more like a 
 comfortable Northern home, than any other country 
 house we saw in the State. His family consisted of a 
 grown-up son and daughter, and a young lady from 
 Washington was a guest in his house, at the time of our 
 visit. It was evident from the manner of the young 
 man that he had been in the army, and he was then 
 probably at home on furlough. Both young ladies 
 played the piano, and the parlor contained a very good 
 instrument. The entire household were bitter seces 
 sionists, and had no hesitation in expressing their senti 
 ments. They differed from most other rebels one met 
 in this, that while they detested the cause which brought 
 you into their State, their intelligence enabled them to 
 distinguish between the cause and the individuals, who, 
 as officers of the Federal Government, were acting in the 
 line of their duty, in endeavoring, by proper means, to 
 sustain the cause. If it were not some such reasoning 
 as this, then it was their superior refinement which 
 secured for us very courteous treatment, in so far as 
 we were personally concerned. 
 
 Dr. Balch, however, inveighed against the administra 
 tion in as strong language as was permissible to one of his 
 calling, and totally unrestrained by our presence. Mr. 
 Green, of Greenwich, a friend of the doctor s, had then 
 recently been sent to Fort Lafayette for some act of dis 
 loyalty, and the doctor was greatly incensed there- 
 
203 BRUTE INSTINCT. [1862, 
 
 at, and declared that the Federal Government had be 
 come the most arbitrary and tyrannical Government on 
 earth that a citizen could no longer express his honest 
 convictions upon political matters without being arrest 
 ed and immured in a Northern fort, subject to the 
 caprice of some civil or military officer of the Govern 
 ment. We told Mr. Balch, that if he really believed 
 what he said, he was either a very bold man or he 
 wanted to become a martyr to the Confederate cause. 
 That he had charged the officers of the Federal Govern 
 ment with arresting citizens for distasteful political 
 utterances, and that he, nevertheless, had not hesitated, 
 in presence of three officers of the Government, to de 
 nounce that Government in the strongest language a 
 minister of the gospel could venture to use. That if the 
 policy of the Government was such as he had asserted 
 it to be, it was evidently our duty to arrest him and 
 take him to camp with us, but we did not believe he 
 himself expected any such result, and we did not under 
 stand that the Government required us to arrest men 
 for talking treason in a treason-saturated State. 
 
 When we left Dr. Balch s house, evening had set in 
 and it was very dark. Our route thither had been very 
 circuitous, and we had to guess as to the direction to 
 camp. Roads there were none, and after riding through 
 fields and woods for an hour, we confessed to each other 
 that we did not know in which direction the camp lay. 
 We finally told our comrades that we would give our 
 horse the rein and let him take his own course, believing 
 his instinct would guide him aright. The surgeon had 
 little faith in brute instinct, but the experiment was 
 tried, and at midnight our horses drew up in front of 
 our quarters. 
 
 On the 18th of April, our brigade moved seven miles 
 farther west, and encamped at Catlett s Station consist 
 ing of a shed and a station-house, both in a state of 
 mournful dilapidation. The next morning at six o clock 
 
1862,,] THE " FRENCH LADY." 209 
 
 we faced toward the south, and set out for the Rappa- 
 hannock River. The first night out, we halted some 
 time after dark, in a furious rain storm and in impeni- 
 trable darkness. We marched twenty miles, much of 
 the way over a road ankle-deep with mud. The men 
 were very tired, and dropped on the saturated ground, 
 when the order to halt for the night reached them, and 
 went to sleep supperless. 
 
 Perhaps there are pedestrians, "go as you please," 
 who may peruse these pages, and who regard twenty 
 miles, even over a muddy road, an easy day s work. 
 Very well ! Let them put the equipments of a soldier 
 on their backs ; rifle, bayonet, sixty rounds ammunition, 
 haversack, knapsack, overcoat, blanket, section of tent 
 tfabri, say 40 pounds, and then see how they feel 
 at the end of twenty miles if they get there. 
 
 The next day, after a march of 14 miles, during the 
 latter part of which our advance was skirmishing with 
 the rebel cavalry, we entered Falmouth, a village on the 
 north side of the Rappahannock River, at the head of 
 navigation, and opposite the city of Fredericksburg. 
 
 There were three bridges, one railroad bridge and two 
 others, uniting Falmouth and Fredericksburg. These 
 the enemy had saturated with oil and kerosene, and 
 having fled across, burned them, and thus checked our 
 advance. 
 
 They also burned a number of vessels lying in the 
 harbor, including the steamer St. Nicholas, which they 
 had captured some little time before, by a neat ruse. A 
 number of passengers went on board, as she was about 
 sailing from Baltimore, among whom was a person in 
 woman s apparel, addressed by the others as Miss 
 Thomas. When the steamer reached Chesapeake Bay, 
 Miss Thomas suddenly shed her feminine garments and 
 revealed herself if I may keep up the assumed gender, 
 as a Confederate officer, and with her fellow passengers, 
 
 14 
 
210 WASHINGTON AS A MASON. [1862. 
 
 who were in the plot, overpowered the crew and seized 
 the steamer, and ran her up to Fredericksburg. 
 
 Some days elapsed before we were able to cross the 
 river and enter the ancient city, whose church-spires 
 and dingy houses lay so invitingly before us so near 
 and yet so far. But when the pontoons arrived, and a 
 bridge was thrown across the river, we took possession 
 of the town without opposition the enemy falling back 
 to the valley of the Mattepony. 
 
 The city seemed at first nearly deserted, and there 
 were really very few able-bodied men among its then 
 inhabitants. As a rule, the men we met received us 
 with cold civility, while the women secluded themselves 
 in their closed houses. 
 
 Rebels, as they were, against the government he, of 
 all men, had done most to institute, these Fredericks- 
 burgers professed great veneration for the memory of 
 Washington, and claimed a special ownership in the 
 glory of his name and reputation. Although born at 
 Bridges Creek, near the mouth of the Rappahannock, 
 young Washington soon thereafter became a resident of 
 Stafford County, opposite Fredericksburg, whither his 
 father removed while George was an infant. The 20th 
 encamped upon the Washington farm. The new home 
 stead overlooked the river and the city, and here the 
 future commander of the Continental armies and the 
 first President of the Republic, grew to manhood ; well 
 may the city be proud of this distinction, but how much 
 more consistent would have been its pride, if it had 
 stood fast by the principles which Washington himself 
 declared, and by the government which he created ! 
 
 Washington became a member of Fredericksburg 
 Lodge, number Four, F. & A. M., November 4, 1752, and 
 was raised August 4, 1753, and subsequently became Mas 
 ter of the lodge. A very fair portrait of him is suspend 
 ed on the wall of the lodge-room, and the jewels used 
 in his initiation and the regalia he wore, as Master, are 
 
1862.] HIS LETTER TO GRAND LODGE. 11 
 
 sacredly preserved. In 1848 the lodge procured Hiram 
 Powers to make a statue of Washington, at a cost of 
 $5,000, which it designed to place in its hall. This loca 
 tion, on account of weight and size, was found imprac 
 ticable, and Virginia-like, no other recourse has been 
 devised, and the statue remains in its case to this day. 
 
 In 1798, while Washington was in retirement at 
 Mount Vernon, and in the sixty-sixth year of his age, 
 trouble sprung up between this Government and the 
 French Directory, and war seemed imminent. Presi 
 dent Adams appointed General Washington, Command 
 er-in-chief of the American army to be created ; and 
 the Grand Lodge of Maryland sent him a congratulatory 
 letter upon his appointment. His reply thereto is pre 
 served by the Frederick sburg Lodge. He writes from 
 Elkton, the capitol of Cecil County, Maryland, where, 
 doubtless, his new duties had called him. It will be 
 seen that he reaffirms his faith in the Order of F. and 
 A. M., and exhibits a devotion to the Government which 
 his Fredericksburg admirers would have done well to 
 imitate. 
 
 " To the Right Worshipful Grand Lodge of Free Masons, of the State of 
 Maryland : 
 
 GENTLEMEN AND BROTHERS : 
 
 Your obliging and affectionate letter, together with a copy of the Con 
 stitutions of Masonry, have been put into my hands by your Grand Mas 
 ter, for which I pray you accept my best thanks. 
 
 So far as I am acquainted with the principles and doctrines of Free 
 Masonry, I conceive it to be founded in benevolence, and to be exercised 
 only for the good of mankind. I cannot therefore, upon this ground, 
 withhold my approbation of it. 
 
 While I offer my grateful acknowledgments for your congratulations 
 on my late appointment, and for the favorable sentiments you are pleased 
 to express of my conduct, permit me to observe, that at this important 
 and critical moment, when high and repeated indignities have been offered 
 to the Government of our country, and when the property of our citizens 
 is plundered without a prospect of redress, I conceive it to be the indis 
 pensable duty of every American, let his situation and circumstances in 
 life be what they may, to come forward to support the Government of his 
 
212 THE GRAVE OF MARY WASHINGTON. [1862. 
 
 choice, and to give all the aid in his power toward maintaining that inde 
 pendence which we have so dearly purchased ; and under this impression, 
 I did not hesitate to lay aside all personal considerations and accept my 
 appointment. 
 
 I pray you to be assured that I receive with gratitude your kind wishes- 
 for my health and happiness, and reciprocate them with sincerity. 
 I am, gentlemen and brothers, 
 
 Very respectfully,] 
 
 Your most obedient servant, 
 
 G. WASHINGTON. 
 ELKTON, November 8th, 1798. 
 
 In the cemetery just back of the city of Fredericks- 
 burg, is an unfinished marble monument ; around the 
 base of an incomplete column some eight feet high lie 
 the marble blocks once designed for finishing the struc 
 ture ; that column rests upon the grave of Washington s 
 mother, and its curious history is thus briefly told. 
 
 A Southern gentleman of wealth and high social 
 position became enamoured of a beautiful, self-willed, 
 imperious, unscrupulous lady of Fredericksburg, who, 
 with no affection for him, yet told him, if he would 
 erect a certain designed kind of monument over the 
 neglected grave of Mary Washington, she would become 
 his wife. 
 
 With all the eagerness love could inspire, he set 
 about his task. Marble from Italy, and cunning work 
 men from all parts of the country were soon upon the 
 ground, and block after block assumed its place, until 
 the impatient lover was beginning to count the days 
 when the last stone should be lifted to its position, and 
 this monument to the dead should also mark the period 
 from which was to be dated the bliss of its devoted 
 builder. 
 
 But alas, the familiar aphorism, that true love never 
 runs smooth, was doomed to an exceptionally cruel 
 illustration in the case before us. While the day 
 dreams of the fond swain were making even this grave 
 yard a paradise to the unsuspecting lover, the object of 
 
1862.] VALLEY OP THE RAPPAHANNOCK. 213 
 
 his adoration was quietly wedded to another, and was 
 on her way to a distant part of the State before her 
 dupe awoke from the stupor into which he was thrown 
 by this sudden unvailing of his destiny. 
 
 Since then, and that was many years ago, no chisel 
 has rung upon the marble, nor has another block been 
 added to the pile. Rebel soldiers had used the monu 
 ment as a target, and defaced it with their sacrilegious 
 musketry, bruising it as the heart of its builder had 
 been bruised and just as wantonly. 
 
 The Valley of the Rappahannock, in the neighbor 
 hood of Fredericksburg, is very beautiful. It is only 
 some three miles in width, but is perfectly level and 
 the soil is exceedingly rich. It is shut in by high 
 hills on the north and south, running parallel with the 
 river. The city lies at the upper end of this valley and 
 stretches back from the river to Marye s Hill. The rail 
 road, from Acquia Creek to Richmond, crosses the river 
 at the lower end of the town, skirts the valley for two 
 miles, and then finds its way southward, through an 
 opening in the hills, near Hamilton s house, where 
 Franklin was ordered to penetrate the rebel line, at the 
 battle of Fredericksburg. 
 
 For months and months, at different times during 
 the war, hostile armies occupied opposite sides of the 
 river, and Rebel and Federal cannon frowned from 
 numberless batteries along both ranges of hills so 
 planted as to command the river, Fredericksburg and 
 the valley below. 
 
 Much of the time, these armies were merely watching 
 each other, while plans were being matured for future 
 operations. During such periods, though cannon would 
 occasionally echo through the valley, and a random shot 
 or shell drop or burst along the lines, the men would 
 come down to the opposite banks of the river and talk 
 with each other across the stream. 
 
 One of the distinguishing characteristics of the 
 
214 MUSIC IN CAMP [1862. 
 
 Union army, was its numerous bands of music, while 
 the Confederates had scarcely any. The boys in butter 
 nut, however, seemed as fond of music as their adver 
 saries in blue were, and would often gather at the 
 brink, on their side of the river, to hear our bands. 
 Such an incident is very prettily expressed in the fol 
 lowing lines, entitled " Music in Camp. " 
 
 1. " Two armies covered hill and plain, 
 
 Where Rappahannock s waters 
 Ran, deeply crimsoned with the stain 
 Of battle s recent slaughters. 
 
 2. The summer clouds lay pitched like tents 
 
 In meads of heavenly azure ; 
 And each dread gun of the elements, 
 Slept in its hid embrasure. 
 
 3. The breeze so softly blew, it made 
 
 No forest-leaf to quiver, 
 And the smoke of the random cannonade 
 Rolled slowly from the river. 
 
 4. And now, where circling hills looked down 
 
 With cannon grimly planted, 
 O er listless camp and silent town 
 The golden sunset slanted. 
 
 5. When on the fervid air there came 
 
 A strain, now rich, now tender, 
 The music seemed itself aflame, 
 With day s departing splendor. 
 
 6. A Federal band, which eve and morn, 
 
 Played measures brave and nimble, 
 Had just struck up with flute and horn, 
 And lively clash of cymbal. 
 
 7. Down flocked the soldiers to the banks, 
 
 Till margined by its pebbles, 
 One wooded shore was blue with " Yanks, "" 
 And one was gray with " Rebels. " 
 
 8. Then all was still : and then the band, 
 
 With movement light and tricksy, 
 Made stream and forest, hill and strand, 
 Reverberate with "Dixie." 
 
 9. The conscious stream, with burnished glow, 
 
 Went proudly o er its pebbles, 
 But thrilled throughout its deepest flow 
 With yelling of the Rebels. 
 
1862. MUSIC IN CAMP. 215 
 
 10. Again a pause and then, again, 
 
 " The trumpet pealed sonorous, 
 And " Yankee Doodle " was the tune 
 To which the shore gave chorus. 
 
 11. The laughing ripples shoreward flew 
 
 To kiss the shining pebbles, 
 Loud shrieked the swarming boys in blue, 
 Defiance to the rebels. 
 
 12. And yet once more the bugle sang 
 
 Above the stormy riot ; 
 No shout upon the evening rang; 
 There reigned a holy quiet. 
 
 13. The sad, slow stream, its noiseless flood 
 
 Poured o er the glistening pebbles ; 
 All silent, now, the Yankees stood, 
 All silent stood the rebels. 
 
 14. No unresponsive soul had heard 
 
 That plaintive note s appealing, 
 So deeply "Home, sweet Home " had stirred 
 The hidden founts of feeling. 
 
 15. Of blue or gray, the soldier sees, 
 
 As by the wand of Fairy, 
 The cottage neath the live oak trees, 
 The cabin by the prairie. 
 
 16. Or cold or warm, his native skies, 
 
 Bend in their beauty o er him 
 Seen through the tear mist, in his eyes, 
 His loved ones stand before him. 
 
 17. As fades the iris after rain 
 
 In April s tearful weather, 
 The vision vanished, as the strain 
 And daylight, died together. 
 
 18. But memory, waked by music s art, 
 
 Expressed in simplest numbers 
 Subdued the sternest Yankee s heart, 
 Made light the rebel s slumbers. 
 
 19. And fair the form of music shines, 
 
 That bright celestial creature, 
 Who still mid war s embattled lines, 
 Gave this one touch of nature. " 
 
CHAPTER XV. 
 
 AUGER S BRIGADE BROOKLYN FOURTEENTH KILLED AND WOUNDED 
 FREDERICKSBURG SURPRISED ITS BUSINESS AND SOCIETY THE 
 
 CHANGE FROM GRAY TO BLUE GENERAL FIELD NOT A HECTOR- 
 GENERAL ANDERSON AND WEST POINT HIS OBSERVATIONS THEREON 
 AND UPON OTHER MATTERS "THE CLATTERING CAR" DOES IT 
 PORTEND AN ATTACK ? SOME OBSERATIONS THEREON THE " PECU 
 LIAR INSTITUTION" STRANGE MANIFESTATIONS LIEUTENANT DECKER 
 
 FALMOUTH DILAPIDATION AND DECAY CHIMNEYS NO TOWNSHIPS 
 IN VIRGINIA PHILLIPS AND LACY HOUSES JUDGE COULTER AND HIS 
 WIDOW MANUMISSION OF SLAVES DISALLOWED LACY TAKES THE 
 ESTATE AND ITS HUMAN CHATTELS GENERAL WADSWORTH RIDES 
 INTO CAMP THE BOYS GO FOR HIM A PONTOON BRIDGE THE 
 TWENTIETH, TWENTY-THIRD AND THIRTY-FIFTH TAKE POSSESSION OF 
 FREDERICKSBURG SOMETHING ABOUT THE CITY CONTRABAND OF 
 WAR RESIDUE OF BRIGADE AND GENERAL PATRICK CROSS RIVER- 
 FIRST CORPS REPAIRING RAILROAD A RECONNOISSANCE, AND WHAT 
 CAME OF IT PICKET DUTY ALARMS CHEERS DREAMS ST. GEORGE S 
 FLAG OF TRUCE MCDOWELL ANGRY ADVANCE OF PICKETS REBS 
 SPITEFUL MESSRS. STEELE AND HASBROUCK THE PRESIDENT HOW 
 REAPPEARED ON HORSEBACK ORDERS COUNTERMAND "WAITING 
 
 MARCH" A HALT. 
 
 THE rebel forces encountered on our way to Fal- 
 mouth, consisted of one regiment of infantry, one of 
 cavalry, and a light battery, all under command of Gen 
 eral Field. Our advance was led by General Augur s 
 brigade, with Kilpatrick, then Lieutenant-Colonel of the 
 " Harris Light Cavalry," and commanding the regi 
 ment, at the front. General Augur himself, with a sec 
 tion of artillery and the " Brooklyn Fourteenth " infan 
 try, kept close on the heels of the cavalry ; the 14th en 
 tering Falmouth after a wonderful march, without hav 
 ing left a single straggler behind. The loss in the cav 
 alry was twenty -five men killed and wounded, and a 
 number of 
 
1862.] GENERAL ANDERSON AND WEST POINT. 217 
 
 The arrival of the Union troops was a surprise to the 
 good people of Fredericksburg. They had profited by 
 the war up to this time, and did not expect a visitation 
 by Federal troops in a long time, if ever. Fredericks- 
 burg had an air of business in its streets and ware 
 houses, and in the conversation and manner of its men, 
 that could be found nowhere else in the State, except in 
 Richmond itself. Its society was aristocratic, after the 
 model of aristocracy in the days of the Revolution. 
 Confederate officers were exceedingly popular in Fred 
 ericksburg, and the city swarmed with them after the 
 first battle of Bull Run. Every one was a hero, and 
 nightly crowned with laurels. Nothing was too good 
 for them, and every door opened at their approach, and 
 fair women contended with each other for precedence 
 in doing them honor. It was a grievous humiliation to 
 these over-confident Secessionists, to see the gray uni 
 forms of the Confederacy fade away in the dim distance 
 and the blue of the Union troops take their place. 
 They did not hesitate to censure General Field for giv 
 ing way before us, and insinuated that he was not as 
 brave as Hector. But it did no good ; we were there, 
 and they made up their minds to make the best of the 
 situation. 
 
 General Robert H. Anderson, a graduate of West 
 Point, was lying a few miles south of Fredericksburg, 
 with a considerable force of Rebel troops, to which body 
 the command of General Field belonged, and to which 
 it returned after its futile attempt to retard McDowell s 
 march. It strikes a cursory observer of current events 
 as a singular fact, that this General Anderson is, at this 
 present writing, (June, 1879,) one of the Board of Visi 
 tors attending the examination of West Point cadets, 
 appointed by the President of the United States. " To 
 err is human to forgive, Divine." There has been lots 
 of humanity and divinity in this view of those qualities, 
 in this country, during the last eighteen years. A 
 
218 HIS OBSERVATIONS THEREON [1862. 
 
 Herald reporter interviewed General Anderson, and 
 drew from him some interesting statements about the 
 Academy, the war, and Georgia politics : 
 
 "It is twenty-two years ago," said he, "since I 
 graduated here, but there was some difference in the 
 studies then and now. There was an examination in 
 gunnery but none in ordnance, that being an addition 
 since my time ; and no wonder, for gunnery has un 
 dergone a complete revolution. Why, the largest 
 pieces we ever saw were ten-inch, and besides all the 
 new-fangled ideas in ordnance, rifled shells and oblong 
 shots that go through iron and stone like a knife, were 
 then unknown. Why, at the breaking out of the 
 war as good an artillery officer as General Lee was 
 satisfied Fort Pulaski was safe from Gilmore s guns 
 at a mile distance, but three and four miles was no 
 thing impossible to Gilmore s artillery. Another 
 study they have here now is much more extensive 
 than it was over twenty years ago, and that is law. 
 We merely studied principles of international law, 
 but now there is enough taught to set a man up in 
 business as a lawyer ; besides, they have what is call 
 ed a judge-advocate, whose business is all law. In 
 old times an officer, when the occasion called for it, 
 was detailed to attend to the necessary legal business, 
 and that over, he returned to his army duties." 
 
 " What graduates in your class became distinguish 
 ed in the Confederate army ?" 
 
 " Well, several of them were killed early in the war, 
 who promised to be brilliant. There were Generals 
 Strong and Putnam, besides Marmaduke, who was 
 well known, and Kirby Smith." 
 
 " Do you recognize any old comrades here ?" 
 " Only a few who are instructors or professors." 
 " How do you get on with the Union officers ?" 
 " Very well. As Bishop Beck with said of the Epis 
 copal Church in the late struggle, We cherish no 
 
1862.] AND UPON OTHER MATTERS. 219 
 
 animosities between brethren, and so with the men 
 of West Point. Though on opposite sides, they were 
 ever ready to clasp hands, and no set of men ever left 
 a college or institution of this kind who cherish such 
 ardent friendships for each other as the graduating 
 class of West Point. Theirs is more than a masonic 
 tie, and many illustrations of its strength and fervor 
 were shown during the late war." 
 
 " What else do you find changed here, General ?" 
 
 " Well, all the changes I have noted are for the bet 
 ter. The quality of the food is greatly improved, and 
 not alone that, but the cadets are charged less for it 
 than in my time. It was a good idea to take the sup 
 plying away from a civilian and give it to an officer 
 like the one who has charge of it at present Com 
 missary Mills. Another thing to be commended is 
 the superintendency of General Schofield. He is 
 managing this Academy with great tact and wisdom. 
 In place of using repressive measures, he has trusted 
 the honor of the boys, and he has never been deceived. 
 He allows them to go boating on the river up and 
 down, and several other small indulgences that in no 
 way interfere with the strict discharge of duty, and 
 yet the boys lives are all the brighter and more cheer 
 ful." 
 
 " How is your State of Georgia getting on ?" 
 
 u Georgia is going forward to a prosperous destiny. 
 Every town of any consequence in the State is increas 
 ing in wealth and size. The colored people have turn 
 ed round to steady work, and the whole population 
 has but one object in view, the material advancement 
 of the State." 
 
 " You don t bother much with politics ?" 
 
 " Not much. Don t even vote." 
 
 " What do you think of Tilden s chances in the 
 South r 
 
 I don t think much of them . A much stronger 
 
220 THE CLATTERING CAR. [1862. 
 
 man than Tilden would be General Hancock, but the 
 southern people are far less anxious about political 
 matters than you would ever imagine, to judge by the 
 newspapers." 
 
 On the night of the twenty-first of April, and while 
 we were still lying on the north side of the Rappahan- 
 nock, trains of cars were heard coming into Fredericks- 
 burg, from the direction of Richmond, in rapid succes 
 sion, and it was believed at corps headquarters that 
 the rebels were concentrating troops with the view to 
 attack McDowell. Orders were issued putting brigade 
 commanders on their guard, and the troops were pre 
 pared for battle. Most of the heavy artillery of the 
 corps had been planted on Stafford Heights, overlook 
 ing Fredericksburg, on our arrival, and the infantry was 
 now posted so as to cover any point where it was 
 thought the enemy might attempt to cross the river. 
 The enemy s pickets had been visible, along the hills in 
 rear of Fredericksburg, from the day of our advent at 
 Falmouth, and the Confederate authorities doubtless 
 knew our strength and position. It would have been a 
 brilliant coup de main to have swooped down upon Mc 
 Dowell, and gobbled him up before McClellan could 
 have learned that such an enterprise was on foot. But 
 it did not strike me as very probable that the wily ad 
 versary would advise us of his design, by rumbling a 
 dozen trains of cars into Fredericksburg under our very 
 noses, or that he would attack, if at all, from that di 
 rection, and with a river to be crossed, under fire of all 
 arms. What he would have accomplished by moving a 
 large body to our right, under some such leader as 
 Jackson, I do not know, but certain I am that McDowell 
 would have given a good account of himself. But the 
 cars came and went all through the night, and they 
 were probably removing rebel stores from the city. 
 
 On our march from Catlett s Station to Falmouth, 
 and in and about the latter place, the " peculiar institu- 
 
1862.] PALMOUTH DILAPIDATION AND DECAY. 221 
 
 tion," manifested its presence in groups of negroes 
 along the wayside, and at the doors and windows of 
 every house we passed. Girls, especially, were numer 
 ous about the dwellings, giving one the impression that 
 the hive had swarmed. We were struck by the variety 
 of colors presented by these scions of Africa, ranging, 
 as they did, from a glistening ebony to a white, hardly 
 distinguishable from the Anglo-Saxon hue. The latter 
 complexions often accompanied with blue eyes, and 
 hair more curly than kinky. The anomaly could only 
 be accounted for by assuming that the climate had dif 
 ferent effects upon different temperatures bleaching 
 some, while the blackness of others was what the mer 
 chant would call a " fixed color." 
 
 Among the killed, in one of the skirmishes between 
 Catlett s and Falmouth, was Lieutenant Decker, of the 
 Harris Cavalry. I got the impression, at the time, that 
 he belonged to, or was connected with an Ulster County 
 family of that name. 
 
 Falmouth was an insignificant village, lying along 
 the river s bank, at the foot of Stafford Heights, in 
 Stafford County, and, with few exceptions, its buildings 
 were in that state of dilapidation common to old south 
 ern towns. Painting, repairing, or any attempt to keep 
 houses or grounds in neatness and order, seemed never to 
 have been thought of. * Time s erasive fingers have left 
 their indelible marks on every village in the South, and 
 decay is accepted in perfect contentment, and without 
 an effort to arrest it. Nearly every dwelling-house 
 south of the Potomac is disfigured by a huge chimney, 
 often constructed of rough stone, standing against one 
 end of the building, from which capacious fire-places 
 open into the house. It is said they build the chimney 
 first, and then lean the house against it, but I cannot 
 vouch for the truth of this statement, as I never saw a 
 dwelling except soldier s in process of construction, 
 in the South. 
 
222 PHILLIPS AND LACY HOUSE. [1862. 
 
 It will have been observed that localities have been 
 designated, in this volume, by the names of individuals 
 in the possessive case, as a rule, and it may be well to 
 remind the reader that the Territorial division of the 
 Old Dominion does not include townships. Therefore 
 it is we find places bearing such names as "Upton s 
 Hill," "Fall s Church," " Catlett s Station," "Spotted 
 Tavern," where we bivouacked the first night out from 
 Catlett s; " Piney Branch Church," where the hero 
 Sedgwick was killed. Falmouth was named after an 
 individual, and its neighbor, Fredericksburg, was so 
 called in honor of Prince Frederick, father of England s 
 George the Third. 
 
 There were, however, a few fine and well-kept places 
 in the vicinity of Falmouth. One of them was the prop 
 erty of a Mr. Phillips, who was reputed to be a Union 
 man at heart, but constrained by his surroundings to 
 act with the Secessionists. He owned a large plantation 
 on the Stafford Plains, two miles from Falmouth, upon 
 a well-chosen site, on which stood an elegant mansion, 
 designed and constructed with a view to beauty and do 
 mestic comfort. The rooms were numerous, spacious 
 and pleasant, and reminded one of the better class of 
 country houses, on the banks of the Hudson. The 
 house was subsequently burned, whether by accident or 
 design, I do not know. About opposite to the central 
 part of Fredericksburg, and a few hundred feet from 
 the river, was an old brick mansion, known as the 
 "Lacy House," from its owner. Lacy was a rebel 
 from choice, and ranked as Major in the Confederate ar 
 my. His house was very large, with no attempt at exte 
 rior ornamentation ; within, however, wealth and art 
 had left abundant evidence of their profuse employ 
 ment to make the dwelling a fit abode for the most re 
 fined and esthetic inhabitants. The grounds descended 
 to the river in terraces, and the house and its surround 
 ings could not well be surpassed for beauty, elegance and 
 
1862.] TAKE POSSESSION OF FREDERICKSBURG. 223 
 
 oomfort. The property came to Lacy through Judge 
 
 Coulter, who formerly owned and lived upon 
 
 it. He, dying, left it to his widow, who also died about 
 1857. She left a will, manumitting her slaves, some 
 eighty-five in number. The Courts of Virginia held 
 that this provision of the will contravened the laws of 
 the State, and they annulled it. Lacy, a relative of 
 Mrs. Coulter, succeeded to the estate, and entered upon 
 the enjoyment of the blessings which are vouchsafed to 
 the owner of eighty-five human beings black and white 
 more or less. General McDowell established his 
 headquarters at the Lacy house, and General King fixed 
 his at the Phillips house. 
 
 While lying at Falmouth, General Wadsworth and 
 staff surprised his old brigade by riding into its camp, 
 and there was a rush of officers and men to greet their 
 former commander. His kind face lighted up with 
 more than its usual benignity, as he saw how universal 
 and genuine was the esteem in which his old command 
 held him. 
 
 On the fifth of May, a pontoon bridge was completed 
 across the Rappahannock, from in front of the Lacy 
 house, and at five o clock in the afternoon three com 
 panies of the Twentieth Regiment, two of the Twenty- 
 third, and one of the Thirty -fifth, all under command of 
 Lieutenant-Colonel Gates, of the Twentieth, crossed the 
 river and took possession of the city, without opposi 
 tion. 
 
 The city is in Spottsylvania County, seventy miles 
 south of Washington, and sixty miles north of Rich 
 mond. The " Richmond, Fredericksburg and Potomac 
 Railroad ? passes through the easterly end of the city, 
 crosses the Rappahannock, and terminates at Aquia 
 Creek, on the Potomac River, eight miles north of 
 Fredericksburg ; from thence to Washington the jour 
 ney is by steamboat. It is the most direct route be 
 tween Washington and Richmond. The population of 
 
224 PATRICK S BRIGADE CROSS THE RIVER. [1862. 
 
 Fredericksburg in 1862, was about 5,000, a large propor 
 tion of whom were negroes. The Court House and 
 County offices were located here, and the usual division 
 in religious views was represented by five churches of 
 different denominations, one Baptist, one Episcopalian, 
 one Methodist, one Presbyterian and one Reformed 
 Baptist. The city boasted three newspapers, embrac 
 ing a daily, a semi-weekly, and a weekly. It contained 
 an orphan asylum, two seminaries, and two banks. 
 The Falls of the Rappahannock, a mile above the city, 
 afford excellent water-power, which is employed for 
 milling purposes of various kinds. The Rappahannock 
 is navigable up to Fredericksburg, a distance of one 
 hundred and ten miles from the Chesapeake, into which 
 it empties at Windmill Point. Its course is nearly par 
 allel with that of the Potomac. Prior to the war, Fred 
 ericksburg did a flourishing trade in the export of grain, 
 flour and tobacco, the aggregate often exceeding $4, 000, - 
 000 per annum. 
 
 Several thousand bushels of Confederate corn was 
 found in the city, which the rebels had been unable to 
 remove, and it was found quite useful to the Federal 
 troops. Various kinds of property army material- 
 was discovered about the city, from time to time, and 
 confiscated. 
 
 On the tenth of May the residue of the Twentieth 
 entered the city, and, passing through, encamped along 
 the telegraph road to Richmond, about a mile and a 
 half beyond Fredericksburg. The other regiments of 
 the brigade encamped in the same neighborhood, and 
 General Patrick was placed in command of the city y 
 with headquarters in the building formerly The Bank 
 of Virginia," and which showed evidences of a very 
 hurried departure by its late occupants. 
 
 By the twentieth of May, the army had repaired the 
 railroad from Aquia Creek to Fredericksburg, including 
 the re-building of the trestle bridge, over the Potomac 
 
1862.] A RECONNOISSANCE AND WHAT CAME OF IT. 225 
 
 Run, and the bridge across the Rappahannock at 
 Fredericksburg. The work was done with astonishing 
 rapidity, and the bridges were splendid specimens of 
 engineering and mechanical skill. The restoration of 
 
 O O 
 
 this road enabled the Government to supply McDowell s 
 corps with very little hauling, and in the event of its 
 moving toward Richmond, or of McClellan s army 
 swinging around between Richmond and Fredericks- 
 burg, this road could feed either or both, with ease and 
 economy. 
 
 On Sunday afternoon, May the eleventh, Major 
 Duffie, with a squadron of the Harris Cavalry, and ac 
 companied by the Lieutenant-Colonel of the Twentieth, 
 made a reconnoissance down the Bowling Green Road, 
 and about four miles below Fredericksburg, surprised 
 and captured a picket post of one officer and eleven 
 men, together with three horses and their accoutre 
 ments. The picket was posted at the edge of an exten 
 sive forest, within which, as we soon discovered, was a 
 strong body of Anderson s infantry and cavalry. The 
 news of the capture of the picket was speedily convey 
 ed to these troops, and they at once set out to re-cap 
 ture their men, and punish the captors for their temeri 
 ty. A large party of cavalry, followed by a strong in 
 fantry force, was now seen rapidly advancing through 
 the woods and up the road, and quite too numerous to 
 justify Major Duffie in engaging them. It was resolved, 
 however, to carry our prisoners into camp at all haz 
 ards, and, mounting some of them, the others were 
 sent to the front, and the retrograde movement began. 
 At the same time a messenger was dispatched to head 
 quarters, to inform General Patrick of impending dan 
 ger. The brigade was immediately put underarms, and 
 advanced down the road to the succor of the scouting 
 party, whom it received into its friendly embrace before 
 the pursuers could do it any harm. A few shots were 
 exchanged, but the only loss on our side was one horse 
 
 1 5 
 
226 PICKET LINE ALARMS CHEERS. [1862. 
 
 killed. The enemy withdrew, and our troops returned to 
 their camps. As we were still quite new to warfare, the 
 incident was very enlivening, and gave the men some 
 thing to talk and write about. 
 
 From the time we entered Fredericksburg, we had 
 maintained a picket line around the city, starting from 
 the river, above the falls, running along the plateau in 
 rear of the town, crossing the plank road, telegraph 
 road, and all other approaches to the city, and termina 
 ting on the river below the town. This picket line was 
 manned by details from all the regiments of the brigade, 
 with a field officer to command it. About nine o clock 
 in the evening of the day on which the affair narrated 
 in the above paragraph, took place, musketry opened 
 on the picket line, and the brigade was again put under 
 arms, but the firing ceased, and quiet resumed its do 
 minion along the line, and in the out-lying camps. 
 Tattoo (a drum beat, giving notice to soldiers to repair 
 to their quarters or tents) had been beaten and taps 
 (a like signal to put out lights) had been sounded, 
 when a noise like the rumbling of a gun-carriage was 
 heard in the direction of the river, beyond which the 
 bulk of our corps lay. Gathering volume as it moved 
 along the streets of the canvas city, on Stafford 
 Heights, it took on form and expression, and reached our 
 camps on the opposite side of the river, in a succes 
 sion of exultant cheers, such as Union soldiers alone 
 could give. This was the third startling event of the 
 day, and the most mysterious one of all. Had McClel- 
 lan captured Richmond ? Had the Confederates con 
 fessed their sins and asked to be taken back into the 
 family mansion ? Or what Jiad happened to justify 
 such a breach of military decorum, as to be cheering 
 after taps ? At length our curiosity was relieved, and we 
 sent back to the boys on the other side as hearty a 
 cheer as thirty-five hundred pairs of sound lungs and 
 glad throats could give, and all because the enemy had 
 
1862.] ST. GEORGE S FLAG OF TRUCE. 227 
 
 evacuated Norfolk, and blown up the monster Merri- 
 mac. Then we went to bed, and saw in our dreams the 
 horrid fabric of the Confederacy scattered like the 
 fragments of an exploded shell, glowing with a lurid 
 glare for one single moment, as the flame that destroy 
 ed it lighted it up, as though it would make its ending 
 a spectacle that should stand as a warning to future 
 ages, then dropping into gloom and darkness while the 
 bright rays of a newly risen sun reveal the beautiful en 
 sign of the Republic, floating over every fort, and rec 
 ognized as the symbol of undisputed authority in every 
 part of our domain. 
 
 On Sunday, the eighteenth of May, we attended St. 
 George s Protestant Episcopal Church. The Rector 
 was the Reverend Alfred M. Randolph, a sincere Seces 
 sionist. He omitted the prayer for the President of the 
 United States, and it was the first and only time we 
 ever knew it to be omitted from the service of the 
 Church. Mr. Randolph did not pray for the President 
 of the Confederate States, an omission which, I have no 
 doubt, was owing to the presence of U. S. officers in his 
 church, and Federal troops in his city. 
 
 Sunday seemed to be our day for events it was so 
 all through the war. On this particular Sunday the 
 sensation w#s produced by the arrival from the picket 
 line, under guard, of course, of an officer in Confederate 
 uniform, who gave his title and name as Captain Wor- 
 thington, A. D. C. to General Anderson. He was the 
 bearer of a letter from General Anderson to General 
 McDowell, and wished to deliver the missive in person. 
 General Patrick directed Lieutenant-Colonel Gates to 
 inform General McDowell, who was at his headquarters 
 in the Lacy House, of the circumstance. Colonel Gates 
 rode across the river and reported to General McDowell 
 what had transpired on the other side, and informed 
 him that the bearer of the flag wished to be conducted 
 to his quarters. Learning that the officers on the picket 
 
228 ADVANCE OF PICKETS. [1862. 
 
 line had sent this Confederate inside, and even into the 
 heart of Fredericksburg, without blindfolding him, Me 
 Do well became very angry, and it was not entirely 
 agreeable to be in his presence when he was in such a 
 mood. He ordered that the man be sent back immedi 
 ately, and that any communication he might have for 
 him. be left with General Patrick. 
 
 I was reminded of this incident by one of General 
 McDowell s answers to Mr. Choat, General Fitz-John 
 Porter s counsel in the recent re-hearing of his case, be 
 fore a Board of army officers. McDowell is a bluff and 
 somewhat irascible man, and strangers might think him 
 angry when, in fact, he is in the best of humor. He 
 has some of the peculiarities of the late Judge William 
 B. Wright, in that respect. But when he is downright 
 angry, no one in his presence can possibly be deluded 
 with the notion that he is in an amiable mood. Mr. 
 Choat mistook the General s manner for anger, and 
 asked him why he was angry. " Angry," replied Gen 
 eral McDowell, " Sir, you don t know what it is to see 
 me angry." No, indeed ; if Choat had seen the Gen 
 eral real angry, he would not have stayed to ask him 
 what it was about. 
 
 On the night of the twentieth of May, the picket 
 lines of the Twentieth, covering the plank road, were 
 pushed forward to the toll-gate, driving the Rebel pick 
 ets down through the valley between the toll-gate and 
 New Salem Church. Provoked by this little aggression, 
 they thereafter kept up a lively firing wherever the 
 head of one of our men could be seen apparently 
 within range. This circumstance came very near 
 proving a serious matter for a couple of Ulster 
 County gentlemen who were making the Twentieth a 
 brief visit at that time, and who rode out to the front 
 with Colonel Gates. The gentlemen were Honorable 
 John B. Steele and Mr. Jansen Hasbrouck. As the 
 party rode into the enclosure covering the toll-gate, the 
 
1862.] MESSRS. STEELE AND HASBROUCK. 229 
 
 Rebel sharp-shooters opened a brisk fire, and the bul 
 lets rattled around us in a lively and suggestive manner. 
 The civilians manifested the utmost coolness, but they 
 deemed it a duty they owed their families and friends 
 to get out of range as soon as they could, with due re 
 gard to the dignity that ought to accompany the move 
 ment. Mr. Steele remarked that he was riot at all 
 afraid, and, on the whole, perhaps had rather be shot 
 than not, but he could easily imagine the uncomplimen 
 tary remarks such an event would call forth from his 
 more judicious acquaintances, to the effect that "it 
 served him right ;" " what was he, a civilian and Mem 
 ber of Congress, doing on the picket line ? He might 
 have known he would be shot, and he ought to have 
 been, forgoing there." The probability of some such 
 observations being indulged in, in the event of either 
 gentleman being hit, and the considerations first above 
 suggested, induced Messrs. Steele and Hasbrouck to 
 fall back, in good order, however, to a point where the 
 gate-house covered them from the observation of the 
 particular party of rebel riflemen whose fire they had 
 drawn, and who seemed to be concealed in a clump of 
 woods on the hillside in front of New Salem Church. 
 Mr. Hasbrouck was determined to carry home a memen 
 to of his first experience under fire, and he obtained one 
 of the bullets which had struck the building near him, 
 and only partially imbedded itself in the wood. Mr. 
 Hasbrouck thought he had rather take the trouble to 
 cut it out of the wood and carry it home in his pocket, 
 than to have it "imbedded" in his flesh and carry it 
 home in that way. I have no doubt Mr. Hasbrouck 
 has preserved that bullet to this day. 
 
 On the twenty-third of May, his Excellency, Presi 
 dent Lincoln, visited the troops at Falmouth and Fred- 
 ericksburg, and had a sort of informal review. He was 
 mounted on a horse that, at first sight, seemed a mere 
 pony, whose belly was very near the ground. A horse 
 
#30 A WAITING MARCH A HALT. [1862. 
 
 ridden by Mr. Lincoln always appeared so to the casual 
 observer ; but on inspection it would be found that his 
 horse was of the medium size, and the deceptive im 
 pression was produced by reason of the spare figure and 
 long limbs of the rider, whose feet seemed to sweep 
 dangerously near the ground, even when mounted on a 
 horse fourteen and a half hands high. We supposed 
 the President s visit to Fredericksburg foreshadowed 
 some movement of the first corps. Two days later, or 
 ders were issued for the corps to march to Catlett s 
 Station, and the commands of Generals Shields and 
 Ord proceeded, but the order, so far as the first division 
 was concerned, was countermanded, and the other 
 brigades of the division were ordered to join the first on 
 the south side of the river. 
 
 On Monday, the twenty-sixth of May, the first divis 
 ion struck camp, and, facing Richmond-ward, set out at 
 half-past two P.M. over the so-called Telegraph 
 Road," towards the Rebel Capital, halting for the night 
 at Massaponix Creek, six miles south of Fredericks- 
 burg. The march was tardy and hesitating, as though 
 it was considered of doubtful expediency, or as liable to 
 attack. It seemed to me as though it were a "waiting 
 march ;" a movement which was half real and half a 
 feint, with an expectation that an event or an order 
 would intervene to determine which character the 
 movement would finally assume. General Anderson s 
 men had evidently been disturbed by our advance, and 
 we occupied, on the night of the 26th, ground that they 
 had just abandoned. Companies C, Captain Tappen, 
 and G, Captain Hendricks, under command of Major 
 Hardenburgh, did picket duty through the night. 
 
CHAPTER XYI. 
 
 AT MASSAPONIX CREEK MARCH NORTHWARD HUMAN ENDURANCE WHAT 
 WE GET USED TO NIGHT MARCHES VISITORS RE-ENTRE INTO 
 FREDERICKSBURG RECONNOISSAN CES CAPTURES THE ARMY OF 
 VIRGINIA WHAT IT WAS, AND WHAT IT- WAS EXPECTED TO DO 
 EFFECT OF MCCLELLAND DEFEAT KING S OPERATIONS JACKSON AT 
 GORDONVILLE LOCATION OF POPE S ARMY ENEMY DRIVE IN OUR 
 CAVALRY POPE CONCENTRATES BANKS AT CEDAR MOUNTAIN DE 
 CEIVED BY BEBEL TACTICSBRINGS ON ENGAGEMENT AGAINST ORDERS 
 REPULSED RICKETT REINFORCES BANKS ENEMY ADVANCE AND ARE 
 DRIVEN BACK HEAVY LOSS KING S DIVISION MARCHES TO JOIN POPE 
 CAPTURE OF LEE S LETTERS RENO ARRIVES BLUFF ARMY FALLS 
 BACK CROSSES THE RAPPAHANNOCK KILPATRICK THE IRA HARRIS 
 CAVALRY CHARGE A STONE WALL SOMEBODY BLUNDERED THE CON 
 TRABANDS. 
 
 FOE sixty hours we remained at Massaponix Creek, 
 waiting for some event or order to determine our future 
 movements. What had become of General Anderson ? 
 All around us were the abandoned sites of numerous 
 Confederate camps, and his force must have been large 
 enough to make McDowell s position, with his diminish 
 ed members, dangerous. But no enemy appeared to dis 
 turb our quiet in the valley of the Massaponix. Indeed, 
 on the afternoon of the second day of our sojourn, Colo 
 nel Lord, of the 35 tli Regiment, and Colonel Pratt, Lieu 
 tenant-Colonel Gates, and Major Loughran, of the 20th, 
 rode to Massaponix church, three miles farther to the 
 front, without encountering a Confederate soldier. For 
 some reason we were being let severely alone, and we 
 did not know, at the time, why. 
 
 On the 29th of May, the division faced to the north 
 and retraced its steps to Fredericksburg, and. crossing 
 the river, the head of the column took the direction of 
 Catlett s Station, from which we had advanced to Fred 
 ericksburg something over a month before. The cause 
 of this retrograde movement was the raid of Stonewall 
 
 231 
 
232 HUMAN ENDURANCE. [1862. 
 
 Jackson down the Shenandoah Valley, the capture of 
 Milroy, the retreat of Banks, and the possible danger of 
 the Federal Capital. 
 
 Twenty-six days later, the regiment went into camp 
 upon the ground it first occupied, opposite Fredericks- 
 burg. In the interim, it had marched over a hundred 
 miles, and the outward march, to Hay Market, near 
 Thoroughfare Gap, was a forced march, and a very 
 fatiguing one. The weather was excessively warm and 
 sultry, with frequent rains, which seemed to have no 
 other effect than spoiling the roads, soaking the men 
 and driving the heat of the earth up into the atmos 
 phere, making it hotter than it was before. In this 
 march the men of the first corps proved the superiority 
 of human over brute endurance. The best horses gave 
 out under the heat and fatigue of the journey, while 
 the boys tightened cartridge-belts and knapsacks, and 
 marched from early morning until late at night, without 
 a murmur. 
 
 It is wonderful how much severe treatment the deli 
 cate mechanism of the human system will bear, and yet 
 be none the worse for. What we are apt to regard as 
 privations and injurious exposures, the thought of 
 which strikes terror to the indolent and luxurious, are, 
 after all, more conducive to robust health and manly 
 development than the lives of ease and sumptuous- 
 ness so many lead, and so many others sigh for. 
 
 True, one would not, ordinarily, choose army rations 
 in preference to the savory viands and tempting delica 
 cies that grace the table of the epicure. Yet I do not 
 doubt the superior wholesomeness of the soldier s bill of 
 fare. 
 
 Neither is it natural that we should be indifferent 
 to the comforts of a cozy apartment and a spring mat 
 tress. And yet, the time soon comes, when the weary 
 soldier finds dear mother earth as soft as eider-down ; 
 and wrapping himself in his blanket, with a saddle or 
 
1862.] RE-ENTREE INTO FREDERICKSBURG. 233 
 
 stone for a pillow, says his orisons, and then, languidly 
 seeking to trace some constellation in the pictured 
 vault above, the stars are transformed into faces of 
 loved ones far away, and slumber steals upon him laden 
 with pleasant visions of home. 
 
 But, ah ! if the windows of heaven are open, and 
 the rain invades his spacious chamber, he experiences 
 the truth that " night and storm and darkness are won 
 drous strong," but fails to discover in them that "beauty 
 which the poet says is "like the light of a dark eye in 
 woman." 
 
 But the night is not always spent in slumber. Often 
 through its long hours, "Tramp, tramp, tramp, the 
 boys are marching," guided, perhaps, by some "in 
 telligent contraband," or some less reliable specimen of 
 " poor white trash," who, closely watched by a file of 
 soldiers, or mounted between two cavalrymen, is made 
 to do unwilling service in his country s cause. 
 
 While lying in our Stafford Heights camp after our 
 return, we were visited by Messrs. Erastus Cooke and 
 Jacob Hardenburgh, of Kingston, who spent several 
 days with the regiment, in which they had hosts of 
 friends. Colonel Zadock Pratt also paid us a visit at 
 this time. 
 
 At daylight, on the 28th of July, the regiment again 
 entered Fredericksburg, and the four right companies, 
 A, Captain James Smith ; C, Captain J. Rudolph Tap- 
 pen ; H, Captain Abram S, Smith ; and K, Captain 
 Ambrose N. Baldwin, all under command of Lieutenant- 
 Colonel Gates, marched to the vicinity of the Stanbury 
 House, in the upper part of the city, to cover the plank 
 road and the adjacent country ; while Colonel Pratt, 
 with the residue of the regiment, took post near Fen- 
 nihoe s House, at the lower suburb of the town. A cor 
 don of sentinels was again thrown around the city, and 
 thus things continued until the fourth of August, when 
 the detachment under Colonel Gates joined the main 
 
234 RECONNOISSANCES. [1862. 
 
 body of the regiment, under Colonel Pratt. On the 
 sixth of August, Colonel Pratt with companies A, E, 
 K, I and C, of the Twentieth, and two companies of 
 the 23d, and a section of artillery, made a reconnois- 
 sance down the Bowling Green Road, returning to 
 camp at three o clock next morning, without having 
 fallen in with the enemy. 
 
 On the eighth of August, the rebels captured thir 
 teen of our wagons and a number of men of Gibbon s 
 and Hatch s brigades, at Massaponix Creek, on the 
 Telegraph Road. Thereupon, Colonel Pratt, in command 
 of companies D and B, of the Twentieth, six companies 
 of the 23d, four companies of Third Indiana Cavalry, 
 and a section of the First N. H. Battery, marched on a 
 reconnoissance and foraging expedition, at 7 P. M., to 
 Round Oak Church, southeast of Fredericksburg, while 
 at the same time Lieutenant-Colonel Gates, with four 
 companies of the 20th, marched up the Telegraph Road 
 to Massaponix Creek, the bridge over which the Confed 
 erate guard fired, and then fled, as the Federal troops 
 approached. Colonel Gates then marched across the 
 country to the Bowling Green Road, where he joined 
 Colonel Pratt, and the entire force returned to camp at 
 half -past three o clock next morning, bringing in two 
 prisoners, twenty-five mules, thirty horses, and fifty 
 head of cattle. 
 
 While the unimportant events narrated in this 
 chapter were just sufficiently interesting to save us 
 from ennui, affairs were culminating on the upper Rapi- 
 dan that soon involved the Twentieth in the more terri 
 ble and destructive scenes of war. 
 
 The Peninsular campaign had ended, and the shat 
 tered army of the Potomac was making its way back to 
 Aquia Creek, Alexandria and Washington. General 
 John Pope, with the army of Virginia, comj^osed of the 
 first, second and third army corps, commanded respec 
 tively by Generals McDowell, Banks and Siegel, had 
 
1862.] WHAT POPE WAS REQUIRED TO DO. 235 
 
 been thrown forward along the line of the Rapidan, to 
 create a diversion in favor of McClellan, and facilitate 
 thereby the withdrawal of the latter s army from Har 
 rison s Landing. King s division of the first corps com 
 posed a part of the forces subject to Pope s orders, but 
 it had been left at Fredericksburg, because it menaced 
 Richmond, and at the same time covered Aquia Creek, 
 where some portion of McClellan s army was expected 
 to land. 
 
 The Government counted upon rapidly re-enforcing 
 Pope from the army of the Potomac, and designed to 
 hold the line of the Rappahannock,if possible, because it 
 was a constant menace to Richmond, and covered Wash 
 ington. An army stationed along that river could be 
 supplied by two lines of railroads. These roads had 
 been put in order at great expense, and, in every point 
 of view it was important that the position should be re 
 tained. The miscarriage of the Union cause on the 
 Peninsula had discouraged the friends of the Govern 
 ment, at home and abroad, and to have the Federal 
 forces between Washington and Richmond forced back 
 into the works along the Potomac, would be a great 
 humiliation, and might seriously affect our relations 
 with European powers. 
 
 General Halleck, therefore, who had been appointed 
 General-in-chief , had ordered Pope to hold on to Fred 
 ericksburg, and to reach out with his left and keep up 
 his communications with General King, and guard all 
 the passes of the river. Pope was required, at the same 
 time, to cover the front of Washington, to guard the 
 Valley of the Shenandoah, and so to operate upon the 
 enemy s lines of communication, to the west and north 
 west, that he would be compelled to make large drafts 
 upon his army at Richmond, and thereby be disabled 
 from making any serious demonstration against the 
 army of the Potomac, while withdrawing from the 
 Peninsula. 
 
236 LOCATION OF HIS ARMY. [1862, 
 
 In carrying out these objects, General King had 
 sent out his cavalry to operate on the line of the Vir 
 ginia Central Railroad, which connects Richmond with 
 the Valley of the Shenandoah, and it had torn up the 
 road at several points and on several occasions. Gener 
 al Banks sent forward all his cavalry, supported by a 
 brigade of infantry, about the tenth of July, and took 
 possession of Culpepper Court House, and on the 17th 
 of July this force had advanced to Madison Court 
 House, west of Robertson s River. 
 
 On the 16th of July Jackson s division of the Con 
 federate army occupied Gordonsville, and checked any 
 further movement of the Federals in that direction. 
 It was the advance guard of the entire Confederate ar 
 my, flushed with its triumph over McClellan. 
 
 Pope s army was now located along the Hedgeman and 
 Rappahannock Rivers, with his right thrown forward 
 to Little Washington and Sperryville, at the foot of the 
 Blue ridge, while Hatch lay at Madison Court House. 
 But the imminence of the danger that soon threatened 
 him induced a concentration of his forces, and on the 
 7th of August Banks was directed to move down the 
 turnpike toward Culpepper, as far as Hazel River. 
 Rickett s division was ordered to Culpepper Court 
 House. Siegel was directed to post a brigade of infantry 
 and a battery of artillery at the point where the road 
 from Madison Court House to Sperryville crosses Rob 
 ertson s River, as a support to Buford s cavalry, and 
 push on with the balance of his corps to Culpepper 
 Court House. King s division was ordered to march 
 from Fredericksburg on the ninth, for the same destina 
 tion. The front of the army was covered by the cavalry 
 along the line of the Rapidan, from the Blue Ridge to 
 the forks of the Rappahannock, above Fredericksburg. 
 The force thus brought within supporting distance, ex 
 cluding King s division, which was yet at Fredericks 
 burg, numbered about 28,000 men. 
 
1862.] BANKS AT CEDAR MOUNTAIN. 237 
 
 On the eighth of August, the enemy began to press 
 the cavalry of General Bayard, who was posted at Rap- 
 idan Station, where the Orange and Alexandria Rail 
 road crosses the river, with pickets extending eastward 
 to Raccoon Ford, and he was compelled to fall back, 
 slowly, before superior forces. At the same time the 
 enemy advanced in heavy force against General Buford, 
 who was stationed at Madison Court House. Crawford s 
 brigade of Banks corps was dispatched towards Cedar 
 Mountain, about midway between Culpepper Court 
 House and the Rapidan, to support General Bayard, 
 who was falling back in that direction. Banks and Siegel 
 were both directed to move at once to Culpepper. On 
 the morning of the ninth, General Banks encire corps 
 joined Crawford s brigade near Cedar Mountain. Siegel 
 had delayed his march from Sperry ville, while he sent a 
 messenger to General Pope to inquire "what road he 
 should march over." Banks corps was only about 
 8,000 strong, and it was not General Pope s design that 
 he should bring on an engagement. Ricketts division 
 of McDowell s corps still lay at the point where the road 
 from Madison Court House to Culpepper intersects the 
 road from Culpepper to Cedar Mountain, because it 
 might be one of the routes by which the enemy would 
 advance, and it was within easy supporting distance of 
 the forces at Culpepper or Cedar Mountain. On the 
 same day Buford found the enemy in heavy force in his 
 front, on both flanks, and partly on his left rear, and he 
 was obliged to retire in the direction of Sperryville. 
 
 Artillery firing opened, on the morning of the ninth, 
 between General Banks and the Confederates, whose 
 guns were posted in the woods along the Rapidan, 
 while Banks were in strong positions at Cedar Moun 
 tain. The enemy s tactics led General Banks to believe 
 that they were not in force in his front, and late in the 
 day he resolved to advance and attack them, and, if 
 possible, win a victory before they could be reinforced. 
 
238 DECEIVED BY REBEL TACTICS. [1862. 
 
 He accordingly threw forward his whole corps into ac 
 tion, and in doing so was obliged to cross a broad, op^n 
 plain, which, as it proved, the enemy had so posted guns 
 as to sweep every foot of apparently in anticipation 
 of just such a manoeuvre as Banks executed. Nev 
 ertheless, the Federals pushed boldly on through this 
 unlooked-for artillery fire, and assaulted the enemy with 
 great fury and determination. They found him in su 
 perior numbers, and strongly posted and sheltered by 
 woods and ridges. His musketry fire became very de 
 structive as our men came within range, and, after a 
 struggle of an hour and a half, during which the second 
 corps had displayed the utmost gallantry and resolu 
 tion, they were gradually driven back to their former 
 position, where Rickett s division had then just arrived 
 and joined in the action. The enemy had followed 
 Banks with great caution, and seemed reluctant to 
 emerge into the open ground, yet he did leave his cover 
 in hopes of making his victory more complete, but was 
 driven back by the batteries of Ricketts division, with 
 considerable loss. The artillery firing was kept up un 
 til midnight. 
 
 Banks was deluded, as our Generals often were, by 
 the wily tactics of the enemy, whereby they were led to 
 believe that the Confederates were weak and intimidat 
 ed by our superior force, and only anxious to make us 
 believe they were strong to cover their escape from a 
 perilous position. It seemed impossible for our Gener 
 als to believe this was craft. It was always so well 
 acted that it seemed real, and the delusions produced 
 by it cost the Federals a great many lives. Our loss in 
 this battle, in killed, wounded and prisoners, was about 
 1,800 men. Among the wounded were Generals Geary, 
 Augur and Carroll, and General Prince was captured. 
 This battle was fought in violation of General Pope s 
 orders, and was a useless waste of life, in that it pro 
 duced no appreciable effect upon impending events, 
 
1862.] MARCH OF KING S DIVISION. 239 
 
 but rather operated to defeat the purposes of Pope, by 
 prematurely developing his position and resources, and 
 inducing greater caution on the part of the enemy. 
 
 Pope estimated that with King s division, his force 
 would barely equal that of the enemy in his immediate 
 front, and he resolved to attack him, as soon as King 
 should come up. 
 
 King marched from Fredericksburg at five P.M., on 
 the ninth, at the hour when Banks was moving to the 
 attack, but without any information of the impending 
 battle. He knew, however, that he was wanted at Cul- 
 pepper, and he marched until ten o clock that night, 
 and reached Pope s headquarters at midnight on the 
 eleventh. Pope resolved to fall upon Jackson the next 
 morning at daylight, but a reconnoisance revealed the 
 fact that he had, during the night of the eleventh, fall 
 en back in the direction of Gordonsville, leaving many 
 of his dead unburied, and his wounded on the field and 
 along the road from Cedar Mountain to Orange Court 
 House. The cavalry, under Generals Buford and Bay 
 ard, pursued the enemy to the Rapidan, capturing 
 many stragglers, and then resumed their picket line 
 along the Rapidan, from the Blue Ridge to Raccoon 
 Ford. So neither party seemed to have gained any 
 permanent advantage by the sharp battle of the ninth. 
 Certainly none commensurate with the loss of life. 
 
 By the eighteenth of August, it became manifest to 
 General Pope that his advanced position, with his 
 his small force, was untenable in the face of the rapid 
 ly mustering forces of the enemy, General J. E. B. 
 Stuart s Adjutant-General was captured on the 17th, 
 near Louisa Court House, and on his person was found 
 an autograph letter from General Lee to Jackson, out 
 lining the campaign he proposed, and showing the po 
 sition and force of the Confederate army closing in 
 around Pope. 
 
 General Reno, with 8,000 men from Burnside s corps, 
 
240 KILPATRICK CHARGES A STONE WALL. [1862. 
 
 had joined Pope on the fourteenth of August, and he 
 had made a demonstration as if to advance, by throwing 
 his whole force in the direction of the Rapidan, with 
 Sigel on the right, at Robertson s River, McDowell in 
 the centre, at Cedar Mountain, and Reno on the left, 
 near Raccoon Ford. Banks corps, badly cut up, and 
 some of his regiments without a commissioned officer, 
 lying in the rear. 
 
 But this was only a move in the game of bluff, and 
 it could not deceive the enemy long, if it should have 
 that effect for a moment. So, on the morning of the 
 eighteenth, the trains were ordered to the rear, and the 
 several corps of the little army were directed to retire, 
 after the trains were well out of the way, and, crossing 
 at different points, take position on the left bank of the 
 Rappahannock. Reno was to cross at Kelly s or Bar- 
 nett s Ford, Banks and McDowell at Rappahannock 
 Station, and Sigel at Warrenton Sulphur Springs. 
 
 The "Twentieth" moved, with its brigade, through 
 Culpepper Court House and Brandy Station, and drop 
 ped down in the road, for a few hours sleep, at mid 
 night, three miles west of Rappahannock Station, where 
 we were to cross the river. Our brigade was the rear 
 guard of the infantry, but in rear of us was a body of cav 
 alry, one regiment of which was the Harris Light Cavalry, 
 under command of Lieut. -Colonel Judson Kilpatrick. 
 When near the station, on the morning of the 20th, 
 Kilpatrick charged a stone wall, behind which was a body 
 of Confederate riflemen, or dismounted cavalrymen, who 
 emptied many of the saddles of the Harris Light Cavalry 
 as they charged up to the wall, and retired from it, as 
 they were forced to do, and as their commanding officer 
 ought to have known they must do. It was another ex 
 ample of bad judgment and profligacy of human life. 
 Kilpatrick was the first of his command to cross the 
 bridge at Rappahannock Station, and while sitting on 
 his horse, on the bridge, two men of his regiment rode 
 
1862.] THE CONTRABAND. 241 
 
 up from the direction of the enemy. Their Colonel 
 halted them and asked where the rest of the regiment 
 was. They could give no satisfactory information, 
 and Kilpatrick gave them a cordial damning, apparent 
 ly because there were not more of them, and rode to the 
 east side of the bridge. The matter was really very 
 simple of explanation, and probably those two enlisted 
 men understood it perfectly, but did not dare to speak 
 of it, except in whispers, to each other. "Somebody 
 had blundered," and the result was loss of lives, and 
 disintegration of a line regiment of cavalry.* 
 
 A great many negroes accompanied the Union army 
 in its retreat, and some of them manifested the most ex 
 travagant and ludicrous joy when they got across the 
 river. One party of them approached the ford a few 
 rods below the bridge, where the water was two or three 
 feet deep, with an ox-team drawing a wagon, filled with 
 their worldly goods, and on top of these were three 
 wenches, and a perfect swarm of ebony children. 
 
 When they reached the bank of the river the oxen 
 refused to go down into the water, and whipping and 
 coaxing were of no avail. 
 
 The black figures kept their places, waiting the bet 
 ter mood of their cattle. But suddenly the angry rat 
 tle of musketry in the woods near by, suggested, even 
 to their obtuse intellects, that they should not stand 
 upon the order of their going, but go at once. Quick as 
 thought those black mothers siezed their youngest 
 children, and, followed by the others, sprung to the 
 ground, looking, in their descent, like fragments of 
 night, dropping from the sky, and dashed through the 
 water. 
 
 As they ascended the opposite bank, the matron of 
 the party clasped her hands, and, looking up to heaven, 
 exclaimed : " Bress de Lord we se on dis side ob 
 Jo don !" 
 
 * See note 1. 
 
CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 POSITION OB" ARMIES ARTILLERY FIRE FEINTS POPE S DIFFICULT ROLE 
 
 HALLECK S ORDER SIGEL POPE S PLAN ITS CHANCES OF SUCCESS- 
 SULPHUR SPRINGS A REBEL BATTERY C COMPANY AS SKIRMISHERS 
 ON THE RIGHT BY FILE INTO LINE A FRESHET NEW PLANS POSITION 
 OF POPE S ARMY WHERE IS THE FOE ? LEE*S DESIGNS JACKSON IN 
 REAR OF POPE CONDITION OF POPE S ARMY RE-ENFORCEMENTS 
 JACKSON DESTROYS RAILROADS AND CARS GOES TO CENTREVILLE 
 
 POPE S TACTICS TO CAPTURE HIM JACKSON S DANGER HOOKER AND 
 EWELL PATRICK S BRIGADE MARCH TO GAINSVILLE MARCH OF 
 OTHER TROOPS FITZ-JOHN PORTER AND POPE S ORDER JACKSON- 
 RETURNS TO MANASSAS JUNCTION POPE S ORDERS THEREON NUM 
 BER AND QUALITY OF JACKSON S CORPS MARCHES FROM CENTREVILLE 
 POPE PURSUES RICKETTS DIVISION SENT TO THOROUGHFARE GAP 
 JACKSON SURROUNDED KING S DIVISION ON CENTREVILLE PIKE 
 
 THREE HORSEMEN A BATTERY A SEVERE BATTLE POPE S ORDERS 
 
 HOW HIS PLANS WERE OVERTHROWN GENERAL KING. 
 
 THE position of Pope s army on the morning of the 20th 
 of August, was along the east bank of the Rappahan- 
 nock, with its left at Kelly s Ford and its right about 
 three miles above Rappahannock Station, whither Sigel 
 had marched after crossing the Hedgeman, at the 
 Sulphur Springs, until he connected with McDowell s 
 right. The enemy s advance pushed up to Kelly s Ford 
 and Rappahannock Station, almost immediately after 
 the Federal troops had crossed and drove in our pickets. 
 But finding the army in position on the opposite side of 
 the river, they retired out of range, awaiting the arrival 
 of the main body of their army. 
 
 The 21st of August opened with artillery fire along 
 the river, for a distance of seven or eight miles, and 
 several attempts were made by the enemy to cross, but 
 they were each time repulsed. The same tactics were 
 continued through the next day. The Twentieth Regi 
 ment was engaged during this time in supporting Cap- 
 
 242 
 
1862.] HALLECK S ORDER SIGEL. 243 
 
 tain Reynolds Battery L, First New York Artillery, 
 and on picket along the river, and was under artillery 
 lire most of the time. 
 
 Having felt our lines at every ford from Kelly s to 
 Sigel s right, probably as feints, rather than with any de 
 sign to force a crossing, the enemy began on the 22d to 
 move slowly up the river, with the intention of turning 
 Pope s right. This General was constrained by his 
 orders from General Halleck to maintain his communi 
 cations with Falmouth, to facilitate the junction with 
 him of troops landing at Aquia Creek, and for the other 
 reasons hereinbefore mentioned. His left was thereby 
 tied as it were to the lower fords of the Rappahannock, 
 and to extend farther to his right was to weaken his line 
 to a dangerous degree. He represented this condition 
 of things to Halleck, but the latter could not bring him 
 self to contemplate the abandonment of Aquia Creek 
 and Fredericksburg, except in the very last emergency, 
 and he directed Pope to hold on, and promised re- 
 enforcements from the Army of the Potomac in a day 
 or two, which would enable him to maintain his line 
 and have a force sufficient for any required movement. 
 On the 21st he telegraphed Pope : " Dispute every inch 
 of ground, and fight like the devil, till we can re-enforce 
 you. Forty-eight hours more and we can make you 
 strong enough." But the promised re-enforcements did 
 not come. The Army of the Potomac moved slowly 
 toward this new field of operations, and General Halleck 
 and the President exhausted all their powers of persua- 
 tion and commands to accelerate its movements, with 
 out avail. 
 
 Sigel, who apprehended his righc would be turned, 
 proposed to withdraw from his position, but this Pope 
 forbade, and directed him to stand firm, but not to at 
 tempt to interfere with any eifort the enemy might make 
 to cross the Hedgeman above his right at Sulphur 
 Springs. Pope then purposed to allow a considerable 
 
44 POPE S CAMPAIGN IN VIRGINIA. [18G2. 
 
 force of the Confederates to pass the river at the point 
 indicated, and to suddenly mass a portion of his forces 
 and fall upon their flank, as they should move toward 
 Warrenton, which was supposed to be their first objec 
 tive. The cavalry was watching the movements of the 
 enemy at and above Sulphur Springs. General Lee 
 himself was at Culpepper on the night of the 21st, and 
 it was evident that his whole army was confronting 
 Pope. 
 
 On the night of the 22d, Pope s information of the 
 movements and position of the enemy induced him to 
 contemplate an immediate withdrawal behind Cedar 
 Run, or the massing of his entire army, re-crossing the 
 Rappahannock, and attacking the flank and rear of the 
 Confederates. Halleck assented to this latter plan, and 
 Pope arranged to carry it into execution as soon as Lee 
 had thrown a sufficient number of his troops across the 
 upper fords of the Hedgeman to give reasonable hopes 
 of success. It was a soldierly conception, and if carried 
 out with judgment and spirit, would have been success 
 ful, and would have changed the entire aspect and re 
 sults of the campaign. Lee s army was now stretched 
 out from the forks of the Rappahannock to Waterloo 
 Bridge, and necessarily exposed a long flank to its ad 
 versary, and much time would be required to concen 
 trate a sufficient body to resist such an assault as Pope 
 contemplated. Pope intended to strike his blow on the 
 24th. 
 
 Therefore, on the twenty-third, McDowell s corps 
 marched to Warrenton, through a tremendous rain 
 storm, and the "Twentieth" bivouacked in the streets 
 of Warrenton that night, after a march of twelve miles. 
 The next day we marched two miles toward the Springs 
 and encamped. The following morning we broke camp 
 at six o clock, and marched to the White Sulphur 
 Springs, seven miles west of Warrenton. The Springs is 
 a fashionable summer resort, with a large and fine hotel 
 
1802.] CAPTAIN TAPPEN A PKESHET. 245 
 
 and a number of cottages, with grounds handsomely 
 arranged and laid out. As we approached the Springs, 
 a battery, posted near a large yellow house on the op 
 posite side of the river (the Hedgeman river flows within 
 a few hundred feet of the Springs), opened upon our 
 column, and at the same moment a brisk musketry tire 
 was delivered upon General Patrick and staff, who had 
 ridden to the Hedgeman to water their horses, unsus 
 pecting the presence of a foe. C Company, Captain 
 Tappen, was at once deployed as skirmishers, and ad 
 vancing through the grounds surrounding the Springs, 
 they got into the tall grass along the Hedgeman, where 
 the rebel infantrymen were concealed, and soon drove 
 them from cover and forced them to retreat, leaving 
 Captain Tappen in possession of the ground. At a 
 later hour of the day Colonel Pratt was ordered to move 
 across an open field, almost under the guns of the rebel 
 battery, which still maintained its tire, and take up a 
 position on a hill to our left and front. The regiment 
 moved down the road by wings, the right under com 
 mand of Colonel Pratt, and the left under Lieutenant- 
 Colonel Gates. Reaching the vicinity of the Hedgeman, 
 they tiled to the left into a by-road, and moving up that 
 a few hundred yards tiled to the right into an open field. 
 As each wing entered the field it formed line of battle- 
 on the right by file to present a narrower mark to the 
 rebel artillerists, who were now directing their guns ex 
 clusively at the Twentieth. Our movements were so 
 rapid they could not get range of us, and we reached 
 the position we were directed to occupy without 
 casualty. Infantry skirmishing continued through the 
 day, and we had a few men wounded. We remained in 
 this position during the night. 
 
 The next day the streams began to experience the 
 effect of the heavy rains, and before night they had 
 risen six feet. Both the Hedgeman and the Rappahan- 
 nock were fordable at several different places from 
 
246 POPE S CAMPAIGN IN VIRGINIA. [1862, 
 
 Kelly s to the Blue Ridge, in ordinary August weather, 
 but now both were impassable, except by the bridge at 
 Rappahannock Station. So, the strategy on which so 
 many hopes had been grounded came to naught, and 
 it was necessary to recast a plan of campaign to meet 
 the changed circumstances, and to utilize, if possible, 
 the unlooked-for flood. 
 
 It was believed at headquarters that a considerable 
 body of the enemy was on the left side of the river, 
 and Pope resolved to attack them before the subsidence 
 of the water should allow them to retreat or to be re -en 
 forced. The Federals were posted on the night of the 
 24th as follows : Ricketts division of McDowell s 
 corps, on the road from Warrenton to Waterloo Bridge, 
 and about four miles west of Waterloo ; King s division, 
 between Warrenton and Sulphur Springs ; Sigel s 
 corps, near the Rappahannock, with his advance at 
 Waterloo, and his rear in the direction of Sulphur 
 Springs ; in his rear and immediately in contact with 
 him, was Banks corps ; while Reno was lying east, and 
 very near the Springs. 
 
 But it was found that the enemy had not exposed 
 himself to this peril. He certainly was not on the left 
 side of the river, and wliere he was, became, for a time, 
 the leading question. No fact could more forcibly con 
 vey an idea of the topography of the country in which 
 these military operations were being carried on, than 
 that each army was often in ignorance of the position of 
 the other, although they were manceuvering within a 
 few miles of each other. On the 25th, General Sigel 
 insists that the main force of the enemy is advancing on 
 Waterloo Bridge, where he is stationed, and he wants 
 20-pound Parrott guns at once. Pope orders Sigel to 
 ford the river in the morning, at daylight, and lind out 
 what is in front of him. Pope does not believe there is 
 any enemy in force there, but thinks they have gone to 
 the west and northwest. McDowell telegraphs Pope : 
 
1802.] WHERE IS THE FOE ? LEE S DESIGNS. 247 
 
 " What is the enemy s purpose it is not easy to dis 
 cover. Some have thought that he means to march 
 around our right through Rectortown to Washington. 
 Others think that he intends going down the Shenan- 
 doah, either through Thornton s or Chester G-ap. 
 Others that it was his object to throw his trains around 
 into the valley, to draw his supplies from that direc 
 tion, and have his front looking to the east rather than 
 to the north. It is also thought that while a portion of 
 his force has marched up the immediate right bank of 
 the Rappahannock, a large portion has gone through 
 Culpepper, up the Sperryville road. Colonel Clark, 
 General Banks Aide-de-Camp, telegraphs, August 26th, 
 that a deserter has come in and reports Longstreet s 
 corps, embracing Anderson s, Jones , Kemper s, Whit 
 ney s and Evans divisions, in the woods back of Water 
 loo Bridge. This seems to sustain Sigel s opinion. He 
 also reported Hill s division at Jefferson (opposite 
 Sulphur Springs, and about two miles from the river), 
 and that Jackson s corps was somewhere above Long- 
 street s." On the same day a negro reports to General 
 Buford that the head of the enemy s column was at 
 White Plains at noon of that day. When it is remem 
 bered that White Plains is on the Manassas Gap Rail 
 road, and north of Bull Run Mountains, the conflicting 
 and distracting nature of these reports will be appre 
 ciated. 
 
 While this uncertainty as to the position and pur 
 pose of his adversary hampered Pope s movements, 
 Lee was executing his pre-arranged plan, with the 
 directness that distinguished his campaigns. His pur 
 pose was to sever Pope s communications with Wash 
 ington, destroy the railroad behind him, and taking 
 position on his flank, compel him to fight a battle under 
 circumstances favorable to the Confederates. 
 
 The negro told the truth. Jackson did in fact pass 
 through White Plains on the 26th, and struck the rail- 
 
248 POPE S CAMPAIGN IN VIRGINIA. [18t)2. 
 
 road in rear of Pope, at Kettle Run, destroying it and 
 the telegraph. Pope at once appreciated the situation, 
 and determined his course. He resolved to abandon the 
 line of the Rappahannock, and throw his whole force in 
 the direction of Gainesville and Manassas Junction, and 
 endeavor to crush the body of Confederates which had 
 separated themselves so far from their main army. 
 
 Just one week had elapsed since the retreat of Pope 
 began, and his troops had been in march, more or less, 
 day and night ever since, and much of the time under 
 fire. Several sharp skirmishes had taken place between 
 detached bodies of infantry and cavalry, and artillery 
 duels had been continuous. These, of course, were the 
 picket-line contests, and failed to reveal to either side 
 what was transpiring behind the lines. But this con 
 tinuous work in August weather had told tremendously 
 upon the men, and the sick-list was large, while the 
 killed and wounded had run up to a large number. Pope 
 had up to this time, however, been re-enforced by Gen 
 eral Reynolds, with 2,500 men of the Pennsylvania re 
 serves, and by General Kearney, with 4,500 men. On 
 the morning of the 27th, Pope estimated his effective 
 force as follows : Sigel s corps, nine thousand; Banks 
 corps, five thousand ; McDowell s corps, including 
 Reynolds division, fifteen thousand five hundred ; 
 Reno s corps, seven thousand; the corps of Heintzel- 
 man and Porter (which had recently moved up the line 
 of the Orange & Alexandria Railroad to the vicinity of 
 Warrenton Junction, but had not participated in the 
 movements of the residue of the army), about eighteen 
 thousand men, making a total of fifty-four thousand 
 five hundred men. The cavalry was about four thou 
 sand strong on paper, but there were scarcely five hun 
 dred men fit for duty. 
 
 Jackson moved down the Orange & Alexandria Rail 
 road to Manassas Junction, where he found a mile of 
 cars on the track filled with supplies for Pope s army ; 
 
1862.] POPE S TACTICS TO CAPTURE JACKSON. 249 
 
 these lie destroyed, and wrecked everything at the 
 Junction, and then marched across Bull Run and halted 
 at Centreville, as though to await developments from 
 this coign of vantage, where he could not be approached 
 without due notice, and where he could fight with posi 
 tion in his favor, or from whence he could retreat in 
 any direction. 
 
 Pope surmised what Jackson s course would be, and 
 he issued orders designed to cut off his retreat, and 
 bring him to battle. McDowell, with his own and 
 SigeFs corps, and Reynolds division, was ordered to 
 march down the Warrenton Turnpike to Gainesville, 
 reaching that point, if possible, on the night of the 
 27th. (Gainesville is the point where the Warrenton 
 and Centreville Turnpike crosses the Manassas Gap 
 Railroad, and its occupation, by a sufficient force, 
 would effectually close the road by which Jackson 
 could march toward the head of Lee s approaching but 
 still distant army.) Heintzleman and Reno were to 
 march to Catlett s Station, and thence to Greenwich, 
 reaching there the night of the 27th, or early next morn 
 ing. (Greenwich is in the angle formed by the Orange 
 & Alexandria and the Manassas Gap Railroad, and 
 about midway between them. A road runs northerly 
 from it through Hay Market, west of Gainesville, and 
 intersects the road from Centreville to Aldie.) Porter 
 was to remain at Warrenton Junction until Banks 
 reached that place, and was then to push forward in the 
 direction of Greenwich and Gainesville. Banks was 
 ordered to retire along the railroad, moving trains back 
 toward Manassas, rebuilding bridges where necessary, 
 and in case the enemy should attack and be too strong 
 for him, to destroy locomotives, cars and stores, and 
 unite himself with. Porter. 
 
 These dispositions of Pope s army were judicious, 
 and if his plans had been carried out, it seems hardly 
 possible that Jackson could have escaped. He was two 
 
250 POPE S CAMPAIGN IN VIRGINIA. [1862. 
 
 days march in advance of Lee s main body, or of any 
 considerable supports. The Bull Run mountains lay 
 between him and his Confederates, and the only practic 
 able passes for an army, large or small, were Thorough 
 fare and Aldie, the former of which was to be barricaded 
 by McDowell s force, and the latter was too remote, and 
 carried him still farther from his supports. To pass 
 around Pope s right would necessitate a very great 
 detour, and throw him utterly out of connection with 
 Lee, and place Pope between the two forces of the Con 
 federates, at liberty to strike either way. 
 
 Jackson saw the Federal army gathering around him 
 on the 27th, and Swell s division was struck by General 
 Hooker, near Bristow Station, whither the former had 
 been sent on a reconnoissance, and a sharp engagement 
 ensued, in which Ewell was driven back along the rail 
 road, but as darkness came on posted himself along the 
 banks of Broad Run, and checked pursuit. The loss 
 was about three hundred killed and wounded, on each 
 side ; Ewell left his dead and many of his wounded, and 
 much of his baggage on the field of battle. 
 
 Patrick s brigade marched with its division from 
 Sulphur Springs, at twelve o clock on the twenty- 
 seventh, and reached the vicinity of Gainesville at mid 
 night, as did also the residue of McDowell s command. 
 Reno and a portion of Heintzleman s corps arrived at 
 Greenwich on time. At dusk on the same evening Pope 
 sent an order to Porter to march at one o clock that 
 night to Bristow, arriving there at dajdight next morn 
 ing (28th), to re-enforce Hooker, and co-operate in the 
 contemplated attack on Jackson in the morning. 
 
 This was one of the orders in a series of three for the 
 alleged disobedience of the last of which Porter was 
 cashiered, and whose case is now before Congress upon 
 the report of a Board of Officers, before whom he had a 
 rehearing. It may be of sufficient interest to the gen- 
 
1862.] JACKSON RETURNS TO JUNCTION. 251 
 
 era! reader to warrant its reproduction. It is as fol 
 lows : 
 
 HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF VIRGINIA, ) 
 BRISTOW STATION, Aug. 27, 1862, 6:30 P.M. j" 
 
 GENERAL : The major-general commanding directs 
 that you start at one o clock to-night, and come for 
 ward with your whole corps, or such part of it as is 
 with you, so as to be here by daylight to-morrow morn 
 ing. Hooker has had a very severe action with the en 
 emy, with a loss of about three hundred killed and 
 wounded. The enemy has been driven back, but is re 
 tiring along the railroad. We must drive him from 
 Manassas, and clear the country between that place and 
 Gainesville, where McDowell is. * * * It is neces 
 sary on all accounts that you should be here by day 
 light. I send an officer with this dispatch, who will 
 conduct you to this place. * * * 
 By command of General Pope. 
 
 GEORGE D. RUGGLES, 
 
 Colonel and Chief of Staff \ 
 
 MAJOR-GENERAL F. J. PORTER, Warrenton Junction : 
 
 The distance from Bristow Station to Warrenton 
 Junction is about seven miles, and the road, in dry 
 weather, is a very good one. Porter, however, did not 
 arrive at Bristow until half-past ten. 
 
 On the night of the 27th it was discovered that Jack 
 son had moved from Centreville to Manassas Junction r 
 and thereupon McDowell was ordered to push on, with 
 his own and Sigel s and Reynolds commands, from 
 Gainesville along the Manassas Gap Railroad to Manas 
 sas Junction the distance being about eight miles. 
 At the same time, Reno, Porter, Kearney and Hooker, 
 were ordered to the same destination. Ewell had, in 
 the meantime, fallen back and joined Jackson at Man 
 assas Junction. 
 
252 POPE S CAMPAIGN IN VIRGINIA. [1862. 
 
 Jackson s force numbered about 30,000 men, and 
 was composed of the best material in Lee s army. It 
 had undergone a severe march since the 20th of the 
 month, but for two days most of it had been resting, 
 and was tolerably fresh. It was a dangerous army to 
 attack, except with superior numbers, or from a very 
 advantageous position. Jackson determined to get 
 nearer his supports, and, about three o clock on the 
 morning of the 28th, he commenced to evacuate Manas- 
 sas Junction, via the Centreville and Sudley Springs 
 Roads ; each of which intersect the Warrenton Turn 
 pike. Jackson himself rode out of Manassas Junction, 
 with the rear of his army, at eleven o clock on the 28th, 
 and an hour afterward, Pope, at the head of Kearney s 
 and Reno s troops, entered the place. Hooker, Kear 
 ney and Reno pushed on in the direction of Centreville. 
 McDowell was now ordered to recall his forces, moving 
 toward Manassas Junction, and to march down the 
 turnpike toward Centreville, thus confronting Jackson, 
 if he should attempt to reach Thoroughfare Gap. Mc 
 Dowell, in the meantime, and without Pope s knowledge, 
 had sent Ricketts division, of his corps, toward 
 Thoroughfare Gap, to obstruct the approach of any 
 Confederate forces a disposition which seems to have 
 been judicious, but it seriously weakened him in the 
 operations he was now called upon to perform. 
 
 These shifting circumstances had necessitated a fre 
 quent change of tactics upon the part of the Union com 
 mander, and the afternoon of the twenty-eighth was 
 well advanced when Kearney came up with the rear of 
 the Confederates, as they were withdrawing from Centre 
 ville. Jackson now had Kearney, Hooker and Reno, in 
 his rear, at Centreville ; McDowell, Sigel and Rey 
 nolds in his front, and advancing upon him ; Heintzle- 
 man, Banks and Porter covering the ways of egress be 
 tween the forces in front and rear on one side, and the 
 Bull Run mountains shutting him in on the other. His 
 
1852.] THREE HORSEMEN A BATTERY. 253 
 
 situation seemed to be desperate, except, perhaps, to 
 himself. 
 
 McDowell s corps moved cautiously down the Centre- 
 ville Turnpike until the head of column was about two 
 miles west of Gainesville, and near the hamlet called 
 Groveton, when it was halted. It was then near six 
 o clock of a beautiful August afternoon. The country 
 on the southerly side of the turnpike was densely 
 wooded ; on the opposite side, for the distance of a mile 
 from the road, there were cleared fields, which ended in 
 heavy woods among the foot-hills of Bull Run Moun 
 tain. At a point in front of these woods, and about op 
 posite the head of McDowell s column, were seen three 
 horsemen, apparently observing the movement of the 
 Federal troops. Field-glasses soon enabled us to deter 
 mine the character of these spectators, and after they 
 had spent a few minutes in the inspection of our forces, 
 they disappeared in the woods. Five minutes later a 
 battery dashed out from the forest, and, unlimbering, 
 opened fire upon the fiank of the Union column. Gib 
 bon s brigade, of King s division, was in the advance, 
 and it and Doubleday s brigade, of the same division, 
 were thrown into the field on our left, deployed into 
 line, and advanced to attack the hidden foe. The Twen 
 tieth Regiment was thrown into the woods on the right 
 of the road, where an ambush was suspected, and 
 marching some distance through these woods, and find 
 ing no enemy, was recalled and posted in support of 
 Gibbon and Doubleday. The enemy advanced his in 
 fantry to meet the attack of the Federal troops, and for 
 two hours, and until after dark, the fighting was ex 
 ceedingly severe. The Federals maintained their ground 
 until darkness put an end to the combat. 
 
 News of this battle reached Pope, at Centre ville, 
 about ten o clock that night, and he sent word to Mc 
 Dowell and King to hold the ground, at all hazards, and 
 prevent the retreat of Jackson to the west, and that at 
 
254 POPE S CAMPAIGN IN VIRGINIA. [1862. 
 
 daylight our whole force from Centre ville and Manas - 
 sas Junction would be up, ready to fall upon the en 
 compassed foe. Kearney was ordered to march from 
 Centreville that night at one o clock, drive in the pickets 
 of the enemy and keep closely in contact with him 
 during the night, and at daylight to assault vigorously. 
 Hooker and Reno were ordered to follow Kearney. 
 Other troops had orders conforming their movements to 
 this new plan. These arrangements were all disconcert 
 ed, however, by the unauthorized withdrawal of King s 
 division, in the course of the night, towards Manassas 
 Junction. It was a most ill-advised and unfortunate 
 movement. There is hardly room to harbor the shadow 
 of a doubt, but that Jackson would have been over 
 whelmed in the morning, if King had stood fast and 
 the other commanders had obeyed the orders that Pope 
 issued on the night of the twenty-eighth. McDowell s 
 corps had been divided, and he himself was not present 
 with King s division, otherwise different results would 
 have ensued. King as loyal a man as ever lived, and 
 full of the noblest instincts ; popular with officers and 
 men, and beloved by those who knew him well was 
 overcome by the tremendous responsibilities in which 
 he found himself placed. The loss in one of his bri 
 gades had been terrible ; the fighting after dark was a 
 grand and thrilling spectacle ; dead and wounded cover 
 ed the field, and the moans of the sufferers filled the 
 night air ; the implements of the surgeons were being 
 plied around division headquarters, and some of the 
 best officers of the division were lying dead on the field, 
 or writhing in the agony of mortal hurts. The morning 
 would bring a renewal of the carnage, and King could 
 endure no more, and at midnight he marched for Man 
 assas Junction, thus uncovering the way for Jackson to 
 escape or to be re-enforced. 
 
CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 "RENEWED EFFORTS TO CAPTURE JACKSON HIS POSITION UNION LINE RE 
 TURN TOWARDS GAINESVILLE FILE RIGHT KING S DIVISION ATTACK 
 REPULSED CAPTAIN J.T. IIENDRICKS WOULD GO INTO ACTION WITH 
 HIS COMPANY A LETTER TO HIS FATHER POPE S FAMOUS ORDER TO 
 
 PORTER HEINTZLEMAN AND RENO ATTACK PORTER DOES NOT FIRE A 
 
 GUN HIS DISOBEDIENCE OF ORDERS DRUM-HEAD COURT MARTIAL 
 CRYING EVIL IN FEDERAL ARMY INSTANCES IN POPE S CAMPAIGN 
 DISTINCTION BETWEEN EXCUSES OFFERED FOR PORTER UNTEN 
 ABLE LONGSTREET S STATEMENT WHY SHOULD PORTER HAVE WAIT 
 ED FOR ORDERS THE BUSINESS WAS TO FIGHT WHAT INFLUENCED 
 
 PORTER MCCLELLAN S GRIEVANCE AGAINST POPE ARMY OF POTOMAC 
 WITHDRAWAL ORDERED MCCLELLAN S FINESSEDELAYS CONFEDER 
 ATES MOVING NORTH HALLECK URGES EXPEDITION MCCLELLAN PRO 
 CRASTINATESREACHES ALEXANDRIA ORDERED TO SEND FRANKLIN TO 
 POPE HOW HE DOES IT HIS IDEA OF OBEYING ORDERS HOW POPE 
 COULD HAVE BEEN SAVED "LEAVE POPE TO GET OUT OF HIS SCRAPE" 
 A PREVARICATION WAS THIS TREASON? MCCLELLAN S COTERIE 
 PORTER A MEMBER. 
 
 POPE was reluctant to abandon the scheme he had ar 
 ranged, and which had seemed to promise so well, for 
 the capture or destruction of Jackson s corps. He 
 therefore, at daylight, on the morning of the 29th, sent 
 orders to Sigel and Reynolds, who were yet in the 
 neighborhood of Groveton, to attack the enemy as soon 
 as it was light enough to see, and bring him to a stand, 
 if it were possible to do so. Heintzleman, Hooker, 
 Kearney and Reno were ordered to advance from Cen- 
 treville at the earliest dawn, and attack in flank and 
 rear. Porter was ordered to move with his own corps 
 and King s division of McDowell s corps from Manassas 
 Junction to Gainesville, and participate in the attack. 
 
 Sigel attacked the enemy at daylight, a mile or two 
 east of Groveton, and was soon joined by the divisions 
 
 255 
 
256 rorE s CAMPAIGN IN VIRGINIA. [1862, 
 
 of Hooker and Kearney. Their onset forced Jackson s 
 left back nearly two miles to the neighborhood of Sad- 
 ley Springs, where he struck the line of an old railroad 
 embankment, running nearly north and south, and 
 which constituted an admirable breastwork. Forming 
 his line behind this, he was able to resist the attacks of 
 the Federal troops. This railroad grade leads from 
 Gainesville in the direction of Leesburg, and was just 
 adapted to Jackson s wants, both as to position and 
 form. It, together with the dense woods through which 
 it was constructed, afforded his men excellent shelter. 
 The railroad embankment runs obliquely to the War- 
 renton turnpike, and intersects it near Gainesville. Here 
 rested the Confederate right, commanding the turnpike, 
 the Manassas Gap railroad, and the debouch from 
 Thoroughfare Gap. 
 
 Confronting this line were Heintzleman on the right 
 and west of the Sudley Springs road ; on his left Sigel, 
 who extended across the turnpike, and on his left Rey 
 nolds. Reno came on the ground in the course of the 
 forenoon, and a portion of his troops were put into ac 
 tion, while the remainder were held in reserve. Severe 
 skirmishes occurred at different points along this line 
 throughout the day, and losses on both sides were 
 heavy, although no general engagement took place. 
 
 It was ten o clock, on the morning of the 29th, when 
 Porter s corps moved from Manassas Junction toward 
 Gainesville. King s division fell in at the rear, and pro 
 ceeded about three miles, when Gen. McDowell directed 
 the division to file to the right ; and, crossing a portion 
 of the old Bull Run battle-field, the division struck the 
 Sudley Springs road ; and, advancing to near the War- 
 renton turnpike, were posted in line of battle on the 
 left of the road. General Pope says, in his official 
 report : 
 
 u By this time General McDowell had arrived on the 
 field, and I pushed his corps immediately to the front, 
 
1862.] CAPTAIN J, T. HENDRICKS. 257 
 
 along the Warrenton Turnpike, with orders to fall upon 
 the enemy, who was retreating toward the pike from 
 the direction of Sudley Springs. The attack along the 
 turnpike was made by King s division at about sunset ; 
 but by that time the advance of the main body of the 
 enemy, under Longstreet, had begun to reach the field, 
 and King s division encountered a stubborn and deter 
 mined resistance at a point about three-fourths of a 
 mile in front of our line of battle." 
 
 It was on the march from Manassas back towards 
 Gainesville, that the incident narrated in the following 
 letter occurred : 
 
 "HEADQUARTERS 20TH REGIMENT, 1ST. Y. S. M., ) 
 "SHARPSBURG, MD., Sept. 24, 1862. I 
 
 "COLONEL HENDRICKS, Rondout, N. Y. 
 
 "My Dear Sir ; I was painfully shocked yesterday 
 by receiving information of the death of your son, Cap 
 tain J. T. Hendricks, of this regiment. 
 
 " I had formed a very warm attachment to him, and 
 regarded him as one of our best and most promising 
 officers. He was always anxious to do his duty to the 
 uttermost, and was accounted one of the most thorough 
 read and best drilled officers of the regiment, insomuch 
 that whilst I was in temporary command last spring, I 
 assigned to him the duty of drilling and instructing the 
 non-commissioned officers. 
 
 "Our march from Fredericksburg to Cedar Moun 
 tain, and our retreat thence to Manassas, was too much 
 for his physical endurance, and he broke down under it. 
 He was sent to the hospital a few days before the battle 
 of Manassas, and I hoped he was comfortably provided 
 for, and would soon rejoin us with health restored. 
 You may imagine my surprise when, on the morning of 
 the battle, Captain Hendricks rejoined the regiment. I 
 had not L ime to inquire particularly where he had come 
 from; but it seemed he had walked some miles to 
 
 i 7 
 
258 POPE S CAMPAIGN IN VIRGINIA. [1862. 
 
 join us, and he was completely worn out. The reason 
 he gave me for leaving his sick-bed and coming into the 
 field was, that he understood there was to be a battle in 
 which our regiment would be engaged, and he could not 
 bear the thought of his company going into the action 
 without him. It soon became evident, however, that 
 Captain Hendricks was too ill to keep his feet ; and he 
 was put into an ambulance ; and, after following the 
 movements of the regiment for a time, was sent to the 
 rear and thence to Washington. 
 
 "After the regiment crossed the Potomac, I went to 
 Washington and saw the Captain in the hospital. He 
 was well cared for, as I learned from himself and one 
 of the volunteer nurses, who seemed very much inter 
 ested in him. I left him expressing the hope that I 
 should see him with the regiment again. 
 
 "I know he would have preferred to die on the field 
 at the head of his company, but it was ordered other 
 wise ; and I feel that in his death I have lost the sup 
 port of an ardent and gallant officer, and the society of 
 
 an accomplished and amiable gentleman. 
 
 * * * * * * 
 
 "Truly yours, 
 
 "THEODORE B. GATES, 
 
 " Colonel Commanding" 
 
 Porter was expected to attack the enemy s right near 
 Gainesville ; but, up to half-past four o clock, he haqL not 
 delivered the meditated blow. Pope then sent him the 
 famous order, the alleged disobedience of which sub 
 jected Porter to a trial, and resulted in his being 
 cashiered. The order was as follows : 
 
1862.] HEINTZLEMAN AND RENO ATTACK. 59 
 
 " HEADQUARTERS IN THE FIELD, 
 "August 29, 4:30 P.M. 
 
 " MAJOR-GENERAL PORTER : 
 
 "Your line of march brings you in on the enemy s 
 right flank. I desire you to push forward into action at 
 once on the enemy s flank, and, if possible, on his rear, 
 keeping your right in communication with General 
 Reynolds. The enemy is massed in the woods in front 
 of us, but can be shelled out as soon as you engage 
 their flank. Keep heavy reserves, and use your bat 
 teries, keeping well closed to your right all the time. 
 In case you are obliged to fall back, do so to your right 
 and rear, so as to keep you in close communication with 
 the right wing." 
 
 Pope supposed Porter would strike the enemy within 
 an hour ; and to distract his attention and hold his 
 forces on his left, he ordered Heintzleman and Reno to 
 attack. They did so at half-past five, and doubled the 
 left of the Confederate line back toward its centre ; and, 
 in the end, held the scene of the conflict, with the en 
 emy s dead and wounded. It was the effect of this 
 gallant assault, probably, that induced Pope to believe 
 the enemy were "retreating toward the pike," when he 
 ordered McDowell to attack. 
 
 Porter did not fire a gun. With the freshest, finest 
 corps in the army, he lay all the afternoon within smell 
 ing distance of the smoke of the battle-field, knew his 
 fellow soldiers were engaged in a doubtful struggle for 
 victory over an able chieftain ; that Pope was expecting 
 every moment to hear the thunder of his cannon on the 
 enemy s right, and that the issues of the fight might 
 depend upon his action yet Porter did not fire a gun ! 
 
 Porter had disobeyed the order of August 27th, re 
 quiring him to be at Bristoe at daylight next morning ; 
 he disobeyed the order of August 29, 3 A.M,, requiring 
 him to move at the first dawn of day ; and now he had 
 
260 POPE S CAMPAIGN IN VIRGINIA. [1862.. 
 
 disobeyed this order, given in the very heat of battle, 
 and lay upon his arms without firing a gun, while the 
 conflict was raging within cannon shot of him. 
 
 Fitz-Jolm Porter should have been tried by drum 
 head court-martial ; and, if these charges were estab 
 lished, he should have been shot within forty-eight 
 hours thereafter. The example would have been worth 
 a hundred thousand men to the Union cause it would 
 have saved the lives of a hundred thousand men. Dis 
 regard of orders was the crying evil in the Federal 
 army throughout the war until Grant took command. 
 Campaigns miscarried, and battles were lost, because 
 subordinates assumed the responsibility of disobeying 
 the orders of their superiors, and acting on their own 
 judgments. War can never be successfully carried on 
 on any such principle as this, except at great sacrifice, 
 and the Federals experienced it to a lamentable degree. 
 There were a dozen notable instances of it in this cam 
 paign ; and they implicate Banks, Sigel, King, and 
 Porter; but Porter s offence overshadowed the others, 
 and was repeated again and again. In the case of 
 General Banks, his disobedience was of that quality 
 that wins forgiveness, because it was on the side of gal 
 lantry and in the pursuit of victory ; but Porter s was 
 of that base character that offers no redeeming features, 
 and is explainable upon but one of two theories cow 
 ardice or disloyalty. It matters not whether it was 
 provoked by disrespect of Pope, and was designed to 
 subject him to the ignominy of defeat ; for on that field 
 disloyalty to Pope was disloyalty to the Government, 
 and it was " aid and comfort " to the enemy. 
 
 Porter and his apologists seek to excuse his failure 
 to attack upon the ground, in the first place, that the 
 order of 4:30 did not reach him until 6:30. Assuming 
 this to be so, although on Pope s side it is claimed that 
 Porter received it much earlier ; still, it left an hour and 
 a half of daylight, and if Porter was in the position he 
 
1862.] PORTER S DISOBEDIENCE OF ORDERS. 201 
 
 was supposed to occupy, he had time to strike an ef 
 fective blow before it became too dark for troops to 
 manoeuvre. Another reason urged in extenuation of 
 Porter s delinquency is, that Longstreet was in front of 
 him, and therefore the proposed movement was hazard 
 ous ; that it would involve a battle with other forces 
 than those Pope supposed to occupy the right of the 
 enemy s line. This is equivalent to saying, that "be 
 cause the enemy had increased in numbers, and an at 
 tack was therefore more dangerous, the freshest and 
 best corps of the army should lie idly by, and leave its 
 comrades to meet and bear the whole brunt of the bat 
 tle." The moral effect of a vigorous attack by Porter, 
 even if unsuccessful, would have stimulated and aided 
 the Union troops engaged on his right ; and would, in 
 an equal degree, have discouraged and demoralized the 
 Confederates, and the results would more than have 
 neutralized any losses which he might have sustained. 
 
 Longstreet says the head of his column reached the 
 field about eleven o clock on the morning of the 29th, 
 and his last division (Anderson s, of three brigades) 
 did not arrive until after dark. These troops had 
 marched, almost continuously for twenty -four hours, 
 through heat and dust, and were not in a condition to 
 make a long or vigorous fight, and Porter graciously 
 allowed them a resting spell. They were quite fresh in 
 the morning. 
 
 But wJiy should it have been necessary to send an 
 order to Porter to attack at 4:30 ? At three o clock that 
 morning Pope had notified him of the imminence of a 
 battle, and the importance of his putting in his corps. 
 Why should he have loitered all day in the rear? He 
 was a West Pointer, and a regular army officer, and 
 why should he have needed an order at all to put his 
 splendid corps into action ? The business there was 
 fighting, and Pope s orders were, practically, "Fight, 
 fight, fight/ But again, why wait for orders ? Porter 
 
262 POPE S CAMPAIGN IN VIRGINIA. [1863. 
 
 ought to have been familiar with the only maxim ap 
 plicable in such a case, "March toward the sound of 
 the cannon." 
 
 Assuming that Porter was not influenced by so grov 
 elling an instinct as cowardice, it maybe asked, " What 
 motive could have induced him to disobey orders, 
 stay out of the fight, and risk the sacrifice of the Union 
 army?" Let us see if the following facts throw any 
 light upon this question : 
 
 Pope s orders on taking command of the Army of 
 Virginia contained some expressions that McClellan and 
 nis friends regarded as reflections on the cautious policy 
 of that officer. Moreover, Pope had suggested to the 
 Administration the appointment of a General-in-Chief, 
 and was, therefore, to some extent, responsible for the 
 displacement of McClellan and the appointment of Gen 
 eral Hal leek. 
 
 So it came to pass, that General McClellan, who was 
 watching the proceedings at the capital in his rear quite 
 as closely as he was the Confederate army lying be 
 tween him and the rebel capital in his front, imagined 
 that Pope was his rival, and was gaining an ascendancy 
 over him in the favor of the Administration. A great 
 victory by Pope would assure that ascendancy, and 
 perpetuate that influence. The loss of an army, or a 
 year s prolongation of the war, were evils less to be 
 dreaded, in the judgment of the select McClellan coterie, 
 than the obscuration of the brilliant military luminary 
 who commanded the Army of the Potomac. 
 
 The Seven Days battles had been fought, and 
 McClellan had been hurled back from the gates of 
 Richmond, and, when Pope s campaign began, lay 
 behind entrenchments thirty miles from the city. Pope 
 had taken command of the newly organized " Army of 
 Virginia," and advanced to Culpepper Court House. 
 His army was less than 50,000 men. McClellan s yet 
 numbered 85,000. The Confederate army, flushed with 
 
1862.] ARMY OF THE POTOMAC. 263 
 
 victory over McClellan, lay between him and Pope, 
 ready to strike in either direction. McClellan would 
 not co-operate with Pope, and declined Pope s offer of 
 conference and mutual support. In those untoward 
 circumstances, Pope asked the Administration to re 
 lieve him of command in Virginia ; or, declining that, to 
 appoint a General-in-Chief, who would be the superior 
 of both himself and McClellan, and who could direct all 
 military operations. 
 
 As McClellan was disinclined to advance without 
 re-enforcements that would strip Washington of an ade 
 quate defence, the Administration resolved to recall 
 the Army of the Potomac from the Peninsula ; and, on 
 the 3d of August, 1862, General Halleck telegraphed 
 McClellan to withdraw to Aquia Creek, and directed 
 him to take immediate measures therefor. 
 
 To receive an order and obey it, without question or 
 evasion, was not in the nature of General McClellan ; 
 and, in answer to this dispatch, he wished to know, 
 among other things, " the intention of the Government 
 in regard to this army." The army had now been lying 
 in camp something over a month, and its commander 
 had reported it in fine condition and eager for battle ; but 
 he himself seemed to have no use for it. The President 
 sententiously declared, a few months before, that " If 
 General McClellan had no use for the army, he would 
 like to borrow it." And, possibly, McClellan thought 
 Mr. Lincoln had some such design now. 
 
 Notwithstanding the fact, that the order of August 
 3d required immediate obedience, and that the tele 
 graph wires were kept hot with orders and urgent ap 
 peals for expedition, it was not until the 14th of the 
 month that McClellan was able to announce to the 
 General-in-Chief that " the movement has commenced." 
 
 McClellan had placed himself as far as possible 
 from Pope s army, and refusing all overtures for co 
 operation, it only remained for the Administration to 
 
264 POPE S CAMPAIGN IN VIRGINIA. [1862. 
 
 load the army on shipboard again, and bring it back 
 if McClellan would allow it. I shall not discuss the 
 policy of a union of the two armies, at or near Freder- 
 icksburg, by marching towards each other across the 
 country, because the position that McClellan took up, 
 after Pair Oaks, rendered such an undertaking difficult. 
 On the 9th of August, Halleck telegraphed McClel 
 lan : "lam of opinion that the enemy is massing his 
 forces in front of Generals Pope and Burn side, and that 
 he expects to crush them and move forward to the 
 Potomac. You must send re-enforcements instantly to 
 Aqnia Creek. Considering the amount of transporta 
 tion at your disposal, your delay is not satisfactory ; 
 you must move with all possible celerity." 
 
 McClellan, as has already been said, had about 
 85,000 men at this time, who had been in camp along 
 the James River, thirty miles below Richmond, since 
 the beginning of July. Yet he seems to have been ut 
 terly ignorant of the position and movements of the 
 enemy in front of him, and was content to rely upon 
 telegrams from Washington for information of his ad 
 versary s operations. 
 
 The fact was, that Lee sent Jackson north with two 
 divisions of the army on the 13th of July, and on the 
 27th he was followed by A. P. Hill s division. On the 
 very day the above dispatch was sent to McClellan, 
 Jackson, with these three divisions of Lee s army, at 
 tacked Pope s advance, at Cedar Mountain, near Cul- 
 pepper, and the severe battle heretofore described 
 ensued. 
 
 On the 10th of August, McClellan was informed 
 that the enemy was crossing the Rapidan in large force, 
 and that they were then fighting Pope. In this tele 
 gram General Halleck charges McClellan with unneces 
 sary delay in complying with former orders, looking to 
 the withdrawal of the Army of the Potomac from the 
 Peninsula, and says : " There must be no further delay 
 
1862.] McCLELLAN S FINESSE. 265 
 
 in your movements ; that which has already occurred 
 was entirely unexpected, and must be satisfactorily ex 
 plained ; let not a moment be lost. * * * " 
 
 On the 12th, Halleck telegraphs McClellan : " There 
 has been, and is, the most urgent necessity for dispatch, 
 and not a single moment must be lost in getting troops 
 in front of Washington." So it goes on, day by day, 
 .and McClellan is still on the Peninsula. Lee s forces 
 have turned their faces to the north, and are marching 
 toward the Rapidan, while McClellan is daily appre 
 hensive of an attack by " overwhelming numbers," and 
 dare not send his army away, except in small detach 
 ments, and in the most dilatory and cautious manner. 
 
 On the 21st, Halleck telegraphed McClellan that 
 Burn side and Pope were hard pushed, and required aid 
 as rapidly as he could send it, and asked him to come 
 himself as soon as he could. He adds : " By all means 
 see that the troops sent have plenty of ammunition. 
 We have no time here to supply them. Moreover, the} 7 
 may have to light as soon as they land." 
 
 McClellan answered this dispatch on the same day, 
 .and said he would try and get some of Franklin s 
 troops aboard that night ; he had sent ammunition for 
 ward, and hoped to get off himself the next day ; says 
 he has ample supplies of ammunition for infantry and 
 artillery, and he would have it up in time. On the 
 twenty-third, 1.30 P.M., McClellan telegraphs Halleck 
 from Fortress Monroe, as follows: "Franklin s corps 
 has started. I shall start for Aquia in about half an 
 hour." On the 24th, he telegraphs that he is at Aquia. 
 In another dispatch, on the same day, he wants to 
 know what his u command and position are to be." 
 
 General Halleck telegraphed McClellan on the 26th 
 to come to Alexandria, some six miles from Washing 
 ton, and between which places their subsequent tele 
 graphic correspondence was carried on. On the 27th, 
 Halleck informs McClellan that a general battle is 
 
266 POPE S CAMPAIGN IN VIRGINIA. [1862. 
 
 imminent, and says, "Franklin s corps (now at Alexan 
 dria) should move out by forced marches. * * *" 
 McClellan replies, I have sent orders to Franklin to 
 prepare to march at once," and that he had directed 
 him to come to his headquarters to talk about transpor 
 tation. This was very suspicious, and looked like the 
 Peninsula tactics over again. If Franklin was going to 
 do any good he had to go at once. Halleck replied at 
 12 M., "Franklin s corps should move out by forced 
 marches, carrying with them four days provisions, and 
 to be supplied, as far as possible, by railroad." 
 
 At 1.25 P.M. McClellan telegraphs to know whether 
 it "would not be advisable to throw the mass of Sum- 
 ner s corps here, to move with Franklin." He thinks 
 a disaster would leave troops on the lower Rappahan- 
 nock in danger, and chat they would do better service 
 in front of Washington. This was evidently designed 
 to frighten the Administration, as to the safety of 
 Washington, and induce a countermand of the order 
 for Franklin to march, or a suspension of the order un 
 til Sumner could be brought up either course prevent 
 ing Franklin aiding Pope. At 1.40 P.M. General 
 McClellan telegraphs Halleck, that he learns that heavy 
 firing has been heard that morning in the direction of 
 Centreville, and wants to know if the works (around 
 Washington) are finished and ready for defence. As 
 suming that Pope would be beaten, and designed to ex 
 cite fears for the safety of the Capital, At 1.50 P.M. 
 he telegraphs that " Franklin s artillery has no horses, 
 except for four guns without caissons. I can pick up 
 no cavalry. In view of these facts, will it not be well 
 to push Sumner s corps here l>y water as rapidly as 
 possible, to make immediate arrangements for placing 
 the works in front of Washington in an efficient condi 
 tion of defence 1 * * Can Franklin, without his ar 
 tillery or cavalry, effect any useful purpose in front f 
 So suggestions and equivocations continue 
 
1862.] M CLELLAN PROCRASTINATES. 267 
 
 through the day and evening, and Franklin does not 
 move. 
 
 On the morning of the 28th, Halleck adopts new 
 tactics, and writes to Franklin that he parted with 
 McClellan at two o clock that morning, and that it was 
 understood Franklin was to move to-day. That if he 
 had not received McClellan s order he should act on 
 this. At 1.05 P.M. McClellan telegraphs Halleck, that 
 "The moment Franklin can be started with a reasonable 
 amount of artillery he shall go." And he thinks the 
 enemy so strong "as to make it necessary for us to 
 move in force." To this Halleck replies that, "Not a 
 moment must be lost in pushing as large a force as pos 
 sible towards Manassas, so as to communicate with 
 Pope before the enemy is re-enforced." At 7.30 P.M. 
 General McClellan telegraphs to Halleck, "General 
 Franklin is with me here (Alexandria). * * We are 
 not yet in a condition to move ; may be by to-morrow 
 morning" And he again proceeds to urge the garri 
 soning of the works in front of Washington. In answer 
 to a dispatch from Halleck, he telegraphs him at 6.15 
 P.M., " Neither Franklin! s nor Sumner s corps is now 
 in condition to move or fight a battle. It would be sac 
 rifice to send them out now. * * I repeat that I will 
 lose no time in preparing the troops now here for the 
 field ; and that whatever orders you may give, after 
 hearing what 1 have to say, will be carried out." Ex 
 traordinary condescension ! For nearly two days the 
 General-in-Chief had been ordering and pleading that 
 his subordinate would dispatch General Franklin to the 
 assistance of his brother officer, known to be engaged 
 with Lee s entire army, and upon the issue of the pend 
 ing battles incalculable results were known to depend, 
 and now, at the last moment, Halleck is told that 
 neither Franklin nor Sumner can move. Neither of 
 these corps had fired a gun since the first day of July. 
 They had come up leisurely from Harrison s Landing 
 
POPE S CAMPAIGN IN VIRGINIA. [1862. 
 
 most of the way by transports, and now, in this great 
 emergency, were unfit for service, in the judgment of 
 General McClellan. 
 
 It was a most discouraging business to attempt to 
 get McClellan to throw any of his army towards Man- 
 assas, but Halleck persevered, and at 8.40 P.M., tele 
 graphed, " There must be no further delay in moving 
 Franklin s corps towards Manassas. They must go to 
 morrow morning, ready or not ready." McClellan an 
 swers this peremptory order, by a long telegram, in 
 which he reiterates the statement as to want of horses, 
 &c., but says, " Franklin has been ordered to march at 
 six o clock to-morrow morning." He then informed Hal 
 leck that he has learned that the enemy " with 120,000 
 men, intend advancing on the forts at Arlington and 
 Chain Bridge, with a view to attacking Washington and 
 Baltimore." McClellan seems to have assumed from 
 the first that Pope was to be overcome, and he talks as 
 though no other result were possible. With an army 
 only half as large as the one with which McClellan 
 had made the Peninsula Campaign, and confronted, as 
 he was, by the army which had vanquished McClellan, 
 it was but natural the latter should expect a similar 
 misfortune to befall Pope. Did he wish it ? McClellan 
 foresaw that a victory for Pope would place him at the 
 head of the army ; that Pope s defeat, and the advance 
 of the Confederate army toward Washington, would 
 force the Government to have recourse to himself, and 
 would result in his restoration to power, if not in his 
 reinvestment with authority, as General-in-Chief. It is 
 hazarding nothing to say, in the light of known facts, 
 that an immediate and cordial co-operation of General 
 McClellan s army would have changed the defeat of 
 the second Bull Eun into a victory for the Union arms. 
 
 Franklin did really set out on the morning of the 
 29th of August. But McClellan was continually tele 
 graphing Halleck to induce him to allow a suspension 
 
1862.] McCLELLAN g IDEA OF OBEYING ORDERS. 269 
 
 of the movement. At 12.08 P.M. he asks, "Do you 
 wish the movement of Franklin s corps to continue?" 
 Again: "Franklin has but forty rounds of ammuni 
 tion, and no wagons to move more. I do not think 
 Franklin is in a condition to accomplish much, if he 
 meets strong opposition. I should not have moved him 
 but for your pressing orders of last night." Again, at 
 12.50 P.M. : "Franklin has only between 10,000 and 
 11,000 ready for duty. How far do you wish this force 
 to advance?" At 1.45 he telegraphs that he thinks 
 Franklin ought not to go beyond Anandale. Halleck 
 replies that he wants him to go far enough to find out 
 something about the enemy, and adds, "Our people 
 must move more actively and find out where the enemy 
 is. I am tired of guesses." Franklin had gone but six 
 miles. 
 
 President Lincoln, now f at 2.40 P.M., telegraphs to 
 McClellan for news, and in reply McClellan gives what 
 news he has, which is very meagre, and then adds : "I 
 am clear one of two courses should be adopted ; first, 
 to concentrate all our available forces to open commu 
 nication with Pope ; second, to leave Pope to get out of 
 ?iis scrape, and at once to use all our means to make 
 the capital perfectly safe." Then comes the key to all 
 this diplomacy : "Tell me what you wish me to do, and 
 I will do all in my power to accomplish it. 1 wish to 
 know what my orders and authority are" 
 
 At 7.50 P.M. of the 29th, Halleck telegraphs Mc 
 Clellan : "I have just been told Franklin s corps 
 stopped at Anandale, and that he was this evening in 
 Alexandria. This is all contrary to my orders." Mc 
 Clellan replies that he did not think it safe for Franklin 
 to go beyond Anandale, until he knew what was at 
 Vienna. That he is responsible for the halting of the 
 corps and Franklin s presence in Alexandria, but did 
 not suppose it was contrary to orders. He then adds : 
 Please give distinct orders in reference to Franklin s 
 
270 POPE S CAMPAIGN IN VIRGINIA. [1862. 
 
 movements to-morrow" As though McClellan misun- 
 derstood the wishes of the General-in-Chief. As though 
 he did not know, even without orders, that Franklin s 
 place was at the front. As though he and his subordi 
 nates did not know it was treason to their Government, 
 and to their brother soldiers in the field, to hold the 
 splendid troops of Franklin in the leash, almost in 
 sound of the cannon, while a three days battle was 
 raging but a few miles away. 
 
 Franklin did finally advance, but reached Centreville 
 only in time to meet Pope s retreating army, on the 
 evening of the 30th day of August, twenty-seven days 
 after McClellan had been ordered to withdraw from the 
 Peninsula, and four days after he had been directed to 
 send Franklin from Alexandria to the battle, a little 
 more than a day s march away, and with railroad com 
 munication to within six miles of the battle-field. 
 
 The foregoing narrative can leave no doubt upon 
 any unprejudiced mind, that McClellan was resolved 
 not to aid Pope, if he could help it, and save his own 
 position in the army. In this unworthy purpose, Mc 
 Clellan had the sympathy of a certain set of his corps 
 and division commanders, and Fitz-John Porter be 
 longed to that set. 
 
CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 THE WOUNDED LEFT ON THE FIELD DIFFICULTY IN FINDING WAY BACK 
 TO LINES LOSSES ON THE TWENTY-NINTH ENEMY BELIEVED TO BE 
 RETREATING WHAT INDUCED THIS OPINION FEDERALS EXHAUSTED 
 
 HOW MCCLELLAN WAS GOING TO SEND SUPPLIES TO POPE OPERATIONS 
 ON THE THIRTIETH RICKETT S "ENEMY IN FULL FLIGHT" A SAD MIS 
 TAKE PATRICK S BRIGADE ATTACK REPULSED ORDERED TO RETIRE 
 ARMY IN RETREAT PRATT MORTALLY WOUNDED "TWENTIETH," 
 HALT AT CUB RUN MARCH INTO CENTREVILLE NEXT MORNING- 
 
 THE brunt of the attack by King s division, on the 
 evening of the 29th, was borne by Hatch s brigade, 
 which suffered severely. The enemy were found strong 
 ly posted in the edge of the woods, and their artillery 
 and musketry fire was murderous to the Union troops, 
 who had to cross a broad, open field from the Federal 
 line up to the very muzzle of the rebel guns. The re 
 pulse was so severe and the position so exposed that it 
 was impossible to remove our wounded, and they lay 
 all that night and through the next day, between the 
 lines and in view of both sides, unable to help them 
 selves and beyond the help of their comrades. The 
 poor fellows would signal for aid during the 30th, but 
 it would have been death to approach them from our 
 side. The twenty -four hours during which they lay on 
 the field, suffering from wounds and dying of thirst, 
 with the roar of battle in their ears and shells rushing 
 over and bursting around them, must have seemed an 
 eternity of misery. The red trousers of the Brooklyn 
 Fourteenth were conspicuous among the dead and 
 wounded. 
 
 It was late in the evening when the division of King 
 got back into its position in line of battle ; the night 
 had become excessively dark, and the utmost difficulty 
 was experienced in finding our way. While pausing 
 
 271 
 
272 TOPE S CAMPAIGN IN VIRGINIA. [1862, 
 
 for a subdued conference, for we were at last in doubt 
 whether we were approaching our own line or the 
 enemy s, a body of cavalry dashed by the front of 
 Patrick s brigade, discharging their carbines as they 
 passed the right of the brigade, and shooting Lieuten 
 ant Bouvier, one of General Patrick s aids, through the 
 body. It was not known whether the lire was from 
 friend or foe, and therefore it was not returned. Gen 
 eral Patrick ordered the brigade to lie down, and Lieu 
 tenant-Colonel Gates went forward to find our line of 
 battle ; he came upon the line in front of the Ohio 
 brigade of General McLean, whom he chanced to know. 
 The General had heard the movement of troops in his 
 front and the rush and fire of the cavalry. He did not 
 understand it, but as we were approaching him from 
 the direction of the enemy, he had put his brigade un 
 der arms, and they were now drawn up, ready for bat 
 tle. The situation was explained, our place in line 
 found, a little to the left of General McLean, and the 
 brigade marched into it at eleven o clock. 
 
 Pope s losses on the 29th were very large ; probably 
 not less than 7,500 killed and wounded. Generals 
 Hooker and Kearney, who went over the battle-field 
 from whence the enemy had been driven on our right, 
 estimated the Confederate loss at least two to one of 
 the Federals. 
 
 During the night of the 29th, and up to ten o clock 
 of the morning of the 30th, the impression was prevalent 
 at several corps and division headquarters of the Union 
 army, that the Confederates were retreating. On the 
 evening of the 29th, Generals McDowell and Heintzle- 
 man reconnoitred the positions held by the enemy s left 
 during the day, and they found they had been evacu 
 ated, and there was every indication that he was re 
 treating in the direction of Gainesville. Paroled Union 
 prisoners, who came into our lines on the morning of 
 30th, confirmed the impression of a retreat, and 
 
1862.] FEDERALS EXHAUSTED. 273 
 
 General Pope, himself, became persuaded that the ene 
 my was withdrawing. 
 
 These indications of a retreat existed, but they were 
 misinterpreted by the Federal officers. Jackson had 
 shortened his line towards his right, whereby McDowell 
 and Heintzleman were misled, and Longstreet, who 
 had made a strong reconnoissance at dark, on the 
 evening of the 29th, withdrew his forces a half mile to 
 the rear after midnight, and the Confederate line of 
 battle for the next day was then established. 
 
 The 29th had been warm and sultry ; the Federal 
 troops had been marching or fighting from early in the 
 morning some of them having marched nearly all of 
 the preceding night. The skirmishes along the lines 
 had been kept up until late in the evening, and very 
 little rest or sleep was obtained during the night. 
 They had had little to eat for the two previous days ? 
 and no opportunity to build fires and make coffee. 
 The result was, that on the morning of the thirtieth 
 the Federals were not in a condition for the most active 
 and efficient service. The " Twentieth " had been 
 without a full ration since the morning of the twenty- 
 eighth. 
 
 The destruction of the cars and contents, at Manas- 
 sas Junction, had produced an unlooked-for deficiency 
 in supplies for man and beast, and General Pope tele 
 graphed to General Halleck, on the twenty-eighth, for 
 rations and forage. General Halleck directed General 
 McClellan to forward the required articles, from Alex 
 andria, where the stores were abundant, and at daylight 
 on the 30th, General Pope received a note from General 
 Franklin, written by direction of General McClellan, of 
 which the following is a copy : 
 
 1 8 
 
274 POPE S CAMPAIGN IN VIRGINIA. [1862. 
 
 August 29, 1862, 8 P.M. 
 
 To the Commanding Officer at Centremlle : 
 
 I have been instructed by General McClellan to in 
 form you that he will have all the available wagons at 
 Alexandria, loaded with rations for your troops, and 
 all of the cars, also, as soon as you will send in a cav 
 alry escort to Alexandria as a guard to the train. 
 Respectfully, 
 
 W. B. FRANKLIN, 
 Maj.-Gen., Commanding Sixth Corps. 
 
 To comment upon this letter would be a work of 
 supererogation; yet I cannot forbear a word. Pope s 
 army was in front of an enemy by which McClellan s 
 had been beaten on the Peninsula, a few weeks before. 
 Nine days of battle, skirmishes and marches had just 
 taken place, and the cavalry had been reduced to less 
 than a regiment of effective men. Eighty-five thousand 
 Confederates were closing in around Pope s army of 
 less than fifty thousand men. Alexandria was swarm 
 ing with troops of all arms, fresh and well fed, and yet, 
 before General McClellan wo aid send the supplies 
 necessary to feed the army at the front, he required 
 "the commanding officer," whose name he seemed not 
 to know, to detach a force of cavalry from his army, to 
 act as escort to a railroad train. 
 
 Ricketts division, which we left at Thoroughfare 
 Gap on the twenty-eighth, had failed to accomplish the 
 purpose McDowell had in view in sending it there, pri 
 marily, because it reached the objective point too late. 
 Ricketts found, on approaching the Gap, that the 
 enemy had already taken up strong positions in the 
 narrow pass, and occupied the crowning heights ; but 
 he pushed boldly on, and engaged them in an action 
 which continued until dark ; meantime, finding this 
 obstinate obstruction at Thoroughfare, the enemy threw 
 
1862. J "ENEMY IN FULL PLIGHT" A MISTAKE. 275 
 
 a large body of Ms forces through the mountain, at the 
 more difficult pass of Hopewell Gap, three miles east of 
 Thoroughfare, which was unguarded, and through which 
 his legions poured. This movement turned Ricketts 
 right, and he was forced to retire from Thoroughfare, 
 but was unable to rejoin his corps until the evening of 
 the twenty-ninth. 
 
 During the morning of the thirtieth, each army 
 appeared to be waiting for its opponent to take the in 
 itiative, and with the exception of artillery firing, and 
 an occasional infantry skirmish, quiet prevailed along 
 the lines. About ten o clock Patrick s brigade was 
 marched to the right, and posted in a piece of woods, 
 in support of Sigel. Here the brigade remained, under 
 artillery fire, until about two P.M., when it was ordered 
 to return to its position on the left, preparatory to its 
 participation in a contemplated attack upon the enemy s 
 position. As Patrick s brigade moved down the line, 
 from right to left, the manifestations of exultation over 
 the supposed flight of the enemy were very conspicu 
 ous. The writer distinctly remembers encountering 
 several general officers who declared in exultant tones 
 that the enemy was in full flight. Our stretcher-bearers 
 were marching in rear of their several regiments, with 
 stretchers in hand, and we were subjected to some de 
 rision because we were prepared to remove our (pos 
 sible) wounded from the field to which we were march- 
 Ing. General Warren, especially, ridiculed the idea of 
 such preparations, and asserted that we would not get 
 near enough to the enemy to exchange shots with them. 
 All these predictions proved groundless. The enemy 
 was not only not retreating, but seemed to have no in 
 tention of doing so. 
 
 About two o clock in the afternoon, Pope determined 
 to deliver a blow along the enemy s front and flank, 
 which he believed would accelerate his flight and crown 
 
276 POPES CAMPAIGN IN VIRGINIA. [1862. 
 
 the operations of the Union army with the laurels of 
 victory. 
 
 Reaching the vicinity of Groveton, Patrick s brigade 
 was formed for the attack, in two lines. The first line 
 was composed of the Twenty-first New York Volun 
 teers on the right, and Thirty -fifth New York on the 
 left. Second line, Twentieth New York State Militia 
 on the right, and the Twenty -third New York Volun 
 teers on the left. It was after three o clock when the 
 order was given to advance. The two lines moved for 
 ward through an open field to the woods, in which the 
 enemy was known to have been swarming the night be 
 fore, but who now gave no sign of his presence. As we 
 entered the woods, we found the Fourteenth Brooklyn 
 and the Thirtieth New York Volunteers, Colonel Fris- 
 bie, formed on our right. The line was extended to 
 wards the left by General Porter s corps, which now, 
 for the first time, came into action. The enemy allowed 
 us to advance two hundred yards into the woods, with 
 out giving us a shot ; then, when our lines had reached 
 a point within blank range of the railroad embankment 
 heretofore mentioned, they opened a murderous fire, 
 apparently in the very face of our men, from behind 
 the embankment. The first line melted away under 
 this destructive fire, and the second line then received 
 the full force of the leaden tornado ; the enemy s artil 
 lery, posted on high ground in rear of his infantry line, 
 and at openings at various points, opened their fire, and 
 shot and shell came crashing through the woods, cut 
 ting down trees and men alike. It was impossible for 
 the Union troops to do any very effective work upon 
 their adversaries, by reason of the admirable protection 
 afforded to them by the railroad embankment, unless 
 they could carry this line by a charge. This was at 
 tempted, but the tire was too heavy for men to endure, 
 and they were forced to fall back. If the ground in 
 front had been open between our line and the embank- 
 
1862.] PATRICK S BRIGADE ATTACK REPULSED. 277 
 
 ment, the Federals could have cleared it in a rush, 
 before the Confederates could have delivered more than 
 one or two rounds ; but the trees, the lower limbs of 
 which had been cut off so that the Union line was clear 
 ly distinguishable to the Confederates lying along the 
 embankment, from the breasts of the men downwards, 
 had the higher branches remaining, and the Federals 
 could not see twenty feet before them, except they 
 stooped so low as to render it difficult to use their arms. 
 A second and a third time they tried to reach the 
 hidden foe, but they were each time repulsed with 
 heavy loss. When they had been driven back a third 
 time, and while standing in line of battle, irresolute 
 whether to make one more attempt to penetrate the 
 thicket and reach the enemy, whose shots were still rat 
 tling around them, an aide of General Porter appeared 
 upon the scene, with an order for the troops to retire. 
 They withdrew leisurely and in perfect order, but with 
 the brigades and regiments somewhat separated by the 
 march through che woods and the several movements 
 which took place among the dense trees. The enemy 
 followed the retiring Federals, but when they reached 
 the open country they were met by so destructive a fire 
 of artillery and musketry that they threw themselves 
 flat upon the ground. Our gunners soon got range of 
 them, and they were forced to arise and escape to their 
 cover in the woods, which they did with heavy loss. 
 This, practically, was the end of the second battle of 
 Bull Run, and the last rays of that August sunset 
 shone upon a weary, battle-stained and discomfited 
 army emerging from the woods and filing in sullen sil 
 ence across the bridges and through the fords of fatal 
 Bull Run. There were thousands of brave fellows mis 
 sing from the ranks, who never would answer at roll- 
 call again. They had fought their last fight, and had 
 paid the highest price man can pay for his country ; 
 other thousands lay wounded and helpless in the fields 
 
278 POPE S CAMPAIGN IN VIRGINIA. [1862. 
 
 and woods where the combat had raged, aud darkness 
 fell like a pall upon the scene of carnage, and the dead 
 and wounded had possession of the field. 
 
 It was in this fight in the woods, where Colonel Pratt 
 received his death-wound. Colonel Pratt proposed to 
 take charge of the left wing of the regiment, and direct 
 ed the Lieutenant-Colonel to look after the right. With 
 this hurried interview we separated, and I never saw the 
 Colonel afterwards. He was wounded early in the bat 
 tle, and was taken from the field and removed to Wash 
 ington, and from thence to Albany, where he died on 
 the eleventh of September following. 
 
 The Twentieth retired leisurely toward Bull Run, 
 and at the crossing of that stream at the Stone Bridge, 
 they had the good fortune to find a commissary engaged 
 in the business of issuing fresh meat. He was persuad 
 ed to extend his attentions to the Twentieth, although 
 he belonged to Franklin s corps. It was the first fresh 
 meat we had had in a week, and the first mouthful we 
 had eaten during the day. The retreating army was 
 ordered to rendezvous at Centreville, but the roads were 
 crowded with men, artillery, and cavalry, rendering 
 marching very difficult and tedious ; therefore, after 
 crossing Cub Run, three miles west of Centreville, the 
 Twentieth filed to the left, and, marching a few hundred 
 yards up the stream, bivouacked, and remained there 
 until daylight, and then proceeded to Centreville and 
 joined the brigade. 
 
CHAPTER XX. 
 
 CONDITION OF THE ARMY PREPARATIONS FOR DEFENCE DEMONSTRATION 
 ON THE THIRTY-FIRST STRENGTH AND CONDITION OF ARMIES POPE S 
 WANT OF CONFIDENCE IN OFFICERS OF ARMY OF POTOMAC A DAY OP 
 REST WANT OF ENERGY IN PURSUIT A FLANK MOVEMENT THE 
 TWENTIETH SENT TO MEET IT HOOKER ON LITTLE RIVER TURN 
 PIKE "HOLD IT AT ALL HAZARDS" REGIMENT EMPLOYED AS SKIR 
 MISHERS ENEMY REPULSED REPORT AT HEADQUARTERS THE ADJU- 
 
 T ANT-GENERAL S VIEW OF IT TURNING MOVEMENT ABORTIVE UPTON S 
 HILL AGAIN. 
 
 SUNDAY, the thirty-first of August, was a rainy and 
 sultry day. The army was utterly worn out, and, for 
 tunately for us, the enemy was in a condition but very 
 little better. Pope made his disposition to repel any 
 attack that Lee might make on him by posting his 
 troops at the most defensible points around Centreville. 
 Porter was assigned to the intrenchments on the north, 
 or right ; Franklin was posted on his left, and in rear, 
 between Porter and Franklin, Heintzleman s corps was 
 stationed ; while Sigel held the works on the south side 
 of the town, with Reno on the left and rear. Banks 
 was posted on the easterly side of Bull Run, and in dis 
 position to cover the left flank of the army and the rail 
 road bridge across that stream. Sumner, who arrived 
 that day, was stationed between Centreville and Chan- 
 tilly ; while McDowell occupied the road from Centre 
 ville to Fairfax Court House, 
 
 The enemy s cavalry appeared in considerable force, 
 in front of our advance, at Cub Run, on the morning of 
 the thirty-first, but made no attempt to cross. A little 
 artillery firing took place, but there was no fighting 
 during the day. Officers were engaged in ascertaining 
 their losses and reorganizing and supplying their com 
 mands with rations and ammunition. 
 
 Pope s army, at Centreville, on the morning of the 
 
 279 
 
280 POPE S CAMPAIGN IN VIRGINIA. [1862. 
 
 first of September, embraced McDowell s corps of 10,000 ; 
 Sigel s corps of about 7,000; Heintzleman s corps of 
 about 6,000; Reno s, 6,000; Banks , 5,000; Sumner s 
 (just arrived), 11,000 ; Porter s, 10,000 ; and Franklin s 
 (came up on the evening of 30th), 8,000 making a total 
 of 63,000 men a larger army, by ten thousand, than 
 Pope fought the battle of the thirtieth with. In view 
 of this fact, it may be asked : " Why did not General 
 Pope renew the fight after these re-en t orcements had 
 joined him. The enemy s force was greatly reduced 
 and exhausted by the battles and marches which it had 
 undergone within the last ten days, and was there not 
 ground for a reasonable hope of success, if Pope had 
 forced the enemy to renew the battle on the second or 
 third of September?" 
 
 Pope s experience with the commanders of some of 
 the newly arrived troops did not encourage him to hope 
 for a cordial and efficient support from these Peninsula 
 veterans. Of Generals Heintzleman, Hooker, Kearney 
 and Reynolds he speaks in the highest terms ; but in a 
 letter to General Halleck, written from Centreville, Sep 
 tember 1, he thus speaks of certain other officers of the 
 Army of the Potomac : " I think it my duty to call your 
 attention to the unsoldieiiy and dangerous conduct of 
 many brigade and some division commanders of the 
 forces sent here from the Peninsula. Every word and act 
 and intention is discouraging, and calculated to break 
 down the spirits of the men and to produce disaster. One 
 commander of a corps, who was ordered to march from 
 Manassas Junction to join me near Groveton, although 
 he was only five miles distant, failed to get up at all ; and 
 worse still, fell back to Manassas without a fight, and 
 in plain hearing, at less than three miles distance, of a 
 furious battle which raged all day. It was only in con 
 sequence of peremptory orders that he joined me the 
 next day. One of his brigades, the Brigadier- General of 
 which professed to be looking for his division, abso- 
 
1862.] POPE ON OFFICERS OF ARMY OF POTOMAC. #81 
 
 lately remained all day at Centreville, in plain view of 
 the battle, and made no attempt to join. What ren 
 ders the whole matter worse, these are both officers of 
 the regular army, who do not hold back from ignorance 
 or fear. Their constant talk, indulged in publicly and in 
 promiscuous company, is that the Army of the Poto 
 mac will not fight ; that they are demoralized by with 
 drawal from the Peninsula, &c. When such example 
 is set by officers of high rank, the influence is very bad 
 among those in subordinate stations. You have hardly 
 an idea of the demoralization among the officers of high 
 rank in the Potomac army, arising, in all instances, 
 from personal feeling in relation to changes of Com- 
 mander-in-Chief and others. These men are mere tools 
 or parasites, but their example is producing, and must 
 necessarily produce, very disastrous results. You 
 should know these things, as you alone can stop it, Its 
 source is beyond my reach, though its effects are very 
 perceptible and very dangerous." 
 
 Pope s army was re-victualed and given a much- 
 needed day s rest at Centreville. Its numbers and atti 
 tude, and the naturally strong position it occupied, ad 
 monished the Confederate leader of the impolicy of an 
 attack. But during the day and night of the thirty- 
 first, Lee dispatched Jackson, by a broad detour around 
 Pope s right, with orders to strike the Little River 
 Turnpike, and again cut his communications near Fair 
 fax Court House. It was a repetition of the strategy of 
 the preceding week, but it lacked the energy and dash 
 which characterized its predecessor. The campaign had 
 told upon the physique of the Confederates, and had 
 greatly subdued their ardor. Moreover, their losses 
 had been very heavy, and they had no expectation of 
 re-enforcements, while they were aware their adversary 
 had already been considerably strengthened, and they 
 knew not how formidable his army might become 
 before thev could bring him to battle. 
 
282 POPE S CAMPAIGN IN VIRGINIA. [1862. 
 
 General Lee was not remarkable for his tenacity in 
 pursuit after his opponent had once been brought to 
 bay and had delivered battle. His energy for offensive 
 operations seemed to expend itself in the crisis of a 
 great combat. Indeed, there were no instances on either 
 side on which a pursuit of the defeated army was 
 pressed with vigor and persistency, looking to the cap 
 ture or destruction of the fleeing foe, except in Grant s 
 pursuit of Lee, after the evacuation of Petersburg. 
 
 To check this flank movement, and to protect his 
 communications, Pope threw a portion of his troops 
 into Fairfax Court House, and Patrick s Brigade was- 
 ordered out on the Little River Turnpike, towards Ger 
 man town, about two miles northwest of Fairfax Court 
 House, and near the road running from the Little River 
 Pike to Flint Hill. 
 
 The brigade marched from Centreville at three o clock 
 on the morning of September 1st. It had rained the 
 preceding day and night, and the roads were heavy. 
 We reached Fairfax Court House, seven miles from 
 Centreville, soon after daylight, and halted for break 
 fast. This over, we were ordered to return to Centre 
 ville, and had marched two miles in that direction, when 
 the head of the column encountered General Joe 
 Hooker, who had been assigned to the command in that 
 locality, and who ordered the brigade to face about and 
 return to Fairfax Court House ; reaching which place 
 once more, we were directed to the position, on the 
 Pike, above mentioned. 
 
 We found the point of intersection of the Flint Hill 
 Road with the Little River Turnpike very well fortified 
 by earth- works, thrown up by the Confederates during 
 their occupation of the place the preceding winter, and 
 Patrick s Brigade took possession of them, and re 
 mained in them until about three o clock in the after 
 noon. At that hour General Patrick said to Lieutenant- 
 Colonel Gates, "General Hooker has sent an order for 
 
1862.] TWENTIETH MEET FLANK MOVEMENT. 283 
 
 one of my best regiments to report to him, at once, on 
 the Little River Turnpike, and I am going to send you." 
 The Twentieth fell in and marched up the Turnpike 
 about a mile, where General Hooker and staff and a 
 squadron of cavalry were found watching the move 
 ments of the enemy, who had appeared on the road 
 and in the fields, at the edge of a piece of woods, a mile 
 farther up the pike, and who were planting a battery 
 behind a ridge, near the woods. The ground they oc 
 cupied was considerably higher than that where General 
 Hooker was, and from thence fell away in their rear, 
 enabling them, by the aid of the woods, to conceal their 
 strength. Opposite Hooker, on the south side of the 
 pike, was an open woods extending westwardly, in the 
 direction of this Confederate force, a half mile, and be 
 yond that the country was cleared up to the woods oc 
 cupied by the enemy. General Hooker directed Colonel 
 Gates to enter the woods near him and march rapidly 
 to the west edge and take position there, and " hold it 
 at all hazards." 
 
 The regiment was certainly not formidable in point 
 of numbers, and Colonel Gates countenance must have 
 expressed as much, for General Hooker remarked, in 
 answer to a look, "Oh, I will support you ; I will sup 
 port you." The regiment moved as fast as possible 
 through the woods, and approaching the farther side, 
 found the enemy s skirmishers advancing rapidly, and 
 within 150 yards of the woods, the cover of which they 
 wished to gain. The Twentieth, with the exception of a 
 small reserve from each company, was at once deployed 
 as skirmishers, and extended, as far as practicable, 
 along the edge of the woods, giving the appearance of a 
 large force. They opened fire at once on the approach 
 ing enemy, and compelled them to fall back. But tak 
 ing advantage of the inequalities of the ground, and 
 seeking cover wherever they could, they kept up a 
 steady fire for two hours. Meantime, a mountain 
 
284 POPE S CAMPAIGN IN VIRGINIA. [1862. 
 
 howitzer was brought forward, supported by a body of 
 cavalry, to within range of the woods, and opened a 
 vigorous fire with grape and canister. A small party of 
 sharpshooters from the regiment was sent across the 
 pike into a corn-field, from whence they picked off some 
 of the gunners and its supports, and the piece was with 
 drawn. Soon, however, the enemy opened upon the 
 regiment with shot and shell from their guns on top 
 of the hill spoken of above, and thoroughly shelled 
 the woods, but their infantry found, whenever they 
 essayed to advance, that the fire from the woods was as 
 vigorous as ever ; and about five o clock they fell back 
 out of range, and their artillery fire ceased. Almost 
 immediately thereafter heavy artillery and musketry 
 firing opened in the woods in front of us, and appar 
 ently well over towards the Centreville Road. This 
 combat was very severe, and continued until dark. The 
 Union troops engaged were the forces of Generals 
 Hooker, McDowell, Reno, Stevens and Kearney, the 
 two latter of whom were killed. In the midst of this 
 fight a furious thunderstorm took place, and earth and 
 heaven seemed engaged in a fearful Titanic battle. 
 Darkness put an end to this engagement the storm in 
 the heavens passed away, and the fierce human struggle 
 in the dense woods ceased ; quiet reigned on the earth, 
 and the stars glimmered in the blue vault above, invok 
 ing peace and good nmong men. 
 
 At ten o clock we were relieved by the Ninetieth 
 Pennsylvania Volunteers, Colonel Lislie, and returned 
 to the brigade, whither a report had preceded us that 
 the regiment was nearly annihilated, the commanding 
 and most of the other officers killed. Colonel Gates 
 aroused General Patrick s Adjutant-General from a 
 sound sleep to report his return and to inquire for 
 orders. Rubbing his eyes a minute, and staring at his 
 interlocutor as though he would assure himself of the 
 identity of the person, he finally ejaculated: "Why, 
 
1862.] UPTON S HILL AGAIN. 285 
 
 Colonel, is it really you ? I was never more surprised in 
 my life. We had a positive report of your death four 
 hours ago, and we had all given you up as lost. I am 
 very glad to see you alive." "Well, Captain, the re 
 port did not seem to have made you very unhappy, for 
 I must confess you were the soundest asleep man I have 
 seen in three months. One would not have supposed 
 you had the slightest concern about anything or any 
 body from the childlike slumber in which 1 found you 
 five minutes ago." Colonel, the fact is one can t 
 afford to make himself sleeplessly miserable over the 
 casualties that befall his friends in such scenes as we 
 are passing through. Friends and acquaintances are 
 dropping all around us, and we have come to regard it 
 as the natural and inevitable fate of soldiers. We mur 
 mur a regret, and in the hurry and excitement of the 
 next hour almost forget that they ever lived." This 
 was not very consoling, but it was a true expression of 
 the effect produced upon the emotional part of ones 
 nature by participating in scenes of carnage and savage 
 warfare. 
 
 Lee s turning movement proved abortive, and his 
 forces were driven back with heavy loss. But Pope 
 considered it advisable, for the reasons mentioned in 
 the foregoing extract from his letter to General Halleck, 
 that the army should be drawn back to the entrench 
 ments in front of Washington, and at twelve o clock of 
 the second of September the movement began. The 
 Twentieth left Fairfax Court House at two o clock P.M., 
 and bivouacked at ten, a few miles from Upton s Hill. 
 The next morning we marched into our old camp, on 
 the Hill, and settled down like a family who had made 
 a long, fatiguing and disastrous journey, and had once 
 more arrived at home, with numbers so greatly dimin 
 ished that they found their old quarters too large for 
 them, and two hundred and three names on the roll 
 against which was written "killed" or "wounded." 
 
CHAPTER XXL 
 
 A DAY AT THE FRONT FAREWELL TO UPTON S HILL AT LEESBORO A 
 TERRIBLE MARCH UNEXPECTED MARCH DISAPPOINTED HUSBANDS, 
 FATHERS, WIVES AND CHILDREN LEE S STRATEGY INVADES MARYLAND 
 MARYLANDERS DISAPPOINT THE CONFEDERATES DECEIVED BY BAL 
 TIMORE SECESSIONISTS A RAGGED, BARE-FOOTED AND UNWASHED ARMY 
 CONFEDERATES ENCAMP AT FREDERICK UNION FORCES ON THEIR 
 LINE OF COMMUNICATIONS LEE S ORDER TO DISPERSE THEM CHAR 
 ACTERISTIC AND INSTRUCTIVE CONSOLIDATION OF UNION ARMIES 
 MCCLELLAN IN COMMAND ORGANIZATION OF ARMY ADVANCE TO THE 
 MONOCACY THE SCENERY CITY OF FREDERICK "ROUND ABOUT THE 
 ORCHARDS SWEEP" PLEASONTON STRIKES REBEL REAR FORWARD 
 SOUTH MOUNTAIN PLEASANT VALLEY TURNER S GAP AN ARTILLERY 
 DUEL THE BATTLE OF SOUTH MOUNTAIN WHAT IT AND OTHER LIKE 
 BATTLES PROVE WASTED AMMUNITION LOADING WITHOUT FIRING 
 WHAT WAS FOUND ON THE GETTYSBURG BATTLE-FIELD HILL AND 
 LONGSTREET IN POSSESSION OF TURNER S GAP FEDERALS CARRY THE 
 MOUNTAIN CRESTS A COLD NIGHT RELATIVE STRENGTH OF CONTEND 
 ING FORCES PRISONERS KILLED AND WOUNDED PRESIDENT S TELE 
 GRAM A BRILLIANT VICTORY. 
 
 OUR sojourn in the old quarters was restless and 
 brief. On the day following our return to them, we 
 were ordered to the front to repel a party of rebels who 
 had appeared at Bassett s Hill, and whose artillery had 
 driven in our cavalry out-posts. The enemy withdrew 
 without hazarding a brush with- our infantry, and the 
 u Twentieth" remained out on the picket-line during 
 the night and part of the next day. 
 
 At ten o clock on Saturday night, the sixth of Sep 
 tember, we received orders to march forthwith, and the 
 regimentjwas soon in line awaiting the final command to 
 move. Not receiving it for half an hour, arms were stack 
 ed, and the men lay down beside their muskets, while the 
 officers sauntered along the line, wondering how long 
 they were to wait and where they were to go. At two 
 o clock in the morning the order came, and the familiar 
 
 286 
 
1862.] AT LEESBORO A TERRIBLE MARCH. 287 
 
 cry "fall in !" aroused the sleepers, and in a few min 
 utes we bade a final farewell to Upton s Hill, and, fac 
 ing toward the eastern horizon, where there was yet no 
 sign of the morning sun, marched over the road we first 
 traversed in the Old Dominion, as far as Ball s Cross 
 Roads, and from thence, ma Aqueduct Bridge, across 
 the Potomac to Georgetown, down Pennsylvania Avenue 
 through Washington to Seventh street, and filing into 
 that street as the sun began to show itself in the east, 
 we soon left the City of magnificent distances behind 
 us. And at five o clock that afternoon, about fifty offi 
 cers and men of the regiment found themselves together 
 at Leesboro, in Maryland, at which point we were 
 ordered to halt for the night. 
 
 The distance marched by the "Twentieth" was 
 only sixteen miles. It had on several former occasions, 
 and did, often afterwards, make nearly twice that dis 
 tance in the same number of hours, and every man an 
 swered to his name at roll-call at the end of the march. 
 But here was an almost total disruption of a regiment 
 which prided itself somewhat upon being able to make 
 long marches and hold together to the end. Probably 
 no other troops marched an equal number of consecu 
 tive miles, in such an impenetrable cloud of dust as en 
 veloped and blinded and suffocated the First and Ninth 
 Corps of the Army of the Potomac on that memorable 
 and distressing occasion. Certainly they never before 
 or afterwards had anything like so terrible an experi 
 ence. There had been no rain for a long time ; the road 
 was broad and the surface was covered with a fine fiour- 
 like dust, ankle deep ; the day was excessively warm 
 and the air utterly stagnant ; for miles this road was 
 crowded with marching men, with horses, army wagons, 
 gun carriages, caissons, ambulances, and all the impedi 
 menta of an army, which completely filled it from side 
 to side. For a time officers attempted to keep their re 
 spective commands together, but it finally became im- 
 
88 THE MARYLAND CAMPAIGN. [1862, 
 
 possible even to recognize one s own comrades, so dense 
 was the cloud of dust, and so dust-covered were officers 
 and men. So, companies and regiments became disin 
 tegrated, and the fragments struggled on as best they 
 could, and found their regimental and company head 
 quarters during the night, but it made a terribly severe 
 day s work for the troops. The "Twentieth " had men 
 enough present at the finish to make several stacks of 
 arms, and its silk and satin colors floated near the out 
 spread blanket whereon was Regimental Headquarters. 
 We plumed ourselves upon these facts when we learned 
 from several other regimental commanders, that they 
 halted at night without their colors, and without men 
 enough present to form a stack of arms. 
 
 The march of the First Corps was sudden, and to 
 most of us unexpected. Where Lee was or what doing, 
 was unknown in our army except at and very near the 
 head of it, and it was generally supposed that we would 
 be given a breathing time and undergo a partial reor 
 ganization. Relying too confidently upon these expec 
 tations, many officers had sent for their families to come 
 to Washington, hoping to have a brief reunion with 
 loved ones from home before another campaign began. 
 Some were able to arrest the family movement by letter 
 or telegram, but in numerous other instances wives and 
 children were hurrying on to Washingtoi), while the 
 husbands and fathers were launching forth on the Mary 
 land campaign. The latter was our case, and wife and 
 child arrived in Washington the day after the regiment 
 marched through the city. 
 
 The successes of General Lee in the recent operations 
 against the Army of the Potomac on the peninsula, and 
 against Pope s army at Bull Run, had induced the Con 
 federate commander to cross the Potomac and plant his 
 army upon the soil of Maryland. This strategy was 
 expected to develop the disloyal sentiment of that 
 State and greatly augment the rebel army. It was one 
 
1862.] MARYLANDERS DISAPPOINT LEE. 289 
 
 of the delusions under which the South labored, that 
 the State was ready to throw itself into the Confederate 
 cause, the moment it saw an opportunity to deliver itself 
 from the dominion of the Federal Government. The 
 presence of a large and victorious Confederate army, 
 certainly seemed to offer such an opportunity, but to 
 the surprise and chagrin of General Lee, the people re 
 ceived him with great coolness, and there were no re 
 cruits for the invading army. General Lee issued a 
 proclamation to the people, assuring them the time had 
 come for "the recovery of their liberties," but it was of 
 no avail. They did not seem to appreciate the boon 
 offered them, and they remained quietly at home or 
 lied from the routes of his advancing columns. 
 
 General Lee seems to have supposed that the Federal 
 Government had treated the people of Maryland with 
 tyrannical severity, and that they were ready to rise in 
 arms ; and that the Federal Government, conscious 
 of its misdeeds towards this people, and having, 
 therefore, to expect a revolt, so soon as they should be 
 encouraged thereunto by the presence of the Confeder 
 ate army, would feel constrained to retain the Union 
 forces around the capital to protect it from this new and 
 formidable danger. At all events, this only can be the 
 meaning of General Lee s statement rendered to his gov 
 ernment, as to the motives underlying this invasion. He 
 says : The condition of Maryland encouraged the be 
 lief that the presence of our army, however inferior to 
 that of the enemy, would induce the Washington Gov 
 ernment to retain all its available force to provide 
 against contingencies which its course towards the peo 
 ple of that State gave it reason to apprehend." 
 
 The refugees from Baltimore had sung My Mary 
 land " in the streets of Richmond for months, and rep 
 resented to Davis and Lee that all that the people of that 
 State required to induce them to join the Confederacy, 
 was the presence of a Confederate army within their 
 
 1 9 
 
THE MAKYLAND CAMPAIGN. [1862. 
 
 bounds. Now they had it ; and behold, they seemed 
 only anxious to get rid of it at the earliest moment ! 
 Perhaps the external condition of the Confederate troops 
 had something to do with the coolness of their recep 
 tion. A host likes to see his guests in apparel becoming 
 the individuals and honorable to the entertainer ; but 
 here was a swarm of ragged and bare-footed veterans, 
 whose filth and repulsive tatters bespoke the poverty of 
 the Quartermaster s department, and the total absence 
 of the habit of ablution. General Lee says in his Report 
 of the Army of Northern Virginia (Vol. I, page 27) : 
 " Thousands of the troops were destitute of shoes." 
 General Jones, who commanded a division, says : 
 "Never had the army been so dirty, ragged, and ill pro 
 vided for, as on this march." (Ibid., Vol. II, page 221). 
 It was this army of tatter -de-malions that the Union 
 forces had to come out to meet, regardless of the dan 
 ger of an uprising in Maryland. 
 
 Lee s army had crossed the Potomac between the 
 fourth and seventh of September, by the fords near 
 Leesburg, and encamped in the country around Fred 
 erick. Lying in rear of Lee s army, and on his line of 
 communication, by way of Shenandoah Valley, with 
 Richmond, was a Union force of about nine thousand 
 men, under Colonel D. H. Miles, at Harper s Ferry ; 
 while Martinsburg and Winchester were held by a force 
 of twenty-five hundred Federals, under General White. 
 Lee desired unobstructed r access to the Shenandoah 
 Valley, and he supposed his movement on Frederick 
 would induce the Federals to withdraw. ("It had been 
 supposed that the advance on Frederick would lead to 
 the evacuation of Martinsburg and Harper s Ferry, 
 thus opening the line of communication through the 
 valley." Lee s Report Army Northern Virginia, Vol. 
 I, p. 28). Besides the fact that these Union forces lay 
 across Lee s most desirable line of communication with 
 his base, they also constituted a continuous menace to 
 
1862.] LEE S ORDER CHARACTERISTIC. 291 
 
 his rear and flank, and, in case of a reverse, might be 
 come a very dangerous factor in the situation of the 
 Confederate army. 
 
 Lee, therefore, determined to disperse or capture 
 these forces before he should be drawn into a general 
 battle with the Army of the Potomac. The Order of 
 General Lee, directing the movements of the troops de 
 tached for these purposes, is so characteristic of the 
 man, and such a revelation of the government and sys 
 tem that prevailed in this ragged army, that I venture 
 to insert it in full. It will be seen that the route of 
 march is designated, the time of arrival, the work to be 
 done, and the return to the army. This Order fell into 
 the hands of General McClellan on the thirteenth of 
 September, and while it was in process of execution. 
 
 u Special Orders No. 191. ) 
 
 " HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF NORTHERN VIRGINIA, > 
 
 " September 9th, 1862. ) 
 
 " The army will resume its march to-morrow, taking 
 the Hagerstown road. General Jackson s command will 
 form the advance, and, after passing Middletown, with 
 such portion as he may select, take the route towards 
 Sharpsburg, cross the Potomac at the most convenient 
 point, and, by Friday night (the twelfth,) take posses 
 sion of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, capture such of 
 the enemy as may be at Marlinsburg, and intercept 
 such as may attempt to escape from Harper s Ferry. 
 
 "General Longstreet s command will pursue the 
 same road as far as Boonsboro , where it will halt with 
 the reserve supply and baggage trains of the army. 
 
 "General M Laws, with his own division and that of 
 General R. H. Anderson, will follow General Long- 
 street ; on reaching Middletown, he will take the route 
 to Harpers Ferry, and, by Friday morning, possess 
 himself of the Maryland Heights, and endeavor to cap 
 ture the enemy at Harper s Ferry and vicinity. 
 
292 THE MARYLAND CAMPAIGN. [1862. 
 
 "General Walker with his division, after accom 
 plishing the object in which he is now engaged, will 
 cross the Potomac at Cheek s Ford, ascend its right 
 bank to Lovettsville, take possession of London Heights, 
 if practicable, by Friday morning ; Keys Ford on his 
 left, and the road between the end of the mountain and 
 the Potomac on his right. He will, as far as practica 
 ble, co-operate with General M Laws and General Jack 
 son in intercepting the retreat of the enemy. 
 
 "General D. H. Hill s division will form the rear 
 guard of the army, pursuing the road taken by the main 
 body. The reserve artillery, ordnance and supply 
 trains, &c., will precede General Hill. 
 
 "General Stuart will detach a squadron of cavalry to 
 accompany the commands of Generals Longstreet, Jack 
 son and M Laws, and, with the main body of the cav 
 alry, will cover the route of the army, and bring up all 
 stragglers that may have been left behind. 
 
 " The commands of Generals Jackson, M Laws and 
 Walker, after accomplishing the objects for which they 
 have been detached, will join the main body of the army 
 at Boonsboro or Hagerstown. 
 
 l Each regiment on the march will habitually carry 
 its axes in the regimental ordnance wagons, for use of 
 the men at their encampments to procure wood, &c. 
 "By command of GENERAL R. E. LEE. 
 
 "R. H. CHILTON, 
 " Assistant- Adjutant-General" 
 
 Pope s army and Buruside s corps had been consol 
 idated with the Army of the Potomac immediately 
 after the termination of Pope s campaign, and General 
 McClellan had been assigned to the command. This 
 army now numbered eighty-seven thousand one hun 
 dred and sixty-four men of all arms, exclusive of the 
 corps of General Porter, which remained in Washington 
 until the twelfth. McClellan s advance was made over 
 
1862.] ADVANCE TO THE MONOCACY. 293 
 
 five nearly parallel roads, which enabled him to cover 
 both Washington and Baltimore from any movement 
 down the east side of the Potomac. The army had been 
 divided into wings ; the right consisted of the First 
 Corps, under General Hooker, and on his right the 
 Ninth Corps under General Keno. This wing was com 
 manded by General Burnside. The centre was compos 
 ed of the Twelfth Corps under General Williams, and 
 the Second Corps, Simmer s ; the latter commanding the 
 centre. The left wing consisted of the Sixth Corps and 
 Couch s division of the Fourth Corps,and Syke s division 
 of the Fifth Corps. General Pleasonton was in command 
 of the cavalry, and covered the front of the army. Gen 
 eral King s old division remained in the First Corps, 
 but was now commanded by General Hatch, while Gen 
 eral Patrick continued to command his brigade. Our 
 army designation was : "First Brigade, First Division, 
 First Army Corps." 
 
 From the night of the sixth of September, when 
 we reached Leesboro, up to the morning of the four 
 teenth, we had made five short marches, aggregating 
 forty-six miles, and for thirty-six hours we had been in 
 bivouac on the banks of the Monocacy, near where the 
 turnpike road from Frederick to Baltimore crosses the 
 river. The pretty city of Frederick lay before us, across 
 the river, " green-walled by the hills of Maryland." 
 
 The scenery from our bivouac was magnificent ; the 
 broad, rich plain through which the Monocacy flows 
 was covered with troops and gorgeous with banners and 
 all the paraphernalia of a mighty army. Beyond, and 
 at the foot of the pine-covered mountain, Frederick lay ; 
 yesterday the sport of a rebel army, to-day, out-peo 
 pled by the encompassing Federal troops. 
 
294 THE MARYLAND CAMPAIGN. [1862. 
 
 1 Round about them orchards sweep, 
 Apple and peach-trees, fruited deep ; 
 Fair as a garden of the Lord, 
 To the eyes of the famished rebel horde. 
 
 " On that pleasant day of the early Fall, 
 When Lee marched over the mountain wall 
 Over the mountains winding down, 
 Horse and foot into Frederick town, 
 Forty flags! with their silvery stars; 
 Forty flags! with their crimson bars 
 Flapped in the morning wind ; the sun 
 Of noon looked down and saw not one." 
 
 Pleasonton s troopers struck the rebel rear-guard, as 
 it was leaving Frederick on the afternoon of the twelfth, 
 and skirmished with them all the way to South Moun 
 tain. We could distinctly hear the artillery, and, 
 occasionally, volleys of musketry. On Sunday morn 
 ing the fourteenth, reveille was sounded at three 
 o clock, and at early daylight we resumed our march 
 northward, passing through Frederick and Mid- 
 dletown, and reaching Catoctin Creek, which flows 
 through the valley east of South Mountain about noon. 
 The residue of the army was in position, then or soon 
 after, along this valley. 
 
 South Mountain is the name given to the mountain 
 range on the north side of the Potomac, while the cor 
 responding range on the south side is called Blue Ridge, 
 the river having severed the range, in its way to the 
 ocean. 
 
 South Mountain, covering the front of the army, was 
 about a thousand feet in height, and its general direc 
 tion from northeast to southwest. The national road 
 from Frederick to Hagerstown crosses it nearly at right 
 angles through Turner s Gap, a depression which is 
 some four hundred feet in depth. On the north side of 
 the road, the mountain is divided longitudinally into 
 two crests by a narrow valley, which, although deep at 
 the pass, becomes a slight depression a mile to the north. 
 There are two country roads, one to the right and one 
 
1862.] SOUTH MOUNTAIN TURNER S GAP. 295 
 
 to the left of the turnpike, which conduct to the two 
 crests spoken of. The road on the right of the turnpike 
 is called the u Old Hagerstown Road," arid passes up a 
 ravine about a mile from the turnpike, and then bend 
 ing to the left over and along the first crest, enters the 
 turnpike at the Mountain House, near the summit of 
 the pass. The road on the left of the turnpike is called 
 the " Old Sharpsburg Road," and is about a half a mile 
 south of and parallel to the turnpike, until it reaches 
 the crest of the mountain, when it bends to the left. 
 Five miles south of Turner s Gap is Crampton s Gap, 
 with a road leading through it from Burkittsville. In 
 Pleasant Valley, west of the mountain range, are situ 
 ated the villages of Boonsborough, RohersvilLe and 
 Brownsville. Pleasant Valley is bounded westerly by 
 Maryland Heights, which, starting from the Potomac, 
 run northerly, nearly parallel with South Mountain, and 
 terminate at Rohersville. 
 
 The right wing of the army drew up in front of Tur 
 ner s Gap at noon, on the fourteenth of September, and 
 found the enemy in possession of the pass, with artil 
 lery planted to command the turnpike and the plain at 
 the foot of the mountain. Gibson s, and afterwards 
 Benjamin s batteries, of Reno s corps, were placed in 
 position on a high point of ground south of the turn 
 pike, from whence they had a direct fire on the enemy s 
 guns in the gap. The first brigade of Cox s division 
 was sent up the "Old Sharpsburg Road," to gain the 
 crest on that side, but the enemy were found in pos 
 session of it in strong force. The entire division of Gen 
 eral Cox was then ordered to assault the position. At 
 the same time, the Thirty-fifth New York Volunteers 
 and the "Twentieth," (Patrick s brigade) were sent up 
 the mountain side, on the right of the turnpike, to as 
 certain if the enemy occupied the ground, and to check 
 any flank movement from that direction against Cox. 
 After a severe struggle of an hour s duration, in which 
 
296 THE MARYLAND CAMPAIGN. [1862. 
 
 the losses on both sides were large. Cox s division car 
 ried the crest, and in spite of desperate efforts by the 
 enemy to prevent it, established itself in this strong 
 position. 
 
 The Thirty-fifth and Twentieth then rejoined 
 their brigade, which, about two o clock, was moved 
 north, along the foot of the mountain about a mile and 
 a half from the turnpike. The enemy opened a battery 
 from the mountain side upon our column, and Cooper s 
 battery "B," 1st Pennsylvania artillery, was placed in 
 position, and for a while replied, but as its fire finally 
 endangered our own troops as they advanced up the 
 mountain, it was discontinued. The right wing of the 
 army, excepting Gibbon s brigade, which was detached 
 for the purpose of making a demonstration against the 
 enemy s centre on the turnpike, and Ricketts division 
 which was held in reserve, now advanced up the moun 
 tain side, in line of battle, with a strong skirmish-line 
 in advance. 
 
 The general order of battle in the attempt to carry 
 the crest on the left of the Old Hagerstown Road, was 
 for two regiments of Patrick s brigade to precede the 
 main body, deployed as skirmishers, and supported by 
 the two remaining regiments of the same brigade ; these 
 to be followed by Phelps brigade, two hundred paces 
 in the rear, and this in turn to be followed by Double- 
 day s brigade, with the same interval. General Patrick 
 deployed the 21st New York, under Colonel Rogers, 
 as skirmishers, on the right, and the 35th New York, 
 under Colonel Lord, on the left, supporting the former 
 with the 20th N. Y. S. M., under Colonel Gates, and 
 the latter with the 23d New York, Colonel Hoffman. 
 General Patrick rode to the front with his skirmishers, 
 drew the fire of the enemy, and developed their posi 
 tion. 
 
 The enemy opened a brisk musketry fire as the Union 
 lines approached the summit of the mountain, but most 
 
1862.] THE BATTLE OF SOUTH MOUNTAIN. 297 
 
 of their shot went over the heads of our men, doing ex 
 ecution only in the branches of the trees, among which 
 they rattled like hail stones. The enemy was found 
 posted behind a fence, near the summit of the moun 
 tain, running nearly north and south. The woods 
 through which the Union troops had made their advance 
 up the mountain side terminated at this fence, and be 
 yond it was a cornfield full of rocky ledges, on some of 
 the higher of which the Confederates had planted can 
 non. 
 
 The Union troops pressed on until within fifty paces 
 of the fence, when the fire became very rapid on both 
 sides, but the Confederates still fired too high, and at 
 least 80 per cent, of their shot flew harmlessly over the 
 heads of the Federals. The trunks of the trees, among 
 which they were standing, received a large proportion 
 of the remaining 20 per cent., and the result was that 
 casualties were not large among the Union troops. On 
 the other hand, the Federal fire was very fatal to the 
 Confederates, notwithstanding the fact that they were 
 protected to some extent by a fence. The relative posi 
 tions of the contending parties, would seem to give the 
 Confederates a great advantage, but a study of this bat 
 tle, and of that of Lookout Mountain, Missionary 
 Eidge, and other instances in which the attacking party 
 ascended a steep mountain side, seem to prove that the 
 percentage of killed and wounded is much greater among 
 the troops stationed on the high ground than among 
 their assailants. The fact is, that unless troops have 
 been especially drilled in firing down the face of a moun 
 tain, they are sure to fire ninety per cent, of their shots 
 too high. Indeed, this is the fault of the best drilled 
 troops, as well as of tyros, on the most favorable ground 
 they fire too high. 
 
 Some singular and interesting statistics have been 
 gathered, principally in Europe, to show the great waste 
 of ammunition that takes place in battle. The percent- 
 
298 THE MARYLAND CAMPAIGN [1862. 
 
 age of men disabled is astonishingly out of proportion 
 to the number of cartridges fired. It has been estimated 
 that from 3,000 to 10,000 balls were fired in European 
 armies to place one man Tiors de combat. Improved 
 fire-arms have somewhat diminished this gross dispro 
 portion between ammunition expended and results pro 
 duced. But the best breech-loader or needle-gun ever 
 made will hurt nobody if it be fired at an angle of 45 
 degrees over the head of the man it is designed to hit. 
 Another curious fact in regard to the non-effectiveness 
 of arms, but from a very different cause, is that men 
 will put cartridge after cartridge into their guns, with 
 out firing one out of them. This is the result of inade 
 quate drilling, nervousness or excitement. Men go into 
 battle feeling that the more ammunition they consume 
 the greater the chances of victory, and they load and 
 fire with the utmost rapidity or continue to load with 
 out firing at all ; simply going through the motions and 
 supposing they have fired, but never having cocked their 
 guns or capped them. Of course, one shot deliberately 
 and effectively fired, would have contributed more 
 toward a victory than all this noise and wasted ammu 
 nition. 
 
 There were picked up on the battlefield of Gettys 
 burg, 27,574 muskets, Union and Confederate, of which 
 24,000 were loaded. 12,000 contained two loads each, 
 and 6,000 were charged with from three to ten loads 
 each. One musket contained 23 loads, each charge 
 properly inserted. Oftentimes the cartridges were put 
 in the guns without being first broken, and sometimes 
 they were inserted wrong end first. But to return to 
 South Mountain : 
 
 The Confederate divisions of D. H. Hill and Long- 
 street were in possession of the position which the First 
 and Ninth corps essayed to carry, and they were com 
 posed of some of the best troops of Lee s army. Their 
 position was an exceedingly strong one, and they fought 
 
1862.] FEDERALS CARRY THE MOUNTAIN CRESTS. 299 
 
 until dark with great resolution. The fence along the 
 east side of the cornfield had afforded the rebels an ad 
 mirable cover, and they held on to it until nearly dark, 
 when the Federals carried it by a gallant charge, cap 
 turing at the same time a number of prisoners. The 
 ground along the inside of the fence was covered with 
 rebel dead and wounded, and it was a matter of surprise 
 to the Federals that their fire should have been so de 
 structive, against an enemy seemingly so well protected. 
 With the capture of the fence, the fighting practically 
 ceased on this part of the field, and darkness prevented 
 a further advance over such ground as lay in front of 
 us. The enemy made an attempt to turn our left, but 
 was repulsed, and the troops composed themselves for 
 a little rest, after their hard day s work ready, how 
 ever, for battle, if the enemy should attempt to recover 
 the position during the night. 
 
 While these events were transpiring on the right, 
 there had, by no means, been inactivity or cessation of 
 battle at the centre. General Wilcox s division was 
 ordered to move up the Old Sharpsburg Road and take 
 position to its right, overlooking the turnpike. While 
 proceeding to execute this order, and when in the act of 
 deploying to the right of the road, the enemy suddenly 
 opened upon them at one hundred and fifty yards, with 
 a battery which enfiladed the road at this point, and 
 caused a temporary panic, in which a Union battery was 
 nearly lost. Order, however, was soon restored, and 
 the division formed line on the right of General Cox, 
 already in position. The troops, however, were exposed 
 to the fire of a battery in front, not only, but also to the 
 batteries on the other side of the turnpike, and their 
 loss was very heavy. The divisions of Generals Sturgis 
 and Rodman were ordered to the support of Wilcox and 
 Cox, and this entire force was ordered to move upon the 
 enemy s position as soon as the First Corps was well 
 advanced up the mountain, on the opposite side of the 
 
300 THE MARYLAND CAMPAIGN. [1862 
 
 turnpike. This order was executed with enthusiasm 
 and success. The enemy made a desperate resistance, 
 charging our lines with fierceness, but they were every 
 where routed, leaving the field covered with their dead 
 and wounded. Here also, a last effort was made by the 
 enemy to recover their lost ground, and about seven 
 o clock they made a furious assault along Sturgis and 
 a part of Cox s front. A lively fire was kept up until 
 nearly nine o clock, the enemy making several charges, 
 but they were repulsed with great slaughter and finally 
 compelled to withdraw. In connection with these move 
 ments on the right and left of the turnpike, General 
 Gibbons brigade had advanced up the turnpike itself. 
 With one of his regiments deployed as skirmishers, 
 stretching out on each side of the turnpike, and followed 
 by the other regiments of the brigade in double column, 
 they advanced steadily under a heavy fire. The enemy 
 held stubbornly on to their position, but Gibbons con 
 stantly gained ground, until, finally, with this severe 
 pressure on their front and the success of the Federals 
 on their right and left, the Confederate centre gave way, 
 and at nine o clock on the evening of the fourteenth of 
 September, the Federals were in possession of Turner s 
 Gap and of the crests above it, dominating the turnpike. 
 It was not believed the enemy would invite a renewal of 
 the conflict on this ground. 
 
 The night of the fourteenth was exceedingly cold on 
 the mountain top, and the officers and men of the 
 "Twentieth" suffered severely in consequence. Over 
 coats and blankets had been left at the foot of the moun 
 tain when the ascent began, and they could not now be 
 obtained nor could fire be allowed ; so, we huddled to 
 gether and shivered through the night. As was ex 
 pected, daylight showed that the enemy had retreated, 
 leaving their dead and many of their wounded upon the 
 field. 
 
 The divisions of Hill and Longs treet numbered about 
 
1862.] A BRILLIANT VICTORY. 301 
 
 thirty thousand men, and the Federal force opposed to 
 them did not much exceed that number. The Federals 
 captured about fifteen hundred prisoners, and the Con 
 federate loss in killed and wounded was evidently much 
 greater than ours, and a very large percentage of their 
 killed were shot in the head. The Union loss was three 
 hundred and twelve killed, twelve hundred and thirty- 
 four wounded, and twenty-two missing. Among the 
 Union killed was General Reno, and among the Confed 
 erates General Garland. In the afternoon of the fif 
 teenth, the President telegraphed General McClellan as 
 follows: "Your dispatch of to-day received. God 
 bless you, and all with you. Destroy the rebel army if 
 possible." 
 
 The victory of South Mountain was one of the most 
 brilliant achievements of the Federals during the war. 
 It involved very little strategy, but that little was bold 
 and was carried out with energy and courage. The 
 enemy had chosen his position, and it was an excep 
 tionally strong one. The army before him he had re 
 cently beaten on the Peninsula and at Bull Run, under 
 circumstances apparently much less favorable to him. 
 But the position itself was misleading, as has already 
 been shown, and the advantage of position, therefore, 
 was only apparent. There were no manoeuvres on the 
 Union side, and no surprises of the enemy. It was a 
 victory won by square open fighting, where boldness, 
 endurance and accuracy of fire won the day. 
 
CH;APTER XXIL 
 
 TARDY MOVEMENTS LOCATION OF ARMY MOCLELLAN S VIEWS AS TO EN 
 EMY LEE S STRENGTH AT ANTIETAM MCCLELLAN CALLS FOR RE- 
 ENFORCEMENTS COLONEL MILES DISPATCH FROM PRESIDENT 
 MCCLELLAN S TRUE POLICY FRANKLIN CRAMPTON S PASS MCCLEL- 
 LAN S ORDER FRANKLIN CARRIES THE PASS KILLED AND WOUNDED 
 
 IN PLEASANT VALLEY FRANKLIN S MARCH TO RELIEF OF MILES AR 
 RESTED MILES SURRENDERS IS KILLED MCCLELLAN S TIME TO 
 STRIKE "BEAT HIM IN DETAIL" TOO CAUTIOUS ORDER TO FRANKLIN 
 CONFEDERATE DIVISIONS REJOIN LEE IN TIME FOR ANTIETAM. 
 
 IT will have been observed that the movement of the 
 army from Washington to the line of the Monocacy, 
 was very gradual very tardy. Perhaps the responsi 
 bility for this was about equally divided between Hal- 
 leek and McClellan. But it was the latter s business to 
 find out the position and design of the enemy, and to 
 manoeuvre his army accordingly. The means taken to 
 this end seem to have been utterly inadequate, and, 
 until Lee s order for the march on Harper s Ferry fell 
 into General McClellan s hands, he knew very little of 
 the location or movements of the Confederates. Nine- 
 tenths of the population of the western part of Mary 
 land were loyal McClellan had the Potomac river on 
 his left, which could be crossed by an army only at cer 
 tain well-known points, and it seems as though it ought 
 to have been possible to procure speedy and accurate 
 information of the enemy s passage of that stream, and 
 the direction of his march after he threw his army into 
 Maryland. 
 
 As stated in the preceding chapter, Lee crossed the 
 Potomac between the fourth and seventh of September, 
 and drew up his forces around Frederick. The several 
 corps of the Army of [the Potomac were on the lat 
 ter day lying in divisions and brigades at Leesburg, 
 Rockville, Tenaliytown, Off tit s Cross Roads, Brook- 
 
 302 
 
1862.] MCCLELLAN S VIEWS AS TO ENEMY. 303 
 
 ville, Middleburg, Darnstown and at the Mouth of Sen 
 eca the nearest within less than a day and the most re 
 mote not more than two days march from Frederick. 
 McClellan " supposed it would be necessary to force the 
 line of the Monocacy," (Report of Army cf Potomac, 
 p. 186,) and his dilatory movements gave the enemy 
 abundant opportunity to compel him to fight his way 
 across that stream, if they had chosen to do so. The 
 river is a broad and deep one, and its passage in face of 
 such an army as Lee commanded would have been diffi 
 cult, if not impossible. 
 
 But McClellan s plans were yet unformed, and as 
 late as eight o clock, on the evening of the eighth of 
 September, twenty-four hours after Lee had crossed, 
 and when his entire army was advancing on Frederick, 
 he telegraphed to General Halleck : " I am by no means 
 satisfied yet that the enemy have crossed the river (Po 
 tomac) in any large force." The positions of the Fed 
 eral Army remained practically unchanged on the 
 tenth, \vaiting for the enemy to develop himself or for 
 General McClellan to mature a plan of campaign, and 
 on this day he changed his views as to the locality of the 
 enemy and telegraphed to the President as follows : 
 k The statements I get regarding the enemy s forces 
 that have crossed to this side (Maryland), range from 
 80,000 to 150,000." This put a very different aspect on 
 the situation of affairs, and if General Lee really had 
 anywhere near the larger number of men given, he was 
 numerically much stronger than McClellan; and if he had 
 anywhere near the lesser number his losses must have 
 been extraordinary and unaccountable, for he states 
 that he fought the battle of Antietam "with less than 
 forty thousand men on our side." (Reports of Army of 
 Northern Virginia, page 35.) 
 
 These exaggerated stories of the strength of the Con 
 federates drove McClellan to his cautious and dilatory 
 policy, and he began to call for re-enforcements. On the 
 
304 THE MARYLAND CAMPAIGN. [1862. 
 
 eleventh he telegraphed General Halleck that evidence 
 from various sources goes to prove that "almost the en 
 tire rebel army in Virginia, amounting to not less than 
 120,000 men, is in the vicinity of Frederick." 
 
 * They are probably aware that their forces are 
 numerically superior to ours, by at least twenty-five per 
 cent." (Report on Conduct of the War, Part 1, page 
 479.) General McClellan then asks that one or two of 
 the three Army Corps opposite Washington be sent to 
 him, and that Colonel Miles, commanding the garrison at 
 Harper s Ferry also be directed to join him. At three 
 o clock and forty-five minutes, the same afternoon, he 
 telegraphed to have the Corps of Porter, Heintzleman 
 and Sigel, and all the other old troops" sent to him. 
 As to Colonel Miles, General Halleck replied : " There 
 is no way for Colonel Miles to join you at present. The 
 only chance is to defend his works until yon can open a 
 communication with him. When you do so he will be 
 subject to your orders." Lee s army of 150,000 men, 
 more or less, was between McClellan and Miles 9,000 
 men, and if the former could not reach Miles, the latter 
 could hardly have been expected to be able to reach 
 McClellan. 
 
 To the residue of the dispatch the President re 
 sponded the same day, and among other things said : 
 1 If Porter, Heintzleman and Sigel were sent to you it 
 would strip everything from the other side of the river, 
 because the new troops have been distributed among 
 them ; as I understand it. Porter reports himself 21,000 
 strong. * * He is ordered to-night to join you as 
 quickly as possible. I am for sending you all that can 
 by spared, and I hope others can follow Porter very 
 soon." On the 12th Halleck telegraphed McClellan : 
 "Is it not possible to open communication with Har 
 per s Ferry so that Colonel Miles forces can co-operate 
 with yours?" 
 
 McClellan forbore to employ the tactics that a bold 
 
1862.] M C CLELLAN S TRUE POLICY. 3Q5 
 
 and confident commander would have resorted to, under 
 the circumstances in which he found himself placed. 
 Such a commander would have pushed forward his left 
 and interposed between Lee and his line of communica 
 tion with his base, and his line of retreat in case of dis 
 aster. This would have been the initial object of the 
 campaign for the reasons given, and it would have been 
 the proper policy, also, in view of the position of Miles 
 and White, whose forces should have been saved. 
 
 From the time McClellan possessed himself of Lee s 
 Order he knew what his adversary s immediate tactics 
 were, and he should have manoeuvred to support the 
 garrison at Harper s Ferry, not only, but to destroy the 
 forces detached to operate against it or he should have 
 moved rapidly against Lee, himself, and overwhelmed 
 him before the large force moving against Miles could 
 succor him . Something more than energy was demanded 
 of the Federal commander, by the circumstances of the 
 case. There was needed boldness, dash, impetuousity 
 a rapid concentration of his forces on his left and a 
 resistless assault of the passes of the mountain at 
 Crampton s and at the Potomac itself. Crampton s 
 Pass is but six miles south of Turner s, and debouches 
 into Pleasant Valley, five miles from Maryland Heights, 
 opposite Harper s Ferry. In the pre-arranged order of 
 march, the left wing of the Federal Army, under Frank 
 lin, was to cross South Mountain at Crampton s. On 
 the evening of the thirteenth, McClellan communicated 
 to Franklin the substance of Lee s Order, and urged him 
 to seize the pass if not occupied by the enemy in 
 force." If so occupied he was directed to make his pre 
 parations for attack and commence it a half an hour 
 after he hears severe firing at Turner s. 
 
 The rebel General McLaws, who commanded one o-f 
 the divisions detached against Miles, learning of the ap 
 proach of the Union forces to Crampton s, and at once 
 appreciating the danger of allowing this force to get in 
 
 20 
 
306 THE MARYLAND CAMPAIGN. [1862. 
 
 his rear, sent back General Cobb, with three brigades, 
 with orders to hold Crampton s Pass until the work at 
 Harper s Ferry should be completed, "even if he lost 
 his last man in doing it." (Reports of Army of North- 
 ern Virginia, Yol, II., Page 165.) 
 
 As late as two o clock on the afternoon of the four 
 teenth, Franklin was held in check at Burkettsville, a 
 hamlet at the foot of the mountain. At that hour Mc- 
 Clellan telegraphed him : "Mass your troops and carry 
 Burkettsville at any cost." Franklin attacked, and 
 after a fight of three hours duration, drove the enemy 
 out of Burkettsville, and following closely up the moun 
 tain, dislodged them from one point after another, until 
 he gained the crest of the mountain, and the Confeder 
 ates fled down the other side. On the evening of that 
 -day, Franklin s advance was in Pleasant Valley. Frank 
 lin s loss was one hundred and fifteen killed and four 
 hundred and sixteen wounded. He captured four hun 
 dred prisoners, seven hundred stand of arms, one piece 
 of artillery and three colors. The enemy s loss in killed 
 and wounded was about equal to Franklin s. 
 
 At 8:50 on the morning of the fifteenth, Franklin 
 telegraphed McClellan from Pleasant Valley : The 
 enemy is drawn up in line of battle about two miles to 
 our front, one brigade in sight." Two hours later, he 
 -telegraphs again from the same place, that the enemy 
 MI front outnumber him two to one ; "it will, of course, 
 mot answer to pursue (?) the enemy under these circum 
 stances." But the crisis, so far as Miles was concerned, 
 had passed. He surrendered into the hands of the 
 enemy at eight o clock that morning, 11,583 men, 73 
 pieces of artillery, 13,000 small arms and large quanti 
 ties of ammunition and other stores. Colonel Miles 
 himself was killed by a rebel shot, after the white flag 
 had been run up. 
 
 It was not too late for McClellan to revenge this un 
 fortunate result of timid generalship. Lee s army was 
 
1862.] LEE S ARMY RE- UNITED. 307 
 
 divided, and lie lay between the widely separated forces 
 with nearly his entire army. On losing Turner s Gap, 
 on the night of the fourteenth, Lee had withdrawn the 
 shattered troops of Hill and Longstreet, across Pleasant 
 Valley, over the next dividing ridge, and halted in the 
 valley of the Antietam. McClellan moved into Pleasant 
 Valley on the morning of the fifteenth, seven miles 
 north of the position occupied by Franklin, and with 
 an aggregate of not less than eighty-five thousand men, 
 exultant over their recent victories, in the mountain 
 passes. The army would have cordially seconded any 
 bold and dashing tactics of its leader, but he was ham 
 pered by his cautious policy and his apprehensions of 
 Lee s " overwhelming numbers." He had telegraphed 
 to Franklin on the thirteenth, " My general idea is to 
 cut the enemy in two and beat him in detail." But 
 when the enemy himself had presented the first condi 
 tion to him voluntarily, he would not avail himself of 
 the opportunity. 
 
 So General Franklin was ordered to remain where he 
 was, " to watch the large force in front of him, and 
 protect our left and rear until the night of the sixteenth, 
 (thirty-six hours,) when he was ordered to join the main 
 body of the army at Keedysville. It came to pass, of 
 course, that while Franklin waited, the rebel troops 
 (McLaws division) he was set to "watch" skillfully with 
 drew, being really greatly inferior to Franklin in num 
 bers, and, anxious to avoid a battle, repassed the Po 
 tomac at Harper s Ferry, and by a wide detour struck 
 the river again at Shepardstown, crossed to the Mary 
 land side once more, and rejoined Lee at Sharpsburg, in 
 time to participate in the battle of Antietam. So, also, 
 with regard to the entire force which Lee sent on this 
 perilous expedition every regiment was back and in 
 line of battle on the seventeenth of September. 
 
CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 IN PURSUIT WHAT MCCLELLAN KNEW PLEASONTON STRIKES THE REAR 
 GUARD RICHARDSON AND SYKES FORM LINE OF BATTLE MCCLELLAN 
 HOPED TO FIGHT ON THE FIFTEENTH THE ADVANTAGE HE WOULD 
 HAVE HAD ADVANCE OF PATRICK S BRIGADE ANTIETAM AND ITS 
 BRIDGES SHARPSBURG AND ITS SURROUNDINGS POSITION OF REBEL 
 ARMY LEE B PROBABLE DESIGNS STRAGGLING APPEARANCE OF 
 SUCCESS OBLIGED TO FIGHT TO WITHDRAW CIRCUMSCRIBED POSITION 
 FIRST CORPS ACROSS THE ANTIETAM SHOT AND SHELL POSITION OF 
 UNION TROOPS MCCLELLAN S PLAN FAULTY HOOKER S ATTACK ON 
 SEVENTEENTH A STRANGE OVERSIGHT THE TWENTIETH IN SUPPORT 
 OF CAMPBELL S BATTERY MAJOR HARDENBURGH IN COMMAND OF 
 LEFT WING CAPTURES REBEL COLORS AND RECOVERS A UNION FLAG 
 ENEMY TRY TO TAKE BATTERY REPULSED WITH GREAT SLAUGHTER 
 LOSS OF THE "TWENTIETH" REBEL LOSSES THE BATTLE AT OTHER 
 POINTS MANSFIELD KILLED HOOKER WOUNDED SUMNER ASSUMES 
 COMMAND WHAT HE SAID SEDGWICK s GAIN AND LOSS THE "SUNK 
 EN ROAD" BURNSIDE S ASSAULT AND SUCCESS REBELS RE-ENFORCED 
 
 BURNSIDE DRIVEN BACK THE BATTLE ENDED SOME COMMENTS. 
 
 THE fifteenth of September was a clear, cool and 
 breezy day. Patrick s brigade moved down from the 
 mountain top to the turnpike, and halting by the road 
 side, prepared and ate its frugal breakfast. The enemy 
 had disappeared from our front, and McClellan had be 
 gun the pursuit at an early hour. He telegraphed to 
 Halleck at eight A.M., "I have just learned from Gen 
 eral Hooker in the advance who states that the inform 
 ation is perfectly reliable that the enemy is making for 
 the river in a perfect panic ; and General Lee stated last 
 night publicly that he must admit they had been 
 shockingly whipped. I am hurrying everything for 
 ward to endeavor to press their retreat to the utmost." 
 General McClellan knew that only D. H.- Hill and 
 Longstreet had been in front of his right wing, and that 
 they were now retiring towards the Potomac, in the 
 
 308 
 
1862.] PLEASONTON STRIKES REAR GUARD. 309 
 
 direction of Sharpsburg. He knew equally well that the 
 strong divisions of McLaws, Anderson, Walker, A. P. 
 Hill and Stonewall Jackson were at Harper s Ferry or 
 its vicinity ; a full day s march away. Now seemed the 
 auspicious opportunity to crush the divisions of D. H. 
 Hill and Longstreet, before the absent divisions could 
 come up. And to secure this result expedition was nec 
 essary, and such positioning of the Federal army as 
 would compel Lee to fight at once, or force him to sepa 
 rate himself farther and farther from his detached di 
 visions. 
 
 Pleasonton s cavalry led the advance and overtook 
 the enemy s rear guard at Boonsborough, where a brisk 
 skirmish occurred, resulting in the defeat of the rebels 
 with a loss of a number killed and wounded, and two 
 hundred and fifty prisoners and two guns. Richardson s 
 division of Sumner s corps followed Pleasonton, and 
 after a march of about ten miles, descried the enemy in 
 possession of the hill on the west side of Antietam Creek, 
 and in front of the little village of Sharpsburg. Rich 
 ardson deployed on the right of the road from Keedys- 
 ville to Sharpsburg, and on the east side of the creek. 
 Sykes, with his division of regulars, arrived soon after, 
 and deployed on the left of the road. The afternoon 
 was now well spent. 
 
 To have moved the right wing of McClellan s army 
 from Turner s Gap to the Antietam in time to have at 
 tacked Lee in the afternoon of the fifteenth, does not 
 seem an impossible exploit, and when such great advan 
 tages were offered to the Union commander by making 
 battle before the Rebel detachments could join their 
 ohief, the utmost celerity was demanded. Franklin had 
 telegraphed McClellan that firing ceased at Harper s 
 Ferry at eight o clock that morning, and the deductions 
 were either that Miles had surrendered or that Lee had 
 recalled his troops. In either event they would be on 
 their return, and would increase the strength of the 
 
310 THE MAEYLAND CAMPAIGN. [1862. 
 
 Rebel army a hundred per cent, within twenty-four 
 hours. 
 
 In his report of the battle, McClellan says : "It had 
 been hoped to engage the enemy during the fifteenth ; 
 but, " after a rapid examination of the position, I found 
 it was too late to attack that day, and at once directed 
 the placing of the batteries in position in the centre, 
 and indicated the bivouacs for the different corps, mass 
 ing them near and on both sides of the Sharpsburg turn 
 pike. The corps were not all in their positions until 
 next morning after sunrise." 
 
 Patrick s brigade marched through Boonsborough on 
 the fifteenth, and bivouacked, supperless, about three 
 miles beyond. Marching next morning at six o clock, 
 we reached the circle of hills on the east side of the Aa- 
 tietam, a little after seven. The position taken by 
 Patrick s brigade proved to be in range of the enemy s 
 batteries, and the brigade was withdrawn to a ridge 
 which protected it from the guns. 
 
 At any time before twelve o clock on the sixteenth, 
 McClellan could have hurled 60,000 troops against less 
 than half their number. Jackson had rejoined Lee that 
 morning after an exhausting march, but he had left 
 A. P. Hill to receive the surrender of Harper s Ferry, and 
 McLaws, with his own and Anderson s division, was 
 still in front of Franklin, in Pleasant Valley, and did 
 not reach Lee until the morning of the seventeenth. 
 Walker arrived about noon of the sixteenth ; so it will 
 be seen that Lee was allowed time to gather together 
 the scattered divisions of his army (excepting only 
 A. P. Hill,) before McClellan delivered battle. 
 
 The position of Patrick s brigade was changed a 
 number of times during the day, and about three o clock 
 in the afternoon, it was moved to the right of the Union 
 line, and, fording the creek, advanced up the slope on 
 the west side, through the fields for the distance of a 
 mile under a heavy fire of shell and solid shot, to a piece 
 
1862.] ANTIETAM AND ITS BRIDGES SHARPSBURG. 3H 
 
 of woods on the Williamsport road, where it formed 
 line of battle, and where it lay on its arms during the 
 night. 
 
 There are four stone bridges that span Antietam 
 Creek in the vicinity of the battle-field the most north 
 erly one on the Keedysville and Williamsport road ; 
 the next on the Keedysville and Sharpsburg Turnpike ; 
 the third about a mile below the second, on the Rohrers- 
 ville and Sharpsburg road, and the fourth near the 
 mouth of the creek on the road leading from Harpers 
 Ferry to Sharpsburg, some three miles below the third 
 bridge. The stream is sluggish, with few and difficult 
 fords. 
 
 Sharpsburg occupies a high point of ground about a 
 mile east of the Potomac, and a little less than a mile 
 west of Antietam Creek. The Potomac is very serpen 
 tine in the vicinity of Sharpsburg, and immediately op 
 posite that place makes a sharp bend to the east. Two 
 miles north of Sharpsburg, and at an equal distance 
 south of it, the river again diverges from its generally 
 southerly course and runs nearly east, a distance of a 
 mile and a half. It then turns abruptly to the west- 
 ward,, flows back to the line of its general direction, and 
 pursues its course southerly. A cord drawn from 
 the easterly point of the bend above Sharpsburg to the 
 bank of the river at the bend below, would intersect the 
 village, and would be about five miles long. The An 
 tietam flows into the Potomac three miles south of 
 Sharpsburg, and is not fordable below bridge number 
 four. The Baltimore & Ohio Canal is constructed along 
 the east bank of the Potomac, rendering access to the 
 river difficult, except in the few localities where the 
 canal is bridged. The ground rises by a steep ascent 
 from the Potomac, about seventy-five feet, and thence 
 easterly, the surface is broken into ridges running 
 parallel with the river, until the high ground breaks 
 away into the valley of the Antietam. 
 
312 THE MARYLAND CAMPAIGN. [1862 
 
 It was in this cul-de-sac and behind these ridges, 
 stretching through Sharpsburg and a mile below and 
 two miles above it, that Lee had posted his army, to 
 meet the onset of his old adversary. Longstreet s corps 
 on the right, crossing the Boonsborough and Rohrers- 
 ville roads, and extending across the front of Sharps- 
 burg. On his left were the corps of D. H. Hill, Hood 
 and Jackson, in the order named, and terminating 
 the line in a woods on the road from Sharpsburg 
 to Hagerstown, with one brigade across this road. 
 The left of the line curved to the rear and towards the 
 Potomac ; and here was posted Stuart s cavalry. Near 
 ly opposite the Confederate centre was a ford somewhat 
 difficult of access, by reason of the precipitous descent 
 of the river bank, but quite practicable for all arms, 
 when reached. 
 
 It will be seen at a glance, that this was a strong po 
 sition, and Lee evidently expected to be able to hold it 
 until he should choose to retire. That he contemplated 
 anything beyond this, except in the event of some oc 
 currence not within the scope of probable chances, is 
 manifest from all the circumstances. 
 
 Whatever may have been the original design of the 
 Confederate commander in entering Maryland, he evi 
 dently had no intention of taking the aggressive against 
 the Army of the Potomac. He had been grievously 
 disappointed in finding an utter lack of sympathy with 
 the secession cause in Maryland. He had supposed 
 that thousands would eagerly flock to his standard, and 
 that the Federal Capital would be suddenly encom 
 passed by swarms of armed and revengeful enemies, 
 whose threatening attitude would demand all the re 
 sources of the Government. But when it was discovered 
 that these expectations were utterly groundless, and 
 Lee found the Army of the Potomac launched against 
 him, largely augmented in numbers, while his own 
 army was dwindling away by straggling, a safe and 
 
1862.] STRAGGLING APPEARANCE OP SUCCESS. 313 
 
 honorable withdrawal was the utmost the Confederate 
 chieftain hoped for. 
 
 [That the Confederate soldiers took adrantage of their presence in a loyal State to 
 escape from the Confederate army, is shown by official records. It is probable Lee s 
 army lost more men by straggling than by battle. In Lee s Report, page 35, he says: 
 * The arduous service in which our troops had been engaged, their great privations of 
 rest and food, and the long marches without shoes over mountain roads, had greatly 
 reduced our ranks before the action began. These causes had compelled thousands 
 of brave men to absent themselves, and many more had done so from unworthy mo 
 tives. This great battle was fought by less than forty thousand men on our side." Of 
 the same condition of things General Hill says: "Had all our stragglers been up, 
 McClellan s army would have been completely crushed or annihilated. Thousands of 
 thieving poltroons had kept away from sheer cowardice. The straggler is generally a 
 thief and always a coward, lost to all sense of shame ; he can only be kept in the ranks 
 by a strict and sanguinary discipline." Reports of Maryland Campaign, Vol. II, 
 page 119.] 
 
 The garrison at Harper s Ferry, with its rich spoils, 
 afforded Lee the opportunity of giving his venture the 
 appearance of success, and to grace his return to Vir 
 ginia with a prisoner-list a quarter as large as his entire 
 army ; with a long train of captured cannon, and with 
 a hundred wagon loads of small arms, and other war 
 materiel. Lee had not even intended to dispute the 
 passage of South Mountain, but had ordered the Har 
 per s Perry detachments to meet him at Boonsboro or 
 Hagerstown. And, doubtless, those detachments would 
 have been able to rejoin their chief, leisurely, at either 
 of those places, except for the chance which placed a 
 copy of Lee s Order in McClellan s hands. Then the 
 latter displayed so much unexpected energy that Lee 
 was obliged to make the fight at South Mountain to 
 give time for the reduction of Harper s Ferry. To make 
 this fight he had to countermarch Hill s division from 
 Boonsboro and Longstreet s from Hagerstown. Mc- 
 Laws held Franklin in check at Crampton s Pass, where 
 Lee had made no provision for defending it, by throw 
 ing a brigade from his division into it, on his way to the 
 Ferry. Six hours earlier or twenty-four hours later, 
 McClellan would have found both passes unoccupied. 
 But as Lee had to fight to give time to the expedition 
 
314 THE MARYLAND CAMPAIGN. [1862, 
 
 moving against Miles, so now he had to fight again, to 
 enable him to withdraw his army across the Potomac. 
 
 We have said that Lee s position was a strong one, 
 but we must add that it was a dangerous one for an 
 army not entirely sure of being able to hold it. It 
 could move by neither flank. Its right was obstructed 
 by Antietam river and its left by the Potomac. While 
 the streams covered and protected its flanks they also 
 limited its capacity for manoeuvring. Its movements 
 were restricted to its front and rear, and parallel to its 
 line of battle, within these narrow confines. To ad 
 vance, the Confederates must march through or over 
 the Army of the Potomac ; to retire, they must mass 
 on their centre, and depend upon a solitary narrow 
 ford, at the foot of a steep hill, where an overturned 
 army wagon or a disabled gun carriage, might at any 
 moment interrupt the march. 
 
 On the afternoon of the 16th, General McClellan be 
 gan to arrange his line of battle, and Hooker was or 
 dered to cross the Antietam at bridge number one and 
 at a contiguous ford, and to attack, and, if possible, 
 turn the enemy s left. Hooker s division commanders 
 now were Doubleday, First Division (the Twen 
 tieth s), and Meade and Klcketts, Second and Third 
 Divisions. Two of these officers subsequently com 
 manded the Army of the Potomac one leading it to 
 defeat at Chancellorsville and the other to victory at 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 In the passage of the stream, Patrick s brigade took 
 the ford, and emerging from the water, formed line in 
 the fields on the enemy s side and moved forward to 
 ward the front and left flank. The ground over which 
 he advanced was of very uneven surface and covered 
 with grass and corn, and here and there a fence. 
 
 Hooker, mounted upon a magnificent white horse, 
 and riding at the head of his corps, was the most con 
 spicuous object on the field. As we began to ascend 
 
1862.] McCLELLAN S PLANS FAULTY. 315 
 
 the hill toward the rebel position, their batteries opened 
 upon us with shot and shell in the most vigorous man 
 ner. The corps pushed on, however, and soon began 
 to feel the fire of a strong line of skirmishers, concealed 
 behind ridges and fences and wherever they could 
 find cover. Hooker s skirmish line routed these sharp 
 shooters, and as they fell back the corps pressed for 
 ward and became engaged with some troops thrown 
 forward on the enemy s left, and who were holding a 
 piece of woods near I. Miller s house. After a brisk 
 but brief engagement these Confederates were driven 
 out of the woods and back upon their line, and 
 Hooker s men rested upon their arms during the night 
 upon the ground thus won. It was after dark when 
 this affair was over. 
 
 During the night Mansfield s (Twelfth corps) crossed 
 the Antietam at the same points at which Hooker had 
 crossed, and bivouacked on the farm of J. Poffen- 
 berger, about a mile in rear of the First Corps. The 
 Second Corps was to be held in readiness to support 
 Hooker and Mansfield. Porter s Corps lay along the 
 turnpike in front of bridge Number 2, Burnside s Ninth 
 Corps was on the Rohrersville and Sharpsburg roads, 
 in front of bridge Number 3. General Franklin was 
 still in Pleasant Valley. 
 
 General McClellan s plan of battle was. to attack the 
 enemy s left with the corps of Hooker and Mansfield, 
 supported by Sumner s ; and, when matters looked fav 
 orable there, to move the corps of Burnside against the 
 enemy s extreme right; this movement being success 
 ful, to attack the centre. (McClellan s Report, page 
 201.) This plan was radically faulty, in that it al 
 lowed the Confederate commander to employ his main 
 body against any assaulted point. Lee held the interior 
 line and the movement of his troops from point to 
 point could be made without being seen from the Fed 
 eral lines, of which circumstance he availed himself 
 
316 THE MARYLAND CAMPAIGN. [1862. 
 
 during the battle. The plan, bad as it was, was faulty 
 in the mode in which it was sought to be executed. 
 The movement of the right wing across the Antietam, 
 in the afternoon of the sixteenth, was an ostentatious 
 notice to Lee of his adversary s purpose, and given at a 
 time that enabled Lee to employ eight or ten hours in 
 preparing to meet it. Indeed, while Hooker was mov 
 ing into position, Lee had thrown two of Hood s bri 
 gades into the piece of woods spoken of above, and 
 which force Hooker encountered, and met in it sufficient 
 opposition to delay him for the night, without being 
 able to molest the true Confederate line of battle at all. 
 
 At daylight, on the seventeenth, Hooker s corps was 
 under arms, and, as the gray light of the Autumn 
 morning lit up the scene sufficiently to enable the 
 troops to move without difficulty, they advanced to the 
 attack. The Confederate left had been slightly refreshed 
 during the night, and now occupied a piece of woods 
 on the west side of the Hagerstown road, at the margin 
 of which stands the Dunker Church. A strong picket 
 line, however, was posted considerably in front of this 
 position, and disputed the Federal advance with great 
 tenacity. The piece of woods in which the enemy s left 
 was posted (Jackson s corps,) was traversed by out 
 cropping ledges of rock, making impervious breast 
 works, while several hundred yards to the right and 
 rear was a hill which commanded the debouch of the 
 woods, and in the fields between was a long line of 
 stone fences, continued by breastworks of rails, which 
 covered the rebel infantry from our musketry. The 
 woods formed a screen behind which the movements of 
 the enemy were concealed from observation, and masked 
 his batteries on the hill. 
 
 By a strange oversight of both Union and Confeder 
 ate commanders, a high point of ground lying a little 
 beyond the Confederate left, and which was the key- 
 point of the entire field, had been neglected by both 
 
1862.] TWENTIETH IN SUPPORT OF BATTERY. 317 
 
 sides. A battery planted there would have made the 
 position of either hostile force utterly untenable. On 
 the 18th, General McClellan s attention was called to 
 this commanding point, and it was proposed to seize it ; 
 but it was not done ; and as the battle was not renewed, 
 it was no longer of consequence. 
 
 Hooker s corps went into the fight about eighteen 
 thousand strong. His line was formed with Double- 
 day s division on the right, Mead s in the centre, and 
 Ricketts on the left. The route of march of the 
 "Twentieth" was across the fields, and through the 
 woods on the left of the road on which the Bunker 
 Church stands, until it reached the farther side of an 
 orchard, in front of which, and but a few rods off, was 
 a cornfield, with cornstalks standing higher than a 
 man s head. From this cornfield we encountered a 
 perfect hailstorm of shot from small arms ; while the 
 hidden guns of the enemy, on the hill back of the 
 woods, dropped their shell in our way with wonderful 
 accuracy. 
 
 Just across the road leading to Sharpsburg, and a 
 little in front of our line, two sections of Battery B, 
 Captain Campbell, were stationed, between some stacks 
 of straw and a barn, and the enemy s sharpshooters had 
 crept up until they had gotten within range, and were 
 picking off the horses and gunners. The brigade was 
 faced by the right flank, and moved across the road, in 
 rear of Campbell s battery, and after marching into the 
 field near the woods, covering Jackson s position, the 
 "Twentieth" was detached and sent back to support 
 Captain Campbell s battery, against which the enemy 
 were seen to be advancing in considerable force. Re 
 turning at "double-quick," the right wing formed near 
 the guns, while the left wing under Major Hardenburgh, 
 advanced down the field, along the road side, behind 
 the fences of which and in the cornfield on the opposite 
 side the enemy were posted, and from whence they 
 
318 THE MARYLAND CAMPAIGN. [1862. 
 
 commanded the position of the battery ; they had also 
 taken possession of a hollow piece of ground just in 
 front of the guns. Major Hardenburgh pushed forward, 
 under a hot tire, driving the enemy from their cover, 
 and clearing the ground and the edge of the cornfield on 
 our left. The Sixth Wisconsin, which had advanced 
 into the cornfield on Major Hardenburgh s left, was 
 very roughly handled by the enemy in its front, and 
 was thrown into disorder and forced to retire. Its 
 color-bearer was shot down, and its colors left on the 
 field. Major Hardenburgh covered the retreat of the 
 Wisconsin regiment, and brought off its colors. He also 
 captured and brought off a Confederate battle-flag, the 
 bearer of it having been shot down by private Isaac 
 Thomas of Gf company. The enemy were soon re- 
 enforced ; and, advancing upon Major Hardenburgh in 
 overwhelming numbers, he was obliged to fall back, 
 which he did deliberately, delivering his fire as rapidly 
 as the men could load, while the battery and the right 
 wing opened upon the advancing rebels, who seemed 
 resolved to take the guns. 
 
 Hardenburgh joined the right wing, and the regi 
 ment poured a steady fire into the brave fellows, whose 
 courage and resolution won our admiration, although 
 displayed in so bad a cause. For a time they drove the 
 gunners from their pieces, but they could not endure 
 the withering fire of the regiment at close quarters, and 
 they fell back under cover of the ridge, a few hundred 
 yards in front of our position. But it was only for a 
 brief breathing spell the battery was the nearest one 
 to their line of battle, and had done splendid execution, 
 and Jackson had ordered its capture. Re-enforced and 
 reorganized, on they came again, rising the knoll and 
 coming over the open field in splendid order ; delivering 
 their fire as they advanced, and receiving that of their 
 adversaries without wavering, they gave one of the 
 finest exhibitions of manhood and pluck ever seen on 
 
1862.] ENEMY REPULSED TWENTIETH S LOSSES. 319 
 
 any battle-field. Captain Campbell had double-shotted 
 his guns in fact, filled them to the muzzle with grape 
 and canister, and reserving his fire until the Confederate 
 line was within fifty feet of him, he gave the word to 
 fire ! and the guns were discharged almost in the faces 
 of the foe The havoc was frightful. Their ranks were 
 torn to pieces. The "Twentieth" on the instant poured 
 in a deadly volley, and then sprang forward with the 
 bayonet. The remnant of the rebel line broke and 
 fled, leaving the ground covered with their dead and 
 wounded. No further attempt was made against this 
 position ; and this practically ended the " Twentieth s " 
 participation in the fight, although it remained in line 
 of battle and under fire most of the day. 
 
 The " Twentieth " went into action with one hundred 
 and thirty-five officers and men ; and lost, in killed and 
 wounded, forty-nine, or over 34 per centum. 
 
 On the right of the field, in which the scenes just 
 described took place, Jackson had thrown forward 
 E well s division to meet Hooker s onset, while his own 
 was held in reserve in the woods, on the west side of the 
 Hagerstown Road. A desperate contest, of an hour s 
 duration, was maintained by this rebel division, against 
 largely superior numbers. This was part of the expedi 
 tionary force which returned from Harper s Ferry the 
 preceding night, and they now fought like very devils. 
 Lawton, who commanded the division, was borne from 
 the field wounded ; Colonel Douglass, who commanded 
 Lawton s brigade, was killed ; and the brigade sustained 
 a loss of five hundred and fifty -four killed and wounded, 
 out of one thousand one hundred and fifty ; losing five 
 regimental commanders out of six. Hayes brigade 
 sustained a loss of three hundred and twenty-three out 
 of five hundred and fifty, including every regimental 
 commander and every staff officer ; Colonel Walker and 
 one of his staff had been disabled, and the brigade he 
 commanded sustained a loss of two hundred and twenty- 
 
320 THE MARYLAND CAMPAIGN. [1862, 
 
 eight out of less than seven hundred present, including 
 three out of four regimental commanders. (Report of 
 the Army of Northern Virginia, vol. II., pp. 190, 191). 
 The residue of this division was finally driven in disor 
 der, across the fields and into the woods occupied by 
 the "Stonewall" division. 
 
 The Union batteries on the east bank of the Antie- 
 tam, as well as those immediately in front, had gotten 
 range of Jackson s lines, and were doing considerable 
 execution. Meade s division now attempted to seize the 
 Hagerstown Road and the woods in which Jackson lay. 
 who, meantime, had been re-enforced by two divisions 
 under Hood, while his right, which had been " in air," 
 was now connected with Hill. Meade met a severe fire 
 from this strong Confederate line, and after a gallant 
 attempt to carry it was forced back in some disorder, to 
 the east side of the road. 
 
 About the time of Meade s advance, Ricketts became 
 hotly engaged on the left of Meade and with the division 
 of Hill, which had closed up on Jackson s right. 
 Doubleday s division, except the "Twentieth," which 
 was supporting Campbell s battery, was holding the 
 ground first seized in the morning on the right, but was 
 unable to dislodge the enemy in front. 
 
 Hooker, whose corps had thus far been alone en 
 gaged, now ordered up Mansfield s corps, which had been 
 assigned as his support, and which was required to re 
 lieve a portion of the First corps, whose loss had been 
 very heavy and whose ammunition was nearly expend 
 ed. While deploying his corps, General Mansfield fell 
 mortally wounded, and the command devolved on Gen 
 eral Williams. General Crawford, with his own and 
 Green s brigade, moved rapidly across the open field, 
 and made a lodgment in the woods west of the Hagers 
 town Road, while the left of the division pressed for 
 ward as far as the Dunker Church. These movements 
 were attended with heavy losses, and it was found im- 
 
1862.] HOOKER WOUNDED SEDGWICK. 321 
 
 possible to dislodge the enemy from their strong posi 
 tions in the woods, while their fire was telling fearfully 
 on the exposed Union line. 
 
 About nine o clock, Hooker was wounded and carried 
 from the field. Sumner, who had been ordered forward 
 to support the attack on the right, arrived about the 
 same time, and assumed command on that scene of ac 
 tion. Thus far, the fighting had been on the Union 
 right and the Confederate left. Four corps of the Union 
 army had been spectators of a terrible conflict for four 
 hours, without firing a gun, or even making a demon 
 stration to prevent the Confederates on their right and 
 centre from detaching largely to support their left. 
 General Sumner afterwards said : "I have always be 
 lieved, that instead of sending these troops into the ac 
 tion in driblets, had General McClellan authorized me to 
 march these forty thousand on the left flank of the 
 enemy, we could not have failed to throw them right 
 back in front of the other divisions of our army on the 
 left." (Reports on the Conduct of the War, vol. I., 
 p. 368). 
 
 Sumner threw Sedgwick s division across the open 
 field, over which the battle had advanced and receded 
 all the morning, and into the woods beyond where 
 Crawford had been fighting and, driving the exhausted 
 Confederates before him, got possession of the coveted 
 woods around the Dunker Church. French s division 
 closed up on the left of Sedgwick, and Richardson s 
 division on French s left. Prospects of a Federal vic 
 tory were brightening, and the troops of Jackson and 
 Hood, who had borne the heat and burden of the rebel 
 battle, were retiring in disorder. The left of the Con 
 federate line had been borne back until it was almost 
 perpendicular to the position it occupied when the battle 
 opened. At this auspicious moment, the divisions of 
 of McLaws and Walker, just returned from Harpers 
 Ferry, were hurled upon Sedgwick s division. Jack- 
 si 
 
322 THE MARYLAND CAMPAIGN. [1862, 
 
 son s and Hood s men, reanimated by these fresh ar 
 rivals, rallied again, and their united onset swept Sedg- 
 wick back out of the woods, across the open field and to 
 the east side of the road, the position from whence 
 Hooker had opened the fight in the morning. The Con 
 federates made no pursuit beyond the road, but retired 
 to the position held by Jackson in the morning appar 
 ently contented to hold their own ground. 
 
 Meantime, French had advanced against the Confed 
 erate division of D. H. Hill, and drove it back in disor 
 der to a sunken farm road, running easterly from the 
 Sharpsburg Road, and some two feet below the surface 
 of the adjacent land. In this the Confederates rallied 
 and made a stand. It proved to be the most horrible 
 death-trap men ever entered. French and Richardson 
 were now both advancing against this line, and Thomas 
 Francis Meagher, who commanded one of the brigades 
 of Richardson s division, got possession of a crest over 
 looking the sunken road, and opened a murderous fire 
 upon the unfortunate men who had rashly taken refuge 
 in it. The Confederates fought desperately and in 
 flicted heavy loss on Meagher, but they, themselves, 
 were being slaughtered. Meagher s ammunition being 
 nearly expended, Caldwell, who commanded another of 
 Richardson s brigades, came to his relief. Meagher 
 broke by companies to the rear, and Caldwell by com 
 panies to the front, and there was scarcely a moment s 
 cessation of the Union fire. The rebels were re-enforced 
 by General Anderson, and efforts were made to flank 
 the Union forces, but they were defeated by the 
 manoeuvres of Colonel Gross of the Fifth New Hamp 
 shire, and by Brook, French and Barlow the latter of 
 whom captured three hundred prisoners and two colors. 
 The Federals now advanced and carried the sunken 
 road, and captured a large number of prisoners. The 
 road itself was a sickening sight, filled as it was with 
 rebel dead and wounded. 
 
1862. BUKNSIDE S SUCCESS DRIVEN BACK. 323 
 
 Three corps of the Army of the Potomac had not yet 
 participated in the battle. The three which had been 
 engaged were now resting on their arms, and there was 
 a lull in the conflict. Burnside still lay on the east 
 side of the Antietam : Porter, with fifteen thousand 
 men, was on the same side of the river, and opposite 
 the Union centre ; Franklin, with the divisions of 
 Slocum and W, F. Smith, arrived about one o clock. 
 Soon after one Burnside put his columns in motion, and 
 carried the bridge in his front and crossed the river. 
 Pushing on for the high ground in front of him he 
 drove the enemy back and captured a battery, which 
 had been doing serious execution on the Union troops. 
 At this juncture, the Unionists experienced another of 
 the bitter fruits of the tardiness of the Federal com 
 mander. Just as Burnside had obtained a foot-hold on 
 the west side of the river, and had won his initial point, 
 the division of A. P. Hill, which Jackson had left be 
 hind to receive the surrender of Harper s Ferry, arrived 
 upon the field, and throwing his troops into the conflict, 
 Burnside was driven back, the battery recaptured and 
 Burnside forced to take shelter under the bluff near the 
 Antietam. Here, as on the right, the Confederates made 
 no attempt to penetrate the Union lines, being content to 
 hold their own ground. There can be no doubt but that 
 this policy was dictated by the inferior numbers of the 
 rebel army, and the desperate situation in which they 
 would have been placed by a defeat. 
 
 The repulse of Burnside concluded the battle of An 
 tietam. When the last shot had been fired neither party 
 could claim a victory. The Confederates had stood 
 upon the defensive from the beginning, and the Fede 
 rals had gained no vital point anywhere on their line. 
 The two armies held, substantially, the same ground 
 they occupied at the beginning of the battle. Another 
 day, and greater concert of action, were necessary to 
 such a result as would justify the Union commander in 
 
324 THE MARYLAND CAMPAIGN. [1862. 
 
 claiming a victory. He was strong enough, even yet, to 
 crush the enemy, if he would but hurl his whole army 
 upon him, and forbear frittering away his strength by 
 fighting in "driblets." McClellan was too thoughtful 
 of reverse too apprehensive of disaster too timid for 
 a successful commander. He impaired his effective 
 force by holding half his army in reserve to cover his 
 retreat in case of disaster. His apprehensions magni 
 fied his adversary s numbers until he credited him with 
 two men for every one he had in the field. Under a 
 really able and bold leader of the Union army, General 
 Lee never could have escaped from the position he had 
 put his forces in at Antietam. But, if the Federal Com- 
 mander-in-Chief had been distinguished for such quali 
 ties, it is not likely Lee would have put his forces in 
 that situation. 
 
CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 AFTER THE BATTLE POLLOCK AND HIS DOG UNION RE-ENFORCEMENTS 
 LEE WITHDRAWS LOSSES M CLELLAN S DISPATCH CRITICISED 
 GRIFFIN CAPTURES A REBEL BATTERY PORTER AMBUSHED LEE S 
 POSITION M C CLELLAN STATIONARY GIVES HIS REASON SOME COM 
 MENTS THEREON LOSSES OF DIFFERENT CORPS CORRESPONDENCE 
 BETWEEN HALLECK AND M C CLELLAN A LITTLE IRONY RELATIVE 
 CONDITION OF THE TWO ARMIES DISADVANTAGE OF FEDERAL SYSTEM 
 AGAIN ON THE MARCH M C CLELLAN REMOVED BURNSIDE APPOINTED 
 A JUST ESTIMATE OF HIMSELF NEWS OF COL. PRATT S DEATH 
 ORDER THEREON RESOLUTIONS BY OFFICERS GENERAL PATRICK RE 
 SIGNS COMMAND OF BRIGADE GENERAL PAUL HIS SUCCESSOR, 
 
 THE morning of the eighteenth found the two armies 
 occupying the same positions they held at the conclu 
 sion of the battle, the evening before. The interval be 
 tween the picket lines was the narrow strip of ground 
 over which the contending forces had fought, and it 
 was covered with the dead and wounded of both armies. 
 Some attempts were made by the officers of the " Twen 
 tieth" to remove their wounded, but the moment they 
 exposed themselves on the field, the hissing of musket 
 balls around them admonished them of the dangerous 
 enterprise upon which they had entered, and they were 
 obliged to abandon the undertaking. 
 
 The circumstances referred to in the following ex 
 cerpt from the Baltimore American of Sept. 23d, 1862, 
 and in the statement folio wing it, will be remembered by 
 the veterans of the "Ulster Guard." 
 
 k Passing back again through the woods two Rebel 
 Colonels and one Brigadier were found on the ground, 
 and interspersed with the multitudes of their fallen were 
 so many of those in the National uniform that at a 
 glance one might see how fearful was the cost of the vie- 
 tory. Upon one dead body was found a large black dog, 
 
 325 
 
326 AFTER ANTIETAM. [1862. 
 
 dead also from some chance shot which had struck him 
 whilst stretched upon his master s corpse caressingly, 
 his fore-paws across the man s breast. Ride where one 
 might for a space of perhaps a mile and a half in width 
 in places, and four or five miles in length, the dead were 
 on every side, interspersed with the arms that had fall 
 en from their hands. Shattered cannon wheels and cais 
 sons, and enormous quantities of round shot and conical 
 shell gave more evidence of the deadly storm that had 
 come with destruction in its track." 
 
 "MR. EDITOR: In a communication on the recent 
 battle near Sharpsburg, published in the Baltimore 
 American of the 23d of September, is the above para 
 graph. 
 
 The dog referred to was a voluntary attache of the 
 Twentieth Regiment, and had passed through one battle 
 with us unharmed, previous to that in which he lost his 
 life. He was a beautiful Newfoundland, and joined 
 the regiment on its march somewhere this side of Fred 
 erick, and remained with it up to the time of his death 
 on the Sharpsburg battle-field. 
 
 "I noticed him particularly in the battle of South 
 Mountain, where, standing with the men, he seemed 
 indifferent alike to the whistling of the enemies bullets 
 around him, and to the rattle of our own arms. He 
 came on with us, and his fidelity to his new friends cost 
 him his life on Wednesday. I saw him early in the ac 
 tion, apparently an unconcerned spectator of the com 
 bat. Later in the day, when I again observed him, he 
 was lying upon the ground, somewhat to the left of the 
 regiment and near the body of W. J. Pollock, of Co. H. 
 Man and beast were both dead. 
 
 " I doubt not the dog had received his food of Pollock 
 while with us, and was with him when he fell, or subse 
 quently placed himself by his side and remained there 
 until shot. The incident made a very strong impression 
 
1862.] UNION RE-ENFORCEMENTS LEE WITHDRAWS. 327 
 
 on me, but I had not expected to see it gain so much 
 notoriety. 
 
 " The poor beast is buried, and I don t know but he 
 deserves an epitaph." 
 
 We expected the incomplete battle would be renewed 
 on the morning of the eighteenth. But hour after hour 
 wore away and still the Union army lay quietly on its 
 arms. General McClellan was waiting for re-enforce 
 ments and Lee had no intention of assuming the offen 
 sive. His army had been seriously crippled by the se 
 vere fighting of the seventeenth, and his losses amounted 
 to over eight thousand men. Although McClellan s ex 
 ceeded this number by four thousand, the impairment 
 of the Confederate army was relatively greater than that 
 of the Federals, and the disproportion in numbers be 
 tween the two armies was decidedly in favor of the 
 Unionists. 
 
 But more than this ; General McClellan was re-en 
 forced on the morning of the eighteenth by the divisions 
 of Couch and Humphrey, numbering about fourteen 
 thousand men. Yet McClellan thought best to wait un 
 til the troops were rested, the supply trains brought up, 
 tc., and he resolved to renew the battle on the nine 
 teenth. With a perverseness that was entirely unex 
 pected in so courteous a man as General Lee, he went 
 away on the night of the eighteenth, and when the next 
 morning dawned upon the Union army there was no foe 
 in its front. The facility with which the rebel army 
 could retire into Virginia, if unmolested, has been here 
 tofore shown, and General McClellan says in his Report, 
 page 212, as their line was but a short distance from 
 the river, the evacuation presented but little difficulty, 
 and was effected before daylight." Why it should 
 have been expected that they would stay there before 
 this growing Union army, to be attacked at its pleasure, 
 is a problem we are not equal to the solution of. 
 
 General McClellan gives his losses in this battle at 
 
328 LOSSES M C CLELLAN S DISPATCH CRITICISED. [1862. 
 
 12,469, of whom 2,010 were killed ; 9,416 wounded and 
 1,043 missing. Lee omits to state his losses in his re 
 port of this campaign, but his division commanders give 
 their losses severally and they make an aggregate of 
 13,533. This covers the entire period of two weeks 
 which was the duration of the Maryland campaign. If 
 the Harper s Ferry garrison is put into the account it 
 will be seen that this invasion, though a failure as to its 
 prime object, depleted the Union army at the rate of 
 two to every one Confederate. 
 
 On the nineteenth of September, General McClellan 
 telegraphed to General Halleck : "I have the honor to 
 report that Maryland is entirely freed from the presence 
 of the enemy, who has been driven across the Potomac, 
 No fears need now be entertained for the safety of 
 Pennsylvania. I shall at once occupy Harper s Ferry." 
 And this was "the lame and impotent conclusion" at 
 which the Federal commander had arrived. It was not 
 strictly true to say that Lee had "been driven across 
 the Potomac," for the fact was, that the force that had 
 been brought to bear against him retarded rather than 
 expedited his movement in that direction. Two divis 
 ions of his army had been badly whipped at Turner s 
 Gap and a brigade had been defeated at Crampton s y 
 but these battles were fought by the Confederates to 
 gain time for the completion of the operations against 
 Harper s Ferry, as has heretofore been shown, and the 
 battle of Antietam was the result of the voluntary de 
 lay of the bulk of the rebel army, to cover those opera 
 tions. Antietam was a drawn battle, and on the morn 
 ing of the eighteenth of September, neither McClellan 
 or Lee could claim a victory. Did the fact that the two 
 armies spent the next day in looking at each other and 
 that on the following night, Lee carried out his original 
 design, and withdrew into Virginia, convert the drawn 
 battle into a victory ? We rode over the field early on the 
 morning of the nineteenth, and down to the ford across 
 
1862.] GRIFFIN CAPTURES A REBEL BATTERY. 329 
 
 which the Confederates had retired, and there was no 
 sign of haste or confusion visible, anywhere. They had 
 carried off all their artillery, wagons, stores and pro 
 perty of every description in fact had made as clean a 
 removal as though no opposing force was within a hun 
 dred miles of them. They left their badly wounded for 
 the Union surgeons to take care of, because they them 
 selves would only be encumbered by them, and they 
 knew they would fall into good hands. They also left 
 the small arms of their men which ha! been dropped 
 upon the battle-field, because to attempt to gather them 
 would have been impracticable. 
 
 Neither was it strictly true that " Maryland is en 
 tirely freed from the presence of the enemy ;" for at that 
 very moment the Rebel General Stuart, with four thou 
 sand cavalry and six pieces of artillery was at Williams- 
 port, and General McClellan had sent General Couch in 
 pursuit of him. 
 
 Neither was it strictly true, as events proved, that 
 no fears need now be entertained for the safety of 
 Pennsylvania." For on the tenth of October, this same 
 Stuart, with 1,800 cavalry, again crossed the Potomac 
 above Williamsport and raided into Pennsylvania en 
 tered Chambersburg, in that State, destroyed a large 
 amount of Government property, seized and paroled 
 275 sick and wounded soldiers, whom he found in hos 
 pital there, burned the railroad depot, machine shops 
 and several trains of loaded cars ; destroyed 5,000 mus 
 kets and large amounts of army clothing, and then, rid 
 ing around McClellan s army, returned into Virginia 
 via White s Ford, below Harper s Ferry, without the 
 loss of a man. 
 
 On the nineteenth of September, at dark, General 
 Griffin with his own and Barnes brigade of Porter s 
 corps, crossed the Potomac at the ford through which 
 the Confederates had passed and gallantly attacked and 
 carried the bluff on the Virginia side, where Lee had 
 
330 PORTER AMBUSHED SOME COMMENTS. [1862- 
 
 posted eight batteries supported by six hundred infan 
 try under Pendleton. Four guns and a number of 
 prisoners were captured. Encouraged by this success, 
 a reconnoissance in force was made next morning by a 
 portion of Porter s corps, who proceeded about a mile 
 from the ford, when they were ambushed by D. P. Hill s 
 division, and after a brief struggle were driven in con 
 fusion into the river, losing a large number in killed 
 and wounded and two hundred prisoners. 
 
 General Lee posted his army in the vicinity of 
 Bunker Hill and Winchester, Virginia, and awaited the 
 movements of his adversary. McClellan was loth to re 
 sume the offensive. In a dispatch to General Halleck. 
 dated the twenty -seventh of September, he says : " My 
 present purpose is to hold the army about as it is now, 
 rendering Harper s Ferry secure and watching the river 
 closely, intending to attack the enemy should 7ie at 
 tempt to cross to this side" (McClellan s Report, page 
 217.) 
 
 General McClellan seems to have had little confidence 
 in his army, notwithstanding the splendid fighting por 
 tions of it did at Turner s Gap and at Antietam. He 
 explains his inactivity after the latter battle by the 
 statement that "the greater part of all the available 
 troops were suffering under the disheartening influences 
 of the serious defeat they had encountered during the 
 brief and unfortunate campaign of General Pope." 
 Now when it is remembered that the residue of the army 
 must have been suffering under the disheartening influ 
 ences of even more serious defeats that they had encoun 
 tered during the somewhat longer but quite as unfortu 
 nate campaign of General McClellan on the Peninsula, 
 which he seems to have overlooked, it is not wonderful 
 that " they had lost something of that esprit du corps 
 which is indispensable to the efficiency of an army." 
 (Id. p. 215.) 
 
 It must strike one as a little inconsistent that Gen- 
 
1862.] LOSSES IN DIFFERENT CORPS CORRESPONDENCE. 331 
 
 eral McClellan should have employed the demoralized 
 troops from Pope s army to bear the heat and burden of 
 the battles of Turner s Gap and Antietam. The reader 
 will have observed that most of the fighting on both 
 fields was done by troops who had served in Pope s 
 " brief and unfortunate campaign." In these two bat 
 tles, Hooker s corps (formerly McDowell s,) lost 2,209 ; 
 second corps lost 5,209 ; Banks corps lost 1,743, mak 
 ing a total of 9,571 out of a grand total of 12,469. The 
 residue of losses is made up as follows : F. J. Porter s 
 corps, including the artillery reserve, 130, of whom 20 
 only were killed (these casualities were all from artil 
 lery lire ; Porter was not in range of small arms) ; 
 Burnside s corps, 2,293; Couch s division, 9, and 
 Pleasanton s cavalry, 23. 
 
 The Federal army remained in the vicinity of Sharps- 
 burg until the twenty- sixth of October, when it com 
 menced the passage of the Potomac at Berlin. During 
 this long interval, General McClellan was calling upon 
 the Government for re-enforcements, horses, clothing, 
 shoes and other supplies, and the correspondence be 
 tween him and General Halleck often assumed an un 
 friendly or ironical tone. On the sixth of October, 
 Halleck telegraphed : The President directs that you 
 cross the Potomac and give battle to the enemy, or 
 drive him South. Your army must move now, while 
 the roads are good." But McClellan did not go. On 
 the 21st he telegraphed Halleck that he had been mak 
 ing every exertion to get the army supplied with cloth 
 ing, which was now nearly accomplished, and he wished 
 to know "whether the President desires me to march 
 on the enemy at once, or await the reception of new 
 horses." To this Halleck replies : " He (the President,) 
 directs me to say he has no change to make in his Order 
 of the sixth instant. If you have not been and are not 
 now in a condition to obey it, you will be able to show 
 want of ability." On the twenty-fifth, McClellan sent a 
 
332 A LITTLE IRONY CONDITION OP ARMIES. [1862. 
 
 long dispatch to Halleck on the subject of guarding the 
 line of the Potomac after he should have crossed, and 
 among other propositions suggested : "It has long ap 
 peared to me that the best way of covering this line would 
 be by occupying Front Royal, Strasburg, Wardens ville 
 and Moorefield," and finally proceeds to say : " An im 
 portant element in the solution of this problem is the 
 fact that a great portion of Bragg s army is probably 
 now at liberty to unite itself with Lee s command." 
 Halleck replies to this on the next day, and in conclu 
 sion says : " Moreover, I think it will be time enough 
 to decide upon fortifying Front Royal, Strasburg, War- 
 densville and Moorefield, when the enemy is driven 
 south of them and they come into our possession. 
 
 " I do not think that we need have any immediate 
 fear of Bragg s army. You are within twenty miles of 
 Lee s, while Bragg is distant about four hundred miles." 
 This dispatch was signed by Halleck, but it sounds very 
 much like Lincoln. 
 
 There is no doubt but that the Army of the Potomac 
 was pretty well worn out after the battle of Antietam, 
 but probably, much less so than the rebels were, who 
 had done more marching and quite as much fighting. 
 There is no doubt but that the Federal army would have 
 looked better on parade with new uniforms, but it was 
 luxuriously clothed compared with its ragged adversa 
 ries. Its supplies of food and forage were abundant, 
 while the Confederates were often suffering from want 
 of food. But the systems in the two armies were en 
 tirely different and continued to be so throughout the 
 war. The Confederates marched and fought without re 
 gard to the question of food or clothing. If their am 
 munition boxes were full and their muskets bright, they 
 considered themselves fit for duty. They moved in 
 " light marching order," and were not encumbered with 
 long trains of wagons. Their surprising marches, es 
 pecially some of Jackson s, could never have been made 
 
1862.] McCLELLAN REMOVED BURNSIDE APPOINTED. 333 
 
 with the impedimenta that loaded down the Union 
 armies. There is no example of such vast armies as the 
 Federal Government had in the field with such unfailing 
 and bountiful supplies of food and clothing. If we 
 could have adopted the Confederate system, probably a 
 necessity in their case, we would have whipped them in 
 half the time it took to do it in our way. 
 
 McClellan s army now numbered 110,000 men, fresh 
 and well clothed, and on the second of November were 
 all across the Potomac and moving unopposed down the 
 east side of the Blue Ridge, while the Confederates 
 made a corresponding movement on the opposite side 
 of the mountain. But the long delay had aggravated 
 the dissatisfaction felt with regard to McClellan at the 
 Capital, and on the night of the seventh of November, 
 General Buckingham arrived at Warrenton and deliv 
 ered the following order to McClellan : 
 
 GENERAL ORDERS No. 182. 
 War Department, Adjutant-General s Office. 
 
 WASHINGTON, November 5, 1862. 
 By the direction of the President of the United 
 States, it is ordered that Major-General McClellan be 
 relieved from the command of the Army of the Potomac, 
 and that Major-General Burnside take the command of 
 that army. By order of the Secretary of War. 
 
 E. D. TOWNSEND, 
 Assistant- Adjutant-General. 
 
 McClellan read the Order, and turning to Burnside, 
 who chanced to be present, said: "Well, Burnside, 
 you are to command the army." 
 
 Burnside was overcome with astonishment. He sub 
 sequently stated before the Committee on the Conduct 
 of the War, what his feelings were on the occasion. He 
 said : " After getting over my surprise, the shock, etc., 
 I told General Buckingham that it was a matter that 
 
334 COLONEL PRATT S DEATH ORDER THEREON. [1862. 
 
 required very serious thought ; that I did not want the 
 command ; that it had been offered to me twice before, 
 and I did not feel that I could take it. I told my 
 staff what my views were with reference to my abil 
 ity to exercise such a command, which views were those 
 I had always unreservedly expressed that I was not 
 competent to command such an army as this." A 
 very candid and just estimate of himself. The next day 
 McClellan took final leave of the army, with very gen 
 eral regret on the part of officers and men, and Burn- 
 side assumed command. 
 
 On the twentieth of September, and while lying near 
 Sharpsburg, we received the news of the death of Colo 
 nel Pratt, and the following Order was issued : 
 
 HEADQ RS ULSTER GUAKD, TWENTIETH REG T, 
 
 N. Y. S. M. 
 
 Near Sharpsburg, Ya., September 20, 1862. 
 GENERAL ORDERS No. 47. 
 
 It is with feelings of profound sorrow that the Lieu 
 tenant-Colonel commanding announces to the "Ulster 
 Guard" the death of its late worthy and honored com 
 mander, Colonel George W, Pratt. 
 
 While gallantly encouraging his officers and men in 
 the final hour of the fearful combat at Manassas, on the 
 30th of August last, he was shot down and borne from 
 the field. Though conscious of the serious character of 
 his wounds, he maintained his habitual serenity and 
 cheerfulness, and, forgetting self, seemed only concerned 
 for the safety of his command and the issue of the bat 
 tle in which he had borne so noble, and, as it proved, 
 so costly a part. 
 
 He was removed to Washington, and from thence to 
 Albany, N. Y., where he was surrounded by his kin 
 dred and friends. Death terminated his career of useful 
 ness and promise on the llth inst. Though cut down 
 in the spring of his manhood, he has not lived in vain. 
 
1862.] COLONEL PRATT S DEATH ORDER THEREON. 335 
 
 Born to wealth, and growing up in affluence, he spurned 
 the ease and indolence which too often beguile fortune s 
 favorites, and with an earnest energy and tireless indus 
 try, he sought to win for himself a name honorable in 
 the highest walks of life. How well he succeeded, the 
 general and deep sorrow for his early death attest. 
 When the present unholy war broke out, he was fore 
 most in tendering his services to the Government ; and 
 surrendering the comforts and enjoyments of a home 
 unusually attractive, he became a patient, tireless and 
 devoted laborer in behalf of the Union. Finally he has 
 given his life to the cause, and has died a soldier s hon 
 ored death in the faithful discharge of his self-imposed 
 duties. We who have been so long associated with him 
 in the camp and field ; we who have shared with him 
 the hardships, privations, fatigues and dangers of the 
 soldier s life ; we who have witnessed his self-denial, his 
 dauntless courage, his ready obedience to the authority 
 of his military superiors, and his mildness and modera 
 tion in the exercise of his own authority we, next to 
 those who are bereaved of husband, father, son, can 
 best appreciate the loss sustained in the death of Colo 
 nel Pratt. Let us emulate his example and be stimu 
 lated to increased diligence in duty, and a more entire 
 devotion to our country and the struggle for its preser 
 vation, by the recollection of his virtues and his sacri 
 fices. The Lieutenant-Colonel commanding avails him 
 self of this opportunity to express his satisfaction with 
 the conduct of the officers and men of the regiment who 
 participated in the marches and battles which have ren 
 dered memorable the last forty days of this campaign. 
 Within that time you have marched upward of 170 
 miles, without tents or blankets, and often without food, 
 in the burning heat of mid day and the cold dews of 
 night, resting frequently but four hours in twenty-four, 
 and then upon the bare ground. There has been no 
 murmur or complaint, no relaxation of obedience or 
 
336 RESOLUTIONS BY OFFICERS. [1862 
 
 discipline. The battle-fields of Norman s Ford, War 
 ren ton Springs, Groveton, Manassas, Chantilly, South 
 Mountain and Antietam, bear witness to your prowess 
 and courage. Your coolness and steady bearing under 
 heavy fire of artillery and musketry were equal to vet 
 erans, and entitle you to the highest praise the soldier 
 can earn. Let the future correspond with the past in 
 diligence, in discipline, in courage, and our friends will 
 have no cause to blush for the reputation of the Ulster 
 Guard." By order of 
 
 THEODORE B. GATES, 
 
 (Signed) Lieutenant-Colonel Commanding. 
 
 A. S. SCHUTT, First Lieutenant^ Acting -Adjutant. 
 
 At a meeting of the Field, Staff and Line Officers, 
 held in camp Sept. 23d, the following action was taken : 
 
 " WHEKEAS, Intelligence has reached us of the death 
 of Colonel George W. Pratt, late commander of this 
 regiment, who died in Albany, IS". Y., on the llth inst, 
 from the effects of a wound received at the battle of 
 Bull Run, Aug. 30th ; and whereas, the Field, Staff and 
 Line officers lately associated with him, deeply affected 
 by their bereavement, desire to give expression to the 
 sentiments with which a long and close intimacy caused 
 them to regard his high personal and professional 
 worth it is therefore 
 
 Resolved, I. That we profoundly deplore the death 
 of our late commanding officer, who, by his affable and 
 courteous demeanor, genial spirit, frank and manly 
 bearing, as well toward his associates as in the perform 
 ance of his duty, received in large measure the re 
 spect, confidence and affection of all who enjoyed his 
 acquaintance. 
 
 2d. That the early and hearty espousal of the cause 
 of the imperilled Commonwealth, in which our late 
 commanding officer entered, with all the ardor of a true 
 patriot and gallant soldier, and to which his best ener- 
 
1862.] RESOLUTIONS BY OFFICERS. 337 
 
 gies were consecrated, at the sacrifice of whatever makes 
 an affluent and refined home attractive, if need were to 
 lay down life itself in the service of the Government, 
 evinces at once the warmth and earnestness of his devo 
 tion to the interests of his afflicted country, and the seri 
 ous loss these interests have sustained in the death of 
 such an advocate. 
 
 3. That in all the duties of a good soldier, firm with 
 out being austere strict in discipline and yet kindly in 
 its execution skillful, without ostentation, in the con- 
 trol and management of his regiment not less prompt 
 to render obedience to those above him, than determined 
 to exact it from those under his command regardful of 
 the personal comfort of the soldiers entrusted to his 
 care, ever promoting it to the utmost of his power he 
 has left behind him a record at once honorable and ex 
 emplary. 
 
 4. That his bearing in the fierce battle, in which his 
 death- wound was received, standing with unfaltering 
 gallantry beside his men, cheering them on by voice and 
 example, while the deadly tempest was rapidly thinning 
 the ranks of those around him, nor ceasing his efforts 
 till he fell and was borne bleeding from the field, pre 
 sents a shining example of the qualities by which the 
 true soldier should be distinguished, and must prove an 
 ever fragrant memory to those who honored and lovecl 
 him while living. 
 
 5. That we sincerely and deeply sympathize with 
 the sorrowing family of our late commander, in the ir 
 reparable loss they have sustained that a copy of these 
 Eesolutions be forwarded to them, and published in the 
 New York and Albany papers .and those of Kingston 
 and Catskill, N. Y." 
 
 September 29. Marched with brigade 2.30 P.M. to a 
 point one mile northwest of Sharpsburg, near the Poto 
 mac river, where encamped. Distance marched, If 
 miles. 
 
 22 
 
338 GENERAL PATRICK RESIGNS COMMAND. [1862. 
 
 October 7. General Patrick having been assigned to 
 duty at General McClellan s Headquarters, as Provost- 
 Marshal-General of the Army of the Potomac, took leave 
 of the brigade in the following Order : 
 
 HEADQ RS THIRD BRIGADE, FIRST DIVISION, 
 FIRST ARMY CORPS, 
 
 Camp Barnett, October 7, 1862. 
 
 GENERAL ORDERS, No 64. 
 
 The Brigadier- General commanding having been as 
 signed to duty at the Headquarters of the Army of the 
 Potomac by General Orders No. 161, of the 6th inst., 
 hereby relinquishes to Colonel Rodgers, of the Twenty- 
 first N. Y. Volunteers, the command of the brigade he 
 received from him 7 months ago. Only 7 months ago 
 he assumed command ; yet the ties that bind those who, 
 like ourselves, have shared each other s hardships and 
 dangers, who have followed the same standard through 
 so many battles, and gathered around it with their ranks 
 thinned, but unbroken, when the combat was over 
 such ties cannot be broken by the Order that relieves 
 your General from the command. 
 
 That he must continue to take the liveliest interest in 
 the welfare of a brigade that has never failed in the hour 
 of peril, whether in daylight or darkness, to honor his 
 every command, no one can doubt ; and he trusts that 
 both officers and men will touch lightly upon his faults, 
 in the full conviction that, as their commander, he has 
 endeavored to discharge his duties to them, to his coun 
 try and his God. He leaves you with fervent wishes for 
 your prosperity, and the earnest hope that an honorable 
 peace may soon be won, so that we may once more re 
 turn to our loved homes by the broad rivers and lakes of 
 the Empire State. 
 
 By order of GENERAL PATRICK. 
 
1862.] GENERAL PAUL HIS SUCCESSOR. 339 
 
 General Gabriel Paul, an accomplished and gallant 
 officer, who subsequently lost both eyes by a gun-shot 
 wound at Gettysburg, was assigned to the command of 
 the brigade, and retained the command at the time the 
 regiment was transferred to General Patrick s provis 
 ional brigade, January 7, 1863. 
 
CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 WHAT WAS EXPECTED OF BURNSIDE MUST ACT QUICKLY POSITION OF 
 LEE BURNSIDE ACCEPTABLE TO ARMY WHAT HE SHOULD HAVE DONE 
 WHAT HE DID DO ARMIES MOVE ON PARALLEL LINES LEE AHEAD 
 A MUDDLE ABOUT THE PONTOONS A BLUNDER AT THE OUTSET 
 BURNSIDE ALONE RESPONSIBLE BURNSIDE S MISTAKE AT FREDERICKS- 
 BURG OPERATIONS PRECEDING THE CROSSING FRUITLESS ATTEMPT 
 
 TO LAY THE BRIDGES SIGNAL GUNS BOMBARDMENT OF FREDERICKS- 
 BURG CROSSING IN THE PONTOON BOATS THE REBEL SHARP-SHOOT 
 ERS DISPERSED THE BRIDGES LAID THE ARMY CROSSES THE RIVER 
 POSITION AND STRENGTH OF LEE*S ARMY THREE HUNDRED CANNONS 
 THE SLAUGHTER OF THE 13TH DECEMBER FIGHTING BY DRIBLETS 
 FRANKLIN S ORDERS WHAT A ZEALOUS GENERAL WOULD HAVE DONE 
 
 OPERATIONS ON THE RIGHT BURNSIDE INEXORABLE NIGHT, AT 
 LAST THE LOSSES BURNSIDE S STATEMENT BURNSIDE ASSUMES ALL 
 RESPONSIBILITY PRESIDENT INTERDICTS MOVEMENT BY LEFT IN 
 TERFERENCE BY SUBORDINATES WHAT BURNSIDE INTENDED TO DO 
 WHAT HE DID DO THE MUD CAMPAIGN HIS ORDER AGAINST CER 
 TAIN OFFICERS HE HIMSELF RELIEVED HOOKER SUCCEEDS HIM 
 THE "ULSTER GUARD" IN THE BATTLE ITS MOVEMENTS DOWN TO 
 THE END OF THE YEAR ITS CASUALTIES DURING THE YEAR. 
 
 WHEN General Burnside was placed in command of the 
 Army of the Potomac the administration and the loyal 
 people of the country were impatient of the long delay 
 that had followed the battle of Antietam. They were 
 likewise dissatisfied with the results of that battle, and 
 the escape of the Confederate army with the trophies 
 of Harper s Ferry and the plunder of Chambersburg. 
 Lee had lain during these five weeks of inactivity with 
 in a few miles of McClellan s army, but no attempt had 
 been made by the latter to disturb his repose. It was 
 well known that the Confederates had left Maryland in 
 a wretched plight, in so far as shoes, clothing, and sup 
 plies were concerned, and that they were greatly inferior 
 in number to the Union Army. It was thought by the 
 President and his advisers and by the country generally 
 to be a favorable time to strike a telling blow at this 
 audacious foe. 
 
 340 
 
1862. J WHAT WAS EXPECTED OF BURNSIDE. 341 
 
 Burnside knew he was expected to do what McClellan 
 had failed to do, and that whatever he did must be done 
 quickly. It was on the seventh of November, and a 
 furious snow-storm was prevailing, when General Buck 
 ingham rode into camp with the Order assigning Burn- 
 side to the command. The season for active operations 
 was near its close. To go into winter quarters without 
 a battle was the last thing to be thought of. In twelve 
 hours the snow had disappeared, the ground was dry, 
 the roads were in splendid condition and the air was as 
 balmy as though it had never tfoated a snow-flake. 
 
 Lee had moved up the Shenandoah Valley, the great 
 highway of rebel armies, keeping opposite the Army of 
 the Potomac, and separated from it by the Blue Ridge, 
 some of the passes of which were occupied by the Fed 
 erals and others by the Confederates. 
 
 Burnside had given higher promise of energy and 
 -capacity than any other of the corps commanders of the 
 army. He had the jjrestige of a successful campaign 
 in North Carolina, and the country confided in his earn 
 est and indefatigable energy and unquestionable patri 
 otism. In short he seemed the fittest man to succeed 
 McClellan if McClellan were to have a successor, and 
 was accepted by the army with more satisfaction than 
 any other man who could have been named. 
 
 In view of the relative positions and conditions of the 
 two armies, and of the public expectations (if these may 
 be taken into account in such momentous affairs), Burn- 
 side should have made it his instant business to find the 
 rebel army and fight it. He knew where to look for it 
 and two days march would have brought Lee to battle 
 or compelled him to flee. Moving by his left upon 
 Gordensville he might have placed himself between Lee 
 and Richmond and compelled him to fight to recover his 
 communications and open his way to his base. Instead 
 of this, Burnside spent ten days at Warrenton, deliber 
 ating and reorganizing the army. He formed the six 
 
342 WHAT HE DID DO LEE AHEAD. [1862, 
 
 corps into three grand divisions ; the right composed of 
 the Second corps, under General Couch, and the Ninth 
 corps, under Gen. Wilcox ; Gen. Sumner commanding. 
 The centre grand division was made up of the Third corps, 
 under General Stoneman, and the Fifth corps, under Gen. 
 Butterfield ; Gen. Hooker commanding. The left grand 
 division consisted of the First corps, under Gen. Rey 
 nolds, and the Sixth corps, under Gen. W. F. Smith ; 
 General Franklin commanding. He then made a feint 
 towards Gordonsville, but facing suddenly to the left,, 
 moved across the country to the Rappahannock, oppo 
 site Fredericksburg. The degree of rapidity with which 
 this march was conducted was not calculated to accom 
 plish the purpose Burnside had in view. It was not 
 remarkable for its celerity. 
 
 General Burnside had expected to reach and cross 
 the Rappahannock and occupy the vantage ground in 
 rear of Fredericksburg before Lee could get into that 
 vicinity. But he miscalculated the watchfulness and 
 fieet-footedness of the rebel army. Stuart s troopers 
 rode into Warrenton as the rear of Burnside s army 
 marched out. Lee moved down the south bank of the 
 river as his adversary went down on the north side, and 
 when our advance under Sumner reached Falmouth and 
 attemped to cross the river to Fredericksburg, he 
 found the enemy there to oppose him, and was re 
 pulsed. The bridges having been again burned, pon 
 toons were necessary for a speedy and general crossing, 
 and these Burnside supposed General Halleck would 
 have on the ground against his arrival, and Halleck 
 supposed General Burnside would himself attend to it ; 
 so there were no pontoons present, and before they did 
 arrive Lee s entire army was in position on the Freder 
 icksburg Heights. 
 
 Thus had Burnside s first move utterly miscarried. 
 Instead of treating the rebel army as his objective he 
 manoeuvred as though the rebel capital were the real 
 
1862.] BLUNDER AT OUTSET BURNSIDE ALONE RESPONSIBLE. 343 
 
 objective, and instead of posting himself on Lee s line 
 and compelling him to light on ground of Burnside s 
 choosing, he had given Lee the option of this choice and 
 now found him lying across his path, from whence only 
 a desperate and disadvantageous battle could displace 
 him. 
 
 It has been stated by some writers that this man- 
 O3uvre was ordered from Washington, but in making 
 his report upon the battle which followed, General 
 Burnside says : "The fact that I decided to move from 
 Warrenton on to this line rather against the opinion of 
 the President, Secretary of War and yourself, (General 
 Halleck) and that you have left the whole movement in 
 my hands, without giving me orders, makes me the 
 more responsible." 
 
 Considering the strong position that Lee occupied, it 
 would have been deemed judicious by most commanders 
 to have recourse to such tactics as should neutralize this 
 advantage as far as possible, and there seems to have 
 been no insuperable difficulty in a movement by his 
 right, which, if skillfully planned and conducted, gave 
 reasonable hopes of success. The enemy were closely 
 watching the river above and below Fredericksburg, it 
 is true, but no more so than they were at Fredericks- 
 burg itself, and here the bulk of their army was posted 
 and they had now constructed formidable fortifications. 
 Moreover, their position in rear of Fredericksburg was 
 naturally very strong, and after crossing the river, Burn- 
 side s charging columns would have a difficult canal to 
 pass, running parallel with the rebel works and much 
 of the way within range of their small arms. 
 
 But Burnside supposed the enemy would anticipate 
 a flank movement, and that they would hardly expect 
 the boldness of an attack in front, and he resolved to 
 make it. It is said to be bad policy in war to do what 
 your enemy anticipates, but it does not follow that it is 
 
344 OPERATIONS PRECEDING CROSSING. [1862. 
 
 always good policy to do what lie least expects you 
 will do. 
 
 The bluffs on the Stafford side of the river approach 
 so near it, opposite Fredericksburg, that artillery posted 
 on the heights, afford a good cover for troops attempt 
 ing to cross, and effectually sweep the broad plain on 
 the other side. Lee, therefore, resolved not to oppose 
 the passage of the stream but to make his fight from 
 behind his fortifications when Burnside should seek to 
 advance. This, however, did not inhibit a very stub 
 born opposition on the part of rebel sharp-shooters 
 who had concealed themselves in the buildings along 
 the river in the city of Fredericksburg, and whose 
 rifles commanded the stream where it was proposed to 
 lay the upper pontoon. 
 
 Nearly four weeks had now passed since Burnside 
 set his columns in motion from Warrenton, and on the 
 night of the tenth of December, one hundred and forty- 
 seven heavy cannon were planted on Stafford heights, 
 the army was moved near the river and the pontoon 
 trains were drawn to the points where it was intended 
 to lay the bridges three directly opposite the city, and 
 two a couple miles below. 
 
 The left Grand Division, under Franklin, forty thou 
 sand strong, was to cross at the lower bridges, while 
 Sumner s Grand Division of the Second and Ninth 
 Corps were to cross over the upper bridges. Hooker, 
 with the centre Grand Division, was to remain in re 
 serve. 
 
 Before daylight on the eleventh, the engineer corps 
 began the work of laying the bridges. The work pro 
 gressed almost uninterruptedly at the lower crossings, 
 but at the upper the artificers were instantly fired upon 
 by the watchful sharpshooters, concealed along the 
 Fredericksburg side of the river. As the report of the 
 small arms rung out upon the morning air, two cannon 
 shots boomed from the heights back of Fredericksburg 
 
1862.] BOMBARDMENT OP FREDERICKSBURG. 345 
 
 signal guns, to summon the Confederate host to the 
 lines of defense. Longstreet says, in his report of the 
 battle : "At three o clock our signal guns gave notice 
 of the enemy s approach. The troops being at their 
 different camp grounds, were formed immediately, and 
 marched to their positions along the line." Meantime 
 a dense fog filled the valley, but the rifle-bullets sped 
 through it on their deadly errand, and it was found im 
 possible to proceed with the work. 
 
 So time went on until ten o clock ; then Burnside 
 gave the order to train the batteries on the town and 
 batter it down. For an hour an iron storm poured 
 upon the city, and seven thousand three hundred and 
 fifty cannon balls and shells were hurled into its streets 
 and buildings. The city was still enveloped in fog, and 
 the effect of this terrific bombardment could not be 
 seen, but here and there dense columns of smoke rose 
 above the mist-hidden town, showing that conflagrations 
 had broken out. When, soon after eleven o clock, the 
 fog rolled away, the city was seen to be on fire at a 
 number of points; but the buildings along the river s 
 brink still stood, and gave cover to the riflemen, whose 
 unerring bullets bade defiance to all attempts to lay the 
 bridges. Some progress had been made, but the nearer 
 the bridge builders approached the farther shore, the 
 more deadly became the fire. The Fifty-seventh New 
 York, Lieutenant-Colonel Chapman, and the Sixty-sixth 
 New York, Lieutenant-Colonel Bull, who were posted 
 along the river bank to cover the working party, lost 
 one hundred and fifty men in a short space of time. 
 
 The afternoon had now been reached and no further 
 progress could be made. The enemy, whose fatal fire 
 was thinning the ranks of the exposed Federals, could 
 not be seen, and the pontooners were exposed to certain 
 slaughter if they proceeded with their work. In this 
 emergency General Hunt, Chief of Artillery, proposed 
 that a party should be sent across the river in the open 
 
346 CROSSING IN PONTOON BOATS BRIDGES LAID. [1862. 
 
 pontoon boats, and capture or disperse the hidden foe. 
 It was a perilous undertaking, and one upon which an 
 officer would hesitate to order his men. Volunteers 
 were called for, and the Seventh Michigan and the 
 Nineteenth and Twentieth Massachusetts regiments of 
 Howard s division, offered themselves for the desperate 
 service. Rushing to the bank of the river, they opened 
 a rapid fire upon the opposite shore to force the rebels 
 to keep their cover, while the rubber pontoon boats 
 were being launched. Filling a number of these they 
 were rapidly rowed across the stream, other boats swift 
 ly following, and dashing up the opposite bank, they 
 charged into the town, capturing upwards of a hundred 
 rebels and putting the others to flight. Our gallant 
 fellows then took possession of the south shore of the 
 river, and the bridges were finished without further 
 molestation, 
 
 Howard s division of Couch s corps crossed to Fred- 
 ericksburg that evening, and met a strong skirmish line 
 of the enemy in the streets of the city, which it forced 
 back toward the rear of the town. The next morning 
 the city, valley and river were again enveloped in a 
 dense fog, under cover of which the Ninth Corps 
 crossed to Fredericksburg, and a portion of Franklin s 
 Grand Division passed over at the lower bridges. 
 
 Another cold December night ; another fog-curtained 
 morning, and yet we were not ready for the impending 
 battle. Four additional pontoon bridges were laid to 
 facilitate the withdrawal of the army, in case of dis 
 aster, and the day was consumed in reconnoitring 
 the Confederate position. 
 
 Lee s army was now eighty thousand strong, divided 
 into two divisions, Stonewall Jackson commanding 
 the right and Longstreet the left. The bluff on which 
 the main body of the Confederate army was posted, 
 starts from the river above the city, and curving to 
 wards the south, sweeps around the rear of the town 
 
1862.] THREE HUNDRED CANNON. 347 
 
 and leaves a plain below the city and between the base 
 of the bluff and the river, two miles wide ; then bend 
 ing northerly it approaches within a half mile of the 
 river at Massaponix Creek, Near this latter point the 
 rebel right was posted under charge of D. H. Hill. On 
 the plain below was Stuart s cavalry. The Richmond 
 and Fredericksburg Railroad runs over the plain and 
 then passes south through a gap in the bluff near Mas 
 saponix creek. Across this plain and parallel with the 
 river runs a broad wagon road known as the " Bowling 
 Green" road. Another wagon road, starting from the 
 lower part of the city and running directly south, as 
 cends the bluff, passes through the Confederate line and 
 continues to Richmond. This is known as the u Tele 
 graph Road." Still another highway leaves from the 
 upper part of the town, climbs the hill near where the 
 Confederate left was posted and conducts to Orange 
 Court House ; this is a plank road. 
 
 While the Federals were preparing to assault this 
 strong position, the enemy had by no means been idle. 
 Every art that engineering skill could resort to was em 
 ployed to make the line of works behind which Lee had 
 taken stand, impregnable. Three hundred cannon had 
 been mounted in battery, and their fire would sweep al 
 most every foot of ground on the plain below. The 
 Union guns on Stafford Heights were too remote to do 
 execution on the Confederate batteries, and proved of 
 little use in the battle which ensued indeed, they in 
 flicted damage upon our own troops as they advanced, 
 and Burnside ordered them to cease firing. 
 
 Another foggy morning ushered in the thirteenth of 
 December, which was to see the encounter between 
 these two mighty forces. The attack was to have been 
 made early, but the thick mist compelled a delay until 
 near ten o clock. Then, as the rays of the sun began to 
 penetrate the dank air, the plain far below Fredericks- 
 burg was seen alive with marching troops, whose arms 
 
348 SLAUGHTER OF 13TH DECEMBER. [1862. 
 
 gleamed like burnished steel as they met the light of 
 the December sun. Meade s division was advancing to 
 attack the rebel right. They had not proceeded far be 
 fore they were forced to halt and turn their attention to 
 Stuart, on their left, whose batteries were raking their 
 columns. Some time was spent in silencing this flank 
 fire, and then Meade pushed on toward the woods, near 
 where the railroad strikes the bluff. Meade s front was 
 covered by a cloud of skirmishers, and his batteries con 
 tinuously shelled the woods and heights toward which 
 they were advancing. But the rebel works were as si 
 lent as though they were deserted, until the Federals 
 had reached within point blank range, when they burst 
 forth with a murderous fire of grape, canister and mus 
 ketry. By no means daunted, the Federals rushed on, 
 compelling the enemy to hastily withdraw three batter 
 ies they had stationed on the north side of the railroad. 
 Striking the Confederate brigade of Lane, in the edge of 
 the woods, it was driven back in confusion upon Greggs 
 brigade, in its rear. The right of Archer s brigade next 
 felt the shock, and was crushed by the on-coming Fed 
 erals, who captured some two hundred prisoners, and a 
 number of battle flags. No halt was made, but advanc 
 ing up the crest of the hill, the assailants reached the 
 second line, posted in a military road on the plateau, 
 and held at this point by Greggs brigade of South 
 Carolinians. They poured a withering fire into the very 
 faces of Meade s men, and checked their advance. 
 Rebel re-enforcements hurried to the endangered line, 
 and after a fierce struggle, Meade was thrust back with 
 the loss of 1,760 men, in killed, wounded and prisoners, 
 out of a total of six thousand engaged. As Meade fell 
 back, General Gibbon formed on his right, and Birney 
 on his left, covering his retreat, and checking the rebel 
 advance. Sickles division of Hooker s corps advanced 
 to the front and relieved Gibbon. 
 
 Here was another lamentable instance among the 
 
1862.] FIGHTING BY DRIBLETS FRANKLIN S ORDERS. 349 
 
 many on our side, in which a mere fragment of the ar 
 my was delegated to do the work that should have been 
 committed to thrice their numbers. And when we con 
 sider the partial success which Meade secured with his 
 six thousand men, while thirty odd thousand were 
 standing behind him, it seems as though it would have 
 been possible to have absolutely crushed the rebel right, 
 and to have completely turned their line. Franklin, 
 who commanded our left grand division, excuses him 
 self for making the assault with so small a force, upon 
 the ground that his orders were to advance but one di 
 vision. Burnside s instructions to him were, "keep 
 your whole command in position for a rapid movement 
 down the old Richmond road, and you will send out a 
 division, at least, to pass below Smithfield, to seize, if 
 possible, the heights near Captain Hamilton s, on this 
 side of the Massaponix, taking care to keep it well sup 
 ported, and its line of retreat open." He also informed 
 Franklin that a simultaneous attack would be made on 
 the enemy s extreme left, and adds : Holding these 
 heights, (on the enemy s left) and the heights near Cap 
 tain Hamilton s, will, I hope, compel the enemy to 
 evacuate the whole ridge between these two points." 
 It was apparent then that these two attacks were to be 
 the key points of the battle, and, while it must be ad 
 mitted that Burnside s order was less definite and im 
 perative than it should have been, yet it revealed to 
 Franklin the nature, object and scope of the work in 
 trusted to him ; and a General capable to command, 
 loyal to his chief, and with zeal in the cause, would 
 have thrown twenty, instead of six thousand, upon this 
 pivotal point. 
 
 While the events above narrated were transpiring on 
 our extreme left, a similar and quite as harrowing a 
 scene was enacted on our extreme right. General 
 French s division of the second corps was assigned to 
 carry the works on the rebel left. Hancock s division 
 
350 OPERATIONS ON THE RIGHT. [1862. 
 
 was to support the movement. French moved out of 
 the town by the plank and telegraph roads, and cross 
 ing the canal, deployed his columns on the terrace be 
 low Marey s Hill. All this while the rebel artillery 
 ploughed through our ranks. Longstreet says : This 
 fire was very destructive and demoralizing in its effects, 
 and frequently made gaps in the enemy s ranks that 
 could be seen at the distance of a mile." When 
 French s melting lines came under the infantry fire, 
 they met such a deluge of lead that one-half their num 
 bers fell before the first blast. It was more than the 
 bravest men could endure, and they fell back out of 
 range of this desolating fire. 
 
 Hancock now pushed to the front, joined by a por 
 tion of French s division, and met the same destructive 
 reception. A brief struggle for the wall and bank from 
 behind which this fiery storm came, and he, like French, 
 was forced to fall back with a loss of over two thousand 
 men, out of a force of five thousand and six. The di 
 visions of Howard, Sturgis and Getty, advanced to the 
 support of French and Franklin, and joined in the at 
 tacks, but the utmost the Unionists could do, was to 
 hold a line south of the canal, out of musket range, and 
 somewhat protected from artillery by the conformation 
 of the ground. 
 
 Burnside would not yet forego this desperate under 
 taking. Hooker was now ordered to cross the river with 
 a portion of his grand division, and storm the heights 
 where French and Hancock had destroyed two divis 
 ions. Couch had been battering the enemy s works 
 with a dozen cannon, planted within one hundred and 
 fifty yards, to make a breach through which an assault 
 ing column could pass, but made no perceptible impres 
 sion. Hooker sent Humphrey s division upon the for 
 lorn assault of these cannon-proof works. The men 
 were to rely upon the bayonet exclusively. They mov 
 ed forward with great gallantry and celerity, and reach- 
 
1862.] BURNSIDE S STATEMENT. 351 
 
 ed the extreme limit to which their predecessors had at 
 tained, and then were swept back by the same over 
 whelming, resistless leaden sirocco, leaving seventeen 
 hundred out of four thousand who had advanced, dead 
 or wounded, upon the field. 
 
 Our losses in this day s battles amounted to thirteen 
 thousand seven hundred and seventy-one men. The 
 rebel loss was between five and six thousand. The 
 withdrawal of the Union army was very skillfully and 
 successfully accomplished on the night of the fifteenth 
 of December. 
 
 Night now interposed before another sacrifice could 
 be arranged, and although General Burnside was intent 
 upon renewing the costly experiment of dashing his ar 
 my to pieces on the following day, he was finally pre 
 vailed upon to desist. His own statement on this 
 point, made before the committee on the conduct of the 
 war, is interesting and pathetic. He says : 
 
 "The two attacks were made and we were repulsed ; 
 still holding a portion of the ground we had fought 
 upon, but not our extreme advance. 
 
 "That night I went all over the field on our right ; in 
 fact I was with the officers and men until nearly day 
 light. I found the feeling to be rather against an at 
 tack the next morning ; in fact, it was decidedly against 
 it. 
 
 "I returned to my headquarters, and, after conversa 
 tion with General Sumner, told him that I wanted him 
 to order the Ninth Army Corps which was the corps I 
 originally commanded to form the next morning a 
 column of attack, by regiments. It consisted of some 
 eighteen old regiments and some new ones, and I de 
 sired the column to make a direct attack upon the 
 enemy s works. I thought that these regiments, by 
 coming quickly up after each other, would be able to 
 carry the stone wall and the batteries in front, forcing 
 the enemy into their next line, and by going in with 
 
352 HE ASSUMES RESPONSIBILITY. [1862. 
 
 them they would not be able to fire upon us to any 
 great extent. I left General Sumner with that under 
 standing, and directed him to give the order. 
 
 u The next morning, just before the column started. 
 General Sumner came to me and said : General, I 
 hope you will desist from this attack ; I do not know of 
 any general officer who approves of it, and I think it 
 will prove disastrous to the army. Advice of that 
 kind from General Sumner, who had always been in 
 favor of an advance whenever it was possible, caused 
 me to hesitate. I kept the column of attack formed and 
 sent over for the division and corps commanders, and 
 consulted with them. They unanimously voted against 
 the attack. I then went over to see the other officers of 
 the command on the other side, and found that the 
 same impression prevailed among them. I then sent 
 for General Franklin, who was on the left, and he was 
 of exactly the same opinion. This caused me to decide 
 that I ought not to make the attack I had contemplated. 
 And besides, inasmuch as the President of the United 
 States had told me not to be in haste in making this at 
 tack ; that he would give me all the support that he 
 could, but he did not want the Army of the Potomac 
 destroyed, I felt that I could not take the responsibility 
 of ordering the attack, notwithstanding my own belief 
 at the time, that the works of the enemy could be 
 carried." For the part performed by the "Ulster 
 Guard" during these operations, see Chronolog. Hist. 
 
 It is truer of military operations than of anything 
 else that "nothing succeeds like success," and nothing 
 extinguishes a General s popularity and the confidence 
 of his army in his ability, like failure. Explanations 
 and excuses are not accepted ; the delinquencies of sub 
 ordinates are not taken into the account. The com 
 manding general who planned and ordered the abortive 
 campaign must bear the responsibility for its failure. 
 No one understood this better than Burnside himself , 
 
1862.] PRESIDENT INTERDICTS PROPOSED MOVEMENT. 353 
 
 and when asked if Franklin s inefficient attack was not 
 the real cause of the failure, he at once replied : " No ! 
 I understood perfectly well that when the General com 
 manding an Army meets with disaster, he alone is re 
 sponsible ; and I will not attempt to shift that respon 
 sibility upon any one else." The Corps and Grand Di 
 vision commanders had, from the first, been opposed 
 to Burnside s plan of assault, and they had generally 
 remonstrated against his proposed renewal of the bat 
 tle. To what they regarded as bad judgment in the be 
 ginning, was now added the quality of rashness ; and 
 to their want of confidence in his military sagacity was 
 now added an apprehension that he might undertake 
 some desperate exploit to retrieve his waning reputa 
 tion. 
 
 So it came to pass that when Burnside was about to 
 set the army in motion on another campaign, on the 
 last day but one in December, the President counter 
 manded it by telegraph. Burnside repaired to Wash 
 ington, where he learned that certain of his subordi 
 nates Generals John Newton and John Cochrane had 
 visited the President and represented the condition of 
 things in the Army in such a light that the President 
 felt constrained to suspend the contemplated enter 
 prise. Now, for the first, the purport of these clandes 
 tine communications were imparted by the President 
 to General Halleck and the Secretary of War ; and the 
 result was an adherence to the decision at which the 
 President had arrived. 
 
 The movement designed by Burnside was a feint 
 above Fredericksburg, and an actual crossing seven 
 miles below, with a co-operating cavalry raid in rear of 
 the Confederate Army. Chafing under the mortifica 
 tion of the Fredericksburg repulse and indignant at the 
 unofficer-like conduct of some of his subordinates con 
 scious that his camp was full of croakers of high rank, 
 and that faith in his capacity was growing less and less 
 
 2 3 
 
354 WHAT BURNSIDE DID. [1862. 
 
 as time went on, he resolved to make one more effort for 
 Ms own reputation and his country s cause. He believed 
 a great victory was yet possible before the storms of the 
 later winter should render the roads impassable. His 
 movement by the left had been prohibited by the Presi 
 dent. On the twentieth of January he set his columns 
 in motion by the right, with a view to cross the main 
 body of the army at Banks Ford, four miles above 
 Fredericksburg, while making feints below the city, and 
 at several fords above. New roads had been cut to the 
 river at various points, and cavalry demonstrations made 
 to mislead the foe, whose pickets lined the south side 
 of the stream. The weather was mild for the season, 
 and the roads were excellent. The grand divisions of 
 Hooker and Franklin marched up the river by parallel 
 roads and on the night of the twentieth bivouacked 
 in the woods near the ford. Couch s Corps moved down 
 the stream as though to cross near the Sedden House. 
 Sigel, with a reserve Corps, guarded the line of the river 
 between the right and left wings of the Army, and kept 
 open their communications. The enterprise was of de 
 cidedly better promise than the direct attack on Fred 
 ericksburg ; and if the weather had continued favor 
 able there was but one element that added to the dan 
 ger of the ordinary chances of war, and that was the 
 want of confidence in the commanding-general. The 
 morale of the Army was seriously impaired, and it 
 obeyed by compulsion of military law, and not freely 
 or from choice. 
 
 Banks Ford was at this time only a ford in name, 
 and the crossing was to be by pontoon bridges. The 
 pontoons were on the ground, and the artillery ready 
 to be placed in position to cover the crossing, and the 
 morrow was to see the Army again on the Richmond 
 side of the Rappahannock. Night had set in ; the 
 clouds began to gather, and one by one the stars went 
 out and thick darkness reigned. At ten o clock the 
 
1862.] THE MUD CAMPAIGN BURNSIDE RELIEVED. 355 
 
 flood-gates of Heaven were rent asunder, and such a 
 storm as that region had not known for years, burst 
 over the Army. Through wind and lightning and driv 
 ing sleet and snow and rain, the men worked on, hour 
 after hour, in getting the guns up the heights and plac 
 ing them in position, and drawing the pontoons to the 
 river s brink. And every hour the ground beneath 
 their feet was becoming more and more incapable of 
 sustaining their weight, until finally every foot of ter 
 ritory had become a quagmire. Morning found the 
 Army in this deplorable condition, with the Com 
 mander still resolute in his purpose to proceed. But 
 now it was found impossible to bring forward the artil 
 lery and ammunition wagons all were stalled in the 
 mud ; the supply trains were immovable ; horses and 
 mules sunk into the fathomless muck up to their 
 bodies. Ropes were attached to the vehicles, and long 
 lines of men added their strength to that of the floun 
 dering beasts ; but it could not be the advance was at 
 an end. With the utmost difficulty and in a state of 
 demoralization that has no parallel in the history of 
 the Army of the Potomac, the old camps were finally 
 reached, and the "Mud Campaign" was at an end. 
 So also, was General Burnside s usefulness as Com 
 mander of the Army. 
 
 Burnside could not but feel that he was the victim 
 of "the slings and arrows of outrageous fortune," and 
 the jealousy of some of his subordinates. Against the 
 former there was no redress, but as to the latter he re 
 solved to retaliate ; and prepared u General Order No. 
 8," whereby Major-General Hooker, Brigadier-Generals 
 W. T. H. Brooks and John Newton were named for ig 
 nominious dismissal from the service, and Major-Gen 
 erals W. B. Franklin and W. F. Smith, and Brigadier- 
 Generals John Cochrane and Edward Ferrero and Lieu 
 tenant-Colonel J. H. Taylor, were relieved from duty 
 with the Army. Before promulgating this Order, Gen- 
 
356 BURNSIDE RELIEVED. [1862. 
 
 eral Burnside was persuaded to submit it to the Presi 
 dent, who, after consultation with his Cabinet, decided 
 to relieve General Burnside, instead of approving the 
 Order ; and, on the twenty-eighth of January an Order 
 was issued by the Secretary of War relieving Burnside 
 from the command, "At his own request;" and 
 Hooker, whom he had proposed to " ignominiously dis 
 miss," became his successor. The same Order relieved 
 General Sumner, at his own request, and also General 
 Franklin, without assigning any reason therefor. 
 
CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 GLOOMY WINTER REBEL RAIDERS DESERTERS AND ABSENTEES IM 
 PROVED MORALE UNDER HOOKER OPENING OF CAMPAIGN STRENGTH 
 OP ARMIES RENDEZVOUS AT CHANCELLORSVILLE WHAT IT WAS 
 CONGRATULATORY ORDER ADVANTAGE OF THE INITIAL SUCCESS LOST 
 HOOKER SURPRISED THAT LEE DID NOT RETREAT A CAMPAIGN OF 
 MANOEUVRES LEE STUDYING THE CHESS-BOARD MAKES HIS MOVE 
 WHY DID HOOKER TARRY IN THE WILDERNESS MOVES OUT AND RE 
 TURNS HOOKER S STATEMENT OF IT HOOKER BELIEVES LEE is RE 
 TREATING WHEN HE IS MARCHING TO ATTACK HIM THE ERROR OF RE 
 TURNING TO THE WILDERNESS HOOKER FORMS LINE OF BATTLE. 
 
 THE winter of 1862-3 proved a very disastrous one for 
 the Army of the Potomac, and its misfortunes imparted 
 a gloom to the prospects of the Federal cause which 
 was felt throughout the loyal portion of the country no 
 less than in the army itself. It seemed impossible for 
 the Administration to find a competent commander for 
 that unfortunate army. " Failure ! " had been written 
 against the name of every man who had been placed at 
 its head. Would such be the record of the dashing 
 soldier to whose hands the baton had now been trans 
 ferred ? 
 
 During this winter the rebel cavalry amused itself by 
 riding "rough-shod" over the country in rear of the 
 Federal Army, capturing small parties of Union sol 
 diers, carrying off horses and wagons, burning railroad 
 bridges, and destroying army supplies, in all directions. 
 Desertions from the Union Army were reported to be at 
 the rate of two hundred a day, and there seemed to be 
 no way to stop them. Citizens despairing of success, 
 and regarding the Army of the Potomac as consigned to 
 slaughter, aided their relatives to escape from it by 
 every means in their power chief among which was 
 smuggling civilians clothes to them ; and, arrayed in 
 
 357 
 
358 CHANCELLORSVILLE CAMPAIGN. [1862-3. 
 
 these, their escape was not difficult. General Hooker 
 testified before the Committee on the Conduct of the 
 War, that the rolls showed 2,922 officers and 81,964 
 men absent from the army, a large proportion of whom 
 could not be accounted for. This aggregate must have 
 included all absentees from the first organization of 
 their commands. It is not unlikely that many of them 
 had been killed or captured on the Peninsula and in 
 Pope s campaign, and not accounted for, while many 
 others may have been in hospital. The effect of " Gen 
 eral Order No. 162, A. of P., 1862," was to place men in 
 the attitude of deserters who might be dead on the 
 battle-field, or prisoners, or in hospital. After such 
 marches and battles as those on the Peninsula and 
 in Pope s campaign, it was not always possible to ac 
 count for every man, and a number of men were dropped 
 from the rolls of the " Ulster Guard," under that Order, 
 who subsequently reported, and whose absence was the 
 result of sickness or capture. 
 
 Hooker was the army s beau-ideal of a soldier in all 
 physical qualities, and he soon made a very percep 
 tible improvement in the morale of his command. He 
 visited all portions of the army, and infused a good 
 deal of his own confident spirit into his officers and 
 men. Desertions ceased, and the army began to grow 
 as recruits came forward, and when the season for active 
 operations arrived, Hooker found himself at the head of 
 one of the finest armies the Government had ever put in 
 the field. In infantry it numbered one hundred thou 
 sand men ; in artillery ten thousand, and its cavalry 
 was thirteen thousand strong. All arms were in the 
 very best condition of spirits, and in complete prepara 
 tion for the coming campaign. Confidence and an 
 eagerness for the fray had taken the place of hopeless 
 ness, and a desire to escape the service the rank and 
 file had come to believe in their new commander. 
 
 Hooker designed to open the campaign about the 
 
1863.] OPENING OF CAMPAIGN. 359 
 
 middle of April, and on the thirteenth he despatched 
 the cavalry under General Stoneman, to proceed up the 
 Rappahannock, cross the river above the rebel picket- 
 line, and sweep down in rear of Lee s army. When 
 this movement began to make itself felt, the infantry 
 columns were to cross the river and turn the Confeder 
 ate position. Soon after the cavalry set out, a heavy 
 storm came on, rendering the river impassable, and the 
 movements were suspended. 
 
 Two weeks elapsed before the water and roads were 
 in a condition to justify a renewal of operations. Then, 
 on Monday, April twenty-seventh, the llth Corps, un 
 der General Howard ; the 12th, under General Slocum ; 
 and later on the same day, the 5th Corps, under General 
 Meade, left their camps on the right of our line, and set 
 out for Kelly s Ford, on the Rappahannock, seventeen 
 miles above Fredericksburg. Two divisions of the 2d 
 Corps, General Couch, were to march at sunrise on the 
 28th, to the vicinity of Banks Ford, four miles above 
 Fredericksburg, and from these, one brigade and one 
 battery were to be sent to United States Ford, eight 
 miles above Fredericksburg. These two divisions were 
 not to show themselves along the river bank. The 
 Third Division of this Corps was to remain in camp at 
 Falmouth, and picket the river along that line, and be 
 in readiness to repel any attempt of the enemy to cross. 
 The 1st Corps, General Reynolds ; the 3d, General 
 .Sickles ; and the 6th, General Sedgwick, were to take 
 positions to cross the river below Fredericksburg the 
 6th Corps, at what was called Franklin s crossing, being 
 the point at which General Franklin crossed at the 
 battle of Fredericksburg, and the 1st Corps at Pollock s 
 Mills, a short distance below. The 3d Corps was to be 
 ready to cross at either point in support of the 1st or 
 6th, as might become necessary. The cavalry was to 
 cover the right flank of the corps assigned to cross the 
 
360 CHANCELLORSVILLE CAMPAIGN. [1863. 
 
 river at Kelly s Ford, and to raid on Lee s communica 
 tions with Richmond. 
 
 When these operations were inaugurated, and during 
 their continuance, the Confederate Army numbered less 
 than fifty thousand men. Two divisions of Longstreet s 
 Corps were at Suffolk, and did not return until after 
 the battles of Chancellorsville. Walter H. Taylor, Lee s 
 Assistant-Adjutant-General, gives the strength of the 
 Rebel Army at this time as follows : Anderson and Mc- 
 Laws commands, 13,000 ; Jackson s, including the di 
 visions of A. P. Hill, Rhodes (late D. H. Hill s) and 
 Trimble, 21,000 ; Early, 6,000 ; and cavalry and artillery, 
 7,000. Hooker appreciated his own superiority of num 
 bers, and in his orders to General Slocum, who, as senior 
 officer, had command of his own and the llth Corps, he 
 said : " You will have nearly 40,000 men, which is more 
 than he (Lee) can spare to send against you." It could 
 have been only in view of the very great disparity in 
 numbers that Hooker adopted what are ordinarily 
 considered rash and unjustifiable tactics, by dividing 
 his army into two nearly equal parts, and then separat 
 ing the right and left wings by at least a day s march,, 
 with a difficult and capricious river between them. He 
 was liable to be whipped in detail, and the result proved 
 that it was within the compass of possibilities for Lee 
 to have fallen upon either wing and defeated it before 
 it could be supported by the other. But Lee was in 
 doubt as to Hooker s real purpose, and the disposition 
 he had made of his army until the morning of May 
 first, and by that time General Hooker had re-enforced 
 his right wing by ordering up the Third Corps, and the 
 two divisions of the Second Corps, which had been 
 lying near Banks and United States Fords. This left 
 the First Corps, General Reynolds, and the Sixth, Gen 
 eral Sedgwick, below Fredericksburg, while one division 
 of the 2d Corps remained in its camp at Falmouth. 
 
 The corps dispatched to the extreme right crossed 
 
1863.] CHANCELLORSVILLE WHAT IT WAS. 361 
 
 the Rappaliannock and Rapidan, and then facing to 
 the south-eastward, marched down the right bank of 
 the latter river, over such roads as could be found, and 
 on Thursday, the 30th, arrived at Chancellorsville, 
 which was designated as the rendezvous. Why it 
 should have been, it is difficult to tell. Probably, in 
 the first instance, because the place had a name, and 
 its geographical position was known with reasonable 
 accuracy. It was about the worst position to manoeuvre 
 civilized troops in that could be found on this continent. 
 The locality is known as "The Wilderness," and is an 
 almost unbroken expanse of dense thicket, with only 
 here and there a human habitation. The far-famed 
 Chancellorsville itself consisted of a solitary house and 
 a few out- buildings, and was used as a hostelry. The 
 plank road from Fredericksburg to Orange Court-House 
 passes this tavern ; and a number of obscure wood roads 
 converge upon the same point. The distance to Fred 
 ericksburg is about 11 miles, ma the plank road, which 
 runs nearly parallel with the Rappahannock, and at 
 Chancellorsville is about four miles south of the river. 
 There is a dirt-road running from Chancellorsville, 
 nearly parallel to the plank road, and uniting with it 
 about six miles east of the latter place, and near Taber 
 nacle Church. Still another road leads to Banks Ford, 
 about four miles above Fredericksburg, and whither a 
 part of the Second Corps had been ordered. Somewhat 
 less than three miles to the eastward of Chancellorsville 
 the "Wilderness" terminates; and the country from 
 thence to Fredericksburg is rolling, and generally 
 cleared, and presents no unusual obstacles to the man 
 oeuvre of large bodies of troops of all arms. 
 
 General Hooker himself gave the Committee on the 
 Conduct of the War the following description of the 
 place called Chancellorsville: "Much of that region 
 was swampy at the time, and a great deal of it covered 
 with undergrowth, and is impenetrable even to infantry. 
 
362 CHANCELLORSVILLE CAMPAIGN. [1863 
 
 I directed General Slocum to send a force through this 
 forest in his front, and he reported to me that he could 
 not do it." Hooker halted three corps of his army in 
 this tangled thicket about noon of the thirtieth day of 
 April, and signalized the occasion by issuing a con 
 gratulatory Order upon their successful crossing of the 
 rivers, and declared therein " that the operations of the 
 last three days have determined that our enemy must 
 either ingloriously fly, or come out from behind his de 
 fences and give us battle on our own ground, where 
 certain destruction awaits him. The operations of the 
 Fifth, Eleventh and Twelfth Corps have been a succes 
 sion of splendid achievements." 
 
 Now these operations had really been remarkably 
 successful. They had been planned with judgment, 
 and executed with great skill. But their value to the 
 Union Commander depended upon the use he would 
 make of this initial triumph over his adversary. It was 
 but the first step in what needs must be a series of 
 operations, having as their main object the destruction 
 of the Rebel army. To pause here was to surrender all 
 advantage supposed to have been gained by the secrecy 
 and celerity of the preceding operations ; and, as a 
 turning movement, it would have no especial effect, 
 because it would give the enemy time to select and 
 fortify another position, keeping himself constantly 
 between Hooker and Richmond. Lee had never yet 
 made any serious opposition to th.3 various crossings of 
 the Rappahannock by the Army of the Potomac, nor 
 did he to the crossing of the Monocacy, in the Mary 
 land campaign ; and Hooker knew that the tactics of 
 the Confederate chieftain was rather to allow the army 
 to cross, and fight it afterwards. Therefore, he could 
 not reasonably argue that Lee would be greatly alarmed 
 on learning that he was actually across the river, and 
 waiting in the * Wilderness " for the Confederate Army 
 to attack him. 
 
1863.] HOOKER SURPRISED THAT LEE DID NOT RETREAT. 363 
 
 I think it is fair to conclude, from all the facts and 
 circumstances, that Hooker had in view but two con 
 tingencies when he began his campaign. The first was 
 a battle at the river crossing, in which event he would 
 fight as circumstances dictated, and be governed by the 
 result ; the second was, that Lee must retreat, if the 
 Union Army were successfully transferred to the south 
 side of the stream and threatened his flank and rear. 
 The pursuit was left to be directed at the proper time 
 and in the proper way. Hooker really had no idea that 
 Lee would "come out from behind his defences and 
 give him battle." He did not believe his forces would 
 justify such tactics ; but he supposed his adversary 
 would have recourse to the other horn of the dilemma, 
 and " ingloriously fly." That he did not do this was a 
 great surprise to the Union Commander, and it left him 
 without further plans of immediate operations. The 
 halting of his army in the " Wilderness," and his tel 
 egram to General Sedgwick on the thirtieth, show that 
 he did not propose to fight so much as to manoeuvre. 
 He telegraphed to Sedgwick, below Fredericksburg : 
 " Make a demonstration on the enemy s lines in the di 
 rection of Hamilton s Crossing at one o clock, the object 
 being simply to ascertain whether or not the enemy 
 continues to hug his defences in full force ; and, if he 
 should have abandoned them, to take possession of his 
 works and the commanding ground in their vicinity. 
 * This demonstration will be made for no 
 other purpose than that stated." Indeed, General 
 Hooker himself testified before the Committee on the 
 Conduct of the War, speaking of his later order to 
 Sedgwick to attack : "When I gave the order to Gen 
 eral Sedgwick, I expected that Lee would be whipped 
 by manoeuvre. I supposed he would be compelled to 
 march off on the same line that Jackson had. He would 
 have been thrown on the Culpepper and Gordonsville 
 Road, placing me fifty or sixty miles nearer Richmond 
 
364 CHANCELLORSVILLE CAMPAIGN. [1863. 
 
 than himself." So fully persuaded had Hooker been 
 from the first that Lee would retreat if he found his 
 powerful opponent across the river, that he could not 
 divest his mind of that idea and direct his thoughts to 
 the necessity of providing for a different contingency. 
 I believe the disaster at Chancellorsville was owing to 
 this preconceived and fatal notion. The enemy was to 
 be whipped by manoeuvre and not by battle. In this 
 view of the purposes of the campaign, Hooker s con 
 gratulatory Order on the successful crossing of the 
 rivers, and his halting in the "Wilderness," seem con 
 sistent with the object in view. But, under the circum 
 stances in which the Federal commander was placed, he 
 should have looked for more decisive results than could 
 be hoped for from a campaign of manoeuvres. 
 
 Two brigades of Anderson s division had been posted 
 at Ely s and Banks Fords, and as the Federals ad 
 vanced, they fell back towards Fredericksburg. The 
 other brigade of the same division was sent forward to 
 support them, and they united at Tabernacle Church, 
 on the Fredericksburg and Orange Court-House Plank 
 Road, and about mid-way between the former place and 
 Chancellorsville, two or three miles beyond the bound 
 ary of the <k Wilderness." 
 
 While these events were transpiring on the right, the 
 First and Sixth corps had crossed the Rappahannock 
 below Fredericksburg as directed, and General Sedg- 
 wick had made the demonstration required by General 
 Hooker s order of the Thirtieth, and found that the 
 enemy continued "to hug his defences." The Sixth 
 Corps was 22,000 strong, and the First and Third Corps 
 contained about 35,000 men. (Sedgwick s testimony be 
 fore the Committee on the Conduct of the War). But 
 as has been already said, the Third Corps was ordered 
 to the right on the Thirtieth, and two days later the 
 First Corps was also called from the left to the right* 
 This left General Sedgwick s Corps alone on the south 
 
1863.] LEE STUDYING THE CHESS-BOARD. 365 
 
 side of the river below Fredericksburg, and Gibbons 
 division of the Second Corps on the north side, opposite 
 that town. 
 
 Lee, standing on the heights in rear of Fredericks- 
 burg, tried to read his adversary s designs in the move 
 ments of his troops. The corps on the right had 
 marched in the night, and from positions beyond the 
 reach of his observation, yet his vigilant vedettes and 
 fleet couriers had conveyed the news to him of large 
 bodies of Union troops crossing at the fords above Fred 
 eric ksburg, and the problem for the Confederate com 
 mander to solve was, "Where is the blow to fall? 
 Which is the feint and which the real menace?" He 
 saw three corps of 57,000 men prepare to cross the river 
 below the city, while a division remained in its camp 
 directly opposite. Here at his feet as it were, was an 
 army out-numbering the Confederate array at his back, 
 while messenger after messenger reported swarming 
 thousands moving towards his left and rear. General 
 Hooker believed this threatening aspect would induce 
 his wily antagonist to " ingloriously fly ;" but he stood 
 and studied the moves of his opponent, and calculated 
 the chances of the great game about being played, upon 
 which depended the lives of thousands of human beings, 
 and, perhaps, the destiny of a nation. He saw Sedg- 
 wick and Reynolds cross the river on the twenty-ninth, 
 and draw up their forces on the plain below the city 
 and almost under his guns, and yet he "hugged his de 
 fences." The next afternoon he stood and saw Sedg- 
 wick s demonstration against his right, and sent Stone 
 wall Jackson to meet it. Closely scrutinizing these 
 operations, with practiced eye, he determined the im 
 portant question on which his mind had been intent for 
 three days, and he said to himself, "This movement on 
 my right is a ruse de guerre, the real danger is on the 
 other flank and in my rear." He immediately recalled 
 Jackson, and sent him to re-enforce Anderson at Taber- 
 
366 CHANCELLORSVILLE CAMPAIGN. [1863.. 
 
 nacle Church. That night, Lee put Early with 6,000 
 men in charge of the rebel works at Fredericksburg, and 
 then proceeded with the residue of his army, (M Law s 
 division) to re-enforce Jackson and Anderson at Taber 
 nacle Church. 
 
 Thus matters stood on the morning of the first of 
 May Hooker atChancellorsville, with the 3d, 5th, llth, 
 12th and two divisions of the 2d Corps, present, or within 
 supporting distance ; an aggregate strength of about 60,- 
 000 men. Sedgwick and Reynolds below Fredericksburg, 
 and Gibbon within supporting distance, with a com 
 bined strength of about 39,000 men. The Union cav 
 alry swinging around the rebel army s left. Lee at 
 Tabernacle Church, half way between Fredericksburg 
 and Chancellorsville, with about 36,000 infantry and 
 artillery; Early s division, augmented by Barksdale s 
 brigade, holding the Confederate line at Fredericksburg, 
 and the rebel cavalry scouting on Hooker s right flank. 
 
 Manifestly, Hooker had sacrificed the opportunity of 
 compelling Lee to " give us battle on our own ground," 
 unless, indeed, that ground was the " Wilderness," and 
 we cannot do General Hooker s judgment the injustice 
 to believe that he deliberately meditated making that 
 his battle-field. His own description of it, shows that 
 he knew it was not the place to fight a battle on, and, 
 moreover, he stated on the same occasion from which 
 we have already quoted him, that " I could not find out 
 anything about that country, except I knew that it was 
 called the Wilderness. I could find out nothing about 
 roads there, either before I crossed the river or after 
 wards." Then one is constrained to inquire : " Why 
 spend twenty-four hours there when a march of an hour 
 will bring the heads of your columns out of the Wilder 
 ness, and enable you to deploy in an open country with 
 a conformation just adapted to your purposes ?" Was 
 Hooker afraid he would intercept Lee in his c inglori 
 ous flight," if he threw his columns across the road over 
 
1863.] WHY DID HOOKER TARRY IN THE WILDERNESS ? 
 
 which Jackson marched ? If Sedgwick crowded Lee off 
 the Bowling Green and Telegraph roads, then he must 
 needs fly over the road leading to Orange Court House, 
 and Hooker s advance would obstruct that highway. 
 It was to be a campaign of manoeuvres and not of bat 
 tles. Hooker had determined to capture Richmond by 
 forcing Lee on a line of retreat to his Capital fifty or 
 sixty miles farther than Hooker himself would have to 
 go to reach the same goal. With Richmond in Hook 
 er s possession and Lee s army cut off from aid or sup 
 plies, its capture or dispersion would next be in order. 
 But the defect in this strategy consisted in its being pre 
 dicated upon unreal premises, and when the pivotal 
 condition failed, the entire scheme mis-carried. Not 
 that it necessarily need to have done so, but either be 
 cause Hooker lacked resources in an unlooked-for emer 
 gency, or because he would believe that what he had 
 expected must ensue ; it did grievously miscarry. So 
 he tarried in the Wilderness. 
 
 But Sedgwick s demonstration on the afternoon of 
 the thirtieth had failed to relax the rebel em brace of 
 his works, and no signs of flight manifested themselves. 
 With but eight days rations when his march began 
 four days ago, Hooker could not wait forever for Lee to 
 decamp. Sixty thousand Union soldiers could scarcely 
 have been maintained upon the supply of locusts and 
 wild honey to be found in the Wilderness of Chancellors- 
 ville. Therefore, about nine o clock on the morning of 
 May first, General Hooker did what he should have 
 done some hours before he ordered his columns to ad 
 vance into the open country. Syke s division of the 
 Fifth corps led the way over the Dirt road, between the 
 Plank and River road, and was followed by a division 
 of the Second corps ; the other two divisions of the 
 Fifth corps were to march over the River road. The 
 Third corps was ordered to mass on the road to United 
 States Ford, and about a mile from Chancellorsville ; 
 
368 CHANCELLORSVILLE CAMPAIGN. [1863. 
 
 practically in reserve ; the Twelfth corps was to move 
 down the Plank road until the head of the column was 
 near Tabernacle Church ; the Eleventh corps was to 
 mass on the Plank road a mile in rear of the Twelfth. 
 These several movements were ordered to be completed 
 by two o clock. "After the movement commences, 
 headquarters will be at Tabernacle Church." Evident 
 ly, Hooker knew very little as to what was going on in 
 his near front. He had no idea that at the moment he 
 issued that order, Lee s headquarters were even then 
 " at Tabernacle Church." 
 
 What ensued upon this late attempt to disengage 
 the Federal Army from the folds of the Wilderness is 
 told by General Hooker in his examination before the 
 Committee on the Conduct of the War, in the following 
 words : 
 
 " Two roads lead from Chancellorsville to Fredericks- 
 burg, which intersect about four miles from Chancellors 
 ville, in the direction in which we were marching. It 
 was at this point that the enemy had established his 
 main force, his right reaching to the south of the Plank 
 road, and his left resting on the Rappahannock. 
 
 " The ground in our vicinity was broken and cover 
 ed with dense forests, much of which were impenetra 
 ble to infantry. The ravines to the north of the road 
 were deep, and their general direction was at right 
 angles to the Rappahannock, affording the enemy a 
 formidable position behind each of them. Here was 
 the enemy s entire army, with the exception, as I have 
 already stated, of Early s division and Barksdale s 
 brigade, making a force of about 8,000 men, which had 
 been left to hold the line from below Hamilton s cross 
 ing to the heights above Fredericksburg, a distance of 
 between live and six miles. They had left one entire 
 brigade to guard their depot at Hamilton s crossing; 
 and two regiments, the 18th and 21st Mississippi, to de 
 fend Fredericksburg. 
 
1863.] HOOKER S STATEMENT OP IT. 359 
 
 "The 12th Corps had been ordered to advance on 
 the Plank road, to be followed by the llth Corps ; the 
 5th Corps had been ordered to advance on the road 
 nearest the river, to be followed by the 2d Corps. 
 They had proceeded but a short distance when the head 
 of the column emerged from the heavy forest and dis 
 covered the enemy to be advancing in line of battle. 
 Nearly all of the 12th Corps had emerged from the 
 forest at that moment, but, as the passage-way through 
 the forest was narrow, I was satisfied that I could not 
 throw troops through it fast enough to resist the ad 
 vance of General Lee, and was apprehensive of being 
 whipped in detail. 
 
 " Accordingly, instructions were given for the troops 
 in advance to return and establish themselves on the 
 the line they had just left, and to hold themselves in 
 readiness to receive the enemy. In the execution of 
 this order a part of the 12th Corps and one division of 
 the 5th Corps had a skirmish with the enemy, but re 
 turned and established themselves on the line in good 
 order. The enemy continued his advance, and upon 
 reaching the forest, with a contracted front, fell upon 
 the 12th and 2d Corps, but were promptly and easily re 
 pulsed. Nothing more transpired that night, except 
 perhaps some random firing among the pickets." 
 
 Now, did Hooker believe that Lee meant to fight 
 him in the woods, or that his movement was the looked- 
 f or retreat \ Even on the following day, while Jack 
 son s column was passing across Hooker s front to make 
 the attack on his right, Hooker believed the inevitable 
 retreat was in progress, and sent word to Sedgwick : 
 k We know the enemy is flying, trying to save his 
 trains ; two of Sickles divisions are among them." 
 
 It is scarcely possible to conceive of a more "inglor 
 ious " retrograde than that described in General Hook 
 er s statement, and it presents a most striking contrast 
 to his congratulatory Order of the day before. The re- 
 
 24 
 
370 CHANCELLORSVILLE CAMPAIGN. [1863. 
 
 call went far to dispirit the army, because it tended to 
 prove either that General Hooker s policy was unform 
 ed or vacillating, or that he was surprised by meeting 
 the enemy and was afraid to fight him. Several of the 
 corps and division commanders endeavored to induce 
 Hooker to revoke the order recalling the troops to 
 Chancellorsville. The left column under Griffin and 
 Humphreys had nearly reached Banks Ford, the pos 
 session of which would have shortened the line of com 
 munication between Hooker and Sedgwick by twelve 
 miles. The centre column under Sykes had obtained 
 possession, after a spirited skirmish between the ad 
 vance guards of the two armies, of a commanding ridge 
 that runs across the roads over which Hooker s forces 
 were advancing, and of which Couch says in his report : 
 "The ground on which I had posted Hancock in sup 
 port of Sykes, was about one and a half miles from 
 Chancellorsville, and commanded it. Upon receiving 
 orders from General Hooker to come in, I sent Major 
 Burt to him urging that, on account of the great advan 
 tages of that position, it should be held at all hazards. 
 The reply was, to return at once." General Slocum s 
 column on the right had met no resistance, and was well 
 advanced into the open country, and it seems as though 
 the debouche from the Wilderness was secured by the 
 movements and positions of the leading divisions of the 
 Union Army. Generals Warren and Humphreys be 
 sought Hooker to hold on to these positions (Reports of 
 these officers), but he only reiterated the order to fall 
 back. 
 
 General Hooker having brought his forces back into 
 the Wilderness, with the enemy following closely the 
 retiring Unionists, formed his line of battle ; with his 
 left resting near the river road, and a little north of east 
 from Chancellorsville, from thence in a westerly di 
 rection it ran to the Fredericksburg and Orange Court 
 House plank road, which it struck and crossed a few 
 
1863.] HOOKER FORMS LINE OF BATTLE. 371 
 
 hundred yards east of Chancellorsville, and then ran 
 westerly along the south side of that road, about three 
 miles, when it turned sharply towards the rear of the 
 line, and stretched back across what is known as "The 
 Old Turnpike," forming a defensive crotchet to this 
 flank. The line was about five miles long. Near where 
 it intersected the plank road, and a few hundred yards 
 in rear of the line, was a clearing of about an acre of 
 ground, whereon stood the Chancellor House and its 
 appendages. This house General Hooker used as head 
 quarters, and the cleared ground around it was covered 
 with army wagons, horses, &c. Posted along our line 
 of battle, from left to right, and in the order named, 
 were Meade s Fifth Corps, one division of the Second 
 Corps, Slocum s Twelfth Corps, one division of the 
 Third Corps, with Howard s Eleventh Corps on the 
 right. The residue of the army was held in reserve. 
 These movements and operations consumed Friday, the 
 first day of May. 
 
 On Saturday morning the force of General Couch s 
 reasoning of the day before was made manifest by the 
 thorough shelling which the Confederates gave the open 
 space around the Chancellor House, from guns which 
 they had posted on the ridge which Couch had carried 
 on Friday, and which he had urged Hooker to retain 
 possession of. At an early hour the enemy s skirmish- 
 line advanced, and began to feel the Federal position 
 from the river road up to the Chancellor House, and 
 for some distance along the plank road, as though 
 seeking for a weak spot in Hooker s armor. These 
 offensive demonstrations were continued, at intervals, 
 through the day, but no general attack was made on 
 these parts of the lines. These operations were de 
 signed only to occupy Hooker s attention, while the 
 vital blow was preparing to be struck at the extreme 
 right. 
 
CHAPTER XXVII. 
 
 JACKSON S MARCH SICKLES STRIKES HIS COLUMN FOLLOWS JACKSON 
 WHERE HE WENT DEVENS ON EXTREME RIGHT JACKSON FALLS 
 UPON HIM THE RESULT HOWARD TO DEVENS LEE ATTACKS THE 
 LEFT AND CENTRE FEARFUL CONFUSION HOOKER IN THE SADDLE 
 RECEIVE ^THE ENEMY ON TOUR BAYONETS" PLEASONTON MAJOR 
 KEENAN "GENERAL, I WILL DO IT" PLEASONTON CHECKS THE AD 
 VANCE SAVES THE ARMY WARD S ATTACK JACKSON MORTALLY 
 
 HURT HIS CHARACTER. 
 
 STAKTING from near Tabernacle Church, at about the 
 time Lee s skirmishers approached Hooker s lines, 
 Stonewall Jackson began his march with 22,000 men, 
 for the right flank of the Union line. This march 
 would be for three miles nearly parallel with Hooker s 
 front, and was a most perilous one to make before a 
 watchful and energetic opponent. It likewise left Lee 
 himself in a position of great danger, if the movement 
 of Jackson should be discovered, and advantage of his 
 absence taken to attack Lee, with his force reduced to 
 about 13,000 men. But after Hooker had been sa 
 easily forced to abandon the open country, and take 
 cover in the Wilderness, Lee seems to have had no ap 
 prehension that he would assume the aggressive. 
 
 Jackson moved over the dirt road until nearly oppo 
 site Chancellorsville, when he filed to the left into an 
 obscure road running nearly west, called "The Old 
 Mine Road." Fitz-Lee s cavalry was deployed on 
 Jackson s right flank to mask the movement. At the 
 "Furnace," on the Old Mine Road, Jackson detached 
 the Twenty -third Georgia to guard a forest road lead 
 ing from the "Furnace" to Chancellorsville, and by 
 way of which his rear was liable to attack. 
 
 The condition of the country was exceedingly fa 
 vorable to the success of such an enterprise as Jackson 
 had undertaken, and his reputation for such bold ex- 
 
 372 
 
1868.] SICKLES STRIKES JACKSON S COLUMN. 373 
 
 ploits should have put his adversary on his guard 
 against him. His guides were familiar with the roads 
 and paths through the forest, while to the Unionists it 
 was a terra incognita. But it was ground of our own 
 choosing, and we have no business to find fault with it. 
 
 While Jackson s column was passing the " Fur 
 nace," it was observed by the Union pickets, and the 
 fact that a large body of Confederates were moving to 
 wards the Federal right was duly reported to Head 
 quarters. Birney s Division of Sickles Corps was at 
 this time posted well to the front of the Union line, 
 -and nearly opposite the point where the Eleventh and 
 Twelfth Corps joined. Upon Sickles suggestion, 
 Hooker directed that Birney s Division should be still 
 farther advanced, in order to discover the strength and 
 purpose of the enemy s movement. A second division 
 of Sickles Corps was thrown forward to support Bir- 
 ney. Birney reached the road over which Jackson was 
 marching, in time to strike the rear of his column and 
 capture a few prisoners, and the Twenty-third Georgia, 
 left at the " Furnace," was captured en masse. Sickles 
 regarded the operations in which he was engaged, suffi 
 ciently important to justify his calling upon General 
 Hooker for re-enforcements, and the latter ordered 
 Pleason ton s Cavalry and a brigade of infantry from 
 each of the two right Corps (Eleventh and Twelfth) to 
 report to General Sickles. 
 
 General Hooker states in his examination before the 
 Committee on the Conduct of the War (page 126). that 
 this movement of Jackson was reported at his Head 
 quarters as early as half-past nine in the morning, and 
 that he directed two divisions of the Third Corps to fol 
 low up the movement " This order was promptly ex 
 ecuted, but the two divisions did not reach the line of 
 the enemy s flank movement until after the main column 
 had passed, still in season to capture nearly a regiment 
 of its rear guard, and they were ordered to follow up 
 
374 CHANCELLORSVILLE CAMPAIGN. [1863. 
 
 the enemy s column that had passed off to our right. 
 I learned from the prisoners that this column was 
 Jackson s Corps, numbering about 25,000 men. His 
 route had been over a by-road through the forest, diag 
 onally across my front, and approaching within two or 
 three miles of the right of the Eleventh Corps." 
 
 Whether it was good generalship in view of the in 
 formation thus obtained of the strength and direction of 
 this hostile body, to be content with giving orders to 
 " follow it up," admits of serious doubt. Birney was too 
 late to do more than to strike the rear guard, while the 
 main column pushed on to its destination. Jackson s 
 object ought to have been apparent to General Hooker, 
 and something more should have been done than to fol 
 low him up, unless such following up could have brought 
 him to a stand and forced him to accept battle under 
 circumstances less favorable to him than they would be 
 at the right of the Union Army, whither he was evi 
 dently going. But that he had not been arrested in his 
 march that, in fact, he had strided on, regardless of 
 the turmoil of battle in his rear was manifest, and yet 
 General Hooker seems to have taken no steps to meet 
 the impending onset. Instead of doing so, he weakened 
 his right flank by sending two brigades from it to Sickles. 
 The next he hears from Jackson s column is the out 
 burst of battle on the right, at six in the evening. If 
 the two divisions of Sickles Corps, which had been thus 
 thrown to the front, had been at once recalled, and, with 
 the other reserves of the army, had been posted on the 
 right, to support the threatened flank, the result of Jack 
 son s attack ought to have been the very reverse of what 
 it was. 
 
 Jackson, meantime pushed on, and reaching the 
 Brock Road, turned the head of his column to the right, 
 and marching in a northerly direction, crossed the plank 
 road, and bending to the eastward, crossed the old turn 
 pike about a mile beyond the right of Hooker s line. 
 
1863.] JACKSON FALLS UPON DEVENS. 375 
 
 Here he halted and prepared his column for the assault. 
 His design was to swing his left around the right flank 
 and strike the rear of the Eleventh Corps, and at the 
 same time deliver a furious attack along its front. 
 
 General Devens Division of the Eleventh Corps oc 
 cupied the extreme right of the Union line, and the 
 two right regiments were formed so as to present nearly 
 a right angle to the general course of the Federal posi 
 tion in military parlance they were "refused," so as 
 to present a front to any force moving upon the works 
 from the westward. But there were no natural obstacles 
 on this flank upon which to rest it it was "in air/ 
 There were no reserves to the right division, except two 
 regiments, and nearly the whole of the Eleventh and 
 Twelfth Corps were posted on the line . 
 
 Jackson s attack was made with his usual impetu 
 osity, at about six o clock in the evening, and the force 
 of the blow fell upon General Devens Division, and at 
 first, principally upon the two regiments which were 
 "refused." Devens at once ordered up his two reserve 
 regiments and made a stubborn fight against absolutely 
 overwhelming odds. His entire division consisted of but 
 two brigades, numbering less than four thousand men, 
 and against these was being hurled, with all the energy 
 of their enthusiastic leader, and with all the elan inspir 
 ed by the initial success of preceding operations, 22,000 
 men. Unless this fiank was supported, and that soon, 
 there was but one result to be anticipated the right 
 would inevitably be crushed. Two divisions of the army 
 constituting a part of its reserves, were floundering in 
 the thicket two or three miles in front of the line, sup 
 posed to be "following up " this movement, and liable 
 to be cut off by the advance of Jackson s column ; the 
 residue of the reserves were posted near the Chancellor 
 House, and too remote to be of any avail. The situation 
 could scarcely have been worse if planned with a view 
 to facilitate the operations of the assaulting column. 
 
376 CHANCELLORSVILLE CAMPAIGN. [1863. 
 
 Devens made the best disposition he could of his own 
 division to meet the rebel on-set, and when the at 
 tack had fully developed, and he saw the purpose of the 
 Confederate commander to be the disruption of our right 
 and an advance down the old turnpike, sweeping the 
 rear of the Federal line, he at once sent an aide to General 
 Schurz, commanding the next division on his left, in 
 forming him of the character of the attack, and sug 
 gesting that he change front across the road. This was 
 done by one of General Schurz s brigades, that of Gen 
 eral Schimmelfennig, who changed front to the west, 
 and nearly perpendicular to the established line. 
 
 Jackson s attack on Devens "refused" wing was 
 made by a column of battalions en masse, while heavy 
 lines enveloped his extreme right, and extended across 
 his front to the left. Pushing the left of his line around 
 Devens right, Jackson opened a heavy fire upon the 
 Hank and rear of the Federals. No troops can long be 
 held to their work under such circumstances, and after 
 a very determined resistance upon the part of officers 
 and men, the division gave way and retired in confusion. 
 General Schimmelfennig s Brigade were next encoun 
 tered by the exultant and yelling Rebels, and their 
 advance was checked for nearly an hour. General Dev 
 ens succeeded in re-forming a portion of his division 
 at this point, and contributed in retarding the advance 
 of the foe. Meantime, General Howard had directed 
 General Stein wehr, who commanded his third division, 
 to change front, which was accomplished in time to re 
 ceive the enemy s attack, but he could only offer a tem 
 porary resistance to the masses brought against him, 
 and was compelled to fall back. General Howard per 
 sonally directed the operations of his Corps from the 
 time the right gave way, and displayed great coolness 
 and gallantry on the field. Of General Devens, General 
 Howard said : u Your own conduct was noble and self- 
 sacrificing in the extreme. More than an hour after the 
 
1863.] LEE ATTACKS LEFT AND CENTRE FEARFUL CONFUSION. 377 
 
 attack, I saw you still rallying men, forming lines to re 
 sist the enemy s attack, though suffering from a severe 
 and painful wound received early in the action." Gen 
 eral Devens had received a painful wound in the foot 
 early in the action, but he continued in command until 
 the battle was over, and remained on the field in an am 
 bulance during that night and the next day. 
 
 About the time Jackson burst upon the right of 
 Hooker s line, Lee, with his 13,000 men made a deter 
 mined attack upon the front of the left and centre, 
 held by the Corps of Couch and Slocum. The attack 
 was in aid of Jackson s operations rather than with any 
 expectation of carrying the works. The resistance of 
 the Eleventh Corps had delayed Jackson nearly two 
 hours and it was now growing dark, but the Confeder 
 ates were still advancing down the line with the pros 
 pect of sweeping the entire Federal Army out of its 
 works. The utmost confusion reigned within the lines 
 of the Unionists ; the noise of battle, now extending 
 along the front for two miles and rolling up from the 
 right with increasing volume, as position after position 
 was gained by the exultant rebels, swept in threaten 
 ing thunders over the Headquarters of General Hooker 
 at the Chancellor House. Flying men, riderless horses, 
 caissons with and without drivers, artillery carriages, 
 army wagons, all crowded and struggled over the nar 
 row road, seeking to escape the shot and shell that 
 rained around them and the swarming hordes that came 
 yelling in their rear. 
 
 Hooker now appeared in person upon the scene and 
 riding to the head of his old division, then commanded 
 by General Berry, which with a brigade of the Second 
 Corps had been held in reserve near Headquarters, 
 double-quicked them in the direction of the approach 
 ing rebels and ordered Berry to seize and hold, if pos 
 sible, a point of high ground a little to the right of the 
 Twelfth Corps, and which had constituted a part of the 
 
378 CHANCELLORSVILLE CAMPAIGN. [1863. 
 
 line of the Eleventh. It was a commanding position 
 and its possession by the enemy would endanger the 
 residue of the line. Hooker shouted to Berry above the 
 roar of battle : " Throw your men into the breach re 
 ceive the enemy on your bayonets don t fire a shot 
 they can t see you!" (N. Y. Times, May 5, 1863.) 
 Berry advanced some three-quarters of a mile and find 
 ing that the enemy were already in possession of the 
 coveted point, he halted and formed line of battle across 
 the road. 
 
 General Pleasonton, who had been acting in support 
 of General Sickles movement against Jackson s march 
 ing column, in the afternoon, opportunely returned to 
 the lines at this moment and at once comprehended the 
 situation and saw that immediate and effective action 
 was necessary to prevent a stampede of the entire army. 
 He had but two regiments of cavalry with him and one 
 battery of horse artillery. The woods on Pleason 
 ton s left were filled with Confederates who were rap 
 idly advancing, and it was necessary that they should 
 be brought to a halt. It was a most unpromising place 
 for a cavalry charge, but Pleasonton had no other 
 forces to employ and what was required was immediate 
 action. Turning to Major Keenan, commanding the 
 Eighth Pennsylvania regiment, he said : "Major, you 
 must charge in these woods with your regiment and 
 hold the rebels until I can get some of these guns into 
 position. You must do it at all cost." The Major re 
 plied : " General, I will do it." He made the charge in 
 gallant style and fell dead at the head of his regiment. 
 Pleasonton says: "I mentioned, (selected) the Major, 
 because I knew his character so well ; that he was the 
 man for the occasion. He replied to me with a smile on 
 his face, although it was almost certain death. Gen 
 eral, I will do it." Major Keenan s charge surprised 
 and alarmed the rebels and brought them to a tempor 
 ary halt. Pleasonton availed himself of the opportu- 
 
1863.] "GENERAL, i WILL DO IT !" SAVES THE ARMY. 379 
 
 nity to put his battery in position, unlimber and double 
 shot it with canister. Gathering the passing and aban 
 doned guns, he soon had twenty- two cannon in position 
 and each one double shotted. Soon a blaze of fire burst 
 out of the woods in front of Pleasonton, and a multi 
 tude of the enemy came charging upon the guns. Pleas 
 onton had cautioned his gunners not to fire until he 
 gave the command and to aim their pieces at the ground- 
 line of the parapet lately occupied by the Eleventh 
 Corps. A moment later and the command l Fire / rang 
 out, and twenty-two cannon, filled almost to the muz 
 zles with canister, hurled their deadly missiles into the 
 charging throng. The discharge swept their ranks 
 away it seemed to blow them, bodily, over the parapet. 
 They several times returned to the assault only to be 
 met by the same consuming fire, and they abandoned 
 the attempt to make any farther progress for the night* 
 This was one of the most soldier-like and gallant ex 
 ploits of that fatal day, and but for it the enemy might, 
 and probably would, have swept on until they had 
 taken our entire line in reverse. To no man more than 
 to General Pleasonton is due the credit of having saved 
 the Army from utter rout. 
 
 At midnight Ward s Brigade of Birney s division, 
 under orders from General Sickles, made a successful 
 attack upon the Confederates and drove them back 
 across the Union line of works and reoccupied General 
 Howard s rifle-pits, and recovered several pieces of ar 
 tillery and some caissons which had been abandoned 
 during the day. Thus, the final success of the day s 
 operations was with the Union Army. 
 
 The bold and tireless enthusiast who directed and 
 inspired the column which smote Hooker s right, had 
 himself been stricken down, in the moment of his first 
 success, by the fire of his over-zealous followers. With 
 the religious faith and formal severity of a Puritan, and 
 with the sincerity and devotion to the Confederate cause 
 
380 CHANCELLORSVILLE CAMPAIGN. 
 
 of a Crusader, Jackson strongly impressed his officers 
 and men with the faith that animated himself in his 
 invincibility and in the ultimate success of the cause in 
 which they were engaged. His brief military career had 
 been exceptionally striking and was surrounded with a 
 halo of romance which tended to magnify his martial 
 exploits and win the unbounded admiration of his 
 people. But with all his dash and enthusiasm he was 
 a remarkably discreet leader, and conducted his opera 
 tions upon well-considered plans, and it was in the 
 pursuit of information upon which to guide his conduct 
 in the further operations against Hookers right that he 
 received the wounds of which he soon after died. John 
 Esten Cooke, in his life of General Lee, narrates the 
 circumstances attending the wounding of Jackson. 
 " It was now between nine and ten P. M., and Jackson 
 rode to the front to reconnoitre. The fighting had 
 ceased the moon was shining through misty clouds. 
 Jackson rode forward on the Chancellorsville road a 
 hundred yards in advance of his lines, with a few 
 officers, and halted to listen. Suddenly a volley from 
 his own infantry, was fired into his party several of 
 whom fell from their horses. Wheeling to the left, 
 Jackson galloped into the woods to escape a second 
 volley. In doing so, he passed in front of his men who 
 fired upon him, at twenty paces, and wounded him in 
 three places twice in his left arm and once in his right 
 hand. He dropped the reins from the left hand as the 
 bullets passed through that arm, and seized them in his 
 bleeding right hand. His horse wheeled suddenly and 
 dashed off towards Chancellorsville. He passed be 
 neath the limb of a pine tree which struck Jackson in 
 the face and tore off his cap and nearly dismounted 
 him. He retained his seat, however, and regained the 
 road, when he was met by Captain Wilbourn, one of his 
 staff officers." In "The Life of Stonewall Jackson, by 
 a Virginian," it is said that Jackson had ordered A. P. 
 
1863.] JACKSON MORTALLY HURT. 381 
 
 Hill to advance with his division, and to reserve his fire 
 unless cavalry approached from the direction of the 
 enemy, and that Jackson with his staff, rode forward 
 to the skirmish line. That there he ordered an aide to 
 ride back and tell Hill to press right on. Soon after 
 giving this order, he, himself turned and rode back at a 
 trot, followed by his staff. The little body of horsemen 
 were mistaken for Federal Cavalry and fired upon as 
 described. Captain Bos well was killed ; Colonel Crutch- 
 field, Chief of Artillery was wounded, and two couriers 
 were killed. The bone of Jackson s left arm was shat 
 tered, and the chief artery severed ; another ball, 
 entering the same arm between the elbow and wrist, 
 passed out through the palm of the hand. This writer 
 says Jackson fell from his horse and was caught by 
 Captain Wormly, to whom he said, "All my wounds 
 are by my own men." This writer adds, that the fire 
 which wounded Jackson, was responded to by the 
 Federals who made a sudden advance ; and, the Con 
 federates falling back, their foes actually charged over- 
 Jackson s body. Subsequently regaining the ground, 
 Jackson was placed upon a litter and borne to the rear, 
 amid a heavy fire from the Federal lines. One of the 
 litter-bearers was shot down, and the General fell from 
 the shoulders of the men, receiving a severe contusion, 
 adding to the injuries of the arm, and injuring the side 
 severely. The Federal artillery fire, he says, was terri 
 ble, and the wounded General was left for five minutes 
 until the fire slackened, when he was placed in an am 
 bulance and borne to the rear. He died eight days 
 afterwards at Guineas Station, five miles from Chancel- 
 lorsville. Jackson was wounded about the time of the 
 operations of General Pleasonton, above described, and 
 the "terrible" artillery fire was no doubt from his 
 guns. 
 
CHAPTER XXVIII. 
 
 THE ELEVENTH CORPS MADE THE SCAPE-GOAT IS IT JUST ? GENERAL 
 SICKLES STATEMENT FALLACY OF HOOKER S STATEMENT REYNOLDS 
 ORDERED TO THE RIGHT SEDGWICK ORDERED TO MARCH TO CHAN- 
 
 CELLORSVILLE DIFFICULTIES IN THE WAY CARRIES MARIE S HILL 
 
 MARCHES ON WHAT HAPPENED MEANTIME AT CHANCELLORSVILLE 
 LEE SENDS M LAWS TO MEET SEDGWICK SUNDAY S FIGHT AT SALEM 
 CHURCH HOOKER S OPPORTUNITY MONDAY S FIGHT AT SALEM CHURCH 
 
 SEDGWICK CROSSES THE RIVER LEE PREPARES TO RENEW ATTACK 
 
 ON HOOKER LATTER CROSSES RAPPAHANNOCK UNEQUAL TO THE 
 COMMAND HOOKER S ORDER SOPHISTICAL STONEMAN S OPERATIONS 
 LEE S ORDER LOSSES HOOKER. 
 
 GENERAL HOOKEK, unlike Burnside, seeks a scape-goat 
 to bear the blame for the misfortunes of his army at 
 Chancellorsville, and the Eleventh Corps is made to 
 carry the burden not only through the Wilderness, but 
 through every history of the campaign which has since 
 been written, and the foundation for this generally 
 accepted state of facts is the allegation of General 
 Hooker himself at the time of the occurrence, and re 
 peated before the Committee on the Conduct of the War, 
 that "The bad conduct of the Eleventh Corps had cost 
 me the key of my position, and had very much embar 
 rassed me by contracting my sphere of action. The 
 Eleventh Corps had been completely surprised and dis 
 gracefully routed," and very much more to the same 
 effect. General Hooker says that the dispositions for 
 defence were inadequate on the right, and that no 
 pickets were on the alert to advise of the approach of 
 the enemy. He says, "It has been reported to me that 
 the Corps-commander was under the impression that 
 the enemy was retiring" 
 
 The fault of position of the Eleventh Corps, if there 
 was any, is not chargeable to the Corps-commander, for 
 
 382 
 
1863.] FALLACY OF HOOKER S STATEMENT. 383 
 
 he held the position he was assigned to. General De- 
 vens testified before the Committee that G-eneral Hooker 
 visited his portion of the line on Saturday morning, ac 
 companied by G-eneral Howard, and that the latter 
 asked General Hooker "if the dispositions were satis 
 factory, and he replied that they were." General 
 Sickles stated, before the same Committee that he ac 
 companied General Hooker on this occasion, and "the 
 condition of affairs, as it seemed to him (Hooker), and I 
 think to others who accompanied him, and as was re 
 ported to me by Generals Howard and Slocum, was en 
 tirely satisfactory." 
 
 As to the charge that the Eleventh Corps was sur 
 prised, it is shown by General Devens statement that 
 the column of Jackson was seen from the right, as it 
 passed over a high point of the road (near the "Fur 
 nace)" about eleven o clock in the morning ; and that 
 he sent an aide, Lieutenant H. G. Davis, to report the 
 fact to General Howard. General Howard informed 
 Lieutenant Davis that he had already observed the 
 movement, and that it was known at General Hooker s 
 Headquarters. It appears from the same statement, 
 that the picket line of the Eleventh Corps was from 
 half to three-quarters of a mile beyond the line, and 
 that during the day they were frequently engaged with 
 the enemy s skirmishers. About two or three o clock 
 in the afternoon, two soldiers, who had been sent out 
 especially to observe and report the enemy s move 
 ments, came in and stated that the enemy was massing 
 heavily on the Federal right. These men General De 
 vens at once sent to General Howard, and from thence 
 they were sent to General Hooker s headquarters. The 
 skirmish line of the Eleventh Corps met the enemy s 
 advance well in front and resisted it with great deter 
 mination, but was finally driven back upon the main 
 line. The right division, Devens , which General 
 Hooker says " was flying, panic-strickeu to the rear," 
 
384 CHANCELLORSVILLE CAMPAIGN. [1863. 
 
 contained something less than four thousand men, and 
 its loss was sixteen hundred. Among them were 
 nearly every brigade and regimental commander, and 
 the division-commander himself was wounded. These 
 facts show that the corps did some fighting, and go far 
 to disprove the injurious imputations of the Com 
 mander of the Army. 
 
 If " the corps-commander was under the impression 
 that the enemy was retiring," (which seems hardly 
 probable when he was sending information to General 
 Hooker that he was massing on his right), he was by no 
 means singular, for Hooker himself believed the fact to 
 be so, and as late as Saturday afternoon wrote to Gen 
 eral Sedgwick, " The General commanding directs that 
 General Sedgwick cross the river as soon as indications 
 will permit ; capture Fredericksburg, with everything 
 in it, and vigorously pursue the enemy. We know the 
 enemy is flying, trying to save his trains ; two of 
 Sickles divisions are among them." (General Sedg 
 wick s testimony before the Committee.) Did General 
 Sickles, too, believe this? He stated before the Com 
 mittee that " The direction which the enemy s column 
 took, judging from what information we had of the 
 country, and from the maps we had, was susceptible of 
 two interpretations. It was, perhaps, a movement in 
 retreat ; for they had a large train with them, a great 
 many wagons, and all arms, except cavalry, were in 
 large force. I forced the column to abandon the road 
 which they were taking, and seeing no further move 
 ment of the enemy s troops, we supposed for a time 
 that they had, perhaps, abandoned the operation, if it 
 was a movement of a column for the purpose of attack ; 
 or if it was a movement for a retreat, that they had 
 taken a more available route. A reconnoisance was 
 then pushed out, which resulted in ascertaining that 
 the movement of the enemy still continued." But 
 whitherward ? This, General Sickles omits to state. 
 
1863.] SEDGWICK ORDERED TO CHANCELLORSVILLE. gg5 
 
 It is manifest that Gfenerals Hooker and Sickles both 
 believed this was a retreat, and that accounts for the 
 extraordinary position of two of General Sickles di 
 visions when the attack was made on the right, and for 
 the failure of General Hooker to move his supports to 
 the imperilled flank in season. 
 
 If the "key" of the position had been wrenched 
 from the Eleventh Corps, it had been regained by Gen 
 erals Pleasonton and Sickles during the night of Sat 
 urday, and the enemy had probably suffered as much 
 from the fighting of that day and night as the Federals 
 had. Therefore, it would seem not to have been a good 
 ground upon which to base a reason for the subsequent 
 dispositions of the Army, and, least of all for the ulti 
 mate retreat. 
 
 On the morning of the second of May, General 
 Hooker ordered General Reynolds to join him with the 
 First Corps. This left Sedgwick with his own Corps, 
 and General Gibbons division of the Second Corps, 
 less one brigade which had been ordered to Banks 
 Ford. After the disaster on his right Saturday night, 
 General Hooker telegraphed to General Sedgwick to at 
 once take up his line of march on the Chancellorsville 
 road until he connected with the main body of the Fed 
 eral army, "and you will attack and destroy any force 
 you may fall in with on the road." In this dispatch 
 Sedgwick was informed, You will probably fall upon 
 the rear of the forces commanded by General Lee, and, 
 between you and the Major-General commanding, he 
 expects to use him up." While this movement was 
 going on General Gibbon was directed to take posses 
 sion of Fredericksburg. 
 
 This order for General Sedgwick s advance reached 
 him at eleven o clock on Saturday night, about three 
 miles below Fredericksburg, making the distance be 
 tween him and Chancellorsville about fourteen miles. 
 Before he could "take up his line of march on the 
 
36 CHANCELLORSVILLE CAMPAIGN. [1863. 
 
 Chancellorsville Road," he had to carry the heights of 
 Fredericksburg, where Early was posted with about 
 fr,000 men, behind works that had resisted the onset of 
 Burnside s army. After removing this obstruction to 
 Ms advance, he had the army of General Lee to encoun 
 ter, which now held General Hooker shut up in the 
 penetralia of the "Wilderness." If Hook er, with 
 sixty thousand men, (and when Reynolds joined him 
 he had eighty thousand) could not fight his way to 
 Sedgwick, how could the latter with but twenty-two 
 thousand fight his way to Hooker ? If Mahomet could 
 not go to the mountain, surely the mountain could 
 not come to Mahomet. 
 
 At eleven o clock on Sunday morning, the third of 
 May, Sedgwick assaulted and carried the heights at 
 Marie s, capturing a large number of prisoners and 
 several guns. Sedgwick had left his position below 
 Fredericksburg during the night, and the enemy had 
 opposed his march all the way to Fredericksburg, and 
 fought valiantly to hold their works there. When the 
 heights had been carried, Sedgwick pushed on towards 
 Chancellorsville. 
 
 But meantime, momentous events were transpiring 
 at Chancellorsville. General Hooker had directed Gen 
 erals Warren and Comstock, on Saturday night, to 
 trace out a new line for the Federal Army to fall back 
 upon, and before daylight it was withdrawn to this new 
 position. At dawn the Confederates began to move 
 npon the Union Line. J. E. B. Stuart, who had suc 
 ceeded to the command of Jackson s corps, (Hill having 
 been wounded) advanced against the right of the line now 
 held by Sickles, a part of Slocum s corps, and French s 
 division of Couch s corps, and which faced nearly 
 westward, from whence Stuart s attack would come. 
 The rest of Slocum s corps and Hancock s division of 
 Couch s corps formed the centre and left, covering the 
 roads from Chancellorsville to Fredericksburg. Han- 
 
1863.] WHAT HAPPENED MEANTIME AT CHANCELLORSVILLE. 837 
 
 cock s left brigade was "refused" so as to face nearly 
 eastward, to prevent the enemy passing to the rear of 
 our lines. Thus the line described nearly the three 
 sides of a hollow square, facing east, south and west. 
 
 Stuart gradually extended his right toward Lee, who 
 had opened the action on his part of the line at the 
 same moment Stuart s attack began. Lee s blow fell 
 upon the centre and left of Hooker s line, and was met 
 by the Federals with a determined front. McLaws, 
 who confronted Hancock, was handsomely repulsed 
 with heavy loss, but Anderson succeeded in gaining 
 ground in front of Slocum, and finally reached out his 
 left and met Stuart s approaching right, and the rebel 
 army was once more united, and, by a thin line, encom 
 passed Hooker s position. Lee had, meantime, posted 
 thirty cannon on the elevated position, which had been 
 abandoned on the right and enfiladed Slocum s line. 
 He sent word of the fact to Hooker, and desired to 
 know if any movements were being made to relieve him, 
 or if he might expect re-enforcements and ammunition. 
 Hooker replied that he could not make soldiers or am 
 munition ; yet, at that very moment 30,000 men were 
 disengaged, and so continued throughout the action. 
 
 Lee now gave the order for his whole line to ad 
 vance. With wild yells and shouts of "Charge, and 
 remember Jackson," the rebels rushed upon the Federal 
 works. Repulsed at different points, and especially in 
 Sickles front, they returned to the attack again and 1 
 again, until the Union line began to waver, and finally 
 give ground. Shot and shell were now pouring as thick 
 as hail stones around the Chancellor House, and one of 
 the pillars of the piazza against which General Hooker 
 was standing was shattered by a cannon ball, and the 
 General overthrown and stunned by the concussion. A 
 considerable interval followed, during which the Army 
 was without a head to direct its operations or to issue 
 an order. Reports and applications for re-enforcements 
 
388 CHANCELLOKSVILLE CAMPAIGN. [1863. 
 
 came from different parts of the struggling line, but 
 there was no one to act in the unlooked-for emergency. 
 Sickles was making a most gallant fight on his part of 
 the line, but the enemy were pressing him with great 
 numbers and resolution. His ammunition was nearly 
 exhausted, and he sent his aide, Major Tremaine, to 
 general headquarters with a request for re-enforce 
 ments and ammunition. Tremaine found Hooker, pros 
 trate and surrounded by his staff, who supposed the 
 General to be dead or dying, and could get no attention 
 to his message. General Couch, next in rank to 
 Hooker, finally assumed command, and the army was 
 again retired toward the river, surrendering the Chancel 
 lor House and the roads to Fredericksburg. Fortu 
 nately, an interior line of works had been constructed 
 a mile in rear of that just abandoned, in which were 
 posted the Corps of Meade and Reynolds. The army 
 fought its way back to these works in tolerable order, 
 and again faced the advancing foe. Hooker s head 
 quarters had but just been removed from the Chancellor 
 House when its battered walls took fire, and it was 
 burned down. 
 
 It was ten o clock in the morning when the Confed 
 erates obtained possession of Chancellorsville. A most 
 desperate struggle of six hours duration had made an 
 interval of rest desirable to each army. Moreover, the 
 Confederates had won their triumph at a heavy cost of 
 officers and men, and General Lee paused to re-arrange 
 his lines and restore the formation of his troops. The 
 works into which the Federals had now retired were in 
 the form of a redan, with the left flank resting on the 
 Rappahannock, and the right upon the Rapidan, which 
 streams unite in rear of the works, and just below the 
 point of union, is the United States Ford. 
 
 As Lee was about to renew his assault, he received 
 information of the storming of Fredericksburg Heights 
 and the retreat of Early, and the advance of Sedgwick s 
 
186o.J HOOKER S OPPORTUNITY. 389 
 
 Corps on his rear. Without a moment s hesitation, he 
 detached the brigades of Mali one, Kershaw, Wofford, 
 and Semmes, under General McLaws, to take up their 
 march towards Fredericksburg, and arrest the advance 
 of Sedgwick. Wilcox s Brigade, which had been 
 guarding Banks Ford, was ordered to join these 
 forces, and the remnant of Early s command was di 
 rected to fall on Sedgwick s rear. While most of 
 Early s command had been forced off in the direction 
 of the Bowling Green and Telegraph roads, and were 
 therefore now in Sedgwick s rear, Barksdale s Brigade 
 had taken the Plank road and moved toward Chancel- 
 lorsville. So it happened that when Barksdale reached 
 Salem Church, some four miles from Fredericksburg, 
 and opposite Banks Ford, he met the brigade of Wil- 
 cox, up from which it had just marched. The position 
 for a defensive battle was all that could be desired a 
 bold ridge running perpendicular to the road, with a 
 wooded crest and an open country in front, over which 
 the Federals must advance. Forming line of battle 
 along this ridge, they awaited the approach of Sedg 
 wick s column, and received it with a well-directed and 
 steady fire. The Federals made repeated attempts to 
 carry this position, but they were repulsed with heavy 
 loss. McLaws had now arrived and assumed command 
 of operations, and the struggle went on until night, 
 without a change in the relative position of the forces. 
 Monday morning showed an augmentation of the rebel 
 strength, and attacks were now delivered along Sedg 
 wick s flank, and hostile troops were gathering in his 
 rear. They had reoccupied the Fredericksburg Heights, 
 and while they barred his advance, they threatened to 
 to cut off his line of retreat. Hooker, meantime, with 
 the bulk of his army around him, lay quietly within his 
 works, while Lee, with a mere handful of men, con 
 fronted him. General Hooker stated to the Committee 
 that " My object in ordering General Sedgwick forward 
 
390 CHANCELLORSVILLE CAMPAIGN. [1863. 
 
 at the time named, was to relieve me from the position 
 in which I found myself at Chancellorsville on the 
 night of the second of May." And he adds, that he 
 supposed such movement would induce Lee to retreat. 
 Never did a General have a more favorable opportunity 
 offered him to deal his antagonist a mortal blow than 
 Hooker had at this moment, at Chancellorsville. He 
 should have marched out of his works, dispersed the 
 insignificant force Lee had in hand, and pressed for 
 ward to the relief of Sedgwick. With a modicum of 
 generalship, and with one-half the energy he had dis 
 played before he met the enemy, Hooker might have 
 destroyed the rebel army, even so late as the fourth of 
 May. 
 
 Impatient of this menace in his rear, and convinced 
 that no fight remained in Hooker, Lee sent Anderson 
 with three additional brigades on Monday morning, to 
 re-enforce the Confederates at Salem Church. It was 
 late in the afternoon before Anderson could get his men 
 in the position from which he purposed to assail Sedg 
 wick s left, and, if possible, close up his avenue of 
 escape towards the river. At six o clock the battle 
 burst out furiously on Sedgwick s front and left, and 
 until dark the fighting was of the most desperate char 
 acter on both sides. The Federals had been forced to 
 yield ground, and the left of Sedgwick s line had been 
 pressed back toward the direction of Banks Ford. 
 Night, fortunately, put an end to the combat, and un 
 der its cover, Sedgwick withdrew from the field, and 
 reaching the Rappahannock at Banks Ford, crossed 
 to the north side over a pontoon bridge, which had been 
 laid by the Federals after the withdrawal of Wilcox. 
 
 Sedgwick having been thus disposed of, Lee recalled 
 his troops to Chancellorsville on Tuesday, and position 
 ed them for the final assault on Hooker s lines, which 
 the Confederate commander proposed to make on Wed 
 nesday morning. Hooker dreaded the impending blow,. 
 
1863. J HOOKER S ORDER SOPHISTICAL. 391 
 
 and summoned his corps-commanders to a council of 
 war. They, appreciating the condition of disorganiza 
 tion and demoralization to which the army had been re 
 duced by the unwisdom and vacillations of the command 
 er, assented to the proposition to " ingloriously fly" to 
 the north side of the Rappahannock, and that night the 
 army regained the other bank without molestation. 
 When the rebel skirmishers advanced at daylight next 
 morning, they found no foe to dispute their occupation 
 of the Federal works. 
 
 Such were the misfortunes, and such the conclusion 
 of a campaign which opened with promising auspices of 
 success. A superb army animated by the highest 
 hopes, and confident of winning, at last, a victory over 
 its obstinate adversary that should go far toward end 
 ing the rebellion, found, at the conclusion of this brief 
 campaign, that the old fatality still overhung it, and 
 that its fate was, to be led to useless slaughter. Once 
 more the mournful words were written under the name 
 of the new commander, " Unequal to his exalted posi 
 tion!- Silently, dispiritedly, the army returned to its 
 old camping-ground, and sat down to reflect upon the 
 mysterious providence which had so strangely over 
 ruled its destiny ; had so dazed and confounded the 
 usually clear intellect of the keen-eyed and handsome 
 soldier who had won its confidence, and whom it so re 
 cently delighted to honor. 
 
 On reaching camp, General Hooker issued an Order 
 in which he said: "The Major-General commanding, 
 tenders to this army his congratulations on its achieve 
 ments of the last seven days. If it has not accom 
 plished all that was expected, the reasons are well 
 known to the army. It is sufficient to say they were of 
 a character not to be foreseen, nor prevented by human 
 sagacity or resources." It was entirely true that the 
 reasons of failure were "well know a to the army," and 
 they did not tend to mitigate the chagrin and mortifi- 
 
392 CHANCELLOKSVILLE CAMPAIGN. [1863. 
 
 cation that officers and men alike felt for the disgraceful 
 failure of this campaign, but there was an almost uni 
 versal non-concurrence in the statement, that the causes 
 of failure were u of a character not to be foreseen nor 
 prevented by human sagacity or resources." On the 
 contrary, it was apparent that the exercise of very or 
 dinary sagacity and. the most moderate amount of re 
 sources, would have secured a glorious triumph to the 
 Union arms. 
 
 He proceeds to speak of the withdrawal from the 
 south side of the river in such sophistical terms as these : 
 " In withdrawing from the south bank of the Rappa- 
 hannock before delivering a general battle to our ad 
 versaries, the army has given renewed evidence of its 
 confidence in itself and its fidelity to the principles it 
 represents. In fighting at a disadvantage, we would 
 have been recreant to our trust, to ourselves, our cause, 
 and our country. Profoundly loyal, and conscious of 
 its strength, the Army of the Potomac will give or de 
 cline battle whenever its interest or its honor may de 
 mand. It will also be the guardian of its own history 
 and its own honor." In this paragraph General Hook 
 er seems to have forgotten the boast of seven days ago 
 that the enemy must fight him on ground of his own 
 choosing, or ingloriously fly. 
 
 He again refers to the successful crossing of the 
 rivers in his advance, and to the equally successful re- 
 crossing in his retreat, and concludes with the follow 
 ing somewhat consolatory paragraph : The events of 
 the last week may swell with pride the heart of every 
 officer and soldier of this army. We have added new 
 lustre to its former renown. We have made long 
 marches, crossed rivers, surprised the enemy in his en 
 trenchments, and, wherever we have fought, have in 
 flicted heavier blows than we have received. We have 
 taken from the enemy 5,000 prisoners, fifteen colors ; 
 -captured and brought off seven pieces of artillery ; 
 
1863.] STONEMAN S OPERATIONS LEE S ORDER. 393 
 
 placed Tiors de combat 18,000 of his chosen troops ; de 
 stroyed his depots filled with vast amounts of stores ; 
 deranged his communications ; captured prisoners with 
 in the fortifications of his capital, and filled his country 
 with fear and consternation. We have no other regret 
 than that caused by the loss of our brave companions ; 
 and in this we are consoled by the conviction that they 
 have fallen in the holiest cause ever submitted to the 
 arbitrament of battle." 
 
 The destruction of depots and derangement of com 
 munications, and capture of prisoners within the fortifi 
 cations of his capital, herein claimed, are supposed to 
 refer to the operations of the cavalry under General 
 Stoneman. With everything in its favor, it was, prob 
 ably, the most utter abortion of the war if it were 
 possible that there could be, then it was a more ab 
 solute failure than Hooker s. Suffice it to say, that 
 with scarcely any opposition, the utmost Stoneman 
 accomplished, with his splendid cavalry of ten thousand 
 sabres, was to do a little damage to the James and 
 Kanawha Canal, burn two or three turnpike bridges, 
 cut a railroad in a couple of places so inefficiently that 
 the Rebels repaired it before the clatter of the horses 
 hoofs had died out, captured and paroled a train-load of 
 sick Confederates, destroyed a small quantity of stores, 
 and rode back ! The total loss of the cavalry corps in 
 the operations described in this chapter was 145, most 
 of which occurred at Chancellorsville, among the small 
 force under Pleasonton. Hooker, when he came to 
 understand the true state of the case, relieved Stone 
 man, and assigned General Pleasonton to the command. 
 From thenceforth our cavalry was a very efficient arm 
 of the service. 
 
 It may be interesting to compare the Order issued by 
 General Lee with that of General Hooker, and I there 
 fore incorporate it. He said: "With heartfelt gratifi 
 cation, the General commanding expresses to the Army 
 
394 CHANCELLOBSVILLE CAMPAIGN. [1863. 
 
 his sense of the heroic conduct displayed by officers and 
 men during the arduous operations in which they have 
 just been engaged. 
 
 "Under trying vicissitudes of heat and storm, you 
 attacked the enemy, strongly intrenched in the depths 
 of a tangled wilderness, and again on the hills of Fred- 
 ericksburg, fifteen miles distant, and by the valor that 
 has triumphed on so many fields, forced him once more 
 to seek safety beyond the Rappahannock. While this 
 glorious victory entitles you to the praise and gratitude 
 of the nation, we are especially called upon to return 
 our grateful thanks to the only giver of victory, for the 
 signal deliverance He has wrought. 
 
 "It is, therefore, earnestly recommended that the 
 troops unite on Sunday next, in ascribing to the Lord 
 of Hosts the glory due His name. 
 
 "Let us not forget in our rejoicings, the brave sol 
 diers who have fallen in defense of their country ; and, 
 while we mourn their loss, let us resolve to emulate 
 their noble example. The army and the country alike 
 lament the absence for a time of one (Jackson, who was 
 supposed not to be mortally wounded) to whose bravery, 
 energy and skill, they are so much indebted for suc 
 cess." 
 
 In these operations the Union Army lost 17,197 offi 
 cers and men, distributed among the different corps and 
 arms of the service as follows : First Corps, Reynolds^ 
 292 ; Second Corps, Couch, 2,025 ; Third Corps, Sickles, 
 4,039; Fifth Corps, Meade, 699; Sixth Corps, Sedg- 
 wick, 4,601 ; Eleventh Corps, Howard, 2,508 ; Twelfth 
 Corps, Slocum, 2,883 ; Engineers, 3 ; Signal Corps, 2 ; 
 Cavalry, 145. The loss of the enemy was nearly or quite 
 as great as that of the Federals. 
 
 These operations proved that the Administration had 
 not yet found the man who was destined to lead the 
 Army of the Potomac to victory. At the head of a di 
 vision or a corps, Hooker had no superior ; he could 
 
1863.] HOOKER. 395 
 
 quickly perceive and take advantage of circumstances 
 which were embraced within the sweep of the eye, and 
 fight his men as long as there was a chance of success. 
 His bearing under fire was gallant and inspiring, and 
 his record in the various subordinate capacities which 
 he held is above praise, but his mental grasp was not 
 equal to the command of an army of a hundred thou 
 sand men, and he could not take in and comprehend 
 the various phases and demands of a battle-field extend 
 ing over miles of country and the operations on which 
 must be directed while they could not be seen. His 
 campaign was planned upon certain assumed facts, and 
 from these certain results were deducted, as inevitable, 
 and when this theory proved delusive, there was an 
 utter failure of resources to meet the changed condition 
 of things an intellectual obscuration ensued, which 
 was but partially enhanced by the shock of a cannon 
 ball. The magnitude of the situation was out of all 
 proportion to the capacity of the Federal commander, 
 and his mind became chaotic under the weight of its re 
 sponsibilities. 
 
CHAPTER XXIX. 
 
 RELATIVE CONDITION OF ARMIES LEE MOVES NORTH HOWE S RECON- 
 NOISSANCE REBEL CAVALRY AT CULPEPPER PLEASONTON GOES TO 
 LOOK AFTER THEM WELL DONE A DASH ACROSS THE POTOMAC 
 MILROY IN THE VALLEY OVERWHELMED HOOKER STARTS NORTH 
 REBELS AT CHAMBERSBURG HOOKER ACROSS THE BORDER LEVYING 
 TRIBUTE FRENCH AT MARYLAND HEIGHTS HALLECK REFUSES TO 
 SEND HIM TO HOOKER THE LATTER RESIGNS HIS ORDER THEREON 
 GENERAL MEADE APPOINTED DIFFERENCE IN CHARACTER MEADE S 
 ORDER IS GIVEN COMMAND OF FRENCH MEADE MOVES TOWARDS 
 THE ENEMY A CAVALRY ENCOUNTER LEE GATHERS HIS ARMY 
 AROUND GETTYSBURG LEE WAS OBLIGED TO FIGHT HE COULD NOT 
 AFFORD TO WAIT STUART ASTRAY ORDER OF MARCH ON NIGHT OF 
 THIRTIETH OF JUNE WHAT IT SHOWS. 
 
 ELATED by the successes gained over the Army of the 
 Potomac during the winter and spring, and counting 
 upon their disheartening effects among the people of 
 the loyal States knowing, moreover, that General 
 Hooker s army had been reduced in numbers by the 
 Chancellorsville Campaign about 20,000 men, and 
 that since that time it had undergone a further 
 diminution by the mustering out of some 20,000 nine 
 months and two years men, General Lee determined 
 to try his fortunes once more on loyal soil ; his army 
 was in the best spirit for such an enterprise, and, in the 
 language of General Longstreet, it was in a condition 
 " to undertake anything" (Swinton s Army of Poto 
 mac, p. 310.) Longstreet had returned from his fruit 
 less operations at Suffolk, with his two divisions, and a 
 large number of conscripts had joined I^ee s army, mak 
 ing its aggregate strength about ninety thousand men. 
 On the other hand, Hooker reported his infantry on 
 the thirteenth of May, at about eighty thousand men, 
 and on the twenty-seventh of the same month General 
 Pleasonton reported the effective cavalry at 4,677 horses 
 
 396 
 
1863.] LEE MOVES NORTH PLEASONTON LOOKING AFTER HIM. 397 
 
 a reduction of two-thirds its strength since March. 
 Thus it had come to pass that the rebel army was 
 numerically stronger than its opponent, and its morale 
 was of the very highest order. 
 
 On the third of June McLaw s division of Long- 
 street s corps began its march fronf Fredericksburg for 
 Culpepper Court House, and was followed next day by 
 the corps of Ewell and Hood. The route of march of 
 these forces was effectually screened by the hills and 
 woods on the south side of the Rappahannock. A. P. 
 Hill s corps was retained in the works at Fredericks- 
 burg, and so displayed as to represent the presence of 
 the entire army. But Hooker suspected that some 
 movement was afoot across the stream, and he ordered 
 General Howe to find out what it was. Howe crossed 
 with his division of the Sixth Corps at " Franklin s 
 Crossing " on the fifth of June, and made a demonstra 
 tion against the right of the enemy s lines. Hill met it 
 with such apparent confidence and force, that Howe 
 was impressed with the belief that the whole rebel 
 army was present, and after a little skirmishing, with 
 drew. 
 
 On the sixth of June Hooker learned that there was 
 a large concentration of rebel cavalry at Culpepper, and 
 he telegraphed General Hal leek on that day, saying : 
 "As the accumulation of the heavy rebel force of cav 
 alry about Culpepper may mean mischief, I am deter 
 mined, if practicable, to break it up in its incipiency. 
 I shall send all my cavalry against them, stiffened by 
 about three thousand infantry." Therefore Hooker di 
 rected Pleasonton to look after these rebel horsemen, 
 and "stiffened" him with the infantry brigades of 
 General Ames of the Eleventh Corps, and General 
 Russel of the Sixth, and two batteries. This force 
 moved up the Rappahannock, and was to cross in two 
 divisions at Kelly s and Beverly s Fords, some six miles 
 apart. Buford s brigade of cavalry, supported by 
 
398 GETTYSBURG CAMPAIGN. [1863. 
 
 Ames infantry, crossed Beverly s Ford at daylight on 
 the ninth of June, and was confronted by Jones s rebel 
 cavalry brigade and a small infantry force. Jones at 
 once charged the leading Union regiment, the Eighth 
 New York, killing B. F. Davis, its colonel, and putting 
 the regiment to flight. The Eighth Illinois cavalry 
 now in turn charged Jones, and forced him to fall back. 
 Russell now came up with his infantry, and Pleasonton 
 ordered him to attack the enemy in front while he fell 
 on their flank with the Sixth Pennsylvania cavalry, 
 supported by the Fifth and Sixth regulars. The com 
 bined attack was gallantly made, but two additional 
 regiments of rebel cavalry assailed the flank of Pleas 
 onton s flanking forces, and they were driven back with 
 loss. It was evident that Jones was being rapidly re- 
 enforced by both infantry and cavalry, and that Pleas - 
 onton s situation was becoming critical. Gregg, who 
 commanded his other cavalry division, which had 
 crossed at Kelly s, arrived on the field at one o clock, 
 having fought the enemy all along his route, and taken 
 150 prisoners. The country seemed to be full of Con 
 federate soldiers. Late in the afternoon Pleasonton 
 made an impetuous dash upon the foe in his front, and 
 forced him to retire upon his reserves, and then he with 
 drew his own troops across the river. His loss in this 
 days fighting was about five hundred men. Stuart, 
 who commanded the rebel cavalry, admitted a loss of 
 over six hundred men and two field officers killed, and 
 one general and two field officers wounded. 
 
 This spirited reconnoissance established the fact that 
 a very large cavalry and infantry force was in the neigh 
 borhood of Culpepper, and indicated a movement of the 
 entire rebel army toward some point on the Potomac. 
 Two days after Pleasonton s fight a rebel cavalry regi 
 ment appeared at Edwards Ferry, and dashed across 
 the river into Maryland, dispersed the Sixth Michigan 
 Cavalry picketing the river, burned their camp, and re- 
 
1863.] MILROY IN SHENANDOAH VALLEY. 399 
 
 crossed into Virginia. Hooker still held on to his lines 
 along the Rappahannock ; but he sent his sick and 
 wounded away, and watched and waited for further in 
 formation. He kept Howe s division across the river, 
 but hostilities were not resumed. 
 
 The Valley of the Shenandoah, which had been the 
 granary of Lee s army, and the route of its operations 
 time and again, was now guarded by about ten thou 
 sand men under command of General R. H. Milroy, 
 and distributed at points from Harper s Ferry up to 
 Front Royal, a town on the north side of the Blue 
 Ridge, and thirty-five miles southwest of the Ferry. 
 On the seventeenth of June the patrols reported the 
 enemy advancing; in force on the Front Royal road ; 
 and when Milroy sent out reconnoissances on the 
 different roads leading up the Valley to find out what 
 was going on, they encountered the enemy on every one 
 of them. A prisoner, taken in one of the numerous 
 skirmishes that ensued, communicated to Milroy the 
 astounding intelligence that the corps of Ewell and 
 Longstreet were in the vicinity, numbering about fifty 
 thousand men. Milroy gathered his little army to 
 gether at Winchester, and still seemed incredulous as 
 to the proximity of any considerable rebel force. He 
 believed it impossible that Lee s army could have 
 reached his vicinity without his having received due 
 notice of its approach from Gfeneral Hooker or General 
 Halleck ; and so he held on. During the fourteenth 
 the enemy threw a force in Milroy s rear to cut off his 
 retreat ; and at a late hour of the day they made a dash 
 upon his works from the front, but were handsomely 
 repulsed. Milroy then made a sally, but found the 
 enemy in great force, and withdrew within his fortifica 
 tions. Soon afterwards, the rebels opened a severe ar 
 tillery fire, and following this Ewell s men charged and 
 carried the Federal breastworks, on the westerly side 
 of the city. An attempt to seize the principal fort was 
 
400 GETTYSBURG CAMPAIGN. [1863. 
 
 repulsed, and for a time the fighting ceased. Con 
 vinced now of the hopelessness of resistance, Milroy 
 decided to retreat, and soon after midnight spiked his 
 guns, and began his night. The enemy instantly re 
 newed their attacks, and a running fight ensued, in 
 which the Federals lost heavily in killed, wounded, 
 and prisoners. The main avenues of escape had been 
 closed by rebel troops, and the end of the affair was the 
 loss of more than half of Milroy s command ; some 
 thirty cannon ; two hundred and seventy odd wagons ; 
 and four hundred horses. This was a pretty good be 
 ginning of a second invasion almost equal to the cap 
 ture of Miles on the former occasion ; would it have a 
 similar sequel ? 
 
 Hooker re-called Howe, and set his army in march 
 northward, on the thirteenth of June. His route was 
 over the beaten track of the army to Centreville, and 
 from thence to Edwards Ferry, which was reached by 
 the head of the column (Eleventh Corps) on the after 
 noon of the twenty-fourth of June. Daring this and 
 the next two days the infantry and artillery crossed the 
 Potomac at this point, and pressed on toward Middle- 
 town and Frederick. The cavalry under Pleasonton, 
 had marched on the left, and some portion of it was al 
 most daily in contact with the Confederate troopers, 
 under Stuart. Our cavalry had now begun to show 
 that it could fight as well as ride, and the rebels were 
 worsted in most of the skirmishes in which they en 
 gaged our men. 
 
 A brigade of Rebel Cavalry, under General Jenkins, 
 had ridden into Chambersburg, Pa., eight days before 
 the Federals began to cross the Potomac, and laid hands 
 on all the horses and cattle they could find, and de 
 stroyed the railroad. The following day Swell s corps 
 paid the same unfortunate city a visit, and, from thence 
 one division, Early s, was sent to York, while John 
 son s was directed upon Carlisle. On the twenty-fourth 
 
1863.] REBELS AT CHAMBERSBURG. 401 
 
 and twenty-fifth the corps of A. P. Hill and Longstreet 
 forded the Potomac at Shepherdstown and Williamsport, 
 and the entire army of General Lee was once more on 
 loyal soil, and on the twenty-seventh of June these two 
 corps were also at Chambersburg. Mean time, Imboden, 
 with a brigade of Rebel cavalry, was raiding along the 
 line of the Baltimore and Ohio railroad, northwest of 
 Chambersburg, effectually destroying that great line of 
 communication between Washington and the West, and 
 at the same time rendering useless the Chesapeake and 
 Ohio Canal. Two days after the Army of the Potomac 
 crossed the river, the Rebel General Stuart crossed at 
 Seneca, below Edwards Ferry, and moving eastward 
 between our army and Washington, picked up a number 
 of Union officers on their way to their commands : seized 
 and burned a train of 187 army wagons laden with stores 
 for the army, and rode into Winchester, Md. From 
 thence, turning northward, he passed around the head 
 of our army and proceeded to Carlisle. Finding that 
 the forces of General Johnson had evacuated the place, 
 he pushed on in the direction of Gettysburg and joined 
 the Confederate troops gathering around that borough 
 on the first day of July. 
 
 Thus the Confederates marauded over a great portion 
 of western Maryland and penetrated Pennsylvania 
 as far as the Susquehanna River, levying contribu 
 tions wherever there appeared to be an ability to 
 meet their requisitions. As an example of the sum 
 mary process by which the Confederate exchequer 
 and Commissary s and Quartermaster s departments 
 were replenished from the town of York, the fol 
 lowing is reproduced: "Required for the use of 
 Early s division: 165 barrels of flour, or 28,000 
 pounds of baked bread ; 300 gallons of molasses ; 1,650 
 pounds of coffee ; 3,500 pounds of sugar ; 1,200 pounds 
 of salt ; 32,000 pounds of fresh beef, or 21,000 pounds 
 bacon or pork. The above articles to be delivered at the 
 
 26 
 
402 GETTYSBURG CAMPAIGN. [1863. 
 
 Market House on Main street, at 4 o clock P. M. \Vm. 
 W. Thornton, Captain and A. C. S." And again : 
 
 "Required for the use of Early s command : 2,000 
 pairs shoes or boots ; 1,000 pairs socks ; 1,000 felt hats; 
 one hundred thousand dollars in money. C. E. Snod- 
 grass, Major and Chief Q. M., Early s division. June 
 28, 1865." 
 
 "Approved; and the authorities of the town of York 
 will furnish the above articles and the money required ; 
 for which certificates will be given. J. A. Early, Maj . - 
 Gen. Commanding." They compromised these claims 
 for $23,000 cash. 
 
 After Hooker entered Maryland, his army was re-en 
 forced by about 15,000 men from the defences of Wash 
 ington, and he applied to General Halleck to have Gen 
 eral French s command of about 11,000 men, posted at 
 Maryland Heights, opposite Harper s Ferry, placed un 
 der his orders. McClellan had made a similar applica 
 tion pending the Antietam campaign, when Colonel 
 Miles was holding thejsame post with an equal force. 
 Halleck was reluctant thenjto have the post broken up, 
 and Lee captured the entire garrison and all its arma 
 ment and stores. But the General-in-Chief had grown 
 no wiser from experience, and in answer to Hooker s ap 
 plication he said : " Maryland Heights has always been 
 regarded as an important post to be held by us, and 
 much expense and labor incurred in fortifying them. I 
 cannot approve of their abandonment, except in case of 
 absolute necessity." 
 
 That Halleck s reasons for retaining this considera 
 ble force at Harpsrs Ferry, under the circumstances, 
 were utterly unsound, there can hardly be two opin 
 ions. It was even a worse infatuation than that which 
 possessed him in regard to Fredericksburg during 
 Pope s campaign. Hooker availed himself of this re- 
 
1863.] HOOKER RESIGNS- -MEADE APPOINTED. 403 
 
 fusal to ask to be relieved of the command of the 
 Army, in the following communication : 
 
 " SANDY HOOK, June 27, 1863. 
 4 MAJOR-GENERAL H. W. HALLECK, 
 
 General-in-Chief : 
 
 u My original instructions require me to cover 
 Harper s Ferry and Washington. I have now imposed 
 upon me, in addition, an enemy in my front of more 
 than my numbers. I beg to be understood, respect 
 fully, but firmly, that I am unable to comply with this 
 condition, with the means at my disposal, and earnestly 
 request that I may at once be relieved from the position 
 I occupy. 
 
 " JOSEPH HOOKER, 
 
 " Major -General.^ 
 
 The next day Colonel Hardie arrived at General 
 Hooker s Headquarters, then at Frederick, with an 
 Order relieving him, and placing General Meade in 
 command. Hooker at once issued the following Order, 
 which terminated his connection with the Army of the 
 Potomac : 
 
 " HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF THE POTOMAC, 
 " FREDERICK, MD., June 28, 1863. 
 
 " In conformity with the orders of the War Depart 
 ment, dated June 27th, 1863, I relinquish the command 
 of the Army of the Potomac. It is transferred to 
 Major-General George G. Meade, a brave and accom 
 plished officer, who has nobly earned the confidence 
 and esteem of the army on many a well-fought field. 
 Impressed with the belief that my usefulness as the 
 Commander of the Army of the Potomac is impaired, 
 I part with it, yet not without the deepest emotions. 
 The sorrow of parting with the comrades of so many 
 
404 GETTYSBURG CAMPAIGN. [1863.- 
 
 battles, is relieved by the conviction that the courage and 
 devotion of this army will never cease nor fail ; that it 
 will yield to my successor, as it has to me, a willing 
 and hearty support. With the earnest prayer, that 
 the triumph of the army may bring successes worthy 
 of it and the nation, I bid it farewell. 
 
 " JOSEPH HOOKER, 
 
 " Major -General" 
 
 General Hooker took leave of his general and staff 
 officers, and retired to Baltimore, where he was directed 
 to await orders from the Adjutant-General s office, but 
 venturing to Washington, three days afterwards, with 
 out leave, he was arrested, by direction of General 
 Halleck, but soon released. Halleck and Hooker had 
 no affection for one another, and the former had op 
 posed Hooker s promotion, and had prevented his selec 
 tion at the time of McClellan s removal. He did not 
 believe Hooker had the ability requisite for such a 
 command, and was no doubt pleased with the tender of 
 his resignation. With a juster estimate of his capaci 
 ty than he had before the battle of Chancellorsville, it is 
 by no means improbable that General Hooker made use 
 of the refusal of Halleck to extend his authority over 
 French, to relieve himself of a command that he felt he 
 was unequal to. A commander who believed himself 
 entirely able to handle his army would not have resign 
 ed for so paltry a reason, on the eve of a battle which 
 presented an opportunity to wipe out the stigma of a 
 recent disgraceful defeat. 
 
 Meade was the very opposite of Hooker in manner 
 and temperament. He had none of that demonstrative 
 bon homme manner which characterized his predecessor 
 and did much to make him popular with the army, 
 even in spite of his evident incapacity. Meade, in 
 civilian clothes, would have passed for a clergyman or 
 
1863.] MEADE S ORDER GIVEN COMMAND OF FRENCH. 405 
 
 professor in one of our Colleges, but the army knew he 
 was a thorough soldier, and he had the most unquali 
 fied respect of every officer and man in it. He at once 
 issued the following modest and sensible Order : 
 
 " HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF THE POTOMAC, 
 
 June 28, 1863. 
 
 " By direction of the President of the United States, I 
 hereby assume command of the Army of the Potomac. 
 As a soldier, in obeying this order an order totally un 
 expected and unsolicited I have no promises or pledges 
 to make. The country looks to this army to relieve it 
 from the devastation and disgrace of a hostile invasion. 
 Whatever fatigues and sacrifices we may be called upon 
 to undergo, let us have in view constantly the magnitude 
 of the interests involved, and let each man determine to 
 do his duty, leaving to an all- controlling Providence 
 the decision of the contest. It is with just diffidence 
 that I relieve in the command of this army an eminent 
 and accomplished soldier, whose name must ever appear 
 conspicuous in the history of its achievements ; but I 
 rely upon the hearty support of my companions in arms 
 to assist me in the discharge of the duties of the impor 
 tant trust which has been confided to me. 
 
 GEORGE G. MEADE, Maj.-Gen. Commanding." 
 
 Simultaneously with Meade s appointment, Halleck 
 .abandoned the absurd theory about Harper s Ferry, and 
 French was placed under Meade s command, as was also 
 General Couch, who had a force of about 20,000 militia, 
 which had been hastily congregated at Harrisburg, the 
 capital of Pennsylvania, and which place was threat 
 ened by the Eebel advance. On the morning of the 
 twenty-ninth of June General Meade put his columns 
 in motion, toward the north, to intercept the Confed 
 erate army, which was supposed to be moving towards 
 
406 GETTYSBURG CAMPAIGN. [1863. 
 
 Harrisburg. The First and Eleventh Corps took the 
 Emmettsburg road, and composed the left flank of the 
 army ; the Third and Twelfth Corps marched over the 
 road leading to Taney town ; the Second was directed on 
 Frizzleburg; the Fifth to Union and the Sixth to 
 Windsor. These dispositions led toward the supposed 
 route of march of the Confederate forces and at the 
 same time covered Washington and Baltimore. 
 
 On the thirtieth of June Kilpatrick s brigade of cav 
 alry very unexpectedly ran into a body of rebel 
 troopers at Hanover, in Pennsylvania, and were over 
 matched in the encounter that ensued, but General 
 Custer, who had passed the Point without discovering 
 the enemy, hearing the noise of battle, returned and 
 threw his forces into the fight and the rebels were re 
 pulsed. On the same day Meade issued an Order re 
 questing corps and other commanders to address their 
 troops, explaining to them the immense issues involved 
 in the struggle. He closed with these words : " Homes, 
 firesides and domestic altars, are involved. The army 
 has fought well heretofore ; it is believed that it will 
 fight more desperately and braver than ever, if it is ad 
 dressed in fitting terms. Corps and other commanders 
 are authorized to order the instant death of any soldier 
 who fails in his duty this hour." 
 
 Lee had now become apprised of the proximity of 
 the Army of the Potomac, and he began to gather his 
 scattered divisions around him at Gettysburg, a village 
 of some three thousand inhabitants and the capital of 
 Adams County, Pennsylvania. So, on the morning of 
 the twenty -ninth of June, Hill and Longstreet began 
 their march from Chambersburg, twenty miles west of 
 Gettysburg, toward that town, and at the same time 
 Swell s corps evacuated York and countermarched for 
 the place of general rendezvous. 
 
 Meade had no information of the movements toward 
 a concentration of the Rebel Army at Gettysburg ; and 
 
1868.] LEE WAS OBLIGED TO FIGHT. 4Q7 
 
 it is not probable that Lee expected the impending 
 battle would be fought at that particular locality. The 
 role that he was now playing compelled him to fight 
 wherever the Federal army offered battle. He was a 
 great distance from his base, and in a hostile country, 
 and his communications were liable to be interrupted at 
 any moment. He knew the Federal army was growing 
 in numbers daily, and the militia were gathering in 
 great force to oppose his progress eastward. To attempt 
 to retire with no other^achievements than the insignifi 
 cant skirmishes and the inconsiderable spoils which 
 had thus far signalized his march, would have 
 seemed pusillanimous ; besides, the Federal army 
 was now so near his line of retreat that it was not pos 
 sible to retire without having his flank and rear exposed 
 to almost certain attack. He must, therefore, fight; 
 and the sooner the two armies were brought into col 
 lision, the better for the Confederates. Meade could 
 afford to wait ; Lee could not. It is very probable that 
 the rapid march of the Army of the Potomac had sur 
 prised the Confederate commander. He knew that his 
 strategy had misled Hooker, and detained the army at 
 Falmouth a full week after he had set all his corps but 
 Hill s in motion for the North; and his information 
 seems to have been less prompt than usual as to the 
 operations of his adversary after he began his march. 
 This is manifest from the following statement in Gen 
 eral Lee s report of the Gettysburg campaign : "Prepa 
 rations were now made to advance upon Harrisburg ; 
 but, on the night of the 28th, information was received 
 from a scout that the Federal Army, having crossed the 
 Potomac, was advancing northward, and that the head 
 of the column had reached South Mountain. As our 
 communications with the Potomac were thus menaced, 
 it was resolved to prevent his further progress in that 
 direction by concentrating our army on the east side of 
 the mountains." General Lee had been deprived of the 
 
408 GETTYSBURG CAMPAIGN. [1863. 
 
 source from which his information chiefly came as to 
 his opponent s movements, by a singular disposition of 
 the main body of his cavalry, under Stuart himself, 
 who was the brains and spirit of that arm of the Con 
 federate service. He had been dispatched to watch 
 Hooker ; and, if possible, to impede his passage of the 
 Potomac. He was then to cross himself, and take his 
 proper position on the right flank of Lee s advancing 
 columns, presenting a barrier to the Union cavalry, and 
 giving information of the movements and positions of 
 Meade s columns. But Stuart failed, on this occasion, 
 to comprehend the situation ; and, having advanced to 
 Fairfax Court House, he faced to the northward, and 
 crossed the Potomac at Seneca, forty miles below the 
 point at which the Army of the Potomac had crossed, 
 and consequently found himself on the right flank of 
 the Union Army, and that entire army between himself 
 and Lee. It was in his endeavor to pass the head of 
 the Federal columns that he reached Hanover, and en 
 countered Kilpatrick and Custer. He expected to find 
 Ewell at Carlisle, whither he went, but did not reach 
 that place till the first of July, and then Ewell was 
 drawing up his forces around the northeast side of 
 Gettysburg, and thither Stuart followed him. 
 
 On the night of the 30th of June, Meade issued orders 
 for the movement of the army on the next day. The 
 First, Third and Eleventh Corps constituted the left 
 wing of the Army nearest the enemy and was under 
 command of General Reynolds, who was directed to 
 move on Gettysburg. The Fifth and Twelfth Corps 
 were to march to Two Taverns and Hanover ; the Second 
 Corps, with headquarters, to Taneytown, and the Sixth 
 Corps to Manchester. These dispositions go far to show 
 that General Meade had no expectation of a general 
 battle at Gettysburg, for the result was to increase the 
 distance between some of the corps and that place. 
 Probably General Meade knew little or nothing about 
 
1863.] WHAT IT SHOWS. 409 
 
 the strategical advantage of that position ; and that 
 the great battle which was fought there was the result 
 of chance rather than of design upon the part of either 
 commander. 
 
CHAPTER XXX. 
 
 GETTYSBURG REBELS HOVERING AROUND IT REYNOLDS ON MARSH CREEK 
 HILL AND LONGSTREET NEAR BY QUESTION AS TO STRENGTH 
 OF ARMIES DID EITHER COMMANDER KNOW OF THE OTHER S PROX 
 IMITY ? LEE DID NOT EXPECT TO FIGHT AT GETTYSBURG NEITHER 
 
 LEE NOR MEADE KNEW OF THE STRATEGIC ADVANTAGE OF GETTYS 
 BURG REYNOLDS KNEW THE ENEMY WERE IN CONSIDERABLE FORCE 
 
 NEAR HIM PL EASONTON BUFORD DEVIN. 
 
 GETTYSBURG lies upon the north slope of a hill which 
 rises in its immediate rear, some four hundred and eighty 
 feet above the valley, just north of the town, through 
 which flows a rivulet called " Stevens Run." The con 
 tour of this hill is not unlike a fishing-hook, and taking 
 this familiar figure as a guide, we will briefly describe it. 
 Turning the apex of the convex bend so it will point due 
 north, it will embrace " Cemetery Hill." Standing now, 
 with your back towards Gettysburg, and your eye follow 
 ing the course of the hook on your left and to the south 
 ward, and towards its point, you find it crosses a slight 
 depression a few hundred rods from the apex of the 
 bend, and then begins to rise until it attains the top of 
 "Gulp s Hill," and passing that, terminates at the 
 point, on " McAllister s Hill." The distance from on 
 this side the hook is a little less than two miles. Along 
 the base of this hilly ridge runs " Rock Creek," and on 
 the east side of it, opposite "McAllister s Hill," abruptly 
 rises another bluff, which swells into "Wolf Hill," at a 
 short distance from the creek, and then continues in a 
 high ridge toward the northeast, for a considerable dis 
 tance. Turning now to the other side of the hook, you 
 will first observe that it is a mile longer than the left 
 side, and is more uniform in its course, but characterized 
 by the same general outlines. A few hundred rods from 
 the apex of the bend is a bluff, rising higher than " Ceme- 
 
1863.] GETTYSBURG. 411 
 
 tery Hill," then follows a depression for a distance of 
 half a mile, where the ridge is but twenty feet above the 
 bed of " Stevens Run ;" then the ground rises again in 
 a bold rocky ledge into Little Round Top," and 
 making another ascent culminates in "Round Top." 
 The distance across, from point to shank, is about 
 two and a half miles, and the circumference about 
 five miles. Within the hook the ground is low and 
 tolerably level, but as you approach the bend it 
 becomes hilly, and finally rises abruptly into "Cemetery 
 Hill." The Baltimore Pike and the Taneytown Road 
 enter Gettysburg, through the level space within the 
 hook, and cross it at the bend. 
 
 Retaining the same position bat looking to the north, 
 Gettysburg lies at your feet, extending from near the 
 top of Cemetery Hill to the foot of the valley, through 
 which flows i; Stevens Run," and which empties into 
 Rock Creek, a mile northeast of the village. This val 
 ley curves around the point of the hill, on the slope of 
 which the town stands, and follows the conformation of 
 the fishing-hook until it is interrupted by the opposing 
 ridge of Wolf Hill. Still looking to the north, right 
 over the tops of the houses on the westerly side of 
 Gettysburg, and about a mile from where you stand, 
 you see a ridge on the farther side of the valley, running 
 nearly north and south, but much lower than the Ceme 
 tery Hill. On this ridge stands the Lutheran Seminary, 
 and the ridge itself is called "Seminary Ridge." Be 
 yond this, at short intervals, plain ridge and valley suc 
 ceed each other, until the South Mountain range termin 
 ates the scene. To the northward and to the right and 
 left, the landscape was fair to look upon on the first 
 day of July, 1863. Woods, rich in their summer foliage, 
 stood as a glowing and animate frame-work around the 
 cultivated fields and the rural village which was soon 
 to become famous as the scene of the greatest battle of 
 modern times. The Emmetsburg road starts from the 
 
412 GETTYSBURG CAMPAIGN. [1863. 
 
 south, side of Gettysburg, passes along the hillside west 
 of the cemetery, cleaves the valley diagonally in a south 
 westerly course, and ascends and crosses Seminary 
 Eidge, at a point nearly opposite Little Round Top, and 
 about a mile from it. The Hagerstown road leaves the 
 north side of Gettysburg, and crossing the ridges in a 
 westerly direction, is lost to sight in the forest toward 
 South Mountain. Across the low ground from the 
 ridge, near the Seminary to Gettysburg, was built up a 
 dirt causeway or railroad embankment, and over which 
 the " Ulster Guard " marched into Gettysburg, after the 
 battle of the first of July. 
 
 For several days, rebel troops, both infantry and 
 cavalry, had visited Gettysburg, and numerous bodies 
 of soldiers were hovering on the north side of the town. 
 On the thirtieth of June, at about nine o clock A. M., a 
 considerable portion of Hill s Corps approached within 
 half a mile of the village, and stationed pickets along 
 Seminary Ridge. At the end of an hour they withdrew 
 towards Cashtown, and an hour later General Buford 
 rode into Gettysburg, at the head of six thousand Fed 
 eral cavalry, and passing through the town took posi 
 tion on the farm of Honorable E. McPherson, a mile 
 and a half northwestward, where he unlimbered his 
 guns and made his dispositions to resist an attack. One 
 corps of the left wing the First reached Marsh Creek, 
 four miles southwest of Gettysburg, on the afternoon 
 of the thirtieth, and halted there for the night. The 
 Eleventh was at Emmettsburg, six miles in rear of 
 the First. On the same night, the Rebel General Hill, 
 encamped his corps, 35,000 strong, a few miles north 
 of the point occupied by General Reynolds. Long- 
 street s Corps, with the exception of Pickett s di 
 vision, which was still at Chambersburg, closed up in 
 rear of Hill. This corps was 31,000 strong, and 24,000 
 of these men were near at hand. Rodes and Early s 
 divisions, of Swell s Corps, numbering 19,000 men, 
 
1863.] STRENGTH OF ARMIES. 413 
 
 bivouacked at Heidlersburg, nine miles from Gettys 
 burg, on this night. Johnson s division of this corps, 
 12,000 strong, was countermarching from Carlisle, and 
 yet some distance from Gettysburg. 
 
 No one fact about the Gettysburg battle has been a 
 subject of more controversy than that in relation to the 
 actual numbers composing the two armies. I suspect 
 that each side has attempted to show the opposing army 
 greater than it really was, and at the same time to under 
 state its own forces. This enhances the merits of the 
 victory on the Federal computation of relative strength, 
 and the Confederates seek to parry the discredit of de 
 feat by exaggerating the numbers of the Unionists, while 
 they place their own upon returns which do not include 
 the re-enforcements that joined them after they crossed 
 the Potomac. The system of returns adopted in the 
 Federal Army was either defective in itself or in its exe 
 cution, for it failed to give an accurate report of the 
 strength of the army. The nearest the general-in-chief, 
 or a corps, division or brigade commander could come to 
 a positive statement of his command was "about" 
 such a number. The system in the Confederate Army 
 was even worse, or its officers were more skilful in con 
 cealing its true strength. It is probably not possible to 
 give the exact figures of the strength of a large army 
 from day to day, especially when it is on the march or 
 engaged in an active campaign. Sickness, casualties 
 from various causes, and the inevitable evil of strag 
 gling diminishes its ranks, but a very close approxima 
 tion ought always to be possible. The numbers above 
 given as the strength of the three Rebel Infantry Corps 
 are derived from authorities strongly Federal, and I 
 think they over-state them. 
 
 Lossing s " Pictorial History of the Civil War," Vol. 
 Ill, page 59, foot-note 2, gives the figures I have quoted 
 as the strength of these corps, and distributes them as 
 follows : Hill s Corps Heath s and Pender s divisions, 
 
414 GETTYSBURG CAMPAIGN. [1863. 
 
 10,000 men each; Anderson s division, same corps, 
 15,000 men. Longstreet s Corps McLaws and Hood s 
 divisions, 12,000 each; and Pickett s division, same 
 corps, 7.000. Swell s Corps Rodes division, 10,000; 
 Early s, 9,000 ; and Ed. Johnson s, 12,000. 
 
 This would make the infantry arm of the Confeder 
 ate Army 97,000 strong, which I believe to be an over 
 estimate, although Mr. Lossing is supported by other 
 writers, and expresses substantially the views on the 
 subject said to have been entertained by Generals 
 Hooker and Meade. 
 
 Mr. Greeley, in his "American Conflict," Vol. II, 
 page 371, says, the corps of Ewell and Longstreet (while 
 marching down the Shenandoah Valley) numbered 
 about 50,000 men. Mr. Bates, in his History of the 
 Battle of Gettysburg, quotes General Hooker s state 
 ment, that two Union men had counted the Confederate 
 force as it passed through Hagerstown, and that they 
 compared notes every night. That in round numbers 
 Lee had 91,000 infantry and 280 pieces of artillery, and 
 that there were about 6,000 cavalry marching with that 
 column. The body of Confederate cavalry that crossed 
 at Seneca, General Hooker estimates at 5,000. General 
 Meade says : "I think General Lee had about 90,000 
 infantry, from 4,000 to 5,000 artillery, and 10,000 
 cavalry." (Bates, p. 196.) Professor Jacobs (Notes on 
 the Rebel Invasion, pages 22-3) gives Hill s Corps 
 35,000 ; Longstreet s 31,000, and Ewell s 31,000. 
 
 Mr. Swinton, in his " History of the Army of the Po 
 tomac," page 310, gives the aggregate present, 88,754 ; 
 present for duty, 68,352. He says he learns from Gen 
 eral Longstreet that when the three corps were concen 
 trated at Chambersburg, the morning reports showed 
 67,000 bayonets. John Esten Cooke (Life of General 
 Lee, page 273) says, that Lee s army numbered 68,352 
 bayonets, on the last day of May, 1863. But after this 
 date, and before the battle of Gettysburg, it is certain 
 
1863.] STRENGTH OP ARMIES. 415 
 
 that Lee received considerable re- enforcements. He 
 was obliged to cover his line of communications by 
 strong guards, and his long march and numerous skir 
 mishes cost him a good many men. It is impossible to 
 tell what his re-enforcements numbered, but they, no 
 doubt, more than equaled his guards and losses on the 
 march. 
 
 I have very conclusive evidence of the fact that some 
 re-enforcements arrived to General Lee, after "the 
 three corps" had marched from Chambersburg, and, 
 in fact during the battle. This I have in the record 
 kept of the marches of the 14th Virginia Regiment, by 
 its Colonel, James M. Hodges, on the back of a pocket 
 map of the State of Virginia, and whose regiment was 
 in the final charge made by Pickett s division (Armi- 
 stead s brigade) on the third day of July, and Colonel 
 Hodges was killed within a hundred feet of me. 
 
 This record shows that Colonel Hodges was at Rich 
 mond in May. June 3d, he was at Hanover Junction 
 (Fredericksburg and Richmond Railroad). June 8th, 
 he left Hanover Junction, and crossed the Potomac on 
 the 25th. On the 2d of July, he marched 23 miles, and 
 " camped within three miles of Gettysburg." He was 
 just in time to participate in the closing scenes, and he 
 led his regiment up almost to the muzzles of the mus 
 kets of my men, through a fire that thinned his ranks 
 at every step. No one could have displayed more 
 courage than Colonel Hodges did. His gallantry, even 
 in so bad a cause, won my admiration, and I desire to 
 pay this slight tribute to his memory. 
 
 Another fact, tending to show that Richmond had 
 been stripped of troops to augment Lee s columns, is 
 narrated on page 289 of Mr. Cooke s " Life of Lee," as 
 follows: "The movements of the Federal commander 
 were probably hastened (towards Lee s line of march) 
 by the capture, about this time, at Hagerstown, of a 
 dispatch from President Davis to General Lee. Lee, it 
 
416 GETTYSBURG CAMPAIGN. [1863. 
 
 seems, had suggested that General Beauregard should 
 be sent to make a demonstration in the direction of 
 Culpepper, and by thus appearing to threaten Wash 
 ington, embarrass the movements of the Northern army. 
 To this suggestion the President is said to have replied 
 that he had no troops to make such a movement ; and 
 the capture of this dispatch on its way to Lee probably 
 hastened the movements of General Meade, who had 
 thus the proof before him that Washington was in no 
 danger. The Confederacy was thus truly unfortunate 
 again, as in September, 1862, when a similar incident 
 came to the relief of General McClellan." 
 
 General Butterfield, Chief -of -Staff to Generals Hooker 
 and Meade, testified before the Committee on the 
 Conduct of the War that the returns of the Federal 
 Army on the tenth of June gave the strength of the sev 
 eral corps as follows : First Corps, 11,350 ; Second, 
 11,361 ; Third, 11,898 ; Fifth, 10,135 ; Sixth, 15,408 , 
 Eleventh, 10,177 ; Twelfth, 7,925 giving a total of 
 78,255 men. Subsequently, and before the battle, the 
 Fifth Corps was augmented by two brigades of the 
 Pennsylvania Reserves, of about 4, 000 men ; the Twelfth 
 by Lockwood s Maryland Brigade, 2,500 strong, and the 
 First Corps, (on the 2d of July) by Stanriard s Vermont 
 Brigade, of 2,500 men, whose time had expired but who 
 determined to stay until the battle was over. The 
 Union cavalry mustered about 12,000 sabres, and gave 
 Meade an army of 99,000 men on paper, excluding Gen 
 eral French with the Maryland Heights forces, who was 
 posted near Frederick to look after the communica 
 tions. Making the usual deductions for guards, sick 
 and stragglers (whose numbers always increased as a bat 
 tle became imminent) it is supposed that Meade had on 
 the heights of Gettysburg, after deducting the losses of 
 the first day, only about 65,000 men. As a guide to a 
 calculation of the numbers actually present on the bat 
 tle-field, it may be stated that the First Corps was 
 
1863.] DID EITHER KNOW OF OTHER S PROXIMITY? 417 
 
 11,350 strong on paper according to the last preceding 
 report, whereas it is known that it went into battle on 
 the first day of July with only 8,200 men. 
 
 It has been seen that the country adjacent to Gettys 
 burg became very populous on the last night of June, 
 1863. Nearly one hundred thousand armed men were 
 lying in the fields and woods within a few miles of the 
 town seventy thousand of them Confederates and 
 thirty thousand Federals. Did either know of the 
 proximity of the other? Mr. Swinton says the battle 
 (of the first day) was precipitated contrary to the ex 
 pectations of either army, (page 328). And this idea 
 has generally been accepted and is probably correct, as 
 to both Meade and Lee and the great majority of their 
 officers. 
 
 The Brookline (Mass.) Chronicle, under date of 
 February 16, 1878, published an article on the first 
 day s battle, " from the original manuscript now in pos 
 session of a staff officer of the volunteer army, resident 
 in Brookline," wherein this paragraph occurs: 
 
 k It was always supposed by us that Gettysburg was 
 a mutual surprise. That it was such to the Confeder 
 ates, I for one have no doubt. It so chanced that I was 
 wounded and taken prisoner near the close of the first 
 day s battle, and the universal feeling of disbelief that 
 existed among the Confederates, as to what troops they 
 had fought was amusing. They would not believe that 
 we belonged to the Army of the Potomac, insisting that 
 we were Pennsylvania militia in disguise. I well recol 
 lect that General Ewell was uncomfortably emphatic in 
 his denial of our representations, and should say that it 
 was not until near sunset that the Confederates settled 
 down into the belief that we had been telling the truth. 
 I have always considered that this was the reason be 
 hind Lee s official statement that the attack was not 
 pressed that afternoon, the enemy s force being un 
 known, and it being advisable to await the arrival of the 
 
 27 
 
418 GETTYSBURG CAMPAIGN. [1863. 
 
 rest of our troops. While they knew we had crossed 
 the Potomac, they had no idea we were so near." 
 
 In a speech made at Boston, Sept. 17, 1877, by Gen 
 eral Heth, who commanded the van-guard of Hill s 
 corps and opened the fight on the first of July, there is 
 an insinuation that the battle was the result of a chance 
 encounter, and an admission that the stubborn fighting 
 of the Federals, on that day, saved the battle. He said : 
 
 " As my command, by one of those strange acci 
 dents of war, brought on accidentally this battle, I was 
 in a position to know that Reynolds, in sacrificing his 
 life, saved at that time this battle to his country." 
 
 General Longstreet, speaking through the Grand 
 Army Gazette, of December, 1877, says : "On the 
 morning of the 1st, General Lee and myself left his head 
 quarters together) and had ridden three or four miles, 
 when we heard heavy firing along Hill s front. The fir 
 ing became so heavy that General Lee left me and hur 
 ried forward to see what it meant. After attending to 
 some details of my march, I followed. The firing pro 
 ceeded from the engagement between our advance and 
 Reynolds corps, in which the Federals were repulsed. 
 This rencontre was totally unexpected on both sides." 
 
 General Lee, himself, says in his report of his opera 
 tions in this invasion: "It had not been intended to 
 deliver a general battle so far from our base unless at 
 tacked ; but, coming unexpectedly upon the whole Fed 
 eral Army, to withdraw through the mountains, with 
 our extensive trains, would have been difficult and dan 
 gerous. At the same time, we were unable to await an 
 attack, as the country was unfavorable for collecting 
 supplies in the presence of the enemy, who could re 
 strain our foraging parties by holding the mountain 
 passes with local and other troops. A battle had, there 
 fore, become in a measure unavoidable ; and the success 
 already gained gave hope of a favorable issue." 
 Mr. Cooke says, at page 300 : When the sound of 
 
1868.] NEITHER KNEW STRENGTH OF POSITION. 419 
 
 the engagement was first heard by Lee, he was in the 
 rear of his troops at the headquarters which Hill had 
 just vacated, near Cashtown, under the South Mountain. 
 The firing was naturally supposed by him to indicate 
 an accidental collision with some body of the enemy s 
 cavalry, and, when intelligence reached him that Hill 
 was engaged with the Federal infantry, the announce 
 ment occasioned him the greatest astonishment. Gen 
 eral Meade s presence so near him was a circumstance 
 completely unknown to Lee, and certainly was not de 
 sired by him." 
 
 So it would seem that although Lee concentrated his 
 army on Gettysburg, he did not intend, as we have al 
 ready said, to deliver a general battle at that place. 
 There is nothing that indicates that he had any idea of 
 the strategic value of the position on the south side 
 of the town. He certainly made no effort to possess 
 himself of it prior to its occupation by the Federal 
 troops. Detachments, large or small, of the Eebel 
 army had been in Gettysburg and the adjacent neigh 
 borhood, off and on, since the 21st of June. On the af 
 ternoon of the 26th, General Gordon s brigade of Early s 
 division, Ewell s corps, 5,000 strong, entered the village, 
 Early himself being with the brigade, and remaining 
 over night. He demanded of the town council a contri 
 bution of 1,200 pounds of sugar, 600 pounds of coffee, 
 60 barrels of flour, 1,000 pounds of salt, 7,000 pounds 
 of bacon, 10 barrels of whiskey, 10 barrels of onions, 
 (whiskey and onions in equal proportions), 1,000 pairs 
 of shoes, 500 hats ; or, in lieu thereof, $5,000 in money. 
 Messrs. Kendlehart and Buchler of the town council, 
 informed General Early the goods demanded were not 
 in town, and that the burrough had no funds. Early 
 did not attempt to enforce the requisition. (Notes on 
 the Eebel Invasion, by Prof. Jacobs, page 16.) 
 
 If Early had supposed it even possible that the two 
 great armies would collide on this ground, he would 
 
420 GETTYSBURG CAMPAIGN. [1863. 
 
 have devoted himself to an inspection of the position, 
 rather than to a fruitless attempt to extort goods or 
 money out of the burrough of Gettysburg. 
 
 It was probably owing to the concentration of roads 
 on Gettysburg that led the Confederate commander to 
 select that as the point of combining his army, which 
 was then dispersed to points east, north and west of 
 that town. In addition to the roads heretofore men 
 tioned as leading out of the village, were the Hagerstown, 
 Chambersburg, Carlisle, Harrisburg, Bonoughtown, 
 York and Hanover roads. These roads had been occu 
 pied by Lee s columns and raiding parties, and when 
 his order to concentrate was issued on the 28th of June, 
 Longstreet and Hill were at Chambersburg, twenty 
 miles westerly of Gettysburg, while Ewell s corps was 
 at York, thirty miles east, and Carlisle, twenty-eight 
 miles north of Gettysburg, with Stuart s cavalry trying 
 to work its way around the head of the Federal columns, 
 and with detachments distributed over the country be 
 tween the remote points of York and Chambersburg. 
 
 General Meade was no better informed than Lee was 
 as to the favorable formation of the rocky ledges behind 
 Gettysburg for a defensive battle. He testified before 
 the Committee on the Conduct of the War, that prior to 
 July, 1863, he had never seen the place or knew any 
 thing about it. He contemplated occupying the line of 
 Pipe Creek whereon to receive battle, if circumstances 
 would admit of it. That place he had seen, and knew 
 it was a strong position. But Meade was resolved to 
 arrest Lee s march on Harrisburg by a strong demon 
 stration against his flank and rear, and for that purpose 
 the left wing of the Union army was thrown well out 
 toward Gettysburg. While Meade was probably un 
 aware of Lee s intention to concentrate on that place, 
 it .can hardly be supposed that he was ignorant of the 
 fact that considerable bodies of Confederate troops were 
 in that neighborhood. There was no obstacle in the way of 
 
1863.] REYNOLDS KNEW ENEMY WERE NEAR. 421 
 
 communication with the town, and on the 28th of June, 
 General Cowpland, at the head of two regiments of 
 Federal cavalry, entered the village from Emmettsburg 
 and encamped on the north side for the night. The next 
 day he had a slight skirmish with rebel infantry near 
 Fairfield, about eight miles west of Gettysburg. The 
 writer, who had been ordered by General Reynolds to 
 join the first corps with his command, finds in his diary, 
 under date of June 30th, the following entry : " Marched 
 at four o clock A.M. (from Lewiston) ; mustered on the 
 road ; halted in a grove in front of St. Mary s College 
 and had coffee ; marched through Emmettsburg and 
 joined first brigade, third division first corps, at four 
 P.M. ; rainy, with heavy showers ; my regiment posted in 
 woods along Marsh Run, to overlook approaches from 
 Fairfield, about five miles off west of north where the 
 enemy are said to be six thousand strong ; General 
 Reynolds commands left wing of army ; General Double- 
 day succeeds to command of first corps ; General Row 
 ley commands the division, and Colonel Chapman Bid- 
 die (senior colonel) commands the brigade." The open 
 ing of the next day s entry is as follows : " Up at six ; 
 received orders last evening to have three days rations 
 in haversacks." General Reynolds must certainly have 
 known of the proximity of large bodies of rebel troops 
 and of the imminence of a collision. The order requiring 
 the men to carry three days provisions clearly indicated 
 that he anticipated fighting before the next day closed. 
 In his article on the "Campaign and Battle of Gettys 
 burg," published in the Atlantic Monthly of July, 1876, 
 General Howard says, at page 52 : "Just at night (June 
 30) I received a note from General Reynolds requesting 
 me to ride up to Marsh Run and see him. * * 
 He showed me a bundle of dispatches the information 
 brought to him during the day evidence of the near 
 ness, position and designs of the enemy." Reynolds 
 could not have known just how strong the hostile force 
 
422 GETTYSBURG CAMPAIGN. [1863. 
 
 on his front and left was, but that he knew there was 
 such a force there, great or small, there can be no 
 doubt, and that he informed General Meade of the fact 
 is equally certain. 
 
 General Pleasonton testified before the Committee 
 on the Conduct of the War, that he had studied the 
 country very carefully, and that he regarded Gettys 
 burg as the only point where the decisive battle could 
 be fought, and that he ordered General Buford to hold 
 that point to the last extremity, until the Army of the 
 Potomac could get there. General J. Watts De Pey- 
 ster, in his Decisive Conflicts, reports a conversation 
 which took place between General Buford and Colonel 
 Thomas Devin, commanding one of Buford s brigades, 
 on the night of the thirtieth of June. General De 
 Peystersays: "On the night of the thirtieth General 
 Buford spent some hours with Colonel Tom Devin, and 
 while commenting upon the information brought in by 
 Devin s scouts, remarked that the battle would be 
 fought at that point, and that he was afraid it would be 
 commenced in the morning before the infantry would 
 get up." Devin did not think the enemy were so near 
 in any considerable force, and said he would take care 
 of all that would attack his front during the succeeding 
 twenty -four hours. " No you wont," said Buford, 
 4 they will attack you in the morning, and they will 
 come booming skirmishers three deep. You will have 
 to fight like the devil to hold your own until supports 
 arrive. The enemy must know the importance of this 
 position, and will strain every nerve to secure it, and if 
 we are able to hold it we will do well." Buford s sig 
 nal officer, from whom General De Peyster gets this in 
 formation, says General Buford told him to seek out 
 the most prominent points and watch everything ; " to 
 look out for camp-fires during the night and for dust in 
 the morning." He says Buford seemed more anxious 
 than he ever saw him before. 
 
CHAPTER XXXI. 
 
 THE FIRST DAY AT GETTYSBURG THE CAVALRY MEET AND CHECK THE 
 
 ENEMY APPROACH OF FIRST CORPS POSITION OF WADSWORTH S DIVI 
 SION MESSAGES TO SICKLES AND HOWARD REYNOLDS KILLED A WORD 
 ABOUT HIM ARCHER S BRIGADE CAPTURED CHANGES IN COMMANDS 
 
 RESULTING FROM REYNOLDS DEATH DOUBLEDAY IN COMMAND OF 
 THE FIELD NOTHING COULD BE BETTER WADSWORTH CHAPMAN 
 BIDDLE FOURTEENTH BROOKLYN, NINETY-FIFTH N. Y. , SIXTH WISCON 
 SIN CAPTURE TWO MISSISSIPPI REGIMENTS ROBINSON S DIVISION IN 
 
 RESERVE DOUBLEDAY S DIVISION ARRIVES ON THE LEFT CAPTAINS 
 BALDWIN AND CUNNINGHAM HOLD THE HARMAN HOUSE THE VAN 
 OF EWELL S CORPS ARRIVES ELEVENTH CORPS ARRIVES HEAVY 
 FIGHTING ON THE RIGHT AND CENTRE SPLENDID FIGHTING BY 
 
 FIRST CORPS ELEVENTH CORPS OVERCOME BY RODES AND EARLY. 
 
 BUFORD was early in the saddle on the morning of 
 the first of July. His skirmish-line, composed of dis 
 mounted cavalrymen, extended from the west side of 
 the Millerstown or Hagerstown road, where it crosses 
 Willoughby Run, easterly, along the ridge, on the left 
 bank of the stream, across the Chambersburg, Mum- 
 masburg, Carlisle, and Harrisburg roads, and terminat 
 ing on Rock Creek. His reserves were posted behind 
 the ridge, in rear of this one, and his horse artillery 
 was planted to cover the roads over which he moment 
 arily expected to see the enemy advance. Soon after 
 nine o clock the enemy s skirmishers came u booming" 
 along, over the roads and through the woods and fields, 
 and the rattle of musketry announced to Buford s 
 practiced eai, that something more than a reconnois- 
 sance and a consequent skirmish had begun. The fire 
 increased rapidly on both sides, and in half an hour the 
 Confederates had gotten some of their batteries in po 
 sition and opened a brisk artillery fire. Buford s guns 
 now broke silence, and answered the Rebels, gun for gun. 
 Buford readily saw that he had a very large Confeder- 
 
 423 
 
424 GETTYSBURG CAMPAIGN FIRST DAY. [1863. 
 
 ate force in front of him, and that their superiority of 
 numbers must, in the end, overpower him. He was 
 naturally anxious to see the columns of Federal infant 
 ry approaching, and as time went on he turned an 
 earnest gaze towards the south. With consummate 
 generalship he led the enemy to believe that they were 
 contending with infantry, and that it was in large force. 
 They were therefore cautious, and felt their way with 
 deliberation. But they were steadily increasing their 
 pressure on Buford s lines, and extending towards his 
 flanks. Help must come, and quickly, or these brave 
 fellows will be captured or driven from the field. 
 Buford s orders from Pleasonton were to hold on, to 
 the last extremity, and Buford himself knew, as well as 
 any one, the prize for which he was making the gallant 
 fight. It lay behind him in the natural fortifications on 
 the other side of Gettysburg, and Buford meant to 
 save it for his comrades, rushing to his support. 
 
 The cupola of the Theological Seminary had been 
 taken possession of by Buford s signal officer, and he 
 was looking southward for the hoped-for succor. About 
 ten o clock he observed a cloud of dust on the Emmetts- 
 burg road, and by and by he was able to distinguish 
 the flag of the First corps fluttering in the wind, as the 
 fast riding cavalcade came rapidly towards the battle 
 field. Buford himself went into the cupola to gladden 
 his own eyes with the sight of Reynolds corps flag, 
 but he had hardly attained the outlook, before the eager 
 corps commander, now commanding the left wing, drew 
 up his panting horse beneath the signal station, and 
 called oat to Buford, "What s the matter. John?" 
 "The devil s to pay," replied the trooper, and came 
 down to confer with Reynolds. Reynolds had ridden 
 on when hearing the familiar noise of battle, with his 
 staff and escort, directing that the First corps should 
 hasten after him. He now asked Buford if he could 
 hold his ground until the infantry came up, the head 
 
1863.] APPROACH OF FIRST CORPS. 425 
 
 of the column being a mile and a half behind. Buford 
 said he thought he could. 
 
 General De Peyster, in the article heretofore refer 
 red to, thus describes the advance of the gallant old 
 First corps : "Spectators in the cupola of the Evan 
 gelical Lutheran Theological Institute, known as the 
 "Seminary," and other adjacent elevated positions, 
 who were watching the advance of the First corps 
 along the Emmettsburg road and across the swale 
 drained by Stevens Ran, to the left of the town, spoke 
 of it with an enthusiastic admiration which, under the 
 circumstances, it is easy to conceive, since those troops 
 brought with them, as they believed, not only succor 
 but assured rescue. They described the spectacle as 
 something perfectly magnificent, as the ranks double- 
 quicked across the interval, swept up Oak Ridge, and 
 deployed on its crest, their bayonets scintillating and 
 Hashing back the rays of that bright July morning sun. 
 Ahead, as they dipped into the low ground along 
 Stevens Run, and making the fences fly with the 
 strokes of their flashing axes, bounded the Pioneers of 
 the leading brigade, and in their track the panting but 
 ardent thousands of Boys in Blue." 
 
 Wadsworth s division was the first to reach the field, 
 with Cutler s brigade leading. Reynolds had been on 
 the ground long enough for his quick military eye to 
 take in the situation, and he was prepared to give 
 Wadsworth his orders as soon as he rode up, and he 
 directed him to take the three right regiments (76th 
 and 147th N. Y. and 56th Pa.) to the north side of a 
 railroad bed running parallel with the Chambersburg 
 Pike and a few hundred feet north of it, and form line 
 of battle facing nearly west. This disposition threw his 
 right well out towards the left of Devens brigade of 
 cavalry, then occupying the northerly extremity of Sem 
 inary Ridge, with one regiment across the Mummasburg 
 road. But there was still a wide interval between the 
 
426 GETTYSBURG CAMPAIGN FIRST DAY. [1863. 
 
 two brigades. The two remaining regiments of Cutler s 
 brigade (14th Brooklyn and 95th N. Y.,) with Hall s 
 (Maine) battery, and which was the only one that 
 marched with the division, Reynolds himself conducted 
 to the south side of the railroad cut where he posted 
 the battery on the Chambersburg Pike a hundred feet 
 in advance of the brigade line and leading the other 
 regiments a hundred feet in advance of the guns, post 
 ed them in line of battle on the south side of the Cham 
 bersburg Pike and on the right of a little grove which 
 crowns Seminary Ridge, a few hundred yards south of 
 the point where the Pike crosses it. The formation 
 was somewhat en echelon, with the left regiments for 
 ward. The official map of the battle-field, published 
 by authority of the War Department, states the time 
 as 10:15 A. M., when the formations were completed, 
 from which it would appear that the cavalry had been 
 holding the ground something over an hour. As the 
 infantry took their places in line the dismounted troop 
 ers along this part of the field withdrew, but Devin re 
 mained in position on the right and the cavalry skir 
 mishers extended the line on Wadsworth s left. 
 
 The rebel force thus far on the field was Heth s di 
 vision of A. P. Hill s corps, which had marched down 
 the Chambersburg Pike from its last encampment, and 
 finding Buford in front, deployed to the right and left 
 of the Pike, and, sending his skirmishers "booming" 
 along over the fields and through the woods, advanced 
 to the attack. The official map gives this time as 9 
 o clock A. M. Meredith s brigade of Wadsworth s di 
 vision arrived on the ground soon after Cutler was 
 posted and took position on the left of his two advanced 
 regiments. Meredith s two right regiments rested in 
 the edge of the grove on the top of the ridge and his 
 line conformed to the course of the ridge. Up to this 
 time the enemy s demonstrations had been against the 
 troops on and contiguous to the Chambersburg Pike 
 
1863.] MESSAGES TO SICKLES AND HOWARD. 427 
 
 he had not shown himself as far west as the left of 
 Meredith s brigade. About the time Meredith got into 
 position, Heth had discovered the importance of the 
 grove on the top and westerly slope of the ridge, which 
 General Doubleday says " possessed all the advantages 
 of a redoubt, strengthening the centre of our line, and 
 enfilading the enemy s columns should they advance in 
 the open space on either side. I deemed the extremity 
 of the woods, which extended to the summit of the 
 ridge, the key to the position." Heth sent General 
 Archer with his brigade to seize this bit of woods. 
 Archer crossed the run with his brigade and gallantly 
 advanced up the opposite slope. The left regiment of 
 Archer lapped over upon the position occupied by the 
 14th Brooklyn and 95th N. Y., and these regiments 
 stubbornly resisted the rebel advance. General Rey 
 nolds riding up at the moment and at once compre 
 hending the object of the enemy and appreciating the 
 importance of the woods, ordered Meredith s brigade 
 to advance through the woods at double-quick. Arch 
 er s men were already entering the woods at the foot of 
 the slope near the Run, and General Reynolds shouted 
 to Meredith s brigade "Forward, men! forward, for 
 God s sake, and drive those fellows out of the woods." 
 General Reynolds had already dispatched couriers to 
 Howard and Sickles, whose corps belonged to Reynolds 
 left wing, urging them to hurry forward to the battle 
 field. He had now assumed the task for the whole 
 army that Buford had already performed for the First 
 corps to check the enemy s advance until the main 
 body of the army should arrive and take position on the 
 heights in rear of Gettysburg. The difficulty of the 
 undertaking was momentarily increasing by the con 
 stantly augmenting numbers of his opponents, but Rey 
 nolds was the last man to surrender a position he be 
 lieved it vital to the success of the Union Army to hold. 
 Howard was on his way from Emmettsburg to the 
 
428 GETTYSBURG CAMPAIGN FIRST DAY. [1863. 
 
 battle-field, but Sickles corps was lying in its camps 
 near the same place when Reynolds messenger arrived 
 there. 
 
 When Reynolds had sent Meredith s brigade into the 
 woods, with the exclamation above quoted, he drew up 
 his horse near the edge of the grove, and at that moment 
 the bullet of a rebel sharp-shooter pierced his brain, 
 killing him instantly. No abler man or truer patriot 
 fell during the war. He died in defence of his native 
 State and within a few miles of the place of his birth. 
 He graduated from West Point with the rank of Second 
 Lieutenant in July, 1841, and was breveted Captain for 
 gallant and meritorious conduct at Monterey, Mexico, 
 in 1846, and Major for similar conduct at Buena Vista, 
 February, 1847. At the breaking out of the rebellion 
 he was Lieutenant-Colonel of the Fourteenth U. S. In 
 fantry. For gallantry on the Peninsula he was breveted 
 Colonel of his regiment and Brigadier- General U. S. A. 
 He was captured by the enemy on the Peninsula 
 and taken to Richmond. Having been exchanged he 
 was given the command of a division and subsequently 
 of the First corps, with the rank of Major-General 
 U. S. Volunteers. As has heretofore been shown, he was 
 commanding the left wing of the army, consisting of 
 three corps, at the time of his fall. His death was a 
 great loss to the army and the country, and his memory 
 is held in reverential esteem by the officers and men who 
 served with him, and by a grateful people, the integrity 
 of whose government he did so much to preserve and 
 for whose safety and honor he gave his life. 
 
 Meredith s brigade pressed on through the woods and 
 met the enemy on the westerly slope moving cautiously 
 toward the summit. Meredith s men opened fire upon 
 them at once and checked their advance. Swinging his 
 left forward, he enveloped the right flank of Archer s 
 brigade and captured nearly fifteen hundred officers and 
 men, including Archer, himself. This was a well con- 
 
1863.] GENERAL DOUBLEDAY WADSWORTH. 429 
 
 ducted and most gallant achievement and inspired our 
 men with hope and confidence along this part of the 
 line. But farther to the right, things were not working 
 satisfactorily. 
 
 The death of General Reynolds had wrought a change 
 of commanders as sudden as it was unfortunate. Gen 
 eral Abner Doubleday, a West-Pointer, and an officer 
 of Sumter fame, was the ranking officer on the field 
 after Reynolds fell, and was entirely competent to com 
 mand. He is a man of unquestioned bravery, cool and 
 clear-sighted on the battle-field, and handles his troops 
 under fire with the same composure he would exhibit at 
 a review or parade. He had ridden on in advance of 
 the second and third divisions of the First corps, and 
 reached the battle-field just before Reynolds fell. He 
 immediately assumed command of the field on that event 
 happening and personally supervised the further move 
 ments of Meredith s brigade, above described. The direc 
 tion of affairs could not have fallen into better hands. His 
 dispositions were the best possible, and he enjoyed the 
 confidence and respect of the troops to the fullest ex 
 tent. General Wadsworth succeeded to the immediate 
 command of the First Corps, and in this instance noth 
 ing could have been better or more satisfactory. Brave, 
 cool, zealous in the cause, and believing that the busi 
 ness of war is tofigTit, and beat your enemy as badly as 
 possible ; yet his zeal was tempered with discretion, and 
 he was careful of the lives of his men ; he never ordered 
 them where he was not willing to lead them.* These 
 changes resulted in advancing the commander of the 
 First Brigade of General Doubleday s own division to 
 the command of the division itself. While this change 
 was certainly not to the disadvantage of the First Bri 
 gade, which thereby fell under the command of Colonel 
 
 * At the crossing of the Rappahannock by his skirmishers in pontoon boats, before 
 the bridge was laid, prior to the battle of Fredericksburg, he mounted and swam his 
 horse over alongside the foremost boat, under the fire of the Rebel sharpshooters. 
 
430 GETTYSBURG CAMPAIGN FIRST DAY. [1863. 
 
 Chapman Biddle, of the One Hundred and Thirty-first 
 Pennsylvania, and who proved himself a most gallant 
 and capable officer ; it was detrimental to the efficiency 
 of the division, and left the brigades to act very much 
 upon their own discretion. 
 
 The impetus or elan with which Meredith s brigade 
 had swept Archer into its net, carried them across Wil- 
 loughby Run and up the bank to the top of the ridge 
 on the west side. But this position threw them so much 
 out of line with the troops on their right, that General 
 Doubleday ordered them back to the ridge and grove 
 from which they had made their gallant and successful 
 advance. 
 
 Meantime, as has been intimated, trouble had taken 
 place on the east side of the railroad cut, on the extreme 
 right of the infantry line. Davis Confederate brigade 
 advanced against the three right regiments of Cutler, 
 and finding the interval between him and Devens cav 
 alry, heretofore mentioned, swung a regiment through 
 it, and while he pressed Cutler s front, also assailed him 
 in flank and rear. Cutler was forced back upon Semi 
 nary Ridge, with heavy loss. This left Hall s battery 
 on the Pike with its right wholly uncovered. The 
 enemy seeing the exposed condition of this battery, 
 dispatched the Second and Forty-second Mississippi 
 regiments to capture it. The two regiments, with full 
 numbers, charged up the railroad bed upon the right of 
 the battery, firing as they came and killing many of the 
 horses and doing serious damage among the men. Gen 
 eral Wadsworth now sent an order to Hall to withdraw 
 his guns to the cover of Seminary Ridge, and to go into 
 position there. He succeeded in getting all but one of 
 his pieces away, and that having no horses to draw it 
 he was compelled to leave. But mean time he had done 
 fearful execution on the advancing foe, and their route 
 of march was covered with their dead and wounded. 
 
 The Fourteenth Brooklyn and Ninety-fifth N. Y. 
 
1863.] FOURTEENTH BROOKLYN 95TH N. Y. 6TH WIS. 431 
 
 still held their position at the apex of the ridge along 
 Willoughby Run, and were now in advance of the regi 
 ments which had driven in Hall s battery. General 
 Doubleday, who had posted the Sixth Wisconsin in 
 reserve on Seminary Ridge, seeing the disaster to 
 Cutler s right and Hall s battery, now ordered it for 
 ward, and uniting it with the Fourteenth Brooklyn 
 and Ninety-fifth New York, changed front to the 
 east, arid prdered them to charge the Mississippians, 
 who were holding the railroad bed east of the Pike. 
 At them they dashed, pouring a heavy fire into their 
 ranks as they advanced. Protected somewhat by their 
 position, the rebels made a desperate defence, and the 
 fighting for a few minutes was very severe and deadly. 
 Colonel Dawes, of the Sixth Wisconsin, who was on 
 the right of our line, now threw his right platoon on to 
 and across the railroad bed, from whence they poured 
 an enfilading and decimating fire into the left of the 
 Mississippians. The pressure was too much for them, 
 and as their retreat had now become impracticable un 
 der the near and heavy fire, they surrendered to our 
 boys, who sent them and their colors to the rear. They 
 also recovered the gun which Hall had been forced to 
 abandon. 
 
 These events had not occupied more than an hour 
 from the time Wadsworth s division fired its first gun, 
 and the advantage was with the Federals. The killed 
 and wounded were about equal on each side, but the 
 enemy had lost heavily in prisoners. He now mani 
 fested a desire to find out just what he had before him 
 before exposing any more of his men to capture, and 
 the firing dwindled down to a picket skirmish. This 
 continued until about a quarter after eleven, when the 
 Second and Third divisions of the First corps arrived 
 on the field. The second division, General John C. 
 Robinson s, was placed in reserve behind the Seminary, 
 while the third, (Doubleday s own) now commanded by 
 
432 GETTYSBURG CAMPAIGN FIRST DAY. [1863. 
 
 General Rowley, was divided the left brigade (Row 
 ley s, now commanded by Colonel Chapman Biddle) 
 was detached for duty on the extreme left of the Union 
 line, while the residue of the division was posted on the 
 ridge on Meredith s right. 
 
 The enemy had not yet developed any strength be 
 yond Meredith s left, but the country was very favor 
 able to cover the concentration of a large force in that 
 direction. The road over which the third division 
 marched, is called indifferently Hagerstown road, (Pro 
 fessor Jacobs and Government map) ; Millerstown road, 
 (Mr. Greeley and Mr. S win ton) ; and Fairfield road, 
 (Mr. Bates). Its course is northeast and southwest, and 
 it crosses Willoughby Run and unites with the Cham- 
 bersburg Pike at the edge of the village. The two roads 
 represent two contiguous spokes of a wagon wheel- 
 united at the hub and diverging in straight lines as they 
 extend from it the Chambersburg road northwest, and 
 the Hagerstown road southwest. When Rowley s bri 
 gade reached the ridge on the west side of Willoughby 
 Run, and in a piece of woods, it was halted and line of 
 battle formed in the Hagerstown road, right towards 
 Willoughby Run, the "Ulster Guard" on the left. 
 The brigade then advanced some two or three hundred 
 feet through the woods on the north side of the road, 
 when it was faced by the right flank and moved through 
 the fields towards Gettysburg, crossing Willoughby 
 Run between the road and the house of D. Finneprock, 
 around which Buford s dismounted cavalry were skir 
 mishing. When the brigade reached the foot of the 
 ridge east of Willoughby Run, it filed to the left and 
 took position in line of battle on the slope of the ridge 
 and nearly opposite the Seminary, facing west. Ten 
 minutes later, the brigade was ordered to advance over 
 the ridge, and down into the ravine through which Wil 
 loughby Run flows the right of the brigade passing 
 near the grove where General Reynolds fell. Along the 
 
1863.] CAPTAINS BALDWIN AND CUNNINGHAM. 433 
 
 top of the ridge on the opposite side of the Run was a 
 fence, and the field beyond it was covered with grain, 
 affording excellent shelter for the enemy s sharp 
 shooters, and the field was alive with them. In this 
 ravine the brigade found itself under a hot infantry fire, 
 and was unable to see the enemy from whom the fire 
 came, and did not attempt to reply to it. It is not 
 probable that any one knew just why the brigade was 
 sent down into that valley, and it was soon ordered back 
 over the ridge to the position from which it last marched. 
 The "Ulster Guard - was then directed to take posi 
 tion on the top of the ridge, whither it marched and 
 halted, remaining there in line of battle and receiving 
 an occasional shot from the grain-field beyond Wil- 
 loughby Run. Ten minutes later, General Wadsworth 
 rode up to Colonel Gates, and directed him to throw a 
 company of his regiment into the house and out-build 
 ings of E. Harman, in a field on the farther side of and 
 some thirty rods beyond the Run. Colonel Gates 
 detached Captain Ambrose N. Baldwin, K Company, 
 a most capable and courageous officer, and who was 
 killed two days later, to perform this duty. Captain 
 Baldwin deployed his company as skirmishers and 
 after a spirited contest drove the enemy from the 
 buildings and took possession of them. Some time sub 
 sequently Captain Baldwin sent word that he was se 
 verely pressed and that the enemy were multiplying 
 around him and asked for re-enforcements. Thereupon 
 Colonel Gates sent Captain William H. Cunningham, 
 G Company, to his assistance. Captain Cunningham 
 fought his way to the buildings and joined Captain 
 Baldwin. These two companies held these buildings, 
 which served to cover our left flank and keep the 
 enemy s right in check, for over two hours. The enemy 
 had then surrounded the buildings on three sides and 
 succeeded in setting some of the out-houses on fire, 
 when to avoid being captured, the men were withdrawn, 
 
 28 
 
434 GETTYSBURG CAMPAIGN FIRST DAY. [1863. 
 
 and moving through a ravine southerly and covered in 
 a measure by a small party of cavalry, they made 
 good their escape and rejoined the regiment that even 
 ing on Cemetery Hill.* 
 
 Colonel Stone s brigade of Rowley s division was 
 posted on the right of Meredith, as has been stated, 
 with his right reaching across the Chambersburg Pike, 
 nearly where Hall s battery stood, earlier in the day. 
 He had had to fight his way to this position, and he 
 subsequently maintained it against great odds, until 
 new developments on the right necessitated a change. 
 The brigade was composed of Pennsylvania troops, and 
 
 * "Biddle (?) made a skillful disposition of his troops, sending two companies of 
 skirmishers forward to occupy a brick house and stone barn considerably to the front 
 of his line, who did fearful execution upon the advancing enemy, without being them 
 selves exposed. Later in the day they were obliged to abandon this coign of vantage 
 to escape capture, as the enemy in overwhelming numbers advanced, and the build 
 ings were finally burned." ["The Battle of Gettysburg," by Samuel P. Bates, 
 page 66.] 
 
 Mr. Bates is a Pennsylvanian, and he feels a just pride in the exploits of the sol 
 diers of the Keystone State. It sent 366,107 soldiers into the field, and their bravery 
 was conspicuous and their blood flowed like water in every great battle of the war. 
 The reputation of the State for patriotism and for its contributions of men and 
 money to sustain the Government is second to none, and whoever writes the history of 
 Pennsylvania s soldiers in the War of the Rebellion can well afford to give all due 
 credit to their brethren of other States, and yet leave room for ample praise to them 
 selves. When General Reynolds crossed the Potomac to Edwards Ferry, the "Ulster 
 Guard" was occupying the left bank of the river opposite the Ferry. Gteneral Rey 
 nolds ro le to the Colonel s tent and lunched with him, and, before leaving, wrote an 
 order directing him to join the First corps with his Regiment, as soon as he 
 should be relieved. This was on the 26th of June. When relieved, the First corps had 
 twenty-four hours the start of the Guard, but it overtook it on the afternoon of the 
 3 >th by marching e irly and late, and was put into a brigade of Pennsylvanians, who 
 were strangers to it and it to them. The next morning they went into battle together. 
 The next afternoon the brigade was separated, and thereafter, until the fighting was 
 over, the 151st Penn. and the "Ulster Guard" were separated from the rest of the 
 brigade and acting as a demi-brigade under command of Colonel Gates. A few days 
 afterwards the " Ulster Guard " was transferred from the brigade and never served 
 with it again. It was one of the cases referred to by General Patrick (see page 194), 
 and while the services are appreciated the identity of the Regiment is ignored. Mr. 
 Bates says, "Colonel Chapman Biddle, of the 121st, was sent to the left to cover the 
 Miderstown road and the left flank of the Iron Brigade." Then follows the state 
 ment first quoted. With the care that Mr. Bates has evidently taken in gathering 
 the information upon which his book is written, he must have known that there was 
 a New York regiment in Colonel Biddle s brigade and that the two companies whose 
 work he commends were from that regiment. He must also have known, although 
 the fact is of no consequence, that from the afternoon of the second day until the 
 evening of the third, the brigade was divided and the two left Regiments were opera 
 ting as a demi-brigade, under the Colonel of the New York Regiment. 
 
1863. J EWELL S CORPS ARRIVES. 435 
 
 was known as the " Buck- tail Brigade." Its loss was 
 heavy. 
 
 Fender s Confederate division of Hill s corps had 
 arrived upon the ground meantime, and the pressure 
 upon the Union lines was momentarily growing heavier. 
 The rattle of musketry and roar of artillery was contin 
 uous and deafening ; and on the rebel side the volume 
 was swelling louder and louder, as their fresh troops 
 and hurrying batteries came into action. It was now 
 one o clock, and two small divisions of the First !corps, 
 and a portion of Buford s cavalry, numbering together 
 less than nine thousand men, had held in check, at first 
 ten, and latterly, not less than eighteen thousand 
 Rebels, since ten o clock. 
 
 The van of EwelPs corps, consisting of the division 
 of Rodes, now appeared upon the field, marching in 
 from the direction of Heidi ersburg, and taking post on 
 the high ground on the right of the Union line, a pro 
 longation of Seminary Ridge, called Oak Hill, and over 
 looking the Ridges to the southward, and the vales be 
 tween them. He at once planted his batteries in com 
 manding positions on these heights, and opened an en 
 filading fire on the Federals. His shot and shell swept 
 the line from the right to the extreme left, and the 
 position had become untenable, unless those murderous 
 guns could be silenced. His skirmishers at the same 
 time came " booming, three deep," and a mile long, 
 against Devens cavalry, who still held their ground on 
 the right; and he found he had to "fight like the 
 devil," as Buford had predicted. Gradually, the cav 
 alry were pressed back toward the left and rear, al 
 though they fought desperately and made the enemy 
 pay dearly for every foot of ground he wrested from 
 them. Calefs battery of light guns, attached to De 
 vens brigade, did excellent service on this part of the 
 line. 
 
 The Eleventh corps had now reached Gettysburg, 
 
4:36 GETTYSBURG CAMPAIGN FIRST DAY. [1863. 
 
 after a long and hurried march, and General Howard 
 sent his artillery forward on a trot, while the divisions 
 of Schurz and Barlow followed, coming upon the field 
 on the north side of the village, and going into position 
 a little to the right and rear of Deven, so as to confront 
 the left brigade of Rodes division, east of the Mum- 
 masburg road, and facing north. The Federal line had 
 thus become crescent shaped, with the apex on the 
 Chambersburg Pike, and extended from the Hagers- 
 town road on the left, where Colonel Biddle was posted, 
 to Rock Creek, north of Gettysburg, and a few hun 
 dred yards in front of the point where the Harrisburg 
 road crosses the stream. Yon Gilsa s brigade of Bar 
 low s division held the extreme right. On Barlow s 
 left was Schurz division ; to his left was Wadsworth s 
 division; and beyond him, Rowley s. When the divi 
 sions of the Eleventh corps got into position, the cav 
 alry was withdrawn from the front. Along this curved 
 line were posted the following batteries, from right to 
 left: Wilkenson s 4th, U. S.; Wheeler s 12th, N. Y. 
 Independent; Dilger s Ohio battery; Hall s Maine; 
 Reynolds N. Y., and Cooper s Pa. batteries all four- 
 gun batteries except Hall s and Reynolds , which were 
 six guns each. The two divisions of the Eleventh 
 corps, which had come upon the field, numbered about 
 7,500 men. The remaining division of this corps, Stein- 
 we.hr s, General Howard had posted on Cemetery Hill, 
 to hold that position, and as a nucleus around which to 
 rally in case of defeat, on the farther side of the town. 
 As General Howard ranked General Doubleday, he 
 took command of the field, and the latter resumed com 
 mand of the First corps. 
 
 The heavy enfilading fire from Oak Hill was replied 
 to by as many of the Union batteries as could be brought 
 to bear, but the rebel guns could not be driven off or 
 silenced. It therefore became necessary to change the 
 formation of the First corps line to meet this new 
 
1863.] HEAVY FIGHTING ON RIGHT AND CENTRE. 437 
 
 menace on its right flank. Wadsworth s division was 
 drawn back under cover of a strip of woods on Seminary 
 Ridge, and on the north side of the railroad bed Rey 
 nolds battery accompanying. Stone swung his right 
 regiments to the rear and almost perpendicular to their 
 former position and into the Chambersburg Pike ; his 
 left regiment remained faced to the west. Biddle s bri 
 gade changed front to the right and was posted in sup- 
 port of Cooper s battery, which replied to the enemy s 
 guns on Oak Hill. 
 
 Twenty minutes after the two divisions of the 
 Eleventh corps had taken position, the Confederate 
 division of Early (E well s, formerly Stonewall Jackson s 
 corps), with three batteries, came upon the field over the 
 Harrisburg road, striking the right of Barlow s division. 
 This was the signal for a general advance of the enemy s 
 infantry along the whole line. There could not have 
 been less than 35,000 Confederates confronting the 
 small body of Federals drawn up around the north and 
 west side of Gettysburg. It was near two o clock when 
 the long, deep and closely-formed lines of rebel in 
 fantry began their advance ; behind these came heavy 
 reserves. The formation of the Union line was such 
 that the first shock of the enemy s blow fell upon the 
 right brigades of the First corps who occupied the apex 
 of the crescent. At this critical moment General 
 Doubleday discovered that there was an interval be 
 tween his right and the left of the Eleventh corps (from 
 whence the cavalry had been withdrawn), and he or 
 dered General Baxter, of General Robinson s division 
 (in reserve), to move up and fill it. Baxter rushed into 
 the dangerous gap in time to meet the enemy s onset. 
 His brigade drove back the assailants at this point and 
 captured three battle flags and a number of prisoners. 
 But the interval was too long for Baxter to close and 
 the rebels began to press in between his right and the 
 Eleventh corps. General Doubleday then dispatched 
 
438 GETTYSBURG CAMPAIGN FIRST DAY. [1863. 
 
 General Robinson, himself, with the remaining brigade 
 of his division, General Paul s.* General Robinson 
 put Paul s brigade in on the right of Baxter, before the 
 enemy had succeeded in working through. But the gap 
 was not yet filled and the right regiments of Paul s bri 
 gade were refused" so as to cover his flank and at the 
 same time extend across the Mummasburg road, while 
 Stuart s battery, 4th U. S. artillery, was sent to his 
 support. Cutler s brigade and then Meredith s received 
 the onset in succession, as the rebel line swung around 
 the crescent, and each brigade maintained its reputation 
 for bravery and cool and effective fighting. They were 
 losing men fast but they were taking a fearful revenge 
 on their swarming assailants. Time and again the 
 enemy dashed his strong lines against the thin ones of 
 Paul, Baxter, Cutler, Stone and Meredith, and time and 
 again was repulsed with the loss of large numbers of 
 killed and wounded and many prisoners. 
 
 While the battle was thus raging along the First 
 corps front, the Eleventh was furiously assailed by 
 Rodes and Early, whose lines now united with the 
 troops of Hill. Yon Gilsa s Brigade was forced back 
 to the Alms House, and the exultant enemy crowded 
 such masses upon the whole division, that it was forced 
 to give ground. General Barlow, its gallant command 
 er, was wounded several times, and left on the field for 
 dead. Schurz division withstood the onset for some 
 time, but overpowered by numbers, fell back in the 
 
 * General Paul was a graduate of West Point and a brave and capable officer. 
 When General Patrick was appointed Provost-Marshal-General of the Army of the 
 Potomac, soon after the battle of Antietam, General Paul was assigned to the com 
 mand of Patrick s brigade. He continued in the command until he was wounded on 
 the first day of July at Gettysburg, and left upon the field for dead. He, however, 
 was only seriously wounded and lost the sight of both eyes. The writer had the 
 pleasure of meeting General Paul at West Point some years ago, and found him in 
 good health and spirits but totally blind. General John C. Robinson, who commanded 
 the division, was a splendid and courageous officer, who, having passed through the 
 fire of a dozen battles unharmed, lost a leg at Spottsylvania Court House. He has 
 since been Lieutenant-Governor of New York, and is now the honored head of the 
 " Grand Army of the Republic" of that State. 
 
1863.] ELEVENTH CORPS OVERCOME. 439 
 
 direction of the town. The retreat had now fairly set 
 in, and the troops on the right were thrown into dis 
 order. Portions of them made stands here and there, 
 and resisted the enemy s advance, but could accomplish 
 no permanent results. As the streets of the village 
 were reached, the crowding and confusion increased, 
 while the Rebel batteries played upon the dense masses 
 packed in the narrow ways, and their infantry following 
 closely, kept up a rapid fire, and gathered in many 
 prisoners. 
 
 Thus the right of the Federal line, consisting of two 
 divisions of the Eleventh corps, and nearly or quite 
 half of the entire Union force on the field, had been 
 swept away, and the First corps was left to fight it out 
 alone. 
 
CHAPTER XXXII. 
 
 FIRST DAY AT GETTYSBURG CONTINUED ULSTER GUARD IN BIDDLE S 
 BRIGADE ON EXTREME LEFT FIGHTING ON THAT PART OF FIELD 
 WHAT MR. BATES SAYS ABOUT IT RIGHT OF FIRST CORPS GIVES WAY 
 SITUATION ON THE LEFT EVIDENCES OF COOLNESS LEFT FALL BACK 
 TO SEMINARY COLONEL BIDDLE WOUNDED NO DISORDER OR CONFU 
 SION ON THE LEFT LEFT BRIGADE RETIRES ULSTER GUARD COVERS 
 MOVEMENT TIME EMBRACED BY THESE OPERATIONS WHAT MESSRS. 
 
 SWINTON, LOSSING AND JACOBS SAY A LETTER FROM GENERAL 
 DOUBLEDAY ENEMY S DEMONSTRATIONS IN EVENING THE VAN-GUARD 
 OF THE FEDERAL ARMY HAD ACCOMPLISHED ITS MISSION PROFESSOR 
 BATES COMMENTS ON THE FIRST DAY S FIGHT "WHERE WAS THE 
 REST OF THE ARMY ?" LOSSES IN FIRST AND ELEVENTH CORPS THE 
 HILLS AND ROUND TOPS WERE OURS " ON THE LEFT AT GETTYSBURG." 
 
 before the Eleventh corps gave way, the right 
 of the enemy s lines of assault had swung around the 
 curve of the Union line, and struck the Federal left 
 near the Hagerstown road, and the roar of battle then 
 swept along the whole line with great fury. Biddle s 
 Brigade was still holding the left. Cooper s battery of 
 four pieces was posted in the brigade line, between the 
 "Ulster Guard" and the 142d Pa., the brigade being 
 now posted on the ridge, in Front of Willoughby Run, 
 and in nearly the identical position it occupied just be 
 fore advancing into the ravine, some hours before. In 
 the separation of the brigade to make an interval for 
 Cooper s battery, the right and left regiments were 
 thrown so far apart, that Colonel Biddle directed 
 Colonel Gates to take charge of the two regiments on 
 the left (121st Pa. and "Ulster Guard"), while he 
 looked after the two regiments on the right. The 
 brigade was not reunited again until it formed behind 
 the barricade in front of the Seminary, at about four 
 o clock in the afternoon. 
 
 Mr. Bates, after describing the operations on the 
 440 
 
1863.] FIGHTING ON THE LEFT. 441 
 
 right, thus speaks of the events on the left : " But 
 the wave of battle, as it rolled southward, reached 
 every part in turn, and the extreme Union left, 
 where Biddle s brigade was posted, at length felt its 
 power. A body of troops, apparently an entire divi 
 sion, drawn out in heavy lines, came down from the 
 west and south, and overlapping both of Biddle s flanks, 
 moved defiantly on. Only three small regiments were 
 in position to receive them ; but ordering up the One 
 Hundred and Fifty-first Pennsylvania, which had been 
 detached for special duty, and throwing it into the gap 
 between Meredith s and his own, and wheeling the bat 
 tery into position, Biddle awaited the approach. As 
 the enemy appeared beyond the wood, under cover of 
 which they had formed, a torrent of death-dealing mis 
 siles leaped from the guns. Terrible rents were made ; 
 but closing up, they came on undaunted. Never were 
 guns better served ; and though the ground was strewn 
 with the slain, their line seemed instantly to grow to 
 gether. The infantry fire was terrific on both sides ; 
 but the enemy, outflanking Biddle, sent a direct and a 
 doubly destructive oblique fire, before which it seemed 
 impossible to stand. But though the dead fell until the 
 living could fight from behind them as from a bulwark, 
 they stood fast as if rooted to the ground." [pp. 72-3.] 
 The right of the first corps had now been forced to 
 give way, as the enemy were pouring their thousands 
 upon its exposed flank, and brigade after brigade was 
 swept from the field until Biddle s brigade stood alotie 
 upon the line, holding in check a whole division of Con 
 federates. Cooper s battery, which had most gallantly 
 breasted the storm and poured grape and canister into 
 the foe with destructive effect, was now sent to the rear 
 to save it from capture, and the brigade prepared to re 
 tire. The enemy were moving down the Hagerstown 
 road, and would soon have turned our flank and taken 
 the brigade in reverse. It was almost as dangerous to 
 
442 GETTYSBURG CAMPAIGN FIRST DAY. [1863. 
 
 retreat as to remain, for we were now receiving a fire on 
 both flanks as well as in front. But to remain was to be 
 captured, and pouring a volley into the enemy as 
 they came rushing up the slope in front, and at short 
 range, the order to retreat was given. Anticipating 
 that the rebels would dash forward when our retreat 
 began, and possibly throw the troops into confusion, 
 the Colonel of the "Ulster Guard," who was the only 
 officer of the brigade mounted, took from his color- 
 bearer the regimental colors, which had been presented 
 to the regiment by the ladies of Saugerties, and hoisting 
 them over his shoulder, called upon his men to stand 
 by them. As he was mounted the colors became very 
 conspicuous. The two regiments under Colonel Biddle 
 preceded the left regiments. These regiments marched 
 slowly and in perfect order, halting as often as they 
 could load, and facing about and delivering their fire 
 with so much coolness and effect that the pursuit was 
 very tardy. Seeing this, Colonel Gates returned the 
 color to its proper custodian. The parting volley on 
 the ridge was very destructive, and while it checked the 
 advance for a few minutes it taught the enemy caution. 
 We lost no prisoners, except our wounded, whom we 
 were compelled to leave on the field, and we damaged 
 the enemy quite as much in our retreat as he did us. 
 
 In front of the seminary (on the side toward Wil- 
 loughby Run), and but a few feet from it, was a narrow 
 strip of woods. Along the edge of this, next the sem 
 inary, was a rail and stone fence. Here Colonel Wain- 
 wright, Chief of Artillery of the First corps, had posted 
 the batteries of Cooper, Breck, Stevens and Wilbur, 
 and at the railroad cut to the right were the guns of 
 Stuart. Colonel Biddle had posted his two regiments 
 behind this fence, and when the other two arrived they 
 were formed on his left. This line was prolonged to 
 the right beyond the railroad bed by Meredith s brigade, 
 which had already arrived there, and this position was 
 
1863,] EVIDENCES OF COOLNESS. 443 
 
 held for nearly or quite half an hour, against four times 
 the number of defenders. But to do more than to give 
 the fleeing troops farther to the right the opportunity 
 to escape through the town and form on the heights 
 beyond was not expected. The repulse of the enemy s 
 first attack on this new line was so complete and disas 
 trous that they retired beyond the ridge and into the 
 valley of Willoughby Run. Colonel Gates rode through 
 the strip of woods at this time, and sat on his horse 
 several minutes watching the right and left of the rebel 
 line, while immediately in front there was not a Con 
 federate to be seen except dead and wounded. Colonel 
 Biddle, while conversing with Colonel Gates in rear of 
 the line, during the second assault, received a musket 
 ball wound in the scalp ; the sound of the blow was 
 distinctly heard, and both gentlemen thought the injury 
 of a serious character. Colonel Biddle turned over the 
 command of the brigade to Colonel Gates, as the wound 
 was very painful, and withdrew. He returned, how 
 ever, while the brigade was still in the same position, 
 with his head bandaged, and remarking to Colonel 
 Gates that the wound was not as bad as he had feared, 
 resumed command of the brigade. Colonel Gates horse 
 received five bullet wounds while at this position. These 
 somewhat personal matters are narrated with a view to 
 give to the reader an idea of the nature of the defence 
 which this brigade made, the length of time it .held the 
 enemy in check, and of the entire coolness and com 
 posure of its conduct. The retreat of the Union troops 
 from the field of the first day s fight has generally been 
 characterized as " disorderly," and while this is true as 
 to a portion of them, it is unjust as to nearly the entire 
 First corps. Even so close an observer and accurate 
 writer as General Hancock has fallen into this error. In 
 his controversy with General Howard as to which was 
 entitled to most credit for posting the army on Cem 
 etery Hill, and as to what time he himself arrived there, 
 
444 GETTYSBURG CAMPAIGN FIRST DAY. [1863. 
 
 General Hancock says : "I hurried to the front (Cem 
 etery Heights), and saw our troops retreating in dis 
 order and confusion from the town, closely followed by 
 the enemy." " Galaxy," December, 1876, page 822. 
 General Hancock says this was "about 3:30 P. M." At 
 that hour the left of the First Corps certainly was 
 fighting on the Willoughby Run line, and had not 
 yielded a foot of ground. It was at least half an hour 
 later when it fell back to the seminary, and that posi 
 tion was retained for more than half an hour. The re 
 treat from there was deliberate and orderly ; and my 
 diary gives the time as 5:30 when we reached Cemetery 
 Hill. 
 
 The enemy had been repulsed in three several at 
 tacks on our position, but he had now thrown M Gow- 
 an s brigade upon our left flank, and his troops were 
 pushing forward on our right, threatening to cut off our 
 retreat. Colonel Biddle conferred with Colonel Gates 
 upon the subject of withdrawing the brigade, and it was 
 agreed that it was impracticable to remain longer. The 
 batteries were safely removed, with the exception of 
 one gun and three caissons, the horses of which being 
 killed, had to be abandoned. The "Ulster Guard" 
 marched in rear of the brigade, covering the retreat. 
 The enemy were then closing in on both flanks, and 
 pushing forward in rear, and there was not so much as 
 a company of Federal troops, except killed and 
 wounded, upon the battle-field when we left it. Reach 
 ing Cemetery Hill, we were posted along a stone wall, 
 overlooking the Taneytown road, and there remained 
 during the night, and until 11 o clock, A. M., next day. 
 
 Mr. Swinton says, at page 334 of his " Campaigns of 
 the Army of the Potomac " : " The left of the First alone 
 drew back in some order, making a stand on Seminary 
 Ridge until the artillery and ambulances had been with 
 drawn, and then fell back behind the town." After 
 describing the repulse of our right, Mr. Lossing says : 
 
1863.] A LETTER FROM GENERAL DOUBLEDAY. 445 
 
 " The First Corps, whose left had been held firmly by 
 Doubleday, now fell back. It brought away the artil 
 lery and ambulances from Seminary Ridge." This does 
 not indicate much " disorder and confusion" on that 
 part of the line. Professor Jacobs says : " But though 
 the enemy attacked us with two men to our one, our 
 left was able, during the forenoon, and until three P. M., 
 not only to hold its own, but to drive back the enemy 
 in their fearful charges." 
 
 At the risk of being charged with egotism, I take the 
 liberty to make some extracts from a letter of General 
 Doubleday s, dated September 10th, 1863. If it reliect 
 any credit upon the author of this work, it reflects still 
 greater credit upon the officers and men he commanded, 
 and this is my justification for its insertion in these 
 pages. Without the cordial and hearty co-operation of 
 my command, I could not have won the commendation 
 General Doubleday bestows upon me, and whatever of 
 compliment is expressed or implied in his letter, the 
 officers and men under my command are entitled to the 
 credit of. General Doubleday says : " Colonel Theodore 
 B. Gates, of the Twentieth New York, served under me 
 in the recent battle of Gettysburg, as well as on several 
 other occasions. The many battles in which this officer 
 has been engaged, his great bravery and sound military 
 judgment led me to place great dependence upon him. 
 On the first day at Gettysburg he was assigned to the 
 important duty of protecting the left flank of the First 
 corps against the heavy forces which threatened it. 
 His manoeuvres were all excellent, and he held his posi 
 tion for several hours, until the right of the line gave 
 way and forced him to retire, which he did in good 
 order. Although out-flanked by a whole brigade, he 
 continued, as I have said, to hold them in check, and 
 to fall back without disorder, to a second position on 
 Seminary Ridge. There he formed his line again, and 
 most gallantly checked the enemy s advance, until the 
 
446 GETTYSBURG CAMPAIGN FIRST DAY. [1863. 
 
 corps had nearly all withdrawn. His position was that 
 of a forlorn hope, covering the retreat of the corps and 
 saving it from a great disaster. 
 
 "Exhausted as his command must have been, from 
 the desperate and prolonged fighting on the first day, 
 he, nevertheless, had an equally desperate combat on 
 the third day, after the terrific artillery assault which 
 preceded the final attack of the rebels on our left centre. 
 The rebels had already penetrated Hancock s line of 
 battle, when the two regiments, under command of 
 Colonel Gates, attacked them furiously in front, at short 
 pistol range, charged and drove them from the protec 
 tion of the felled timber in which they were sheltered, 
 and took a large number of prisoners. On the oc 
 casions alluded to, Colonel Gates commanded the 20th 
 New York (his own regiment), and the 151st Pennsyl 
 vania Volunteers. 
 
 " I do not mean by these remarks to detract in any 
 way from the great merit of the other troops who co 
 operated with Colonel Gates. The desperate nature of 
 the fight is indicated by the fact that the official returns 
 show that Colonel Gates lost considerably more than 
 half his force." 
 
 The enemy made some desultory attempts to carry 
 the Federal lines of Cemetery Hill in the evening, and 
 at one or two points sharp but brief fighting ensued ; 
 but in every instance the Confederates were repulsed, 
 and retired to the shelter of the town, or rejoined their 
 comrades at its suburbs. If General Lee had pushed 
 forward the forces he had in the immediate neighbor 
 hood of Gettysburg, at six o clock in the afternoon of 
 July 1st, and had made a vigorous and determined as 
 sault upon Cemetery Hill, it is very doubtful if the 
 small body of Union troops then on the ground could 
 have prevented the Confederates from obtaining pos 
 session of the strong position along Rock Creek, east 
 of the cemetery, and which would have compelled the 
 
1863-] THE VAN HAD ACCOMPLISHED ITS MISSION. 447 
 
 Federals to abandon the ground on which they subse 
 quently fought, and would possibly have reversed the 
 positions of the armies in the great struggles of the 
 next two days. But Lee had been confounded by the 
 unexpected presence of the Army of the Potomac, and 
 with the imperfect knowledge he then had as to the 
 strength of the position and the numbers present to 
 defend it, he deferred his attack. 
 
 Thus the van-guard of the Federal Army had accom 
 plished its mission. It had met the wishes of its dead 
 chieftain, Reynolds, and of Howard and Doubleday, 
 Pleasonton and Buford, By an almost unexampled 
 persistency, by steady and continuous fighting on an 
 exposed field and against double its numbers for eight 
 hoars, it had saved the natural bulwarks in rear of Get 
 tysburg for the occupation of the Union army, and from 
 these bulwarks it delivered battle on the next and the 
 succeeding day, and upon these bulwarks and the brave 
 men who defended them, the Confederate army was 
 dashed in vain, until decimated and demoralized, its 
 worn and hopeless remnant, like the shadow of the 
 grand and confident array which so lately marched 
 across the border, sought safety and seclusion in a 
 midnight flight. 
 
 Of the battle of the first day, Mr. Bates says : 
 "What the result would have been had Reynolds 
 lived, it is impossible to divine. He had scarcely mar 
 shalled his first battalions before he was slain. The 
 chief command upon the field then devolved upon Gen 
 eral Doubleday, which, for upwards of two hours, he 
 continued to exercise. It was during this time, and 
 under his immediate direction, that the chief successes 
 of the day were achieved, a large number of prisoners 
 and standards having been captured in successive 
 periods of the fight, and at widely separated parts of 
 the field. To any one who will traverse the ground 
 held by the First Corps from ten in the morning until 
 
448 GETTYSBURG CAMPAIGN FIRST DAY. [1863, 
 
 after four in the afternoon will note the insignificance 
 in the number of its guns and of its muskets, as com 
 pared with those of the two divisions of Hill and one of 
 Ewell which opposed it, and will consider the triumphs 
 won, and how every daring attempt of the enemy to 
 gain the field was foiled, it must be evident that the 
 manoeuvring of Doubleday was admirable, and that it 
 stamps him as a corps leader of consummate excellence. 
 For mark how little equality of position he enjoyed ! 
 the opposing ridge and Oak Hill affording great advan 
 tage for the enemy s artillery ; and how his infantry 
 stood upon open ground, with no natural or artificial 
 protection except in a short distance upon his extreme 
 right, where was a low stone wall. Where, in the his 
 tory of the late war, is this skill and coolness of the 
 commander, or this stubborn bravery of the troops 
 
 matched ? 
 
 #&*&#*## 
 
 "But where, during all this long day of carnage, 
 was the rest of the army ? Why were these two feeble 
 corps left from early morn until the evening shadows 
 began to set, to be jostled and torn without succor I 
 Were there no troops within call ? Was not the very 
 air laden with the terrible sounds of the fray ? Was 
 not the clangor of the enemy s guns more persuasive 
 than the summons of staff officers ? 
 
 "The order of General Meade for the march of the 
 several corps of the army on the first would carry the 
 Third corps to Emmettsburg. But General Sickles says 
 in his testimony, that he had reached Emmettsburg on 
 the night of the 30th. This place is ten miles from Get 
 tysburg. The Third corps had been placed under the 
 command of Reynolds as the leader of the right wing of 
 the army, and he had sent a staff officer on the morning 
 of the first to summon it forward. It had no farther to 
 march than had Howard s corps, and following the 
 course that Howard went the by-way leading to Taney- 
 
1863.] WHERE WAS THE REST OF THE ARMY ? 449 
 
 town road not so great a distance. But Sickles had 
 that morning received the circular of Meade, indicating 
 the purpose to concentrate on Pipe Creek, though con 
 taining no order. It was his plain duty, therefore, to 
 have responded, had the message reached him, to the 
 call of Reynolds. But to this he seems to have paid no 
 attention. In his testimony Sickles says: I was giv 
 ing my troops a little repose during that morning .... 
 Between two and three o clock in the afternoon, I got 
 a dispatch from General Howard, at Gettysburg, inform 
 ing me that the First and Eleventh corps had been 
 engaged during the day with a superior force of the 
 enemy, and that General Reynolds had fallen ; that he 
 (Howard) was in command, and was very hard pressed, 
 and urging me, in the most earnest terms to come to his 
 relief with what force I could. I of course, considered 
 the question very anxiously. My preliminary orders in 
 going to Gettysburg were to go there and hold that 
 position with my corps, as it was regarded as a very 
 important flanking position, to cover our rear and line 
 of communication. In this testimony Sickles ignores 
 the early summons of Reynolds, which a staff officer, 
 Captain Rosen garten, asserts was sent by an aide with 
 great dispatch, and immediately after Reynolds had 
 reached the front ; but Sickles says, * My preliminary 
 orders in going to Gettysburg. Is this a misprint in 
 the testimony, and should it read Emmettsburg? If 
 Gettysburg, then to what order does he refer ? General 
 Meade had given no such order. If Gettysburg, he 
 must refer to an order which he had received from Rey 
 nolds, which he disobeyed; probably allowing the circu 
 lar of Meade, which had no binding effect, and which 
 bore that declaration in so many words on its face, to 
 override it. But, when, between two and three o clock, 
 he received the summons of Howard, he concluded to 
 respond to it. Moreover, it would seem that besides the 
 order of Reynolds and the appeal of Howard, other 
 
 29 
 
450 GETTYSBURG CAMPAIGN FIRST DAY. [1863. 
 
 messages had reached Sickles before he decided to go to 
 Gettysburg. An article published in the Rebellion 
 Record, Vol. VIII. , page 346, contains this statement : 
 besides numerous reports, the following brief commu 
 nication reached him (Sickles) which accidentally fell 
 into my hands : July 1, Gettysburg, General Sickles : 
 General Doubleday (First corps) says, for God s sake, 
 come up with all speed, they are pressing us hard. H. 
 T. Lee, lieutenant, A. D. C. 
 
 4 The Twelfth corps, according to Meade s pro 
 gramme, was to march from Littlestown, ten miles from 
 Gettysburg, to Two Taverns, which would bring it 
 within live miles of the battle-field, four and a quarter 
 from Cemetery Hill. The march was commenced at six 
 in the morning, and, after passing Two Taverns, a line 
 of battle was formed. The following is from the diary 
 of an officer who commanded a regiment in Kane s Bri 
 gade : July 1st, Marched at six A.M. a short distance : 
 passing Two Taverns ; formed line of battle ; heavy 
 firing in front. A report that the First and Eleventh 
 corps are engaged with the enemy. The enemy s Whit- 
 worth gun could have sent a bolt nearly this distance. 
 The smoke from the field must have been plainly visible. 
 The roar of the battle was constantly resounding. But 
 here the corps remained idle during the whole day." 
 
 The First corps was nearly annihilated. It went into 
 battle with 8,200 men and came out with but 2,450 
 5,750 killed, wounded and captured. The two divisions 
 of the Eleventh corps which came upon the field lost 
 little more than half their number. There were but few 
 prisoners taken from the First corps, but a large number 
 from the Eleventh. Over 2,500 Confederate prisoners 
 had been taken and the field was covered with dead and 
 wounded Rebels and Cemetery Hill, Wolf and Culp 
 Hills and the Round Tops were ours. 
 
1863.] ON THE LEFT AT GETTYSBURG. 45 ^ 
 
 ON THE LEFT AT GETTYSBURG, 
 
 Respectfully dedicated to tJie Twentieth Regiment, N. Y. 8. M. 
 
 BY H. L. ABBEY. 
 
 Soldier of the picket guard, 
 Keeping midnight watch and ward, 
 While a mighty nation sleeps ; 
 On yon dark, beleaguered steeps 
 On the heights at Fredericksburg 
 Tell us how at Gettysburg, 
 On the left at Gettysburg, 
 
 Valor stayed disaster ; 
 When the raiding 1 Rebel crew, 
 Hurled upon our weary few 
 
 Columns dense, and vaster , 
 Ten to one, than they who stood, 
 For a grateful nation s good, 
 
 On the left, at Gettysburg, 
 Beating back disaster. 
 
 * * * * 
 
 Though, before their fierce attack, 
 Right and centre both fell back, 
 Scarce three hundred Ulster men, 
 Linked with brawny sons of Penn, 
 All that day at Gettysburg 
 On the left at Gettysburg- 
 Held at bay the traitor. 
 
 * * * * 
 
 Ho ! watcher of our destiny 
 Tell us yet if liberty, 
 
 On the Nation s forehead 
 Sets her crown, no longer scoffed 
 By the blazoned curse, that oft 
 
 Made her name abhorred. 
 If the stain be cleansed away, 
 Not in vain upon that day, 
 On the left at Gettysburg, 
 
 Fought our sons and brothers. 
 If the curse must still remain, 
 Vain their fight, our longing vain ; 
 
 And the tears of mothers 
 Will not find a balm to soothe 
 Marah never will be smooth 
 
452 GETTYSBURG CAMPAIGN FIRST DAY. [1863. 
 
 Torn with waves of sorrow. 
 But the right shall rule, we know, 
 Lo ! the morning splendors glow 
 
 Of the golden morrow. 
 Mothers tears are pearls, that buy 
 Many a nation s liberty, 
 
 Making freedom vaster. 
 Pray for those who vainly weep 
 For their darling sons, who sleep 
 Where they fell at Gettysburg, 
 On the left at Gettysburg, 
 
 Beating back disaster. 
 
CHAPTER XXXIII. 
 
 AN ANXIOUS NIGHT IN-POURING OF THE UNION ARMY REBEL TALK IN 
 GETTYSBURG ARRIVAL OF GENERAL MEADE POSTING THE ARMY 
 
 NEWTON ASSIGNED TO FIRST CORPS ROADS AND TOPOGRAPHY THIRD 
 CORPS SWINGS OUT OF LINE BRINGS ON A BATTLE BREAK THROUGH 
 SICKLES LEFT PUSH FOR ROUND TOP WHAT WARREN DID TERRIBLE 
 FIGHTING REBELS DRIVEN FROM ROUND TOP FEDERALS FORCED 
 BACK ALONG THE LOW GROUND ATTACK ON SLOCUM S LINE REBELS 
 
 MAKE A LODGMENT ULSTER GUARD IN FRONT LINE NIGHT AND 
 QUIETNESS A WALK OVER THE BATTLE-FIELD LIEUTENANT W. J. 
 COCKBURN COLONEL C. R. WESTBROOK PREPARATIONS FOR THE 
 MORROW. 
 
 To most of the officers and men of the Federal Army 
 the night of the first of July was an anxious, sleepless 
 and tiresome one. The worn-out troops of the First and 
 Eleventh corps lay upon their arms around the bend of 
 the fish-hook, guarding the approaches from the direc 
 tion of Gettysburg. The residue of the army was in 
 march to join them. Would they arrive in time for the 
 anticipated assault in the early morning ? The positions 
 of the Third and Twelfth corps were shown in the con 
 cluding paragraphs of the preceding chapter. The 
 Second corps was still at Taneytown, fourteen miles 
 away. The Fifth corps was near Uniontown, still 
 farther away, and the Sixth, the largest corps in the 
 army, was at Manchester, thirty-four miles from the 
 battle-field. But by and by the sound of thousands of 
 hurrying feet and the rumble of batteries and caissons, 
 told to the anxious listeners the glad story of the in- 
 pouring of the Union Army. The fight to-morrow would 
 be a more equal combat ; the repulse of to-day would 
 surely be avenged. These boasting rebels, who filled 
 the streets of Gettysburg and recounted to its terror- 
 stricken citizens their exploits of the day, should have 
 
 453 
 
454 GETTYSBURG CAMPAIGN. [1863. 
 
 a far different tale to rehearse on the coming night. 
 Professor Jacobs, a citizen of Gettysburg and a spectator 
 of and a listener to the things and conversations he 
 speaks of, says : " The portion of Rodes division 
 which lay down before our dwelling for the night was 
 greatly elated with the results of the first day s battle, 
 and the same may be said of the whole rebel army. 
 They were anxious to engage in conversation, to com 
 municate their views and feelings, and to elicit ours. 
 They were boastful of themselves, of their cause, and of 
 the skill of their officers ; and were anxious to tell us of 
 the unskillful manner in which some of our officers had 
 conducted the fight which had just closed. When in 
 formed that General Archer and 1500 of his men had 
 been captured, they said : To-morrow we will take all 
 these back again ; and having already taken 5000 (!) 
 prisoners of you to-day, we will take the balance of 
 your men to-morrow. Having been well fed, provis 
 ioned and rested, and successful on this day, their con 
 fidence knew no bounds. They felt assured they should 
 be able, with perfect ease, to cut up our army in detail, 
 fatigued as it was by long marches and yet scattered, 
 for only two corps had as yet arrived. Resting under 
 this impression, they laid down joyfully on the night of 
 the first day." 
 
 General Meade arrived at Cemetery Hill about one 
 o clock on the morning of the second of July, and as 
 soon as day began to break he was in the saddle, riding 
 over the ground and giving orders for the positioning of 
 his army. The Eleventh corps retained the position it 
 assumed on the evening of the first ; next on its right 
 was Wadsworth s division of the First corps, extending 
 into the fastness of Gulp s Hill; next to Wadsworth 
 was posted Slocum s Twelfth corps (excepting Geary s 
 division, which was stationed in the neighborhood of 
 Round Top, on the left) with its right resting on McAl 
 lister s Hill. On the left of Howard, and extending 
 
1863.] POSTING THE UNION ARMY. 455 
 
 along the shank of the fish-hook, was Hancock s Second 
 corps, with its right in Zeigler s Grove and its left 
 thrown out towards Round Top. The Third corps, 
 Sickles, had arrived in the evening of the first and was 
 massed in rear of the left of the Eleventh corps. The 
 Fifth corps was placed in reserve in rear of Cemetery 
 Hill, on its arrival, but on the afternoon of the second 
 was moved over to the Round Tops, under circum 
 stances hereafter narrated. The Sixth corps, Sedgwick, 
 which left Hanover on the evening of the first and made 
 a forced march of thirty-four miles, arrived on the 
 field at two o clock on the 2d, and was posted in reserve 
 in rear of the left fiank. The divisions of Doubleday, 
 (General Meade had assigned General Newton to the 
 command of the First corps) and Robinson were in 
 reserve. 
 
 The road from Gettysburg to Baltimore, after pass 
 ing through the Federal line at Cemetery Hill, con 
 tinued southeasterly, along the rear of the right wing 
 of the army. The Taneytown road ran through the 
 left centre of our line, and thence along the rear of the 
 left wing ; each road passing out between the Round 
 Tops and McAllisters Hill. The Emmettsburg road 
 ran close to the front of the left, until it passed Han 
 cock s corps and then diverged to the west, and disap 
 peared over a wooded ridge a mile and a half west of 
 Round Top. The ground in front of the left of the 
 Federal line sloped gently for an eighth of a mile, and 
 then, by a gradual ascent, reached the ridge over 
 which the Emmettsburg road passed, and which is a 
 prolongation of Seminary Ridge. The country between 
 the Union line and this ridge is open, cultivated land, 
 excepting two small groves on the left, and Sherfy s 
 peach orchard, near the Emmettsburg road, nearly op 
 posite Little Round Top. The opposite ridge is wooded, 
 and afforded a complete mask to the enemy s move 
 ments ; while the position of the Federal troops, at the 
 
456 GETTYSBURG CAMPAIGN. [1863. 
 
 centre and left of their line, could be distinctly seen 
 from the ridge across the Emmettsburg road. 
 
 From early morning, until about four o clock in the 
 afternoon, no hostile demonstration was made. While 
 the Federal commander was stationing his troops, the 
 Rebel Chieftain was engaged in a like occupation, and 
 studying the ground and waiting for his entire force to 
 assemble. At about that hour, General Webb, Colonel 
 Sherrill, Colonel Hardenburg and myself, were sitting 
 on our horses near Dilger s battery, overlooking the 
 field towards the Seminary Ridge, when we were sur 
 prised to see a heavy column of Federal troops debouch 
 from the extreme lef-t of our line and take its way across 
 the open fields above described, towards the Emmetts 
 burg road. Although no enemy could be seen in the 
 woods beyond, no one doubted that they were swarm 
 ing with Rebel troops, and planted thick with Confed 
 erate cannon. It was supposed we had taken position 
 to fight a defensive battle ; and the initiation of an 
 offensive, by a single corps, and that corps advancing 
 in column in mass, almost under the guns of the enemy, 
 without skirmishers or any apparent preparation for 
 immediate battle, was what spectators could not com 
 prehend. 
 
 For ten minutes the column moved steadily for 
 ward ; the spectators of this strange proceeding held 
 their breath in suspense ; all was quiet as death, save 
 the murmuring sound of the tramp of those misguided 
 men, and an occasional exclamation in our lines of as 
 tonishment and dismay. Colonel Sherrill, formerly an 
 Ulster County man, suddenly exclaimed: "There it 
 comes ; " and a moment later the woods along the ridge 
 were wreathed in smoke, while a hundred cannon thun 
 dered on the air. The Union guns answered this Rebel 
 outburst, and for some time the artillery maintained a 
 furious combat. General Meade now appeared on this 
 part of the field, and finding a battle thrust upon him 
 
1863.] WHAT GENERAL WARREN DID. 457 
 
 unexpectedly, had no choice but to sustain the troops 
 which had thus become engaged, and he ordered up re- 
 enforcements to support Sickles. Longstreet, who held 
 the right of Lee s line, and was, therefore, opposite 
 Sickles, was directed to move out and meet him ; while 
 orders were sent to Ewell to attack the right of the 
 Union line, and to Hill, to menace the centre ; so that 
 the Union commander would not dare to withdraw 
 troops from those positions to support the imperilled 
 left. If the Third corps could be swept away, the Con 
 federates could move upon the very key of the Union 
 position Round Top ; and take the Federal lines 
 in reverse. Longstreet sent Hood against Sickles, 
 whose column was now deployed, with directions 
 to strike it near Sherfy s peach orchard, while McLaws 
 and Anderson were to throw their forces against Sickles 
 left, and, breaking through that flank, seize the Round 
 Top. Troops from the Fifth and reserves of the First 
 Corps were sent forward to re-enforce Sickles, but the 
 pressure upon his left was irresis table, and after the 
 most desperate resistance the enemy forced his way 
 through, and Hood s Texans were climbing the ragged 
 side of Round Top, on which as yet the Federals had only 
 a, signal station, when fortunately General Warren, the 
 Chief Engineer of the Army, and a soldier of quick and 
 correct apprehension, chanced to ride to this point of 
 the field, and, ascending Round Top, found it bare of 
 troops, and even the signal officers were rolling up their 
 signal colors to depart, seeing the enemy ascending the 
 mountain side Warren ordered them to unroll and 
 display their flags, and then detaching General Vin 
 cent s brigade and Hazlett s battery from Barnes divis 
 ion as it was passing to the support of Sickles, succeed 
 ed in getting this force upon the mountain top while the 
 Confederates were ascending the more difficult face 
 from the opposite side. A fearful combat ensued for 
 the possession of the commanding point. The bayonet 
 
458 GETTYSBURG CAMPAIGN. 
 
 and clubbed muskets were often resorted to, and for 
 half an hour the struggle was almost unparalled. At 
 length a gallant charge by the Twentieth Maine, Col 
 onel Chamberlain, swept the Texans from the hill and 
 left the coveted position in the hands of the Federals. 
 While the struggle was going on both sides had been 
 re-enforced, and among the Federals who had come to 
 the aid of Vincent was General Weed, commanding the 
 brigade of Ay re s division to which Hazlett s battery 
 belonged, and among the dead of this sanguinary fight 
 were Generals Weed and Vincent, and Lieutenant Haz- 
 lett. 
 
 On the plain and in the valley below, the combat was 
 gallantly maintained on the Union side, but the left of 
 our line was driven back upon the ridge north of Lit 
 tle Round Top, while the right division, Humphrey s, 
 swung its left to the rear, still clinging with its right to 
 the Emmettsburg road. Cald well s division of the Sec 
 ond corps, now moved out to the support of Hum 
 phrey s. The left of Sickles line having been driven in 
 the Confederates turned in overwhelming force upon the 
 right, while a part of Hill s corps, foregoing its menace 
 against the centre, joined in the attack upon Humphrey 
 and swept him back to the Union lines. 
 
 "The Confederates, elated by their successes, dashed 
 like turbulent waves up to the base of the ridge occu 
 pied by the Nationals, fighting most desperately, and 
 throwing themselves recklessly upon supposed weak 
 points of their antagonist s line. In this encounter 
 Meade led troops in person, and everywhere inspirited 
 his men by his presence. Finally, just at sunset, a gen 
 eral charge was made, under the direction of Hancock, 
 chiefly by fresh troops under General Doubleday, who 
 had hastened to his assistance from the rear of Ceme 
 tery Hill These, with Humphrey s shattered regi 
 ments, drove the Confederates back, and a portion of 
 Doubleday s division, pressing up nearly to the o>po- 
 
1863.] ATTACK ON SLOCUM S LINE. 450 
 
 site lines, recaptured four guns which had been lost. 
 At twilight, the battle on the left and left centre had 
 ended, when a new line was formed by the divisions of 
 Robinson and Doubleday, and troops from the Twelfth 
 corps brought up by General Williams who was in tem 
 porary command of it, Slocum having charge of the en 
 tire right wing." Lossing, Vol. Ill, page 68. 
 
 About the time the fighting was concluded on the 
 left, Johnson s division of Ewell s corps burst upon the 
 Union line, at a low point between Gulp s and McAllis 
 ter s Hills. Some of the Federal forces had been with 
 drawn from this locality to aid their brethren on the 
 left, and the watchful Confederates had noticed the fact. 
 Just before dark the attack began with great impetuos 
 ity. For two hours the conflict was carried on with 
 heavy loss to the assailants, but ended in their getting 
 possession of a portion of the Union works near Spang- 
 ler s Spring, at the southern extremity of Gulp s Hill, 
 but the darkness now prevented the further prosecution 
 of their enterprise, or any attempt to expel them. So, 
 holding this breach in the Federal line, the two arm 
 ies gave over their struggles for the night. 
 
 Among the troops which were ordered to the left in 
 support of General Sickles were the 151st Pennsylvania 
 and the " Ulster Guard," still acting as a demi- brigade, 
 and when the fighting ceased, they found themselves in 
 the front line and immediately on the left of the Second 
 corps. At ten o clock comparative quiet reigned along 
 the lines of the two armies, and the weary men threw 
 themselves upon the ground to sleep. I took this op 
 portunity to walk with some of my officers over that 
 portion of the battle-field, in our immediate front, across 
 which the Third corps had retreated. The enemy s pur 
 suit was pushed close up to our lines, and the dead and 
 wounded, of both sides, mingled together and covered 
 the ground. 
 
 Our pickets for the night the men who watch while 
 
460 GETTYSBURG CAMPAIGN. [1863. 
 
 the army sleeps had been posted along the little valley 
 I have mentioned, some six hundred yards in advance 
 of our line of battle, and embraced a portion of the field 
 where the combat raged fiercest in the afternoon. 
 
 The night was very dark, but the low moans of the 
 wounded, as they broke upon the chilly air, guided us 
 in our search. We found among them, men from al 
 most every State loyal and disloyal the fierce, half 
 barbaric Texan, side by side with the cool, unimpassion- 
 ed soldier from Maine the Georgian and New Yorker 
 the Mississippian and Pennsylvanian who, a few 
 short hours before thirsted for each others lives, now, 
 softened by the anguish of wounds, and still more, by 
 the soothing spirit that pervades the night while its 
 myriad stars are looking down upon you all their 
 fierce passions hushed and all their rancor gone these 
 wounded men sought to comfort and to cheer one 
 another. 
 
 The stretcher-bearers, groping about for the wound 
 ed, moved noiselessly over the field, carrying their hu 
 man burdens to the ambulances within our lines, and 
 these conveyed them to the hospitals. 
 
 One, among those wounded men an officer of the 
 120th N. Y. Vol. I had known long and well. He had 
 grown up, surrounded by every luxury a refined and 
 cultivated mind could demand and affluence could sup 
 ply. His generous impulses his social qualities his 
 ready wit his bright intelligence had made him an 
 universal favorite. He had but recently exchanged the 
 cheverons on his sleeve for the Lieutenant s strap, and 
 in the retreat of the Third corps, was one among the 
 hundreds left upon the field, wounded beyond recovery. 
 
 I can never forget his calm demeanor as he lay upon 
 the damp earth, patiently waiting his turn to be cared 
 for. While his young life was ebbing away, he was as 
 composed as he could have been sitting by his mother s 
 fireside. He was anxious only to give us no trouble, 
 
1863.] PREPARATIONS FOR THE MORROW. 461 
 
 and shut up his anguish in his own breast. No external 
 exhibition of suffering could have touched me as did his 
 unmurmuring submission to the fate that had befallen 
 him. 
 
 While I could imagine what he suffered from his 
 wound less than from the consciousness that all his life- 
 hopes and promises were thus cruelly blighted I 
 could not but envy the calm resignation of Lieutenant 
 Cockburn. 
 
 Another severely wounded officer of the 120th was 
 Lieutenant-Colonel Cornelius D. Westbrook, of Kings 
 ton, formerly Captain of Engineers of the "Ulster 
 Guard." 
 
 During the night, some changes were made in the 
 positions of our forces, to meet the emergencies of the 
 morrow, and our defences were strengthened as much 
 as possible. A strong column of infantry and several 
 batteries quietly moved as near as practicable to the 
 point on our right, where the enemy had broken 
 through, and every preparation made to drive them out. 
 
CHAPTER XXXIV. 
 
 THIRD DAY AT GETTYSBURG EXPULSION OF LAST NIGHT S INTRUDERS 
 POSITION OP ULSTER GUARD AND ONE HUNDRED AND FIFTY-FIRST 
 PENNSYLVANIA STANNARD S BRIGADE ARTILLERY FIRE CESSATION 
 OF HOSTILITIES STANNARD s MEN BUILD A BREASTWORK LEAVE 
 OPENING ON RIGHT OF ULSTER GUARD A TERRIFIC BOMBARDMENT 
 THE INFANTRY COME FORWARD OPENING OF MUSKETRY FIRE THE 
 ENEMY FACE TO THE LEFT CORRESPONDING MOVEMENTS BY ULSTEB 
 GUARD AND ONE HUNDRED AND FIFTY-FIRST THE FIGHT FOR THE 
 BLUFF ENEMY REPULSED HEAVY LOSS IN KILLED, WOUNDED AND 
 PRISONERS COLONEL HODGES FOURTEENTH VIRGINIA LOSSES LET 
 TER TO GENERAL DOUBLEDAY MR. BACHELDER s MAP INCORRECT 
 GENERAL DOUBLEDAY S REPLY LETTER FROM GENERAL HARDENBURG 
 OPERATIONS OF FIRST DAY SECOND AND THIRD DAYS THE EAGLE 
 FROM THE ULSTER GUARD COLOR STAFF A RIDICULOUS PRETENCE 
 A PROMISE TO INVESTIGATE THAT WAS NOT KEPT GENERAL DOUBLE- 
 DAY S ORDER. 
 
 To allow the enemy to retain his hold upon a section 
 of the line which he had carried the night before was to 
 give him an entering wedge with which he might possi 
 bly disrupt the entire right wing. The first thing 
 to be done then was to expel him at any cost, and that 
 too before he could take advantage of his position. At 
 early dawn our artillery opened a terrific cannonade 
 upon Johnson s men, which was kept up until half- past 
 five, when the divisions of Williams and Geary, and the 
 brigade of Shaler, advanced to the attack. The enemy 
 had been greatly strengthened at this point during the 
 night and when our guns opened at four o clock in the 
 morning, were themselves preparing to press on through 
 our line and dash in between the wings of the army. 
 The intruders made a desperate resistance, and for four 
 hours the infantry struggle was fierce and deadly. At 
 the end of that time Geary s division rushed upon the 
 
 462 
 
1863] ULSTER GUARD AND 151ST PENN. 463 
 
 enemy with the bayonet and drove them out of the 
 works, and the Union line was re-established. 
 
 The following narrative of the operations of the 
 151st Pennsylvania and the "Ulster Guard," is taken 
 from the official report of their commanding officer : 
 
 " About 5 P.M., on the second of July, the brigade was 
 ordered to the left centre to support the Third corps. 
 Two regiments only of the brigade, (the 20th N. Y. S. 
 M., and the 151st Pa. Vol., the latter under command 
 of Captain Owens), reached the front line, where they 
 were halted on the last and lowest of the ridges running 
 nearly north and south between the Taneytown and 
 Emmettsburg roads. Some 350 yards on our right was 
 a bluff, on which were standing a few trees and a bat 
 tery. The trees on the westerly face of the bluff had 
 been felled to clear a range for the guns. A rail fence 
 stood at the foot of the bluff and extended along the 
 ridge southerly. A little in advance and to our left, was 
 a small grove. The ground in front descended gradu 
 ally to a little valley, wet and marshy, and then by a 
 corresponding ascent reached the Emmettsburg road 
 and the position occupied by the enemy. Some 300 
 yards in rear of me was a ridge running parallel to the 
 one I was on, but much higher. On my right was one 
 regiment of Stannard s brigade ; on my left two others, 
 and one in rear and partly to my left. Receiving no or 
 ders, and finding myself the senior officer of the brigade 
 present, I assumed command of the two regiments, and 
 in the course of the evening, constructed a breast-work 
 of the fence heretofore mentioned, and of such other 
 material as could be found. 
 
 " About 5 A.M., on the third, the enemy opened with 
 artillery, and for some time kept up a brisk fire upon our 
 position. This finally ceased, and until about 1 P.M., 
 no further firing took place on this part of the line. Du 
 ring this interval the Yermont troops threw up a breast 
 work to my left, and about one hundred feet in advance 
 
464 GETTYSBURG CAMPAIGN. [1863. 
 
 of my line, masked by the small grove before mentioned. 
 The regiment of that brigade on my right, took position 
 in rear of this new work, leaving the space between my 
 right and the bluff, on which the nearest battery was, un 
 covered. At one o clock the enemy opened from his right 
 centre battery, which was soon followed by all his guns 
 on his right and centre, and the position occupied by 
 my command was swept by a tempest of shot and 
 shell from upwards of a hundred guns for nearly 
 two hours. Then the cannonading subsided and 
 the enemy s infantry debouched from the orchard 
 and woods on his right centre, and moved in two 
 lines of battle across the fields towards the position 
 I have described. Our skirmishers (from the Vermont 
 brigade) fell back before them, and sought cover behind 
 the breastworks on my left. The enemy came forward 
 rapidly, and began firing as soon as they were within 
 range of our men. When they had approached within 
 about two hundred feet of the bottom of the valley 
 heretofore mentioned, the troops of my command 
 opened a warm fire upon them. Almost immediately, 
 the first line faced by the left flank, and moved at a 
 double-quick up the valley and towards Gettysburg. 
 The second line followed the movement. Reaching a 
 position opposite the bluff, they faced to the right, and 
 moved forward rapidly in line of battle. Perceiving 
 that their purpose was to gain the bluff, 1 moved my 
 command by the right flank up to the foot of the bluff, 
 delivering our fire as we marched, and keeping between 
 the enemy and the object of his enterprise. He suc 
 ceeded in reaching the fence at the foot of the bluff, 
 but with ranks broken, and his men evidently disheart 
 ened. Some succeeded in getting over the fence into 
 the slashing, from which and behind the fence they 
 kept up a murderous fire. The men were now within 
 quarter pistol range ; and as the fence and fallen trees 
 gave the enemy considerable cover, I ordered the 20th, 
 
1863.] FIGHT FOR THE BLUFF HEAVY LOSS. 465 
 
 N. Y. S. M., and the 151st Pa. Vol., to advance to the 
 fence, which they did, cheering and in gallant style, and 
 poured a volley into the enemy at very short range, who 
 now completely broke, and those who did not seek to 
 escape by flight threw down their arms. Very few of 
 those who fled reached their own lines. Many turned, 
 after having run several rods, and surrendered them 
 selves. We took a large number of prisoners, and the 
 ground in front of us was strewn with their dead and 
 wounded. During the latter part of this struggle, and 
 after it ceased, the enemy s batteries played upon friend 
 and foe alike. The troops engaged with us were Pick- 
 ett s division of Longstreet s corps. 
 
 " Among the killed and wounded in my immediate 
 front was Colonel Hodges, 14th Va., and seven line 
 officers. Two colors were left upon the ground on our 
 front by the enemy. 
 
 " This terminated the final and main attack upon our 
 left centre. It was now nearly six o clock, p. M., and 
 my command was relieved by a portion of the Second 
 corps, and withdrawn to the Taneytown road, where it 
 remained through the night. It will thus be perceived 
 that the two regiments I had the honor to command 
 were either actually engaged with the enemy, or occu 
 pying a position in the front line from the beginning of 
 the battle on the morning of July first, until its close 
 on the evening of the third, excepting only about six 
 hours on the second. 
 
 " My loss in killed and wounded was two-thirds of 
 my officers and half of my men. I have no report of 
 the casualties in the 151st Pa. Vol. They behaved with 
 the utmost gallantry ; and their loss was very heavy." 
 The following letter was addressed to General Double- 
 day with reference to Mr. Bachelder s Map of the 
 Battle of Gettysburg. 
 
 30 
 
GETTYSBURG CAMPAIGN. [1863. 
 
 HEADQUARTERS 20th K Y. S. M. 
 Brandy Station, Ya., Feb. 4, 1864. 
 
 Major-General ABNER DOUBLEDAY, 
 U. S. Volunteers. 
 
 DEAR GENERAL Mr. Bachelder called on me a few 
 evenings since, and exhibited the draft of his proposed 
 map of the Battle of Gettysburg. I was sorry to find it 
 wholly inaccurate in the position it assigns to my com 
 mand on the 3d of July. He represents my regiment 
 and the 151st Pa. Yols., (then under my command) as 
 lying in rear of General Stannard s Brigade. The truth 
 is the exact reverse of this. A portion of General Stan- 
 nard s brigade was lying behind me, and at no time was 
 there so much as a file of his command in front of me, 
 saving only his skirmishers. One regiment of his bri 
 gade constructed a breast-work in the forenoon, to my 
 left, and perhaps one hundred feet in advance of me, 
 and in rear of the little grove, but in no wise covering 
 my line. 
 
 Then again he has the space between my right and 
 the bluff where the severest fighting along that part of 
 the line took place, filled up with other troops. When 
 the enemy made his attack there was not a man between 
 my right fiank and the bluff a distance of three hun 
 dred yards. 
 
 I therefore moved my command over this interval to 
 the bluff when it became apparent that that was the 
 point of assault, and did so because there were no other 
 troops there to defend it. 
 
 Whether Mr. Bachelder will make the proper correc 
 tions I do not know, but I desire to put you in posses 
 sion of the facts, and with that view send you herewith 
 a report covering every movement of my command, not 
 only on the third, but during the three days fighting, 
 and it is accurate in every particular. 
 
1863.] LETTER TO GENERAL DOUBLEDAY. 467 
 
 It was my misfortune to be associated during the 
 three days with strange troops, from whom I almost im 
 mediately separated, and whose interest and preference 
 do not require them to bestow much notice upon my 
 command. 
 
 During the fighting on the first day the General com 
 manding the division was hardly competent to judge 
 correctly the. condition of things, or to know what trans 
 pired on the field, (Note by General Doubleday ; "This 
 refers to General Rowley" ) and from the time I took 
 position with my regiment and the 151st Pa. Vol., in 
 the front line in the afternoon of the 3d, until after the 
 battle on the 3d, I was the senior officer of the brigade 
 in that part of the field. 
 
 I presume it was intended that the left of the 2d 
 corps should fill the interval between my right and the 
 bluff. But they did not do it. They were on the ridge 
 in rear, and two or more regiments were massed behind 
 the battery on the bluff while the fighting was taking 
 place at the foot of the bluff in front. My Lieutenant- 
 Colonel went to the regiment near the battery and en 
 deavored to get them moved down to my support, but 
 did not succeed. After the fighting was entirely over 
 they came down and relieved me. 
 
 The trenches in which hundreds of the enemy s dead 
 are now lying, on the ground where we fought, bear wit 
 ness to the desperate character of the contest, not to 
 speak of still larger numbers wounded and captured, 
 and larger still who surrendered unharmed. I am 
 sorry to be driven to the belief that the troops who re 
 lieved me subsequently assumed to have done the 
 fighting at that particular point. Hoping this may not 
 be deemed intrusive or prove annoying, 
 
 I have the honor to be, General, 
 Your obedient servant, 
 
 THEODORE B. GATES, 
 
 Colonel Commanding, 
 
468 GETTYSBURG CAMPAIGN. [1863. 
 
 To this I received the following reply from General 
 Doubleday : 
 
 To COLONEL T. B. GATES, 
 
 Commanding 20th N, Y. S. M., 
 
 3d Division 1st Army Corps, 
 
 Near Culpepper, Virginia. 
 
 WILLARD S HOTEL, 
 
 WASHINGTON, D. C., 
 
 February 10th, 1864. 
 DEAR COLONEL : 
 
 I saw Mr. Bachelder, with reference to your state 
 ment. He has removed on his picture all troops from 
 your front, but declines to leave the space vacant indi 
 cated by you on your right, as he considers the weight 
 of evidence against your claim, and says he does not 
 feel at liberty to disregard it. 
 
 Yours very truly, 
 
 A. DOUBLEDAY, 
 
 Major -Gen I Vol. 
 
 The following letter from General Hardenburgh was 
 written in answer to a request for a statement of his 
 recollection of the positions and operations of the 
 Guard during the three days at Gettysburg : 
 
 CANAAN, CONN., 
 
 Oct. 9, 1878. 
 GENERAL T. B. GATES : 
 
 Dear General : 1 will now endeavor to answer the 
 letter you refer to in yours of the 23d ult., although I 
 confess my recollection as to details is not very clear. 
 My recollection is, that on the first day at Gettysburg 
 we held the extreme left, and Bachelder s map, which 
 places a Pennsylvania regiment on our left, is clearly 
 wrong. You will recollect one of our companies (Cun- 
 
1863.] LETTER FROM GENERAL HARDENBURGH. 469 
 
 ningham s) was stationed at a house, way in advance of 
 the left, which was afterwards burned by the enemy. 
 
 In regard to giving way, my recollection is this : we 
 were on the extreme left ; the enemy s right lapped our 
 left considerably, and when you saw them coming 
 around our left into our rear, you gave the order to re 
 tire ; we then fell back to Seminary ridge, decently and 
 in order, but not until we were ordered to do so. I re 
 collect distinctly, that when we got back to the Semin 
 ary, it struck me that the whole thing would turn into 
 a perfect rout, and that we ought to try and make a 
 stand and check the enemy s advance ; I went to you 
 and spoke to you about it, and we both then went to 
 see Colonel Biddle, who was in command of the brigade. 
 While you were speaking to him he was hit in the 
 head by a bullet, and he turned away and left. You 
 then turned back, gave the order yourself to the men to 
 halt, which they immediately did, and we made a stand 
 then for, I should say. from 15 minutes to half an hour, 
 and checked for a time, at least, the advance of the 
 Rebs. I have always thought we have never got suffi 
 cient credit for that stand. It is alluded to, I believe, 
 by Swinton, in his history, but nowhere else. Now, 
 you know, the enemy never advanced his lines much 
 beyond Seminary Hill, and you know that if he had 
 pressed on to Cemetery Hill, the whole thing would 
 have ended in a complete rout, and there would have 
 been a skedaddle back to Washington. Why didn t 
 they press on ? My idea is, and always has been, that 
 it was because of the determined stand we made back 
 of the Seminary. 
 
 When we fell back from the Seminary, you will 
 recollect we could not go directly back to Gettysburg, 
 because the enemy had again got around our Jeft flank, 
 but we had to make a detour around to the railroad 
 track and then up through Gettysburg to Cemetery 
 Hill. My recollection is, and it is quite distinct on that 
 
470 GETTYSBURG CAMPAIGN. [1863. 
 
 point, that when we fell back from the Seminary, the 
 rear of the llth Corps had passed by, and there was 
 nothing behind us in that direction. When we reached 
 Cemetery Hill, Howard and his corps were all there. 
 This must have been, I should think, in the neighbor 
 hood of 5 o clock. That evening we were in line on 
 Cemetery Hill. The next day we moved down back of 
 the Hill, and remained there until the afternoon. In 
 the afternoon sometime we rode up on the ridge, where 
 we saw Colonel Sherrill, and while there, the attack on 
 the Third Corps was made. Seeing this, we hastened 
 back to the regiment, and directly an order came to 
 move up to the front. We took position in the front 
 line, and never changed it until the attack by the 
 enemy on the third day. I recollect that night Major 
 Van Rensselear and I slept in front of our line with a 
 stone for a pillow, and in the course of the evening our 
 men brought in some of the wounded of the 120th, 
 among them James Cockburn. I see Bachelder, on his 
 map, places us in a position diagonally to the line, at 
 an angle of about 45. We never occupied any such 
 position ; it is simply ridiculous. We remained in pre 
 cisely the position we took up in the afternoon of the 
 3d, with, 1 think, a Pennsylvania regiment on our left. 
 Some time before the attack on the 3d, a brigade of 
 troops moved up to our rear, and remained there during 
 the cannonading. I understood they were nine months 
 men and were Vermont troops Stannard s brigade. I 
 recollect them lying in our rear during the cannonad 
 ing, more especially from two circumstances ; 1st, one 
 man was killed directly behind me, it was supposed by 
 a cannon ball. He was thrown over and never moved a 
 muscle was stone dead. 2d, I remarked the difference 
 between them (new men) and ours (old soldiers) ; ours 
 during the cannonading were smoking and joking, while 
 the others lay there hugging the ground, and big drops 
 of perspiration stood out on their foreheads and faces. 
 
1863.] LETTER FROM GENERAL HARDENBURGH. 471 
 
 I recollect that about noon of the third, you requested 
 me to go and find General Doubleday, and see if he 
 could not make some arrangements about getting 
 rations our men had nothing to eat. I found him 
 over the ridge directly in our rear, under a tree with his 
 staff. After telling him what I came for, he told me to 
 say to you that he could not do anything about rations 
 then, that he had just received an order from General 
 Meade for a general attack upon the enemy at 2 o clock 
 that afternoon that he knew it was hard, but the sal 
 vation of the country depended upon the issue, and 
 he wished you to hold your command in readiness to 
 move promptly at any moment. I went back and just 
 as I got on the brow of the hill or ridge, a gun 
 was fired from the rebel lines directly in front of me, 
 and instantly the batteries on both sides opened and con 
 tinued to "volley and thunder" for about two hours. 
 During this firing, as I have stated, we were lying in 
 the same position we first occupied the evening before 
 behind, if I remember, the remains of an old rail fence. 
 I recollect distinctly that when we saw the rebs form 
 and advance, our men rose up and formed in line, and 
 Jersey and Binkey, who then belonged to the color 
 guard, mounted some stones and waved the colors to 
 wards the enemy, and shouted to them to come on. Some 
 of the men, in the excitement of the moment, com 
 menced firing, but my impression is you ordered them 
 to reserve their fire until the enemy came closer. 
 While they were waiting for them to approach, they 
 suddenly and rapidly obliqued to the left and made a 
 rush for a hill covered with some brush and trees on 
 our right. As soon as you saw this movement you 
 formed the regiment by the right flank, and with it fol 
 lowed the movement of the enemy until you reached 
 this hill or mound, when you took a position on the 
 brow of the hill, a little obliquely to the general line, 
 some distance in advance of the other troops, and re- 
 
472 GETTYSBURG CAMPAIGN. [1863. 
 
 mained in that position while the attack lasted. After 
 the attack was over, an officer came with some troops, 
 and said he had been ordered to occupy that position. 
 After some parleying between you, and some hesitation 
 on your part, you finally retired " with what was left of 
 them left of the six hundred." When you commenced 
 to move to the right there were no troops on our right 
 between us and the mound. What had become of 
 them I don t know, but suppose they had collected on 
 this mound and around this grove. There was a great 
 mass of them there in perfect confusion. As the rebs 
 advanced they kept swaying back, and I tried to get 
 them to move up and hold their ground, but it was no 
 use. It struck me as being, to say the least, very ridic 
 ulous. The 20th stood, firing on the brow of the hill 
 away in their advance, and they were huddling around 
 this point like a flock of sheep. 
 
 I recollect that we took a number of prisoners, and 
 also about the Eagle. My recollection about this is, 
 that some of our men saw a party taking the Eagle to 
 headquarters, and recognized it as the Eagle off our 
 color-lance, which was missing. They informed you 
 of it, and you went to headquarters to see about it. 
 
 Very truly yours, 
 
 J. B. HARDENBURGH. 
 
 The circumstance of the Eagle, to which General 
 Hardenburgh refers, was this. During the engagement 
 in the afternoon of the 3d, the gilt eagle had been shot 
 off the top of the color-staff of the " Ulster Guard," 
 but it had not been missed until the regiment moved 
 back from the line, after the battle. Then some men 
 were sent to recover it, but were unable to find it. The 
 next morning it was reported to me that a body of the 
 troops who had relieved us the night before had re 
 cently marched by our bivouac in direction of General 
 
1863.] EAGLE FROM COLOR-STAFF. 473 
 
 Meade s headquarters with a rebel color and our 
 Eagle. I proceeded at once to headquarters to reclaim 
 the Eagle. I found that a conference was being held be 
 tween General Meade and his corps commanders, and I 
 could not obtain an interview. Col. Sanderson informed 
 me that a party of officers and men from the Second corps 
 had recently paraded before headquarters and turned 
 in as some of the trophies of their valor and victory 
 over the enemy a rebel color and our Eagle. As the 
 enemy did not carry Eagles it was self-evident that 
 their claim was fraudulent as to that, and it probably 
 was as to the flag, in so far as their capture was con 
 cerned. They probably picked it up from the ground 
 in front of where we had fought, as they did the Eagle, 
 and upon the strength of these proofs, to support the 
 claim of their presence there and their desperate and 
 successful bravery. Mr. Bachelder gives them the 
 place in his map, and historians give the Second corps 
 the credit for repulsing Pickett s men at this particular 
 point. Colonel Saunderson, who was the only staff 
 officer of General Meade who was disengaged on the 
 occasion of my visit to headquarters, promised me the 
 matter should be investigated as soon as time could be 
 found for it ; but time was never found. 
 
 The mound of which General Hardenburgh speaks 
 was covered with Union guns, and was the highest 
 point on our left between Cemetery Hill and Little 
 Round Top, and its possession by the enemy would 
 have greatly endangered our lines. With the fullest 
 measure of praise to the gallant Vermonters, under the 
 brave Stannard, who fought on our left, and to the men 
 of the Second corps who really stood up to their work 
 on the line and fought on our right, we claim for the 
 151st Pennsylvania and the 20th New York Militia only 
 this, that at the point in our front line which I have 
 described they met the onset of Pickett s attack that 
 they broke his line and killed and wounded a large 
 
474 GETTYSBURG CAMPAIGN. [1863. 
 
 number of his troops and that hundreds surrendered 
 to them. That after the fighting was over, other troops 
 relieved these two regiments probably the same of 
 which General Hardenburgh speaks, and who then set 
 up a claim for having held the position during the 
 battle. Whether they are the same troops whom Mr. 
 Bachelder gives the place to on his map, I do not know, 
 but I would be glad to see the official list of killed and 
 wounded of this particular command at that particu 
 lar time and place. 
 
 On the fourth of July General Doubleday issued 
 the fo] lowing Order : 
 
 HEADQUARTERS THIRD DIVISION, FIRST CORPS, ) 
 
 July 4, 1863. f 
 GENERAL ORDERS. 
 
 The Major-General commanding the division desires 
 to return his thanks to the Vermont Brigade, the One 
 Hundred and Fifty-first Pennsylvania Volunteers, and 
 the Twentieth New York State Militia, for their gallant 
 conduct in resisting in the front line the main attack of 
 the enemy upon this position, after sustaining a terrific 
 fire from seventy-five to a hundred pieces of artillery. 
 He congratulates them upon contributing so essentially 
 to the glorious, and it is to be hoped, final victory 
 yesterday. 
 
 By command of 
 
 MAJOR-GENERAL DOUBLEDAY. 
 
 (Signed) EDWARD C. BAIRD, 
 
 Captain and A. A. G. 
 
CHAPTER XXXV. 
 
 THE RETREAT FROM GETTYSBURG UNION LOSSES CONFEDERATE LOSSES 
 ARMIES IN VIRGINIA MANOEUVRES WINTER QUARTERS MORALE 
 OF UNION ARMY LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT A NEW SYSTEM TO 
 BE INAUGURATED GRANT MAKES HIS HEADQUARTERS WITH ARMY OF 
 
 POTOMAC DELICATE TREATMENT OF GENERAL MEADE GENERAL 
 MEADE S ORDER ARMY CUTS LOOSE FROM ITS BASE FROM THE RAPI- 
 
 DAN TO THE JAMES FIGHT IN THE WILDERNESS WADSWORTH 
 
 KILLED SPOTTSYLVANIA COURT HOUSE SHERIDAN S OPERATIONS 
 BUTLER S ABORTION CORKED UP AT BERMUDA HUNDRED COLD 
 
 HARBOR REACH THE JAMES LOSSES ON THE WAY. 
 
 IF, as General Lee says in his official report, "It be 
 came a matter of difficulty to withdraw through the 
 mountains with our large trains," because he found the 
 Army of the Potomac within a day or two days march 
 of him, it would seem that the difficulty ought to have 
 been greatly increased after the concentration of the 
 Army of the Potomac in his immediate front, and after 
 his own army had been weakened and demoralized by a 
 terrible defeat. But the tardy tactics of which we have 
 before spoken as distinguishing both sides, character 
 ized General Meade s operations after the battle ; and 
 the Confederate Army, moving off under cover of the 
 night of the fourth of July, reached the west side of the 
 Potomac with little difficulty. 
 
 The losses during the three days fighting were very 
 great on both sides. General Meade reports his to have 
 been 2,834 killed, 13,709 wounded, and 6,643 missing- 
 making a grand total of 23, 186. The loss among officers 
 of high rank was unusually large. On the Union side, 
 Major-General Reynolds and Brigadier-Generals Vin 
 cent, Weed and Zook were killed. Major-Generals 
 Sickles (losing a leg), Hancock, Doubleday, Gibbon, 
 Barlow, Warren, and Butterfield, and Brigadier-Gener- 
 
 475 
 
476 GETTYSBURG CAMPAIGN. [1863. 
 
 als Graham, Paul (losing both eyes), Stone, Barnes and 
 Brooke were wounded. Field and line officers almost 
 without number were killed and wounded. In the 
 "Ulster Gfuard " two field and one staff officer were 
 wounded, two captains and one lieutenant killed, five 
 captains and eight lieutenants wounded. [See List of 
 Killed and Wounded in Chronological Record, end of 
 Volume.] 
 
 As usual, in the Confederate Army, General Lee 
 says: "It is not in my power to give a correct state 
 ment of our casualties, which were severe, including 
 many brave men, and an unusual proportion of distin 
 guished and valuable officers." Mr. Samuel Weaver, 
 who superintended the removal of the Union dead to 
 the National Cemetery, says : "In searching for the 
 remains of our fallen heroes, we examined more than 
 3,000 rebel graves. * * * I have been making a care 
 ful estimate, from time to time, as I went over the field, 
 of rebel bodies on the battle-field and at the hospitals, 
 and I place the number at not less than 7,000 bodies." 
 
 Mr. A. H. Guernsey, author of " Harper s Pictorial 
 History of the War," investigated the subject of the 
 Rebel loss at Gettysburg, and puts it at 36,000 men. 
 This includes the prisoners, whose numbers General 
 Meade reported at 13,621. Mr. Guernsey says: "The 
 entire loss to this army during the six weeks from the 
 middle of June, when it set forth from Culpepper to 
 invade the North, co the close of July, when it returned 
 to the starting point, was about 60,000." The Federals 
 captured three cannon, forty-one battle flags, and 25,000 
 small arms. Among the Confederates of high rank, 
 there were wounded Major-Generals Hood, Trimble, 
 Heth and Pender, the latter mortally ; Brigadier-Gen 
 erals Barksdale and Garnett were killed ; Semmes mor 
 tally wounded, and Kemper, Armistead, Scales, Ander 
 son, Hampton, Jones and Jenkins wounded ; Archer 
 
1863-4.] WINTER QUARTERS GENERAL GRANT. 477 
 
 was captured on the first day, and Pettigrew was mor 
 tally wounded during Lee s retreat. 
 
 The march of the two armies in parallel columns, on 
 opposite sides of the Blue Ridge, after the battle of 
 Antietam, was now repeated ; and, after an attempt, on 
 Meade s part, to force Lee to battle near Front Royal, 
 and its failure, he moved leisurely to the Rappahan- 
 nock, while his adversary established himself on the 
 Rapidan. A campaign of manoeuvres followed with 
 out material results ; and, late in November, General 
 Meade moved against the enemy at Mine Run. Finding 
 him too strongly posted to justify an attack, he with 
 drew, without a battle ; and the two armies went into 
 winter quarters, with the Rapidan between them. 
 
 The winter of 1863-4 was very unlike its predecessor, 
 in regard to the spirit and strength of the Army of the 
 Potomac. Now, instead of having Confederate cavalry 
 raiding at their own sweet will in rear of the Federal 
 Army, the latter s cavalry were performing this service 
 between Lee and his capital, destroying his railroads 
 and canals, and even riding into the outer line of fortifi 
 cations around Richmond. Meantime recruits poured 
 into the Union camps, and officers and men were busy 
 in matters of picket, drills, inspection, reviews and the 
 divers other occupations that fill the hours of the 
 soldier s life when in winter quarters. Over all, and in 
 fusing an air of animation and cheerfulness into the 
 bronzed faces of our men, was a feeling of confidence 
 in the leader of the army and in its success in the com 
 ing campaign. How much of this feeling was owing to 
 the fact that Lieu tenant-General Grant had established 
 his headquarters with the Army of the Potomac, I 
 will not pretend to say, but the remark was frequent 
 after this event, Boys, the next campaign means busi 
 ness ; Uncle U. S. is going to travel with the Army of 
 the Potomac." 
 
 Major-General Grant was nominated Lieutenant- 
 
478 A NEW SYSTEM TO BE INAUGURATED. [1863, 
 
 General and confirmed by the Senate on the second day 
 of March, 1864, and eight days afterwards, the Presi 
 dent assigned him to the command of all the armies of 
 the United States. This gave him the direction of 
 affairs over the whole broad theatre of the war, and for 
 the first time during its existence we were likely to have 
 a general and co-operative movement of all our vast 
 armies, and thereby put an end to that facility with 
 which the rebels had heretofore re-enforced any one or 
 more of their armies, as occasion required, from other 
 of their armies. General Grant proposed to give all 
 their armies simultaneous and continuous employment 
 along the whole field of war. Regarding, however, the 
 contemplated campaign of the old Army of the Poto 
 mac as the chief one in the ensuing season, he came to 
 Culpepper early in the spring, and established his 
 head-quarters with that army, and sat down to arrange 
 the movements of each and all the Federal armies for 
 a final and crushing series of hard blows from the Rap- 
 idan in Virginia to the Red River in Louisiana. His 
 plans were soon matured and his clear, concise orders 
 issued to his subordinates commanding armies along 
 this vast extent of country. His justice and modesty, 
 his reluctance to detract from the merit of another, are 
 manifested in a paragraph of his official report of the 
 operations of the armies under his command. He saw 
 that the fact that he had moved with the Army of the 
 Potomac would tend to confer upon himself the chief 
 share of credit for the successes won by that army, and 
 to protect General Meade, as far as he could, from any 
 obscuration of his just fame, he says this: "I may 
 here state that commanding all the armies as I did. I 
 tried, as far as possible, to leave General Meade in the 
 independent command of the Army of the Potomac. 
 My instructions for that army were all through him, 
 and were general in their nature, leaving all the details 
 and the execution to him. The campaigns that fol- 
 
1864.] GENERAL MEADE S ORDER. 479 
 
 lowed proved him to be the right man in the right place. 
 His commanding always in the presence of an officer 
 superior to him in rank, has drawn from him much of 
 that public attention that his zeal and ability entitle 
 him to, and which he would otherwise have received." 
 
 On the fourth of May, General Meade issued the 
 following Order to the army : " Soldiers ! Again you 
 are called upon to advance on the enemies of your 
 country ; the time and the occasion are deemed oppor 
 tune by your Commanding General to address you a 
 few words of confidence and caution. 
 
 " You have been re- organized, strengthened and fully 
 equipped in every respect ; you form a part of the seve 
 ral armies of your country, the whole under the direc 
 tion of an able and distinguished General, who enjoys 
 the confidence of the government, the people and the 
 army. Your movement being in co-operation with 
 others, it is of the utmost importance that no effort 
 should be left unspared to make it successful. 
 
 Soldiers ! The eyes of the whole country are looking 
 with anxious hope to the blow you are about to strike 
 in the most sacred cause that ever called men to arms. 
 " Remember your homes, your wives and children, 
 and bear in mind that the sooner your enemies are over 
 come, the sooner you will be returned to enjoy the 
 benefits and blessings of peace. Bear with patience 
 the hardships and sacrifices you will be called upon to 
 endure. Have confidence in your officers, and in each 
 other. Keep your ranks on the march and on the bat 
 tle-field, and let each man earnestly implore God s bles 
 sing, and endeavor by his thoughts and actions to ren 
 der himself worthy of the favor he seeks. With clear 
 consciences and strong arms, actuated by a high sense 
 of duty, fighting to preserve the Government and the 
 institutions handed down to us by our forefathers if 
 true to ourselves, victory, under God s blessing, must 
 and will attend our efforts." 
 
480 FROM THE RAPIDAN TO THE JAMES. [1864. 
 
 Before this Order was distributed to the troops, they 
 had set out on their last and finally triumphant cam 
 paign. As the sun rose on the morning of the fourth 
 of May, its rays fell upon thousands of Union troops, 
 marching towards the fords of the Rapidan, which they 
 had crossed and re- crossed many times during the last 
 three years, but over which they now passed for the 
 last time. The army had cut loose from its base of sup 
 plies, and moved forward with the enormous train of 
 four thousand wagons. On the 5th of May, General 
 Warren, now commanding the Fifth corps, met and en 
 gaged the enemy outside his entrenchments, near Mine 
 Run. As corps after corps of the Union army came 
 up, they were put into the fight ; and all day long the 
 battle raged with great fury. The scene of this en 
 gagement was the northerly side of the famous " Wil 
 derness," through which Meade s line of march lay. 
 Night put an end to the combat, but the morning of 
 the 6th brought a renewal ; which was inaugurated by 
 the Federals, and continued until nine o clock at night, 
 with unabated fury. That noble-hearted and gallant 
 soldier, General Wadsworth, fell in this day s battle, 
 while encouraging his division to hold their ground 
 against a furious assault of the enemy, in the fore-front 
 of the fight. On the next morning, it was found that 
 the enemy had withdrawn to his entrenched lines, leav 
 ing a strong picket force where his line of battle had 
 been. On the night of the seventh General Grant set 
 his army again in motion, by the left flank, to thrust it 
 between Lee s right and Richmond. On the ninth, thf* 
 armies again encountered each other at Spottsylvania 
 Court House; and, until the twenty-first, battle fol 
 lowed battle with fearful slaughter on both sides. On 
 the night of the twenty-first, the Federal army again 
 moved by the left, to the North Anna ; but the ever- 
 watchful foe, having the shorter line, was found in posi 
 tion along the banks of the stream, ready to oppose a 
 
1864.] SHERIDAN S BRILLIANT RAID. 481 
 
 further advance. Here, another severe battle took 
 place between General Warren s corps, which had 
 crossed the river, and a portion of the Rebel army, in 
 which the latter were repulsed with great loss. 
 
 While these events were transpiring, General Phil. 
 Sheridan, whom General Grant had put in command of 
 the cavalry, had swept around the flank of the Confed 
 erate army with a magnificent body of troopers, and 
 totally destroyed the enemy s depots at Beaver Dam 
 and Ashland captured and destroyed four trains of 
 cars loaded with supplies for Lee s army destroyed 
 many miles of railroad track re-captured some four 
 hundred of our men on their way to Richmond, as 
 prisoners of war met and defeated the enemy s cav 
 alry at Yellow Tavern carried the first line of works 
 around Richmond, and threatened the second, but 
 found it too strongly guarded ; and rejoined our army 
 at North Anna, without a circumstance to detract from 
 the brilliancy of this most successful raid. 
 
 While General Grant could direct what gther armies 
 should do, it was not possible for him to personally 
 superintend the execution of his orders by more than 
 one of them at a time. General Butler, commanding 
 the Army of the James, should have marched into Rich 
 mond between the fourth and twenty-fourth of May, 
 and if General Grant could have infused into this 
 doughty commander one-millionth part of his own spirit, 
 Butler would have done it, and shortened the war by six 
 months. He was to move up the James River, from 
 Fort Monroe and Suffolk, at the same time the Army of 
 the Potomac began its march from the Rapidan ; Peters 
 burg and Richmond, being his objective points. On the 
 fifth of May he occupied City Point and Bermuda 
 Hundred, without opposition, the enemy apparently 
 giving all his attention to the other Federal Army ap 
 proaching from the North they had not yet begun to 
 comprehend the new system upon which the war was to 
 
 30 
 
482 COLD HARBOR THE JAMES. [1864. 
 
 be waged, and they supposed Butler would remain idle 
 until the Army of the Potomac was repulsed. On the 
 sixth, General Butler had his army well in hand at the 
 two points named, and, instead of advancing any 
 farther, began to intrench. On the ninth, he telegraph 
 ed to Secretary Stanton, that he had reached the points 
 designated, and that he had "got a position, which, 
 with proper supplies, we can hold out against the whole 
 of Lee s army. General Grant 1 s view of this Falstaffian 
 strategy is expressed in these words : "His army, there 
 fore, though in a position of great security, was as com 
 pletely shut off from further operations directly against 
 Richmond, as if it had been in a bottle strongly corked. 
 It required but a comparatively small force of the enemy 
 to hold it there. Farther on he says : u The army 
 sent to operate against Richmond having hermetically 
 sealed itself up at Bermuda Hundred, the enemy was 
 enabled to bring most, if not all the re-enforcements 
 brought from the South by Beauregard, against the 
 Army of the Potomac." And Butler and his army re 
 mained corked up until the Army of the Potomac 
 crossed the James and uncorked the bottle, the fifteenth 
 of June. 
 
 On the night of the twenty- sixth of May the order 
 again passed along the Union lines, " By the left flank 
 March !" During the twenty-ninth and thirtieth, the 
 army advanced under heavy skirmishing to Hanover 
 Court House and Cold Harbor. At the latter place the 
 fighting was almost continuous, and often desperate, 
 until the night of the twelfth, when the army again 
 moved by the left, and crossing the James River at 
 Wilcox s Landing, moved up on the south side of the 
 stream. The march from the Rapidan to the James had 
 been attended by a series of battles and skirmishes that 
 had strewn the route with the corpses of thousands of 
 men, much the greater number of whom wore the Union 
 
1864.J LOSSES ON THE WAY. 43 
 
 blue. Except in the battle of the Wilderness, the Fed 
 erals were the assailants, and their losses on this long 
 battle-field amounted to the frightful number of 54,551, 
 killed, wounded and missing. 
 
CHAPTER XXXVI. 
 
 IN FRONT OF PETERSBURG THE MINE THE FUSE GOES OUT LIEUTENANT 
 DOUTY AND SERGEANT REES RE -LIGHT IT THE MINE EXPLODES 
 LEDLIE S DIVISION IN THE CRATER TROOPS WITHDRAWN HEAVY 
 LOSS WOMEN OF PETERSBURG DEMORALIZATION OF LEE S ARMY HE 
 DESIGNS TO RETREAT ASSAULTS FORT STEADMAN CARRIES IT AND IS 
 DRIVEN OUT HEAVY LOSS THE RIGHT ON THE CONFEDERATE WORKS 
 CARRIED FEDERALS CAPTURE GUNS AND PRISONERS CONFEDERATES 
 DRIVEN TO THEIR INNER LINE THEY RETREAT A PETERSBURGER S 
 ACCOUNT OF THE LAST SCENES. 
 
 ON the 18th of June the army drew up in front of 
 Petersburg. Here manoeuvres, attack and counter 
 attack, consumed the summer, and thousands perished 
 in the fierce conflicts that raged around the Cockade 
 City." 
 
 The enemy s lines were very strong, and were de 
 fended with unwavering courage and indomitable reso 
 lution. It was the last strategical point between the 
 Union army and the rebel capital. Even now the roar 
 of artillery rolled in ominous murmurs over the city of 
 Richmond. 
 
 But the lines could not be broken by direct attack. 
 Colonel Henry Pleasants, of the Forty-eighth Pennsyl 
 vania, of Burnside s corps, proposed to run a mine under 
 the rebel works in front of his (Pleasants ) position, and 
 blow them up. General Burnside approved of the plan, 
 and the work began on the 2oth of June. It had to be 
 carried on with great secresy, and was of herculean pro 
 portions. One of the difficulties was to dispose of the 
 immense quantities of earth excavated, that it might not 
 lead the enemy to suspect the plot. The main gallery 
 was 511 feet long, and was carried directly under a rebel 
 battery. From this extended lateral galleries, right 
 
 484 
 
1864.] THE MINE. 485 
 
 and left, 38 feet each way, and parallel with the rebel 
 fort above. Then, across these lateral galleries were 
 four other short galleries, at equal distances apart, 
 designed to receive the magazines. Each of these gal 
 leries was about four and one-half feet wide and of the 
 same height. 
 
 Now, all the earth had to be carried out by hand in 
 the night, and deposited in rear of our lines ; and then, 
 to prevent the enemy seeing it from his observatories, 
 branches of trees were cut and thrown over it. 
 
 The concussion of the enemy s guns over the lateral 
 gallery produced a stunning sensation upon the men 
 secretly burrow r ing beneath them, and sometimes ex 
 cited a fear that they would cave through. 
 
 But on the 29th of July the work was finished, 
 and 1,400 pounds of powder placed in each of the 
 eight magazines a total of 11,200 pounds. 
 
 Fuses and electric wires were connected with the 
 magazines. The powder train of our army removed far 
 to the rear, so that it might not be blown up by the 
 concussion. 
 
 The morning of the 30th was fixed upon for the 
 explosion of the mine, and it was to be followed by an 
 assault all along the lines. An order was issued assign 
 ing to each corps its particular share in the momentous 
 crisis. The columns for assault were to form before day 
 light, and every preparation made to take advantage of 
 the breach and the enemy s expected surprise, the 
 instant the report of the explosion was heard. 
 
 At half -past three Burnside was to spring the mine. 
 His assaulting column was to move rapidly forward and 
 seize the breach and the adjoining crest, and effect a 
 lodgment. Ord was to follow on the right and Warren 
 on the left. All the artillery in battery was to open on 
 the enemy s lines at the instant of the explosion. 
 
 Thus was matured a plan which seemed to possess 
 all the essential elements of success. The explosion was 
 
486 IN FRONT OF PETERSBURG. [1864. 
 
 expected to tear an opening in the enemy s lines ; sur 
 prise and demoralize his forces, and thus give us a tem 
 porary advantage ; to be made permanent, if promptly 
 and judiciously followed up. 
 
 At 3.20, ten minutes before the time fixed for the 
 explosion, Gen. Meade telegraphed Gen. Burnside : 
 4 As it is still so dark, you can postpone firing the 
 mine, if you think it proper." Burnside replied that 
 he would explode it at 3.30. At 4.30 the explosion had 
 not taken place, and Meade telegraphed to know the 
 reason. At 4.35 Meade telegraphed: "The command 
 ing general directs, if your mine has failed, that you 
 make an assault at once, opening your batteries." 
 
 The fact was, the fuse had been fired at 3.30, and the 
 fiame ran into the gallery, but to the surprise of the 
 operators, no explosion ensued. Whether the fire had 
 gone out, utterly, in that long dark tunnel, or was 
 smouldering, and might at any moment Jgnite the pow 
 der, no one could tell. Whoever should enter the 
 gallery would be instantly killed in case of an explo 
 sion. But something must be done, and Lieutenant 
 Jacob Douty and Sergeant Henry Rees, of the Forty- 
 eighth Pennsylvania Regiment, volunteered to enter the 
 gallery. They ascertained that the fuse had died out 
 about 100 feet from the mouth. They re-arranged it, 
 and nearly at the instant the telegram last quoted was 
 passing over the wires from Meade s headquarters to 
 Burnside s, heaven and earth seemed rent in twain, and 
 the air was full of the debris of the rebel fort, and the 
 bodies of its late occupants. 
 
 The mine had exploded, and now the assaulting 
 columns rushed for the breach Leslie s division in the 
 advance clearing the ground between our own lines 
 and the rebel works before the enemy recovered from 
 his surprise. The head of the division found itself con 
 fronted by a large crater produced by the explosion, 150 
 feet in length, 60 feet wide and 30 feet deep. The sides 
 
1864.] LEDLIE S DIVISION IN THE CRATER. 48? 
 
 composed of loose, pulverized sand, piled up precipi 
 tately, from which projected huge blocks of clay. In 
 the bottom of this pit were several rebel cannon and 
 dead bodies of rebel soldiers. 
 
 The delay occasioned by this formidable excavation 
 proved fatal to the enterprise. While the troops halted, 
 the enemy recovered from his panic ; comprehended 
 the situation, and from right, left and in front opened a 
 destructive fire of musketry and artillery upon the 
 exposed column. To escape this fire, the leading brigade 
 entered the crater, but only became more helpless and 
 exposed. The enemy quickly covered several elevated 
 points with cannon, and getting range of the crater, 
 poured a storm of shell into it, while his mortars sent 
 their fearful explosives into the dense throng of men, 
 in this terrible slaughter-pen, with wonderful accuracy. 
 
 At midday the troops were ordered to be withdrawn, 
 and now the rebel guns swept the ground over which they 
 must move, by a tremendous perpendicular and cross 
 fire. But to remamwas to surrender or be slaughtered, 
 So through this deluge of iron and lead the gallant 
 fellows marched back again " marched back what was 
 left of them while cannon to right and cannon to 
 left of them vollied and thundered." Forty-four hun 
 dred of the assaulting column were killed or wounded 
 and 246 captured. 
 
 So, while the red tide of battle daily ebbs and liows 
 along the line, summer passes, and another winter 
 wears away, and spring flowers again adorn the valley 
 of the Appomattox. Petersburg, lying immediately in 
 rear of a portion of the rebel lines, was unavoidably the 
 target of a hundred cannon. In this long trial and 
 amid the constant danger that surrounded them, it is 
 said the women of Petersburg displayed wonderful 
 courage and endurance. No murmurs no shrieks no 
 flight, though shot and shell fell in their streets, and 
 crashed through their houses day and night. 
 
488 IN FRONT OF PETERSBURG. [1865. 
 
 During the winter of 1864-5, the Confederate army 
 before Petersburg was in a condition of semi-starvation, 
 and but half clad. The resources of the Confederacy 
 were rapidly failing, and it became so patent that the 
 natural results were experienced in General Lee s army. 
 Desertions were frequent, and the morale of the rebel 
 army was greatly impaired, while the hope of a success 
 ful issue was fast fading away. At the opening of the 
 spring campaign, in 1865, the rolls of General Lee s 
 army gave him less than 50,000 men, and upon this 
 greatly diminished force really hung the last hope of 
 the rebellion. 
 
 Lee is said to have resolved to abandon Petersburg 
 and Richmond, and falling back towards Lynchburg or 
 Danville, unite his forces with the army of General Joe 
 Johnson, who was moving north before Sherman. But 
 the Union forces had enveloped the right of Lee s army 
 and covered roads by which he desired to move. To 
 compel Grant to withdraw his left and uncover these 
 roads, Lee resolved to assume the offensive and make a 
 vigorous attack on Grant s opposite flank or centre. 
 
 At day-break on the twenty-fifth of March, two Con 
 federate divisions under Gordon moved noiselessly out 
 of their works, cleared the narrow interval that divided 
 the lines, and crossing the Union intrenchments sur 
 prised and seized Fort Steadman, and captured most of 
 the garrison, together with one brigade of the Ninth 
 corps. The guns of the captured fort which occupied 
 a commanding position in our line were immediately 
 turned by the rebels on the adjoining Union batteries, 
 9, 10 and 11, which were thereupon abandoned by our 
 troops and occupied by the enemy. 
 
 The danger was imminent, but the rebel triumph was 
 short lived. Training a hundred pieces of heavy artil 
 lery upon the doomed fort, it was rent to tatters by 
 Union guns, when Hartranft s division of the Ninth 
 corps dashed upon the ruined work, and captured two 
 
1865.] RIGHT OF CONFEDERATE WORKS CARRIED. 489 
 
 thousand of its rebel occupants, while their comrades 
 attempted to regain their own lines, through a deadly 
 cross-fire of artillery, from all the adjacent works, which 
 put 2,500 of them Tiors de combat between the lines. 
 This effort was one of the expiring throes of a mighty 
 giant, who began to feel that the thongs which were be 
 ing drawn closer and closer around him must be broken 
 soon or never. The failure of this bold attempt to com 
 pel Grant to relax his grasp on the roads to Lee s right 
 was fatal to his plan of retreat. 
 
 On Saturday, the first day of April, Sheridan and 
 Warren crushed the right of the enemy s line at Five 
 Forks, capturing all his artillery and between 5,000 and 
 6,000 prisoners. That night the guns along the Union 
 lines kept up a bombardment until four o clock the next 
 morning, when General Wright advanced his corps, and 
 sweeping through the rebel lines in his front, captured 
 several thousand prisoners and many cannon. Ord had 
 meantime dispersed the enemy s forces on their extreme 
 right, at Hatcher s Run, and then joining Wright, the 
 two corps swung to the right and closed the southward 
 outlet to the Confederate Army. Driven from his outer 
 lines and with his numbers greatly reduced, the rebel 
 leader yet clung tenaciously to his inner line of defences, 
 and his men fought with the recklessness of despair. 
 Gibbon now dashed upon two strong, enclosed works of 
 the enemy south of Petersburg, and after a sharp fight 
 carried them, and thereby materially shortened the line 
 of investment. So success succeeded success through 
 out the day, and when the night arrived the Confeder 
 ate Army was confined to its inner line of works and 
 these so shortened as to promise but a brief resistance 
 on the morrow. When the gray dawn of the morrow 
 came the Union skirmishers advance upon the works so 
 long and bravely held, but no shot is fired from them 
 and they are found to contain but abandoned guns and 
 
490 IN FRONT OF PETERSBURG. [1865. 
 
 dead and wounded men. The remnant of the rebel 
 army had fled. 
 
 A Petersburger thus describes the events and emo 
 tions of that last day of battle around his city : 
 
 "With light came sounds of conflict, which grew 
 louder and more frightful. Did they not draw nearer ? 
 It sounded so. And soon strange rumors filled the 
 streets. The church bells rang out their first call to 
 prayer, but no one heeded the summons. The clear, 
 sweet tones fell upon the agony of hearts that listened, 
 as bird notes sound to those who mourn the dead. Men 
 gathered in groups around the corners, and looked, 
 with straining eyes, towards the clouds of battle-smoke 
 that hung around the town stood silently, and listened 
 to the dull reports of heavy ordnance, and the sharp 
 rattle of musketry, upon which their fate hung tremb 
 ling. 
 
 " Men grew white in the agony of suspense, and 
 women wept. 
 
 " The old town-clock struck eight the breakfast 
 hour but the scanty meal stood on the board untasted. 
 The houses were deserted, and eager questioners crowded 
 around the men, who now came in with haggard faces 
 and wild eyes. 
 
 " What is it - ? 
 
 " And one answered, They have taken the River 
 Salient. 
 
 "And another, Pickett and Johnson were over 
 whelmed yesterday, their line broken, and their com 
 mands beaten and crushed cut off from the army, and 
 forced up the country. 
 
 "And another, Gibbon s Corps struck Wilcox s 
 front at daylight this morning, piercing his line ; the 
 troops to the right were captured, those to the left forced 
 back. The enemy have reached the railroad and the 
 river, and our line is at the stone bridge. 
 
1865. J PETERSBURGER S ACCOUNT. 491 
 
 " And just then a cry of * look ! was heard, and turn 
 ing, we saw from the warehouses, where, by order of 
 the military authorities, had been stored all the tobacco 
 in the city, columns of black, thick smoke go up above 
 a mass of lurid flames. Tis so, was the speech of 
 every white cheek and streaming eye. Few words told 
 how like a whirlwind of wrath came to the thousand 
 hearts the death of the hope of years. The groups dis 
 persed and sought their homes. Agonizing suspense 
 had become certainty, and they could weep now. 
 
 " Any attempt to tell of that day, with its hours of 
 dull, dead hopelessness, its moments of wild hope, its 
 feelings of utter wretchedness, of the end of all things 
 to be desired. God spare us another such an experi 
 ence ! 
 
 " Now and then would fly from house to house some 
 good report. We are pressing them back Gen. Lee 
 has re-established his lines, and for awhile the feverish 
 wish would be parent to belief. About 11 o clock the 
 Confederates did re-capture the lines at Rives , and a 
 ray of real light came in upon the anxious souls. But 
 the real danger was not there. On the right the work 
 went resistlessly on. Fort Gregg fell, despite the most 
 heroic defense of the war. The Union line advanced 
 from Coghill s to Turnbull s, from TurnbulP s to Wood- 
 worth s, and there, in a stone s throw of the corporation 
 limits, marshalled their enthusiastic masses. 
 
 " At last Longstreet came. A strengthened line was 
 formed, and at 4 o clock the dispatch from Gen. Lee to 
 his commanders across the Appomatox and James was, 
 I can hold out until night, and shall then withdraw. 
 
 " Its terms were noised abroad, and there was no more 
 doubt or hope. The time passed in silent preparation. 
 The Federal officers seeing the inevitable result of their 
 successes, wisely and humanely f orebore further assault, 
 and the comparative stillness was oppressive. 
 
 "Dusk came^ and with it began the evacuation 
 
492 THE LAST SCENE. [1865. 
 
 Noiselessly from the lines they had so gallantly de 
 fended, the Confederates withdrew ; and the long, dark 
 columns passed through the streets unattacked, un- 
 pursued. We were spared the horror of a fight through 
 the streets, which had been feared. Now began the 
 wild farewells and long embraces with which mothers 
 sent forth their sons to unknown fates, and perchance 
 endless partings, 
 
 "We draw the curtain over them. The darkness 
 fell, the silent march continued until the old bridge at 
 Pocahontas had re-echoed to the tread of the last Con 
 federate soldier." 
 
CHAPTER XXXVII. 
 
 JEFFERSON DAVIS LEE S DISPATCH TO HIM A WEEPING CONGREGATION 
 LEE S FLIGHT EXPLOSION AND CONFLAGRATION IN RICHMOND LEE 
 HOPES TO JOIN JOHNSON A TERRIBLE DISAPPOINTMENT A STARVING 
 ARMY SHERIDAN AND THE FIFTH CORPS SWING ACROSS LEE S LINE OP 
 RETREAT PRODIGIOUS EFFORTS OF LEE TO ESCAPE A REMORSELESS 
 PURSUIT DESTRUCTION OF REBEL TRAINS CAPTURE OF MEN AND 
 GUNS EWELL SURRENDERS RUIN STARING LEE IN THE FACE UNION 
 ISTS DETERMINED TO BRING HIM TO BAY MISERABLE CONDITION OF 
 CONFEDERATES VIEWS OF LEE S OFFICERS GRANT SENDS A NOTE 
 
 TO LEE LEE S REPLY GRANT WRITES AGAIN LEE S DIPLOMACY 
 GRANT S COUNTER-STROKE FIGHTING, FLYING, PURSUING REBEL 
 SUPPLY TRAINS CAPTURED LEE ORDERS GORDON TO CUT HIS WAY 
 THROUGH UNION LINES FAILS SHERIDAN PREPARES TO CHARGE 
 A FLAG OF TRUCE LEE SURRENDERS HIS ARMY WHAT LEE SAID, AND 
 HOW HE APPEARED THE TWO ARMIES FRATERN IZE REBELS EATING 
 FEDERAL RATIONS THE WAR PRACTICALLY ENDED AN IN EVITABLE 
 ORDEAL WONDERFUL VITALITY FRUITS OF THE UN ION VICTORY. 
 
 JEFFERSON DAVIS, sitting in St. Paul s Church, in 
 Richmond, on that beautiful sabbath morning , more 
 attentive to the thunder of distant cannon, that rolls 
 in sullen and ominous murmurs over the rebel capital, 
 than to the service he pretends to heed his expec tant 
 ear catches the sound of a hurried step and a clan king 
 sabre, approaching him, up the aisle. Every eye in 
 that congregation of anxious worshippers is turned upon 
 the chief of their expiring Confederacy. He reads 
 General Lee s dispatch announcing the disaster to his 
 army, and his intention to retreat during the ensuing 
 night. 
 
 The dispatch is handed to the rector, who communi 
 cates its contents to the congregation ; when g roans and 
 lamentations take the place of songs and praise , while 
 the President of their short-lived government walks out 
 
 493 
 
494 LEE S FLIGHT A TERRIBLE DISAPPOINTMENT. [1865. 
 
 from among them to prepare for flight from his doomed 
 capital. 
 
 General Lee held on to his contracted lines until 
 night, and when darkness had enveloped the scene of 
 Sunday s conflict with an impenetrable veil, he silently 
 withdrew his army, now reduced to 25,000 men, and 
 marching northward, to Chesterfield Court House, mid 
 way between Petersburg and Richmond, had placed 
 sixteen miles between his and Grant s army at day 
 break on Monday morning, the 3d of April. Almost at 
 the same moment a shock, as of an earthquake, rolled 
 down the James, and for one instant the northwestern 
 sky was lit up with a lurid glare. The rebels had blown 
 up their iron -clad vessels and the bridges across the 
 river, at Richmond. They had also fired the ware 
 houses, in that city, in which immense quantities of 
 tobacco were stored, and the flames spread until the 
 entire business portion of the city was a smouldering 
 ruin. Thus did the enemy destroy and abandon the 
 capital, in the four years defence of which he had sac 
 rificed so many lives and so many millions of dollars. 
 
 At Chesterfield, Lee turned the head of his column 
 toward the west and resumed his flight, with Amelia 
 Court House as his next objective point, 20 miles away, 
 and where he had ordered supplies to be in waiting for 
 his army, which had left Petersburg with but one day s 
 ration. 
 
 General Lee s design seems to have been to unite 
 the fragment of his army with the forces then under 
 command of General Joe Johnson, near Raleigh, N. 
 C., and thus be enabled to present a front of opposi 
 tion, that would have given emphasis to a demand for 
 favorable terms of capitulation, if not to negotiations 
 for peace. 
 
 When Lee reached Amelia Court House on the 
 fourth of April, he was met with the astounding intel 
 ligence that there was no food there for his army. A 
 
1865.] SHERIDAN ACROSS LEE S LINE OF RETREAT. 495 
 
 train of cars, laden with stores, had been sent from 
 Danville to this point, in obedience to his orders, but a 
 command from the Richmond authorities met the officer 
 in charge of the train at Amelia, directing him to bring 
 the train on to Richmond. The purpose of the order 
 was to use the cars in the removal of the property of 
 the Confederate Government. But the officer under 
 stood it to require him to bring the train, not only, but 
 its contents also. So, he proceeded to Richmond, and 
 cars and contents were swallowed up in the Moscow - 
 like conflagration. 
 
 Few men could have rallied from the effects of so 
 dire a misfortune. A fleeing army in an impoverished 
 country, with an exultant and overwhelming enemy in 
 near and hot pursuit, and not a ration to issue to his 
 famishing men. Thus he was compelled to tarry at 
 Amelia Court House during the fourth and fifth of 
 April, while his foraging parties were scouring the 
 desolated country for food for his army. This untoward 
 delay enabled Sheridan, with the cavalry and the Fifth 
 corps, to swing across the Confederate line of retreat at 
 Jettersville, on the Danville railroad, seven miles be 
 yond Amelia Court House. This was accomplished on 
 the afternoon of the fourth. On the fifth, Meade, with 
 the Second and Sixth corps, drew up at the same point. 
 Sheridan dispatched his cavalry right and left, to inter 
 cept the Confederate foragers, and on the morning of 
 the fifth General Davies struck a train of 180 wagons, 
 escorted by a body of Confederate cavalry, which he 
 defeated, destroying the wagons, and capturing five 
 pieces of artillery and a number of prisoners. 
 
 Finding the Union lines rapidly closing around him, 
 and his foraging parties cut off, Lee set his starving 
 army in motion, on the night of the fifth, for Farmville, 
 thirty-five miles west, where he purposed crossing the 
 Appomattox, destroying the bridges behind him, and 
 escaping into the fmountains Jbeyond JLynchburg. 
 
496 EWELL SURRENDERS RUIN STARING LEE IN THE PACE. [1865, 
 
 Meantime the entire Army of the Potomac had concen 
 trated at Jettersville, and on the morning of the sixth 
 it advanced toward Amelia to give battle to the enemy, 
 but the prey had fled. Grant now divided the pursuing 
 forces, so that their lines of march threatened both 
 flanks and rear of the retreating enemy. At the same 
 time, the Army of the James, under the grizzled veter 
 an, General Ord, was thrown forward from Burkesville, 
 diagonally across the front of pursued and pursuers, so 
 that when the head of Lee s column reached Farmville 
 on the sixth, they were saluted by the thunder of Ord s 
 guns, while his infantry and cavalry were drawn up, 
 ready for battle. 
 
 Meantime and on the same day, Sheridan had struck 
 another Confederate wagon train under a heavy escort 
 of infantry and cavalry. Throwing upon it the divi 
 sions of Ouster, Crook and D evens, the escort was de 
 feated after a severe fight, and 400 wagons were de 
 stroyed, while 16 pieces of artillery and a large number 
 of prisoners were captured. Swell s corps, which was 
 following behind the train, was thus cut off from its line 
 of retreat, and after a desperate fight with the cavalry, 
 re-enforced during the battle by the Sixth corps, Ewell 
 was compelled to surrender, with four general officers 
 and his entire command. 
 
 Lee had meantime entrenched himself in front of 
 Ord, and remained behind his works until night set in, 
 when he again resumed his flight, crossing the Appo- 
 mattox near Farmville. Humphreys, with the Second 
 corps, was so close on the heels of the retreating enemy 
 that he did not give them time to destroy the bridges. 
 Pressing the pursuit with unparallelled vigor, the heads 
 of columns were now directed toward Appomattox Court 
 house, twenty miles further west. At Farmville, 130 
 Confederate wagons were destroyed and the guard cap 
 tured or dispersed. So, ruin and disintegration were 
 constantly going on in the Confederate ranks, yet its 
 
1865.] MISERABLE CONDITION OF CONFEDERATES. 497 
 
 indomitable commander would not yield to what he 
 must now have known was inevitable. 
 
 Lee s attempts to gather food from the country, 
 through which his march lay, were almost wholly frus 
 trated by the activity of the Union cavalry, aided by 
 the infantry, wherever it could come up in time. The 
 blood of the triumphant pursuers was at boiling heat, 
 and they were resolved to bring the hunted army to bay. 
 Skirmishes were of almost hourly occurrence, and the 
 way was strewn with the dead and wounded men and 
 horses, and the debris of a fleeing army, while clouds of 
 smoke by day and lurid flames by night, told of burning 
 wagons and bridges. The poor remnant of Lee s army 
 was reduced to the last extremity of weariness and 
 hopelessness. Indeed, few troops had ever experienced 
 so bitter a retreat as this. Hunger, sleeplessness, fatigue, 
 despair ; and yet, wonderful pluck. An eye witness 
 says : " Towards evening on the fifth, and all day long 
 upon the sixth, hundreds of men dropped from exhaus 
 tion and thousands let fall their muskets from inability 
 to carry them any farther. The scenes of the fifth, 
 sixth, seventh and eighth, were of a nature which can 
 be apprehended in their vivid reality, only by men who 
 are thoroughly familiar with the har rowing details of 
 war. Dropping down for a few moments of rest and 
 sleep, the weary troops would suddenly be aroused by 
 the boom of Union guns, and the thunder of charging 
 squadrons of hostile cavalry, and again they must 
 arouse themselves to fight or fly. 
 
 Around the bivouac tire, on the night of the 6th of 
 April, Lee s generals discussed the situation, and came 
 to the conclusion that their chief ought to adopt one of 
 the following courses : 1. Disband, allowing the troops 
 to make their way as best they might to some fixed ral 
 lying point. 2. Abandon the trains and cut their way 
 through the opposing lines ; or, 3. Surrender. General 
 Pendleton was appointed to communicate these views 
 
 32 
 
498 GRANT SENDS A NOTE TO LEE. [1865. 
 
 to General Lee, The latter did not absent to either 
 proposition, and, in fact, the interview between the two 
 generals was not concluded, when the outburst of mus 
 ketry told that the Federals were again upon them. 
 
 On the night of the 7th, General Lee received this 
 notice: "April 7, 1865. General : The result of the 
 last week must convince you of the hopelessness of fur 
 ther resistance on the part of the Army of Northern 
 Virginia in this struggle. I feel that it is so, and regard 
 it my duty to shift from myself the responsibility of 
 any further effusion of blood, by asking of you the sur 
 render of that portion of the Confederate States Army 
 known as the Army of Northern Virginia. 
 
 "U. S. GRANT, 
 
 " Lieut. Gen." 
 
 General Lee placed his reply to this note in the 
 hands of an aide, to be delivered to General Grant in 
 the morning, and pressed forward his weary columns, 
 hoping against hope to find some way of egress from 
 the cordon of bayonets that was closing around him. 
 His reply was as follows : " General : I have received 
 your note of this date. Though not entertaining the 
 opinion you express of the hopelessness of further re 
 sistance on the part of the Army of Northern Virginia, 
 I reciprocate your desire to avoid useless effusion of 
 blood, and, therefore, before considering your propo 
 sition, ask the terms you will offer on condition of its 
 surrender." It is easy to imagine the struggle this note 
 must have cost the commander of the Confederate Army. 
 For nearly four years he had led it through all its vicis 
 situdes, and it had come to be regarded as the chief bul 
 wark of the Confederacy. To surrender that army was 
 to surrender the cause for which so many lives had been 
 lost, so many millions of money expended, so much 
 misery produced. 
 
 General Grant sent the folio wing reply, bearing date 
 
1865.] LEE S DIPLOMACY GRANT S COUNTER-STROKE. 499 
 
 the eighth of April. General : Your note of last evening 
 in reply to mine of same date, asking the condition on 
 which I will accept the surrender of the Army of 
 Northern Virginia, is just received. In reply I would 
 say that peace being my great desire, there is but one 
 condition I would insist upon, namely : that the men 
 and officers surrendered shall be disqualified for taking 
 up arms again against the Government of the United 
 States until properly exchanged. I will meet you, or 
 will designate officers to meet any officers you will name- 
 for the same purpose, at any point agreeable to you, for 
 the purpose of arranging definitely the terms upon* 
 which the surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia: 
 will be received." But Lee could not yet bring his-> 
 proud spirit into subjection to the condition in which: 
 he found himself placed, and he temporized while he- 
 struggled to find some mode of escape. His reply was 
 couched in the following diplomatic language : " Gen 
 eral : I received at a late hour your note of to-day. In 
 mine of yesterday I did not intend to propose the sur 
 render of the Army of Northern Virginia, but to ask. 
 the terms of your proposition. To be frank, I do not 
 think the emergency has arisen to call for the surrender 
 of this army ; but as the restoration of peace should be- 
 the sole object of all, I desired to know whether your 
 proposals would lead to that end. I cannot, therefore,, 
 meet you with a view to surrender the Army of North 
 ern Virginia, but as far as your proposal may effect th& 
 Confederate States forces under my command, and tend 
 to the restoration of peace, I should be pleased to meet 
 you at ten A.M. to-morrow, on the old stage road to 
 Richmond, between the picket lines of the two armies." 
 Grant received this note at midnight, and replied next 
 morning, as follows : " April 9, 1865. General : Your 
 note of yesterday is received ; I have no authority to treat 
 on the subject of peace. The meeting proposed for tern 
 A. M. to-day could lead to no good. I will state, however,. 
 
500 LEE ORDERS GORDON TO CUT HIS WAY THROUGH. [1865. 
 
 General, that I am equally anxious for peace with your 
 self, and the whole North entertains the same feeling. 
 The terms upon which peace can be had are well under 
 stood. By the South laying down their arms, they will 
 hasten that most desirable event, save thousands of 
 human lives, and hundreds of millions of property not 
 yet destroyed. Seriously hoping that all our difficulties 
 may be ended, without the loss of another life, I sub 
 scribe myself, &c." Evidently General Grant did not 
 propose to enter into a diplomatic discussion with 
 General Lee, nor to meet him except to receive the sur 
 render of his army. While this correspondence was 
 going on, military operations were not relaxed on either 
 side, and events were hastening to a climax. On the 
 night of the eighth, the ubiquitous Sheridan reined up 
 with his eager troopers at Appomattox Station, on the 
 Lynchburg Railroad, five miles south of Appomattox 
 Court House. The van-guard of Lee s army had just 
 arrived, and four trains of cars, loaded with supplies 
 for his starving men were approaching the station. 
 Sheridan threw a force in rear of these trains and cap 
 tured them. He then attacked the Confederate troops 
 and drove them back upon Appomattox Court House. 
 He had thus utterly annihilated Lee s last hope of ade 
 quate supplies for his hungry troops. Then he planted 
 his bronzed veterans directly in front of Lee, and across 
 his only remaining line of retreat. The Army of the 
 James was hurrying forward to join Sheridan in front, 
 and the Army of the Potomac was sweeping down upon 
 the Confederate rear. 
 
 Lee could only escape by cutting his way through 
 Sheridan s lines, and this he resolved to attempt. At 
 dawn, on the ever-memorable ninth of April, he sent 
 orders to General Gordon, to cut Ms way through at all 
 hazards. The rebel army was now reduced to about 
 8,000 armed men ; Gordon in front, and the wreck of 
 Longstreet s corps in rear. Between them the debris of 
 
1865.] FAILS SHERIDAN PREPARES TO CHARGE LEE SURRENDERS. 501 
 
 the wagon-train and the gaunt figures of several 
 thousand unarmed men, too weak to carry their muskets. 
 The residue of that once grand army lay in the trenches 
 around Petersburg, and in the roads and fields over 
 which its frightful march had been made. 
 
 Gordon advanced to the attack with great spirit, and 
 actually forced the cavalry to give ground. Sheridan 
 directed his Lieutenants to fall back gradually, but to 
 retard the enemy s advance, so as to give the infantry 
 time to come up. By and by the bayonets of the Army 
 of the James were seen advancing in serried ranks upon 
 the field, when the Confederates gave up the assault and 
 prepared to act on the defensive. Then Sheridan s 
 bugles pealed forth the signal to mount, and soon 10,000 
 cavalry had swung around upon the enemy s flank, 
 ready to charge on the baffled foe. But this further, 
 and what would have been, terrible slaughter, was 
 averted. At the last moment, and just as the bugles 
 were raised to sound the charge, one bearing a white flag 
 emerged from the Confederate lines with a letter from 
 General Lee, asking for suspension of hostilities and an 
 interview with General Grant. That interview took 
 place that afternoon in a house at Appomattox Court 
 House, where the two chieftains signed the compact 
 which practically ended the war. 
 
 Walter H. Taylor, Adjutant-General of Lee s army, 
 in his ; Four Years with General Lee," thus portrays 
 his chief in connection with the surrender of his army : 
 
 On the evening of the 8th of April," General Tay 
 lor writes, " I became separated from General Lee in 
 the execution of his orders in regard to the parking of 
 our trains in places of safety and did not rejoin him 
 until the morning of the 9th. After making my report, 
 the General said to me, Well, Colonel, what are we to 
 do V In reply a fear was expressed that it would be 
 necessary to abandon the trains, which had already oc- 
 
-502 WHAT LEE SAID, AND HOW HE APPEARED. [1865. 
 
 casioned us much embarrassment, and the hope was in 
 dulged, that relieved of this burden the army could 
 make good its escape. Yes, said the General, per 
 haps we could, but I have had a conference with these 
 gentlemen around me and they agree that the time has 
 come for a capitulation. Well, sir, I said, lean 
 only speak for myself ; to me any other fate is prefer 
 able. Such is my individual way of thinking, inter 
 rupted the General. 
 
 " But, I immediately added, of course, General, 
 it is different with you. You have to think of these 
 brave men and decide not only for yourself but for 
 .them. 
 
 " Yes, he replied, it would be useless, and there 
 fore cruel, to provoke the further effusion of blood, and 
 I have arranged to meet General Grant with a view to 
 surrender and wish you to accompany me. 
 
 " Shortly after this the General, accompanied by 
 Colonel Marshall and myself, started back in the direc 
 tion from which he had come, to meet General Grant as 
 had been arranged. 
 
 " We continued some distance without meeting any 
 One after passing our lines, but finally came upon a 
 staff officer, sent by General Grant s order to say to Gen 
 eral Lee that he had been prevented from meeting him 
 .at that point and to request that he would meet him 
 upon the other road. General Lee then retraced his 
 steps, and, proceeding toward our front in the direction 
 of Appomattox Court House, dismounted at a conven 
 ient place to await General Grant s communication. 
 Very soon a Federal officer, accompanied by one of Gen 
 eral Gordon s staff, rode up to where General Lee was 
 seated in a small orchard on the roadside. This proved 
 to be General Forsythe, of General Sheridan s staff, who 
 was sent by General Sheridan to say that, as he had 
 doubt as to his authority to recognize the informal 
 itruce which had been agreed upon between General 
 
1865.] WHAT LEE SAID, AND HOW HE APPEARED. 503 
 
 Gordon and himself, he desired to communicate with 
 General Meade on the subject, and wished permission 
 to pass through our lines as the shortest route. I was 
 assigned to the duty of escorting General Forsythe 
 through our lines and back. This was scarcely accom 
 plished, when General Babcock rode up and announced 
 to General Lee that General Grant was prepared to meet 
 him at the front. 
 
 " I shrank from this interview, and while I could not 
 then, and cannot now, justify my conduct, I availed 
 myself of the excuse of having taken the two rides 
 through the extent of our lines and to those of the 
 enemy, already mentioned, and did not accompany my 
 chief in this trying ordeal. 
 
 " The scene witnessed upon the return of General 
 Lee was one certain to impress itself indelibly upon the 
 memory ; it can be vividly recalled now after the lapse 
 of many years, but no description can do it justice. 
 The men crowded around him, eager to shake him by 
 the hand ; eyes that had been so often illumined with 
 the fire of patriotism and true courage, that had so 
 often glared with defiance in the heat and fury of bat 
 tle, and so often kindled with enthusiasm and pride in 
 the hour of success, moistened now ; cheeks bronzed 
 by exposure in many campaigns and withal begrimed 
 with powder and dust, now blanched from deep emo 
 tion and suffered the silent tear ; tongues that had so 
 often carried dismay to the hearts of the enemy in that 
 indescribable cheer which accompanied "the charge." 
 or that had so often made the air to resound with the 
 psean of victory, refused utterance now ; brave hearts 
 failed that had never quailed in the presence of an 
 enemy ; but the firm and silent pressure of the hand 
 told most eloquently of souls filled with admiration, 
 love and tender sympathy for their beloved chief. He 
 essayed to thank them, but too full a heart paralyzed 
 his speech ; he soon sought a short respite from these 
 
504 THE ARMIES FRATERNIZE AN INEVITABLE ORDEAL. [1865. 
 
 trying scenes and retired to his private quarters, that 
 he might, in solitude and quiet, commune with his own 
 brave heart and be still. Thus terminated the career 
 of the Army of Northern Virginia an army that was 
 never vanquished, but that, in obedience to the orders 
 of its trusted commander, who was himself yielding 
 obedience to the dictates of a pure and lofty sense of 
 duty to his men and those dependent on them, laid 
 down its arms and furled the standards never lowered 
 in defeat," 
 
 The men of the two armies at once mingled together, 
 and the starving Confederates found their late antago 
 nists hospitable friends. 
 
 The Confederates were paroled and went to their 
 homes, many of them making their poor tables glad by 
 the abundance of Union rations, while the Union army 
 turned its face northward, and a few months later its 
 members had laid aside their arms and uniforms, and 
 were mingling with their neighbors in the ordinary oc 
 cupations of life valiant soldiers in war, good citizens 
 in peace. 
 
 Thus practically ended the great Rebellion a rebel 
 lion that our incongruous system of government was 
 certain to entail upon the country, sooner or later. It 
 involved terrible trials and sacrifices, but we must 
 remember that, 
 
 " Not painlessly doth God recast 
 And mould anew a nation." 
 
 With the close of the war the dawn of a new and 
 better era burst upon our country. We emerged from 
 the conflict triumphant not only, but we had shown 
 vitality and resources that amazed the world, while they 
 surprised ourselves. The blot upon our escutcheon had 
 been expunged, and we stood before the world in the 
 sublime majesty of a nation free in fact, as well as in 
 theory. True, we yet bear the marks and scars of the 
 
1865.] FKUITS OF THE UNION VICTOKY. 505 
 
 gigantic struggle through which we have passed, but 
 with a people reunited and animated by that indomit 
 able spirit which hitherto has enabled them to accom 
 plish so much, they will march on, in the course of 
 empire, until our continent shall be covered with towns 
 and cities, and peace and good will shall dwell in all 
 our borders. 
 
506 LETTER FROM MCD. VAN WAGONER. [181 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 NOTE I. 
 
 Letter from McD. Van Wagoner, Esq., in relation to 
 statement on page 240. 
 
 KINGSTON, Sept. 3d, 1879. 
 GENERAL GATES : 
 
 Dear Sir ; As a member of one of the companies of 
 the Harris Light Cavalry, and a participant in the fight 
 of Brandy Station, and that of Rappahannock Station, 
 in 1862, allow me to say I think you do injustice to 
 General Kilpatrick in your criticism (on pages 240 and 
 241 of your history) of that gentleman s action. 
 
 An attempt was made to give the rebels a check, 
 near Rappahannock Station, and Judson Kilpatrick, 
 then Lieutenant-Colonel of the Harris Light Cavalry, 
 was selected for that duty. 
 
 A portion of the regiment (Harris Light) was formed 
 on a fine level piece of ground a few hundred yards from 
 the brow of a hill, up which the enemy were expected to 
 ome in full force during their advance. There couldn t 
 have been found a finer place for manoeuvring cavalry, 
 but as the rebels came up with a cloud of skirmishers, 
 the dust which filled the air made their numbers look 
 much larger than they really were, and the Harris Light 
 being green, as it were, never having participated in a 
 charge, or even seen one, when ordered by Kilpatrick to 
 charge, didn t move forward immediately, and almost 
 the next instant a column of rebel cavalry being seen 
 coming on a gallop close to them, they broke and ran ; 
 
1879.] LETTER FROM MCD. VAN WAGONER. 507 
 
 Kilpatrick rallied probably fifty men, and with them 
 made several charges ; and as for himself, being greatly 
 excited, because of the lack of success of the charge, 
 for a time he raved like a wild man, and fought like a 
 tiger ; but he was finally run back in the crowd, and the 
 dust became so thick, a man couldn t recognize his own 
 officer. The regiment (or that portion of it) crossed the 
 river in squads, when it was formed, having lost only a 
 few men. 
 
 If General Kilpatrick made a mistake, it was in not 
 starting the charging columns down towards the enemy 
 at a trot, and then ordering a charge, when they would, 
 no doubt, have swept the hill, for it was not a lack of 
 courage that caused the men to fall back. At the battle 
 of Bull Run, a few days after, when a charge was 
 ordered by a staff officer, on the night of the first day, 
 on the enemy, who were supposed to be retreating, 
 though every one in the regiment knew it was almost 
 certain death, when two companies, F and M, were 
 ordered down the road, they did not flinch, but charged 
 headlong, and as it was afterwards ascertained, ac 
 tually charged a corps of the rebel army. The result 
 was, that out of the eighty men who made the charge, 
 only four or five returned. The majority were shot 
 down by a cross-fire of infantry, with grape from a bat 
 tery in the road, directly in their front, and piled up 
 with their horses on the road, killed and mortally 
 wounded ; two went clear through the rebel lines and 
 were captured, and as before stated, four or five man 
 aged to get back. 
 
 The record of the Harris Light Cavalry (afterwards 
 the 2d New York), during the war, was of the best ; and 
 whether mounted or dismounted, they could be depend 
 ed upon to do good work, as General Patrick, and also 
 General Ouster (under whom the regiment fought several 
 battles), were free in saying. Knowing that you would 
 
508 LETTER FROM MCD. VAN WAGONER. [1879. 
 
 not intentionally do injustice to so creditable an officer 
 as Judson Kilpatrick, or to so excellent a regiment as 
 the Harris Light Cavalry, I have written these facts for 
 your perusal. 
 
 Very truly, yours, 
 
 McD. VAN WAGONER, 
 Private Co. F, Harris Light Cavalry, 
 during the late War. 
 
1857.] ADDITIONAL LIST OP OFFICERS. 509 
 
 NOTE II. 
 
 ADDITIONAL LIST OF OFFICERS OF THE "TWENTIETH, 
 PRIOR TO ITS DEPARTURE FOR THE WAR. 
 
 In addition to the list of officers given in Chapter III, 
 as members of the regiment while it was commanded 
 by Colonel Fiero, the records in the Adjutant-General s 
 office, at Albany, show that the following named per 
 sons held commissions in the " Twentieth " between the 
 time of Colonel Fiero s resignation and the departure of 
 the regiment for the war, and whose names do not ap 
 pear elsewhere in this narrative. It should be stated, 
 however, that the regimental district had meantime 
 been changed, and Greene County had been substituted 
 for Sullivan. The additional list is as follows : 
 
 Surgeon. James O. Van Hovenbergh, Kingston, 
 November, 1857, in place of Cornelius G. Harlow, of 
 Esopus. Sidney L. Ford, Lexington, and David B. 
 Dewey, Catskill, Surgeon s Mates. 
 
 Chaplain. Rev. Robert B. Fairbain, now Dean of 
 St. Stephen s College at Anandale, N. Y. 
 
 Captains . George Hartman, Rondout ; Daniel Gil- 
 lett, John B. Davis, Olive ; Samuel Penniman, Samson- 
 ville ; James Diamond, Rondout ; Anthony Van Bergin, 
 Rondout ; James Thompson, Esopus ; John Weber, 
 Rondout ; Hezekiah Pettit, Lexington. 
 
 First Lieutenants. Adam Smith, Cairo ; George 
 W. Mead, Jr,, Cairo ; Lawrence H. Corbitt, Rondout ; 
 Joseph Zemiski, Rondout ; Charles Shuman, Rondout 
 William Golden, Rondout ; John Kline, Rondou^ 
 
510 ADDITIONAL LIST OF OFFICERS. [1857, 
 
 Platt J. Rowley; Hiram Davis, Windham Centre ; 
 George Wheeler, Lexington, (promoted to Captain) ; 
 William Bertshe, Rondout ; William Hammond, ; Cor 
 nelius B. Bishop, Olive ; John T. Dewitt, Samsonville ; 
 John F. Ahrens, Rondout. 
 
 Second Lieutenants. Philip V. Moderse, Green 
 ville ; George H. Hasten, Greenville ; Joseph McElvy, 
 Samsonville ; Hiram Boice, Shokan ; Nathan Leopold, 
 Ellenville ; John Henkel, Rondout ; Jacob Freelewich, 
 Kingston ; George R. Scheck, Rondout ; George Bush- 
 nell, Claryville ; J. Andrew Cross, Lexington ; Porter 
 J. Schermerhorn, Westkill ; Albert Cohen, Saugerties : 
 Henry Fox, Rondout; Peter Claire, Rondout. 
 
APPENDICES. 
 A. 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL RECORD, 
 
 CONTAINING AN ACCURATE ACCOUNT OF THE MOVEMENTS OF THE REGI 
 MENT DURING ITS ENTIRE SECOND TERM OF SERVICE DISTANCES 
 MARCHED PLACES OF ENCAMPMENT OR BIVOUAC DUTY EMPLOYED 
 ON DETAILS OF OFFICERS AND MEN PROCEEDINGS OF DETACHMENT 
 ON VETERAN FURLOUGH VISIT TO ALBANY HON. JACOB LEFEVRE S 
 RESOLUTION IN THE ASSEMBLY CHAMBER PRESENTATION OF COLORS 
 TO MASTER PRATT ACCEPTANCE BY GOV. SEYMOUR PRESENTATION 
 OF COLORS BY MRS. KUGLER SPEECH OF HON. GEORGE T. PIERCE AD 
 DRESS OF REGIMENT TO COLONEL GATES COLONEL HARDENBURGH IN 
 COMMAND REGIMENT TO DEFENCE OF FORT SEDGWICK GENERAL 
 COLLIS ORDER REGIMENT IN RICHMOND HOW OFFICERS AND MEN 
 
 EMPLOYED GENERAL TURNER S ORDER REGIMENT AT NORFOLK 
 COLONEL HARDENBURGH IN COMMAND OF DISTRICT MUSTERED OUT 
 COLONEL HARDENBURGH S ADDRESS RECEPTION AND FLAG-PRESEN 
 TATION AT KINGSTON REORGANIZATION. 
 
 THE history of the original organization of the regiment 
 under Colonel Christopher Fiero, and its consolidation 
 with the Twenty-eight regiment ; the accession of 
 Colonel George W. Pratt to the command, and its or 
 ganization and departure from Kingston for its first 
 service under the United States Government, is given 
 in Chapters III, IV, and V of this work. 
 
 The following chronological record, after brief ref 
 erence to the three months service, carries on its 
 history from that time until its return in February, 
 1866. 
 
512 THREE MONTHS SERVICE REORGANIZATION. [1861-2. 
 
 About the middle of April, an order was received 
 from the Adjutant-General of the State of New York, 
 to prepare to march at an early day, and on the 26th 
 of April, 1861, in pursuance of orders, the regiment left 
 Kingston for Washington, about eight hundred strong. 
 
 The regiment was sent to Annapolis and thence to 
 Annapolis Junction, where it did guard and picket duty 
 along the Baltimore and Washington Railroad and the 
 Annapolis Railroad until the latter part of June, when, 
 on the occasion of the arrest of the Police Commissioners 
 and Marshal Kane, it was ordered to Baltimore, and did 
 guard duty there until its term of service expired ; but 
 at the special request of General Dix, commanding at 
 Baltimore, it remained a few days after its term was 
 closed, when it returned to Kingston and was mustered 
 out of the service early in August, 1861. It carried 
 home a beautiful United States color, presented to it by 
 the ladies of Baltimore. 
 
 The work of reorganization immediately began, 
 and the regiment again marched from Kingston to 
 Washington in the latter part of October, 1861, with 
 the following field officers : George W. Pratt, Colonel ; 
 Theodore B. Gates, Lieutenant-Colonel ; Jacob B. Har- 
 denburgh, Major ; and a total strength of a little less 
 than one thousand, officers and men. It reached Wash 
 ington on the 27th day of that month. 
 
 On the 7th of November, 1861, the regiment crossed 
 the Potomac, and joined General Wadsworth s Brigade, 
 General McDowell s Division of the Army of the Poto 
 mac, and did picket and foraging duty throughout the 
 winter. 
 
 " January 1, 1862. Regiment in camp at Upton s 
 Hill, Va. 
 
 January 12. Regiment on picket for forty-eight 
 
1802.] MARCH TO CENTREVILLE AND RETURN. 513 
 
 hours in front of Falls Church, Va. From this date 
 until March 10, engaged in drill, forage and picket duty. 
 
 March 10. Regiment marched at (5 A.M., with Gen 
 eral Wadsworth s Brigade, McDowell s Division, and 
 bivouacked at 6 P. M., 16 miles from Upton Hill, and 2 
 miles east of Centreville. 
 
 March 14. Two hundred and twenty-two men, un 
 der Captain Tappen, marched to and bivouacked on Bull 
 Run battle-field. 
 
 March 15. This detachment marched from that 
 bivouac, joined the regiment, and the entire command 
 marched to "Three Mile Run, 1 near Alexandria, in a 
 terrible storm of rain, 17 miles, The detachment 
 marched 25 miles. 
 
 March 16. Regiment marched to Upton Hill, 6 
 miles. 
 
 March 18. Marched two miles below Bailey s Cross 
 Roads, and bivouacked with brigade. 
 
 April 4. Regiment marched with General Patrick s 
 Brigade, from camp near Bailey s Cross Roads, at 3 
 P.M., aud bivouacked at 7 P.M., 2 miles south of Anan- 
 dale. Distance marched, 6 miles. 
 
 April 5. Regiment resumed its march at 8 A. M., 
 and marching through Fairfax Court House and Centre 
 ville, crossed Bull Run, and bivou acked 1 mile south of 
 Blackburn Ford. Distance marched, 15 miles. 
 
 April 6. Regiment continued its march at 8 A. M., 
 and passing Manassas Junction, crossed Broad Run, 
 and encamped near Bristow Station, at 2 P. M. Dis 
 tance marched, 17 miles. 
 
 April 7. A terrible storm of rain, snow and sleet, 
 against which shelter tents afforded little protection, be 
 gan to-day, and continued for sixty hours, occasioning 
 much suffering. 
 
 April 16. Marched to Catlett Station. Distance, 7 
 miles. 
 
 33 
 
514 PROM CATLETT S STATION TO FREDERICKSBURG. [1862. 
 
 April 18. Regiment marched at 6 A. M. ; obliged to 
 leave forage, ammunition and sundries on the ground, 
 for want of transportation, reaching a station 12 miles 
 north of Falmouth, in a storm of rain. Distance march 
 ed, 18| miles. 
 
 April 19. Marched at 7 A. M., reaching the hill-side 
 directly opposite and in front of the city of Fredericks- 
 burg at 5 P. M., a distance of 14 miles. The enemy 
 have retreated, after a little skirmishing, across the 
 Rappahannock, burning the three bridges and all their 
 shipping, including the notorious Steamer St. Nicholas, 
 captured by the " French Lady," Thomas. 
 
 April 28. Moved camp half a mile further south. 
 
 May 5. Three companies of this regiment, with two 
 from the Twenty- third and one from the Thirty-fifth 
 N. Y. Volunteers, all under command of Lieutenant-Col 
 onel Theodore B. Gates, crossed the river at 5 P. M., 
 and occupied the city of Fredericksburg, Virginia. 
 
 May 10. Regiment crossed the river at 8 o clock 
 P.M., marching to a point 1| miles beyond the city of 
 Fredericksburg, on the Telegraph Road to Richmond, 
 where it encamped. Distance marched. 3 miles. 
 
 May 11. At 3 P.M. the regiment was ordered under 
 arms, and moved some 2 miles down the Bowling Green 
 Road, to repel a threatened attack of the enemy, under 
 General Anderson, who was driving in a reconnoitering 
 party, and advancing toward the city in considerable 
 force. A few shots were fired, with a loss of one horse 
 n our side, when the enemy withdrew. 
 
 May 14. Companies B, C, H, and G, under Major 
 Jacob B. Hardenburgh, on picket for twenty-four hours. 
 
 May 17. Companies A, B, C, D, E, F, G, and K, 
 relieved Thirty-fifth N. Y. Volunteers, on picket for 
 twenty -four hours. 
 
 May 20. Companies A, B, C, D, E, I, and H, on 
 picket for 24 hours. At 10 o clock, p. M., advanced our 
 
1862.] FREDERICKSBURG TO HAYMARKET. 515 
 
 picket line 1 mile, driving in the enemy and occupying 
 the Toll- Gate on the Plank -road, near Salem Church. 
 
 May 23. Companies B, C, D, E, F, Gf, and K, on 
 picket for twenty-four hours. Enemy keeping up a 
 brisk fire on our men at the Toll-Gfate. Regiment re 
 viewed by President Lincoln. 
 
 May 26. Regiment marched, with brigade, at 3 
 P.M., up the Telegraph Road to Massaponix Creek, and 
 encamped at 7 P. M., on the ground occupied by the 
 enemy (the day before) under General Anderson. Dis 
 tance marched, six miles. Companies C, and G, under 
 Major Hardenburgh, doing picket duty through the 
 night. 
 
 May 29. Regiment marched at 12 M. to Hazel Run, 
 joined brigade, and continued its march through Fred- 
 ericksburg, crossing the Rappahannock, through Pal- 
 mouth, to a point six miles beyond. Bivouacked at 9 
 P.M. Distance marched, fourteen miles. 
 
 May 30. Regiment marched, with brigade, at 8 
 A.M., and, after a very fatiguing march of twenty miles 
 crossed Elk Run, and bivouacked at 7 P. M. Frequent 
 heavy rain storms. 
 
 May 31. Regiment marched at 6 A. M., with bri 
 gade, crossed Cedar Run, and bivouacked at Catlett 
 Station, on Orange and Alexandria Railroad, awaiting 
 cars to transport it to Front Royal, Va. Wagon train 
 sent to Thoroughfare Gap by road ma Haymarket, ac 
 companied by company H, as escort. Heavy rain storms 
 during the night. 
 
 June 2. Regiment marched with brigade at 12 M., 
 from Catlett Station, Va., and bivouacked in a violent 
 storm at 6 p. M., on the bank of Kettle Run, on the road 
 to Haymarket. Distance marched, eight miles. 
 
 June 3. Regiment marched, with brigade, at 7 
 A.M., and, crossing Broad Run, reached Haymarket, a 
 distance of five miles. Marched one mile south, and 
 encamped near Bull Run. 
 
516 HAYMARKET TO FREDERICKSBURG. [1862. 
 
 June 6. Regiment marched, with brigade, at 8 
 A.M., and crossed Broad Run and Cedar Run, passed 
 through the villages of Buckland and New Baltimore, 
 and encamped one and one-half miles north of Warren- 
 ton, Va. Distance marched, twelve miles. 
 
 June 8. Regiment marched, with brigade, at 4 
 P.M., passed through Warrenton, and bivouacked at 7 
 P.M., six miles beyond and two miles north of Warren- 
 ton Junction. Distance marched, six miles. 
 
 June 9. Regiment marched, with brigade, at 6 A.M., 
 passed through Warrenton Junction, and encamped 
 on the bank of Elk Run, at 11 A. M. Distance marched, 
 six miles. 
 
 June 13. Marched with brigade at 3 P. M., crossed 
 Elk Run, and encamped four miles south of Catlett Sta 
 tion at 5 P. M. Distance, three miles. 
 
 June 21. Marched with brigade at 2 P. M., crossed 
 Power Run, and encamped at 6 p. M., twelve miles 
 north of Fredericksburg, Va. Distance marched, eight 
 miles. 
 
 June 24. Regiment marched with brigade at 6 A. M M 
 passed through Hartwood and Falmouth, reaching old 
 camp, opposite Fredericksburg, at 2 P. M. Distance 
 marched, thirteen miles. 
 
 June 27. Moved camp two miles back from the river. 
 Company C, Captain J. R. Tappen, ordered on special 
 duty on the railroad between Fredericksburg and Rich 
 mond. 
 
 July 7. Company C rejoined the regiment. 
 
 July 28. Regiment marched from camp two miles 
 back from the Rappahannock, to and across the river 
 to Fredericksburg, where it divided, the four right com 
 panies, A, C, H, and K under Lieutenant-Colonel Theo 
 dore B. Gates, marched to Mrs. Stanbury s house, above 
 Fredericksburg ; the rest of the regiment to near Mrs. 
 Fennihoe s house, below Fredericksburg. The regi 
 ment inclosed the city with a cordon of sentinels, pre- 
 
1862.] AT FREUERICKSBURG RECONNOISSANCES. 517 
 
 venting all communication with the interior. Distance 
 marched by right companies, five miles; by rest of 
 regiment, three miles. 
 
 August 4. Right companies marched from Mrs. Stan- 
 bury s house, and rejoined the regiment at 2 p. M. 
 
 Augusts. Companies A, E, K, I, and C, two compa 
 nies of Twenty-third New York Volunteers, one section 
 of artillery, the whole under the command of Colonel 
 George W. Pratt, marched on a reconnoissance toward 
 Bowling Green at 6 P. M., in consequence of a report 
 that the rebels had taken possession of Hicks Hill, and 
 returned at 3 A. M., August 7, having marched seven 
 teen miles without seeing the enemy. 
 
 August 1. Regiment relieved from the duty of pre 
 venting communication between the city of Fredericks- 
 burg and the interior, by the One Hundredth Regiment 
 Pennsylvania Volunteers. 
 
 August 8. Comx)anies B and D, six companies of 
 Twenty -third New York Volunteers, four companies 
 Third Indiana cavalry, and a section of the First New 
 Hampshire battery, under command of Colonel Pratt, 
 marched on a reconnoitering and foraging expedition 
 at 7 P. M., to Round Oak Church, while Lieutenant - 
 Colonel Gates, with four companies of the Twentieth, 
 marched up the Telegraph Road to Massaponix Creek, 
 the bridge over which was found to be on fire, but the 
 enemy had fallen back. The detachment then marched 
 across the country, to the Bowling Green Road, and 
 joined Colonel Pratt. The entire force returned at 3J 
 A. M., August 9, having marched twenty miles and cap 
 tured two prisoners, twenty-five mules, thirty horses, 
 .and fifty head of cattle. 
 
 August 9. Regiment marched, with brigade, at five 
 
 p. M., tore-enforce General Pope, then engaged in battle 
 
 near Culpepper Court House, and bivouacked at 10 P. M., 
 
 on the Plank-road, eleven miles from Fredericksburg. 
 
 August 10. Regiment marched, with brigade, at 5 
 
518 CULPEPPER CEDAR MOUNTAIN RAPPAHANNOCK STATION. [1862. 
 
 A. M., crossed the Rapidan river at Ely s Ford at 11 
 A. M., and bivouacked at 4 P. M., at a point four miles 
 north-west of that river, near the road from Burnett s 
 Ford of the Rappahannock. Distance marched, four 
 teen miles. 
 
 August 11. Regiment marched, with division, at 5 
 A M., and bivouacked in line of battle three miles from 
 Culpepper Court House, near battle-field of Cedar Moun 
 tain, at 12 o clock midnight. Distance marched, twen 
 ty-two miles. 
 
 August 13. The enemy having retreated, the regi 
 ment marched, with brigade, one mile nearer Culpepper 
 Court House, where it encamped. 
 
 August 16. Regiment marched with division at half- 
 past eight, A. M., to Cedar Mountain battle-field, and 
 encamped at 1 p. M. Distance marched, six miles. 
 
 August 18. Orders to prepare three days rations, 
 and to be in readiness to march at a moment s notice, 
 were received at 2 P. M. The baggage of the regiment 
 was loaded immediately and sent off. 
 
 August 19. Regiment marched, with division, at 9 
 A. 31., and bivouacked at 11 P. M., three miles west of 
 Rappahannock Station. Distance marched, seventeen 
 miles. 
 
 August 20. Regiment marched at 4 A. M., crossed 
 the river at the Station at half -past five o clock A. M. ; 
 encamped in the afternoon two miles north of the Sta 
 tion, one mile east of the river. Marched five miles. 
 
 August 21. Were ordered forward to near the river 
 at 9 A, M., to support Captain Reynolds Battery L, 
 First New York Artillery ; and were there occupied 
 during the day, the most of the time under a heavy ffre 
 from the enemy s battery, and a part of the time from 
 his sharp-shooters also. At night, companies D and Gf, 
 under command of Lieutenant-Colonel Gates, did picket 
 duty along the river bank, and at the crossing at Nor- 
 
1862.] WARRENTON SPRINGS C COMPANY AS SKIRMISHERS. 518 
 
 man s Ford the residue of the regiment, under Colonel 
 Pratt, forming the reserve. 
 
 August 22. Were relieved at 5 A. M., by Twenty- 
 second Regiment New York Volunteers, and returned 
 to camp, which proved to be in range of some of the 
 enemy s guns. Our loss was Sergeant Dopp, Company 
 G, mortally wounded, and several others slightly. 
 
 August 23. Marched with brigade at 10 A. M., and 
 bivouacked at Warrenton, Ya., at 8 P. M. Distance 
 marched, 12 miles. 
 
 August 24. Marched two miles beyond Warrenton, 
 toward White Sulphur Springs, and encamped. 
 
 August 26. Regiment marched at six o clock for the 
 Springs. As we approached them, the enemy opened 
 lire upon us from two guns planted near a large yellow 
 house on the opposite side of the river. Gaining the 
 cover of the trees and buildings around the Springs, 
 Company C was deployed as skirmishers. Subsequently 
 the regiment marched across an open plain in full range 
 of the enemy s battery, and took up a position on the 
 hill east of the river, and about one mile from the 
 Springs. The skirmishing continued all day, with a 
 loss on our part of two men wounded. Distance march 
 ed, five miles. (See Chapter XVII.) 
 
 August 27. Regiment marched from the Springs at 
 12 M., and bivouacked at midnight, eight miles beyond 
 Warrenton, on the road to Gainesville. Distance march 
 ed, fifteen miles. 
 
 August 28. Regiment marched at six A. M., and 
 reached a point on the Centreville road, two miles be 
 yond Gainesville, where it halted, while the roads and 
 Avoods in front were reconnoitered by General Hatch s 
 Brigade, which, with General Gibbons, was in advance. 
 The enemy were found in considerable force, and a brisk 
 engagement ensued. The regiment was ordered up to 
 support the troops engaged, but darkness put an end 
 to the battle before it reached the field. Picketed road 
 
520 BULL RUN SECOND CHANTILLY. [1862. 
 
 the rest of the night. Distance marched, seven miles. 
 (See Chapter XVII.) 
 
 August 29. Marched at 2 A. M., for Manasses Junc 
 tion, which was reached about daylight. At 10 A. M. 
 were ordered back to yesterday s battle-field, where the 
 action had been renewed ; some three miles from Man- 
 assas, were ordered back, and returning to within one 
 mile of the latter place, filed to the left, and, marching 
 by the Sudley Ford, across a portion of the Bull Run 
 battle-field, were posted in support of Reynolds battery 
 on the left of the road, and about one mile from Chiiin s 
 house. About dusk, were moved forward toward Grove- 
 ton, to support Hatch s Brigade, which was engaged 
 and likely to be turned on the right ; withdrawn about 
 10 P. M., and posting a portion of the regiment with 
 Reynolds a-nd Campbell s batteries, the residue were de 
 tailed for picket on the front, under command of Lieu 
 tenant-Colonel Gates. 
 
 August 30. Bull Run Second. (See Chapters 
 XVIII-XIX.) 
 
 August 31. Regiment marched at 4 A. M. to Centre- 
 ville, and joined brigade. 
 
 September 1. Chantilly. (See Chapter XX.) 
 
 September^. Rejoined the brigade at 8 A. M., and, 
 marching with it, at 2 P. M., passed through Fairfax 
 Court House and Anandale, and reached Upton s Hill 
 at 10 P. M. Distance marched, 13 miles. 
 
 September^ Regiment marched to Fall s Church, 
 to repel a demonstration of the enemy, who had planted 
 some guns on Bassett s Hill and driven in our cavalry. 
 Did picket duty that night. Distance marched, 2 miles. 
 
 September 5. Regiment returned to camp, on Up 
 ton Hill, at 1 P. M. Distance marched, 2 miles. 
 
 September 6. Marched at 2 A. M,, crossing the 
 Aqueduct Bridge at Georgetown, and marched through 
 Washington, D. C., to Leesboro, Md., and bivouacked 
 
1862.] SOUTH MOUNTAIN ANTIETAM. 521 
 
 at 5 P. M. Distance marched, 16 miles. (See Chapter 
 XXI.) 
 
 September 8. Marched, with brigade, 4 miles and 
 bivouacked. 
 
 September 9. Marched, with brigade, to Mechanics - 
 ville. Distance, 9 miles. 
 
 September 10. Marched from Mechanicsville, with 
 brigade, to the farm of a Mr. Davis, 6 miles distant. 
 
 September 11. Marched, with brigade, through Lis 
 bon to Newmarket, a distance of 15 miles. 
 
 September 12. Marched, with brigade, to Monocacy 
 Bridge, and bivouacked. Distance marched, 12 miles. 
 
 September 14. South Mountain. (Chapter XXI- 
 XXII.) 
 
 September 15. At daylight it was discovered that 
 the enemy had retired, leaving his dead and wounded 
 on the field. The regiment then rejoined the brigade, 
 and, soon after, resumed its march toward Boonesboro, 
 at which place it bivouacked two miles further south, 
 on Antietam Creek, at 6 p. M. Distance, ten miles. 
 
 September 16-17. Battle of Antietam. (See Chap 
 ter XXIV.) 
 
 September 18. In line of battle all day, but the ac 
 tion was not renewed. Endeavored to remove some of 
 our dead where we were engaged yesterday, but the 
 enemy s sharp-shooters have the range of the field. 
 
 September 19. Regiment marched with brigade (the 
 enemy have retreated) at 5.30 A. M. to the Williamsport 
 Road, over the battle-field, and bivouacked in a wood 
 half a mile northwest of the field. Distance marched, 
 2 miles. 
 
 September 29. Marched with brigade at 2 P. M., to 
 a point one mile northwest of Sharpsburg, near the Po 
 tomac river, where encamped. Distance marched, 1 
 miles. 
 
 October 7. General Patrick having been assigned to 
 
52 BAKERSVILLE TO UNION. [1862. 
 
 duty at General McClellan s headquarters, as Provost- 
 Marshal- General of the Army of the Potomac, took 
 leave of the brigade. (See Order, Chapter XXV.) 
 
 October 20. Marched, with brigade, at 7 A.M., to 
 Hagerstown Turnpike, up the pike about 2 miles, then 
 taking a road to the left, passed through Bakersville, 
 and encamped about one mile beyond. Distance march 
 ed, 5 miles. 
 
 October 26. Regiment marched at 8 P.M., through 
 a drenching rain ; but the darkness compelled it to biv 
 ouac. Marched 1 miles. 
 
 October 27. Regiment marched, with brigade, at 6 
 A.M., and, passing through Keedysville, took the road 
 leading to Crampton s Gap. Bivouacked at 4 P.M. 
 Distance marched, 7 miles. 
 
 October 28. Regiment marched, with brigade, at 5J 
 P.M., crossed South Mountain at Crampton s Gap, pass 
 ed through Burkettsville, and bivouacked at 3 P.M., 2 
 miles north of Berlin. Distance marched, 13 miles. 
 
 October 30. Regiment marched, with brigade, at 6 
 P.M., crossed Potomac river on a pontoon bridge at 
 Berlin at 8 P.M., and bivouacked on the Baltimore and 
 Leesburg Turnpike, 6 miles from Berlin, at 11 P.M. 
 Marched 8 miles. 
 
 October 31. Marched, with brigade, at 3^- P.M., to 
 wards Leesburg and bivouacked at 5 P.M. Distance 
 marched, 2 miles. 
 
 November 1. Regiment marched, with division, at 
 8 A. M., passing through Wheatlands, taking the Win 
 chester and Leesburg Turnpike, and bivouacking near 
 Purcellville, at 3 P. M, Marched 8 miles. 
 
 November 3. Regiment marched, with division, at 1 
 p. M. down the pike, about 2 miles, turned to the left, 
 passed through Union, and bivouacked at 8 P.M. Dis 
 tance marched, 12 miles. 
 
 November 4. Regiment marched, with brigade, at 
 
1862.] BLOOMFIELD TO BROOKS STATION. 523 
 
 H P.M., passed through Bloomfield, and bivouacked 
 half a mile beyond at 4 o clock. Distance marched, 
 4J miles. 
 
 November 5. Marched, with brigade, at 8 A.M., 
 and bivouacked 3 miles north of Salem, at 8 P.M. Dis 
 tance marched, 18 miles. 
 
 November 6. Regiment marched, with brigade, at 6 
 A.M., passed through Salem (General McClellan s head 
 quarters,) at 8 A.M., through Warrenton at 5 P. M., and 
 encamped at 7 P.M., one mile below that place, on the 
 road leading to White Sulphur Springs. 
 
 November 11. Marched, with brigade, at 1 P.M., 
 and bivouacked near Fayetteville at 10J P.M. Distance 
 marched, 5 miles. 
 
 November 12. Marched down the road leading to 
 Nolan s Ford, to do picket duty. Distance marched, 
 3 miles. 
 
 November 14. Relieved from picket duty, and re 
 turned to camp at 4 p. M. Distance marched, 3 miles. 
 
 November 17. Regiment marched, with brigade, at 
 11 A.M., and, passing through Liberty, Bealtown and 
 Morrisville, bivouacked at 9 P.M., 2 miles south of the 
 latter place. Distance marched, 18 miles. 
 
 November 18. Marched, with division, at 8 A.M., 
 reached Hartwood at 2 P.M., and, taking the road lead 
 ing to Stafford Court House, bivouacked at 8 P.M. 
 Distance marched, 10 miles. 
 
 November 19. Marched, with brigade, at 8 A.M., 
 (the roads in terrible condition), and bivouacked at 4 
 P.M. Distance marched, 4 miles. 
 
 November 20. Marched at 8A.M., half a mile, and 
 encamped. 
 
 November 22. Marched at 3 P.M., and encamped at 
 5 P.M., near the Richmond, Fredericksburg and Poto 
 mac Railroad, 1 mile southwest of Brooks Station. 
 Distance marched, 4 miles. 
 
24 BATTLE OF FREDERICKSBURG. [1862. 
 
 December 9. Marched, at noon, towards Fredericks- 
 burg, and bivouacked at 5 P.M. Distance marched, 4 
 miles. 
 
 December 10. Marched, with division, at 9 A.M. ; 
 bivouacked at 1 P.M. Distance marched, 3 miles. 
 
 December 11. Marched, with division, at 8 A.M., 1 
 mile, halted, stacked arms, and finally bivouacked at 5 
 P.M. 
 
 December 12. Marched, with division, at 7 A.M., 
 to the Rappahannock river ; crossed the river at 2 P.M., 
 near the Arthur Bernard House, 2 miles below the city 
 of Fredericksburg. Soon after our crossing the river, 
 the enemy opened fire with his artillery. Marched out 
 of range and bivouacked. Distance marched, 3 miles. 
 
 BATTLE OF FREDEKICKSBURG. 
 
 (For fuller details, see Chapter XXV. 
 
 December 13. At daylight the brigade was formed 
 in line of battle. This regiment and the Twenty -first 
 New York Volunteers, forming the first line, advanced 
 to the left and toward a wooded ravine occupied by the 
 enemy. The enemy having been driven from this posi 
 tion, the brigade changed direction to the right, and 
 marched, under a heavy fire of the enemy s artillery, to 
 the Bowling Green Road, which was occupied by the 
 first line. We remained in this position about an hour, 
 and until the advance had been checked on the right, 
 the enemy, meanwhile, pouring a constant shower of 
 shot and shell from their batteries, which were not more 
 than five or six hundred yards in front, when we were 
 ordered at a double-quick toward the right. We had 
 proceeded about half a mile in this direction, when we 
 were counter-marched, and took up a position in a rav 
 ine to the rear, and a little to the right of the position 
 we had occupied in the Bowling Green Road, in sup- 
 
1862.] BATTLE OF FREDERICKSBURG. 
 
 port of several batteries, which drew on us a heavy fire 
 of artillery. Soon after reaching this position, (the ene 
 my having, during our march to the right, planted a 
 section of artillery on the road leading from the tele 
 graph to the Bowling Green Road, and thrown forward 
 their skirmishers, who severely annoyed our cannon- 
 iers), Company F, Captain Corbin, Company K, Captain 
 Baldwin, and Company A, Captain McEntee, were de 
 ployed as skirmishers. They advanced rapidly, under 
 a heavy fire from the enemy s skirmishers, drove them 
 back, and took up a position in the Bowling Green Road, 
 where they soon silenced the section of artillery before 
 mentioned, killing several of the gunners and three 
 horses. These companies remained in this position un 
 til after dark, when they were relieved by the Twenty- 
 third Regiment New York Volunteers. At dark, the 
 regiment took up a position one hundred yards to the 
 right and rear, and remained there daring the night, 
 being treated, in the early part of the evening, to a co 
 pious discharge of grape and canister. At daylight the 
 line advanced about fifty yards, and Company B, Cap 
 tain Leslie, and Company E, Captain Cornelius, were 
 thrown forward as skirmishers. They advanced, driving 
 the enemy back, and took a position by order of General 
 Doubleday, extending from a group of straw stacks to 
 the Bowling Green Road. The firing along this line was 
 brisk and uninterrupted during the whole day. The 
 ammunition of the companies having become exhausted, 
 they were relieved about 4 P. M., by Company H, Cap 
 tain A. S. Smith, and Company C, Captain Snyder. 
 Captain Smith was severely wounded while in the dis 
 charge of his duty. These companies remained on duty 
 during the night. 
 
 December 15. Company G, Captain Cunningham 
 and Company I, Lieutenant Cook, relieved the above 
 named companies early in the morning, and, in turn 
 
526 TRANSFERRED TO PROVOST-MARSH AL S DEPARTMENT. [1802. 
 
 were relieved by Company K, Lieutenant Young. The 
 picket duty along this line was very severe, as the line 
 extended over an open plain, and the men were con 
 stantly exposed to the fire of the enemy s sharp-shoot 
 ers, which was kept up during the entire day, and very 
 frequently during the night. 
 
 December 16. Regiment re-crossed the Rappahan- 
 nock at 11-J- P. M., and encamped on the heights beyond 
 the pontoon bridge at 1 A. M., during a heavy storm of 
 wind and rain. Distance marched, 5 miles. 
 
 December 17. Regiment marched at 9 A.M., to a 
 point opposite Fredericksburg, and a short distance 
 south-east of the railroad station at Falmouth, where it 
 encamped. Distance marched, 3 miles. 
 
 December 20. Marched at 9 A. M. Passed White 
 Oak Church at 11 A. M., and encamped at 5 P M. , on the 
 bank of Potomac River, three miles below Potomac 
 Run. Distance marched, 13 miles. 
 
 December 23. Regiment marched at 8 A. M., and en 
 camped near Hall s Landing, Va., at 1 P. M. Distance 
 marched, 4 miles. 
 
 December 27. Marched half a mile, to a point north 
 of Hall s Landing, and occupied log huts erected by the 
 enemy last winter for troops stationed here to support 
 a small redoubt, and a bastion fort, designed to com 
 mand the mouth of Potomac Creek, and to obstruct 
 navigation on the river. Furnished daily details for 
 fatigue duty, at Hall s Landing, during the remainder 
 of the year. 
 
 January 7, 1863. Transferred from the First Corps, 
 and placed in a provisional brigade, under command of 
 Brigadier- General M. R. Patrick, Provost-Marshal-Gen 
 eral, by Special Orders No. 6, Headquarters Army of 
 the Potomac. [See General Patrick s letter, page 193.] 
 January 10. Embarked on steamboat Rockland, at 
 8 A. M., and debarked at Aquia Creek, Va., at 10 A. M., 
 
1863.] DISTRIBUTION OF COMPANIES. 527 
 
 and proceeded up the Potomac, Fredericksburg and 
 Richmond Railroad, establishing guard-posts to Poto 
 mac River Station. Headquarters of the regiment at 
 Brooks Station. 
 
 January 21. Marched to Aquia Creek Landing to 
 do guard duty. Encamped near the Landing. Dis 
 tance marched, 6 miles. 
 
 January 22. One company placed on picket duty 
 along the Potomac River from Aquia to Potomac 
 Creek. A sergeant and ten men on duty at Liverpool 
 Point, Md., opposite Aquia Creek. The residue of the 
 regiment doing guard duty at the Landing. 
 
 February 10. Moved camp to a hill near the river. 
 
 April 29. Marched from Aquia Creek to Brooks 
 Station, 6 miles ; establishing guard-posts along the 
 river, and garrisoning the field-works at Accocac Creek, 
 and tete-de-pont at Potomac Creek. 
 
 CHANCELLORSVILLE, OR FREDERICKSBURG SECOND. 
 APRIL 30 MAY 6. 
 
 [See Chapter XXVI-XXVIIL] 
 
 May 9. B Company proceeded from Brooks Station 
 to Washington, D. C., by rail and boat, to perform 
 provost duty on Gfovernment wharf. Distance, 62 miles. 
 
 May 13. B Company returned to Brooks Station 
 from Washington by rail and boat. Distance, 62 miles, 
 
 May 15. Headquarters moved from Brooks Sta 
 tion to Falmouth Station, 9 miles. Companies A, B. E 
 and H moved to Falmouth Station. C Company sta 
 tioned at Brooks Station ; D Company at Potomac 
 Creek Station ; E, I. F and K Companies at Aquia 
 Creek ; Gr Company at Stoneman s Switch all perform 
 ing provost duty. 
 
 May 16. D Company moved from Potomac Creek 
 to Headquarters Army of the Potomac, 3 miles. 
 
528 FREDERICKSBURG TO GREAT FALLS OF POTOMAC. [1863", 
 
 May 17. K and I Companies moved from Aquia 
 Creek to Headquarters Army of the Potomac. Fifteen 
 miles. 
 
 May 18. E Company moved from Falmouth Station 
 to Headquarters Army of the Potomac. Two miles. 
 
 May 30. C, D, E, I and K Companies, under com 
 mand of Lieutenant-Colonel Hardenburgh, marched to 
 Belle Plain, Virginia, to perform provost duty. Seven 
 miles. 
 
 June 14. The different detachments of the regiment 
 united at Aquia Creek fifteen miles at 12 M., and re 
 ported to Brigadier- General G. K. Warren. At 3 P. M. 
 moved by rail to Potomac Creek, to garrison field- 
 works, perform picket duty, and remove Government 
 property. Nine miles. 
 
 June 1> Marched at 7 A. M. to Brooks Station, 
 where remained doing picket duty and protecting the 
 removal of Government property until 12 M., when, all 
 being removed, proceeded by rail to near Aquia Creek, 
 and garrisoned Forts Nos. 1 and 2. Eight miles. At 
 about 3 P.M. a detachment under command of Major 
 W. A. Van Eensselaer, proceeded on a reconnoissance 
 by rail to Potomac Creek Station, and returned at 5 P. M. 
 Sixteen miles. 
 
 June 16. Marched at 4 P. M. to Aquia Creek, and 
 embarked on steamer Hero, and debarked at Alexandria, 
 Virginia, on the 17th, at 6 A. M. the next morning, 45 
 miles, and marched to Soldier s Rest, where breakfasted, 
 when marched to the edge of the city, and bivouacked. 
 Marched at 5 P. M. through Alexandria, across the Long 
 Bridge, through Washington, to the Soldier s Home, 
 where remained during the night. Eight miles. 
 
 June 18. Marched at 5 A. M. through Washington 
 and Georgetown, over the Washington Aqueduct, to- 
 near the Great Falls of the Potomac, where bivouacked 
 at 7 P. M. Sixteen miles. 
 
 June 19. Marched at 6 A. M. to Great Falls of Poto- 
 
1863.] FROM SENECA TO EMMETTSBURG. 529 
 
 mac, where embarked on canal boats on Chesapeake and 
 Ohio Canal, and debarked at Seneca ; and, marching 
 through Poolesville, bivouacked at 5 P. M. a short dis 
 tance beyond. Twenty-four miles. 
 
 June 20. Marched at 8 A. M. to the mouth of the 
 Monocacy, where encamped. Six miles. Regiment en 
 gaged in performing picket duty along the Potomac 
 river, and protecting Aqueduct of the Chesapeake and 
 Ohio Canal over the Monocacy River. 
 
 June 22. Marched at 3 p. M. to Edwards Ferry, 
 where encamped at 9 p. M. Eleven miles. While here 
 performed provost and guard duty. 
 
 June 27. Relieved by the One Hundred and Tenth 
 Regiment Pennsylvania Volunteers, and ordered to join 
 First Corps. Marched at 10 A. M. to the Monocacy, 
 crossing that river over the Aqueduct, and bivouacked 
 at 6 P. M. four miles beyond. Thirteen miles. 
 
 June 28. Marched at 5 A. M., crossing the Katocton 
 Mountains at Katocton s Pass, passed through Adams- 
 town and Jefferson, and proceeded to near Middletown, 
 where, learning that the First Corps had gone to Fred 
 erick, the regiment took a by-road and recrossed the 
 Katocton Mountains at New Pass, and bivouacked at 
 8 P. M. Sixteen miles. 
 
 June 29. Marched at 6 A. M., and, passing through 
 Frederick and Lewis town, bivouacked at 5 P. M. on 
 Emmet tsburg pike. Sixteen miles. 
 
 June 30. Marched at 4 A. M., and reached Emmetts- 
 burg at 12 M., where halted, and reported the arrival to 
 Major-General Reynolds, commanding First Corps, 
 where received orders to join Third Division under com 
 mand of Major-General Doubleday. On joining the 
 division, were assigned to the First Brigade, then on 
 picket. Eighteen miles. 
 
 GETTYSBURG JULY 1-3. 
 [See Chaps. XXXII-XXXIV.] 
 
 34 
 
530 FROM GETTYSBURG TO WILLIAMSPORT. [1863. 
 
 July 6. Marched at 7 A. M,, with the First Corps, 
 and bivouacked near Emmettsburg, Md., at 7 P.M. Ten 
 miles. 
 
 July 7. Marched at 4 A. M., and, passing over the 
 Katocton Mountains, back of Lewistown, bivouacked 
 beyond Hamburg, on the northerly side of the moun 
 tain, at about 7 P. M. Twenty-two miles. 
 
 July 8. Marched at 5 A. M., through Belleville, 
 Middletown, crossing South Mountain at Turner s Gap ; 
 formed in line of battle on north side, where barricades 
 were thrown up. Fourteen miles. 
 
 July 10. Marched at 5% A. M., through Boonesboro, 
 to right of our lines, and then threw up barricades. 
 Five miles. 
 
 July 11. Moved to the extreme right, under the 
 mountain, and threw up intrenchments, putting our 
 pickets in front. 
 
 July 12. Marched at 11 A. M., passing through 
 Funkstown and crossing Antietam Creek ; took up a 
 position on Funkstown Heights, one mile south of 
 Hagerstown, and threw up intrenchments under fire of 
 the enemy s pickets. Five miles. 
 
 July 13. Lay in line of battle all day. Skirmish 
 ers pretty active in front. Our line of battle in range 
 of enemy s sharp-shooters. 
 
 July 14. Men aroused at 4 A. M., and got under 
 arms preparatory to an attack. Skirmishers of 20th 
 .advanced and found the enemy s works abandoned. 
 Marched at 12 M., to near Williamsport, and bivouacked 
 at 3 P. M. Five miles. 
 
 July 15. Marched at 6 A. M., ma Williamsport and 
 Hagerstown Pike to Funkstown, and thence through 
 Jones Corners, Keedysville and Bakersville to foot of 
 South Mountain, and bivouacked at 7 P. M., near 
 Crampton s Gap. Eighteen miles. 
 
 July 16. Marched at 9 A. M., and crossing South 
 
1863.] CRAMPTON S GAP TO CULPEPPER. 531 
 
 Mountain at Oampton s Gfap, bivouacked at 4 p. M., 
 near Berlin. Nine miles. At this place the regiment 
 was detached from the First Corps and ordered to re 
 port to Brigadier -General M. R. Patrick, Provost- 
 Marshal-General, for duty in his Department. 
 
 July 17. Two lieutenants and thirty men being left 
 at headquarters of Provost-Marshal-General, the regi 
 ment took cars for Washington as guard for seven hun 
 dred and twenty -five prisoners of war. 
 
 July 18. Reached Washington at 6 A. M., next day. 
 
 July 20. Returned to Berlin, and crossing the Po 
 tomac, marched ten miles to Wheatland, Va., where 
 bivouacked. 
 
 July 21. Marched at 6 A. M., and joined army head 
 quarters near Union, Va., at 1 P. M. Ten miles. 
 
 July 22. Marched to Delany s Farm and camped. 
 Five miles. 
 
 July 23. Marched at 8 A. M. , with general head 
 quarters, and bivouacked near Markham at 6 p. M. 
 Twenty-two miles. 
 
 July 24. Marched at 12 M., and bivouacked at 7 
 P.M., at Salem. Fourteen miles. 
 
 July 25. Marched at 6 A. M., and camped at 6 p. M., 
 in Warrenton. Twelve miles. Regiment doing provost 
 duty in this town. 
 
 July 27. Relieved by the One Hundred and Thir 
 tieth New York Volunteers. 
 
 July 29. Companies C and G proceeded by rail to 
 Warrenton Junction, Va., to do provost duty. Ten 
 miles. 
 
 July 31. K Company ordered to guard Commissary 
 Depot. Three miles. 
 
 August 11. Broke camp at A. M., and moved by 
 rail to Warrenton Junction, to do provost duty. Ten 
 miles. 
 
 September 17. Moved by rail to Culpepper Court 
 
532 MARCHING AND COUNTERMARCHING. [1863 
 
 House, to do provost duty in that town. Twenty- two 
 miles. 
 
 October 10. Marched at 4 A. M., and bivouacked at 
 Rappahannock Station at 6 p. M. 
 
 October 11. Marched at 6 A. M., to Bealton Station. 
 Four miles. 
 
 October 12. Marched to Catlett s Station, ten miles, 
 where did picket duty at night. 
 
 October 13. Marched at 6 A. M., for Fairfax Station. 
 Twenty-one miles. General headquarters train being 
 attacked by guerrillas, the regiment marched out to pro 
 tect it, and then returned to station. Four miles. 
 
 October 14. Proceeded by rail to Washington, as 
 guard for three hundred and eighty-two prisoners of 
 war. Twenty-four miles. 
 
 October 15. Returned by rail to Fairfax Station. 
 Twenty-four miles. 
 
 October 21. Marched at 10 A. M., through Centre ville, 
 across Bull Run and Cub Run, and bivouacked at 6 
 P.M., at Gainsville. Twenty-one miles. 
 
 October 22. Marched at 7 A. M., and camped at 
 Warrenton, Va., at 1 p. M. Twelve miles. 
 
 October 26. B company ordered to Manassas, to do 
 provost duty. Twenty -four miles. 
 
 October 27. Marched at 8 A. M., with general head 
 quarters, to Auburn. Six miles. 
 
 October 30. Marched at 10 A. M., to Three Mile Sta 
 tion. Six miles. 
 
 November 2. Marched to Warrenton Junction, 
 Three miles. 
 
 November 9. Moved by rail as guard to one thou 
 sand eight hundred and eighty -six prisoners of war to 
 Alexandria. Thirty-two miles. 
 
 November 19. Moved by rail to Brandy Station. 
 Sixteen miles. 
 
 November 26. Marched at 12 M., and bivouacked at 
 
1863-4.] GERMANIA FORD BRANDY STATION. 533 
 
 8 P. M. , near Germania Ford, on the Rapidan River. 
 Ten miles. 
 
 November 27. Marched at 7 A, M. Crossed the 
 Rapidan River at Germania Ford, and bivouacked at 
 the Lacy House, on Orange and Fredericksburg Pike, 
 at 7 P. M. Ten miles. 
 
 November 28. Marched at 7 A. M., to near Robert 
 son s Tavern, where encamped. Four miles. 
 
 December 1. Marched at three P. M., re-crossed the 
 Rapidan River at Germania Ford, and bivouacked at 8 
 p. M. Ten miles. 
 
 December 2. Marched at 7 A. M., and encamped at 
 Brandy Station at 2 P. M. Eight miles. 
 
 December 24. B Company moved by rail to Catlett s 
 Station and Manassas, and A Company to Rappahan- 
 nock Station and Warrenton Junction, to do provost 
 duty. 
 
 December 26. E Company moved by rail to Culpep- 
 per Court House Station, to do provost duty. 
 
 December 29. Two commissioned officers and two 
 non-commissioned officers and thirty men detailed as 
 permanent guard on passenger trains running between 
 Brandy Station and Washington, D. C. 
 
 December 31. Headquarters of regiment at Brandy 
 Station, Va., doing duty as above stated. 
 
 1864. 
 
 January 1. Encamped at Brandy Station, Va., with 
 officers and detachments at every station along the 
 Orange and Alexandria railroad, from Alexandria to 
 Culpepper Court House (both inclusive), acting as Pro 
 vost Marshals and guards ; and one company at head 
 quarters, Army of the Potomac, as guard for the Pro 
 vost-Marshal-General. From this time to May 4th, the 
 regiment was engaged in doing provost and guard duty 
 on and along the Orange and Alexandria railroad, hav 
 ing charge of all mail, passenger and special trains run 
 
534 VETERAN FURLOUGH HON. JACOB LEFEVRE. [1864. 
 
 on that road ; the granting of passes to all persons 
 leaving the army ; and to all civilians to pass from one 
 part of the army to another ; the registering of all civ 
 ilians coming to the army ; the examination and gen 
 eral superintendence of all goods coming into the army ; 
 and the conveying of all prisoners from the army to 
 other places throughout the United States. 
 
 February 13. Colonel Theodore B. Gates, Surgeon 
 R. Loughran, Captains J. D. S. Cook, M. Snyder, Dan 
 iel McMahon, Lieutenants D. J. Prance, M. J. C. Wood- 
 worth, J. Beits, and 161 enlisted men, left Brandy Sta 
 tion, Va., on thirty-five days veteran furlough, and ar 
 rived at Kingston, N. Y., on the 15th, where they were 
 publicly received by an immense concourse of citizens, 
 and after addresses of welcome, the battalion sat down 
 to a bounteous dinner provided by the ladies whose 
 presence graced the occasion. 
 
 February 17. The officers visited the city of Al 
 bany, and were invited to seats on the floor of the As 
 sembly Chamber, under the following resolution, offer 
 ed by the Hon. Jacob Lefevre, Member from the Third 
 District of Ulster County, and which resolution was 
 unanimously adopted : 
 
 "Resolved, That the officers of the Twentieth Regi 
 ment, N. Y. S. M., now in this city, whose third enlist 
 ment in the service of their country during the present 
 war has just taken place, and whose battle-flags in the 
 Bureau of Military Statistics are their credentials, be 
 admitted to the privileges of the floor of this House. " 
 
 On taking seats they were addressed by Mr. 
 Speaker Alvord, in patriotic and complimentary terms. 
 He said the regiment was one of the old militia 
 regiments of the State from the good old county of 
 Ulster. Thrice had they laid themselves upon the altar 
 of their country. Their lamented comrades slept upon 
 many a well-fought battle-field. Their former Colonel,. 
 
1864.] ON FLOOK OF ASSEMBLY CHAMBER. 535 
 
 Geo. W. Pratt, fell in the second battle of Bull Run. 
 As for the third time they go forth, God grant to pre 
 serve their lives in safety, and to return them once more 
 to our State. 
 
 Colonel Gates replied as follows : 
 
 ME. SPEAKER AND GENTLEMEN OF THE ASSEMBLY : 
 1 know not in what language to express to you the 
 gratification we feel for the honor you have conferred 
 upon the Twentieth Regiment, N. Y. S. M., in inviting 
 its officers to the privileges of the floor oi this House. 
 We came to Albany to-day, sir, on business of solemn 
 import. We came here to pay, in the first place, our 
 respects to the Governor of the State, the Commander- 
 in-chief of the forces of the State of New York, and in 
 the second place to tender to the widow of our deceased 
 Colonel the compliment of a presentation of a stand of 
 colors of our regiment to her infant son the son of our 
 ever-lamented Colonel. Knowing that we should be 
 detained here till evening, we determined to come to 
 the Assembly Chamber to witness the proceedings that 
 might take place, but we had no expectation that we 
 should be honored with the compliment of seats upon 
 the floor. 
 
 ki In behalf of the officers here, sir in behalf of the 
 regiment I have the honor to command, I thank you, 
 sir ; and I thank the members of the Assembly for the 
 honor they have conferred upon us. The Twentieth 
 Regiment is a regiment of the Militia of the State of 
 New York. On the breaking out of the rebellion they 
 rendered their services to the Governor of the State of 
 New r York, and through him to the President of the 
 United States, and were accepted. They marched from 
 Kingston, in Ulster County, on the 20th April, 1861, 
 for three months service. At the expiration of that 
 time they returned and were mustered out of service, 
 
536 COLONEL S ADDRESS TO ASSEMBLY. [1864. 
 
 but were mustered in again and marched in October, 
 1861, for the war. 
 
 " I feel it due that I should say to you, sir, and to 
 the members of the Assembly, that the regiment has 
 been faithful to the trust confided to it ; that it has 
 continued in the service up to the present time j that 
 now we come back from the field of duty, for a brief 
 recreation, only to return again to the defence of the 
 Government, there to remain until the war shall close. 
 The men I now have the honor to command in the place 
 of the former Colonel, Geo. W. Pratt, whose memory 
 is sacred to us, and I believe to the people of the entire 
 State Geo. W. Pratt, who was one of the principal 
 men in perfecting the militia organization of the State 
 of New York ; whose heart was in the work which he 
 took in hand ; whose patriotism was above party and 
 above everything, except the welfare of his country. 
 On his death the regiment was assigned to me, and I 
 have endeavored to be faithful to the trust confided to 
 me. I endeavored to follow in the footsteps of my pre 
 decessor, and I only hope, sir, when this war is termi 
 nated, if I shall live to see its conclusion, that I may 
 bear as good a reputation for the faithful discharge of 
 my duty as an officer in the service of my country, as 
 Colonel Pratt himself had. 
 
 "The regiment having passed through its three 
 months ; having re-enlisted for three years, and having 
 served two and a half years of that term, has now 
 availed itself of the offer extended to it to re-enlist for 
 three years more. The regiment feels that the great- 
 duty now devolving upon every man able to bear arms 
 is to fight this war out to the end. They feel, sir, that 
 nothing is paramount to the duty that love of country, 
 of government, of human liberty, devolves upon them. 
 
 "Now, sir, in conclusion, I beg again to thank you 
 and the members of this House, for the compliment 
 
1864.] PRESENTATION OF COLORS TO COL. PRATT S SON. 537 
 
 you have paid us, and I hope and trust that you may 
 never have cause to blush that you invited the officers 
 of the Twentieth N. Y. S. M. to seats upon this 
 floor." 
 
 February 22. The battalion, accompanied by a large 
 delegation of citizens of Ulster County, proceeded to 
 Albany, to present to Master Geo. S. Pratt, son of the 
 late Colonel Geo. W. Pratt, the old regimental flag 
 -carried by the regiment when Colonel Pratt was mor 
 tally wounded at Bull Run. Arriving at Albany, the 
 battalion was drawn up in front of Mrs. Pratt s resi 
 dence, where His Excellency, Gov. Seymour, attended 
 by his staff, in uniform, and a large number of citizens, 
 were assembled. 
 
 Colonel Gates, speaking in behalf of his regiment, 
 after alluding to the high-toned and unspotted charac 
 ter of the deceased, said : 
 
 " Seven years ago, the officers of the battalion in 
 duced him to accept the office of Colonel. At that time 
 the militia of the State was in anything but a desirable 
 condition, and the Twentieth was small in numbers ; 
 but it was not long after Colonel Pratt took command 
 before it reached proportions that none had anticipated, 
 and occupied a position second to but few in the State. 
 He was among the first to tender his services and his 
 regiment to the country, when she needed soldiers, and 
 his gallantry, his uniform kindness and heroic example 
 on all occasions, inspired his men with a lasting ad 
 miration for him. Our love for his memoryour re 
 spect for his family bring us here to-day. We come 
 from the battle-field, where we have left many a com 
 rade, to tender to his son one of the tattered banners 
 under which his noble father fell. When the rebellion 
 broke out, Colonel Pratt was one of the very first to 
 tender his regiment. It seemed as though every missile 
 hurled against Fort Sumter shook and thrilled his fra- 
 
538 COL, GATES ADDRESS ON PRESENTING COLORS. [1864. 
 
 gile frame, and, if possible, filled him with a deeper 
 love for his country. It seemed as though he felt that 
 he could make no sacrifices too great in aid of his 
 country against this unholy rebellion. On the 26th of 
 April, 1861, the regiment marched to the seat of war 
 nearly one thousand strong. It had then enlisted for 
 three months, and after serving that term faithfully, re 
 turned home, reorganized, and again enlisted, this time 
 for three years, and again under the lead of their favor 
 ite Colonel ; and it was fated that our beloved and 
 heroic commander should fall in the defense of his 
 country. He received his fatal wound in the second 
 Bull Run battle. Always kind, always generous, al 
 ways good and noble, I cannot depict the grief of the 
 regiment on learning of their loss. He has gone to his 
 long rest, and knowing him as well as I did, I cannot 
 doubt but that his rest is both peaceful and happy. 
 We feel that his life was closed all too soon. We 
 know that it was not lived or lost in vain ; and it 
 should be. as it is, I believe, our study and hope to 
 emulate his example, to the end that when peace is re 
 stored to our country, and the majesty of the law is 
 again supreme, we may enjoy a portion of the general 
 respect which was so largely his share, and which is 
 now paid his memory. In behalf of the regiment (ad 
 dressing the boy), officers and men, and the men not 
 less than the officers, I present you this battle-flag. Its 
 wounds were received when your father fell. When it 
 was presented to the regiment, he pledged himself that 
 it should ever be religiously defended. It has no 
 marks of dishonor, all its scars are honorable, and we 
 believe that it will be beloved and held sacred by you, 
 as it has been and is by us, for the sake of the memory 
 of your deceased father." 
 
 Master Pratt said, in reply : 
 
 " I thank the Twentieth Regiment for these colors. 
 
1864.] GOVERNOR SEYMOUR S REPLY. 539 
 
 I thank them for remembering my father. I will try 
 and be as good and brave a man as he was." 
 
 Governor Seymour, responding for Master Pratt, 
 said : 
 
 " SOLDIERS OF THE TWENTIETH MILITIA : On behalf 
 of a sorrowing and stricken father, on behalf of a 
 mourning family and speaking for the orphan children 
 I thank you for this manifestation of love for the 
 memory of one who distinguished himself as your 
 leader. They will treasure up this sad memento as 
 among their most precious gifts. We have watched 
 the history and course of every regiment that has left 
 our State, with anxiety as well as with pride, and none 
 have challenged greater admiration than your regiment. 
 How many of your comrades have lost their lives, your 
 diminished numbers tell in language more eloquent 
 than words can utter ; and let me assure you that in 
 the future there will be one household where you will 
 ever be remembered with mournful interest ; one family 
 that will always feel the deepest interest in your career 
 and welfare; one house where it will be felt that, be 
 tween it and your organization, a new relation exists. 
 This banner will be dearly cherished by him into whose 
 hands you have placed it to-day. It will speak to him 
 of the spotless character of his father of his virtues, 
 and of the love borne him for those virtues by his com 
 rades in arms ; and God grant that he may emulate the 
 example thus set him. 
 
 u Once more I thank you for this evidence of devo 
 tion to the memory of your late commander for the 
 generous, manly, soldierly affection that has led you to 
 manifest, in this delicate way, your continued regard 
 for his memory, and the respect that you entertain for 
 his family ; and I again assure you that your invalua 
 ble gift will ever be most dearly prized that there is 
 one family where your happiness will be a source of 
 
540 A FLAG PRESENTED TO BATTALION. [1864. 
 
 solicitude one family where everything that relates to 
 your regiment will be of fireside interest." 
 
 Subsequently the officers were entertained at Mrs. 
 Pratt s house, and the men, as the guests of Mrs. Pratt, 
 sat down to a sumptuous dinner at the American Hotel. 
 While there, Master Erastus Corning, son of E. Corn 
 ing, Jr., and a nephew of the late Colonel Pratt, made 
 his appearance among them, and presented each of the 
 men with a tract, evidently to their great pleasure. 
 Soon after 4 o clock, the battalion took the cars for 
 Kingston. Master Pratt, with numerous others, accom 
 panied them across the river, and as the cars left,, they 
 gave him rounds of cheers. 
 
 During the time the battalion was at home, 140 re 
 cruits were added to the regiment. 
 
 March 18. The battalion, with its recruits, was 
 drawn up in line, preparatory to its departure for the 
 army, when Mrs. Albert Kugler through Hon. Geo. T. 
 Pierce, presented a beautiful silk color to the regiment. 
 
 Mr. Pierce spoke as follows : 
 
 "COLONEL GATES, OFFICERS AND MEN OF THE 
 TWENTIETH : I am honored by being made the instru 
 ment of your fellow-citizen, Mr. Kugler, and his good 
 wife, in presenting you this beautiful stand of colors 
 the work of their hands. Mr. Kugler was formerly a 
 member of your regiment, who went out in the three 
 months , and returning would have gone again, but was 
 advised by his commandant that perhaps duty to an in 
 valid wife and to his family demanded that he should 
 remain at home. But chafing under his anxiety to serve 
 his country, he determined to make due amends for his 
 inability to go with you to the field. And his wife, de 
 siring to make some slight compensation to the regiment 
 for permitting her husband to remain at home, they 
 
1864.] HON. GEORGE T. PIERCED SPEECH. 541 
 
 have acted accordingly, and this magnificent flag, which 
 I now present you, is the result. Would to God that 
 every man and woman in the community would feel thus 
 ill at ease with themselves, until they had done some 
 thing half as noble for their country, in this trying crisis 
 of its existence. But our German fellow- citizens have 
 generally been loyal to the old flag, from the very com 
 mencement of our troubles have kept the Star of the 
 Republic steady in their eyes, and have not permitted 
 party or personal considerations to divert their attention 
 or detract from their devotion to one country one 
 Union one destiny. 
 
 "You have just returned, Colonel, from visiting the 
 shrine of your late commandant, Colonel Pratt, where 
 you went to present to his widow and fatherless son, the 
 remnant of the battle-flag which you carried with you 
 for two years past. It was an offering well and worth 
 ily made. But it was this circumstance which suggest 
 ed to Mr. Kugler that you would now stand in need of 
 another flag. You have it ; and in view of the record 
 which you have brought back from the war already, 
 and of the deeds which you have performed on the field, 
 and which are known of all men, it would be pre 
 sumptuous in me to charge you to keep that emblem 
 sacred, and never permit it to be desecrated or disgraced. 
 When borne aloft at the head of your columns, let each 
 man remember it is no mere ornament there, but that it 
 represents the sovereignty of the nation, and the 
 majesty of thirty millions of people. And as it proved a 
 scourge and a terror to tyrants in the hands of your 
 fathers, so may it prove a scourge and a terror to traitors 
 in the hands of you, their sons. 
 
 "Men of the Twentieth : It was over two years ago, 
 and yet it seems but a few days, that you left us before, 
 amid the mingled tears and acclamations of ten thousand 
 of your neighbors and friends, your lathers and mothers, 
 
542 HON. GEORGE T. PIERCE S SPEECH. [1864. 
 
 brothers and sisters, wives and children. You returned 
 to be crowned with the blessings of 75,000 people, who 
 waited with open arms to receive you. You went out 
 as men you returned as heroes. And if you shall re 
 turn again, having accomplished the object for which 
 you go forth, and which every patriot has at heart, the 
 restoration of the authority of the Government over 
 every inch of its soil, and of consequent peace and pros 
 perity to the country, you will be received by thirty 
 millions of people who will be ready to fall down and 
 worship you as little less than gods. 
 
 "Colonel, you return again to the field. Heaven grant 
 that it may be to see no more of the clash of arms or of 
 the conflict of battle but to give the finishing stroke to 
 the rebellion and end the war. And the hideous shriek 
 of terror and dismay which emanates from Richmond 
 would seem to indicate that you had already struck the 
 monster a blow in his very vitals, and that he even now 
 totters to his fall. Your friends who fight from the 
 mountain tops of East Tennessee, above the clouds, 
 think they can discern the beginning of the end. God 
 grant that it may be so; and that it may be reserved to 
 you to become the bearers of food a ad freedom to those 
 of our brethren who are confined in Southern prison- 
 houses to plant the standard of the Republic on the 
 turrets and temples of the Southern Confederacy, and 
 speedily to return to us again, bringing the joyful 
 tidings of the Union restored, the supremacy of the laws 
 maintained, and the rebellion crushed and over 
 thrown. 
 
 "But whatever may be your fate in this respect- 
 wherever your lot may be cast whatever may befall 
 you it a will be a consolation for you to know that the 
 people of this country are a grateful people. You have 
 had ample evidence of this at every step of your progress 
 since your return. They hold in constant remembrance 
 
1864.] PROM KINGSTON TO BRANDY STATION. 543 
 
 those of their kith and kin who have gone forth in de 
 fense of the country, and are in the field as the protectors 
 of their homes and their firesides. The Twentieth, 
 One Hundred and Twentieth, and the One Hundred and 
 Fifty -sixth, are numbers indelibly impressed upon the 
 memory of the people of Ulster, and which will here 
 after be engraven upon the granite of her mountains. To 
 those of you who survive the conflict and return to en 
 joy the fruits of your labors in a peaceful and undis- 
 severed country, we pledge a heartfelt welcome and 
 (rod s benison. To those who shall leave their bones 
 to bleach on a southern soil, we pledge a place upon the 
 monumental marble upon an equality with and along 
 side of your fathers of 1776, which every returning year- 
 shall brighten with the halo of glory which the blessings 
 of increased millions shall shed upon it." 
 
 Colonel Gates responded in behalf of the regiment, 
 and after other addresses and an eloquent prayer, the 
 battalion moved off amid a vast throng of people to 
 Rondout, embarked on board the steamer Thomas 
 Cornell, and proceeded to New York. 
 
 March 29. Battalion transported to the ocean 
 steamer America, and sailed for Washington. D. C., 
 proceeding thence ma Orange and Alexandria railroad, 
 to Brandy Station, Va., where it rejoined the balance 
 of the regiment. 
 
 May 4. All detachments, except the one at army 
 headquarters, ordered to report at Brandy Station as 
 soon as the public property at their several stations was 
 removed. At different times during the day the various 
 detachments reported at headquarters and were placed 
 on duty, guarding the public property at the depot and 
 picketing the country in the neighborhood. At 11 
 o clock P. M., all public property having been removed 
 or burned, and the station destroyed, the pickets were 
 recalled and the regiment took its line of march to re- 
 
544 RAPIDAN TO THE JAMES REBEL PRISONERS. [1864 
 
 join the army, then one day s march ahead. Marched to 
 Stephensburg, a distance of five miles, and bivouacked. 
 
 May 5. Resumed march, at 6 A. M., crossed the Rap- 
 idan at Gold Mine Ford, and reached Headquarters 
 Army of the Potomac, at Wilderness Tavern, in " the 
 Wilderness," at 7 P. M., having marched eighteen miles. 
 
 From this time until May 8, engaged in guarding 
 prisoners of war. 
 
 I May 8. Marched at 1^ A. M. in charge of prisoners 
 of war ; passed through Chancellorsville, and encamped 
 at 7 P. M. near Pine Branch Church ; distance marched, 
 twenty miles. 
 
 May 9. Marched about six miles and encamped on 
 north side of Fredericksburg and Orange Plank-road. 
 May 12. Marched to near New Salem Church, on 
 plank-road, six miles from last camp. 
 
 May 13. Marched at six A. M., in charge of 7,000 
 prisoners of war (Johnson s Division, Swell s Corps), 
 through Fredericksburg, across the Rappahannock river 
 to Belle Plain, on the Potomac river, being supported 
 by the troops designated below, the whole under the 
 command of Colonel Gates of this regiment. Distance 
 marched, seventeen miles. Among these prisoners 
 were Major- General Ed. Johnson and Brigadier-General 
 Geo. H. Stewart. 
 
 May 14. At daybreak, Colonel Gates orderd the cav 
 alry to return, and at 2 P. M., having delivered the pris 
 oners to the Veteran Reserve Corps, the infantry and 
 battery took up their line of march, and at sunset, after 
 reaching the Rappahannock river, opposite the city of 
 Fredericksburg, bivouacked, having marched sixteen 
 miles, part of the distance through a furious storm of 
 wind and rain, which flooded the small streams, forcing 
 the regiment to build bridges to allow the artillery to 
 cross. 
 
 May 15. Marched at 8 A. M., crossed the Rappa- 
 
1865.] RAPIDAN TO THE JAMES THE PAMUNKEY. 545 
 
 hannock river, passed through and encamped in the rear 
 of Fredericksburg. Distance marched, two miles. 
 
 May 21. Colonel Grates ordered the battery of artil 
 lery to report to chief of artillery. G and I Companies 
 marched to Belle Plain, in charge of prisoners of war. 
 Remainder of regiment marched at seven p. M. to and 
 through Fredericksburg, down the Bowling Green road, 
 and bivouacked at 12 p. M. near the Massaponey river, 
 having marched four miles. 
 
 May 22. Marched at 5 A. M., following the Bowling 
 Green road, and halted for the night near Welven. Dis 
 tance marched, ten miles. 
 
 May 23. Companies Gf and I joined the regiment, 
 having marched forty-four miles. Marched at 7 A. M., 
 and encamped at Milford, on the Mattaponey river, 
 having marched nine miles. 
 
 May 24. Marched at 3 P. M. , crossing the Matta 
 poney river at Milford, and encamped near Wright s 
 Tavern. Distance marched four miles. 
 
 May 27. Marched at 7 A. M., recrossing the Matta 
 poney at Milford, and encamped a mile west of the 
 Mattacocy, having marched fifteen miles. 
 
 May 28. Marched at 7 A. M., and passed through 
 New town, encamped near the Mattaponey, opposite 
 Dunkirk, Distance marched, twelve miles. 
 
 May 29. Marched at 7 A. M. and encamped two 
 miles north of the Pamunkey, opposite Newcastle. 
 Distance marched, ten miles. 
 
 May 30. Crossed the Pamunkey on a pontoon 
 bridge, and encamped two miles from bridge, on the 
 Hanover Court House road ; A and K companies guard 
 ing bridge. 
 
 May 31. Moved back one mile nearer bridge. Dur 
 ing this month the regiment was engaged in guarding 
 prisoners of war and bridges, protecting wagon trains, 
 doing picket duty, acting as rearguard to the army and 
 
 35 
 
546 UP THE JAMES TO CITY POINT. [1864. 
 
 performing the general provosfc duty of the Army of the 
 Potomac. The total number of rebel prisoners received 
 by the regiment during the month was 10,315. 
 
 June 1. Marched at 11 A.M. toward White House, 
 Va., and bivouacked near Old Church. Distance 
 marched, nine miles. 
 
 June 2. Marching at 8 A. M., and passing Old 
 Church, encamped at Parsley s Corners, near Anderson s 
 Mills, three miles east of Coal Harbor, and five miles 
 from last camp. 
 
 June 11. Marched at 3 P. M., and bivouacked at 7 
 p. M., at Tunstall s Station. Distance marched, eight 
 miles. 
 
 June 12. Marched at 6 P. M., to near White House, 
 and bivouacked. Distance marched, four miles. 
 
 June 13. Marched at 6 A. M., and taking the River 
 road, passed Cumberland Landing and Slatersville, and 
 bivouacked at 6 P. M,, at Roper s Church, having 
 marched twenty miles. 
 
 June 14. Marched at 5 A. M., three miles and en 
 camped. 
 
 June 15. Marched at 3 P. M., crossing the Chicka- 
 hommy at 6 P. M., on a pontoon bridge, and bivouacked 
 at 3 A. M. Distance marched, fifteen miles. 
 
 June 16. Marched at 5 A. M. , to the James river, op 
 posite Fort Powhattan, crossed the river at 3 P.M., on a 
 pontoon bridge, and bivouacked one mile beyond. 
 
 June 17. Marched at 6 A. M., passed Merchants 
 Hope church and bivouacked at Knox s Cross Roads at 
 4 P. M. Distance marched, eighteen miles. 
 
 June 18. Marched at 3 P. M. to City Point and en 
 camped. Distance marched , three miles. Colonel 
 Gates appointed military commandant at City Point. 
 
 June 23. Lieutenant-Colonel Hardenburgh, with a 
 detachment, consisting of Adjutant J. M. Schoonmaker, 
 Captain William H. Cunningham, Lieutenant Smith 
 
1864.] REPORT TO SHERIDAN A VESSEL EXPLODES. 547 
 
 and Assistant- Surgeon Wm. H. Taylor, and eighty 
 men, embarked on steamer Guide, to proceed to Point 
 Lookout and Fort Delaware, as guard for 700 prisoners 
 of war. 
 
 June 25. Regiment, pursuant to orders from Lieu- 
 tenant-Gerieral Grant, embarked on transport and pro 
 ceeded to Wilcox Landing, where it disembarked and 
 marched toward Charles City Court House, to report to 
 Major- General Sheridan. After marching five miles, 
 was ordered to occupy earth-works two miles nearer 
 the landing, under command of General Getty, where 
 remained about three hours, when detachment returned 
 to the landing and bivouacked. 
 
 June 26. By order of General Sheridan, embarked 
 on steamer and returned to City Point. 
 
 June 29. Lieutenant-Colonel Hardenburgh and de 
 tachment joined the regiment. 
 
 During this month and July, the regiment was en 
 gaged in doing the general provost duty for the "Armies 
 operating against Richmond," having charge of all 
 trains running on the City Point and Petersburg rail 
 road, all mail steamers running to and from Bermuda 
 Hundred, City Point and points north, and the charge 
 of the secret service boat, a detachment of the regiment 
 being in that service and a large number of the officers 
 on staff and special duty. 
 
 August 9. A vessel loaded with ordnance stores, 
 lying in the harbor at City Point, blew up at 11 A. M., 
 causing great destruction of property and killing and 
 wounding a large number of men. The loss of the reg 
 iment by this accident was five killed and seventeen 
 wounded. From this time till November the regiment 
 continued doing the same kind of duty, nothing worthy 
 of note occurring, except a march of the regiment a few 
 miles and back in attempting to intercept Wade Hamp 
 ton s cavalry, who had stolen a large herd of cattle. The 
 
548 A WORD TO GEN. PATRICK COL. GATES RESIGNS. [1864. 
 
 regiment presented to Brigadier-General M. R.Patrick, 
 Provost-Marshal-General "Armies operating against 
 Richmond/ (under whose command they had been for a 
 long time), a magnificent sword, belt, sash and spurs. 
 
 On the 24th of November, Colonel T. B. Gates, 
 who had commanded the regiment from the time that 
 Colonel G. W. Pratt was wounded, was mustered out on 
 account of the expiration of his term of service, and 
 Lieutenant- Colonel J. B. Hardenburgh assumed his 
 place as Colonel of the regiment, and as military com 
 mandant of the post and defenses of City Point. 
 
 An address of the officers and men of the Twentieth 
 Reg. N. Y. S. M., was presented to Colonel Theodore 
 B. Gates, on the occasion of his taking leaving of them 
 at the expiration of his term of service, as follows : 
 
 " COLONEL GATES : The officers and men of your 
 command approach you with feelings of deep regret on 
 this occasion. We are well aware that it is no unusual 
 occurrence for an officer who has faithfully done his 
 duty to retire from his command, leaving behind him 
 some of his old companions, and almost always bearing 
 with him the regard and esteem, as also the affection of 
 his men, but it has yet to be learned that any officer 
 has ever left behind him in the field a body of men who 
 more sincerely and deeply feel the loss they are sustain 
 ing than do the officers and men of the Twentieth Regi 
 ment, N. Y. S. M. 
 
 " Having been so long together having fought side 
 by side having endured hardships together now, that 
 you leave us, you carry with you the most profound 
 esteem the sincerest regard and, above all, the deep 
 affection of your fellow-soldiers. 
 
 " It is, beyond all question, a matter which concerns 
 us deeply ; for we feel that, in losing you we lose one 
 whose sympathies have ever been with us whose voice 
 has always cheered us whose smile has ever encour- 
 
1864.] ADDRESS OF REGIMENT TO COL. GATES. 549 
 
 aged us, and where we have failed in our duty, we know 
 that you have never failed in yours. 
 
 u We make no allusion to your career as a gallant 
 soldier that is recorded in the hearts of your men, and 
 will be read in the annals of this warfare. Trifling as 
 may seem to you this small tribute of our esteem and 
 affection, be assured that it is dictated by warm and 
 loving hearts toward one, whose life and career, among 
 us, has proved him to be a true patriot, a brave soldier, 
 and an earnest-minded, Christian gentleman. 
 
 " It may not be inappropriate to say that this 
 tumult of warm affection toward you, which your pro 
 posed departure has aroused among us, is not the spon 
 taneous impulse of the moment, but it is the welling 
 forth from the very depths of the fountains of our 
 hearts of that feeling which can no longer be restrained 
 within bounds. 
 
 " It may, perhaps, be some slight satisfaction to 
 you, to know that it is to your example we are indebted 
 for much that is good in us. We feel it and know it. 
 It may be a greater satisfaction to you to be assured 
 that that example shall always stand before us as a 
 bright and guiding star, the luster of whose splendor 
 shall noi be dimmed by any fault of ours, in an earnest 
 endeavor to sustain the enviable reputation which you 
 have conferred on our regiment. 
 
 " Now that you are returning to your home and the 
 duties of civil life, you bear with you our heartfelt and 
 earnest wishes for the future prosperity and happiness 
 of yourself, Mrs. Gates, and your family, and, since 
 the storm of battle for you has passed, may the future, 
 which lies before you, be as bright and glorious in its 
 results, as the past has been distinguished by your 
 nobleness and valor ! 
 
 "That He, who has thus far preserved you, may 
 keep you, with those who are dear to you, safe unto 
 
550 GEN. COLLIS RELIEVES COL. HARDENBURGH. [1864-5. 
 
 the end, is the earnest prayer of the officers and men of 
 the Twentieth Regiment, New York State Militia." 
 
 During the months of November and December, the 
 regiment continued in the performance of the same and 
 similar duties as they had done since their arrival at 
 City Point, nothing of particular interest occurring, 
 except turning out twice during the night time, and 
 marching to the defenses, to repulse threatened attacks 
 of the enemy. 
 
 January 1, 1865. Encamped at City Point, Va. r 
 doing guard duty and the provost duty for the Armies 
 operating against Richmond." 
 
 February 15. Colonel Hardenburgh relieved from 
 command of post of City Point by Brevet Brigadier- 
 General C. H. T. Collis, and assumed command of the 
 regiment General Collis regiment having been order 
 ed to duty there. 
 
 February 16. Major J. R. Leslie was assigned to 
 the temporary command of the Eighth Regiment Dela 
 ware Volunteers, lying at City Point. 
 
 During the balance of this month and the month of 
 March, the regiment continued performing the same 
 kind of duties as heretofore mentioned ; turning out 
 once and marching to repulse the enemy, who had 
 broken through our lines at Fort Stedman, but the 
 enemy retiring, the regiment returned to camp. 
 
 April 2. Received orders about 4 A. M., for the regi 
 ment to march, with brigade, to occupy the works 
 which had recently been thrown up on the heights 
 above City Point, to act as a reserve and support to an 
 attack which had been ordered by General Grant, to be 
 made at daylight, along the whole front of the lines, 
 investing Petersburg and Richmond. The regiment 
 marched as ordered and reached the position assigned 
 it, just south of the City Point and Petersburg railroad 
 
1865.] REBEL ATTACK ON FORT MAHONE. 551 
 
 at dawn. A portion of the enemy s works (including 
 Fort Mahone, known more familiarly as " Fort Damna 
 tion"), having been carried by assault by the Ninth 
 Corps, and the enemy having made several attempts to 
 recover them, which had been repulsed, and it b^ing 
 feared that, as they were the key-point of that line, the 
 enemy would again endeavor to take them at all haz 
 ards, the brigade, to which the regiment was attached, 
 was ordered, at 7 A. M., to move to their support. 
 With the utmost expedition they moved accordingly- 
 most of the way at a double-quick to Fort Sedgwick 
 (generally known as "Fort Hell"). Upon their arri 
 val they were immediately formed in line of battle, 
 and ordered to move forward and occupy Fort Mahone ; 
 the enemy still occupied the line to the left of Fort 
 Mahone, and were thus enabled to keep up an enfilad 
 ing fire over the ground the regiment was compelled to 
 pass in moving from Fort Sedgwick to Fort Mahone. 
 This fire was very severe, during the time the regiment 
 was taking up its position, occasioning considerable 
 loss to it. Just after the position was attained, the 
 enemy having concentrated their forces, made a desper 
 ate charge, in hopes of re-capturing the fort, but were 
 repulsed with heavy loss to them. They then retreated 
 to their inner line of works, and opened a brisk mus 
 ketry fire, which was kept up until about 10 p. M. Dur 
 ing the night, the brigade moved forward and captured 
 a lunette work in front of Fort Mahone, mounting two 
 casemate howitzers, which enfiladed the works to the 
 right of the fort. Shortly afterward, fires were seen at 
 several points along the line, and in the direction of 
 Petersburg and Richmond, and several heavy explo 
 sions were heard, showing conclusively that the enemy 
 were evacuating those places. 
 
 April 3. About 3 A. M. the brigade was ordered 
 forward. They advanced rapidly on Petersburg, found 
 
552 IN PETERSBURG GEN. COLLIS ORDER. [1865. 
 
 the enemy s inner line of works abandoned, and reached 
 the city just at daylight. The color-sergeant and color- 
 guard proceeded to a conspicuous house near by and 
 hoisted the Stars and Stripes over it. This was the first 
 United States flag that waved in this city s limits after 
 the passage of the Ordinance of Secession by the State 
 of Virginia. The regiment remained in Petersburg un 
 til the afternoon, when it marched back to City Point 
 and occupied its own quarters. 
 
 April 7. The following order was promulgated : 
 
 HEADQUARTERS POST, CITY POINT, Ya. ) 
 April 7, 1865. 
 
 General Orders No. 12. 
 
 In the recent operations which resulted in the cap 
 ture of Petersburg and Richmond, the troops of this 
 command have borne a conspicuous part, and their gal 
 lantry is the theme of universal praise. They were 
 called upon to repulse a desperate enemy, flushed with 
 a temporary success, which threatened to deprive us of 
 ground which had already cost our troops dearly ; and 
 they moved forward to the work with such enthusiasm 
 and determination that the enemy was driven from his 
 stronghold in confusion. The skirmishers of this com 
 mand were the first to enter the besieged city, and it is 
 believed our colors were the first to float over it. We 
 have lost many valuable officers and men who cannot 
 be replaced, but it is a comfort to those who survive to 
 feel that each of his fallen comrades was at his post, 
 nobly doing his duty. 
 
 By command of 
 Brevet-Brigadier-General C. H. T. COLLIS. 
 
 April 14. Pursuant to orders from Lieutenant-Gene 
 ral Grant, the regiment was relieved from duty at the 
 post of City Point, and prdered to report to Brigadier- 
 
1865.] REPORT TO GEN. PATRICK IN RICHMOND. 553 
 
 General M. R. Patrick, Provost-Marshal-General. On 
 reporting to General Patrick they were ordered to pro 
 ceed to Richmond. Embarked the same day, and pro 
 ceeded, to the city of Richmond, where disembarked, 
 marched through the city to Howard s Grove, where 
 occupied barracks formerly used by the rebels as a 
 hospital. 
 
 April^. Pursuant to Special Orders JN"o. 1, Head 
 quarters Military Commander City of Richmond, this 
 regiment and the Twenty-fourth Massachusetts Volun 
 teers were constituted the provost guard of that city, 
 "under the direction of the Provost-Marshal-General." 
 
 From this time until November, the regiment was 
 engaged in the performance of provost duty in the city 
 of Richmond, and the administering of the government 
 of the same. While the regiment was in Richmond, in 
 July of this year, Colonel Hardenburgh made a written 
 application to have the regiment mustered out. The 
 application was returned with the following endorse 
 ment of General Turner, who then commanded the Dis 
 trict of Henrico to General Terry, who commanded the 
 Department of Virginia : 
 
 HEADQUARTERS, DISTRICT or HENRICO, ) 
 RICHMOND, Va., 
 
 July 10, 1865. ) 
 
 Respectfully forwarded disapproved. To dispense 
 with the services of this regiment now would greatly 
 disarrange the management of officers in the city of 
 Richmond. The regiment is very efficient, and many 
 of its officers are on special duty in the city. The ex 
 perience they have acquired makes them now very 
 valuable, and their places could, with difficulty, be 
 filled. 
 
 JOHN W. TURNER, 
 Brevet- Major- General Commanding. 
 
554 OFFICERS ON DETACHED DUTY. [1865. 
 
 To show the extent of their duties and how mul 
 tifarious they were, a list of the officers detached for 
 special duty in the month of June is hereto annexed: 
 
 Colonel J. B. Hardenburgh, President of a General 
 Court Marshal. 
 
 Lieutenant-Colonel J. McEntee, Provost Judge du 
 ties same as Mayor of the city. 
 
 Major J. R. Leslie, Provost Marshal Fourth District, 
 City of Richmond. 
 
 Surgeon R. Loughran, Medical Director, District of 
 Henrico. 
 
 Assistant Surgeon C. L. Humphrey, in charge of 
 Alms House, County of Henrico. 
 
 Captain E. M. Misner, Company A, President of the 
 Relief Committee. 
 
 Captain Isaac Buswell, Company B, member of Gene 
 ral Court-Martial. 
 
 Brevet-Major, Captain Martin Snyder, Company C, 
 Commanding Provost Guard, Fourth District. 
 
 Captain J. M. Schoonmaker, Company D, Aide-de- 
 Camp to Brevet-Major-General Turner and Commanding 
 Military Prisons, viz. : Libby Prison, Castle Thunder, 
 City Jail, State Penitentiary, and Depot of Distribu 
 tion. 
 
 Captain W. W. Beckwith, Company E, Aide-de-Camp 
 to General Turner, and Assistant Provost-Marshal-Gene 
 ral, District of Henrico. 
 
 Captain N. Hoysradt, Company F, Assistant Provost 
 Judge, city of Richmond. 
 
 Captain M. J. C. Woodworth, Company G, officer 
 Provost Giiard, Fourth District. 
 
 Captain G. B. Mulks, Company H, officer Provost 
 Guard, Second District. 
 
 Captain Charles S. Parker, Company I, officer Pro 
 vost Guard, Fourth District. 
 
 Captain D. J. France, Company K, Commanding Pro 
 vost Guard, Second District. 
 
1865.] OFFICERS ON DETACHED DUTY. 555 
 
 Lieutenant John I. Smith, Company A, in Command 
 of Alms House. 
 
 Lieutenant Timothy Murray, Company B, officer of 
 the Provost Guard, Fourth District. 
 
 Lieutenant Jacob H. Winfield, Company C, Aide-de- 
 Camp to Brevet Major-General Turner, Commanding 
 District of Hennco. 
 
 Lieutenant John H. Dunn, Company C, officer Pro 
 vost Guard, Fourth District. 
 
 Lieutenant James Hatch, Company D, Street Com 
 missioner, city of Richmond. 
 
 Lieutenant Lyman Hoysradt, Company F, Command 
 ing Guard at State Penitentiary. 
 
 Lieutenant Isaac Thomas, Company G, officer Provost 
 Guard, Fourth District. 
 
 Lieutenant E. B. Townsend, Company G, Aide-de- 
 Camp to General Turner. 
 
 Lieutenant Eugene Subit, Company H, officer Provost 
 Guard, Second District. 
 
 Lieutenant Remsen Varick, Company I, Commanding 
 Provost Guard at Rockett s (steamboat landing). 
 
 Lieutenant S. F. B. Gillespie, Company I, Assistant 
 to Provost-Marshal-General Department of Virginia. 
 
 Lieutenant Richard E. Houghtaling, Company K, offi 
 cer Provost Guard, Second district. 
 
 November 27. Regiment embarked at Rockett s on 
 steamers, under orders to report at Norfolk, to Brevet 
 Major-General A. F. A. Torbert, Commanding District 
 of Southeastern Virginia, leaving the following named 
 officers at Richmond, performing the duties heretofore 
 named, viz : Lieutenant-Colonel J. McEntee, Captain N. 
 Hoysradt, Surgeon R. Loughran, Captain J. M. Schoon- 
 maker, Captain E. M. Misner, Captain W. W. Beck- 
 with, Lieutenant J. H. Winfield, Lieutenant L. Hoys 
 radt, and Lieutenant S. F. B. Gillespie. During the 
 balance of this month, the regiment was engaged in 
 
56 NORFOLK MUSTER OUT. [1865-6. 
 
 performing Provost and Guard duty at Norfolk, Ports 
 mouth Navy Yard, and the hard-labor prison. 
 
 December 18. Pursuant to Special Orders No. 71, 
 Headquarters District of Southeastern Virginia, Brevet 
 Brigadier-General J. B. Hardenburgh assumed command 
 of that district, with headquarters at Norfolk. The 
 duties of the regiment, during this month, were similar 
 to those performed during November. 
 
 1866. 
 
 The regiment continued in the performance of the 
 same duties until January 29th, when it was mustered 
 out and returned home, after halting at New York City 
 to be paid off. 
 
 Previous to the dismissal of the regiment, Colonel 
 Hardenburgh, addressed the officers and men as follows : 
 
 "OFFICERS AND SOLDIERS OF THE TWENTIETH : The 
 time has at last arrived which you have so long and so 
 anxiously looked forward to when you are to be hon 
 orably discharged the service and permitted to return 
 to your homes. We are now about to separate many 
 of us forever. 
 
 "What recollections come crowding upon our mem 
 ory of common dangers and sufferings, joys and sorrows 
 of the monotonous camp, the weary march and the 
 terrible conflict. What silent prayers go up from joy 
 ful hearts, that we are spared to return to our friends 
 and homes. 
 
 "I could not trust myself, if I could find words to 
 express to you all that I feel on this occasion. 1 have 
 been so long and so intimately connected with the Old 
 Twentieth, that I feel as if I were about to part with a 
 dear old friend, whose familiar face I should see no 
 more forever. I cannot, however, permit the occasion 
 to pass without returning to you, briefly, my sincere 
 thanks for the uniform respect, cheerful obedience and 
 
1866.] COL. HARDENBURGH S ADDRESS. 557 
 
 strict attention to duty you have ever evinced in your 
 different relations to the regiment. Whatever my 
 shortcomings may have been (and I know they have not 
 been few), I have the satisfaction to know that 4 1 have 
 endeavored to do my duty. 
 
 " The name and reputation of the Twentieth, have 
 ever been most dear to me, and during my connection 
 with it, I have endeavored to keep constantly in view 
 its interest and honor. 
 
 "I exceedingly regret that the regiment could not 
 have gone home as an organization and been finally dis 
 charged at its original rendezvous. There is nothing I 
 more greatly desired, or that would have afforded me 
 greater pleasure, and I am sure this is the feeling of a 
 very large majority of the regiment. But on account of 
 the want of proper accommodation there for the men, 
 at this season, during the time they would necessarily 
 have to be detained, before receiving their final pay and 
 discharges, the matter was deemed unadvisable and im 
 practicable. It was supposed that at this place, which 
 had been used so long as one of the regularly establish 
 ed depots for recruits and regiments to be mustered out, 
 we would find everything which the season and climate 
 rendered necessary, under the circumstances, for your 
 health and comfort. But I regret to say that we have 
 been moet sadly disappointed. If I could have forseen 
 the shameful and disgraceful state of things here, I cer 
 tainly would have used every effort in my power to have 
 had ttfe regiment ordered to Kingston ; for however we 
 might have fared there, we certainly could not have 
 fared worse than we have here. 
 
 "I regret the more that we could not have gone 
 home as a regiment, because I know it would have af 
 forded the friends of the regiment great pleasure to 
 have extended to it a most cordial welcome. They have 
 had in course of preparation for some time a new color, 
 which it was intended to have presented to the regiment 
 
558 COL. HARDENBURGH S ADDRESS. [1866. 
 
 upon its arrival in New York. Colonel Gfates came 
 down for that purpose last Tuesday, but upon Ms ar 
 rival here he found that it was not finished, and so the 
 presentation had to be deferred to some future time. It 
 is now proposed by the citizens of Kingston, as a testi 
 monial of the honor and esteem with which they have 
 ever regarded the Old Twentieth, to give an enter 
 tainment to the members of the regiment on the 22d of 
 February next, and at that time to present the colors, 
 and I am requested to give a cordial invitation to every 
 member of the regiment on that occasion. I hope that 
 all who can possibly do so will be present in their prop 
 er uniform. 
 
 u One word more and I am done. You are now 
 about to quit the military service and return once more 
 to the quiet walks of civil life. You belong to a regi 
 ment which has achieved a name and reputation which 
 will go down through all coming time, and which you 
 and those who may come after you will hereafter con 
 template with pride and satisfaction. As you have 
 been good and efficient soldiers, so I know you will be 
 good and exemplary citizens, ever remembering that 
 your duties as citizens are no less important. 
 
 Peace hath her victories, 
 No less renowned than war. 
 
 "I hope you may long live to enjoy, through unin 
 terrupted peace and prosperity, the rewards you have 
 so richly earned, and that the choicest blessings of 
 Heaven may ever abide with you and yours. 
 
 "And now, comrades, it only remains for me to pro 
 nounce the parting word Farewell." 
 
 February 22. Pursuant to previous notice, the reg 
 iment assembled to receive the flag which had been ob 
 tained for them by the citizens of Kingston. The fol- 
 
1866. J FLAG PRESENTATION AT KINGSTON. 559 
 
 lowing extract from one of the village newspapers nar 
 rates the circumstances incident thereto : 
 
 " On the 22d inst., the ceremonies attendant upon 
 the presentation of a regimental Hag to the Twentieth 
 N.Y.S.M., took place at the armory in this village. 
 A large number of citizens and soldiers were present. 
 Major Yon Beck, of Rondout, was called to the chair. 
 That veteran vocalist, Mr. Bernard Covert, was then 
 introduced and sang an appropriate patriotic song. The 
 presentation speech was made by H. H. Reynolds, 
 Esq., of this village. [It may be found in Appendix C.] 
 
 u The color is of blue silk, with the State arms beau 
 tifully embroidered in the centre. Over these, and 
 likewise embroidered, are the words Ulster Guard, 
 Twentieth N. Y. S. M., and worked upon the colors, in 
 different positions, is the following regimental record : 
 Washington, April, 1861 ; Beverly Ford, August 21, 
 1862 ; Warrenton Springs, August 27, 1862 ; Gaines 
 ville, August 28, 1862 ; Groveton, August 29, 1862 ; 
 Second Bull Run, August 30, 1862 ; Chantilly, Septem 
 ber 1, 1862 ; South Mountain, September 14, 1862 ; An- 
 tietam, September 17, 1862 ; Fredericksburg, December 
 12 to 15, 1862 ; Gettysburg, July 1 to 4, 1863 ; Peters 
 burg, April 1 to 3, 1865 ; Richmond, April, 1865. 
 
 After the services were concluded, the soldiers were 
 invited to the upper room of the armory, where a most 
 bounteous collation was spread, and the tables were at 
 tended by fair women who gave our brave boys a cordial 
 welcome and a luxuriant repast. The entire affair was 
 a most gratifying success. 
 
 " On the evening of the same day the officers of the 
 regiment held a meeting at Brown s Hotel, in the village 
 of Kingston, at which it was unanimously resolved that 
 the regiment should be immediately reorganized under 
 the National Guard law of this State ; and designating, 
 on motion of Colxmel Hardenburgh, as their choice for 
 
560 REORGANIZATION. [1866- 
 
 commandant, Colonel T. B. Grates. It was further re 
 solved that Colonel J. B. Hardenburgh, Major W. A. 
 Van Rensselaer, Captain J. M. Schoonmaker, and Lieu 
 tenant Geo. North, Jr., be appointed a committee to 
 assist Colonel Gates in reorganizing the regiment." 
 
B. 
 
 COMPLETE ROSTER 
 
 OF 
 
 THE TWENTIETH REGIMENT, N.Y.S.M 
 
 FROM SEPTEMBER, 1861, TO JANUARY, 1800. 
 
 Total number of Officers, ninety-six; of whom thirty-five were promoted 
 from the ranks. 
 
 Seven Officers were killed in battle, and thirty-one wounded 
 Four were promoted to higher grades in other regiments. 
 
 Eleven were discharged on account of disability resulting from wounds 
 or sickness. 
 
 Thirty-three were mustered out by reason of resignation or expiration of 
 terms, and six dismissed. 
 
 NOTE. -The muster-out of C. D. Westbrook, Captain of Engineers, and of the two 
 officers whose names immediately succeed his, was on the ground that the regiment 
 was riot entitled to such officers. 
 
562 
 
 APPENDIX B. 
 
 lri^ 
 
 CO 
 
 i=pi i s 11 J 
 
 o a; a - g g a 2< co 
 
 s F i a 6 3 - 
 
 Ss ^ 
 
 - a^ - 
 
 ^ ,-< T-4 .- o 
 
 T-l CS r^ -^ O " O 
 
 . ^ 3> 
 
 ^-fH CU S O O 
 tf CO CO CO CO 
 
 O 
 
 O 
 
 3 
 
 a jj 
 
 o a 
 
 rz! a; 
 
 6 3 
 
 ro o fl 
 
 II I 
 
 T I ^ (M T I 
 
 O pO p 
 
 T-<" T-T O" 1C" 
 
 S e 53 ^ 
 
 "I c^ 
 
 a2 
 
 n 3 ^ 
 .?, .^S 
 
 c3 "73 f- 
 
 ^ ^ %- 
 
 03 S 
 
 16 
 
 ^ 1^1111 
 
 .K- o 
 
 -/- 
 
 ^ ^ i -1 3 
 
 a a -H a a ^ 
 
 o o 
 
 1.V W _( 
 
 5.2 @ 
 
 a o 
 
 1 1 hi H 
 
 a 6 |q ri 
 
 
 8| 
 
 Oco 
 
 ^ S 
 K S 
 
 ^ c 
 
 ? 
 <s> 
 
 
 a ^ 
 
 ai 
 
 a a pi-S 
 
APPENDIX B. 
 
 563 
 
 of 
 
 T-H 5 
 
 . p 
 
 o c ce S 
 
 < b> 
 
 8 3 
 
 73 "^ 
 
 a ^ 
 
 2 s 
 
 10 Ci 
 
 PH -^ oo 
 
 81*1 
 
 "i- S " 
 
 7T J2 - L ~ 
 
 <JS=0P 
 
 c p d > 
 
 13 a 
 
 d d 
 
 O2 02 
 
 O O 
 
 
 
 O "D 
 
 co eg 
 
 -la 
 
 7373 
 
 2S 
 
 C 
 
 S S 
 
 5^ till >- 
 
 ^q s^d - 
 
 a j- 
 
 10 
 
 
 -1 
 
 -u" 
 
 ^j- 
 
 r i 
 
 *a 
 
 44 
 
 ^ 
 
 ^> 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 ,-T 
 
 *~1 
 
 r^ ^ d 
 
 d 
 
 sf 
 
 02 
 
 ^ *"* 
 
 d 
 
 
 p 
 
 rH 
 
 d" d" 
 
 
 
 d 
 
 f 11 
 
 o 
 
 PH 
 
 1 
 
 
 2^2 
 
 "o 
 
 PH 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 "co 
 
 _0 
 "co 
 
 32 
 
 CO CO 
 
 d 3 
 
 
 t*]l 
 
 , >* 
 
 hO 
 
 d 
 
 d 
 
 II 
 
 
 
 
 d 
 
 to 
 
 d 
 
 fcC bfi 
 
 .S .3 
 
 s 
 
 
 
 S^o 
 
 O 
 
 w 
 
 oq 
 
 
 
 
 
 S 
 
 W 
 
 w w 
 
 p 
 
 p 
 
 p p p 
 
 P 
 
 p 
 
 P 
 
 p p 
 
 P 
 
 p 
 
 p 
 
 p 
 
 p p 
 
 o" 
 
 GO 
 
 ICO^GO 
 
 " 
 
 10 
 
 T- i 
 
 co" 
 
 ccT 
 
 oo" 
 
 o" 
 
 o" 
 
 o^o 1 
 
 " 4J k> 
 
 & L^ 
 
 02 ^ 
 
 02 
 
 3 S 
 
 
 co 3 3 d 
 
 I l l ? 
 
 -^ ,d ,d to 
 0*00^ 
 
 c d 
 
 o $$ 
 
 
 
 O2 02 
 
 .a 
 
 J 3 
 
 PH 
 
 5 2 
 
 Transfe 
 George B. M 
 
 M 
 
 s -1 II 
 
 5 
 
 6 ^ 
 
 
 . 73 
 
 ; 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 . fcn 
 
 
 
 
 S 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S 
 
 
 <j 
 
 
 
 d" 
 
 
 
 
 >* 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 .g 
 
 
 
 
 
 i p 
 
 
 
 r^ 
 
 d *. 
 
 ^, 
 
 c 
 
 ?-^ 
 
 
 P) 
 
 
 
 S c 
 
 - 
 
 
 h 
 
 1 
 
 *s*l 
 
 P^ "*^ ^ rf 
 
 >rd ^3 W 
 
 } PH ^ ^i 
 
 ; a t c 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 ^ "^ 
 
 I 
 
 S fe 
 
 
 ^5 <- 
 ^. 
 
 ! 
 
 .d w 
 
 fC S 
 
 a 
 
 S 
 S 
 
 
 a 02 w^ 
 
 1/2 "^ s 
 
 co o rd 
 
 CU "71 P< d 
 
 1 I *2 
 
564 
 
 APPENDIX B. 
 
 
 1/5 >% 03 S 02 TH ^H 
 
APPENDIX B. 
 
 
 d ft f, 
 
 a | fc a 
 
 s 2 a ^o^ 
 
 I E 1 " 
 
 c3 .2 
 .3 Q 
 
 u-i co 
 o 
 
 1 ^ 
 
 1 1 
 
 * s 
 
 ^ O 
 
 T3 
 
 1 
 
 P 
 
 1 s i 
 
 |S3 
 
 2 S B f 
 
 o O o 33 
 
 S2 -2 ca 
 
 2 
 
 >co 
 
 g 50 
 
 nrT^-l P 
 
 
 2 
 
 O 
 
 5*1* Miss 
 
 Q PH En EH H 
 
 ri 
 
 ^ 
 
 S3 
 
 
 i 
 
 ^^ 
 
 H 
 
 P 
 
 H 
 
 p 
 
 c3 
 
 d 
 
 it 
 
 * 
 
 - 
 
 "g 
 
 
 % 
 
 C JH 
 
 a" 1 
 
 - 
 
 a" 
 
 c " 
 
 CO 
 
 :f 
 
 2 
 
 02 
 I 
 
 _0 
 
 SD 
 
 O 
 PH 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 "S 
 
 d 
 
 
 GO 
 
 to 
 
 O3 
 
 bC 
 
 1 
 
 ;| 
 
 w 
 
 W 
 
 O 
 
 
 rd 
 
 ss 
 
 Q 
 
 M 
 
 M 
 
 M 
 
 PQ 
 
 ^ 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 P 
 
 
 P 
 
 pp 
 
 p 
 
 1-H 
 
 P 
 
 P 
 
 p 
 
 P 
 
 :? 
 
 <_r 
 
 - 
 
 j^ 
 
 
 Q^ 
 
 coco" 
 
 10" 
 
 o" 
 
 ci" 
 
 jC 
 
 <M" 
 
 cT 
 
 T 1 
 
 
 05 
 
 
 C3 
 
 
 
 
 c? 
 
 03 
 
 
 
 "&( 
 
 ^ 
 
 "p^ 
 
 
 ft 
 
 >-. 
 
 "ft 
 
 ft 
 
 "PH 
 
 PH 
 
 - 
 
 > 
 
 <D 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 O 
 
 O2 
 
 
 O2 
 
 ^ -^ 
 
 cc 
 
 cc 
 
 QQ 
 
 CO 
 
 t-2 
 
 ^4 
 
 e 
 
 _, 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 C ^ 
 
 ^ g 
 
 0) 
 
 
 C 
 
 O 
 
 CJ 
 
 d g 
 
 3 
 
 5 
 
 3 
 
 
 "^ ^ 
 
 S3 
 
 
 
 c3 
 
 
 
 |3 
 
 Q 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 > 
 
 5S 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 CC 
 
 ^H 
 
 
 H 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 c8 
 
 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 
 . 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 | 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ; 
 
 | 
 
 ; 
 
 
 
 p 
 
 O 
 
 > 
 
 o 
 
 pq 
 
 of Company 
 
 >j 
 
 3 
 
 CC3 
 
 H s 
 
 11 S 
 
 D-iscJiargcd. 
 jw S. Schutt. 
 
 Flemmiug. . 
 
 f^J C^ 
 
 H- 
 
 is 
 
 11 
 ^^ 
 
 00 
 
 1 
 
 pq 
 
 
 
 1 
 a 
 
 d 
 
 O 
 
 of Company 
 M. Schoouma 
 i Hatch 
 
 t 
 
 d 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 ll 
 
 ^J( 
 
 2 
 3 
 
 | 
 
 
 
 |2I 
 
 O O c3 
 
566 
 
 APPENDIX B. 
 
 
 Si 
 
 "1 
 
 T 
 
 " " 
 
 i* 
 s 
 
 6 
 fe 
 
 O 
 CG 
 
 -o 
 
 ss 
 
 mote 
 ge 
 
 
 1 1 
 
 cS TH .3 
 
 O o 
 
 K 1 
 
 P -^ 
 <t rd 
 
 CO 
 
 " W 
 TtT 
 
 | 
 
 - 
 
 ^a 
 
 bb 
 
 p^ce a 
 
 
 
 : .a 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 rd 
 
 6^11 
 
 ^11 
 
 .S ?0 
 
 B|dd 
 Il3 5 
 
 QK^a 
 
 ^g^ 
 l|Jl 
 
 +S c5 o rQ 
 
 2^^^ 
 
 B O 
 
 ^ S 
 
 O 
 
 S 
 
 2 .52 
 W S3 
 
 p p p 
 ic 1 w lcT 
 
 * d 
 o 
 
 H 
 
 o . 4= 
 
 ^^ 
 
 P 
 
 M 
 
 g 
 
 w^3 w 
 
 
 5 
 
 ^ d 
 ^ o 
 
 GQ 
 
APPENDIX B. 
 
 567 
 
 
 PH 
 
 M 
 
 rt 
 
 ,- o 
 
 ^ g 
 
 ri 
 
 O a 
 
 I a a 1 
 
 II 11 
 
 cC S 
 
 t> - w 
 
 ^g 
 
 c ^ c 
 
 * IS" S 
 
 g 83 
 
 ft -s 
 
 
 <<SJ& 
 gSjB 
 
 .2 
 
 ^o^ 
 "*178 
 
 2S,SS 
 
 1 "S ^ _H C3 qj "y S3 S 
 
 J Q > >< Pi G <5 H-> << 
 ! O O P, 
 
 *" >J n~ Id 
 
 -^^ c.2 
 
 03 c "P 
 
 g 
 
 2 
 
 2| 
 
 
 e^ 
 
 Is 
 
 CO - 
 
 2 ^ 
 
 HI 
 
 111 
 
 5 C CC ^j T3 
 
 2 a - S 
 
 T^ o| 
 
 i 
 
 -2 o 
 ._ 
 
 tw ^ 
 
 51 
 
 s > 
 
 cnS S 
 
 G O O!) 
 
 ," * * .^ rj 
 j o^>- g 
 
 11 SI 
 a W 
 
 2 
 o 
 
 Is 
 
 
 
 I" 
 
 O c3 
 
 | S 
 
 if. 2 
 
 . : :>H : 
 
 KH 
 
 
 H 
 
 
 
 
 S ^ : ^- : 
 
 tzj 
 
 
 & 
 
 "S 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 
 fcJb 
 
 c 
 
 
 to 
 c 
 
 s 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 c : : | : 
 
 2 
 
 
 B 
 
 
 
 a 
 
 o 
 
 
 I ; \$ \ 
 
 a . . 53 . 
 
 rt 
 oJ 
 
 
 s 
 
 cS 
 
 1 
 
 & 
 
 a 
 
 
 .3 : :^ : 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 6 
 
 5 
 
 
 PPPPPP 
 
 CO TH CO 
 
 o p p 
 
 P 
 
 p 
 
 CO 
 
 p 
 
 P 
 
 
 co* -p-T i>" cT o" o" 
 
 TH 
 
 01 
 
 ^ 
 
 TH 
 
 o> 
 
 
 p^-^? p" -*j p,^ 
 
 ;4 -^ 
 
 M 
 
 "ft 
 
 5 
 
 do 
 
 
 
 
 P 
 
 O 
 
 CJ 
 
 
 
 t/i O *~3 O DQ fe 
 
 <1 CO Ha 
 
 <! 
 
 OQ 
 
 fe 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 ^J 
 
 
 j 
 
 
 
 
 
 < a ^ 
 
 rj 
 
 pj 
 
 r^ 
 
 a 
 
 
 5 .2 .2 .2 .2 .0 
 
 .2 -S-2 
 
 ^ ^^ 
 
 2 
 
 J 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 
 oSSS^S 
 
 S 52 
 
 S 
 
 CO 
 TH 
 
 c^ 
 
 6 
 
 
 : : : : : 
 
 
 
 j 
 
 
 B 
 
 
 : : : | 
 
 d 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 
 i i C^ 
 
 ^ rt 
 
 S-* U 
 
 t< 
 
 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 ^ ^ .to 
 
 ^^ 
 
 p ^ o 
 
 "3 
 
 PH 
 
 
 i s o ^ g ^3 3 
 
 
 ^1 
 
 |o 
 
 | 
 
 g ^ 
 
 
 I I^J^g 
 
 || i| 
 
 i 
 
 p< oT 
 | 
 
 ^1 
 
 d 
 
 | 
 
 V*H CO 
 
 03 ^ 
 
 
 S^ CD C- ^ O 
 
 Cw ^ H 
 
 B GC ^ 
 
 fl 
 
 *4-H 
 
 M fe 
 
 
 - ^ rO O ^ ^! 2 
 
 ^H "^ d 
 
 ^5 ^ >S 
 
 G ^ 
 
 S3 
 
 (H 
 
 O 
 
 0) ^ 
 
 
 cy S^ 
 
 S 
 
568 
 
 APPENDIX B. 
 
 tJ TT - 
 
 a O 
 
 : 
 
 oo 
 
 5 . on J 
 
 So 
 
 5 
 
 
 f 
 f 
 
 "S 
 O 
 
 = 
 
 o 
 
 r<2 
 
 
 
 FP 
 
 ^ a 
 Is 
 
 
 ceo 
 
 
 
 WPP 
 
 
 W 
 
 II 
 
 CO CO 
 
 tC fcfl 
 
 d d 
 
 a 
 
 s 
 
 -M bfl 
 
 ? n a 
 
 M W 
 
 M 
 
 a 
 
 d> C 
 
 Ord 
 
 J 
 
 I 
 
 .a g 
 
 -P a 
 o S 
 
 & 63 
 
 
 
 o 
 a 
 
 r^ 
 
 bC 
 
 
 . Woodw 
 M.VanVa 
 
 S -a 
 
APPENDIX B. 
 
 569 
 
 
 gt. 
 
 y < 
 
 Appointed 
 
 
 til 1 1" 
 
 Q O T-J > J 
 
 .-CM C ,- ^ a 
 
 CO =3 ^ Q 
 
 .- - o 
 
 I P .8 
 
 T-l CO" 
 
 J-T C3 O? 
 
 2 
 
 T3 
 
 I 
 
 Promoted 
 7, 62. D 
 
 CD 
 
 cTOQ PH O C3 
 ^^ S d .hH-g 
 
 o j; t 9 ^ 02 
 
 
 5 o-- r 3 
 
 * all "L, 
 
 -< 
 
 B3 o 
 
 
 c .^ 
 
 T3*\h*-r r ^ " i x3..., H 5^5 =j . o ^ 
 o_^-^^ r y^2o +J "S;-.ri"fan 
 
 S -2 
 
 .S _ o 
 
 S_| 
 
 pf 
 
 p" 
 
 o 
 
 c 
 
 s 
 
 q" 
 
 pj 1 
 
 a " 
 
 q 
 
 q 
 
 a 
 
 g 
 
 tc 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 "o 
 
 "o 
 
 C 
 
 "S5 
 
 ^C 
 
 bjQ 
 
 _0 
 tc 
 
 O 
 
 02 
 
 ti; 
 
 O 
 
 1 
 
 *c> 
 
 ^ 
 
 * 
 
 rl 
 
 r~-) 
 
 ^-*% 
 
 J 
 
 G 
 
 ^ 
 
 q 
 
 a 
 
 a 
 
 o 
 
 W 
 
 
 p> 
 
 o 
 
 O 
 
 M 
 
 
 w 
 
 t5 
 
 5 
 
 a 
 
 , 
 
 ( 
 
 ( 
 
 1^ 
 
 ^j 
 
 10 
 
 , 
 
 TH 
 
 TH 
 
 ~ TH 
 
 1 _^ 
 
 - 
 
 p 
 
 O 
 
 p 
 
 
 p 
 
 
 O 
 
 
 
 p 
 
 CO 
 
 p 
 
 to 
 
 cf 
 
 ^ 
 
 -^ 
 
 i 
 
 o" 
 
 o" 
 
 s 
 
 aT 
 
 s 
 
 s 
 
 oo" 
 
 1 
 
 "Sn 
 
 O 
 
 CO 
 
 5^ 
 
 m 
 
 I 
 ^ 
 
 o 
 
 Q 
 
 ^5 
 
 I 
 
 O 
 
 r^ 
 
 Q 
 
 a 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 03 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 | 
 
 | 
 
 | 
 
 1 
 
 d 
 
 S 
 
 C 
 
 3 
 
 ^ 
 
 -g 
 
 5 
 .2 
 
 4^ 
 
 3 
 .2 
 
 O2 
 
 02 
 
 
 
 Q 
 
 "S 
 
 S 
 
 O 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 tc 
 
 S 
 
 "OQ 
 
 s 
 
 
 
 cc 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 K 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ^J 
 
 1 
 
 S 02 
 
 
 03 
 
 t2 - 
 
 | 
 
 
 
 r^ M 
 
 
 
 "* T^ 
 
 H- < 
 r^ HH 
 
 S 3 
 
 *3 
 
 2* 
 
 i"l 
 
 1 
 
 02 
 
 a 
 
 ~ <s 
 
 1 
 
 rf3 
 
 V"-^ 
 
 S ^ 
 
 f^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 S 
 
 r^ CC 
 
 ,2 
 
 ^D 
 
 q 
 
 "s 5 . 
 
 
 "s 
 
 1 ^ - 
 
 *S ^a 
 
 o 
 
 c 
 
 o 
 
 1 
 
 "^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 E^ 
 
 ^<i 
 
 E^ 
 
 cc 
 
 ^ o 
 
 S 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 pq 
 
 (^ 
 
 a 
 
 oS 
 
 
 
 ^ T 3 
 
 -* 
 
 03 
 
 
 H 
 
 I 1^ 
 
 1 
 
 fe 
 
 ^ 
 
 g 
 
 
 K 
 
 1 
 
 ce 
 > 
 
 a 
 ^ 
 o 
 
 
 
 w 
 
 
 o o 
 
 [3 
 
 
 pjlD 
 
 ~{ 
 
 r ^ 
 
 ,__( 
 
 nnJ 
 
 
 t-j 
 
 o 
 
 -s 
 
 
 ^1 
 
 OQ 
 
 <H 
 
 H 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 P3 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
570 
 
 APPENDIX B. 
 
 JI 
 
 Is 
 
 lo 
 
 > 
 
 ^=2 
 
 la 
 
 6 
 
 d .1 
 8 .1 
 
 g 
 
 | 
 
 * ft 
 
 42 
 
 ft 
 
 < 
 ^ 
 
 S o P 
 
 fi 
 
 p 
 
 
 -gs| 
 
 o H./-L! ^ H 2 c 
 
 r ^ S |. B H 
 
 , 
 
 IK 
 
 
 
 "i 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 H ^ 
 
 H cT 
 W O 
 
 d d 
 t> >; 
 
 S s 
 
 
 
 CO 
 O 
 
 5 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 fcfi 
 
 bJD 
 
 fl 
 
 o & 
 
 p 
 
 a 
 
 S 
 
 s s 
 
 OQ 
 
 S 
 
 t-H 
 
 1O "^ 
 
 ( 
 
 ^^1 
 
 !7- /-T 
 
 p p 
 
 p 
 
 O 
 
 >H *OT 
 
 3 O 
 
 PD o 
 
 p p 
 
 o~ o" 
 
 s 
 
 e " 
 
 2S O 
 
 
 : M 
 
 S S o 
 
 pq o 
 
 s Is 
 
 P ad 
 
APPENDIX B. 
 
 571 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 g, 
 
 
 
 1 1 
 
 c ?"bJ 
 
 
 J S 
 gl 
 
 5 
 
 6 
 
 ^ id HH LO 
 
 6 
 
 *-^ 2~ 
 
 cP o 
 
 jX r^ J* * 
 
 ".Ssi 
 
 -M .M 
 
 vi 
 T 
 
 "^3 ^J T3 ^J "^ ^ > 
 
 cy ^ O ^ o ^ C }~ ^ 
 
 gaDjgCQgaD^w^ 
 
 t^. t^K^q-iK. rrt 
 
 02 ^ CQ )" r 1 Q 55 a) 
 
 P^|^|^^|S 
 H H H ^> 
 
 
 ooo 
 
 w P-i PH 
 
 O 00 
 
 sj "So to 
 
 ~ bC b) 
 
 _W b_o___^____WM. 
 
 TJH Tt< 1C C5 1-1 
 
 ooo p op 
 
 ^ 
 
 **$ %" . ~*> hf 
 
 ~"g TJ rf 3 
 
 1 S^. 
 
 s i w c a a o 
 br ~ - cc j> r -j 
 
 f 
 
c. 
 
 LIST OF KILLED, WOUNDED AND MISSING IN 1862. 
 
 KILLED. 
 
 NAME. 
 
 CO. 
 
 RANK. 
 
 DATE. 
 
 PLACE. 
 
 George W. Pratt. . . . 
 Joseph Wells 
 
 G, 
 G, 
 G, 
 I, 
 I, 
 F, 
 K, 
 
 c, 
 
 D, 
 D, 
 D, 
 D, 
 D, 
 F, 
 F. 
 F, 
 B, 
 B, 
 B, 
 B, 
 B, 
 B, 
 E, 
 E, 
 E, 
 H, 
 H, 
 K, 
 K, 
 G. 
 
 D, 
 F, 
 I, 
 H, 
 K, 
 
 Colonel 
 Private . . . 
 Private 
 Private 
 Private 
 Private .... 
 Sergeant . . . 
 Private 
 Private .... 
 Private 
 Private 
 Private . . . 
 Private .... 
 Private . . . 
 Corporal . . . 
 Private .... 
 Private .... 
 Sergeant . . . 
 Sergeant 
 Private .... 
 Private .... 
 Private .... 
 Private 
 Private .... 
 Corporal . . . 
 Corporal . . . 
 1st Sergeant 
 Private .... 
 Private . . . . i 
 Private.... 1 
 Sergeant . . . 
 Private ... 
 Private .... 
 Private . . 
 2d Lieut. . . 
 1st Lieut. . . 
 
 August 30, . 
 August 30, . 
 August 30, . 
 August 30, . 
 August 30, . 
 August 30, . 
 September 17, . 
 September 17, . 
 August 30, . 
 August 30, . 
 August 30, . 
 August 30, . 
 August 30, . 
 August 30, . 
 August 30, . 
 August 30, . 
 August 30, . 
 August 30, . 
 August 30, . 
 August 30, . 
 August 30, . 
 August 30, . 
 August 30. . 
 August 30, . 
 August 30, . 
 August 30, . 
 August 30, . 
 September 17, . 
 August 30, . 
 August 30, . 
 August 21, . 
 December 17, . | 
 September 17,.! 
 September 17, . 
 September 17, . 
 August 30, . 
 
 Manassas. 
 Manassas. 
 Manassas. 
 Manassas. 
 Manassas. 
 Manassas. 
 Antietam. 
 Antietam. 
 Manassas. 
 Mflnassas. 
 Manassas. 
 Manassas. 
 Manassas. 
 Manassas. 
 Manassas. 
 Manassas, 
 Manassas. 
 Manassas. 
 Manassas. 
 Mauassas. 
 Manassas. 
 Manassas. 
 Antietam. 
 Manassas. 
 Manassas. 
 Manassas. 
 Manassas. 
 Antietam. 
 Manassas. 
 Manassas. 
 Norman s Ford. 
 Fredericksburg . 
 Antietam. 
 Antietam. 
 Antietam. 
 Manassas. 
 
 J. P. Bloom 
 
 Michael Oats 
 
 Andrew J. Smith. . . . 
 James Me Adams. . . . 
 Edwin Miles 
 
 Thomas Price. . . 
 
 William H. Knowles. 
 Wesley Shutlis 
 
 Jeremiah Townes 
 Stephen Van Velsen . 
 Michael Coffee 
 John H. Davis 
 
 James P. Colligan. . . 
 Hugh Wallace 
 
 Bernard Garrety 
 Milton A. Smith 
 Alfred Lasher (T).. . 
 Geo. H. Kelly (T) . . . 
 Lewis Redder (T)... . 
 John Stewart (T) 
 Ruf us Warranger (T) 
 Adam Bishop 
 Miles Anderson 
 H. Goldsmith 
 
 James M. Almy . . 
 H. I. Pollock 
 Patrick Sweeny 
 H. M. Judcl 
 William R. Dodd.... 
 Samuel J. White 
 John P. Post 
 
 Peter P. Plass 
 
 M. H. Swarthout. ... 
 John R. ITorner 
 
 
 572 
 
1862.] APPENDIX C. 57$ 
 
 WO UNDED. 
 
 NAME. 
 
 RANK. 
 
 DATE. 
 
 PLACE. 
 
 Peletiah Ward 
 
 Captain . . . 
 Captain .... 
 Captain . . . 
 Captain .... 
 Captain 
 Captain . . . 
 Captain .... 
 2d Lieut . . . 
 1st Lieut. . . 
 2d Lieut . . . 
 2d Lieut . . . 
 2d Lieut . . . 
 2d Lieut . . . 
 2d Lieut . . . 
 1st Lieut. . . 
 2d Lieut . . . 
 1st Lieut. . . 
 Sergeant . . . 
 Corporal . . . 
 Corporal . . . 
 Private 
 Private .... 
 Private .... 
 Private .... 
 Private 
 Private 
 Private .... 
 Private 
 Private 
 Private . . . 
 Sergeant . . . 
 Sergeant. . . 
 Private . . . 
 
 August 30 . . 
 August 30.. 
 August 30.. 
 September 17. . 
 September 1 . . 
 December 13. . 
 December 13. . 
 August 30 . . 
 August 30.. 
 August 30.. 
 September 17. . 
 September 1 . . 
 August 30.. 
 August 30 . . 
 August 30. . 
 August 30 . . 
 December 13. . 
 August 21 . . 
 September 17. . 
 September 1 . . 
 September 17. . 
 August 30.. 
 September 1 . . 
 August 30. . 
 August 30.. 
 December 13. . 
 December 13. . 
 September 1 . . 
 September 17.. 
 August 30.. 
 December 13. . 
 August 30. . 
 August 30 . . 
 August 30.. 
 August 30 . . 
 August 30.. 
 August 30 . . 
 August 30. . 
 August 30. . 
 August 30.. 
 August 30.. 
 August 21.. 
 September 17. . 
 December 14. . 
 September 17. . 
 December 14. . 
 August 21 . . 
 September 18. . 
 August 30 . . 
 August 30.. 
 
 Manassas. 
 Manassas. 
 Manassas. 
 Antietam. 
 Chantilly. 
 Fredericksburg. 
 Fredericksburg . 
 Manassas. 
 Manassas. 
 Manassas. 
 Antietam. 
 Chantilly. 
 Manassas. 
 Manassas. 
 Manassas. 
 Manassas. 
 Fredericksburg . 
 Norman s Ford. 
 Antietam. 
 Chantilly. 
 Antietam. 
 Manassas. 
 Chantilly. 
 Manassas. 
 Manassas. 
 Fredericksburg. 
 Fiedericksburg. 
 Chantilly. 
 .A ntietam. 
 Manassas. 
 Fredericksburg . 
 Manassas. 
 Manassas. 
 Manassas 
 Manassas. 
 Manassas. 
 Manassas. 
 Manassas. 
 Manassas. 
 Manassas. 
 Manassas. 
 Norman s Ford. 
 Antietam. 
 Fredericksburg. 
 Antietam. 
 Fredericksburg . 
 Norman s Ford. 
 Antietam. 
 Manassas. 
 Manassas. 
 
 J Rudolph. Tappen . . . 
 
 Abram S Smith 
 
 A N Baldwin 
 
 Daniel McMahon 
 
 Abram S Smith 
 
 W H Cunningham . ... 
 
 Philip Deits 
 
 Edward McMahon 
 
 Henry Clarke 
 
 O A Campbell 
 
 George North Jr 
 
 J. M.Van Valkenburg 
 J D France 
 
 Nicholas Hrynadt 
 
 James Smith 
 
 G H Brankstone 
 
 Edward S Bennett 
 
 Amos Travis . 
 
 Henry Williamson 
 
 Jacob Cook 
 
 John M Crapser 
 
 James Dykensan 
 
 Abram C Halstead 
 
 Ttussel C Harris 
 
 Michael Kilroy 
 
 John R Morgan 
 
 Ona S Payne 
 
 Aaron Rhodes 
 
 Charles H Williams 
 
 Henry Williamson 
 
 William A. Ingram 
 John Stewart 
 
 Edward Babcock 
 
 Private .... 
 
 Sergeant. . . 
 Sergeant . . . 
 Corporal . . . 
 Corporal . . . 
 Private .... 
 Private .... 
 Private . . . 
 Private .... 
 Private .... 
 Private .... 
 Privai e . . . 
 Private .... 
 Private 
 
 Philip Deits 
 
 Fred ck Obermier (T). . . 
 Michael Speedling 
 
 Andrew Yaple 
 
 Oswald Decker (T) 
 Thos. W. Francisco 
 
 Theo Garrison (T) 
 
 Howard Joy 
 John Jov. 
 
 Lewis Lamoynrd 
 
 Isaac Lawrence 
 Chas. K. McNiff (T) 
 Adam Moore (T) 
 
 Michael O Donnell 
 Henry Plough 
 
 Private .... 
 Private 
 Private . . 
 
 Wm. Rosenberser . . 
 
574 
 
 APPENDIX C. 
 
 WO UNDED Continued. 
 
 [1862. 
 
 NAME. 
 
 BANK. 
 
 DATE. 
 
 PLACE. 
 
 Michael O Donnell 
 
 Private 
 
 August 30 
 
 Manassas 
 
 Cyrastus H Belts 
 
 1st Sergeant 
 
 August 30 . . 
 
 Manassas 
 
 William Bates 
 
 Corporal 
 
 August 30 
 
 Manassas 
 
 John Knowls . 
 George Van Loan 
 
 Private 
 Private . . 
 
 August 30 . . 
 August 30 
 
 Manassas. 
 Manassas 
 
 George G Martin 
 
 Corporal. . . 
 
 August 30 . 
 
 Manassas 
 
 "William Knapp 
 
 Private 
 
 August 30 
 
 Manassas 
 
 Philip Dillon 
 
 Private .... 
 
 August 30.. 
 
 Manassas 
 
 Spencer Declerick 
 
 Private 
 
 August 30 
 
 Manassas 
 
 John Edleman 
 
 Private . . 
 
 August 30 . 
 
 Manassas 
 
 Henry Rose 
 
 Private .... 
 
 September 17. . 
 
 Antietam 
 
 George H. Banard ....... 
 Ten Eyck O. France 
 Patrick Graney 
 
 Private 
 Private .... 
 Sergeant 
 
 September 17. . 
 December J 3 . . 
 September 17 
 
 Antictam. 
 Fredericksburg . 
 Antietam 
 
 Halsey Davis .... 
 
 Corporal . . 
 
 August 30. . 
 
 Manassas 
 
 Isaac E Rosa 
 
 Private .... 
 
 August 30. . 
 
 Manassas 
 
 D P Whittaker 
 
 Corporal 
 
 August 30 
 
 Manassas 
 
 Dubois Markle . . . 
 
 Corporal 
 
 September 1 
 
 Chantilly 
 
 George Brown 
 
 Corporal . . 
 
 August 30 
 
 Mantissas 
 
 John Connery 
 
 Corporal . . . 
 
 September 17 . 
 
 Antietam 
 
 Richard. Burger 
 
 Private 
 
 August 30 
 
 Manassas 
 
 David S Bell 
 
 Private 
 
 August 30 
 
 Mnnassas 
 
 Albert Collier 
 
 Private 
 
 August 30 
 
 JManassas 
 
 Ebbin Higgins 
 
 Private .... 
 
 August 30 
 
 Manassas 
 
 George Hinckley 
 
 Private .... 
 
 August 30 . . 
 
 Manassas. 
 
 Lorenzo Kibby 
 
 Private 
 
 August 30 
 
 Manassas 
 
 S H Lee 
 
 Private . . 
 
 September 1 
 
 Chantilly 
 
 Jacob P Lattimore 
 
 Private 
 
 August 30 
 
 Manassas 
 
 George Moore 
 
 Private . . . 
 
 August 20. . 
 
 War t n Springs. 
 
 J M Ostrander 
 
 Private 
 
 December 13 
 
 Fredericksburg 
 
 Conrad Smith 
 
 Private 
 
 August 30 
 
 Manassas 
 
 Watson A Smith 
 
 Private 
 
 August 30 
 
 Manassas 
 
 Peter Sparling 
 
 Private 
 
 August 30 
 
 Manassas. 
 
 Bealy Taylor 
 
 Private .... 
 
 August 30 . . 
 
 Manassas. 
 
 William Van Scoit . 
 
 Private 
 
 August 30 
 
 Manassas 
 
 Stephen Van Velsan 
 
 Private 
 
 August 30 
 
 Manassas. 
 
 Michael fiuger 
 Hugh Donahugh 
 
 Private .... 
 Private 
 
 August 30.. 
 August 30 
 
 Manassas. 
 Manassas 
 
 Geo. H. Brankstone 
 H. H. Terwelliger 
 Thomas Wallace 
 William Freeman 
 
 1st Sergeant 
 Sergeant. . . 
 Sergeant. . . 
 Sergeant. . . 
 
 December 14. . 
 August 80. . 
 December 14. . 
 August 26 . . 
 
 Fredericksburg. 
 Manassas. 
 Fredericksburg. 
 War t n Springs. 
 
 James W. Whelpley 
 David H. Welch 
 
 Corporal . . . 
 Corporal . . 
 
 August 30.. 
 August 30.. 
 
 Manassas. 
 M anassas. 
 
 Miles Anderson 
 
 Corporal . . . 
 
 August 30.. 
 
 Manassas. 
 
 George G. Barlow 
 
 Corporal . . . 
 
 August 30. . 
 
 Manassas. 
 
 George P. Sanders 
 
 Corporal 
 
 December 15. . 
 
 Fredericksburg . 
 
 Ephraim Turner 
 
 Corporal . . . 
 
 August 30.. 
 
 Manassas. 
 
 Melvin Atkins 
 
 Private .... 
 
 September 17. . 
 
 Antietam. 
 
 James Beers . . 
 
 Private . . 
 
 September 17.. 
 
 Antietam. 
 
18G2.] 
 
 APPENDIX C. 
 
 WO UND ED Continued. 
 
 575 
 
 NAME. 
 
 RANK. 
 
 DATE. 
 
 PLACE. 
 
 Andrew Carney 
 
 Private 
 
 September 17 
 
 Antietam. 
 
 Nicholas Cooper 
 
 Private .... 
 
 August 30 . 
 
 Manassas 
 
 Martin J Deponia 
 
 Private .... 
 
 August 26 . . 
 
 ^Var t n Springs 
 
 Alvin A. Hauschidt 
 James Hansfeldt 
 
 Private .... 
 Private 
 
 August 80. . 
 August 30 
 
 Manassas. 
 Manassas 
 
 Henry PI Legg 
 
 Private .... 
 
 September 17 . 
 
 Antietam 
 
 Samuel McCune 
 
 Private .... 
 
 December 13. . 
 
 Fredericksburg . 
 
 Lewis Payne 
 
 Private 
 
 September 17 
 
 Antietam 
 
 Russel Powell 
 
 Private . . 
 
 August 30 
 
 Manassas 
 
 John Swhab . . . 
 
 Sergeant. . . 
 
 August 3. . 
 
 Fredericksburg 
 
 Calvin Sheeley 
 
 Private .... 
 
 September 17. . 
 
 Antietam 
 
 Eu (r enc F Tliorpe 
 
 Private 
 
 August 30 
 
 Manassas 
 
 Thomas J. Conlon 
 James F Colli cr an . ... 
 
 Sergeant. . . 
 Corporal. . . 
 
 August 30 . . 
 August 30 . 
 
 Manassas. 
 Manassas 
 
 Peter Foley 
 
 Corporal. . . 
 
 August 30.. 
 
 Manassas 
 
 James R Burke 
 
 Private 
 
 August 30 
 
 Manassas 
 
 James Costello 
 Thomas Doyle 
 
 Private .... 
 Private .... 
 
 August 30 . . 
 Auo-ust 30.. 
 
 Manassas. 
 Manassas 
 
 James Fitzgerald 
 
 Private .... 
 
 Auo-ust 30 . 
 
 Manassas. 
 
 Bernard Gerrety 
 
 Private 
 
 August 30 
 
 Mftnassas 
 
 Martin Jones 
 
 Private 
 
 August 30 
 
 Manassas 
 
 John Kellv 
 
 Private 
 
 August 30. . 
 
 Manassas 
 
 Valentine Lundly 
 
 Private .... 
 
 August 30.. 
 
 Manassas. 
 
 John Luft 
 
 Private . , . . 
 
 August 30.. 
 
 Manassas. 
 
 John Ma^terson 
 
 Private 
 
 August 30 
 
 Manassas 
 
 William Mayer. . ... 
 
 Private 
 
 August 30.. 
 
 Manassas. 
 
 Philip Post 
 
 Private .... 
 
 August 30. . 
 
 Manassas. 
 
 George Patterson 
 
 Private 
 
 August 30 
 
 Manassas 
 
 John Pratt 
 
 Private 
 
 August 30 . 
 
 Manassas 
 
 Andrew Sweeney 
 
 Private . . 
 
 August 30 . 
 
 Manassas. 
 
 Cas^ander W^irner 
 
 Private 
 
 August 30 
 
 Manassas 
 
 Huo-h Wallace 
 
 Private 
 
 August 30 
 
 Manassas 
 
 William J Miller .... 
 
 
 August 30.. 
 
 Manassas. 
 
 Patrick Melia 
 
 Private .... 
 
 August 30. . 
 
 Manassas. 
 
 John Tieman 
 
 Corporal . , . 
 
 September 17. . 
 
 Antietam. 
 
 J M Countryman 
 
 Private 
 
 September 17 
 
 Antietam 
 
 James Green 
 
 Private 
 
 September 17 . 
 
 Antietam. 
 
 Thomas McAboy 
 
 Private . . 
 
 September 17. . 
 
 Antietam. 
 
 Patrick Nolan 
 
 Private 
 
 September 17 
 
 \ntietam. 
 
 Edward Nolan 
 
 Private 
 
 September 17 
 
 Antietam. 
 
 John B. Barry 
 
 Private 
 
 September 17 . 
 
 Antietam. 
 
 James Smith 
 
 1st Sergeant 
 
 August 30 . . 
 
 Manassas. 
 
 R. H. Barrett 
 H. R. Dopp 
 
 Sergeant . . . 
 Sergeant 
 
 August 30. . 
 August 21 . 
 
 Manassas. 
 Norman s Ford. 
 
 George Butler 
 
 Corporal . . . 
 
 August 30 . . 
 
 Manassas. 
 
 William F Smith 
 
 Corporal 
 
 Auo-ust 30 
 
 Manassas. 
 
 James His;gins 
 
 Corporal 
 
 August 30. . 
 
 Manassas. 
 
 R, S. Hammond 
 
 Corporal. . . 
 
 September 17. . 
 
 Antietam. 
 
 John W. Toll and 
 
 Corporal 
 
 September 17. . 
 
 Antietam. 
 
 William C. Allen. . 
 
 Private . . 
 
 September 17. . 
 
 Antietam. 
 
576 
 
 APPENDIX C. 
 
 WO UNDED Continued. 
 
 NAME. 
 
 RANK. 
 
 DATE. 
 
 PLACE. 
 
 P S Angle 
 
 Private .... 
 
 August 30.. 
 
 Manassas 
 
 Albiner Fiero 
 
 Private . 
 
 August 30 
 
 Manassas 
 
 Chauncey Hogeboom 
 John Haynes 
 
 Private 
 Private .... 
 
 August 30. . 
 September 17. 
 
 Manassas. 
 Antietam 
 
 Stephen Knapp 
 
 Private .... 
 
 August 30. . 
 
 Manassas 
 
 James A Lewis 
 
 Private 
 
 August 30 
 
 Manassas 
 
 Joseph Bell . . 
 
 Private 
 
 August 30 
 
 Manassas 
 
 William B Rose 
 
 Private . . 
 
 August 30 . 
 
 Manassas 
 
 P H Wanner 
 
 Private .... 
 
 September 17. . 
 
 Antietam 
 
 Edward Rogers 
 
 Private .... 
 
 August 30. . 
 
 Manassas. 
 
 Isaac Cleaver . . 
 
 Private 
 
 September 17 
 
 Antietam 
 
 Wellington Butler 
 
 Private 
 
 August 30. . 
 
 Manassas 
 
 Albino West 
 
 Private . . . 
 
 August 30. . 
 
 Manassas 
 
 George L Hughson 
 
 Private .... 
 
 September 17. . 
 
 Antietam. 
 
 Lewis H "Wilkow 
 
 Sergeant 
 
 August 30 
 
 Manassas 
 
 George B Coyle 
 
 Private 
 
 August 30. . 
 
 Manassas 
 
 Jacob J Con way 
 
 Corporal . . 
 
 August 30. . 
 
 Manassas 
 
 Charles Bergher 
 
 Corporal. . 
 
 August 30.. 
 
 Manassas. 
 
 James H Bunto 
 
 Private .... 
 
 August 30. . 
 
 Manassas. 
 
 Thomas C France 
 
 Private 
 
 August 30 . 
 
 Manassas 
 
 John Haggerty 
 James Rafferty 
 
 Private 
 Private . . 
 
 September 17. . 
 August 30. . 
 
 Antietam. 
 
 Manassas. 
 
 Wm H Reynolds 
 
 Private .... 
 
 August 30 .. 
 
 Manassas. 
 
 "William Rosa 
 
 Private 
 
 August 30. . 
 
 Manassas 
 
 John Sullivan 
 
 Private 
 
 August 30 . . 
 
 Manassas. 
 
 Frederick Toothill 
 James Van Elten 
 
 Private .... 
 Private .... 
 
 August 30. . 
 August 30 . . 
 
 Manassas. 
 Manassas. 
 
 John Van Gasbeck 
 
 Private .... 
 
 August 30 . . 
 
 Manassas. 
 
 Aaron Woolsey 
 
 Private 
 
 August 30 . . 
 
 Manassas. 
 
 Morris Hein 
 
 Private 
 
 August 30 . . 
 
 Manassas. 
 
 Edwin Bruce 
 
 Private . . . 
 
 August 30 . . 
 
 Manassas. 
 
 Edward Iligham 
 
 Private .... 
 
 August 30 . . 
 
 Manassas. 
 
 Apollos B Fink 
 
 Private 
 
 August 30. . 
 
 Manassas. 
 
 James Mulvehill 
 
 Private 
 
 August 30.. 
 
 Manassas. 
 
 M J C Wood worth 
 
 1st Sergeant 
 
 September 17. . 
 
 Antietam. 
 
 Michael Farrell 
 
 Sergeant. . . 
 
 December 14. . 
 
 Fredericksburg . 
 
 
 Sergeant 
 
 August 30 
 
 Manassas 
 
 Henry M. Herring 
 Joseph Leonard 
 
 Corporal . . . 
 Corporal. . . 
 
 September 7. . 
 August 30. . 
 
 Antietam. 
 Manassas. 
 
 George Rossman 
 
 Corporal 
 
 August 30 
 
 Manassas. 
 
 Jordan A Sickler 
 
 Corporal 
 
 August 80 . 
 
 Manassas. 
 
 Michael Caughlan 
 
 Corporal . . 
 
 August 30 . . 
 
 Manassas. 
 
 James Brady 
 
 Private 
 
 August 30 
 
 Manassas. 
 
 Romeyn Beach 
 
 Private 
 
 August 30 
 
 Manassas. 
 
 John Camaton 
 
 Private . . . 
 
 August 26. . 
 
 War t n Springs. 
 
 Hezekiah Carle 
 
 Private 
 
 August 30 
 
 -AT 
 
 Manassas. 
 
 Myer Devall 
 
 Private 
 
 August 30 
 
 Manassas. 
 
 Barney Fitch 
 
 Private 
 
 August 30.. 
 
 Manassas. 
 
 William L. Hanson 
 Patrick Moran . . 
 
 Prvate i . . . 
 Private . 
 
 December 13. . 
 August 30 . . 
 
 Fredericksburg . 
 
 Manassas. 
 
1862.] 
 
 APPENDIX C. 
 
 WO UNDED Continued. 
 
 577 
 
 NAME. 
 
 RANK. 
 
 DATE. 
 
 PLACE . 
 
 John McKain 
 
 . Pri vale .... 
 
 August MO . . 
 August ;>.. 
 August 10. . 
 December 13. . 
 August 30.. 
 August 30 . . 
 September 1 . . 
 September 17. . 
 August 30.. 
 August 30. 
 August 30. . 
 August 30. . 
 August 30 . . 
 September 1 1 . . 
 August 30 . . 
 I ecember 13 . 
 September 1 . . 
 September 1 . . 
 August 30 . . 
 August i . . 
 August 30.. 
 September 1 . . 
 August 30.. 
 September 14. . 
 August 30. . 
 August 21.. 
 August 30.. 
 
 r G. 
 
 Manassas. 
 Manas^s. 
 Mana^as. 
 Fredericksburg. 
 
 3 1 an a s .s. 
 Manas-as. 
 Chant illy. 
 Antietam. 
 Manassas. 
 Manassas. 
 Manassas. 
 Ma; asssts. 
 Manassas. 
 Antiet;.m. 
 Mantissas. 
 Em 1 ericksburg . 
 ( haul illy. 
 ( hantilly. 
 Manassas. 
 Manassas. 
 Manassas. 
 Chantilly. 
 Manassas. 
 South Mountain. 
 Manass-as. 
 Norman s Ford. 
 Manassas. 
 
 Edward Me Adams 
 
 Private . . 
 
 John O Brien 
 
 Private ... 
 
 George W. Peet 
 
 . Sergeant . . . 
 
 Peter S Carle 
 
 Corporal 
 
 Henry J. Newell 
 Joseph Hill 
 
 . Corporal . . . 
 . Sergeant . . . 
 
 John B. Brush 
 John W. Bradt 
 
 . Private 
 . Private .... 
 
 Amos J Carle 
 
 Private 
 
 F.enj. W. Dulcher 
 Maynard Decker 
 
 . Private 
 . ( orporal . . . 
 . Pri vaie . . . 
 . Private .... 
 . P-ivate.... 
 . Priva e . . . . 
 . Private . . . 
 . ; Private . . . . 
 i Private 
 
 Robert Druminond 
 
 Daniel Greenwood 
 Constant C. Hanks 
 Janie^ Hooks . . 
 
 Charles Hansell 
 William Hapenward 
 Dennis Judd 
 
 Henry M. Judd 
 Horatio Lord 
 
 . Private . . . 
 
 . Private . . . . 
 
 John H. Pierce 
 
 . Private . . . . 
 
 John Proper 
 
 Private 
 
 Edward L. Scaly 
 Henry Schutt 
 
 . Pri vat (j 
 Private . . . . 
 
 Hiram Travis 
 
 . Private 
 
 William Wiue tr ard 
 
 Private 
 
 
 MISSIS 
 
 NAME. CO 
 
 RANK. 
 
 DATE. 
 
 PLACE. 
 
 Andrew Dile I 
 
 Sergeant . . . 
 Private 
 Private . . , . 
 
 August 30.. 
 August 30 . . 
 September 17. . 
 August 10.. 
 
 Manassas. 
 Manassas. 
 Antietam. 
 Manassas. 
 
 John Tracy I 
 
 Huo h Burns . . H 
 
 George Woolsev. . C. 
 
LIST OF KILLED AND WOUNDED IN 1863. 
 
 KILLED Commissio ned Officers. 
 
 NAME. 
 
 CO. 
 
 RANK. 
 
 PLACE. 
 
 Joseph F Corbin 
 
 F 
 
 Captain 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 Ambrose N Baldwin 
 
 K 
 
 Captain 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 Georsre H. Brankstone. . 
 
 E. 
 
 1st Lieutenant. . 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 KILLED Enlisted Men. 
 
 NAME. 
 
 CO. 
 
 HANK. 
 
 PLACE. 
 
 Theodore Wheeler 
 
 A, 
 
 I Corporal 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 Duane S Bu^h 
 
 A 
 
 Private 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 Henry Belcher . . 
 
 A 
 
 i Private 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 Charles C Babcock 
 
 A 
 
 Private 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 Francis I Lee 
 
 A 
 
 Pri vate 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 Dewitt C 1 Hamin 
 
 A 
 
 Private 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 Ephraiin Rosa 
 
 B 
 
 Private 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 James Craig 
 
 Constantine Van Steinburg 
 
 C, 
 
 c 
 
 Sergeant 
 Private 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 Edward Coo^an 
 
 c 
 
 Private 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 Walter S Tyler 
 
 c 
 
 Corporal 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 Luther W. McClellan 
 Ebbin Ilifgins 
 
 D, 
 
 D 
 
 Sergeant 
 Private 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 11 C Van Leakin 
 
 D 
 
 Private 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 Amo^ C Treat 
 
 D 
 
 Private 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 Albert Collier 
 
 D 
 
 Private 
 
 Gettysburg 
 
 Alexander Tice 
 
 F 
 
 Private 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 Leonard Van J order 
 
 E 
 
 Private 
 
 Get tysbur " 
 
 John Luft 
 
 F 
 
 Private 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 Lucius II. Decker 
 James L Hallock 
 
 G, 
 H 
 
 Sergeant 
 Private 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 James E. Angevine 
 
 H 
 
 Corporal 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 Eli A. Degrof 
 
 H 
 
 Corporal 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 Ansol B. Pierce 
 
 H 
 
 Private ... 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 Joseph Leonard 
 
 I, 
 
 Corporal 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 John Tracy 
 
 I 
 
 Private 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 Thomas Hyatt. 
 
 I 
 
 Private . 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 Minard Decker 
 
 Nelson Southard 
 
 K, 
 K 
 
 Sergeant 
 Private 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 George H. Babcock . . . 
 
 E 
 
 Private 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 Squire Flanders. . 
 
 I. 
 
 Private . . 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 WO UNDED Commissioned Officers. 
 
 NAME. 
 
 CO. ... 
 
 RANK. 
 
 PLACE. 
 
 W. A. Van Rensselaer 
 J. M Schoonmaker 
 
 
 Major 
 
 \diutant 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 Gettysburg 
 
 John H. Leslie 
 
 B 
 
 Captain 
 
 Gettysburg 
 
 Andrew S. Schutt 
 
 C 
 
 1st Lieutenant 
 
 Gettysburg 
 
 James Flenning 
 
 C 
 
 2d Lieutenant 
 
 Gettysbur " 
 
 Daniel McMahon 
 
 D, 
 
 Captain . . 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 578 
 
1863.] 
 
 ArFENDIX C. 
 
 579 
 
 WO UND ED Commissioned Officers Continued. 
 
 NAME. 
 
 CO. 
 
 RANK. 
 
 PLACE. 
 
 George B Wolcott 
 
 I) 
 
 9 d Lieutenant. . . . 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 Abm Alerritt 
 
 E 
 
 2d Lieutenant 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 John Delacroy 
 
 F 
 
 2d Lieutenant . . 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 William H Cunningham 
 
 G 
 
 Captain 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 George B. Mulks 
 Thomas Alexander 
 Alfred Tanner 
 
 JDS Cook . 
 
 & 
 
 H, 
 I 
 
 1st Lieutenant 
 Captain 
 2d Lieutenant 
 (Captain . . . 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 Gettysburg. 
 Gettysburg. 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 John M. Younff. . . 
 
 K. 
 
 3d Lieutenant . 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 WO UND ED Enlisted Men. 
 
 NAME. 
 
 CO. 
 
 RANK. 
 
 PLACE. 
 
 John Boyle 
 
 C 
 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 James Gannon 
 
 r< 
 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 Geor e A Ackert. . . . 
 
 C 
 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 John Ldleman 
 
 c 
 
 Private 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 Thomas Wells 
 
 C 
 
 Private 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 Geor^o W Pardee 
 
 (1 
 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 Joseph Shelightiier 
 
 C 
 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 John 11. Dunn 
 
 C 
 
 Corporal 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 Jeremiah Kerrigan 
 Jonathan Dubois 
 
 c, 
 
 n 
 
 Private 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 Abm. K . Van Buskirk 
 
 c 
 
 Private . . 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 William Baker 
 
 A 
 
 Private 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 James E. Doxie 
 
 A 
 
 Private 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 John Donnelly 
 
 A 
 
 Pi ivate . 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 John Ridings, Jr 
 
 A 
 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 William A. Stockings, (T) 
 
 A 
 
 Private 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 Wansborough Bloxam, (T) 
 
 B 
 
 Sergeant 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 Frank Bowman 
 
 B 
 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 Isaac C. Buswell 
 
 B 
 
 1st Sergeant 
 
 Getty sbur . 
 
 Morgan Deneger, (T) 
 
 B 
 
 Private 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 James Kee< r an 
 
 B 
 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 Charles K McKiff, (T) 
 
 B 
 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 Adam More, (T) 
 
 B 
 
 Private 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 William Risenberger, Jr 
 
 B 
 
 Corporal 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 John H. Swart 
 
 B 
 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 Jacob F . Teal 
 
 B 
 
 Private 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 H. C . Van Buren 
 
 B 
 
 Private 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 James Yaple . . . 
 
 B 
 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 James A. Wescott 
 
 B 
 
 Private 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 Asa Bishop 
 
 D 
 
 Sergeant 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 John Cudney 
 
 D 
 
 Corporal 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 Charles Kuiffln 
 
 D 
 
 Ser fr eant 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 Jacob P Latimore 
 
 D 
 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 Martin Jerseneous 
 
 D 
 
 Private 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 Dew it t Rose 
 
 D 
 
 Private 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 Watson A. Smith 
 
 D 
 
 Sergeant 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 Lewis E. Champaigne 
 Stephen L. Cudney 
 
 E, 
 E 
 
 Sergeant 
 Sergeant 
 
 Gettv sburg. 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 William, Fetterman 
 
 E 
 
 Private 
 
 Getty sbu" 
 
 Loronzo B. Healy 
 
 E, 
 
 Private . . 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
580 
 
 APPENDIX C. 
 
 WO UND ED Enlisted Jfew^-Continued. 
 
 [1863. 
 
 NAME. 
 
 CO. 
 
 RANK. 
 
 PLACE. 
 
 James Housfall 
 
 E 
 
 Private 
 
 Gettysburg 
 
 Henry O Irwin 
 
 E 
 
 Private 
 
 Gettysburg 
 
 John Jolinson 
 
 E 
 
 Corporal .... 
 
 Gettysburg 1 
 
 Lewis Snvder 
 
 E 
 
 3 rivate .... ... 
 
 
 Enos B Vail 
 
 E, 
 
 Private 
 
 Gettysburg 
 
 John II "Winise 
 
 G 
 
 Sergeant 
 
 G etty sburg 
 
 James Higgins . 
 
 G 
 
 Sergeant 
 
 Gettysburg 
 
 John C Parks 
 
 G 
 
 Private 
 
 Getty sbur* 
 
 Peter H Van Wogoner 
 
 G 
 
 Private 
 
 Gettysburg 
 
 John Ovendorf 
 
 H. 
 
 Corporal 
 
 Gettysburg 
 
 William L Snyder 
 
 H 
 
 Private 
 
 Get t v sbu r * 
 
 Joseph Sickler 
 
 H 
 
 Private 
 
 Gettysburg 
 
 Morris Hein 
 
 H 
 
 Private 
 
 Gettysburg 
 
 William Fuller 
 
 I 
 
 Sergeant 
 
 Gettysburg 
 
 William Henson 
 
 I, 
 
 Private 
 
 Gettysburg 
 
 James Larrie 
 
 I 
 
 Private 
 
 Gettysburg 
 
 John W Plimly 
 
 I 
 
 Private 
 
 Gettysburg 
 
 Henry Tompkins 
 
 I 
 
 Private 
 
 Gettysburg 
 
 Edward Wright 
 
 I 
 
 Private 
 
 Gettysburg 
 
 Michael Farrel 
 
 { 
 
 Sergeant 
 
 Gettysburg 
 
 Moses Whittaker 
 
 I 
 
 Sergeant 
 
 Gettysburg 
 
 Barney Fitch 
 
 I 
 
 Corporal., 
 
 Gettysburg 
 
 George Rossman 
 
 I 
 
 Sergeant 
 
 Gettysburg 
 
 Jehiel I Judd 
 
 K, 
 
 1st Sergeant 
 
 Gettysburg 1 
 
 John Chandler 
 
 K 
 
 & , 
 Jorporal 
 
 Gettysburg 
 
 Addison 8. Hays 
 
 K 
 
 Private 
 
 Gettysburg 
 
 George Hood 
 
 K 
 
 Private 
 
 Gettysburg 
 
 Joseph Hill 
 
 K 
 
 Sergeant 
 
 Gettysburg 
 
 Henry Schutt 
 
 K 
 
 Private 
 
 Gettysburg 
 
 Bernard Halstead 
 
 G, 
 
 Private 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 N. Van Valkenburg 
 
 G 
 
 Private 
 
 Gettysburg 
 
 Charles C Babcock 
 
 A 
 
 Private 
 
 Gettysburg 
 
 James H. Beletier .. 
 
 A 
 
 Private 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 Samuel Norfolk 
 
 E 
 
 Private 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 William H Parkinson 
 
 T 
 
 Private 
 
 Gettysburg 
 
 David E Post . . 
 
 I 
 
 Private 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 Emerson Scott 
 
 z 
 
 Private 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 Ira B . Tait 
 
 D, 
 
 Pri vate 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 Aaron Nichols 
 
 H 
 
 Private ... ... 
 
 Gettysburg 
 
 A. Mullen 
 
 F 
 
 1st Sergeant 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 E. Becket 
 
 F 
 
 Sergeant 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 Ed. Ashley 
 
 F, 
 
 Private 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 J. E. Pells 
 
 F 
 
 Private 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 T. Doyle 
 
 F 
 
 Private 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 I. Burns . . 
 
 F 
 
 Private 
 
 Gettysburg, 
 
 John Knighton 
 
 B, 
 
 Private 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 Asa Jones 
 
 D, 
 
 Sergeant 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 Charles Keegan 
 
 A 
 
 Private 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 John Swart 
 
 T/ 
 
 Corporal 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 N. Rossman . ... 
 
 I, 
 
 Private 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 James Bonesteel 
 
 G 
 
 Sergeant 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 T Croaks 
 
 F, 
 
 Private 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 Stephen Strong 
 
 I, 
 
 Private 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
 William Shaffer. . 
 
 G, 
 
 Private 
 
 Gettysburg. 
 
D. 
 
 REGIMENTAL ROSTER AND STRENGTH OF COMPANIES IN 
 THREE MONTHS SERVICE. 
 
 The regiment left the Strand by the steamer Man 
 hattan, with a barge alongside, on Sunday, April 28th, 
 and after a stay of some days in New York City, dur 
 ing which it was the first regiment to occupy the Park 
 Barracks, it proceeded to Annapolis, Md., where it was 
 mustered into the United States service by Lieutenant 
 Putnam, United States Engineers, and then went to 
 -Annapolis Junction, relieving Schwatzewalder s Fifth 
 New York in guarding the line of railroad from An 
 napolis to the Junction and a portion of the road from 
 Baltimore to Washington, with its headquarters at the 
 Junction. 
 
 The strength of the regiment when it left home 
 was 815. 
 
 field Officers. Colonel Gorge W. Pratt, Lieutenant- 
 Colonel Hiram Schoonmaker, Major Theodore B. Gates. 
 
 Commissioned Staff. Jacob B. Hardenburgh, Ad 
 jutant ; John S. Griffiths, Quartermaster; Peter B. 
 Overbagh, Paymaster ; William Lounsbery, Commis 
 sary ; Major A. Crispell, Surgen ; Captain Leonard 
 Ingersoll and Lieutenant E. Loughran, Assistant Sur 
 geons ; Daniel T. Van Buren, Captain of Engineers ; 
 William Darrah, Chaplain. 
 
 Non-Commissioned Staff. P. Freeman Hasbrouck, 
 Sergeant-Major ; Charles Schryver, Quartern; aster s 
 Sergeant ; Henry Mick, Sergeant Standard Bearer ; 
 Augustus Geoller, Drum-Major ; A. Webster Shaffer, 
 Sergeant of Sappers. 
 
 Line. Company A, 73 men ; J. B. Webster, Cap 
 tain ; A. G. Barker, First Lieutenant ; James Stevens, 
 
 581 
 
582 APPENDIX D. [1861. 
 
 Second Lieutenant. Company B, 113 men ; George H. 
 Sharpe, Captain ; Jacob Sharpe, First Lieutenant ; 
 Cornelius J. Houtaling, Second Lieutenant. Com 
 pany C, 91 men ; J. Eudolph Tappen, Captain ; W. 
 A. Van Rensselaer, First Lieutenant ; Peter S. Voor- 
 hees, Second Lieutenant. Company D, 74 men. ; Davis 
 Winne, Captain ; Jolm Hussey, First Lieutenant ; John 
 M. Schoonmaker, Jr., Second Lieutenant. Company E r 
 68 men ; William Lent, Captain ; Jacob A. Blackmail, 
 First Lieutenant ; Nicholas Sahn, Second Lieutenant. 
 Company F, 63 men ; Patrick J. Flynn, Captain ; Ed 
 ward O Keilly, First Lieutenant ; John Murray, Second 
 Lieutenant. Company G, 80 men ; James T. Hendricks, 
 Captain ; James D. Balen, First Lieutenant ; S. W. 
 Millar, Second Lieutenant. Company H, 87 men ; John 
 Derrenbacher, Captain ; Jervis McEntee, First Lieu 
 tenant ; Lawrence Stoker, Second Lieutenant. Com 
 pany R, 109 men ; Wade H. Steenbergli, Captain ; 
 George Wheeler, First Lieutenant ; Cornelius C. Bush, 
 Second Lieutenant ; Ambrose IN". Baldwin, Jr., Second 
 Lieutenant. There was also a squad of sappers and 
 miners consisting of nine men. 
 
 On the first of June Lieutenant-Colonel Schoonmaker 
 resigned and Major Gates became the Lieutenant-Colonel, 
 Adjutant Hardenburgh became the Major and M. W. 
 McEntee was commissioned Adjutant. 
 
E. 
 
 FLAG PRESENTATION BY THE LADIES OF SAUGERTIES REV. MR. GASTON*S 
 ADDRESS HON. T. R. WESTBROOK S REPLY LIST OP SUBSCRIBERS 
 COLONEL GATES LETTER ON RECEIPT OF COLORS. 
 
 On the loth of December, 1862, the ladies of Sauger- 
 ties, Ulster County, N. Y., presented to the regiment a 
 magnificent banner, made by Messrs. Tiffany & Co., of 
 New York City. The ceremonies took place in the 
 lecture-room of the Reformed Dutch Church, before a 
 large and intelligent audience. The exercises were 
 opened by the Rev. S. Fitch, former chaplain of the 
 Twentieth, in a fervent and patriotic prayer. 
 
 The presentation address was made by the Rev. J. 
 Gaston. 
 
 He commenced by saying, that before he entered 
 upon the discharge of the service which the patriotic 
 ladies of the town had devolved upon him, he desired 
 to call attention briefly to a few of the prominent fea 
 tures of the gigantic rebellion, which had necessitated 
 such ceremonies as those in which they were about to 
 engage. 
 
 He then proceeded to show the monstrous iniquity 
 of secession, and how utterly unjustifiable it was, and 
 how r disastrous its consequences would be in any event. 
 He concluded as follows : 
 
 "Where is the man among us so unpatriotic, and 
 so lost to the political happiness of himself and pos 
 terity, that wishes to outlive this dire calamity ? Our 
 country is worth preserving. Here our fathers lived, 
 labored and died. Here their graves are kept green 
 by the careful hands of filial affection. Here are all 
 our earthly hopes. And shall we let this noblest of all 
 
 583 
 
584 REV. MR. GASTON S ADDRESS. [1862. 
 
 republics perish, founded by the united wisdom, and 
 cemented by the blood of our sires ? Shall we consent 
 to throw away the land of happy homes and Christian 
 privileges ? No ! let the thought perish ; this war, if 
 needs be, must go on. It is a holy cause ; a war of de 
 fence, not of aggression ; not of invasion, but of resist 
 ance to intensified wrong. 
 
 u To draw back, in this the day of our nation s 
 peril, would be ungrateful to our country, unjust to 
 ourselves, and untrue to our children. We dare not 
 suffer it to be rashly broken up without a patriotic 
 struggle to defend and maintain it. 
 
 u In this fearful struggle for constitutional integrity, 
 which has been waging for the past eighteen months, 
 our noble Twentieth Regiment has borne a conspicuous 
 part. On the outbreak of this wicked rebellion, when 
 patriotic thousands rushed to the defence of the Govern 
 ment, Colonel George W. Pratt felt that it was his duty 
 to tender his services and the services of the Ulster 
 Guard, the corps which it was his pride and honor to 
 command, to his imperilled country. Possessed of a 
 large amount of military knowledge, which peculiarly 
 fitted him for the field, and realizing that the cause of 
 the Union was entitled to the earnest efforts of every 
 true patriot, he felt it to be his duty to engage in the 
 struggle. The offering that he laid upon the altar of 
 his country was not that of impulse or necessity. With 
 him patriotism was not a blind instinct or passion, but 
 of logic, of high and holy duty. 
 
 k lt was with this just appreciation of duty and 
 obligation, that he went forth at the head of his com 
 mand, on an errand involving principles most dear to 
 his own heart and to the heart of every true American 
 citizen. The most of us are familiar with the peculiarly 
 efficient services rendered by our noble Twentieth Regi 
 ment, the pride not only of the county, but also of the 
 State. 
 
1862.] KEY. MR. GASTON S ADDRESS. 585 
 
 " Upon the expiration of the three months service, 
 the Colonel immediately tendered the services of him 
 self and his regiment to the Government the tender 
 was accepted and the regiment soon after started for the 
 seat of war. The regiment formed a part of General 
 Patrick s brigade, and was ever found prompt and effi 
 cient in obeying all orders, frequently being detailed 
 for special and highly responsible duties. It was in the 
 retreat under General Pope, from near Cedar Mountain 
 to Bull Kun, enduring much hardship and engaged in 
 constant skirmishing. The regiment played a conspicu 
 ous part in the battle at Manassas, losing 280 men. It 
 was in this engagement that Colonel Pratt and Captain 
 Ward were mortally wounded, but not until they had 
 nobly vindicated their manhood and their country s 
 honor. We do not forget that the Regiment fought at 
 South Mountain and at Antietam, under the gallant 
 leadership of Colonel Gates, who, it was expected, 
 would be with us this afternoon, to receive, at the hands 
 of the patriotic ladies of the town of Saugerties, the 
 most significant token of gratitude and confidence which 
 it is possible for this community to bestow ; but he was 
 unexpectedly summoned to the command of his Regi 
 ment, in order that it might bear its part in that terrific 
 battle now waging in the vicinity of Fredericksburg. 
 
 u It is enough to say, in closing this imperfect rec 
 ord of the services of the Regiment of our county, that 
 at the battle of Antietam, being detailed for the special 
 duty of guarding an important battery, so faithfully 
 was the duty discharged, that out of 137 men on duty, 
 47 fell before the murderous fire of the enemy. From 
 such officers arid men we may expect substantial benefits 
 for the glorious cause so nobly espoused. Such men 
 deserve to live in the hearts of a grateful posterity, and 
 we cannot refuse to cherish and reward them. 
 
 " That the valiant corps, of whose exploits on the 
 battle-field we have so much reason to be proud, de- 
 
586 REV. MB. GASTON S ADDRESS. [1862. 
 
 serves from us such words of high encomium, those 
 pierced and tattered colors most abundantly testify (the 
 old colors were suspended on either side of the altar), 
 as they speak in silent yet overpowering eloquence to 
 every sensibility of our nature. So nobly Las that 
 solemn promise made by Colonel Pratt when those 
 colors were received, been kept, that if this land is ever 
 involved in war, they should wav^e with credit and 
 glory wherever danger is thickest and the light is 
 warmest. I say, so faithfully lias that promise been 
 kept that we feel that the Regiment is justly entitled to 
 receive at our hands this beautiful banner as an expres 
 sion of our gratitude for the past and our continued 
 confidence in the future. It is, sir, with unfeigned 
 pleasure that we recognize you (T. R. Westbrook, Esq.,) 
 upon this occasion as the representative of those brave 
 and true men, who have reflected such glory upon the 
 county of Ulster. We regard the position you at pres 
 ent occupy among us as one full of honor. While the 
 gallant Colonel Gates and his brave compatriots are at 
 this hour so honorably representing this county upon 
 the field of battle, fighting like veterans for national in 
 tegrity, indeed for national existence, it is right and 
 proper that you, sir, a distinguished citizen of Kingston, 
 should impersonate them in the significant ceremonies 
 in which we are now engaged. 
 
 "Receive then, sir, in behalf of the Twentieth 
 Regiment. 1N T . Y. S. M., at the hands of the fairest and 
 truest among us. this regimental banner, which they 
 this day commit to your keeping ; the only true emblem 
 of the country s hope. Though it has been disgraced 
 by those who should have died to save it from spot or 
 stain, yet, let it be your high ambition to transmit it, 
 pure and unspotted as when it was first received from 
 the hands of the Apostles of 1776. When this banner 
 shall float upon the breeze which echoes with your mar 
 tial music, amid the din and carnage of the battle-field, 
 
1862.] HON. T. R. WESTBROOK S REPLY. 587 
 
 let it inspire you with hope, and let it nerve your heart 
 and hands to deeds of noble daring ; let the justice of 
 your cause ever give you courage, and let the favor of 
 kind Heaven ever grant you victory ; and let your days 
 of toil and your nights of watching be more than fully 
 requited by the glory of having given deliverance to 
 your country and security to your fellow-citizens !" 
 
 The banner was to have been received in behalf of 
 the regiment by Colonel T. B. Gates, in person, but the 
 recent conflict at Fredericksburg had compelled his ab 
 sence. Mr. T. R. Westbrook, in the absence of the 
 Colonel, received, at Ms request, tlie colors, and after 
 the presentation address, spoke substantially as fol 
 lows : 
 
 " REYEEE^D SIR, LADIES AND GENTLEMEN : 
 
 u No one can regret more than I do the absence of 
 the brave Colonel of the gallant Twentieth, who expected 
 to receive in person this beautiful banner the gift of 
 the ladies of Saugerties. The sound, however, of boom 
 ing cannon upon the banks of the Eappahannock, as it 
 reached his ears, spoke to him of duty ; and, with a 
 promptness and alacrity worthy of all praise, he at once 
 obeyed the summons, and is, even now, with his trusty 
 soldiers, perilling his life in defence of our cherished 
 Constitution and Government. 
 
 "I freely confess, nevertheless, that to be here in 
 his stead affords me personally no small degree of 
 pleasure. To have been deemed worthy, by an absent 
 friend, to receive in his behalf the colors of a regiment 
 whose fame is no longer hemmed in by county lines, 
 but has become national, is indeed an honor of which 
 any one might well be proud. And this feeling of mine 
 is greatly deepened and intensified by the reflection 
 that the fame which this gallant corps has attained for 
 bravery and good conduct, was won in a great struggle 
 
588 HON. T. R. WESTBROOK S REPLY. [1862. 
 
 for the right, for the perpetuation of the best Govern 
 ment ever given to man, and for the preservation of lib 
 erty and republican institutions. 
 
 You, sir, in your very appropriate address upon 
 this interesting occasion, have alluded to our old arti 
 cles of confederation, and by arguments drawn from 
 various provisions of our present constitution, have 
 shown the folly and wickedness of those who are now 
 seeking to overthrow that Union, under which our 
 country grew and prospered as country never before 
 had grown and prospered. In corroboratlon of your 
 views, it will not be inappropriate for me to mention 
 that our Union is older than the Constitution older 
 than the articles of confederation. When the first 
 Continental Congress assembled in Carpenter s Hall, 
 Philadelphia, in September, 1774, and when that same 
 body, subsequently, on the fourth day of JuJy, 1776, 
 proclaimed the right of one people to dissolve the 
 political bonds which connected them with another, 
 there was no written bond of union between the Colo 
 nies. It was not until the eleventh day of June, 1776, 
 that a committee was appointed to prepare a form of 
 confederation to be entered into between them. The 
 plan submitted by this committee was not adopted by 
 Congress until the fifteenth day of November, 1777, nor 
 was it ratified by all the States until the first day of 
 March, 1781. In the meantime a nationality had been 
 declared, treaties formed, and a fierce and prolonged 
 war most vigorously pursued and successfully con 
 ducted. How crushing and overwhelming to the mod 
 ern argument in favor of the right of a State to secede 
 from a union thus formed, are the remarks of America s 
 great orator, Patrick Henry, uttered as long ago as 1774, 
 and in that first memorable Congress to which allusion 
 has already been made. All America, said he, is 
 thrown into one mass. Where are your landmarks- 
 jour boundaries of colonies ? They are all thrown 
 
862.] HON. T. R. WESTBROOK S REPLY. 589 
 
 down. The distinctions between Virginians, Pennsyl- 
 vanians, New Yorkers and New Englanders are no 
 more. 1 am not a Virginian, but an American. 
 
 "No, fellow-citizens, our Union was not originally 
 formed by a paper agreement carefully and coolly 
 penned by statesmen, each loving the section from which 
 he came more than the whole country, to which he was 
 proud to belong. It had a nobler origin than that. It 
 sprang into being from the common dangers and neces 
 sities of the people of a widely extended country ; it 
 was cemented by common toils and sufferings, most 
 patiently and heroically endured, and made perpetual 
 and eternal by common blood most lavishly and pro 
 fusely poured forth in its defence. Yes, eternal! I 
 use the word with a full knowledge of all its force and 
 meaning. Croakers, begone ! Timid men and traitors, 
 who would either consent to the dismemberment of our 
 glorious republic, or actively assist in this deed of 
 blackness, hide your heads in shame and confusion ! 
 I point to these new-made graves, counting by thou 
 sands, and contained in every State where this foul re 
 bellion has shown its hideous face to that million of 
 volunteer bayonets, even now gleaming in this winter s 
 sun, girding our beloved Union round with rings of 
 steel, aye, with that which is stronger and better than 
 steel, their own loving, throbbing hearts. Those cold, 
 dead bodies, mouldering in stranger graves, and those 
 living forms, willing, if need be, to enter the same far- 
 off dwelling places, speak but one language and breathe 
 but one sentiment The Union: it must and shall be 
 preserved ! 
 
 "Before returning thanks in behalf of our noble 
 regiment to the fair donors of this beautiful banner, I 
 must crave their indulgence to utter one thought more, 
 which this occasion has suggested. During this inter 
 esting ceremony I have involuntarily asked myself the 
 question, Would you, if you could, blot out of our na- 
 
590 HON. T. R. WESTBROOK S REPLY. [1862. 
 
 tion s history, the record of the past two years? And 
 I confess, I paused as to the answer. I know full well 
 that there are, in every part of our land, vacant chairs 
 around the family table and fireside ; that loving and 
 anxious relatives at home are, even now, waiting for 
 tidings from numerous battle-fields, which, when re 
 ceived, shall be to them tidings of grief and sorrow, 
 crushing and overwhelming. But I also know that our 
 country has a fame more enduring and sublime than 
 ever before. How has our patriotic love been rekindled 
 by this terrible baptism of fire and blood. We knew 
 not how closely the dear old flag of our fathers the 
 glorious, ever-beaming Stripes and Stars was wound 
 around our hearts and entwined with every fibre of our 
 affections, until traitor hands compelled its lowering at 
 Fort Sumter. What instances, too, of individual 
 courage and personal heroism has this war called forth, 
 worthy to be recorded side by side with any previous 
 exhibitions of which history informs us. AVould you 
 witness a scene beyond the power of an artist s pencil, 
 then go with me to Hampton Roads. The iron-clad 
 monster, Merrimac, has already crushed in the wooden 
 sides of the brave frigate Cumberland ; and now she 
 has drawn back for the final and fatal blow. Not a 
 cheek blanches upon the decks of the noble ship, 
 though the rushing waters foretell the inevitable catas 
 trophe. Boys ! says her captain to his men, shall 
 we give her one more broadside ? Aye, aye, sir ! 
 is the unanimous response ; and the guns of the Cum 
 berland belch out their iron hail as the gallant bark goes 
 down, but her flag is still floating proudly at her peak. 
 Look, too, at that spectacle near Roanoke Island. The 
 flames are leaping all over a vessel. One moment more 
 and they will reach a barrel of gunpowder, and then 
 vessel and men are lost. See now that heroic man, John 
 Davis, throwing his body over the terrible agent, and 
 protecting it thus from the raging fire. This is Ameri- 
 
1862.] HON. T. R. WEST BROOK S REPLY. 591 
 
 can bravery this American courage kindled in the 
 breast of one who felt that he was fighting for his flag, 
 for his country. View one drama more. The scene is 
 the Mississippi River the curtain drops only as our 
 national flag again floats over the Crescent City. What 
 bravery, heroism, and deeds of noble daring. Stone 
 fortresses, endless batteries, iron-clad rams, fire-ships ! 
 What are these when opposed to wooden walls manned 
 by Union tars ? An astounded world has answered the 
 question, as it heard the thunder booming from the 
 cannon of Farragut and Porter. No, no ! We cannot, 
 we must not blot the record of these glorious exploits 
 from our nation s history, even though it be traced in 
 tears and in blood. And that gallant act, too, which 
 occurred but three days since upon the banks of the 
 Rappahannock, of a hundred brave volunteers crossing 
 that stream in the face of a murderous fire, and bring 
 ing back with them a hundred and one prisoners, must 
 not be forgotten. This unflinching courage, this daunt 
 less heroism, points only in one direction. Its unerring 
 finger is ever turned to the old flag, floating as gayly in 
 Charleston as in New York, and to one nation and one 
 country, stretching from Maine to the Gulf, its unity 
 unbroken and its Constitution still free. 
 
 u And now, ladies of Saugerties, in returning thanks 
 for your beautiful and appropriate gift to our brave 
 soldiers, what promises shall I make to you in their 
 behalf ? Need I say that the colors which you have 
 this day presented to them, will be safely returned to 
 the county, to be preserved among its most valued ar 
 chives at the close of this unhappy struggle ? I will 
 not speak these words. Listen not to me, but hear 
 what those (the speaker here pointed to the old colors 
 of the regiment, which were present) mute but eloquent 
 speakers have to say. Tattered and pierced by numer 
 ous shot, they tell you how Pratt, Ward and their gal 
 lant comrades fell. They recount the holding of the 
 
592 LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS TO THE FUND. [1862. 
 
 wood at Chantilly and the support of the battery at 
 Antietam, and thus exhibiting to your view those 
 visions of the past, they ask you to commit, with full 
 confidence, to the care of the same men who have car 
 ried them so triumphantly, this new and beautiful 
 token of your love and respect. Yes, ladies, your Hag 
 shall come again to our county, though riddled, as its 
 predecessors have been, by bullets. It shall come to 
 be preserved and pointed to in the future, if one solitary 
 member of the brave Twentieth survives to bear it 
 homeward. And that time will be, when peace shall 
 again smile in all the parts of that fair heritage which 
 our fathers bequeathed to us when we shall shout, 
 with a feeling and tenderness we never knew before, 
 those immortal words of the great Webster, Liberty 
 and Union, now and forever, one and inseparable ! : 
 
 The old flags of the regiment were present on the 
 occasion, and their dilapidated appearance gave full 
 evidence that they had been through some very severe 
 struggles. The new banner cost $200, and is a very 
 beautiful gift. 
 
 As treasurer for the ladies, I would hereby acknowl 
 edge the receipt of the following sums for the purchase 
 of the new banner for the Twentieth Regiment : 
 
 SAUGERTIES. 
 
 Mrs. M. T. Trumpbour. . . $5 .00 Miss R. A. DeWitt $3 . 00 
 
 A. C. Hawley 5.00 Mrs. P. P. Post 50 
 
 E. J. Myer 5.00 K Brainard 50 
 
 B. M. Freligh 5.00 J. L. Butzel 50 
 
 P. Cantine 5.00 A. Preston 1.00 
 
 Colonel C. Fiero... . 5.00 Henry Turck 50 
 
 John Field 10 . 00 Miss Sarah Whitaker 2 . 00 
 
 Miss Laura Shaler 5 . 00 Mrs. C. F. Suderley 50 
 
 Hattie Shaler 5 . 00 J. Kiersted, Jr 5 . 00 
 
 Mrs. A. J. Ketcham 5.00 Wm. H. Trumpbour. . 5.00 
 
 T. S. Dawes 5.00 Miss Elizabeth DeWitt 5.00 
 
 J.M.Boies 5.00 Mrs. E. Simmons 3.00 
 
 Luther Laflin. . 5.00 C. F. Brill.. 5.00 
 
1862.] 
 
 LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS TO THE FUND. 
 
 593 
 
 Mrs. A. Carnright $1 . 00 Mrs W. McCleur $5 . 00 
 
 J. G. Mynderse 3.00 
 
 Miss Catt Gay 2.00 
 
 Mrs. J. L. Montross 2 . 50 
 
 F. L. Laflin 5.00 
 
 H. D. Laflin 5.00 
 
 MissJ. Kearney 2.00 
 
 J. E. Myer 2.00 
 
 Mrs. S. Merclean 2.50 
 
 James Sickles 2.00 
 
 U. Lockwood 1.00 
 
 J. H. Field 1.00 
 
 T. J. Barritt 1.00 
 
 Jeremiah Russell 1 . 00 
 
 G. Wilbur 2.00 
 
 Miss Annie Myer 3.00 
 
 J. V. L. Overbagh. . . . 5.00 
 
 M. E. Williams 1.00 
 
 J. Simmons 2 . 00 
 
 W. C. Hall 2.00 
 
 Misses Gosman 2 . 00 
 
 Mrs. C. F. Field 5.00 
 
 P. T. Overbagh 2.00 
 
 J. H. Myer 1.00 
 
 W. Maginnis 1.00 
 
 J. B. Sheffield 10.00 
 
 G, B. Matthews 1.00 
 
 S. Bookstaver 50 
 
 H. P. Heermans... . 1 00 
 
 J. G. Smedberg... 1.00 
 
 C. P. Shultis.. 3.00 
 
 MALDEN. 
 
 Mrs. N. Kellogg $5 . 00 
 
 Miss Kellogg 50 
 
 Mrs. Kays 25 
 
 John Maxwell 1.25 
 
 Teal 25 
 
 F. Bell , .25 
 
 Wilson 25 
 
 J. J. Buck. 1.00 
 
 D. Bigelow 1.00 
 
 C. Turpen 1.00 
 
 E. Bigelow 5.00 
 
 Miss E. Bogardus 25 
 
 Mrs. J. Scutt 25 
 
 Knight 25 
 
 Miss A. Coes 25 
 
 Mrs. Lewis .22 
 
 MissC. Gillespy 50 
 
 Mrs. Elmendorf 15 
 
 P. Bell 20 
 
 O Brien 25 
 
 J. Terve.. .50 
 
 Mrs. F. K. Field $1.00 
 
 Gelbert 50 
 
 O Brien 25 
 
 Rightmyer 25 
 
 Minnesley 25 
 
 Zulman 25 
 
 Brink 25 
 
 J. E. Kellogg 5.00 
 
 Miss A. Corcoran 10 
 
 E. Wolf 10 
 
 Mrs. H. Bogardus 1 .00 
 
 Scott 25 
 
 D. Snyder 25 
 
 E. Bell. 25 
 
 Miss R. Towner 25 
 
 Mrs. James Maxwell 25 
 
 VanHosen 25 
 
 Moore 20 
 
 Miller 25 
 
 Austen 25 
 
 Paradeu. . .25 
 
 Total $210 . 00 
 
 B. M. FRELIGH, Treasurer. 
 SAUGERTIES, December 22, 1862. 
 
594 LETTER ON RECEIPT OF FLAG. 
 
 SAUGERTIES, Feb. 19th, 1863. 
 
 MESSRS. EDITORS : I have this day received from 
 COLONEL T. B. GATES a letter of response upon the re 
 ceipt of the New Regimental Banner, presented by the 
 ladies of our town to the Twentieth Regimeixt, and I 
 hand you the same for publication. 
 
 Yours, &c., 
 
 B. M. FRELIGK 
 
 HEADQUARTERS ULSTER GUARD, 
 Twentieth Regiment New York State Militia. 
 AQUIA CREEK, Feb. 12th, 1863. 
 
 BENJAMIN M. FRELIGH, Esq.: 
 
 u My Dear Sir : Major Van Rensselaer, who has just 
 returned from Ulster County, has delivered to me the 
 beautiful banner presented to this regiment by the 
 generous and patriotic ladies of Saugerties. I beg leave 
 to express, through you, at whose hands I received a 
 synopsis of the address of Rev. Mr. Gaston, and the 
 reply of Hon. T. R. Westbrook, the sincerest thanks of 
 the regiment for this most timely and apposite mark of 
 remembrance and approbation. 
 
 " It would have given me much pleasure to have been 
 present on the occasion of the presentation, and to have 
 personally received this loyal offering from its fair 
 donors, and to have listened to the eloquent remarks of 
 their worthy representative. But this could not be ; 
 and I regret it less, since the regiment was so fortunate 
 as to have the Hon. T. R. Westbrook reply for it. 
 With his usual^ eloquence, he most acceptably dis 
 charged the office he so kindly undertook. His self- 
 sacrificing labors, which have contributed much to swell 
 the enlistments from Ulster and neighboring counties, 
 and his ardent devotion to the Constitution and the 
 
1863.] LETTER ON RECEIPT OP FLAG. 595 
 
 Union, point him out as the representative of Ulster s 
 absent soldiers. 
 
 " In delivering the Color to the custody of the regi 
 ment, I communicated to it the cordial and approving 
 sentiments expressed in its favor on behalf of the ladies 
 of Saugerties. I need not tell you that such words of 
 commendation, and such tokens of confidence and es 
 teem, sink deep into the soldier s heart. To know that 
 at home that around the hearth-stones where his 
 friends gather, far removed from the scenes of stiife 
 and carnage which envelop Ms path that in all the 
 walks of civil life, where, in happier days, he mingled 
 with his fellow man to know that he is kindly remem 
 bered, and that his sacrifices and his trials, in aid of his 
 imperilled country, draw forth the generous sympathy 
 and warm eulogiums of its fair daughters this is a 
 knowledge that blunts the edge of many wants that 
 consoles, when hunger and fatigue add new burdens to 
 his duty that surrounds him with a genial warmth 
 when storms are beating on him, and cold is pinching 
 with its frosts. 
 
 u The bleak wind which now unfurls this much-prized 
 symbol of woman s loyalty and regard, sweeps over the 
 shivering forms of two opposing and embattled hosts, 
 whose long lines of frowning guns seem eager for a re 
 newal of the carnival of death, and the wild fierce 
 scenes of war s ensanguined field. The hoarse thunder 
 of their terrible anger now sleeps in their brazen 
 throats, to be awakened again ere long, and summon to 
 another struggle the Army of the Union with the 
 hordes of rebellion. 
 
 And this is but one of many similar pictures pre 
 sented in the Rebel States. Grim-visaged war hath 
 settled on their hills, and crouched within their valleys, 
 and mustered its legions upon their plains, deforming 
 the fair face of nature, and driving peace and its happy 
 pursuits from the land. 
 
596 LETTER ON RECEIPT OF FLAG. [1863, 
 
 u How difficult it is, even here, surrounded by frown 
 ing guns and bristling bayonets, to realize the fact of 
 this demonic war to comprehend the truth of the his 
 tory we are now making. But two short years ago, 
 peace reigned in every portion of our fair land manu 
 factories, trade, commerce, agriculture, arts and sci 
 ences flourished and adorned, while they enriched our 
 people. The Nations of the Old World paid homage 
 to the Gfiant of the New, and their people, by hundreds 
 of thousands, annually sought homes and occupations 
 under our liberal laws and venerated Constitution. The 
 theory of self-government was thought to be fully vin 
 dicated and wrought into a living, enduring principle. 
 The memory of the authors of our Federal Constitution 
 was cherished and revered our flag respected every 
 where on land and sea. The murmurings of a few mal 
 contents was as nothing in the universal happiness and 
 prosperity which then did, and long had blessed our 
 people, beyond any parallel in the world s history. 
 
 "That a nation thus circumstanced thus seemingly 
 secure in the enjoyment of domestic peace, could so 
 suddenly, so causelessly, be torn away from its moor 
 ings, and dashed upon the rock of civil war, and re 
 duced to the bitter ordeal through which we are now 
 passing, challenges the wonder of mankind. That 
 within the wide limits of our country was a man so 
 treacherously vile, as to seek to render asunder the 
 bond which held our Union of States together, was be 
 yond my conception of human turpitude. No tongue 
 has yet found language in which the wickedness of the 
 authors of the rebellion can fitly be expressed nor ever 
 will. Aggregate the deaths and wounds the widows 
 and orphans tears the wives and children s watchings 
 and anxiety the soldiers personal sacrifices and suffer 
 ings the millions of treasure expended and to these 
 add what is yet to follow, and you have the sum of the 
 guilt of the authors of this war. Is k any human tri- 
 
1863. LETTER ON RECEIPT OF FLAG. 597 
 
 bunal adequate to their punishment \ None ! God 
 alone can measure their sin, and He, alone, in His own 
 good time, will punish it as it deserves. 
 
 " Palliation or excuse ? No ! Satan s rebellion against 
 the mild rule of Heaven was no more groundless or un 
 warranted. The Government had never infringed or at 
 tempted, or threatened to infringe any of their real or 
 constitutional prerogatives. On the contrary, the re 
 bellious States had been indulged and humored by 
 governmental forbearance to a degree of unprecedented 
 liberality. Their sins of omission and commission (and 
 the foremost of them had grievously offended) were 
 generously overlooked or forgiven. They were allowed 
 a basis of representation in the Federal Congress and in 
 the Electoral College that was unequal, if not unjust, 
 towards the non-slaveholding States, and they partici 
 pated to their full proportion in the control of the 
 Government and the direction of its affairs. 
 
 Among all the pretences by which it is sought to 
 mask the iniquity of this rebellion, that which charges 
 upon the Federal Government the beginning of the war, 
 is the most impudent and brazen. Can any man, either 
 South or North, with the truth of history before his 
 eyes, help despising the knave or fool, who takes refuge 
 behind this shallow sophism \ The Government, still 
 indulgent, looked calmly on, while armed traitors were 
 congregating at Charleston, and while rebel hands were 
 throwing up earthworks and planting batteries against 
 the little band of United States soldiers, that, under the 
 gallant Anderson, had fled from Fort Moultrie and now 
 occupied Sumter. For days the work of preparation, 
 under the guns of the Fort, went on, and yet the Gov 
 ernment withheld the order that could have hurled the 
 iron storm of Sumter upon the unprotected heads of 
 these defiant and rebellious children. The Star of 
 the West is fired into while bearing troops and supplies 
 to the beleagured fortress and finally, when all is 
 
598 LETTER ON RECEIPT OP FLAG. [1863. 
 
 ready when, by ill-judged forbearance, the odds are 
 all against the doomed fort, a hundred guns belch 
 treason against its walls, and its flag is lowered amid 
 fire and smoke, and shouts and rebel joy. 
 
 " Such were the first overt works of rebellion such 
 the beginning of this desolating contest. The Federal 
 Government, still hoping against hope, hesitated to put 
 the hand of correction upon its erring children. But 
 all in vain ; forbearance was deemed pusillanimity, and 
 charity, imbecility. The hydra secession arose with the 
 fall of Sumter, and rivers of blood must flow to sa 
 tiate its fury. Oh, that the guns of Sumter had pro 
 claimed the Federal authority, and vindicated its in 
 sulted dignity, when the first spade was thrust into the 
 earth to erect works against her ! 
 
 "It was not in any pretended encroachment of the 
 Federal Government it was not in the election of our 
 present Chief Magistrate it was not from any fear that 
 the rights of the South would be invaded, that this un 
 holy war was thrust upon the country. The seed of 
 this bitter fruit was sown as long ago as 1832, and has 
 been sedulously, but covertly nurtured by the slave- 
 holding aristocracy, until it burst full grown upon the 
 startled country in 1861. An oligarchy, based upon 
 slavery, and controlled and governed by slaveholders, 
 was the dazzling vision which deluded them and the sole 
 incentive to their crime a crime not only against their 
 Government and its Constitution and its laws, but a 
 crime against the liberty of the human race, against 
 Democratic Governments, against civilization through 
 out the world. The question at issue, therefore, in 
 volves not only our Government, but also the principle 
 on which it is based ; it involves the establishment upon 
 this continent, and within the limits of the States, a 
 form of Government having slavery as its corner-stone, 
 and more despotic in its character than any European 
 power. And should it succeed, it involves ever-recur- 
 
1863.] LETTER ON RECEIPT OF FLAG. 599 
 
 ring war, impoverishment and final absolute disintegra 
 tion. Two such Governments cannot exist side by side 
 upon this continent. 
 
 "The South has thrust this issue upon the country, and 
 the Government must meet it. By every consideration 
 of duty by every obligation imposed by the oath and 
 the Constitution and laws the Government must meet 
 and fight out this issue, though streams run crimson 
 with the nation s blood. There is no other alternative 
 if it were worthy to seek one. The rebels scout the 
 idea of a restoration by compromise, and laugh to scorn 
 the Brooks, the Van Burens and the Woods, who ask to 
 cement, by concession, the broken bonds of Union. No ! 
 let none be flattered by this delusive hope and cry 
 peace ; the instigators and managers of this rebellion 
 have cast their all upon the die ; with them it is success 
 or extinction. 
 
 "Bat, if it is the duty of the Government to marshal 
 its army and send it out to meet this domestic foe, how 
 much more is it the duty of the people, who make the 
 Government, to rally to its support, and, laying aside 
 all other considerations, give it their energetic, cordial, 
 determined aid in this its time of trial. If ever people 
 had a form of Government that was worthy of their 
 efforts to preserve and perpetuate that justified the 
 sacrifice of lives and treasure to save it is yours. Bap 
 tized in the blood of our fathers, built up and perfected 
 by the wisdom of giant minds, it has filled the land with 
 plenty and its people with honor and happiness. In 
 memory of the past ; with a full sense of the dangers of 
 the present ; with hope and faith in the future, let the 
 loyal people rally around the Government and fight 
 this question out. Then, and only then, can we be as 
 sured of permanent peace. 
 
 "If the principle of Secession is admitted, our Consti 
 tution was an idle phantasm of no real thing, and we 
 flourished eighty years and grew to a mighty nation in 
 
600 LETTER ON RECEIPT OF FLAG. 1 1863 
 
 blissful ignorance of the fact that we had no Govern 
 ment at all. The idea is utterly repugnant to any con- 
 ceiveable theory of Government, and only adapted to and 
 productive of chaos, civil war, anarchy and the obli 
 teration of all national obligations. If South Carolina 
 may secede, then may any and every State ; and who 
 would stand sponsor to the christening of such a child 
 in the family of nations. 
 
 " This can never be conceded. The battle we are now 
 waging is for all time and for the principle of free Go 
 vernments for all people. The lives and money it may 
 cost are as nothing weighed in the balance against the 
 great issues involved. If we fail, then farewell to the 
 theory of self-government, and farewell to the rights of 
 the many when poised against the aristocratic few. 
 
 " I banish all thought of eventual failure. It cannot 
 be that the history of our Union is completed, and the 
 star of our destiny in its final decline. We have not 
 grown to our present magnitude as a nation only to be 
 broken into fragments and partitioned off into petty 
 States. We shall come out of this contest with a vindi 
 cated Constitution, and with the bonds of union reunited 
 and strengthened by the ordeal through which they 
 have passed ; unless, indeed, loyalty and patriotism in 
 the North and West give way before exactions of parti 
 san considerations. Nothing so much discourages the 
 soldier in the field as rumors of discord and party strife 
 which reach him from home ; while, on the other hand, 
 he can receive no greater aid and comfort than is 
 afforded in a consciousness that the masses of the people 
 are unanimous in sustaining the Government and the 
 cause for which he fights. Feeling, as he does, that 
 there is no power under the Constitution to carry on 
 the war but the Government, he cannot comprehend 
 that loyalty which, while it professes to be in favor of 
 a vigorous prosecution of the war, indulges in con 
 stant attacks upon, and thereby weakens and embarasses 
 
1863.1 LETTER ON RECEIPT OF FLAG. 601 
 
 the Administration, to whom alone, for the time being, 
 is entrusted the prosecution of the war. Errors have 
 doubtless been committed wrongs, perhaps, have been 
 done by the Administration, but this is not the time for 
 the settlement of such questions. The present great 
 business of the country is war, and if the people wish to 
 see this business honorably finished, the Union restored, 
 and peape again smile upon the land, they must not be 
 lukewarm in their patriotism, or captious and fault 
 finding in their support of the Government. The army 
 does not sympathise with the grumblers who vent their 
 complaints upon the public and their lamentations 
 upon every wind. But this semi-secessionism will pass 
 away in the end, and the great heart of the North will 
 beat true to the dictates of loyalty and freedom. It will 
 realize, by-and-by, the imminence of the danger impend 
 ing over the country and arouse itself to repel it. The 
 people in the loyal States are too much absorbed by 
 trade, commerce and pleasure they hardly appreciate 
 the existence of the war, or feel in any considerable de 
 gree its effects. If they would still have it a far-off 
 evil, and a speedily-ended one, they must cease criticising 
 and turn to supporting the Government, and then we 
 may hope to see our standards advancing toward the 
 heart of the rebellious districts, and the flag of treason 
 humbled in the dust. 
 
 "LADIES OF SAUGERTIES ! In behalf of the Ulster 
 Guard I thank you for the beautiful color you have 
 bestowed upon it. It links us at once with fond 
 memories of home and the history of our soldier lives. 
 It reminds us of the hurried burials that have from time 
 to time shut out from sight the forms of many who gal 
 lantly stood side by side with us when the traitor s 
 
 " ball, 
 
 The sabre s thirsting edge, 
 The hot shell shattering in its fall, 
 
 The bayonets rending wedge 
 Scattered death." 
 
602 LETTER ON RECEIPT OF FLAG. [1863. 
 
 The valleys of the Rappahannock and Hedgeman 
 the plains of Manassas and Antietam the woods of 
 Chantilly and South Mountain have drunk the blood of 
 the * Ulster Guard and left it with ranks thinned and 
 with many " names we loved to hear" underscored on 
 our roster and muster rolls killed in action. But their 
 places will be filled, if not in our own corps, then in 
 some other. Victory and defeat have alternated with 
 our army, but in the end, and in God s own time, the 
 right will prevail. For us this beautiful banner shall 
 be an incentive to further and unrelaxing efforts in be 
 half of our imperilled country. 
 
 k The names inscribed upon it inspire, while they jus 
 tify my confidence in the assurance I give you that, 
 sooner or later, it shall be borne back to you floating 
 over the remnant of the Ulster Guard ; torn and rent, 
 perhaps, and its fresh beauties gone, but never, never 
 dishonored ! 
 
 "If we ask you, then, to add some other names to 
 those it already bears, let us hope that each may signify 
 a victory, and the final one the extinction of rebellion 
 and the restoration of union and peace. 
 I am, very truly, 
 
 Your obed t servt., 
 
 THEO. B. GATES, 
 
 Colonel Commanding." 
 
F, 
 
 FLAG PRESENTATION ON RETURN OF REGIMENT ADDRESS OF MR. HENRY 
 H. REYNOLDS REPLY OF COLONEL GATES FOR DESCRIPTION OF FLAG 
 AND INCIDENTS OF PRESENTATION, SEE CHRONOLOGICAL RECORD OF 
 DATE OF FEBRUARY 22D, 1866. 
 
 Colonel: Your fellow citizens of Ulster County de 
 sire to present this standard to the Ulster Guard the 
 20th Regiment New York State Militia. They ask the 
 acceptance of it as a token of the interest with which they 
 continue to regard you all, and that it may represent 
 rather than replace your banners which have " borne 
 the brunt of battle " and are now deposited at our State 
 Capitol. With these few words my office (quite thank 
 fully accepted) might be deemed to end and perhaps 
 it was committed to such hands rather than to one of 
 younger years and feeling, that the precious gold of 
 silence might be more suggestive than most silvery 
 speech. Arid yet the day we celebrate, the occasion 
 and the presence the crowding memories that have 
 made up so much of our lives in these five years in 
 which we have seemed to live for a generation, would 
 touch the lips of most trembling age with earnestness, 
 and stir within the oldest and coldest heart a fount of 
 feeling and of speech that would not be repressed. On 
 many such hearts the furrows this day are deeper than 
 the outward token, for the channels have been worn by 
 night and by day in anxiety, arid fear, and sorrow, and 
 it now seems as if your return (the first to go, the last 
 to come back) were the final lifting of the dark cloud 
 that has so long enshrouded us. And so we come to 
 join the deep and solemn joy which here and elsewhere 
 to-day is touching elder lips than those of St. Simeon in 
 his day, with the lower refrain of the nunc dimittis 
 
 603 
 
604 MR. HENRY H. REYNOLDS ADDRESS. [1866. 
 
 " Now Thou dost let Thy servant depart in peace, for 
 mine eyes have seen Thy salvation." 
 
 We go back irresistibly to the hour when first 
 among the foremost you sprang responsive to the call 
 for troops to defend our National Capital against an 
 unnatural foe. The organization which, at the cost of 
 so much labor and self-sacrifice, had been sustained for 
 years, then showed its value ; and almost at a moment s 
 warning you were ready for the field. Could we all 
 have seen when first you went forth what was to be our 
 loss and sacrifice in your onward path could we have 
 foreseen that one and another rank of 75,000 men then 
 called for more than seven times told were to be the 
 sacrifice of our children to the southern Moloch we 
 should have needed more confidence in our cause and 
 faith in Him who guides the destinies of nations to un 
 clasp the hands and nerve the hearts that would have 
 held you back. Nay, how many of us would have 
 turned hopelessly away from the effort to save our 
 country.. But could we have thought amid our despon 
 dency and despairing, when once and again you return 
 ed to recruit your wasted ranks, that we should this 
 day, through the Divine blessing upon your and kin 
 dred efforts, stand in such a scene as this, amidst a 
 rescued and unshattered country, would not many a 
 vow have been recorded that nothing thenceforth should 
 shake our trust in the cause of human freedom with its 
 earthly and heavenly defences ? And now you have 
 come back and we have looked upon your living faces, 
 and with an inner vision have seen beside you the bless 
 ed form of every one who first or last went out to battle 
 with you, and whom you have left behind to wait a lit 
 tle for us all, each now named softly as the household 
 name 
 
 " Of one whom God hath taken." 
 
 In the watches of the night, in the rising storm, the 
 
1866.] MR. HENRY H. REYNOLDS ADDRESS. 605 
 
 summer s heat, the winter s cold, rumors of defeat and 
 victory, in the glare and through the darkness, we have 
 seemed to hear your tramp and cry, your challenge and 
 the sentry tread, the reveille and the tattoo. From the 
 homes and hearts you left behind our eyes grew dim, 
 and yet not weary, as with a passionate earnestness 
 they followed your footsteps through the fields whose 
 names are borne upon this standard. It was the wail of 
 an English monarch, that on her pulseless heart would 
 be found the name of a fortress lost by her armies. But 
 on our living hearts, beyond the power of after memo 
 ries are engraven Manassas and Gettysburg, South 
 Mountain and Petersburg, Beverly Ford and Frede- 
 ricksburg, Warrenton Springs and Chantilly, Gaines 
 ville and Groveton, Antietam and Bull Run. We did 
 not ask whether the fields were lost or won, but you 
 were there and there you did your duty ; there left 
 precious seed for immortality beneath " the tree whose 
 leaves are for the healing of the nations." 
 
 Nor were our eyes alone upon you. Our noble 
 Regiments that successively followed you to the field 
 listened, from however afar, to your clarion cry, shared 
 in your reverses, gloried in your success, prouder of 
 you than of themselves amidst all their hard-earned 
 trophies ; nor this alone because they held you as 
 " older, not better soldiers." Such is the presence to 
 which you come to-day. It needs no gift of second 
 sight to see hands, not of flesh and blood, reaching out 
 towards this standard, and dear pale faces translucent 
 with the light of heaven. To such keeping it would 
 seem as if your shot-riven banners had been given, to 
 realize the fond conceit of an elder time that sought the 
 consecration of its standards by priestly blessing. 
 
 Eight years ago on an occasion like the present, 
 while yet no cloud was on our country s sky, your 
 gifted Commander, who has won his rest before you r 
 (" first falls the ripest fruit,") responded to a gift like 
 
606 MR. HENRY H. REYNOLDS ADDRESS. [1866. 
 
 this : " We appreciate the honor you have done us, and 
 we promise that if this land is ever involved in war, 
 that these colors shall wave with credit and glory 
 wherever danger is thickest and the fight is warmest." 
 Well did he keep well have you kept the pledge. It 
 is not now to be said whether we have been as faithful 
 to you, though you have not lacked the oft-repeated 
 assurance. One portion of us at least, the gentler and 
 the fairer, they who are always going before or behind 
 every great dispensation, smoothing the paths for 
 rougher feet to tread, are here to-day to testify by their 
 deeds on their own behalf and yours. Neither they nor 
 we, nor yet yourselves, have counted up your heroes or 
 your heroisms. Such have marked your marches and 
 your watches, your hospitals and homes, as well as 
 fields of battle, and not a few to-day are dwelling be 
 neath the shadows of suffering or of sorrow. These 
 are not ungladdened by the thought, that no sacrifice, 
 or loss, or pain, that they or those most dear to them 
 have known, but shall pass into benediction and bless 
 ing upon our own and other lands, a witness and an an 
 swer to the uplifted hand of the Ulster Guard and its 
 legend " This hand for our Country." We need no 
 mythology, as of old, to give the place of honor to those 
 who have done or suffered in the nation s cause ; and 
 with the sad lessons of the few past years may not soon 
 forget, that if our position among the nations is yet 
 retained, it is, under the Divine hand, to you, and such 
 as you, we owe it. You have bound the bars of our 
 Nation s Flag together, and kept the stars shining in 
 their orbit ; and while its crimson lines may indicate 
 your path, its golden stars and azure field should be to 
 all our eyes the over-arching heaven from which angels 
 have come down to camp about our hearts and country 
 in the times of peril. To all of us that flag will be the 
 
1866.] COLONEL GATES REPLY. 607 
 
 dearer, because of the great danger through which it 
 has been borne. Its rescue from those whom you 
 
 " Forbade to wade through slaughter to a throne, 
 And shut the gates of mercy on mankind, " 
 
 gives to all its folds the significance of protection and of 
 safety. Unlike the most of your brave brethren, you 
 have not returned to scatter to your peaceful homes, 
 and laying aside your armor forget the arts of war, but 
 under your old organization to stand as you stood be 
 fore, ready for your country s call. 
 
 Take, then, this gift nay rather, this part acknowl 
 edgment of the debt we owe you. Its national escut 
 cheon marks it as your own yours by inheritance, 
 yours by conquest and the names by which this is sur 
 rounded show how it has been defended. But for 
 these we might have been a dismembered and scattered 
 nation, a shame and a hissing upon the earth. Let this 
 be a memorial of our trust in you and your faithfulness 
 to us a compact now baptized with the baptism for the 
 dead and the tears of the living. We may not ask that 
 it may go with you to other fields of bloodshed, but in 
 the repose you have won so worthily, let it be a memo 
 rial of what you have done, and what we have striven 
 to do ; and above all, what has been done for us, in de 
 fense of a flag that to-day waves over an undivided land 
 in honor of him who first planted it among the nations. 
 
 " Flag of the free heart s hope and home, 
 
 By angel hands to valor given, 
 Its stars have lit the welkin dome, 
 
 And all its hues were wrought in heaven. " 
 
 Col. T. B. GATES received the color and replied as 
 follows : 
 
 Mr. REYNOLDS : I am reminded, Sir, that eight 
 years ago a scene not unlike this was witnessed on our 
 Village Common. The corporate bodies^ of Kingston 
 
508 COLONEL GATES REPLY. [1866. 
 
 and Rondout united in presenting to the " Ulster 
 Guard " a stand of colors, in token of their official ap 
 probation of the soldierly appearance and good conduct 
 of the battalion then composing our local militia. 
 
 It was at a time when the people of the country were 
 beginning to shake off the apathy that had long distin 
 guished the treatment of our citizen soldiery, and to 
 manifest some interest in and respect for these volunta 
 ry organizations which our forefathers intended should 
 constitute the bulk of our republican army. 
 
 But our destiny had latterly seemed to be only to 
 reap the sweet fruits of Peace, and gather the harvests 
 of ten thousand kinds of pleasant and useful industry. 
 We had been borne along on the flood- tide of individual 
 and national prosperity, and had become a learned and 
 wealthy people an enlightened and powerful nation 
 whose vast extent embraced all degrees of temperature 
 every variety of soil in whose bosom reposed the wa 
 ters of an hundred inland seas, and whose extremities 
 were bathed by the waves of the two great oceans. 
 
 In our grandeur and self-sufficiency, we had come to 
 despise the simple means of national defense and inter 
 nal peace contemplated by the founders of our Govern 
 ment, and our militia system had for years been the 
 laughing-stock of the country, and the butt of unthink 
 ing ridicule. 
 
 The arms our forefathers wielded in establishing our 
 nationality, and which our fathers twice afterwards 
 siezed to vindicate our national honor, were rusting in 
 their undisturbed repose, and their uses were all but 
 forgotten. The rumor of foreign wars sometimes came 
 across the waters to us, but it could not induce us to 
 burnish up our own arms, nor divert us from our pur 
 suits of pleasure or profit. Peace reigned throughout 
 our borders, and we were in amity with the whole world. 
 Why, then, we reasoned with ourselves, should we 
 
1866.] COLONEL GATES REPLY. 609 
 
 mimic the " pomp and circumstance of glorious war," 
 who nevermore shall see 
 
 " Battle s magnificently stern array ?" 
 
 Nor, Sir, was there any external sign of danger that 
 directed our attention to and begot some consideration 
 for our militia system, eight years ago ? There was no 
 single speck of war in all our tranquil sky. But by one 
 of those changes which sometimes come over public sen 
 timent, without an apparent cause, like the gradual ris 
 ing of the billows of ocean, when the winds are locked 
 in their caves, our militia was lifted out of the slough of 
 despond, where it had lain so long in undeserved dis 
 grace, and put upon a footing of respectability. 
 
 It was soon after this, Sir, that the scene you have 
 recalled to my mind, took place on our Village Com 
 mon. Those of us who were present may have observed 
 the smile that lurked in many an eye, when our then 
 Colonel, in his earnest and heartfelt manner, declared 
 that the Colors he received should be protected and de 
 fended at the hazard of his life. To many, it seemed a 
 cheap pledge ; and to some, an absurd obligation. 
 
 And yet, within four years from that day, he had re 
 deemed that pledge and paid that obligation with his 
 life-blood on the field of battle ; and within five years, 
 those Colors were deposited in the archives of your 
 State, torn and riven by hostile shot and shell. 
 
 But, Sir, may I add, that torn and rent as they were, 
 they had always gallantly floated over the Regiment to 
 which they had been entrusted, and although the ene 
 my often saw, he never laid his traitorous hand upon 
 their sacred folds. 
 
 Serene as seemed our political horizon, when Colonel 
 Pratt pledged his life for the defense of those Colors, 
 we were even then, unwittingly, standing on the con 
 suming crust of a national volcano, that was shortly to 
 crumble under our feet and carry a million of our peo- 
 
610 COLONEL GATES REPLY. [1866. 
 
 pie to untimely graves. And in less than three years 
 thereafter, the quiet waters of Charleston harbor vibrat 
 ed to the thunder of treasonous cannon, as they hurled 
 their iron power against the walls of Sumter, while 
 their echoes, sweeping over land and sea, called the 
 loyal men of the nation to arms. 
 
 Yes, Sir, we may justly feel some pride in the fact 
 that Ulster County was among the first to send her sons 
 forth to the defense of the country, and it was our 
 boast, later in the war, that she had three entire Regi 
 ments in the field, besides odd companies here and there, 
 and squads and single men in every New York Bri 
 gade. 
 
 And you will permit me to say, Sir, that no troops 
 excelled these hardy sons of Old Ulster in subordination 
 to discipline, in powers of endurance, or in bravery upon 
 the battle-field. They have fought, Sir, from Gettys 
 burg in the north, to B Island, near the delta of the Mis 
 sissippi, and everywhere with honor to themselves and 
 the county they represented. 
 
 This beautiful banner, which it is my proud office to 
 accept in behalf of the Regiment, is unlike its predeces 
 sor, to which I have referred, in that the former had no 
 foreign names upon its folds, while this is covered, by 
 authority of the Secretary of War, with what were 
 strange words to us four years ago. But now, alas ! 
 they are all too familiar, and speak of battle scenes and 
 death struggles of victories and defeats. And each 
 name is graven on the wrung hearts of fathers, mothers, 
 brothers, sisters, wives, for there, and there, and there, 
 some loved one fell, by battle or disease. 
 
 This beautiful Color, Sir, is an epitome of the war his 
 tory of the Regiment that now receives it, and in a very 
 considerable degree, brings to our minds the leading 
 events of the Rebellion. It reminds us of the dark days 
 in April, 1851, when our National Capital, cut oft* from 
 communication with the loyal North, filled with and 
 
I860.] COLONEL GATES REPLY. gn 
 
 surrounded by traitors, its safety seemed to depend up 
 on tliu alacrity with which our militia should rally to 
 the rescue. Then it recalls the memory of the brave, 
 long, weary, desperate campaign of Gen. Pope, when 
 for ten days a starving army marched by night and 
 fought by day an opponent twice its strength, until its 
 bleeding and shattered remnant found food and rest in 
 the defenses of Washington. 
 
 Following that comes the more successful campaign 
 of Gen. McClellan, with its fruitless termination in the 
 escape of Lee s army across the Potomac. 
 
 Then the bold attack of Burnside, on the enemy s 
 lines at Fredericksburg, and his frightful repulse. 
 
 Anon the loyal States are again invaded, and the 
 three days 1 struggle and glorious victory of Gettysburg 
 ensue. 
 
 Finally, the dashing of the army of the Potomac up 
 on, and the breaking of the enemy s lines around Peters 
 burg ; the occupation of Richmond, and the termination 
 of the war within a few days of four years from the date 
 of the Regiment s first departure from this village, to 
 which you have so eloquently alluded. 
 
 Through all these changing scenes the Regiment has 
 been so fortunate as to retain the favorable regard of its 
 friends at home. And if it should be needed to vindi 
 cate the more than ordinary esteem^ in which the people 
 of this County always held the k *01d Twentieth," I 
 might be excused for saying, Sir, that its courage never 
 was impugned that it had on more than one occasion 
 been selected from among its fellows for important and 
 desperate service, and that it had been named in Gener 
 al Orders for gallantry on the battle-field. 
 
 The Regiment has had the fortune to serve under 
 such General commanders as the Christian, noble-heart 
 ed gentleman and thorough soldier, Patrick ; the high- 
 souled and chivalric Wads worth ; the gallant and la 
 mented Reynolds, and the impetuous, daring Hooker. 
 
612 COLONEL GATES REPLY. [1866. 
 
 By the partiality of the first of these, the Regiment 
 did not participate in the fighting between the Rapidan 
 and the James, nor in much of that which took place 
 around Petersburg. But during this time it had an im 
 portant and the chief position, in the Department of the 
 Provost-Marshal-General of the Army of the Potomac, 
 and subsequently of the Armies operating against Rich 
 mond. 
 
 It was a great consolation, Sir, amid the fatigues and 
 dangers of war, to be constantly assured, as we were, of 
 the anxious and prayerful solicitude with which the ca 
 reer of the Guard was followed by the patriotic affec 
 tions of the people of this County. While such knowl 
 edge constituted a new tie, that bound our hearts more 
 firmly to Old Ulster, it was also an incentive to the more 
 earnest discharge of duty, for it ever whispered : 
 " Friends at home are looking on you." And ev r en in 
 the last moments of the dying soldier, it gave the com 
 forting assurance that here, where our thoughts so often 
 wandered, the memory of the fallen should be forever 
 green. 
 
 But these trials, Sir, are haply over, and what re 
 mains of the "Old Twentieth," has returned, among 
 the last, to lay aside its bruised arms and the habili 
 ments of the soldier, and to resume those of the civilian. 
 Many, very many, alas ! of those who went, came not 
 back to meet the greeting of kindred and friends. The 
 camp, the march, the bivouac, the battle-field, each claims 
 its victims to the god of war. From the Blue Ridge of 
 the Alleghanies to the fortressed lines around Peters 
 burgfrom Libby Prison at Richmond to the unparal 
 leled horrors of the earthly hell at Andersonville, our 
 dead are strewn like autumn leaves. 
 
 But, thank God ! the cause for which they fell has 
 gloriously triumphed ; and if our statesmen wisely em 
 ploy that triumph, treason will never again raise its 
 
.] COLONEL GATES REPLY. 613 
 
 parricidal hand against the flag for which so many loyal 
 men have died. 
 
 The remnant of the Regiment has returned to such 
 reward as a loyal people will bestow upon its individual 
 members. And its first duty is to thank you, Sir,, 
 (whom we are proud to recognize as once a member, and 
 the revered religious guide of the Regiment), and 
 through you the entire people of the County, for the 
 kind sympathy, the encouraging words, the cordial 
 greetings, and the substantial gifts which have so often 
 gladdened the soldiers hearts in their distant service. 
 
 And let me through you, Sir, bespeak for these re 
 turned soldiers an indulgent judgment, in the first flush 
 of their new-found liberty from military restraint. If 
 in the joyousness of present pleasure, enhanced ten 
 thousand fold by the trials of the past, there sometimes 
 springs up the spirit of mischievous excess, believe with 
 me, it is as foreign to the nature of the man as this new 
 freedom is novel and exhilarating to him. 
 
 And again, I ask that our citizens manifest the sub 
 stantial respect I know they entertain for the private 
 soldiers the men who have carried the musket and 
 borne the deprivations, the untold hardships, and the 
 dangers of the field the men who have clone the actual 
 fighting, and the reward of whose bravery and patriot 
 ism we now enjoy in peace restored and our Government 
 preserved with all its former power and dominion. I 
 ask that these men, Sir, shall find ready access to such 
 honorable employments and fair remuneration as their 
 several capacities may qualify them for. Most of them 
 abandoned such occupations when their fellow citizens 
 called upon them to go forth to the defense of the coun 
 try. It is but just that the means of comfortable liveli 
 hood be held out to them on their return. 
 
 The "Ulster Guard" resumes its position once more 
 as a Regiment of New York Militia, and it will be the 
 unremitting care of those upon whom its reorganization 
 
614 COLONEL GATES REPLY. . [1866. 
 
 devolves, to make it worthy of its now historic fame. 
 Its reputation is inseparably linked to that of the coun 
 ty whose name it bears, and whose partiality it has so 
 often experienced. 
 
 The sneer that curled the fastidious lip at the name 
 "Militia" in times gone by, has given place to a more 
 generous and considerate sentiment, and hereafter the 
 young and able-bodied men of the land will esteem it 
 worth their while to swell the ranks of our citizen-sol 
 diery, and thereby qualify themselves in some degree, 
 for the discharge of the highest duty they owe their 
 country bearing arms in its defense. 
 
 I accept this historic banner, which you have entrust 
 ed to the keeping of the "Ulster Guard," and thank 
 you in behalf of the Regiment for the flattering senti 
 ments with which the gift is accompanied. The officers 
 and men who may hereafter belong to the organization, 
 cannot but be better soldiers, by the lessons this color 
 will ever teach them. They cannot but prize more 
 highly their religious and political privileges, when the 
 banner that floats over them reminds them how much 
 those privileges have cost. 
 
 I hope and trust, Sir, that this flag need never be un 
 furled to the storm of battle. But should the time come 
 when our country calls for her citizen-soldiery to rally 
 again to her defense, I have no reason to doubt the alac 
 rity with which the "Old Twentieth" will respond to 
 the call. And I pledge you, Sir, that her colors shall be 
 as sacredly protected in the future as they have been in 
 the past. 
 
 It is due to some gallant officers and brave men, who 
 came from other counties and joined their fortunes to 
 those of the 20th Regiment, early in the war, and who 
 have shared its hardships and perils, to make this pub 
 lic acknowledgment of their services, and to thank 
 them, as I do, in behalf of the "Ulster Gfuard," with 
 which their connection now necessarily terminates, for 
 
1866.] COLONEL GATES REPLY. 615 
 
 the faithfulness with which they always did their duty. 
 And I trust it will not be considered invidious if I ex 
 press my particular obligations to Brevet- Lieut. -Col. 
 Leslie, who marched with us in 1861, as a Lieutenant, 
 and who has most richly merited his promotions, by a 
 devotion to duty that has known no deviation and 
 scarcely a respite. 
 
 To each and all of these officers and men who have 
 so long and faithfully served under a banner bearing 
 upon its folds a legend to which they would necessarily 
 be strangers on leaving the service, and yet who were 
 as jealous of the reputation of the "Ulster Guard," as 
 such, as though they were to the manner born I pledge 
 to them, for all time to come, the same cordial affection 
 on the part of the Guard that they have borne towards 
 it through the wearisomeness of camp life, the fatigue 
 of the battle-field, the sadness of defeat, and the rapture 
 of victory. 
 
 May they ever feel when they put their feet upon 
 the soil of Ulster County, that they have a right to call 
 every loyal man they meet a brother, and may every 
 such be ready to give them a brother s welcome, for 
 the love they bore "the Old Twentieth." 
 
 And now, comrades, one single word of admonition 
 to each of you do not be betrayed into any act, as civ 
 ilians, that will sully your hard-earned renown as sol 
 diers of the Ulster Guard. If it be true, as we were of 
 ten reminded in the field, that the good citizen made the 
 best soldier, let us prove the converse of the rule, and 
 show that four years wearing of the blue has not dis 
 qualified us for the decorous and orderly occupations of 
 civil life. 
 
G. 
 
 The " Ulster Guard" still exists aa the Twentieth 
 Battalion N. G. S. 1ST. Y., with the following 
 
 ROSTEK. 
 
 FIELD AND STAFF TWENTIETH BATTALION. 
 
 Thomas H. Tremper Lieutenant-Colonel. 
 
 Alfred Tanner Major. 
 
 Stephen S. Hulbert Adjutant. 
 
 Vacant Quartermaster. 
 
 T. Beekman Westbrook Com. of Sub. 
 
 George C. Smith Surgeon and Brevet Lt Col. 
 
 C. William Camp Chaplain. 
 
 William S. Kenyon Ins. Rifle Practice. 
 
 NON-COMMISSIONED STAFF. 
 
 Samnel E. Jacobs Sergeant-Major. 
 
 William S. Rodie Qr.-Mr. Sergeant. 
 
 Frederick B. Hibbard Com. Sergeant. 
 
 James H. Tripp Ordnance Sergeant. 
 
 Charles A. Barnes Hos. Steward. 
 
 Napoleon X. Avobambanet.Dr^m Major. 
 
 Jerome Williams Band Leader. 
 
 Charles Dubois . , Sergeant Standard Bearer. 
 
 Charles Rudnitske " " " 
 
 William Gertach Eight General Guide. 
 
 Rodney Van Leuven. , Left General Guide. 
 
 616 
 
1879.] APPENDIX G. 
 
 LINE. 
 Company A. 
 
 Henry A. Hildebrandt Captain. 
 
 Vacant First Lieutenant. 
 
 Benjamin F. Crump Second Lieutenant. 
 
 Company B. 
 
 Benjamin J. Hornbeck Captain. 
 
 John E. Dunwoody First Lieutenant. 
 
 Charles B. Westbrook Second Lieutenant. 
 
 Company I) 
 
 Nathan A. Sims Captain. 
 
 Jacob C. Stephan First Lieutenant. 
 
 Richard AViener Second Lieutenant. 
 
 Company F. 
 
 Stephen Conwell Captain. 
 
 Urban Hamburger First Lieutenant. 
 
 David Mulholland Second Lieutenant. 
 
 Company H. 
 
 John E. Kraft Captain. 
 
 Wallace H. Smith First Lieutenant. 
 
 N. Scott Hanlenbeck Second Lieutenant. 
 
 Present strength of battalion, 280. 
 
H. 
 
 As an act of justice to General Fowler I insert the 
 following extracts from his and General Wadsworth s 
 official reports of the first day s operations at Gettys 
 burg : 
 
 {Extract from General Fowler s Report :} 
 
 " On entering the field the 
 
 "Ninety-fifth N. Y. and Fourteenth N. Y. S. M. were 
 "formed on the left of the Brigade, a house and garden 
 "intervening between them and the right wing. We 
 " were at once engaged by the enemies skirmishers from 
 "woods to our left and front, we drove them back and 
 "I then found that the enemy were advancing on our 
 "right, and were then to our rear and in possession of 
 " one of our pieces of artillery. I immediately ordered 
 "my command, the Ninety-fifth N. Y. and Fourteenth 
 " N. Y. S. M. to march in retreat, until on a line with 
 " the enemy, and then changed front perpendicularly to 
 "face them, the enemy also changing front to meet us. 
 "At this time the Sixth Wisconsin Regiment gallantly 
 "advanced to our assistance. The enemy then took 
 " possession of a railroad cut, and I gave the order to 
 " charge them, which order was carried out gallantly by 
 "all the regiments, by which the piece of artillery was 
 "recaptured. The advance was continued until near 
 "the cut, when I directed the Sixth Wisconsin to fiank 
 "it by throwing forward their light, which being done 
 "all the enemy within our reach surrendered, officers, 
 " battle flags and men." "The 
 
 " loss of the regiment amounts to about fifty per cent. 
 " of the force engaged." 
 
 (Signed) E. B. FOWLER, 
 
 Col. Cmdg. 14th Regt. N. Y. S. M. 
 
 618 
 
1802.] APPENDIX II. 619 
 
 ^Extract from General WadswortW s Report :] 
 
 * " The Second Brigade Gen. 
 
 " Cutler led the column followed by the Second Maine 
 "Battery, Capt. Hall. The First Brigade Gen. Mere- 
 ditli bringing up the rear. Here we met the advance 
 " guard of the enemy. 
 
 "Three regiments of the Second Brigade were order- 
 ed to deploy on the right of the road (Cashtown), the 
 " battery was placed in position near the road, and the 
 "balance of the division ordered up to the left of the 
 " road, the right became sharply engaged before the 
 "line was formed and at this time (about quarter past 
 " ten A. ]\i.) our gallant leader fell mortally wounded. 
 
 "The right encountered a heavy force, were out- 
 Numbered and outflanked, and after a resolute con- 
 "test bravely conducted by Brig. Gen. Cutler, fell back 
 "in good order to the Seminary Ridge near the town, 
 " and a portion of the command to a point still nearer 
 tv the town. As they fell back followed by the enemy 
 " the Fourteenth N. Y. S. M. (Col. Fowler), Sixth Wis. 
 "Yols. (Lieut, -Col. Dawes), and Ninety-fifth N. Y. 
 " Yols. (Col. Biddle) gallantly charged on the advance 
 "of the enemy and captured a large number of prison- 
 "ers, including two entire regiments with their flags, 
 "the other regiments of the First Brigade advanced 
 " further on the left, and captured several hundred 
 " prisoners, including Brig. Gen. Archer. 
 " Maj. Gen. Doubleday commanding the 
 
 "corps at that time (about quarter before twelve o clock) 
 " arrived with the Second and Third Divisions. 
 
 The severity of the contest during the 
 "day may be indicated by the painful fact, that at least 
 "half of the officers and men that went into the en 
 gagement were killed or wounded. 
 
 Very respfc your ob t servant, 
 (Signed) JAS. S. \VADS\YORTH, 
 
 Brig. Gen. Cmdg. 
 
THIS BOOK IS DUE ON THE LAST DATE 
 STAMPED BELOW 
 
 AN INITIAL FINE OF 25 CENTS 
 
 WILL BE ASSESSED FOR FAILURE TO RETURN 
 THIS BOOK ON THE DATE DUE. THE PENALTY 
 WILL INCREASE TO SO CENTS ON THE FOURTH 
 DAY AND TO $I.OO ON THE SEVENTH DAY 
 OVERDUE. 
 
 APR 10 
 
 LD 21-100m-12, 43 (8796s) 
 
 CIRCULATION DEFT 
 
THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY 
 
 GENERAL LIBRARY - U.C. BERKELEY 
 
 BDDD7t,B5S2