The Story 
 
 of the 
 
 Congo Free State 
 
 Social, Political, and Economic Aspects of the 
 Belgian System of Government in 
 Central Africa ' 
 
 By 
 
 Henry Wellington Wack, F.R.G.S. 
 
 (Member of the New York Bar) 
 
 With 125 Illustrations and Maps 
 
 G. P. Putnam's Sons 
 
 New York and London 
 
 Zbc Ivtiickerbochcr preee 
 
 1905
 
 Copyright, 1905 
 
 BY 
 
 HENRY WELLINGTON WACK 
 
 Vbe fintclierbocltec press, Ttew ^orh
 
 ^1 
 
 Wlls 
 
 PREFACE 
 
 AS a student of Mid-African affairs for the past 
 seven years, and a close observer of the rapid 
 progress toward complete civilisation now- 
 being made in that part of the world, I have felt it 
 my duty to lay before m}^ countrymen the true and 
 complete story of the conception, formation, and 
 development of the Congo Free State. 
 
 At a period of such bitter controversy concerning 
 the government of the Congo Free State as the 
 present, it is necessary that I should explain the cir- 
 cumstances under which I add this volume to the 
 literature of that subject. 
 
 During a residence of several years in the United 
 Kingdom, I could not fail to observe the growth 
 there of an organised campaign against the Congo 
 Free State. That a small section of the British 
 public, interested in the rubber trade, should by 
 subtle means seek to delude or should even succeed 
 in deluding, the great British nation so completely 
 as to obtain general credence for its stories of 
 cruelty and oppression alleged against King Leopold's 
 government failed to move me. It was not my 
 concern, while enjoying the hospitality of England, 
 to criticise the way in which her religious organisa- 
 tions were being used to further the selfish aims of a 
 
 3J4.G97
 
 iv Preface 
 
 small clique of Liverpool merchants. But when, 
 within the past year, I perceived that the campaign 
 of calumny against the Congo Free State was being 
 extended to the United States, I could not longer 
 regard the phenomenon with a merely passive in- 
 terest. It occurred to me that my knowledge of 
 Mid-African affairs might enable me to place before 
 the American people a complete statement of the 
 actual facts of the Congo Free State, and that my 
 self-imposed task could not fail to be of value at a 
 time when interested partisans were endeavouring 
 to deceive them. 
 
 Having obtained an introduction to the King of 
 the Belgians, I informed his Majesty that I believed 
 the American people would much esteem the true 
 history of the affairs of the Congo written by an 
 American, and that if his Majesty would grant me 
 access to the archives of the Administration of the 
 Congo Free State in Brussels, and leave me free to 
 write the story of his enterprise in my own way, 
 absolutely without interference or suggestion from 
 any of his ministers or himself, I would undertake 
 the task on my own account. 
 
 His Majesty, having considered my credentials and 
 the nature of my introduction, in due course in- 
 formed me that all the documents in the Congo 
 Administration Office were open to my inspection. 
 His Majesty added that he had no fear but that the 
 American people, when informed of the truth about 
 the Congo, would appreciate, as he did, that the 
 Congolese civilisation movement is the greatest 
 colonising success in the history of the world. I
 
 Preface v 
 
 was admitted into the offices of the Congo Adminis- 
 tration and spent many weeks there searching for, 
 translating, and copying documents. Those which 
 had already been translated into English, I adopted 
 in the form in which I found them. When I left 
 Brussels, I again indicated to his Majesty's ministers, 
 and to his Majesty himself, that I should write the 
 story in my own way. I brought away many boxes 
 of memoranda and documents and at once began to 
 work upon The Story of the Congo Free State. I have 
 not submitted the manuscript or proofs to any per- 
 son connected, either directly or indirectly, with 
 his Majesty, with the Congo Free State, or with the 
 Belgian Government, neither have I in any way 
 communicated with his Majesty in reference to what 
 I have written. For all I know, his Majesty may 
 entirely disapprove of this history. I should, of 
 course, regret exceedingly to learn that I had dis- 
 pleased the royal host who had extended to me the 
 hospitality of his country during a long and inter- 
 esting visit. But as I am under no obligation what- 
 ever to the Congo officials, nor to his Majesty, and 
 as my original intention of writing an independent 
 history of the Congo was made quite clear to both, 
 I regard myself as absolved from blame should the 
 King of the Belgians disapprove of the straight- 
 forward story here presented. 
 
 That this story is true, I have satisfied myself in 
 every particular. It is the story of a great colonis- 
 ing undertaking founded upon modern social science. 
 It can hardly fail to interest the reader who ad- 
 mires the courage and daring which small countries
 
 vi Preface 
 
 sometimes display in extending their borders and 
 establishing new markets. 
 
 Should this book in any way assist my country- 
 men in thinking out the underlying motives in the 
 campaign against the Congo, and bring them to a 
 knowledge of the real issues at stake, my labour will 
 be sufficiently rewarded. 
 
 I take this opportunity to acknowledge my obli- 
 gation to the works of Messrs. Stanley, Descamps, 
 Boulger, Johnston, Cattier, and Wauters, and to all 
 who have kindly assisted me with information. 
 
 H. W. W. 
 
 New York, January 2, 1905.
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 I. 
 II. 
 
 III. 
 
 IV. 
 
 V. 
 
 VI. 
 
 VII. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 IX. 
 
 X 
 
 XI. 
 
 XII. 
 
 XIII. 
 
 ► XIV. 
 
 XV. 
 
 XVI. 
 
 XVII. 
 
 XVIII. 
 
 XIX. 
 
 XX. 
 
 XXI. 
 
 XXII. 
 
 KXIII.— 
 
 Preface . ..... 
 
 Genesis of Mid-African Civilisation 
 -Stanley AND King Leopold II. 's Concep 
 
 TiON of the Congo Free State . 
 Founding of the Congo Free State 
 •Early Belgian Expeditions 
 The Waterways of the Congo 
 The State and International Law . 
 Horrors of the Arab Slave Trade . 
 The Berlin Conference . 
 The Economic Regime of the Berlin 
 
 Act ...... 
 
 An Appeal to Belgium to Suppress the 
 
 Slave Trade .... 
 The Second Brussels Conference . 
 The Congo Bequeathed to Belgium 
 Tribes of the Congo State 
 The Congo Public Force . 
 Belgian Campaigns, against the Arabs 
 Belgian Campaigns against the Arabs 
 
 — (Concluded) .... 
 The Suppression of Slavery . 
 Frontiers and Diplomatic Settlements 
 The Bahr-el-Ghazal and the Nile . 
 Mutinies of the Batetela Tribe 
 Displacement of the Population 
 The State's Administration : . 
 Department of Justice . 
 Native Chieftaincies 
 The Postal, Telegraph, and Telephone 
 
 Service ...... 
 
 vii 
 
 PAGE 
 
 v 
 I 
 
 14 
 
 23 
 
 31 
 42 
 
 64 
 
 83 
 
 92 
 
 104 
 126 
 
 134 
 145 
 151 
 
 164 
 
 177 
 
 197 
 
 206 
 
 211 
 216 
 223 
 228 
 231 
 239 
 
 243 
 
 /'
 
 viii Contents 
 
 PAGE 
 
 264 
 274 
 298 
 308 
 
 366 
 
 XXIV. — Navigation, Railways, Roads . . 248 
 
 XXV.— Science, Agriculture, Civilising Meas- 
 ures ..... 
 
 XXVI.-^Trade, Revenue, and Taxes . 
 XXVII. — Missions and Schools 
 XXVIII. — State Lands and Concessions 
 XXIX. — The Nemesis of Libel 
 XXX. — The Congo Campaign in England 
 XXXI. — The Congo Campaign in America 
 XXXII. — Testimony of Travellers and Thinkers 397 
 XXXIII. — Testimony of Travellers and Thinkers 
 
 —(Continued) . . . . .411 
 
 XXXIV. — Testimony of Travellers and Thinkers 
 
 — (Continued) . . . . .418 
 
 XXXV. — Testimony of Travellers and Thinkers 
 
 — (Concluded) . . . . .424 
 
 XXXVI. — The Attitude of Europe and the United 
 
 States ....... 446 
 
 XXXVII. — Summary, Retrospect, and Prophecy . 472 
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 The Treaty of Vivi, 13th June, 1880 . . . .487 
 
 The Treaty of Many anga, 12th August, 1882 . , 488 
 
 The Treaty of Leopold ville, 29th April, 1883 . . 489 
 
 The Treaty of Stephanieville, undated . . . 490 
 
 Table of other Treaties, Districts ceded, and Stations 
 established by the International Association of the 
 Congo . . . . . . . . 491 
 
 Report from the Committee on Foreign Relations to the 
 Senate of the United States, March 26, 1884 (Sena- 
 tor John T. Morgan, of Alabama), recommending 
 the recognition of the International African Asso- 
 ciation as a friendly Government, M^ith citations 
 from the history of the American colonies . . 49 2 
 An essay on "The Free Navigation of the Congo." by 
 Sir Travers Twiss, taken from the Revue de Droit 
 International, 1883 . . . . . .502
 
 Contents ix 
 
 PAGB 
 
 An argument by Professor Arntz, citing numerous 
 
 authorities, on the question, Can Savage Tribes 
 
 cede their territory to Private Persons with the 
 
 Sovereign Rights appertaining thereto . . .516 
 
 For Treaty between the International Association of the 
 
 Congo and the United States, see Chapter IV. 
 The General Act of the Berlin Conference . . . 530 
 Declaration of the General Act of the Brussels Confer- 
 ence, July 2, 1890 ...... 552 
 
 Treaty of Amity, Commerce, and Navigation between 
 the United States and the Congo Free State, Jan- 
 uary 24, 1891 553 
 
 Protocol in which the United States ratifies the General 
 
 Act of the Brussels Conference, February 2, 1892 . 559 
 Dispatch from his Britannic Majesty's Minister at 
 Brussels enclosing: 
 
 A Decree by the Sovereign of the Congo Free State 
 providing Settlements for native children orphaned 
 or abandoned, July 12, 1890 .... 561 
 
 A Decree instituting a local Commission of Europeans 
 for the Protection of Natives, September 18, 1896 . 562 
 
 Official letter of instruction thereon from the Secre- 
 tary of State to the Governor-General at Boma, in 
 the Congo Free State, October I, 1896 . . . 563 
 
 Letter of Governor-General Wahis to the Reverend 
 George Grenfell (British), of the Baptist Missionary 
 Society at Bolobo, transmitting Decree, December 
 26, 1896 ........ 565 
 
 Circular to all District Commissioners, lleads of Zones 
 and of Posts with regard to barbarous customs 
 prevaihng among the native tribes, February 27, 
 1897 566 
 
 Letter from the Reverend George Grenfell to the 
 Governor-General, July 13, 1897 . . . . 568 
 
 Co-ordinated text of various instructions respecting 
 relations between state officials and natives . -569 
 
 Report of first meeting of Commission for Protection 
 of Natives, May 17, 1897 57i
 
 X Contents 
 
 PAGE 
 
 A Decree appointing additional members upon the 
 Commission for the Protection of Natives, March 
 
 23. 1901 572 
 
 The British Dispatch to European Powers calling at- 
 tention to charges alleged against the Congo Free 
 State, and inviting consideration thereof. August 
 
 8, 1903 573 
 
 Letter from Sir Constantine Phipps, his Britannic 
 Majesty's Minister at Brussels, transmitting text of 
 the Note and its enclosures addressed by the Congo 
 Government to the Powers parties to the Act of 
 Berlin, replying to the British Dispatch of August 
 
 8, 1903 577 
 
 Rejoinder of the Congo Government to the Report, 
 dated December 11, 1903, of Mr. Roger Casement, 
 his Britannic Majesty's Consul at Boma, wherein, 
 amongst others, charges of maltreatment of natives 
 are made. March 12, 1904 ..... 590 
 
 Memorandum on the part of the Congo Government 
 regretting that the British Foreign Office did not 
 deem it necessary to communicate to it previous 
 Consular Reports, the names of persons accused 
 and generally such specific information as would 
 enable the Congo Government to prosecute of- 
 fenders, etc., together with the remarks of the 
 Secretary-General of the Congo Free State upon 
 the debates in the British Parliament as to par- 
 titioning that State between the Powers whose 
 possessions surround it. May 14, 1904 . . 610 
 
 Features of the Land System in the African Colonies of 
 
 Germany, Great Britain, France, and Portugal . 612 
 
 Concessionaires, Firms, and Trading Companies in the 
 
 Congo Free State . . . . . . .616 
 
 Officials of the Congo Free State . . . . .617 
 
 Index .......... 619
 
 ERRATA 
 
 Illustration, page 92, read Basoko for Baneko. 
 Illustration, page 130, read Turumbus for Barumbus. 
 Illustration, page 216, read Commissary-General. 
 Illustration, page 226, read House for Mission,
 
 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 FACING PAGE 
 
 His Majesty Leopold II., King of the Belgians . Frontispiece 
 (From a painting by Jef Leempoels.) 
 
 Native Huts Built of Leaves (Aruwimi) ... 4 
 
 8 
 
 12 
 
 14 
 18 
 26 
 
 Elephant Farm on the Bomokandi 
 
 Basongolo Chiefs (Lokandu) ..... 
 
 House of Governor-General, Boma 
 
 The Congo at Lokandu ...... 
 
 View of the Port of Leopoldville (Stanley Pool) 
 Making a Road (175 kilometres) for Automobiles 
 
 (Kwango) ....... 
 
 A Saddle Ox, Kassai ...... 
 
 European Travelling in the Uelle District 
 
 Native Employees of the State Waiting for Rations at 
 
 Bomr ........ 
 
 SS. Leopoldville Bound for Boma .... 
 
 Departure of Commissioner-General Halfeyt, on Board 
 
 SS. Stanley, Stanleyville, 1899 .... 
 Departure of SS. Goodwill from Upoto 
 Bridge, 80 Metres (Kwilu) ..... 
 State Pilot Barge, Banana ..... 
 Taking Merchandise to the SS. Leopoldville 
 State Post at Yankomi, near Basoko, Surrounded by 
 
 Palisade (Aruwimi) ..... 
 
 Europeans at Stanleyville, 1902 
 
 Post-Office, Boma ...... 
 
 Native Boys, Boma ...... 
 
 30 
 34 
 34 
 
 40 
 42 
 
 46 
 
 SO 
 58 
 58 
 66 
 
 72 
 78 
 80 
 82
 
 xii List of Illustrations 
 
 PACING PAGB 
 
 Group of Yie-Yie Women (Uelle) .... 
 
 Types of Bearers (North Bank of Cataracts) 
 
 Native Potters at Work (Aruwimi) 
 
 Making Manioc Flour, Baneko (Aruwimi) 
 
 Native Musicians at Lusambo (Lualaba-Kassai) 
 
 Market, near Boma ...... 
 
 Government Park, Boma, 1904 .... 
 
 Students of the State Technical School, New Antwerp 
 (Bangala) ....... 
 
 Hospital, Boma ....... 
 
 Bridge Made of Cement, Boma .... 
 
 Types of Barumbus (Stanley Falls) 
 
 Government Wagons ...... 
 
 House of Vice-Governor-General, Stanleyville 
 
 Postmaster's House, Suruango, 1904 
 
 A Street in Coquilhatville, 1896 (Equateur) . 
 
 Camp on Line of Cataracts Railroad, Songololo 
 
 Return from the Hunt at Bumba (Bangala) . 
 
 Baluba Chiefs ....... 
 
 The Governor's House, Ponthierville (Upper Congo) 
 
 European Houses at Coquilhatville (Equateur) 
 
 Specimens of Hair-dressing among Women of the Sango 
 Tribe, Banzyville (Ubanghi) .... 
 
 Cicatrised Batetela Woman (Lualaba-Kassai) 
 
 Funeral at Bumba (Bangala) .... 
 
 Women Beating Rice, Uelle ..... 
 
 Tribunal at Boma. Sentencing a Native to Death for 
 Cannibalism Committed in the Upper Congo . 
 
 Batetela Women (Lualaba-Kassai) 
 
 Kassai Women Returning from Market 
 
 African Belles. Hair-dressing of Sango Women at Banzy- 
 ville, 1894 (Ubanghi) . . . . . .160
 
 List of Illustrations xiii 
 
 FACING PAGE 
 
 Bangala Women ........ 162 
 
 Bakusu Chiefs, Stanleyville . . . . . .162 
 
 Group of Warriors, Djabbir ...... 164 
 
 Coffins for Native Chiefs, Wangata, 1897 (Equateur) . 164 
 Native Making Butter at his Home in Botandana 
 
 (Kivu) 166 
 
 A Bangala Chief, with his Harem . . . .166 
 
 Native Canoes, Lower Congo . . . . .170 
 
 Fishermen, Uvvia . . . . . .170 
 
 Uelle Chief and his Wives, Van Kerckhovenville . .172 
 Port of Leopoldville. Natives at Work . . .172 
 
 Tailors' School, New Antwerp (Bangala) . . -174 
 
 Steam Saw-Mill, Boma . . . . . . .176 
 
 Camp of Bangalas, Stanleyville . . . . .178 
 
 Types of Lokeles, Jafungas (Oriental Province) . . i8o 
 
 Review of Troops by Governor-General at New Antwerp 184 
 Soldiers' Mess, Suruango, 1903 (Uelle) . . . .189 
 
 Soldiers' Wives, Bumba . . . . . .186 
 
 The White Man's Cemetery, Stanleyville . . .188 
 
 Hospital, New Antwerp . . . . . .188 
 
 An Avenue at Boma ....... 190 
 
 Office of Secretary-General, Boma . . . .192 
 
 Post-Office on River Bank, Boma . . . .192 
 
 Bishop's Palace, Mission of Our Lady of M'Pala (Tan- 
 ganyika) 196 
 
 Office of Director of Transport, Boma . . . .196 
 
 Cattle, Luvungy (Kivu) ...... 200 
 
 Various Mounts, Lusambo (Lualaba-Kassai) . . . 200 
 Grand Hotel, Boma ....... 203 
 
 Native Ploughing in Botanical Garden at Ealer (Equa- 
 teur) ......... 206 
 
 The Old Covered Market at Boma . . . .210
 
 xiv List of Illustrations 
 
 FACING PAGE 
 
 Commissariat of the District of Banana, 1893 . .212 
 
 King Nekuku and his Suite at Boma . . . .214 
 
 Regiment of Commissioner-General Halfeyt, Stanleyville 216 
 State Officials at Ponthierville . . . , .220 
 
 Saddle Ox, Lusambo (Lualaba-Kassai) . . .220 
 
 Bird's-eye View of the Station at Basoko, 1893 . . 222 
 Dutch Mission, Banana . . . . . .226 
 
 Bishop's Palace at Baudouinville (Oriental Province) . 228 
 Children of the Settlement School, Boma . . . 234 
 
 In the State Printing Office at Boma. Natives Laying-on 
 
 and Taking-off ....... 238 
 
 Natives Working Sewing Machines at Kisantu . .242 
 
 Children of the Settlement Drilling at New Antwerp, 
 
 1896 (Bangala) ....... 246 
 
 Zappo-Zapp Musicians, Luluabourg . . . .250 
 
 Band of Government Technical School, Boma . .256 
 
 Coffee Plantation at Yalicombe (Oriental Province) . 258 
 
 Shelling Coffee, Stanleyville . . . . . .270 
 
 Making Baskets for Transportation of Rubber (Kassai) . 272 
 Collecting Rubber in Forest of Lusambo (Lualaba- 
 Kassai) ......... 280 
 
 Church and Rectory, Matadi . . . . .286 
 
 Native Carpenters at Work, Mission of New Antwerp, 1897 294 
 Orphans Praying at St. Truden (Kassai) . . .302 
 
 Children of the Settlement School at Boma Praying . 308 
 Mission of the White Fathers, Tanganyika . . .314 
 The Mission, Moanda . . . . . . .320 
 
 Missionary Necropolis, Luluabourg . , . .328 
 
 Franciscan Sisters at the Mission of St. Gabriel of the 
 
 Falls (Oriental Province) ..... 336 
 
 Native Christians of the Village of Our Lady of Lourdes, 
 
 near the Mission of Luluabourg, 1897 • • • 344
 
 List of Illustrations xv 
 
 PACING PAGE 
 
 Drying Rubber in the Forest (Kassai) . . . .348 
 
 Mission Children at New Antwerp 
 
 A Beautiful Spot in Mayumbe .... 
 
 Interior of Cathedral, Baudouinville (Tanganyika) 
 
 Sisters of New Antwerp Teaching Natives to Weave 
 
 Building a Bridge for the Cataracts Railroad, 1897 
 
 Christian Child, New Antwerp (Bangala) 
 
 Fetich-Idol, Lower Congo ..... 
 
 Coffee-Drying Grounds, Coquilhatville (Equateur) 
 
 Bakusu Woman (Lualaba-Kassai) 
 
 Village near Coquilhatville, A Native Attempt to Copy 
 
 the European Style ..... 
 
 Melting Latex of Rubber in Forest of Lusambo (Lusambo 
 
 Kassai) ........ 
 
 Soldiers' Mess at Coquilhatville (Equateur) 
 
 Public Library, Matadi ..... 
 
 The Station at Bumba ...... 
 
 Convent of Franciscans of St. Gabriel of the Falls 
 
 (Oriental Province) ..... 
 
 Prison, with Carpenter's Shop, at New Antwerp (Ban 
 
 gala) 
 
 Native Planter's House, near Stanley Falls 
 Mission of New Antwerp (Bangala) 
 
 The Sultan Djabbir 
 
 Father Kisouru of the New Antwerp Mission (Bangala) 
 
 MAPS. 
 
 358 
 366 
 374 
 374 
 382 
 
 390 
 390 
 398 
 398 
 
 406 
 
 412 
 420 
 420 
 426 
 
 434 
 
 446 
 446 
 460 
 482 
 482 
 
 Outline Map of Africa . i 
 
 Map of Central Africa ...... At end
 
 Outline Map of Africa
 
 THE STORY OF 
 THE CONGO FREE STATE 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 GENESIS OF MID-AFRICAN CIVILISATION 
 
 THE decline and fall of great empires has ever 
 been a fascinating subject of study, congenial 
 alike to students of widely diverse opinions 
 and pursuits; yet it must be clear to all that in 
 human interest the breaking up of an em- 
 pire is as nothing when compared with its ^^ Embryo, 
 founding. The reason is, probably, that so 
 little is known of the origin of great national com- 
 munities. The United States is almost alone among 
 nations in respect that its growth, from its inception 
 to its mature ultimate triumph, has been watched by 
 keenly observant eyes, and every particular of its 
 perilous progress carefully recorded. But when the 
 future historian, with comprehensive appreciation im- 
 possible in a contemporary, reviews the events of 
 the last quarter of the nineteenth century, one fact 
 will stand well out before him, a unique and very 
 potent fact, fraught with vast possibilities for the
 
 2 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 future — none other than the founding, by the wisdom 
 of a kingly philanthropist, of a humanitarian, civilis- 
 ing, free political state in the very heart of savage 
 and cannibalistic Africa. 
 
 Consider for a moment how the great Congo Free 
 State has been evolved out of a group of warring 
 tribes (in part cannibal), and inquire what manner 
 of man is Leopold II., King of the Belgians, alone re- 
 sponsible for this wondrous transformation ; and who 
 even now, when weight of years and record of achieve- 
 ment might well entitle him to repose, works on 
 bravely, through good and through ill report, for the 
 prosperity and happiness of the twenty-odd million 
 Africans who acknowledge him for their Sovereign. 
 
 Thirty -six years ago, when the present Sovereign of 
 the Congo Free State succeeded his father as King 
 of the Belgians, and became known to the world as 
 Leopold II., Africa was generally referred to as the 
 "Dark Continent." At that period, and for long 
 after, even the most optimistic of statesmen failed 
 to perceive in those vast regions any promising out- 
 let for the congested populations of the Old World, 
 or possible markets for their manufactures. Dia- 
 monds, small in quantity and of indifferent quality, 
 had, it is true, been discovered in the southernmost 
 part of that continent, in a region already appro- 
 priated by the British. Gold, also, was thought to 
 exist there, but not in paying quantities; while the 
 deadliness of the African climate to Europeans, in 
 all save a few favoured sections, was an universally 
 accepted article of faith. 
 
 Foremost among the small band of thinkers who
 
 Genesis of Mid-African Civilisation 3 
 
 totally dissented from this view was Leopold II., King 
 of the Belgians. A young man of extraordinarily 
 fine physique, an accomplished linguist, widely read 
 and travelled, and holding advanced liberal views 
 in all matters pertaining to statecraft and social 
 science. King Leopold had early the prescience to 
 perceive in Africa the means to uplift some twenty 
 or more millions of the Negro race from debased 
 savagery to peaceful civilisation, and af the same 
 time and by the same means — the latter a neces- 
 sarily accompanying incident of the former — found 
 a colony for the surplus population of the small 
 State of which he is King; Belgium being then, as 
 now, the most densely populated of European coun- 
 tries, its people almost entirely dependent on the 
 sale abroad of the products of their industry. 
 
 Bold and original ideas rarely find much favour 
 when first presented to the world. The bulk of man- 
 kind is conservative; it thinks of yesterday, is op- 
 pressed by the troubles of to-day, and lets to-morrow 
 take care of itself. At first, where King Leopold's 
 ideas for the regeneration of Africa attracted any 
 attention at all, they were regarded with bland 
 smiles as Utopian visions, more creditable to the 
 heart than to the head of the princely visionary. 
 But true genius, though it may be hampered and 
 delayed in its onward march, is not to be extin- 
 guished either by active opposition or cold indiffer- 
 ence. Of such calibre is King Leopold, or there 
 would to-day be no Congo Free State, nor what some 
 past-masters in the obscuration of the obvious are 
 sometimes pleased to call "the Congo Question."
 
 4 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 So long ago as i860, King Leopold, then Duke of 
 Brabant, in a speech delivered before the Belgian 
 Senate, said : " I claim for Belgium her share 
 s ntence^*^*^ ^^ ^^^ sea," — apparently a plain and colour- 
 less utterance, but really the expression of 
 a vital interest for his country, for which no market 
 spells extinction, and no political power but on Bel- 
 gian soil means no market for Belgian goods. In 
 i860 the attention of mankind was just beginning to 
 turn to Africa. Two years before. Sir Richard Bur- 
 ton and Captain Speke had startled geographers by 
 discovering Lake Tanganyika, a revelation to be soon 
 afterwards eclipsed by the further discovery of the 
 sources of the Nile and Lake Victoria, by Speke and 
 Grant. About the same time Sir Samuel Baker, then 
 in the service of the Khedive of Egypt, discovered 
 Lake Albert. The travellers whose fortune it was to 
 make these important discoveries had been preceded 
 by the intrepid Dr. Livingstone, whose marvellous 
 energies on behalf of civilisation and Christianity 
 were, however, chiefly confined to the Zambesi Valley 
 until the year 1866, when he first entered the Congo 
 region and further enhanced his already great repu- 
 tation by discovering the lakes Moero and Bangweolo. 
 Then came the discovery of Livingstone — 
 Choice. ^ himself so long lost to his anxious country- 
 men — by Henry M. Stanley. That was in 
 187 1, when the armed hosts of France and Germany 
 were engaged in a death struggle, and led Mr. Glad- 
 stone to remark: 
 
 The eyes of all the world are bent toward the bloody battle-
 
 Genesis of Mid- African Civilisation 5 
 
 fields of France; but I prefer to regard those almost im- 
 penetrable African wilds where a small band of men, whose 
 numbers may be counted on the fingers of one hand, add 
 year by year to our knowledge of those little-known regions, 
 carrying with them the blessings of civilisation and of truth, 
 heralding the extinction of what for so many ages has been 
 the world's curse — slavery." 
 
 Gladstone was right. To all civilised peoples, but 
 specially to men of Anglo-Saxon speech — English- 
 men, who had given lavishly of their millions to free 
 the slaves held in their colonies ; Americans, who had 
 poured out their blood like water in a similar cause 
 — the accounts given by explorers and missionaries 
 of the horrors of the slave trade, rampant in Central 
 Africa, were as the smell of powder to the war-horse. 
 Only a few people are interested in geography as a 
 science. A vastly greater number are affected by a 
 widening of the area for trade. But the effectual 
 suppression of slavery is a question that comes home 
 to everybody. No one can stand aside, indifferent 
 to it. The ghastly horrors of the murderous raids 
 made by the remorseless Arab slave-traders upon 
 defenceless Central African villages, so graphically 
 described by travellers, thrilled the civilised world. 
 No effort was needed now to direct public attention 
 to Africa. Africa loomed large in men's minds; 
 and the question of slavery, fondly thought to be 
 for ever laid at rest by the tremendous conflict in 
 America in the early sixties, again became a vital 
 problem. 
 
 Of the numerous activities which distinguish the 
 character of Leopold II., philanthropy has the
 
 6 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 greater force. Much that is quite incontrovertible 
 might be urged in support of this statement; but 
 ... ' this is neither the place nor time to ar- 
 
 King ^ 
 
 Leopold's gue that matter. Suffice it to say here 
 ^^}^ that upon no one did the revelations as to 
 
 the methods of capture and subsequent 
 treatment of Central African slaves make a deeper 
 impression than upon King Leopold. As a life- 
 long student of Africa, and a geographer of rare 
 attainments, in personal touch with all the au- 
 thorities on the subject, his information was as 
 accurate and complete as it was possible for it to 
 be. Though the great European governments had 
 compelled the Khedive of Egypt to exert himself 
 to the utmost to repress slave -trading on the Upper 
 Nile, and the complaisant Egyptian ruler had ap- 
 pointed first one Englishman and then another 
 (Sir Samuel Baker and Charles Gordon, the latter 
 being the ill-fated General of that name) to admin- 
 ister the government of the Soudan, and some good 
 resulted, it was well known to King Leopold that 
 south of the Equator to the Zambesi the slave trade 
 continued to be prosecuted as vigorously as it had 
 ever been in the remote past. How might the evil 
 be stamped out? Or, if such a consummation were 
 too much to hope for within the immediate future, 
 how best might the evil be checked? In consider- 
 ing these questions, King Leopold very rightly con- 
 cluded that the more thorough the knowledge of 
 Central Africa possessed by Europeans the greater 
 the possibility of success in their efforts to ameliorate 
 the awful misery of its people.
 
 Genesis of Mid-African Civilisation 7 
 
 Imbued with these views, King Leopold in 1876 
 called the attention of the principal geographical so- 
 cieties throughout the world to the conditions then 
 prevailing in Central Africa, and invited all ex- 
 pert geographers of international reputation to con- 
 fer in Brussels. The circular letter of King Leopold 
 convening this Conference, though perfectly explicit 
 in its terms, has, in light of subsequent events, 
 been so distorted to serve personal interests, that 
 no excuse is necessary for reproducing its exact 
 words : 
 
 In almost every country [wrote King Leopold], a lively in- 
 terest is taken in the geographical discoveries recently made 
 in Central Africa. The English, the Americans, the Germans, 
 the Italians, and the French have taken part in their different 
 degrees in this generous movement. These expeditions are 
 the response to an idea eminently civilising and Christian: 
 to abolish slavery in Africa, to pierce the darkness that still 
 envelops that part of the world, while recognising the re- 
 sources which appear immense — ^in a word, to pour into it 
 the treasures of civilisation : such is the object of this modern 
 crusade. Hitherto the efforts made have been without ac- 
 cord, and this has given rise to the opinion, held especially 
 in England, that those who pursue a common object should 
 confer together to regulate their march, to establish some 
 landmarks, to delimit the regions to be explored, so that no 
 enterprise may be done twice over. I have recently ascer- 
 tained in England that the principal members of the Geo- 
 graphical Society of London are very willing to meet at 
 Brussels the Presidents of the Geographical Societies of the 
 Continent, and those other persons who, by their travels, 
 studies, philanthropic tastes, and charitable instincts, are 
 the most closely identified with the efforts to introduce civil- 
 isation into Africa. This reunion will give rise to a sort of 
 conference, the object of which would be to discuss in common
 
 8 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 the actual situation in Africa, to establish the results at- 
 tained, to define those which have to be attained. 
 
 In cordially accepting King Leopold's invitation, 
 the six great nations of Europe selected their most 
 distinguished geographers and travellers to 
 Conference, represent them. Great Britain sent five 
 delegates, all men of distinction in African 
 affairs, Germany sent four, France three, Austria 
 two, Russia one, and Italy one. Belgium had 
 eleven representatives, among them the accom- 
 plished Baron Lambermont. The Conference, which 
 lasted three days, was convened in the royal palace 
 at Brussels on September 12, 1876. It was opened 
 by King Leopold in person. The speech made by 
 his Majesty on that occasion follows so naturally 
 his invitation to the assembled gentlemen that it 
 might almost be mistaken for a continuation of that 
 document. The reason for quoting the former now 
 applies to the following exact translation of the 
 King's speech: 
 
 "Gentlemen," said his Majesty, "permit me to 
 thank you warmly for the amiable promptness with 
 which you have been kind enough to come here at 
 my invitation. Besides the satisfaction that I shall 
 have in hearing you discuss here the problems in the 
 solution of which we are interested, I experience the 
 liveliest sense of pleasure in meeting the distinguished 
 men whose works and valorous efforts on behalf of 
 civilisation I have followed for many years. 
 
 "The subject which brings us together to-day is 
 one that deserves in the highest degree to engage
 
 m 
 
 a
 
 Genesis of Mid-African Civilisation 9 
 
 the attention of the friends of hiimanity. To open 
 to civihsation the only part of the globe where it 
 has not yet penetrated, to pierce the darkness en- 
 shrouding entire populations, that is, if I may ven- 
 ture to say so, a crusade worthy of this century of 
 progress; and I am happy to discover how much 
 public sentiment is in favour of its accomplishment. 
 The current is with us. 
 
 "Gentlemen, among those who have most closely 
 studied Africa, a good many have been led to think 
 that there w^ould be advantage to the common ob- 
 ject they pursue if they could be brought together 
 for the purpose of conference with the object of regu- 
 lating the march, combining the efforts, deriving 
 some profit from all circumstances, and from all 
 resources, and finally, in order to avoid doing the 
 same work twice over. 
 
 "It has appeared to me that Belgium, a central 
 and a neutral state, would be a spot well chosen for 
 such a reimion, and it is this view which has em- 
 boldened me to call you all here, to my home, for the 
 little Conference that I have the great satisfaction 
 of opening to-day. Is it necessary for me to say to 
 you that in inviting you I have not been guided 
 by egotistic views? No, gentlemen; if Belgium is 
 small, she is happy and satisfied with her lot. I 
 have no other ambition but to serve her well. But I 
 will not go so far as to declare that I should be 
 insensible to the honour which would result for my 
 country if an important forward movement in a 
 question which will mark our epoch should be dated 
 from Brussels. I should be happy that Brussels
 
 lo Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 should become in some way the headquarters of this 
 civilising movement. 
 
 "I have, then, allowed myself to believe that it 
 would be convenient to you to come together to 
 discuss and to specify, with the authority belonging 
 to you, the means to be employed in order to plant 
 definitely the standard of civilisation on the soil of 
 Central Africa, to agree as to what should be done to 
 interest the public in your noble enterprise, and to 
 induce it to support you with its money. For, gen- 
 tlemen, in works of this kind it is the concurrence 
 of the greater number that makes success ; it is the 
 sympathy of the masses which it is necessary to 
 solicit, and to know how to obtain. 
 
 "With what resources should we not, in fact, be 
 endowed if every one for whom a franc is little or 
 nothing consented to throw it into the coffers de- 
 stined for the suppression of the slave trade in the 
 interior of Africa! 
 
 "Great progress has been already accomplished; 
 the unknown has been attacked from many sides; 
 and if those here present, who have enriched science 
 with such important discoveries, would describe for 
 us the principal points, their exposition would afford 
 us all a powerful encouragement. 
 
 "Among the questions which have still to be ex- 
 amined have been cited : 
 
 " I. The precise designation of the basis of opera- 
 tion to be acquired on the coast of Zanzibar, and 
 near the mouth of the Congo, either by conventions 
 with the chiefs, or by purchase or leases from private 
 persons.
 
 Genesis of Mid-African Civilisation 1 1 
 
 "2. Designation of the routes to be opened in 
 their order towards the interior, and of the stations 
 — hospitable, scientific, and pacifying — to be organ- 
 ised, as the means of abohshing slavery, of estab- 
 lishing concord among the chiefs, of procuring for 
 them just and distinguished judges, etc. 
 
 " 3 . The creation — the work being well defined — 
 of an International and Central Committee, and of 
 National Committees to prosecute the execution, 
 each in what will directly concern it, by placing the 
 object before the public of all countries, and b}^ 
 making an appeal to the charitable that no good 
 cause has ever addressed in vain. 
 
 "Such are, gentlemen, the different points which 
 seem to merit your attention. If there are others, 
 they will appear in the course of your discussions, 
 and you w411 not fail to throw light on them. 
 
 "M}^ desire is to serve, as you shall point out to 
 me, the great cause for which you have already done 
 so much. I place myself at your disposal for this 
 purpose, and offer you a cordial welcome." 
 
 The object of the Conference, thus clearly out- 
 lined by the King, was loyally adhered to by the 
 delegates, their discussions being strictl}^ confined 
 to geography and philanthropy, nothing political or 
 personal obtrtiding itself upon their deliberations. 
 At the close of its three days' session the Conference 
 submitted to King Leopold the following declaration 
 upon its labours: 
 
 In order to attain the object of the International Con- 
 ference of Brussels — that is to say, to explore scientifically
 
 12 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 the unknown parts of Africa, to facilitate the opening of the 
 routes which shall enable civilisation to penetrate into the 
 interior of the African Continent, to discover the means for 
 the suppression of the slave trade among the Negro race in 
 Africa — ^it is necessary : 
 
 (i) To organise on a common international plan the ex- 
 ploration of the unknown parts of Africa, by limiting the re- 
 gions to be explored — on the east and on the west by the 
 two oceans, the Indian and the Atlantic, on the south by the 
 basin of the Zambesi, on the north by the frontiers of the new 
 Egyptian territory and the independent Soudan. The most 
 appropriate mode of effecting this exploration will be the 
 employment of a sufficient number of detached travellers, 
 starting from different bases of operation. 
 
 (2) To establish, as bases for these operations, a certain 
 number of scientific and hospitable stations both on the coasts 
 and in the interior of Africa — for example, at Bagamoyo and 
 Loanda, as well as at Ujiji, Nyangwe, and other points al- 
 ready known, which it would be necessary to connect by 
 intermediate stations. 
 
 In accordance with the recommendation contained 
 in this declaration of the Brussels Geographical Con- 
 The Out- ference, " The International Association for 
 come of the the Exploration and Civilisation of Central 
 Conference, ^j^^^ " ^^g formed, consisting of an In- 
 ternational Commission sitting in Brussels, assisted 
 by dependent National Committees in each country. 
 The executive power of the International Association 
 was vested in an Executive Committee, of which 
 King Leopold was appointed President. When the 
 British Government selected Sir Bartle Frere for the 
 Governorship of the Cape, it became necessary for 
 him to resign his position as a member of the Execu- 
 tive Committee, the vacancy thus created being filled
 
 Genesis of Mid-African Civilisation 13 
 
 by an American, General Sanford, for many years 
 United States Minister at Brussels. 
 
 The idea of an International Association for the 
 Exploration and Civilisation of Central Africa, to 
 which the Brussels Geographical Conference had 
 given birth, at once began to grow, and flourished 
 amazingly. Not only were influential committees 
 formed in those countries which had sent delegates 
 to the Conference, but in other countries as well, the 
 United States among them. 
 
 To show how keen general interest in the civilisa- 
 tion of Central Africa had now become, it is only 
 necessary to cite a few instances of the powerful sup- 
 port given to the National Committees. In Spain, 
 the King; in Austria, the Archduke Rudolph, heir 
 to the Austrian throne; in Holland, Prince Henry of 
 the Netherlands ; in Belgium, the Count of Flanders, 
 brother of the King; all became Presidents of their 
 respective National Committees. Philanthropists, 
 men of science, all who were in any way interested in 
 the world's progress towards better things, accorded 
 ungrudging support to the work set in motion by 
 King Leopold. 
 
 The civilisation of Central Africa had now begun 
 in earnest.
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 STANLEY, AND KING LEOPOLD IL'S CONCEPTION OF 
 THE CONGO FREE STATE 
 
 IN every case the National Committees of the In- 
 ternational Association for the Exploration and 
 Civilisation of Central Africa displayed extraor- 
 dinary activity ; but, as was to be expected, their rate 
 of progress was measured by the Belgian 
 Belgian Committee, which met, for the first time. 
 
 Enterprise. 
 
 on the 6th of November, 1876, in Brussels, 
 just six weeks after the close of the Brussels Geo- 
 graphical Conference which had decreed its exist- 
 ence. As was fitting in the circumstances, King 
 Leopold was present at the meeting, and delivered 
 upon that occasion a speech which may be regarded 
 as an amplification of his Majesty's previous pro- 
 nouncements on the situation, now in some measure 
 become political, in Central Africa. 
 
 ' ' Gentlemen, ' ' said King Leopold, ' ' the slave trade, 
 which still exists over a large part of the African 
 Continent, is a plague-spot that every friend of 
 civilisation would desire to see disappear. 
 
 "The horrors of that traffic, the thousands of vic- 
 tims massacred each year through the slave trade, 
 the still greater number of perfectly innocent beings 
 who, brutally reduced to captivity, are condemned en 
 
 14
 
 o 
 
 > 
 o
 
 Conception of the Congo Free State 15 
 
 masse to forced labour in perpetuity, have deeply 
 moved all those who have even partially studied this 
 deplorable situation, and concerting, in a word, for 
 the founding of an International Association to put 
 an end to an odious traffic which makes our epoch 
 blush, and to tear aside the veil of darkness which 
 still enshrouds Central Africa. The discoveries due 
 to daring explorers permit us to say from this day 
 that it is one of the most beautiful and the richest 
 countries created by God. 
 
 "The Conference of Brussels has nominated an 
 Executive Committee to carry into execution its 
 declaration and resolutions. 
 
 "The Conference has wished, in order to place 
 itself in closer relationship with the public, whose 
 sympathy will constitute our force, to found, in each 
 State, National Committees. These Committees, 
 after delegating two members from each of them to 
 form part of the International Committee, will popu- 
 larise in their respective countries the adopted 
 programme. 
 
 "The work has already obtained in France and 
 Belgium important subscriptions, which make us in- 
 debted to the donors. These acts of charity, so 
 honourable to those who have rendered them, stimu- 
 late our zeal in the mission we have undertaken. 
 Our first task should be to touch the hearts of the 
 masses, and, while increasing our numbers, to gather 
 in a fraternal union, little onerous for each member 
 but powerful and fruitful by the accumulation of 
 individual efforts and their results. 
 
 "The International Association does not pretend
 
 1 6 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 to reserve for itself all the good that could or ought 
 to be done in Africa. It ought, especially at the 
 commencement, to forbid itself a too extensive pro- 
 gramme. Sustained by public sympathy, we hold 
 the conviction that, if we accomplish the opening of 
 the routes, if we succeed in establishing stations 
 along the routes followed by the slave merchants, 
 this odious traffic will be wiped out, and that these 
 routes and these stations, while serving as fulcrums 
 for travellers, will powerfully contribute towards 
 the evangelisation of the blacks, and towards the in- 
 troduction among them of commerce and modem 
 industry. 
 
 "We boldly affirm that all those who desire the 
 enfranchisement of the black races are interested in 
 our success. 
 
 "The Belgian Committee, emanating from the 
 International Committee, and its representative in 
 Belgium, will exert every means to procure for the 
 work the greatest number of adherents. It will as- 
 sist my countrymen to prove once more that Bel- 
 gium is not only a hospitable soil, but that she is also 
 a generous nation, among whom the cause of hu- 
 manity finds as many champions as she has citizens. 
 
 "I discharge a very agreeable duty in thanking 
 this assembly, and in warmly congratulating it for 
 having imposed on itself a task the accomplishment 
 of which will gain for our country another brilliant 
 page in the annals of charity and progress." 
 
 We have here, in his Majesty's own words, a very 
 lucid and reiterated exposition of King Leopold's main 
 object in concerning himself with Central African
 
 Conception of the Congo Free State 1 7 
 
 affairs — the suppression of the slave trade, with con- 
 sequent moral and material advancement of its 
 peoples. But let it not be lost sight of that, subsidi- 
 ary to this lofty mission. King Leopold has never 
 disavowed — nay, his Majesty had more than once 
 expressly declared it — his desire to find in Africa 
 new markets for Belgian manufactures, and a wide 
 field for the surplus population of overcrowded little 
 Belgium, where his people might live and where their 
 peculiar genius in the arts and sciences might flourish 
 unfettered by alien laws. 
 
 The experience of recent travellers, and particu- 
 larly of Livingstone and Stanley, had demonstrated 
 the truth of what had hitherto always been 
 disbelieved, viz., that it was possible for the ^!^ ^^*®/ 
 
 ' ' ^ Disproved. 
 
 white man to live and maintain his health 
 in Central Africa. This fact alone was of vast im- 
 portance ; but when was added to it proof that the 
 country was fertile, with immense natural sources of 
 wealth, needing only the brain and hand of civilised 
 man to tap them, a prosperous future for the country 
 was assured. England, France, and Portugal, but 
 notably England, had already claimed large sections 
 of Africa for their own, and Italy and Germany — 
 especially Germany — were feverishly anxious to fol- 
 low suit. But it is doubtful if among all the students 
 of the African problem— and they numbered among 
 them the ablest of every nation — there was at this 
 period another man with prescience to foresee, as 
 we now know King Leopold must have foreseen, the 
 illimitable possibilities of Central Africa. Indeed it 
 is tolerably certain that had the great nations realised
 
 1 8 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 the potential value of this region, their cupidity would 
 never have permitted them to allow its sovereignty 
 to become vested in any single individual with claim 
 to it based upon anything except irresistible material 
 force. King Leopold's claim, as we have already 
 partly seen, and as will presently be fully demon- 
 strated, had for its foundation a long-cherished and 
 active philanthropic interest in the welfare of its 
 natives, chiefly in the form of the suppression of 
 slavery; the expenditure, out of his Majesty's private 
 purse, of large sums of money for exploration, estab- 
 lishment of route stations, etc. ; and generally for 
 calling the attention of the civilised world to a little - 
 known and less-cared-for region commonly thought 
 to be worthless. 
 
 Bacon asserts, in his Advancement of Learning, 
 that "States are great engines moving slowly," and 
 from the beginning of the world until long past the 
 English philosopher's time, the axiom was true; but 
 we of the twentieth century inhabit a world as unlike 
 the world that Bacon lived in as modem New York 
 is unlike the city that Washington Irving described 
 under that name. The teeming millions of Europe 
 are ever more and more perplexed by the problem 
 of how to live, and not a day passes but the cruel 
 competition of life waxes fiercer and hotter. New 
 lands, new markets, must be found — the social pres- 
 sure in the older nations demands it as a prime 
 necessity. Therefore comes it that States are no 
 longer "engines moving slowly." On the contrary, 
 they move very rapidly; and as all the fat lands of 
 the earth have already been appropriated, future
 
 FlWr
 
 Conception of the Congo Free State 19 
 
 trouble seems not improbable. John Bull, early in 
 the field, worked hard painting the map red, and 
 now it is not possible to get far away from one or 
 other of his frontiers. The British colossus has 
 many imitators; but these started in the game late, 
 when most of the prizes had been won. 
 
 No sooner was it perceived that the Congo region 
 of Central Africa is a valuable possession, than 
 France set up her flag on the Congo, at universal 
 Brazzaville. The Portuguese, rummaging Land 
 
 in their musty archives for traces of their unger. 
 past glory, set up a claim to the Congo River be- 
 cause one of her navigators had discovered the 
 mouth of it five hundred years ago. Germany, too, 
 now exhibited her desire for huge territorities in 
 East Africa, and did not betray any marked 
 scrupulousness as to whose rights were invaded in 
 obtaining them. With such neighbours pressing 
 closely upon him, it was no more than natural that 
 King Leopold should cast about him how best he 
 might preserve inviolate the great country to which 
 he had so lavishly devoted his time and money; 
 and he finally conceived the idea of a Congo Free 
 State, with himself as its Sovereign ruler. With- 
 out some such clear recognition of Congo terri- 
 tory, and of his own personal rights in respect of it, 
 it was abundantly clear that the first would be 
 filched and the second ignored. For King Leopold 
 to proclaim himself Sovereign ruler of the Congo 
 region was, of course, not sufficient. It would be 
 necessary to secure the assent to that course of all 
 the great Powers interested.
 
 20 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 It was a momentous time. While the French were 
 estabUshing themselves on Stanley Pool, Stanley the 
 man was working in the interests of King Leopold, 
 travelling through the Congo country, buying land 
 here and there, establishing stations, and making 
 treaties in the King's name with native chiefs. 
 
 The French regarded Stanley's proceedings with 
 jealous distrust, and in France the question was 
 raised whether the International Association for the 
 Exploration and Civilisation of Central Africa ought 
 to be permitted to exercise sovereign rights. That 
 history furnished examples of corporate bodies exer- 
 cising sovereign authority was acknowledged, but 
 there was a large party in France which insistently 
 asserted that no such right pertained to the Inter- 
 national Association. 
 
 The situation was very complicated. If King 
 Leopold recognised the preposterous claim of Portu- 
 gal over the mouth of the Congo River, the entire 
 region in which he was interested would be with- 
 out a free way to the sea, a fatal bar to its proper 
 development. 
 
 To deal with Portugal in this matter, even sup- 
 posing her alleged right to be well founded, would 
 have presented no insuperable difficulty; poor na- 
 tions like poor individuals being ever open to sell 
 their commodities at something more than their 
 market value. But just at this juncture an unex- 
 pected act on the part of Great Britain added enor- 
 mously to the difficulty. Lord Granville, at that 
 time British Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, 
 after having refused to recognise any right by
 
 Conception of the Congo Free State 21 
 
 Portugal over the mouth of the Congo, in return 
 for concessions granted by Portugal to Britain else- 
 where, now recognised those claims in an extended 
 form. 
 
 This Anglo -Portuguese Convention, made on the 
 26th of February, 1884, had it been carried out, 
 would have killed at one blow the International 
 Association for the Exploration and Civilisation of 
 Central Africa, and all King Leopold's cherished 
 dreams would have evaporated like mists before 
 the sim. 
 
 But the good work done by King Leopold was not 
 fated to be so ignominiously extinguished. France 
 and Germany combined to denounce the joj^n g^^ 
 Convention ; and even with the British pub- Compiais- 
 lic it was very unpopular, as hard things ^^** 
 
 being said of it in the British Parliament and press 
 as any uttered in Belgium. King Leopold appealed 
 to the British Government to suspend the ratifica- 
 tion of the Convention, urging the despatch of a 
 British mission to the West Coast to examine the 
 validity of the treaties made between his Majesty's 
 representatives and native chiefs in that part of 
 the Congo country which the Convention proposed 
 to acknowledge as Portuguese territory. The Brit- 
 ish Government granted the King's request, and 
 despatched General Sir Frederic Goldsmid to the 
 Congo. The result was a complete triumph for King 
 Leopold, General Goldsmid reporting to his Govern- 
 ment that the treaties were in perfect order and that 
 the allegations of the Portuguese were baseless. That 
 was the end of the Anglo -Portuguese Convention.
 
 22 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 Though the Anglo -Portuguese Convention was 
 dead, and nothing remained to fear from it, the 
 incident served to emphasise the great and growing 
 necessity for endowing the Congo region with a 
 clearer and more definite political status than it yet 
 possessed. There were not wanting other, and hap- 
 pier, incidents pointing the same moral. On April 
 2 2, 1884, the United States officially recognised the 
 flag of the International Association as that of a 
 friendly Government, in which course it was soon 
 after followed by France, though the latter country 
 made it a condition of its acknowledgment that the 
 Association would never alienate any of its territory 
 without France having the right of pre-emption . Ger- 
 many, entering upon joint action with France for the 
 first time since the war of 1870, concurred in recog- 
 nising the International Association as an independ- 
 ent and friendly State ; and on the very day that she 
 gave her adherence to it, she invited, through Prince 
 Bismarck, all the Powers interested in the future of 
 Africa to confer in Berlin with the object of regu- 
 lating African affairs. The invitation was accepted 
 by fourteen nations, whose representatives met under 
 circumstances to be presently described, and gave 
 reality to the grand idea, conceived long before by 
 Henry Morton Stanley and Leopold II., King of the 
 Belgians, of a Congo Free State.
 
 CHAPTER III 
 FOUNDING OF THE CONGO FREE STATE 
 
 ON the 15th day of November, 1884, the In- 
 ternational Conference, convened by Prince 
 Bismarck to regulate what that statesman 
 termed "the African question," held its first meeting. 
 It took place in Berlin, Prince Bismarck jj^g qj.^^^ 
 presiding. In briefly outlining the object Nations 
 of the Conference, the distinguished presi- Agree, 
 dent exhibited in no small degree that condensa- 
 tion and lucidity for which his utterances were re- 
 markable. 
 
 The Imperial Government [said Prince Bismarck] has been 
 guided by the conviction that all the Governments invited 
 here share the desire to associate the natives of Africa with 
 civilisation, by opening up the interior of that continent to 
 commerce, by furnishing the natives with the means of in- 
 struction, by encouraging missions and enterprises so that 
 useful knowledge may be disseminated, and by paving the 
 way to the suppression of slavery, and especially of the slave 
 trade among the blacks, the gradual abolition of which was 
 declared to be, as far back as the Vienna Congress in 18 14, the 
 sacred duty of all the Powers. The interest which all the 
 civilised nations take in the material development of Africa 
 assures their co-operation in the task of regulating the com- 
 mercial relations with that part of the world. The course 
 followed for a number of years in the relations of the Western 
 Powers with the countries of Eastern Asia having up to this 
 
 23
 
 24 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 moment given the best results by restraining commercial 
 rivalry within the limits of legitimate competition, the Gov- 
 ernment of His Majesty the German Emperor has considered 
 it possible to recommend to the Powers to apply to Africa, 
 in the form appropriate to that continent, the same regimen, 
 founded on the equality of the rights and the solidarity of the 
 interests of all the commercial nations." 
 
 Proceeding, Prince Bismarck declared that the 
 main object of the Conference was the opening up 
 to all the world of Central Africa. He rejoiced that 
 France was in perfect accord with Germany in this 
 matter. The first thing to be considered in this 
 matter was, he thought, how best to establish free- 
 dom of trade at the mouth and in the basin of the 
 Congo. On that subject the German Government 
 had formulated a plan, drawn as a declaration, de- 
 signed to assure freedom of trade in that region, 
 with equal rights for all nations, — monopolies and 
 preferential duties for none. 
 
 Prince Bismarck was followed by the British re- 
 presentative, Sir Edward Malet. No other Power in 
 the world, said Sir Edward, had done so much on 
 behalf of the objects that the German Government 
 affected to have at heart as Great Britain; and he 
 went on to point out that the warm support of his 
 country and Government might be relied upon for 
 proposals which had always formed part of their 
 policy. He hoped that the attention of the Confer- 
 ence would not be devoted entirely to commerce, 
 and that the welfare of native races would receive 
 attention. Freedom of trade should be restricted to 
 legitimate articles of trade, or the natives would lose 
 more than they gained. He apprehended that the
 
 Founding of the Congo Free State 25 
 
 chief difficulty of the Conference would be, not to 
 secure its unanimous adherence to general principles, 
 but to provide means for carrying those principles 
 into effect. It was certainly desirable to establish 
 the validity of effective new occupations on the coasts 
 of Africa. 
 
 The Portuguese representative claimed for his 
 country the honour of having introduced the ele- 
 ments of civilisation into Africa, and saw in an 
 increase of commerce in that part of the world the 
 assurance of peace and respect for the rights of 
 humanity. The American representative contented 
 himself by calling attention to the part his country 
 had taken in the opening of Central Africa, and re- 
 ferred with pride to the achievements of Stanley, 
 congratulating his countrymen on being first to re- 
 cognise the good work accomplished by that great 
 philanthropist, the King of the Belgians. The prac- 
 tical business, however, of the sitting, was the ques- 
 tion, "What territories constitute the basin of the 
 Congo and its affluents ?" This being a matter less 
 easily disposed of, it was referred to a Commission 
 of eight experts selected by the eight Powers chiefly 
 interested in its solution. 
 
 The Commission of eight reported to the Confer- 
 ence at its third sitting as follows: 
 
 The Basin of the Congo is delimited by the crests of the 
 contiguous basins, to wit, the basins in particular of the 
 Niari, the Ogowe, the Schari, and the Nile, on the north; by 
 the Lake Tanganyika, on the east ; by the crests of the basins 
 of the Zambesi and the Loge, on the south. It comprises 
 consequently all the territories drained by the Congo and its
 
 26 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 affluents, including Lake Tanganyika and its eastern tribu- 
 taries. 
 
 This report seems as explicit as it well could be, 
 and after much discussion and some slight modifi- 
 cations it was adopted. Baron Lambermont (Bel- 
 gium) presented a report upon the best means of 
 safeguarding the welfare of the native races, treating 
 with remarkable ability of slavery, the importation 
 of alcohol into the Congo country, and other dangers 
 that threaten uncivilised races at their first contact 
 with civilisation. Count Van der Straeten Ponthoz 
 (Belgium) spoke even more vigorously to the same 
 effect, and between them these two Belgian subjects 
 of King Leopold showed themselves more solicitous 
 for the welfare of the Congo native than the repre- 
 sentative of any other nationality present. 
 
 The International Conference held its tenth and 
 last sitting on the 26th of February, 1885. As on 
 the occasion of its first sitting, Prince Bismarck pre- 
 sided. The drafting of the final act of the Confer- 
 ence was ably performed by Baron LambeiTQont. 
 The representatives of the Powers assembled at Ber- 
 lin signed conventions with the International Asso- 
 ciation, acknowledging it as a friendly and sovereign 
 State whose flag — a golden five-pointed star on a 
 blue banner — they agreed henceforth to recognise. 
 
 I am sure I am the interpreter [said the President in an- 
 nouncing the existence of these treaties to the Conference] of 
 the unanimous sentiment of the Conference in saluting as a 
 happy event the communication made to us on the subject of 
 the almost completely unanimous recognition of the Interna- 
 tional Association of the Congo. All of us here render justice
 
 Founding of the Congo Free State 27 
 
 to the lofty object of the work to which His Majesty the King 
 of the Belgians has attached his name ; we all know the efforts 
 and the sacrifices by means of which he has brought it to the 
 point where it is to-day; we all entertain the wish that the 
 most complete success may crown an enterprise that must so 
 usefully promote the views which have directed the Confer- 
 ence." 
 
 Thus the great Bismarck. Sir Edward Malet 
 (Great Britain) said: 
 
 The part which Queen Victoria's Government has taken in 
 the recognition of the flag of the Association as that of a 
 friendly Government warrants me in expressing the satisfac- 
 tion with which we regard the constitution of this new State, 
 due to the initiative of His Majesty the King of the Belgians. 
 During long years the King, dominated by a purely philan- 
 thropic idea, has spared nothing, neither personal effort nor 
 pecuniary sacrifice, which could contribute to the realisation 
 of his object. Yet the world at large regarded these efforts 
 with an eyfe of almost complete indifference. Here and there 
 his Majesty attracted some sympathy, but it was somehow 
 rather the sympathy of condolence than that of encourage- 
 ment. People said that the enterprise was beyond his re- 
 sources, that it was too great for him to achieve success. We 
 now see that the King was right, and that the idea he pursued 
 was not Utopian. He has brought it to a happy conclusion, 
 not without difficulties, but the very difficulties have made 
 the success all the more striking. While rendering to his 
 Majesty this homage by recognising all the difficulties that 
 he has surmounted, we salute the new-born State with the 
 greatest cordiality, and we express the sincere desire to see it 
 flourish and grow under his aegis. 
 
 Baron de Courcel (France) said: "The new State 
 owes its origin to the generous aspirations and the 
 enlightened initiation of a prince surrounded by the
 
 28 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 respect of Europe." Other members of the Confer- 
 ence were as warm as the representatives of Great 
 Britain and France in their eulogy of the great work 
 achieved by King Leopold, and their opinions of his 
 Majesty's life-work were admirably summed up by 
 Prince Bismarck in his speech closing the Confer- 
 ence, in the course of which he referred to the con- 
 solidation of the Congo Free State as a "precious 
 service to the cause of humanity," 
 
 Central Africa had now become in all essential 
 respects a State. It had been recognised as such 
 by the United States on April 22, 1884, seven 
 months before the opening, and ten months before 
 the close, of the Berlin Conference, but now its geo- 
 graphical limits were defined, its political status 
 fixed, its neutrality assured. The large part played 
 by Leopold, King of the Belgians, in its creation had 
 received full and complete acknowledgment from the 
 foremost geographers and statesmen of the world, 
 who had united in lauding the King, not only for his 
 wonderful achievement, but for the high humanitar- 
 ian motive stimulating his Majesty through all the 
 years of its difficult accomplishment. 
 
 But let no one suppose that it followed, as a neces- 
 sary consequence of all this, that the future govern- 
 ment of Central Africa was to be as plain 
 Ahead ^^ Sailing in smooth water. A new State had 
 been created, it is true, and it had had as 
 its sponsors the great Powers of the world, who 
 had recognised Leopold IL, King of the Belgians, 
 as its Sovereign ruler. But it is beyond the ability 
 of States, just as it is beyond the ability of indivi-
 
 Founding of the Congo Free State 29 
 
 duals, to exist without money, and to be entrusted 
 with the government of a territory nearly a million 
 square miles in extent — about a fifth the size of 
 Europe, or a third of the United States — inhabited 
 by twenty millions or so of semi-barbarous tribes, 
 was no light task. The ' ' African Exploration Fund ' ' 
 of the Geographical Society of London contribu- 
 ted ;^2 5o, and the Belgian Committee collected 
 among their countrymen 500,000 francs — a gener- 
 ous gift, but utterly inadequate for such a colossal 
 task as the civilisation of Central Africa. Belgians, 
 as a people, were in no degree liable for the expense 
 of the philanthropic colonial enterprise entered 
 upon by Leopold, their King, as an individual. 
 The magnitude of that expense will be apparent to 
 anybody who gives the subject a moment's thought. 
 The payment of explorers, — men of the first rank in 
 intellectual attainment, such as Stanley, — the cost of 
 their equipment (stores, carriers, lake steamers, etc.), 
 the carving out of routes, establishment of stations, 
 purchases of land from native chiefs, conciliatory 
 gifts, and so forth, had seriously depleted the large 
 private fortune of King Leopold. 
 
 Though all civilised countries were more or less 
 interested in the opening up of Central Africa, less 
 than twenty thousand dollars was subscribed out- 
 side Belgium for that object. It had, therefore, 
 some years before the Berlin Conference, become 
 necessary to raise money for the continuation of the 
 work. On November 25, 1878, the Comite d' Etudes 
 du Haut-Congo was formed in Brussels, with King 
 Leopold as honorary president and Colonel Strauch
 
 30 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 as president. The Comite was really a company, 
 and it had a capital of a million francs. Thanks no 
 less to its wise direction than to its sufficient capital, 
 the operations of the Comite were attended with so 
 much success that it soon usurped the place of the 
 International i^rican Association as principal agent 
 of the civilising crusade undertaken by King Leopold. 
 The work of the Comite was consolidated and greatly 
 accelerated by the General Act of the Berlin Confer- 
 ence, assuring the Sovereignty of the Congo State to 
 King Leopold, it being no more than natural that 
 Belgians should have increased confidence in a State 
 secure under the rule of their own King, and be dis- 
 posed to invest their money therein more freely 
 than when the form of its government was matter 
 of doubt. Though much still remained to be done, 
 the Congo Free State had now been founded, and 
 that fact of itself was sufficient to inspire confidence 
 everywhere, but particularly among the Belgian 
 people, whose King was its founder.
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 EARLY BELGIAN EXPEDITIONS 
 
 HAVING narrated the principal political circum- 
 stances which eventuated in the founding of 
 the Congo Free State, it now becomes neces- 
 sary to revert to an earlier period, and sketch briefly 
 the various Belgian expeditions to whose Cartography 
 labours are so largely owing our knowledge and 
 
 of the geography of Central Africa, the ^^^^'^'^*^°°- 
 suppression of the slave trade there, and the estab- 
 lishment of civilising and humanitarian government 
 by Belgians. 
 
 It is hardly necessary to say that so great an 
 enterprise was not possible of achievement without 
 loss of life, and much personal sacrifice and suffering; 
 that many men of high intellectual power and in- 
 domitable courage fell by the way, martyrs to 
 <Usease, treachery, and the innumerable accidents by 
 flood and field which ever dog the footsteps of pio- 
 neer explorers. The official records of the expedi- 
 tions, for the most part vouched for by independent 
 testimony (chiefly Enghsh), establish beyond possi- 
 bility of dispute the patient forbearance and human- 
 ity of the explorers in their dealings with the natives. 
 The dignity of truth is lost with too much protesting, 
 and that some few mistakes were committed here 
 
 31
 
 32 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 and there, the result of over-zealousness on the part 
 of particular individuals, is frankly admitted, such 
 admission in no way detracting from the confident 
 assertion that no exploration of unknown lands had 
 ever before been made which occasioned so small an 
 amount of friction with their indigenous occupiers. 
 A sound discretion is not so much indicated by never 
 making a mistake as by never repeating it. Mis- 
 take, error, is the discipline through which we all ad- 
 vance, and the greatest of faults is to be conscious 
 of none. 
 
 The first Belgian expedition arrived at Zanzibar in 
 December, 1877, having been three months on its 
 voyage from Ostend. It was commanded 
 * by Captain Crespel, an officer of the Belgian 
 Army, and included, besides Lieutenant Cambier, also 
 of the Belgian Army, Dr. Maes, and M. Mamo, an 
 Austrian. Some time was spent by these explorers 
 in Zanzibar, purchasing supplies and engaging an 
 escort, before starting for the interior; a task in 
 which they were assisted by the Sultan, Seyyid 
 Burghash, an enlightened ruler, opposed to slavery 
 and sympathetic with the expedition and its objects. 
 Unfortunately, these favourable auspices were not 
 followed by correspondingly happy events. In less 
 than a month after the arrival of the expedition in 
 Zanzibar, Dr. Maes was dead of fever ; and Captain 
 Crespel, who was ill from the first moment that he 
 set foot on African soil, survived Dr. Maes only a 
 few days. 
 
 Shortly before these two sad events, Cambier and 
 Mamo had started on their journey into the interior,
 
 Early Belgian Expeditions 33 
 
 and at once became the victims of every sort of mis- 
 fortune. Their cattle were tormented and destroyed 
 by the tsetse fly, which in that year assumed the pro- 
 portions of a plague, and, their route lying through 
 a marshy region, progress was rendered impossible. 
 Two months later they returned to Zanzibar worn 
 out and dispirited, having achieved nothing, only 
 to be greeted by the melancholy news of the death of 
 Captain Crespel and Dr. Maes. Command of the 
 expedition now devolved upon Lieutenant Cam- 
 bier, who resolved to await reinforcements from 
 Belgium. 
 
 It was not until September of the following year 
 that Lieutenant Cambier, accompanied by Lieuten- 
 ant Wautier and Dr. Dutrieux, ventured to move 
 forward. On the occasion of his second attempt he 
 started from Bagamoyo. His difficulties, if not so 
 great as on his previous journey, would have daunted 
 any ordinary mortal. His native carriers gave great 
 trouble, continually deserting or threatening to de- 
 sert him, while crossing the Mgonda-Mkali desert. 
 However, after passing through infinite danger and 
 difficulty, Cambier succeeded in reaching the terri- 
 tory of Mirambo, and prospered so well in his efforts 
 to secure the friendship and assistance of that power- 
 ful chief that the two entered into a treaty of al- 
 liance, and went through the strangely barbarous 
 ceremony of taking the oath of blood; after which, 
 according to African superstition and custom, they 
 became brothers. This was the first example of a 
 Belgian officer and a native chief takmg the oath of 
 blood. It was entered into by Cambier only after
 
 34 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 he had informed himself that it was a ceremony the 
 sanctity of which the Negro race held to be in- 
 violable, and was therefore exactly suited to his 
 purpose. 
 
 The object of the expedition was to found a sta- 
 tion on the shores of Lake Tanganyika. Having 
 been provided with some necessary supplies by his 
 newly made "blood brother," M. Cambier was about 
 to resume his journey, of which another hundred and 
 fifty miles remained, when he learned with consterna- 
 tion of the death of M. Wautier, the able lieutenant 
 to whoin he had entrusted the difficult task of keep- 
 ing open his communications with the coast, who 
 had succumbed to the climate after prolonged ex- 
 posure to torrential rain. M. Wautier was the third 
 Belgian who had lost his life in the cause of African 
 exploration. His place was taken by M. Bryon, a 
 Swiss traveller of much experience, who rendered 
 good and faithful service. But though so near to 
 his destination, M. Cambier's difficulties were by no 
 means ended. As before, it was his carriers who 
 made the trouble. They were insubordinate, quar- 
 relled among themselves, and deserted in great 
 numbers, on the slightest provocation, and often 
 for none at all. Finally, however, on August 12, 
 1879, Karema, on Lake Tanganyika, was reached in 
 safety, and the first station of the International As- 
 sociation for the Exploration and Civilisation of Cen- 
 tral Africa established by the Belgian Committee. 
 The site chosen for the station was about five thou- 
 sand acres of land, very healthfully situated, which 
 Cambier obtained by treaty with a local chief. Thus
 
 A Saddle Ox, Kassai. 
 
 European Travelling in the Uelle District.
 
 Early Belgian Expeditions 35 
 
 through difficulty and danger, by the expenditure 
 of energy, money, and of life itself, was the object 
 of the first Belgian expedition successfully accom- 
 plished, and M. Cambier set out to return to Belgium. 
 When he reached the coast he was surprised to meet 
 a second expedition, of whose existence he knew 
 nothing, which had just arrived from Belgium. In 
 consequence, M, Cambier decided not to return to 
 Europe, but to remain in Africa for a while to assist, 
 so far as he was able, in this second enterprise. The 
 period was May, 1879. The new expedition, under 
 command of Captain Popelin, of the Headquarters 
 Staff, assisted by Dr. Van den Heuval and Lieuten- 
 ant Dutalis, had not completed their arrangements 
 for their inland journey when the latter fell ill and 
 was obliged to return at once to Belgium. The ex- 
 pedition had brought with it four Indian elephants, 
 attended by two English keepers accustomed to the 
 management of those animals, it having been sug- 
 gested to King Leopold that elephants were better 
 adapted for transport purposes in Central Africa 
 than oxen. The experiment proved a costl}^ failure. 
 All four of the elephants died before any use could 
 be made of them, and their English keepers were 
 waylaid by brigands and murdered on their way 
 back to Zanzibar. Notwithstanding these misfor- 
 tunes, MM. Cambier and Popelin persevered bravely 
 with their task, stocked the station at Karema with 
 provisions, and organised a native guard for its pro- 
 tection. 
 
 The third expedition, judged by results, hardly de- 
 serves to be called such. It consisted of only two
 
 36 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 Belgians (MM. Burdo and Roger), and the health of 
 the former breaking down immediately on his arrival 
 at Zanzibar, he was obliged to return home at once. 
 War was now being waged between the chiefs Mir- 
 ambo and Simba ; but though each of the contestants 
 was friendly to the Belgians, the conflict rendered 
 their position very precarious. In the circumstan- 
 ces, MM. Cambier and Popelin judged it expedi- 
 ent to divide their forces, so as to ensure efficient 
 protection for the newly founded station at Karema, 
 and the route thence to the coast. 
 
 While matters were standing' thus, a fourth expe- 
 dition arrived, the strongest and be^st equipped yet 
 sent out b}^ Belgium, commanded by Captain Ra- 
 maeckers, an experienced African traveller, skilled in 
 native wiles, who had been more successful in his 
 dealing with the black man than any other Belgian. 
 Captain Ramaeckers was ably seconded by MM. 
 Becker and De Leu, lieutenants in the Belgian Artil- 
 lery, and an expert photographer. The moment of 
 the arrival of this expedition was opportune, for the 
 difficulties of MM. Cambier and Popelin, due to the 
 war between the natives, increased daily, and they 
 were in a bad way. Captain Ramaeckers made all 
 possible haste to succour them, and after a perilous 
 journey succeeded in joining his colleagues on the 
 banks of Lake Tanganyika ; but he lost by death on 
 the way his brave lieutenant, De Leu, a victim of 
 malarial fever, and the health of the photographer 
 failed so completely that it was found necessary to 
 send him home. Captain Ramaeckers now took 
 over the command from Lieutenant Cambier, who
 
 Early Belgian Expeditions 37 
 
 had carried on the work in Central Africa for three 
 years, and was now desirous of returning to Europe. 
 In that period Cambier had contrived to achieve 
 much valuable work, of which the worth is more 
 apparent to-day than it was in December, 1880, 
 when he resigned his command. But in estimating 
 its value, then or now, the enormous difficulties under 
 which he laboured should never for a moment be 
 lost sight of. These difficulties were so great as 
 hardly to admit of exaggeration. Language is inade- 
 quate to convey any just conception of the trackless 
 deserts, impenetrable forests, and malarial swamps, 
 through which the explorers' route lay, complicated 
 by two friendly but warring tribes, each suspicious 
 •of the strangers' relations with the other. 
 
 Popelin and Ramaeckers, unlike Cambier, were 
 not destined to see their native land again. Eighteen 
 months after the departure of Cambier, Popelin died 
 of malarial fever, and a short while after Ramaeckers 
 also, from a like cause. In spite of these terrible 
 losses, the Belgian station continued to exist, and 
 even prospered in its work. The command now de- 
 volved upon Lieutenant Storms, then on his way to 
 Central Africa to establish a new station on the 
 western shore of Lake Tanganyika. When Storms 
 arrived and took command he chose as the site of 
 the new station a spot called Mpala, immediately 
 opposite Karema. The chief of the district, who 
 himself bore the name of Mpala, proved friendly to 
 the expedition, and the new station soon became as 
 important as Karema itself. So great was the influ- 
 ence exerted by Storms over Mpala that that chief,
 
 3^ Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 when dying, left the appointment of his successor to 
 be determined by the Belgian officer. Storms showed 
 himself a clever diplomatist, and during his two- 
 and-a-half -years' control did much to consolidate the 
 work of his predecessors. 
 
 So far, we have seen, these expeditions were ex- 
 clusively Belgian. They owed their inception to 
 King Leopold, by far the larger part of the heavy 
 expense they entailed was met out of his Majesty's 
 private purse, and the personnel was Belgian almost 
 to a man. Humanitarian in their object, the expe- 
 ditions had been conducted so humanely that no 
 injury had resulted to any one for which the expedi- 
 tions could be blamed. With the exception of the 
 two English elephant -keepers, murdered by Arab* 
 brigands, the loss of life was wholly Belgian, result- 
 ing in every case from the trying climate of Equa- 
 torial Africa. 
 
 But before any Belgian expedition had started, 
 Henry M. Stanley, the great Anglo-American travel- 
 ler, had penetrated Africa as far as the 
 Journalist, rnouth of the Congo, and had startled the 
 world by the information contained in his 
 letters addressed thence to the New York Herald and 
 the London Daily Telegraph. In glowing and in- 
 cisive language Stanley demonstrated the future 
 commercial importance of the superb Congo River, 
 and significantly pointed out that, so far, no Euro- 
 pean power, except Portugal, had put forth any claim 
 to its control — a claim which England, France, and 
 the United States had refused to recognise. 
 
 This pregnant statement excited widespread re-
 
 Early Belgian Expeditions 39 
 
 mark, but the King of the Belgians was alone in 
 acting upon the startling information. His Majesty 
 invited Mr. Stanley to Brussels to confer with some 
 distinguished geographers, merchants, and financiers; 
 and out of that meeting grew the Comite d^ Etudes dti 
 Haut-Congo, to which reference has been made in an 
 earlier chapter. Soon after, however, the name of 
 this body was changed to that of the International 
 Association of the Congo. Mr. Stanley was invited 
 to enter its service, and to establish along the Congo 
 a series of stations, designed as bases for future 
 operations, humanitarian and commercial, t. e., sup- 
 pression of the slave trade and securing the com- 
 merce of the Congo country. 
 
 How Stanley accepted that invitation, and car- 
 ried out the mission which the King of the Belgians 
 entrusted to him, is almost as well known as the 
 story of the same intrepid traveller's discovery of 
 Dr. Livingstone a few years before. With only ten 
 companions (five Belgian, two English, two Danish, 
 and one French), Stanley left Europe in January, 
 1879. ^t Zanzibar he hoped to be reinforced by at 
 least some of those who had been associated with him 
 on his previous journey. Meanwhile the steam- 
 boats En Avant and Royal, the twin-screw steamer 
 La Belgtque, one -screw barge Young Africa, and 
 two steel lighters, were sent direct from Bel- 
 gium to the mouth of the Congo, there to await 
 Stanley's coming. Stanley recruited a hundred and 
 forty blacks (Askaris and Kabindas), to say nothing 
 of carriers, whom he obtained as he required them 
 during his progress along the Congo.
 
 40 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 The first station to be founded was Vivi, and six 
 months were spent in fortifying it. Then came the 
 construction of a road from Vivi to Isang- 
 Pioneering. ^^^^ — ^^Y ^^^^ higher Up the rivcr — re- 
 quired for the conveyance of the steamers 
 in section, stores, merchandise, etc. This proved a 
 formidable task and took a whole year to accom- 
 plish. But Stanley and his men proved equal to it, 
 and another station was founded at Isanghila. At 
 that station, fortunately, the Congo was again found 
 to be navigable, and Stanley pushed on to Manyanga 
 by boat, where he founded a third station. It was 
 while at Manyanga that Stanley first learned of M. 
 de Brazza's having set up the French flag on the 
 northern shore of Stanley Pool, and calling it Brazza- 
 ville, a fact previously referred to. 
 
 Stanley countered this act by founding, on the 
 plain of Kintamo, near the lake, a station out of 
 which has grown the modem Leopold ville, named in 
 honour of the King of the Belgians, and now recog- 
 nised as the capital of Central Africa. 
 
 The spread of French influence so far as Brazza- 
 ville was significant and ominous. Clearly the na- 
 tions of Europe were waking up to the importance 
 and value of Central Africa. Leaving the expedition 
 in charge of Captain Hanssens, Stanley hurriedly 
 returned to Brussels to report the circumstance 
 in person. That was in April, 1882; and by Febru- 
 ary, 1883, he was back again with the expedition 
 in Africa, recharged, as it were, with energy, and 
 busied himself in establishing numerous stations. 
 
 In all, Stanley served five years with this expedi-
 
 Early Belgian Expeditions 41 
 
 tion, which, notwithstanding his nationality, must in 
 all fairness be accounted a Belgian expedition. 
 
 Such, then, were the early expeditions in Central 
 Africa undertaken by Leopold, King of the Belgians. 
 There were other contemporaneous expeditions in 
 the same region undertaken by France, Germany, 
 and Russia, or rather by natives of those countries 
 presumably working in the interest of their respec- 
 tive nations, but their results will not stand com- 
 parison with those achieved by Belgians. At one 
 time it was the intention of King Leopold to appoint 
 General Gordon to the chief command on the Congo, 
 and that extraordinary man had agreed to accept 
 his Majesty's offer; but the British Government had 
 a prior claim on Gordon's services, who went to 
 Khartoum and lost his life there in tragic circum- 
 stances so well known that they need not be 
 recounted here.
 
 CHAPTER V 
 THE WATERWAYS OF THE CONGO 
 
 IT was Diego Cam, an intrepid Portuguese navi- 
 gator, who, in 1484, voyaging towards the myth- 
 ical East Indies, discovered the Congo. In the 
 name of his sovereign, King Juan II., he took pos- 
 Discovery scssion of the country, though it does not 
 of the appear that he proceeded far into the in- 
 Congo. terior. From nzadi, the native name for 
 river, the Portuguese formed the word Zaire, and it 
 is by this name that the river was long called. It 
 so appears in the map of Martin of Bohemia, who 
 accompanied the expedition. The globe prepared 
 by this German cosmographer is still to be seen in 
 the museimi of Nuremberg. It was not until two 
 centuries later that the river was called Rio de 
 Congo. 
 
 On the south promontory of the Delta the Portu- 
 guese erected a pillar to commemorate their discov- 
 ery. This promontory is still known as the PadrSo 
 Foreland. It is certain that these Portuguese, who 
 were missionaries before they were explorers, re- 
 mained a considerable time in the Delta; for they 
 converted the King of Ekongo, as the country was 
 then called, to Christianity. It was to this king 
 that the sovereigns of Angolo traced descent, and it 
 
 42
 
 The Waterways of the Congo 43 
 
 is significant that their blue banner with the golden 
 star is to-day the flag of the Congo Free State. 
 
 About seven years after the first expedition a 
 second was sent out from Portugal, and the ruins of 
 the trading posts then established, called San An- 
 tonio and Salvador, are still to be seen. The old 
 Kingdom of Ekongo continued a hundred miles 
 into the interior. It was bounded on the north by 
 N'zadi, the modem Congo, and on the south by the 
 river Coanza. The accounts of the early traders, 
 some of which are still preserved in the State ar- 
 chives of Portugal, abound in fanciful descriptions. 
 To the mediaeval mind the forest was peopled with 
 mythical monsters. It was probably for this reason 
 that the superstitious Portuguese kept so near the 
 coast. 
 
 In 1534 San Salvador, which until the arrival of 
 the Portuguese was known as Ambassa, became the 
 seat of a bishopric. Here a cathedral was erected, 
 but later the see was transferred to St. Paul de 
 Loanda, which thus became the capital of the Por- 
 tuguese authority. 
 
 In 1 784, to maintain their occupation of the Congo, 
 the Portuguese built a fort at Kabinda, about thirty 
 miles north, of the mouth of the river. Several slave 
 stations also were established in the interior. From 
 this position they were soon driven by the French, 
 though the latter made no attempt to found a colony. 
 
 In 18 1 6 the British Government despatched an 
 expedition to the Congo. James Kingston Tuckey, 
 the leader, explored the river from its mouth to 
 a distance of 170 miles into the interior. In his
 
 44 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 description of the country Tuckey speaks of the 
 numerous slave stations along the banks. At this 
 period two thousand slaves were exported annually. 
 Fifty years later this number had increased to over 
 one hundred thousand! 
 
 The Congo with its multitudinous branches forms 
 a river -basin unequalled even by that of the Missis- 
 sippi. This great territory, over fourteen hundred 
 miles in breadth, covers an area of nearly a million 
 square miles. Though mere size is not always a 
 measure of importance, yet this region is unsur- 
 passed, in respect to natural resources, by any part 
 of the world. Second only to the Amazon in volume, 
 the Congo precipitates about 2,000,000 cubic feet of 
 water each second into the Atlantic. 
 
 This immense basin has been divided by geo- 
 graphers into three gradual terraces: the first and 
 lowest is near the coast ; the second, in the region of 
 the Upper Congo; and the highest in the vicinity 
 of the great lakes. According to the official Act the 
 basin is bounded by the watersheds of the neigh- 
 bouring basins of the Niari, the Ogowe, the Shari, 
 and the Nile on the north ; by the eastern watershed 
 line of the affluents of Lake Tanganyika on the east ; 
 and by the watersheds of the basins of the Zambesi 
 and the Loge on the south. Congoland is about 
 1,500,000 square miles in extent. From its western 
 frontage of 400 miles it broadens eastward until at 
 Lake Tanganyika it has a frontier of about 1500 
 miles. 
 
 The numerous ramifications of the Congo open 
 rapid and economic channels of communication to
 
 The Waterways of the Congo 45 
 
 the interior. To this magnificent system of waters 
 the country also owes its unequalled fertility. Many 
 of the rivers now practically useless can in time be 
 rendered navigable by the skill of the engineer. 
 Where blasting out channels is not feasible canals 
 can be built to connect the navigable parts of the 
 stream. It is obvious, too, that the effects on that 
 torrid climate of these great rivers, from one to 
 twenty miles in breadth, must be considerable. 
 Without them the country would be an arid desert, 
 another Sahara, deadly to life, both animal and 
 vegetable. 
 
 We shall first follow the successive stages of the 
 Congo, as the Chambesi, the Luapula, and the Lua- 
 laba, in the huge watershed on the eastern border 
 between Lakes Nyassa and Tanganyika. 
 
 The source of the Congo is in the Chingampo 
 Mountains, in British territory, and about 50 miles 
 from the western confines of German East 
 Africa, whence it issues as the Chambesi. ^^le Congo. 
 It was Livingstone who, in 1867, discovered 
 the Chambesi. Mistaking it for the undiscovered 
 source of the Nile, he explored it towards the 
 south-west — 250 miles — as far as Lake Bangweolo. 
 Thence he followed its gradual curve to the north, 
 first as the Luapula, through Lake Moero, as far 
 as Ankorro; and then as the Lualaba, in a north- 
 westerly direction to Nyangwe, 1300 miles from its 
 source. The river assumes the distinctive name of 
 the Congo first at Nyangwe. It was from this place 
 that Stanley, in 1876, made his famous descent of 
 the river. The journey, which covered 1660 miles
 
 4^ Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 by water and 140 miles by land, was accomplished 
 in 281 days. 
 
 From Nyangwe the river flows due north 400 
 miles as far as Stanley Falls. The country between 
 these two places is peopled by the cannibal Bakumu, 
 With ' ' these insensate furies of savageland ' ' Stanley 
 had many bloody encounters. "At every curve of 
 this fearful river," he writes in his now famous book, 
 "the yells of the savages broke loud on our ears, the 
 snake-like canoes dashed forward impetuously to 
 the attack, while the drums and horns and shouts 
 raised fierce and deafening uproar." 
 
 From Stanley Falls the river, flowing west and 
 north-west, makes a huge curve, in the form of a 
 horse-shoe, to Equateurville, where the junction of the 
 Congo with the Ruki takes place. Throughout this 
 immense curve, called the Middle Congo, and as far 
 south as Leopoldville, a distance of 1068 miles, the 
 river is navigable. In the contiguous territory live 
 the Balolo, or "men of iron," forgers of metal instru- 
 ments. Famous as warriors, they are also noted as 
 clever craftsmen, and are valuable allies of the State. 
 
 From the junction of Lake Matumba with the 
 Congo, the river, flowing south-west about 450 miles 
 to Manyanga, forms the boundary between the 
 French and the Belgian possessions. Thence down 
 to Matadi it pursues a southerly course of about 100 
 miles through the territory of the State. From 
 Matadi, whence it flows westward to the sea, it forms 
 for 30 miles the northern boundary of the Portuguese 
 Congo. 
 
 At Stanley Pool the Congo is no longer navigable.
 
 The Waterways of the Congo 47 
 
 Here, gathering the full force of its waters, the now 
 immense river ploughs its passage for over 200 
 miles through the Crystal Mountains, whence by a 
 succession of plunges it bounds down to Matadi, 
 1800 feet below. 
 
 From Matadi, unobstructed and triumphant, it 
 hurls the overwhelming volume of its current far 
 into the Atlantic. At its meeting with the sea, the 
 Congo, now over 3000 miles in length, is fully twenty 
 miles wide. 
 
 Until a few years ago there was considerable con- 
 troversy as to the true upper course of the Congo. 
 This has been at last established by the explorations 
 of Delcommune, Bia, and Brasseur; and it is now 
 agreed that the upper course is that continuation of 
 the Chambesi called the Luapula, and not the Lua- 
 laba, as was formerly believed. 
 
 The Luapula, the boundary between the Congo 
 State and North-Eastem Rhodesia, and navigable for 
 340 miles above Kassongo, is longer than the Lua- 
 laba. It is, however, inferior to the latter in size 
 and in the number and importance of its affluents. 
 The Lualaba rises in the southern part of the Congo 
 territory, about fifty miles west of North-Western 
 Rhodesia. The source of this river was discovered 
 by Lieutenants Derscheid and Francqui. 
 
 Along the important tributanes of the Luapula is 
 the Lufupa, which joins it not far below Nzilo. It 
 is at the Nzilo gorge that the first cataracts on the 
 Luapula are encountered. They continue almost 
 uninterruptedly for forty-three miles. Another af- 
 fluent of the Luapula is the Lubudi, a considerable
 
 4^ Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 river on the left, which, because of its breadth and 
 volume, was at first mistaken for the main stream. 
 The next important tributary — the Lufila — empties 
 into the Luapula at Lake Kassali. It flows through 
 the fertile country of the Katanga. 
 
 This region, noted for its mineral resources, is 
 described by travellers as " a land flowing with milk 
 and honey." It was first explored by that inde- 
 fatigable pioneer, Delcommune. Until a few years 
 ago the Katanga was ruled by the truculent tyrant, 
 Msiri. Now that this despot is dead, the country is 
 developing rapidly. The climate is far more health- 
 ful than in the regions around the Lower or Middle 
 Congo. The fertility of the soil and the advantageous 
 climate augur a brilliant future for this section of 
 the State. The conditions are, in fact, well adapted 
 to the needs of the white race, and here, no doubt, 
 eventually will be established cities no less import- 
 ant and flourishing than those of Java. Already a 
 railway to the Katanga is being constructed. Great 
 deposits of copper are known to exist here, and it is 
 expected that the development of these resources 
 will begin a new era in the history of Central Africa. 
 By the railway, Katanga will be brought within six 
 weeks of the European centres. 
 
 In this vicinity also are the Kibala Mountains, 
 An African which will, no doubt, soon attract tourists 
 Switzer- from all parts of the world. The beauties 
 land. q£ ^-[^^g section are thus described by their 
 
 discoverer, Delcommune : 
 
 Seated on a rock of sandstone, eagerly scanning all around 
 us, glancing in every quarter, we were astonished by this
 
 The Waterways of the Congo 49 
 
 picture, which no pencil could render. None of the loudly 
 vaunted beauties of Switzerland and the Pyrenees, where 
 charming scenery nevertheless exists, could rival these lost 
 corners of the Kibala Mountains, of which the whole effect, in 
 its turn picturesque and savage, imposing and on a grand 
 scale, seemed softened and rendered pleasant by the brilliant 
 equatorial vegetation. 
 
 We shall now briefly refer to the more important 
 tributaries of the Congo proper, first taking up those 
 that join the river from the south. 
 
 Of these the Lomami is navigable for nearly 650 
 miles. Rising in the Usamba Plateau, 600 miles 
 east of Lake Moero, it runs almost parallel to the 
 Congo till it joins that stream 150 miles west of 
 Stanley Falls. The Lomami varies in breadth from 
 60 to 400 yards. In places it has a depth of twenty 
 feet, and it is destined to play an important part in 
 the development of this part of the continent. It 
 was on the Lomami that one of those entrenched 
 camps was established which proved so effective in 
 the expulsion of the Arabs and suppression of the 
 slave trade. The many tributaries of the Lomami, 
 some of which are navigable, make that river the 
 natural base also of commercial operations. 
 
 The next southern affluent of the Congo is the 
 Lulongo. Rising not far from the valley of the 
 Lomami it flows for several hundred miles in a 
 south-westerly direction and empries into the Congo 
 at Uranga. A northern tributary of the Lulongo is 
 the Lopori. Both of these streams are rendered 
 more important by the fact that, being free from 
 obstruction, they are navigable. They water a
 
 50 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 beautiful and exceedingly fertile country, some of 
 which is yet unexplored. 
 
 South of the Lulongo and almost parallel to it is 
 the Ruki. It has two upper courses and rises near 
 the great valley of the Lomami. The Ruki is a 
 wide, open river, nearly six hundred miles in length. 
 It empties into the Congo at Equateurville, and 
 because of its several tributaries it renders a large 
 territory easily accessible. 
 
 But the largest of all the southern affluents is the 
 Kassai, which ranks in importance next to the Congo 
 itself. The exact course of the Kassai was until 
 recently a matter of considerable speculation. This 
 has now been definitely determined, and the San- 
 kuru, formerly thought by some geographers to be 
 the main course of that river, is now known to 
 be its largest affluent. The Kassai rises nearly one 
 thousand miles south of where it joins the Congo, 
 near the Portuguese possessions in the south-west- 
 ern corner of the Congo State. Its course is north, 
 north-east, and north-west. Navigable from Wiss- 
 mann Falls, which is situated about midwa}^ its 
 length, it forms its junction with the Congo not far 
 above Stanley Pool. Joining the Kassai, near 
 Bokala, is the river Kwango, which, rising in the 
 Portuguese possessions, flows directly northward 
 for several hundred miles. The Sankuru, like so 
 many other of the Congo rivers, rises in the Sambas 
 Plateau. Its course is first due north, then west, 
 and, at its junction with the Kassai, is an im- 
 posing stream, almost as deep and broad as the 
 Kassai itself. The Lubefu, a northern tributary of
 
 The Waterways of the Congo 51 
 
 the Sankuru, reaches almost to the valley of the 
 Lomami. 
 
 It is intended soon to build a railroad connecting 
 these rivers, and when this is accomplished a large 
 area not now accessible will be open to commerce. 
 Necessarily such trading stations will, for a while 
 at least, need governmental protection. Hence each 
 station will be in the nature of a military establish- 
 ment, and will form also the nucleus for a future city. 
 The Caucasian, observing, of course, certain neces- 
 sary precautions, will find the climate of a large part 
 of this section quite congenial. It is not unlike that 
 of the tablelands of Java or of the highlands of 
 Ceylon. Moreover, the soil no less than the forests 
 and the mineral resources of this vicinity will offer 
 splendid opportunities to the investor. 
 
 Necessarily the future of this part of the Congo, 
 as well as that of all regions distant from the naviga- 
 ble rivers, is dependent upon the construe- j^ie 
 tion of a railway system which will bring Coming 
 them into touch with the rest of the world. Country. 
 That such railways cannot be built without a great 
 expenditure of money is obvious, but the success of 
 the lines already estabUshed and the enormous profits 
 sure in the end to repay the investors are calculated 
 to attract sooner or later the necessary capital. All 
 who have visited this part of the Congo country are 
 agreed that its natural resources are incomparably 
 greater than those of any part of Europe. When 
 developed they will excite the wonder of the world. 
 But this result, so devoutly to be wished, involving 
 as it does the betterment of millions of Hves lately
 
 52 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 enveloped in densest ignorance, is not to be attained 
 without some sacrifices. Capital, time, and labour 
 must co-operate to bring about this result. 
 
 On the right or northern bank of the Congo are to 
 be found several large affluents. Of these, one of the 
 jjjg most important is the Aruwimi, which joins 
 
 Congo's the Congo just below Nyangwe. The Aru- 
 Affluents. ^y{j^{ riscs in the Blue Mountains, not far 
 from Lake Albert Nyanza. Thence flowing westward 
 about seven hundred miles, and gathering on its way 
 the waters of its numerous tributaries, it is, when it 
 reaches the Congo, a copious stream over a mile wide. 
 Above Yambuya the navigation of the Aruwimi is 
 rendered impossible by a succession of cataracts, 
 that bane of the African navigator. However, the 
 beauty and the resources of the surroimding country 
 somewhat compensate for these hindering conditions. 
 Here is the famous forest of Ituri, the home of a 
 vast population and the haunt of many species of 
 game. In and around the Ituri occurred some noted 
 skirmishes with the mutinous Batetelas. 
 
 About 150 miles west of the Aruwimi the Rubi 
 reaches the Congo at Itembo. Rising in the Mabode 
 about 500 miles north of Stanley Falls, it flows west 
 and south-west for a distance of 600 miles. 
 
 Three hundred miles west of the Rubi is the Mon- 
 galla. It rises at the northern boundary of the 
 State and, flowing south -south-west, reaches the 
 Congo at Molieka. The Mongalla is a fine, open 
 stream, and on its banks the Government has estab- 
 lished a line of important stations. By these the 
 State maintains control of the surrounding territory
 
 The Waterways of the Congo 53 
 
 and renders possible commerce with a large popula- 
 tion. Similar stations have been and are being 
 erected along the smaller navigable streams, and 
 these, when connected with the centres by railroad 
 and by telegraph, as eventually they will be, will 
 make the whole interior equally accessible. 
 
 Probably no tributary of the Congo is of more 
 importance than the Ubanghi. It was Van Gele who, 
 in 1886, first explored the Ubanghi country and 
 demonstrated the strategic value and commercial 
 possibilities of this mighty river. The Uelle, which 
 flows in a north-westerly direction, rises in the Blue 
 Mountains. It was discovered by Dr. Junker, the 
 German explorer, and may be considered the upper 
 course of the Ubanghi. Above the Panga Falls, 
 the Uelle is navigable for large vessels as far as 
 Niangara. 
 
 After receiving the waters of the Uelle the Ubanghi 
 forms for a long distance the boundary between the 
 Free State and the French territory. Beyond Ban- 
 zyville the river makes a wide curve towards the 
 north to Waddas, whence it flows almost directly 
 south, joining the Congo a little above Lake Ma- 
 tumba. The rich valley through which this splendid 
 stream, over a thousand miles in length, takes its 
 winding course, comprises an area of 160,000 square 
 miles. Emin Pasha described it as possessing won- 
 derful productivity — "The Granary of Equatoria" he 
 called it. Here the natives, who are instinctively 
 agricultural, raise tobacco, coffee, and sugar-cane in 
 large quantities. The highways now being con- 
 structed will give to the industry of this region an
 
 54 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 immediate impetus, and the natives, who are skilful 
 in the making of brick, will greatly contribute to the 
 development. It is also proposed to continue the 
 Uelle Railway to the left bank of the Nile. Such a 
 continuous route, amply justified by the resources 
 of this section and by commercial considerations, 
 will be a most desirable consummation. 
 
 The Lua, an eastern branch of the Ubanghi, will 
 prove of great commercial importance. Captain 
 Heymans, who first navigated the Lua, explored 
 it as far as Bowara. The Dekere, which also has 
 been partly explored, is probably the upper course 
 of the Lua, and this continuous stream will prove a 
 convenient route to the Uelle. 
 
 In this way the great detour of the Ubanghi, in 
 which are the impassable cataracts of Zongo and 
 Mokoangi, can be successfully avoided. 
 
 The importance of the Mbomu, a northern ramifi- 
 cation of the Ubanghi, is increased by the fact that it 
 forms for a considerable distance a natural bound- 
 ary between the Congo Free State and the French 
 possessions. Its position, therefore, renders it of 
 considerable political consequence. The Mbomu, 
 although not yet entirely explored, is destined there- 
 fore to play, with its numerous branches, a large 
 part in the history of the Congo. The country 
 around is not only of great fertility, but also very 
 beautiful. Here is to be found one of the finest 
 forests in the territory. 
 
 By means of the Congo and its tributaries an ad- 
 mirable system of communication is being estab- 
 lished, the ramifications of which, supplemented by
 
 The Waterways of the Congo 55 
 
 the telegraph and the railway, will within a few years 
 render every part of this vast territory accessible. 
 In proportion thereto will increase the authority of 
 the State and its civilising influence. The growth 
 of commerce, and the security and advancement 
 of the native population, are, in fact, coexpansive 
 with the extension of the facilities of intercommuni- 
 cation. The larger rivers — the Kassai, the Kwango, 
 the Lualaba and the Ubanghi — are all patrolled by 
 government steamers. 
 
 Of hardly less importance than the rivers of the 
 Congo are the lakes. Besides the larger and navi- 
 gable lakes are hundreds of smaller ones. 
 There are thousands of shallow pools along ^^^ Congo 
 the courses of the rivers, as those along 
 the upper Luapula. It was that keen observer, 
 M. Delcommune, who foretold that many of these 
 lakes will eventually disappear. He contended 
 that a combination of causes, chief among which 
 being the dryness of the equatorial climate and the 
 consequent evaporation of the water, will gradually 
 bring about this result. By a succession of experi- 
 ments, covering a period of more than two years, he 
 discovered a diminution of the water of the Lualaba. 
 This process of evaporation, incessantly continued 
 for centuries, will completely absorb the water in 
 the marshes and pools, and decrease the volume of 
 the great rivers themselves. However, this need 
 occasion no alarm. On the contrary, it is believed 
 that it will aid materially the development of 
 the country. Not only will it dry the pestiferous 
 marshes, but it will also define the beds of the rivers,
 
 56 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 whose courses, because of the contraction of their 
 channels, will thus be rendered simpler and more 
 definite. 
 
 By the disappearance of the pools and lagoons, 
 now to be found in the vicinity of the rivers, hun- 
 dreds of thousands of acres of valuable arable lands 
 will be reclaimed. And as this soil, formed of allu- 
 vial deposits, is exceedingly fertile, the benefits that 
 will accrue therefrom are incalculable. The famous 
 polders of Holland, and the lowlands of Egypt near 
 the mouth of the Nile, demonstrate the possibilities 
 of such a soil. 
 
 But it will not be necessary to wait for the slow 
 processes of nature. Vast areas can be drained by 
 artificial means, and this, since the sun is for ever 
 assisting, can be done without great cost. The lands 
 so drained will possess, besides their extraordinary 
 fertility, other advantages, not the least of which is 
 their accessibility. 
 
 The most important lake in the western part of 
 the State is Lake Leopold II., discovered by Stanley 
 in 1882. It is broad but shallow, and is joined to the 
 Congo by the Mfini and the Kassai. On its banks 
 are several flourishing stations. North-west of Lake 
 Leopold is Lake Matumba, from which the navigable 
 river, Irebu, flows upwards into the Congo. 
 
 On the north-eastern boundary is Lake Albert 
 Edward, the western part of which belongs to the 
 State. This lake, the haunt of numerous hippo- 
 potami, is joined to Lake Albert Nyanza, which is 
 about 150 miles north, by the Semlika, the boundary 
 between the Belgian and British possessions.
 
 The Waterways of the Congo 57 
 
 Directly south of Lake Albert Edward is Lake 
 Kivu. From this lake, part of which is yet un- 
 explored, flows the river Rusisi. This torrential 
 stream dashes through a rocky country, descending 
 2380 feet in 68 miles. It empties into Lake Tangan- 
 yika. On the eastern shore of the lake are Lubuga 
 and Luahilimta, trading stations, established by 
 the State. Lake Kivu is dotted with hundreds of 
 islets, and is situated in the centre of a lofty pla- 
 teau. Towering from this plateau rises a range of 
 enormous snow-clad volcanic cones, from eight to 
 over fourteen thousand feet above the level of the 
 sea. Of these the highest is Kirunga-cha-gongo, 
 which is said to be the largest inland volcano in the 
 world. It was first ascended by its discoverer. Count 
 von Gotzen, and later by the English naturalist, 
 Moore. All around Kivu are inaccessible crags, cal- 
 cined gorges, and arid deserts, showing that the 
 whole region is of volcanic origin. Such is the won- 
 derful clarity of the atmosphere that the outline of 
 every crag and spur of the mountains is visible sixty 
 miles away. The forests of Kivu abound in ele- 
 phants. Travellers report seeing here as many as a 
 thousand in one day. 
 
 Of Lake Kivu Count von Gotzen, its discoverer, 
 has given an excellent account. I quote the follow- 
 ing from his work, Durf Afrika von Ost nach West: 
 
 The bed of Lake Kivu, according to my measurement with 
 the hypsometer, is at an altitude of 4800 feet. Its extent 
 should be considerable, for on my crossing it I saw the im- 
 mense sheet of blue water disappear far off into the clouds. 
 Its general direction is from North to South. . . . The
 
 58 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 appearance of the isles of Lake Kivu is most picturesque. 
 Their rocky and snow-white banks rise in peaks and are fre- 
 quented by herons and cranes. A fresh breeze ever rustles 
 across the lake and cools the air agreeably. . . . When 
 one turns one's gaze to the north a sort of immense barrier 
 formed by the Kirunga-cha-gongo and the four other 
 Virunga Mountains is to be seen. . . . The neighbour- 
 hood of Kivu is extremely fertile in provisions of every kind. 
 
 Directly south of Kivu, and connected with it by 
 the river Rusisi, is Lake Tanganyika, partitioned 
 equally between the Congo Free State and German 
 East Africa. It is about four hundred miles in 
 length and nearly fifty in breadth. It was Stanley 
 who first circumnavigated Lake Tanganyika, though 
 it had been discovered in 1858, about twenty years 
 before, by Burton and Speke. It was, in fact, the 
 latter who first called the attention of the world to 
 the Congo Region. On the shores of this lake Lieu- 
 tenant Cambier, in 1879, established, at Karema, the 
 first station of the International Association of the 
 Congo. Cambier was so impressed with the possi- 
 bilities of this region that, by purchase and treaty, 
 he obtained from its native ruler about five thou- 
 sand acres of land, and this tract may be regarded 
 as the nucleus of King Leopold's colony. It was 
 this station on Tanganyika also that afterwards be- 
 came the basis of operations against the Arab slave- 
 trade. 
 
 From Albertville, Baudouinville, and other sta- 
 tions on its western shore a flotilla of small vessels 
 and several steam-yachts now navigate this lake, and 
 to these other and larger craft will soon be added.
 
 viinjS'aU'liliiiiii^^s. 
 State Pilot Barge, Banana. 
 
 J^ 
 
 Bridge, 80 Metres (Kwilu).
 
 The Waterways of the Congo 59 
 
 A telegraph and telephone line, connecting Kas- 
 songo on the Lualaba with Baraka on Lake Tangan- 
 yika, was opened in the latter part of 1903. This 
 line will soon be extended to Lake Kivu. 
 
 The region around Tanganyika is noted for its 
 beautiful scenery, and a large part of it is said to be 
 unusually healthful. Like Kivu, this lake is situated 
 in an immense plateau, six thousand feet above the sea. 
 The angular inclination and general configuration of 
 all these lakes in the eastern part of the Congo is, in 
 fact, very similar; each lake, however, has its in- 
 dividual scenery, climate, and peculiar flora. Moore 
 found Tanganyika floored with the shells of millions 
 of molluscs, the zoological remains of a dead sea. 
 He discovered here also three kinds of sponges. On 
 the eastern shores abound huge swamps and im- 
 mense tracts of mimosa. The dark red cliffs on the 
 West Coast form a brilliant contrast to the blue 
 African sky and the white clouds. Between Tan- 
 ganyika and Nyangwe, the old slave-capital of 
 Tippo Tip, the country is tenanted by the Manyema, 
 famous as collectors of ivory. Surveys are now 
 being made for a railway from Beni to Tanganyika. 
 This it is proposed to continue to Stanleyville on the 
 Middle Congo. 
 
 Lake Moero, one hundred miles south-west of Tan- 
 ganyika and the south-eastern boundary between 
 British territory and the State, was discovered by 
 Livingstone. It was first explored, however, by the 
 Belgian officers, Bia and Francqui. This lake, which 
 is one hundred miles long and about half as broad, 
 is now patrolled by a steam -yacht.
 
 6o Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 Only a few years ago the immense basin of the 
 Congo was an untamed wilderness, "a slave-park" 
 Stanley called it, bare to raids of murder- 
 B°°kw^ d ^^^ marauders. Bands of predatory Arabs 
 swooping down upon the defenceless natives 
 decimated whole tribes, and carried away men, wo- 
 men, and children by the thousand. The slave- 
 trader stalked like a pestilence through the land, 
 leaving in his wake the smoking ruins of a hun- 
 dred villages and the charred skeletons of his black 
 victims. 
 
 It was not only the natives who suffered from the 
 raids of merciless ravagers; but the Europeans, ex- 
 plorer, merchant, and missionary, were also subject 
 to their tyrannical impositions. And when, as in 
 the case of Emin Pasha, they opposed the designs 
 of these despoilers, they were ruthlessly murdered. 
 Flame and sword, robbery and massacre, — such, 
 until ten years ago, were the chief episodes in the 
 epic of the Congo. 
 
 To-day this vast region is not only geographically 
 determined, occupied, and effectually protected, 
 but the power of the Arab raider has been for ever 
 annihilated. Regions which for ages were the scene 
 of carnage and holocaust have now been pacified. 
 Where all was insecurity and turbulence a reign of 
 law and order has been substituted. 
 
 Nature has here been so prodigal of her gifts that 
 her very extravagance renders m some respects the 
 task of colonisation less easy. Before roads could 
 be built it was necessary to hew down huge forests; 
 before stations could be established it was needful
 
 The Waterways of the Congo 6i 
 
 to explore and to conquer the wilderness. The paths 
 that plunged into the jungle ended in trackless soli- 
 tudes. The vastnesses bristled with unknown ter- 
 rors. There was call for the explorer and the pioneer, 
 but it seemed as if ages must elapse before there was 
 need of the carriers of commerce. 
 
 To conduct broad highways from the coast to the 
 centre, through a territory so vast in extent, so 
 dangerous, and so impenetrable, would seem indeed 
 a task for centuries. Such, too, it is safe to assume, 
 would still be the situation had it not been for the 
 magnificent water-system of the region and the 
 great colonising genius who turned its natural de- 
 stiny to the civilising course of an onward industry. 
 Without these splendid flowing highways of com- 
 merce, pulsing from the heart of the continent to the 
 sea, the wonderful progress of the last quarter of a 
 century would not have been possible. Following 
 the lead of the Congo and its tributaries, Belgian 
 pioneers have moved through the great wilderness, 
 planting the plough and the cross, until to-day Cent- 
 ral Africa, so long curtained from the eyes of civil- 
 ised man, lies bare to the world. 
 
 It was by this instrument that the siege of the 
 great unknown was prosecuted. It was thus that that 
 citadel of despair, the stronghold of Darkest Africa, 
 was subjugated. And as we look at the magnificent 
 results, and at the still more magnificent future 
 which those results foreshadow, we cannot but con- 
 clude that this natural aid to the efforts of a heroic 
 band of explorers was more than the mere mani- 
 festation of blind chance.
 
 62 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 The campaign of exploration planned by King 
 Leopold, and executed by his courageous subjects 
 and his able ally, Stanley, was the first of 
 Journalist, those remarkable achievements of practical 
 utility that have no parallel in the history 
 of modem colonisation. In the Congo and its afflu- 
 ents these State-builders found a providential and 
 generous auxiliary. These wide rivers, the veins of 
 the civilisation of the Congo, are the key to a situa- 
 tion of which triumphant Belgian sacrifice and valour 
 in Central Africa will yet perfect the sequel. 
 
 To the existence of these natural allies, then, 
 is largely due the speedy extirpation of the slave 
 trade, the suppression of cannibalism, the control of 
 the coimtry, the gradual conversion of its popula- 
 tions to the saving influences of civilisation, the 
 effective system of communication between port and 
 port, and the beginnings of the development of 
 those vast resources which already excite the cu- 
 pidity of nations less successful. Indeed, without 
 such advantage it is doubtful whether the King of 
 the Belgians would have been equal to the onerous 
 responsibilities he so cheerfully assumed. 
 
 But now with more than nine thousand miles of 
 waterways open to navigation, few sections of this 
 "Change immense domain are to-day inaccessible, 
 in all Great areas which but a few years ago were 
 
 Around.' virgin forests are now under successful cul- 
 tivation. The jungle, once the lair of the cannibal, 
 is safe and peaceful. Where the raider ravished his 
 shrieking victims, the State and the Mission instruct 
 in the attributes of a useful life. Chaos has at last
 
 The Waterways of the Congo 63 
 
 yielded to order, and another triumph has been 
 added to civiHsation in the short term of twenty 
 years. It is a great story, and the Prince who 
 wrote it on the face of Africa need not deign to hear 
 the hiss of envy straining at the gorge. Let Leopold 
 IL find consolation in that rugged philosophy of 
 Carlyle which mocked at the timid temper of his 
 own time: "To subdue mutiny, discord, widespread 
 despair by manfulness, justice, mercy and wisdom, 
 to let light on chaos and make it instead a green 
 flowery world, is great beyond all other greatness, 
 work for a God."
 
 CHAPTER VI 
 
 THE STATE AND INTERNATIONAL LAW 
 
 IN view of the confused controversy that has pre- 
 vailed between the friends and the enemies of 
 the Congo Free State, concerning its legal founda- 
 tion and its existence de facto before the Conference 
 of the Powers which recognised its statehood at 
 Berlin (November 15, 1884-February 26, 1885), it 
 seems pertinent at this point to examine the issue 
 at some length. 
 
 For unknown centuries Central Africa had been 
 peopled with many millions of savage, semi- savage, 
 Central ^^^ barbarian black men, hidden from all 
 Africa civilising influence. Their social condition 
 eviewe . yg^j-jg^j Many were cannibals, some were 
 living in a rude state of primitive tribal order, 
 others were at incessant war with hostile tribes, 
 all were living in the gloom of an interminable 
 night of barbaric existence. Their only touch with 
 the human family had been through the slave 
 trade, of which they were the object and the 
 victims. The white man knew of their lot in this 
 respect many years before he listened attentively to 
 an appeal for deliverance from the Arab marauders 
 who enslaved them. The natural law of human 
 solidarity had not as yet inspired civilised nations 
 
 64
 
 The State and International Law 65 
 
 with an energetic movement to ameUorate the con- 
 dition of the savage black in Mid- Africa. Indeed, 
 Stanley's explorations had not gone to completion 
 save for the enlightened and philanthropic moral and 
 material support of Leopold II. When Great Britain 
 declined to provide Stanley with the means to fur- 
 ther his brave work, the King of the Belgians, having 
 several years before openly associated himself with 
 sentiments seeking the organisation of a consistent 
 civilising movement in Central Africa, sent for this 
 intrepid explorer and fortified his hopes and plans 
 from his private purse. It was with the highest 
 motives, from an elevated j^oint of view, that his 
 Majesty considered the situation of these cannibal 
 tribes. His solicitude for the Belgians, their eco- 
 nomic needs, their legitimate and necessary expan- 
 sion, gave point to his consideration of a distant 
 land, where great natural wealth lay unrevealed and 
 unused, for the good of the native and his benefac- 
 tor. A wild life abounded in those parts which by 
 civilisation might be regenerated and brought into 
 the sphere of human usefulness. Here opportunity 
 seemed to throw wide her arms for the Prince with 
 the courage to dare an undertaking which the great 
 Powers and the small had so far deftly avoided. "I 
 will pierce barbaric darkness; I will secure to Cen- 
 tral Africa the blessing of civilised government. 
 And I will, if necessary, undertake this great task 
 alone." So spake his Majesty, when, as Duke of 
 Brabant, he electrified Europe with what Europe, 
 in her narrowed conservatism, regarded as the Uto- 
 pian utterances of an impractical and effervescing
 
 66 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 youth. Europe smiled and shrugged her shoulders 
 at the temerity of him who essayed to analyse the 
 heart of Africa and prescribe its panacea. 
 
 If this great task had fallen upon a man of or- 
 dinary natural powers and acquired means, that part 
 of Darkest Africa which now defies the organised 
 conspiracy of the despoiler would interest nobody 
 save the slave-trader who terrorised the land and 
 polluted the sea with the black man's blood. To his 
 Majesty's great initiative in 1876, and to his pre- 
 science of mind, his generous hand, and astonishing 
 industry in the cause which inspired him are due 
 those two decades of progress which some regard as 
 a triumph of Colonial civilisation ; while others, from 
 motives which need not be examined with a lens, 
 stigmatise it as the curse of Central Africa. 
 
 Point of view and interest are important elements 
 in all controversy. Where so much has been charged 
 and refuted, a judicial attitude is sometimes main- 
 tained with difficulty. But against the assertion 
 that the Congo Free State is a creation of the Gen- 
 eral Act of the Berlin Conference, may be arrayed 
 a body of well-settled law which only an unreason- 
 ing enemy or a paid advocate would have the hardi- 
 hood to dispute. 
 
 Long before the Berlin Conference had been con- 
 ceived, acts of government had been effecting or- 
 Simpie ganisation and order in the territory now 
 Facts known as the "Independent State of the 
 
 Briefly Told. Congo. ' ' Legislation, one of the later signs 
 of established government, had occurred in the terri- 
 tory acquired by the Co mite cT Etudes du Haut-Congo,
 
 The State and International Law 67 
 
 of which King Leopold was honorary president and 
 Colonel Strauch president. 
 
 The conception of the State was that of the King 
 personally; the character of its governmental mani- 
 festations was surcharged with his personality; its 
 being was crystallised by his own touch and model- 
 ling. It is error to confound the recognition of the 
 State by the Berlin Conference as the act which 
 created the State. Recognition presupposes exist- 
 ence, and in the case of the Congo Free State there 
 had been, for a considerable time before the adoption 
 of the General Act of the Berlin Conference, a gov- 
 ernment de facto in the territories under the dominion 
 of the Comite d'Ettides du Hattt-Congo. Indeed, be- 
 fore the Berlin Conference had adopted the General 
 Act, the State was qualified to announce, and did 
 notify the Conference, that it had been recognised 
 by all the Powers except one, which, however, soon 
 thereafter followed the example of the other signa- 
 tories. It was as a State, standing on an equality 
 with the other Powers, that the Congo Free State 
 attended the Berlin Conference and, under Article 
 37, adhered to an Act which did not deal with the 
 sovereignty of States at all, but confined itself to 
 a consideration of an economic regime applicable 
 throughout the Congo Basin, including the territories 
 therein of Great Britain, France, Germany, Portugal, 
 and the Congo Free State. Events anterior to its 
 introduction to the Conference as a friendly State 
 by Prince Bismarck do not depend for their quality 
 upon the form of that introduction. They are 
 not destroyed by the peculiarity of phrase or the
 
 68 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 spontaneous honour which accompanied its entrance 
 into the society of nations. That which does not ex- 
 ist cannot be the object of recognition. Even with- 
 out the facts of the recognition by the United States 
 of the State's flag (April 22, 1884) as that of a friendly 
 Government seven months before the Berlin Confer- 
 ence convened, and its recognition by Germany 
 seven days before the opening of the Conference 
 (November 8, 1884), the State contends that it was 
 a State in esse, a Government de facto, fully organ- 
 ised and qualified to maintain itself as such within 
 the territory it had acquired by cession from the 
 native tribal chiefs and by prior occupation. 
 
 An examination of competent authorities on this 
 important phase of Congolese civilisation convinces 
 us that the idle contention which questions the 
 State's independence of the Powers signatory of the 
 General Act of Berlin has been brought forth merely 
 for its cumulative effect, not for its inherent power 
 to sustain itself. 
 
 The subject may be approached by two questions : 
 What is a State? What is a Government? 
 
 ' ' A State . . . implies the union of a number 
 of individuals in a fixed territory, and under one 
 central authority. Austria-Hungary is a State, but, 
 as Prince Gortchakoff once sarcastically remarked, 
 'It is a Government, and not a nation.' " 
 
 The Constitution of the United States defines the 
 term State as combining the idea of people, territory, 
 and government. Defining the difference between 
 a government in law and a government in fact, Mon- 
 tague Bernard says, in Neutrality of Great Britain
 
 The State and International Law 69 
 
 during American Civil War: '' A de jure government 
 is one which, in the opinion of the person using the 
 phrase, ought to possess the powers of sovereignty, 
 though at the time it may be deprived of them. A 
 de facto government is one which is really in posses- 
 sion of them, although the possession ma}^ be wrong- 
 ful or precarious." 
 
 In Tharington v. Smith, 8 Wallace, 8-1 1, the 
 Court said: 
 
 There are several degrees of what is called de facto govern- 
 ment. Such a government in its highest degree assumes a 
 character very closely resembling that of a lawful government. 
 . . . There is another species of de facto government, and 
 it is one which may be perhaps aptly called a government 
 of paramount force. Its distinguishing characteristics are: 
 That its existence is maintained by active military power, 
 within the territories . . . etc." 
 
 In Wheaton's Elements of International Law, the 
 latest edition of the leading authority on the subject, 
 the author maintains that: 
 
 The recognition of any State by other States, and its ad- 
 mission into the general society of nations, may depend, or 
 may be made to depend, at the will of those other States, upon 
 its internal constitution or form of government, or the choice 
 it may make of its rulers. But whatever be its internal con- 
 stitution, or form of government, or whoever may be its rulers, 
 or even if it be distracted with anarchy, through a violent con- 
 test for the government between different parties among the 
 people, the State still subsists in contemplation of law, until 
 its sovereignty is extinguished by the final dissolution of the 
 social tie, or by some other cause which puts an end to the 
 being of the State. 
 
 . . . The internal sovereignty of a State does not, in
 
 70 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 any degree, depend upon its recognition by other States. A 
 new State, springing into existence, does not require the 
 recognition of other States to confirm its internal sovereignty. 
 The existence of the State de facto is sufficient, in this respect, 
 to estabhsh its sovereignty de jure. It is a State because it 
 exists. 
 
 Thus the internal sovereignty of the United States of 
 America was complete from the time they declared them- 
 selves "free, sovereign and independent States," on the 4th of 
 July, 1776. . . . The treaty of peace of 1782 contained a 
 recognition of their independence, not a grant of it. 
 
 The external sovereignty of any State, on the other hand, 
 may require recognition by other States in order to render it 
 perfect and complete. So long, indeed, as the new State con- 
 fines its action to its own citizens, and to the limits of its own 
 territory, it may well dispense with such recognition. 
 
 The principles thus indicated would appear to dis- 
 tinguish with marked certitude the vast difference 
 between the State's existence and its recognition. 
 The latter was a political consequence of the former. 
 At the Berlin Conference no question was raised con- 
 cerning a fact so patent, nor did the signatories dis- 
 tinguish between the five Powers in possession of the 
 Congo Basin in framing the clauses of the Berlin Act 
 imposing the same obligations on all these Govern- 
 ments. Those obligations related only to their 
 economic regime in Central Africa. The articles of 
 the Act concerning the Congo Basin, which applied 
 to the Independent State of the Congo, were also 
 binding upon Great Britain, France, Germany, and 
 Portugal. This sign of equality is inconsistent with 
 the notion that the Congo Free State is the vassal 
 territory of the Powers signatory of the General Act 
 of Berlin.
 
 The State and International Law 71 
 
 It has been contended by technicians of the law 
 of nations who are in the service of those who seek 
 to disrupt the Congo Free State, that a State cannot 
 accrue out of a private association, such, for in- 
 stance, as the International African Association or the 
 Comite d' Etudes du Haut-Congo. But just as events 
 are constantly spoiling theories, so had the flag of 
 the Belgians confounded that contention by demon- 
 strating in a practical manner that a State did exist, 
 and that all the elements of a State government were 
 present in the neighbourhood of Stanley Pool long 
 before the Berlin Conference. 
 
 The identity of a State consists in its having the same origin 
 or commencement of existence; and its difference from all 
 other States consists in its having a different origin or com- 
 mencement of existence. . . . The habitual obedience of 
 the members of any political society to a superior authority 
 must have once existed in order to constitute a sovereign 
 State.' 
 
 American writers on the subject are of opinion 
 that the North American Indian in his aboriginal 
 state was not a political unit of the United States at 
 the time when the Union declared its independence. 
 In Johnson v. Mcintosh, 8 Wheaton, p. 543, Chief- 
 Justice Marshall described their status in the follow- 
 ing language: 
 
 The Indian inhabitants of the United States are to be con- 
 sidered merely as occupants, to be protected, indeed, while 
 in peace, in the possession of their lands, but to be deemed in- 
 capable of transferring the absolute title to others independent 
 of territorial sovereignty. 
 
 * Wheaton 's International Law.
 
 72 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 To this may be added the apposite declaration of 
 Mr. Fish, Secretary of State, to Mr. Hackett, June 
 12, 1873: 
 
 Aboriginal inhabitants in a savage state have not such a 
 title to the land where they dwell or roam as entitle them to 
 confer it upon persons from another country. 
 
 The Congo State law to which the foregoing decla- 
 ration applies will be discussed in the chapter on the 
 State Lands and Concessions. The citation 
 FaU*^^"^^ is offered here merely for its general bear- 
 ing upon the doctrine put forth by certain 
 writers who contend that barbarous races living in 
 primitive conditions upon lands over which civilised 
 government has not been established, attain to the 
 organic level of political units or citizenship upon 
 the recognition of the government which dominates 
 them with either its civil or its military power. 
 That doctrine, it seems to us, is untenable. There 
 is, on the other hand, no doubt that savage races 
 can, by the symbols and the operating functions of 
 government, humanely enforced according to the 
 conditions with which it must cope, be brought to 
 the knowledge of, and obedience to, an orderly civil 
 commimity. The instruments of civilisation must 
 vary with the various character of the life upon 
 which they are to operate effectively. Yet there 
 are strabismic monitors of African civilisation who, 
 representing no high moral standard in themselves, 
 have laid down a rule of conduct for the Congo 
 Free State which disregards that principle. It has 
 been this narrow view of a liberal civilising scheme
 
 The State and International Law 73 
 
 that has caused so much mischievous mewUng in 
 Great Britain concerning alleged misrule in Central 
 Africa. 
 
 The foundation of the Congo Free State really 
 began with the organised movement and structures 
 of the Comite d' Etudes du Haut-Congo on November 
 25, 1878. The expedition of Stanley on August 14, 
 1879, was an earnest of the Committee's intention to 
 establish the institutions of a permanent local gov- 
 ernment with all practicable speed. 
 
 The Belgian post of Vivi was the first monument 
 fixed in the wake of Stanley. On February 21, 1880, 
 Isanghila was established, and on May i, 1881, Man- 
 yanga was occupied. In the following December the 
 expedition arrived at Stanley Pool, and reconstructed 
 the steamboat En Avant, which, having been disman- 
 tled, had been carried in small sections through the 
 forest to this point above the cataracts. In a short 
 time this pioneer craft bore Stanley up the Congo 
 River to accomplish the dream of Leopold II. 
 
 Many stations were established, steamers began 
 running between them, treaties were concluded with 
 the chiefs of independent native tribes to protect 
 the territory so occupied against the claims of sub- 
 sequent explorers; administrative and police serv- 
 ices were required, and all the effective essentials of 
 a central authority and an actual government were 
 then and there established. 
 
 At this juncture the Committee changed its name 
 to the International Congo Association and re- 
 doubled its activities. The Niadi Kwilu Basin 
 was explored; that important factor in late Congo
 
 74 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 prosperity, the Upper Kassai, was brought under the 
 influence of Belgian regeneration, and the Lunda 
 country and districts beyond were taken within the 
 Government's sphere. 
 
 In five years discoveries of great value had been 
 made in Darkest Africa, hundreds of tribes had been 
 peacefully visited, over five hundred treaties of 
 suzerainty had been made with the ruling chiefs, 
 forty stations had been erected and their comple- 
 ment of officers put to the work of administering 
 a definite system of local government, and five 
 steamers on the Upper Congo were regularly com- 
 municating the affairs of a Government which now 
 effectively controlled all the territory between the 
 East Coast and Stanley Falls, between Bangala and 
 Luluabourg." 
 
 This, then, was the position of the Government 
 in the Congo Basin in 1883, long before the Berlin 
 Conference. The status that Government acquired 
 as a consequence of its administrative acts in, and 
 dominion over, the territory it occupied, has been 
 briefly indicated from the point of view of Ameri- 
 can authorities on the subject of international law. 
 Before examining the leading European authorities, 
 whose approaches to the subject are peculiar to 
 European experience and learning, it is interesting 
 to observe how consistently the action of the Govern- 
 ment of the United States followed the American 
 view of the law on the subject. 
 
 Baron A. Descamps' New Africa, an excellent 
 essay on government civilisation in new countries, 
 
 * L'Etat Independant du Congo, M. Wauters, p. 27.
 
 The State and International Law 75 
 
 embodies a concise statement of what occurred in the 
 fortiines of the infant State early in 1884, when its 
 progressive work had extended a civilising 
 influence to those regions of the Congo Basin Belgian, 
 where the Arab slave trade had not retained 
 its devastating sway. The writer says: 
 
 The practical sympathy speedily accorded to the Interna- 
 tional Congo Association by the greatest Power of the New 
 World, the United States of America, full of life and vigour 
 and ever inclined to progress, proved that King Leopold's 
 enterprise had secured public support and official suffrage 
 far beyond the limits of Europe. On April lo, 1884, 
 the American Senate, on Mr. Morgan's remarkable report,^ 
 passed a resolution asking the President of the United States 
 to recognise the Association "as the governing power of the 
 Congo." A few days later, on April 22, 1884, that recognition 
 was an accomplished fact. In officially recalling, at the open- 
 ing of the Berlin Conference, the nature and cause of this 
 great Act, Mr. Kasson, Chief Plenipotentiary of the United 
 States, pointed out that, following upon Stanley's explora- 
 tions, the newly discovered regions "would be exposed to the 
 dangerous rivalries of conflicting nationalities. It was the 
 earnest desire of the Government of the United States that 
 these discoveries should be utilised for the civilisation of the 
 native races, and for the abolition of the slave-trade; and 
 that early action should be taken to avoid international con- 
 flicts likely to arise from national rivalry in the acquisition 
 of special privileges in the vast region so suddenly exposed 
 to commercial enterprises." Referring to the work so ef- 
 fectively performed by the International Congo Association 
 "under high and philanthropic European patronage," he said 
 
 ' See Compilation of Reports of Committee on Foreign Relations. 
 United States Senate. Recognition of Congo Free State. March 26, 
 1884, Washington, Government Printing Office, 1902. Vol. vi., p. 221. 
 The appendices include, among other documents, the notes of Sir 
 Travcrs Twiss and Mr. Arntz.
 
 7^ Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 that those gallant pioneers of civilisation had "obtained con- 
 cessions and jurisdiction throughout the basin of the Congo 
 from the native sovereignties which were the sole authorities 
 existing there and exercising dominion over the soil or the 
 people. They immediately proceeded," added he, "to es- 
 tablish a Government de facto.'' Declaring next that the 
 legality of the acts of that Government should be recognised, 
 under penalty of recognising "neither law, order, nor justice 
 in all that region," he concluded as follows: "The President 
 of the United States, on being duly informed of this organisa- 
 tion, and of their peacefully acquired rights, of their means of 
 protecting persons and property, and of their just purposes 
 towards all foreign nations, recognised the actual government 
 established, and the flag adopted by this Association. Their 
 rights were grounded on the consent of the native inhabitants, 
 in a country actually occupied by them, and whose routes of 
 commerce and travel were under their actual control and ad- 
 ministration. He believed that in thus recognising the only 
 dominant flag found in that country he acted in the common 
 interest of civilised nations." 
 
 "In so far," said the American Plenipotentiary, "as this 
 neutral and peaceful zone shall be expanded, so far he foresees 
 the strengthening of the guarantees of peace, of African civ- 
 ilisation, and of profitable commerce with the whole family 
 of nations." ^ 
 
 Such was the position taken up by the United States of 
 America in regard to the recognition of the newly installed 
 government in Equatorial Africa. Germany was the first 
 European Power to consider this subject of recognition, and 
 to accord to the new enterprise marks of its sympathy and 
 the support of its authority. In acknowledging, by the Con- 
 vention of November 8, 1884, concluded before the Berlin Con- 
 ference opened, the flag of the International Congo Association 
 "as that of a friendly State," the German Government clearly 
 indicated that, so far as it was concerned, the new State 
 
 ^ Protocoles et Acte General de la Conference de Berlin (1884-85), 
 p. 23 ss.
 
 The State and International Law ^^ 
 
 ought to take its place from the first among the Powers called 
 to the Conference. 
 
 M. Ernest Nys, Professor of International Law of 
 the University of Brussels, Associate Justice of 
 the Court of Appeal {Conseiller a la Cour Another 
 d'Appel de Bruxelles) ; member of the Insti- Learned 
 tute of International Law, a distinguished ^ ^^^° 
 Belgian, and writer on several branches of the law, 
 sets forth with greater detail the precise form of the 
 recognition of the Congo Free State by the Senate of 
 the United States. M. Nys relates: 
 
 In his annual message to Congress the President of the 
 United States raised the question of the relations which were 
 henceforth to be established between the Republic and "the 
 inhabitants of the Congo Valley in Africa." On 26th May, 
 1884, Mr. Morgan (Alabama) reported to the Senate in the 
 name of the Committee on Foreign Relations. 
 
 On 1 8th January, 1884, a communication from Mr. Freling- 
 huysen, Secretary of the State Department, explained to Mr. 
 Morgan how along the Congo the African International As- 
 sociation had created important establishments. On 13th 
 March of the same year a further communication from Mr. 
 Frelinghuysen set forth the opportuneness and the usefulness 
 of recognising the flag of the Association, and added that no 
 principle of international law was opposed to the creation of a 
 State by a philanthropical society. 
 
 In his report of 26th March Mr. Morgan recalled the fact 
 that Stanley had concluded at Vivi on 13th June, 1880, the 
 first convention with a native chief, and that since that date 
 nearly a hundred other treaties between tribal chiefs and the 
 agents of the Association had been concluded, in which im- 
 portant commercial arrangements and stipulations relative 
 to law, the maintenance of order, and the delegation of power 
 figured among the provisions. Consequently two hypotheses 
 presented themselves. " If the local rulers," said Mr. Morgan,
 
 78 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 "were qualified to make the cession they did, the sovereign 
 power that they conferred on the African International Asso- 
 ciation might obtain recognition on the part of other nations 
 precisely because that Association thus proves its exist- 
 ence as a Government by law. If," he added, "there exists 
 any doubt concerning the sovereignty or the territory or the 
 subjects, the understanding among the native tribes who 
 conclude treaties with the Association offers a sufficient guar- 
 antee to other peoples for recognising the Association as a 
 Government in fact." 
 
 The Committee on Foreign Relations made a motion in fa- 
 vour of the recognition of the Association. It is permissible 
 to affirm that at this moment a juridical person already ex- 
 isted, which could claim the principal rights of a State, and 
 which found itself prepared to fulfil the duties of one. The 
 first direction of the efforts of the Committee for studying the 
 Upper Congo had been indicated in July, 1879, in the in- 
 structions given to Stanley. "It would be wise," wrote 
 Colonel Strauch, "to extend the influence of the stations over 
 the chiefs and tribes inhabiting the neighbourhood. There 
 might be made out of them a republican confederation of free 
 Negroes, an independent confederation under this reserva- 
 tion, that the King, to whom its conception and creation 
 would be due, should nominate its President who was to re- 
 side in Europe. ... A confederacy thus formed might 
 of its own authority grant concessions to companies for the 
 construction of works of public utility, or issue loans, as 
 Liberia and Sarawak do, and also itself execute public works. 
 Our enterprise does not tend to the creation of a Belgian 
 Colony but to the establishment of a powerful Negro State." ' 
 But the political idea was not slow in taking a precise form. 
 If in Mr. Morgan's report there is still question of the Free 
 States of the Congo the conclusion did not the less relate, as we 
 have just seen, to the African International Association. 
 
 It was it which was [sic], according to the Committee on 
 
 ' F. Cattier, Droit et Administration de VEtat Independant du Congo, 
 1898, p. 17.
 
 The State and International Law 79 
 
 Foreign Relations of the Senate, in law or in fact a "Govern- 
 ment" qualified to claim international recognition. 
 
 Besides, the solution was very soon effected. The Govern- 
 ment of the United States recorded the existence of The 
 International Association of the Congo, managing the inter- 
 ests of the Free States established in that region, and gave 
 orders to all United States officials on sea and on land to 
 recognise the flag of the International Association as the 
 equal of that of a friendly Government. 
 
 The following is the text of the declarations which 
 were exchanged on 2 2d. April, 1884: 
 
 The International Association of the Congo hereby de- 
 clares that by Treaties with the legitimate Sovereigns in the 
 basins of the Congo and of the Niadi Kwilu and in adjacent 
 territories upon the Atlantic there has been ceded to it terri- 
 tory for the use and benefit of Free States established and 
 being established under the care and supervision of the said 
 Association in the said basins and adjacent territories to 
 which cession the said Free States of right succeed. 
 
 That the said International Association had adopted for 
 itself and for the said Free States, as their standard, the flag 
 of the International African Association, being a blue flag 
 with a golden star in the centre. 
 
 That the said Association and the said States have resolved 
 to levy no custom-house duties upon goods or articles of mer- 
 chandise imported into their territories or brought by the 
 route which has been constructed around the Congo cataracts ; 
 this the}^ have done with a view of enabling commerce to 
 penetrate into Equatorial Africa. 
 
 That they guarantee to foreigners settling in their terri- 
 tories the right to purchase, sell, or lease lands and buildings 
 situated therein; to establish commercial houses, and to 
 carry on trade upon the sole condition that they shall obey 
 the laws. They pledge themselves, moreover, never to grant 
 to the citizens of one nation any advantages without imme-
 
 8o Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 diately extending the same to tlie citizens of all other nations, 
 and to do all in their power to prevent the slave trade. 
 
 In testimony whereof, Henry S. Sanford, duly empowered 
 therefor by the said Association, acting for itself and for the 
 said Free States, has hereunto set his hand and affixed his seal 
 this 22nd day of April, 1884, in the City of Washington. 
 (L. S.) (Signed) H. S. Sanford. 
 
 Frederick T. Frelinghuysen, Secretary of State, duly em- 
 powered therefor by the President of the United States of 
 America, and pursuant to the advice and consent of the Sen- 
 ate, heretofore given, acknowledges the receipt of the fore- 
 going notification from the International Association of the 
 Congo, and declares that, in harmony with the traditional 
 policy of the United States, which enjoins a proper regard for 
 the commercial interests of their citizens, while at the same 
 time avoiding interference with controversies between other 
 Powers as well as alliances with foreign nations, the Govern- 
 ment of the United States announces its sympathy with, and 
 approval of, the humane and benevolent purposes of the In- 
 ternational Association of the Congo, administering, as it 
 does, the interests of the Free States there established, and 
 will order the officers of the United States, both on land and 
 sea, to recognise the flag of the International African Associa- 
 tion as the flag of a friendly Government. 
 
 In testimony whereof, he has hereunto set his hand and 
 affixed his seal this 22nd day of April, A. D. 1884, in the City 
 of Washington. 
 
 (L. S.) (Signed) Frederick T. Frelinghuysen. 
 
 We observe in the spontaneous recognition ac- 
 corded the youthful State — whatever its form of 
 government may have been — prompt ad- 
 states mission of its quaHfication as a member of 
 Leads the d^q society of nations. This was before 
 
 Wav 
 
 the signatory Powers to the General Act of 
 Berlin had opportunity of indicating that sympathy
 
 The State and International Law 8i 
 
 which they expressed in substantial terms when they 
 followed the example of the United States and 
 Germany, and invited the Congo Government to par- 
 ticipate in the Berlin Conference as a friendly State 
 invested with all the attributes of statehood which 
 their recognition implied. 
 
 It is contended by the advocates of the Congo 
 Free State that the form of its government at any 
 time before or after recognition can not in the 
 slightest degree affect the question of the State's 
 actual existence. It matters not, say the European 
 authorities — Barboux, Picard, N3^s, Descamps, Van 
 Berchem, Azcarate, de Martens, and Pierantoni, 
 whether the earlier Government was composed of 
 "federated Negro tribes"; a State ruled by mon- 
 archy; territorial and tribal allegiance to an organ- 
 ised central authority; by an autocrat employing 
 civil and military powers, or any other scheme of 
 equitable and civilised domination. The right of 
 the Government to exist cannot be destroyed by 
 latter-day technicalities of law adroitly applied. The 
 point to be noted, says Baron Descamps, is that "the 
 claim to the occupation of vacant territories and 
 to the acquirement by cession of sovereign rights 
 was not inferior to the titles relied upon by European 
 Powers in the course of their colonial expansion." 
 All this was an element patent in the State's founda- 
 tion, obviously understood and admitted by the 
 Powers which, while they assumed that the Congo 
 Basin contained nothing of material or political 
 value to excite their cupidity, they recognised and 
 treated on a basis of equality — so far, at least,
 
 82 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 as the considerations of the Berhn Conference are 
 concerned. 
 
 In the present chapter have been briefly consid- 
 ered the legal and ethical aspects of the birth and 
 baptism of the Congo Free State, its romantic evolu- 
 tion from the enlightened forces put into play by the 
 indomitable personal powers of a Prince of the House 
 of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha. In a succeeding chapter will 
 be observed how the obligations imposed by the 
 General Act of Berlin were discharged by the several 
 Powers which assumed them.' 
 
 ' For a full report of the Committee on Foreign Relations to the 
 Senate of the United States, March 26, 1884, together with the Treaties 
 of Vivi, Leopoldville, Manyanga, and Stephanieville, see Appendix.
 
 « 
 
 pq
 
 CHAPTER VII 
 HORRORS OF THE ARAB SLAVE TRADE 
 
 SLAVERY: the absolute, irresponsible ownership 
 of one class of human beings by another class ; 
 a contract in which the only factors are might 
 on the one side and helplessness on the 
 other; servitude exacted by force. ^^T^Y 
 
 ' -^ Defined. 
 
 Slavery has existed in all countries from 
 the earliest recorded periods. The most enlightened 
 philosophers of ancient Greece and Rome were un- 
 able to conceive a community of which a section was 
 not enslaved by the rest. 
 
 As a system, slavery, by its long-continued, uni- 
 versal practice, and the simple solution it affords of 
 what in our modern world is referred to as the 
 labour difficulty, appeals to two powerful human 
 instincts: conservatism and cupidity. The ethical 
 unfairness of one man's being made wholly subserv- 
 ient to the will of another; forced to labour for 
 him without reward; his chattel to retain, sell, or 
 slay, as though he were a horse or a dog, was per- 
 ceived from the earliest times. But those most in- 
 terested in the overthrow of the system, the slaves 
 themselves, being ignorant, and purposely kept in 
 that condition by their taskmasters, suffered on, cen- 
 tury after century, finding no champion for their 
 
 83
 
 84 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 cause until the advent of the Redeemer of Mankind, 
 preaching universal brotherhood and equal rights for 
 all men. 
 
 But the greater the wrong the longer it takes to 
 right it, and Christ's words were but the seed from 
 which has sprung our great harvest of freedom. It 
 has been a harvest of slow growth. For ages after 
 the divine words were spoken on behalf of the slave 
 by the first and greatest of his advocates, slavery 
 was still regarded by many nations as indispens- 
 able to their existence. Indeed, eighteen centuries 
 elapsed before there was any appreciable awakening 
 to the deep infamy of slavery. It occurred in Eng- 
 land, and was the result of the unwearied efforts of 
 a small band of enthusiasts, whose labours, like those 
 of all reformers, were at first derided. 
 
 England, though free from the curse of slavery 
 within her own proper borders, had in the course of 
 history done as much as, nay, more than, any other 
 nation to enslave the Negro. She had acquired him 
 in Africa by thousands in exchange for guns, knives, 
 alcohol, and dry goods ; had transported him across 
 the Atlantic to her American cotton plantations in a 
 manner compared with which a modem steerage 
 emigrant's experience may be regarded as a luxuri- 
 ous cruise; and had then extracted the utmost 
 amount of work from him by the aid of the lash. 
 
 All the vested interests created by this traffic, long 
 persevered in, as well as the callousness engendered 
 by its brutality, had to be fought against England's 
 and overthrown by a small band of Libera- Retribution, 
 tionists, aided by nothing but their enthusiasm
 
 3 
 o 
 u 
 O 
 
 pq 
 
 n 
 
 L 

 
 Horrors of the Arab Slave Trade 85 
 
 and a just cause. Nevertheless they daily gathered 
 strength, and finally succeeded in inducing the Brit- 
 ish Parliament to vote a hundred miUion dollars for 
 the purchase and liberation of every slave in every 
 country where the British flag flies. This grand 
 event took place in the year 1830. 
 
 Three decades later came that tremendous convul- 
 sion in the United States, the like of which the world 
 has not seen. It was resolved by the United j^^^ pj j^^ 
 States Government to free the slaves, for Right 
 slavery being a system never deliberately ^^^ Umon. 
 adopted by the United States, but inherited, as it 
 were, from the English Colonial regime, of which 
 they had by revolution become the successors. The 
 slaveholding Southern States, resisting the new law, 
 sought to withdraw from the Union, and civil war 
 ensued, in which the Abolitionists were entirely 
 successful, but at an appalling cost in men and 
 money. 
 
 It has been necessary to refer thus briefly to 
 the history of slavery because of the strangely pre- 
 valent opinon that when peace was restored 
 within the United States, and slavery ^ Common 
 
 •^ Error. 
 
 finally abolished there, slavery no longer 
 existed in the world. True, it was known that 
 there was a sort of domestic service, chiefly of 
 women, akin to slavery, practised in China, Persia, 
 and some minor Oriental countries; but that was 
 thought to be all. It came, therefore, as a rude 
 shock to civilised humanity when travellers of un- 
 questionable veracity, such as Dr. Livingstone, Sir 
 Samuel Baker, and Henry M. Stanley, demonstrated
 
 86 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 that the slave trade not only still existed throughout 
 vast regions in Africa, but was rampant there in its 
 most atrocious aspect. At first it was hardly real- 
 ised that the labours of Granville Sharpe, Clarkson, 
 and Wilberforce, the monetary sacrifices of England, 
 and the devastating war in America had, taken 
 together, fallen so far short of complete triumph. 
 But the evidence was overwhelming that such was 
 indeed the case, the Soudan, the Upper Nile, and the 
 basins of the Congo and the great lakes — more than 
 a third of all Africa, exceeding in area the whole of 
 Europe — being still the field of the iniquity. The 
 Sultans of petty states in the Soudan were shown to 
 be, for the most part, chiefs of ferocious Arab tribes 
 who thrived by raiding Central African villages and 
 carrying off their inhabitants, whom they sold for 
 slaves. The cruelties attending their marauding 
 operations were too great to admit of exaggeration. 
 "All over Africa," wrote Schweinfurth, a German 
 traveller, "dried human skeletons show where the 
 slave-trader has passed." 
 
 Acting under heavy pressure brought to bear upon 
 it by the an ti -slavery humanitarians in England 
 the British Government coerced the Khedive of 
 Egypt into signing a convention having for its object 
 the suppression of slavery within his dominions. In 
 order to carry out the engagement into which he 
 had entered, the Khedive appointed General Gordon 
 Governor of the Soudan, and that remarkable man, 
 during the six years that he held that office, dis- 
 played so much energy and skill that he succeeded in 
 utterly eradicating the evil throughout the entire
 
 Horrors of the Arab Slave Trade 87 
 
 region placed under his control. Nevertheless, the 
 general result was not so good as had been hoped 
 for; the slave-traders, despoiled of their hunting- 
 grounds in the Egyptian Soudan, pursuing their 
 nefarious occupation with redoubled vigour on Lake 
 Tanganyika and the Upper Congo. With what ex- 
 tremity of horror they conducted their 
 operations has been so graphically de- j^ words. 
 scribed by a Belgian merchant, M. Hodister, 
 that we make no apology for quoting his account 
 in full. 
 
 It is four o'clock in the morning [says M. Hodister]. A 
 great calm prevails, only the soft and melancholy cry of the 
 African owl is to be heard. The village sentinels are either 
 withdrawn, or squatting low, asleep; the houses are closed; 
 every one sleeps; all is repose; the sense of security is abso- 
 lute. Suddenly the sound of a gun, then cries of terror are 
 raised, breaking the great silence, followed by a fusillade, 
 which seems to come from all sides, piercing the straw walls. 
 The boatmen have fired, leaving their canoes to their women; 
 they have rushed forward, attacking the village in front, 
 while the others are assailing it from the rear. The inhabit- 
 ants, suddenly roused from their sleep, rush terrified from 
 their houses. They are panic-stricken, and forget wives, 
 children, everything. Their one thought is of flight — to 
 conceal themselves in the wood. The panic is at its height; 
 rifle shots, horrible cries, resound, mixing with the shrieks of 
 fear from the women and children. Then follow the stifled 
 noise of a struggle at close quarters, of falling bodies, a sup- 
 pressed groan, sharp cries of agony. The ground shakes 
 under the tread of the combatants and fugitives. Soon 
 afterwards appears a star in the blackness of the night, and a 
 dry, crackling sound is heard. It is a detached hut fired by 
 the enemy to light them in their work without the risk of 
 burning the whole village. Before doing that, they wish to
 
 88 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 pillage it. Meanwhile, a few of the inhabitants have seized 
 their weapons and attempt some resistance; but in a little 
 time this is overcome by superior numbers. To the noise of 
 the fight succeed the cries of the prisoners, of the wounded 
 and the dying. The horizon lightens ; the sun has risen sud- 
 denly and illumined this field of carnage and desolation. 
 Then the Arabs kill the wounded, bind their prisoners, and 
 begin to plunder the village. Every house is visited and de- 
 spoiled of its contents. Where in the evening there had been 
 a pretty village, surrounded by a plantation like a covering of 
 verdure, a gay and happy population, there is now a great 
 black, empty spot; for on the completion of the sack the vil- 
 lage had been set on fire and burned to the ground. Men, 
 women, and children, tied together promiscuously, corpses 
 strewing the ground, blood puddles emitting an acrid smell, 
 and the assassins, horrible in their war paint, which during 
 the struggle has run with their sweat and blood, complete the 
 picture. 
 
 Bound together in groups by stout cords around 
 their waists and necks, the wretched procession of 
 captives, often two or three thousand in number, 
 was, after an incident such as this, marched to the 
 coast. Generally, at least a third of them died by 
 the way. The sick and the lamed, unable to main- 
 tain the desired pace, were weeded out at each halt- 
 ing-place and ruthlessly butchered by their captors. 
 
 It will require no very inventive imagination to 
 appreciate the magnitude of the difficulties confront- 
 ing the Belgian pioneers in their effort to 
 iean^Ta"k ^uppress slavery, carried on with such fero- 
 cious brutality over an area so vast as Cent- 
 ral Africa. Yet that was but one of several tasks 
 enjoined upon them by their King; but it was first 
 in order and importance, and until it was accom-
 
 Horrors of the Arab Slave Trade 89 
 
 plished little or no progress in other respects could 
 be hoped for. ' ' Crime is not punished as an offence 
 against God, but as prejudicial to society," says the 
 historian Froude. King Leopold saw in the crime 
 of slavery both the offence to God and the prejudice 
 to man, and was prepared to exert his utmost energy 
 and, if necessary, expend the last franc of his private 
 fortune, to stamp out the evil. In this heroic en- 
 deavour his Majesty was ably seconded by his min- 
 ister, the distinguished Baron Lambermont, who has 
 recorded his opinion of slavery in these words : ' ' The 
 slave trade is the very denial of every law, of all 
 social order. Man-hunting constitutes a crime of 
 high treason against humanity. It ought to be re- 
 pressed wherever it can be reached, on land as well 
 as by sea." 
 
 It is not claimed that there is anything original 
 in the sentiment that animates this well-expressed 
 sentence. Similar views to those of Baron Lamber- 
 mont have been held by all great thinkers since the 
 establishment of the Christian religion; but it is 
 referred to in this place as an additional proof, if 
 any were needed, of the high moral purpose under- 
 lying the entei*prise of the King of the Belgians, and 
 to show how that moral purpose was sympathised 
 with and shared by his Majesty's ministers and the 
 Belgian people. 
 
 That every religious sect without exception has 
 denounced slavery as the blackest spot sullying the 
 fair fame of the nineteenth century need not be re- 
 iterated. In logical sequence, every religious sect was 
 prepared to assist, morally and materially, in the
 
 90 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 removal of a disgrace which was felt to reflect upon 
 every civilised community. In an encyclical, dated 
 5th of May, 1888, addressed by Pope Leo XIII. to 
 the bishops of Brazil, congratulating them upon the 
 abolition of slavery in their country, his Holiness 
 referred to the deplorable condition of the Negro in 
 Central Africa, and called upon "all who wield 
 power, those who sway empires, those who desire 
 that the rights of nature and humanity be respected, 
 and those who desire the progress of religion, to unite 
 everywhere to secure the abolition of this most 
 shameful and criminal traffic." 
 
 This noble appeal touched the hearts of thousands 
 in every nation of Europe and in America. For Car- 
 Pope dinal Lavigerie, the Belgian prelate, who 
 Leo XIII. had so long laboured on behalf of the op- 
 en Slavery, pj-gggg^j Congolese, it had a special signifi- 
 cance, inspiring him with renewed courage and energy 
 in his glorious work. When, for the first time in 
 history, a small band of Christian Negroes from 
 Central Africa was received in audience by the Pope, 
 a few days after the issue of this encyclical, Leo 
 XIII., replying to the address of Cardinal Lavigerie, 
 who had presented them, said: 
 
 Since We have been Pope, Our regards have turned towards 
 that disinherited land, Central Africa. Our heart has been 
 touched at the thought of the enormous amount of physical 
 and moral misery that exists there. We have repeatedly 
 urged all those who have power in their hands to put a stop 
 to the hideous traffic called the clave trade, and to use all 
 and every means to secure that end. And, inasmuch as the 
 African continent is the principal scene of this traffic and, as 
 it were, the house of slavery, We recommend all missionaries
 
 Horrors of the Arab Slave Trade 91 
 
 who there preach the Holy Gospel to devote their whole 
 efforts, their whole life, to this sublime work of redemption. 
 But it is upon you, Cardinal, that We count especially for 
 success. 
 
 Cardinal Lavigerie's practical reply to this direct 
 personal appeal from the head of his Church was the 
 formation in Belgium of the Anti-Slavery Society. 
 The agitation on behalf of the Negro was not con- 
 fined to Catholics. Among the friends of the move- 
 ment were to be found the best of every creed as of 
 every nation. Great conventions were held in Ger- 
 many and England having for their object the sup- 
 pression of slavery in Central Africa, and societies 
 formed in those countries; and France, Austria, 
 Switzerland, Italy, Spain, and Portugal quickly fol- 
 lowed suit. Though "man's inhumanity to man 
 makes countless thousands mourn, " it was now sho^\Ti 
 to be also potent to arouse some of the best instincts 
 of human nature to assure its suppression. At last 
 the horrors of the African slave trade were adequately 
 realised, and the world applauded Leopold, King of 
 the Belgians, for his arduous labours for its extinc- 
 tion, and was anxious to strengthen his hands for 
 grappling with the still formidable work that re- 
 mained to do.
 
 CHAPTER VIII 
 THE BERLIN CONFERENCE 
 
 A CLEAR view of the position of the State pre- 
 vious to the adoption of the resolutions 
 known as the General Act of the Berlin Con- 
 ference may be had from a summary of the signal 
 events which had marked its formative period. 
 
 The Congo Free State was bom of the Congo 
 International Association founded by his Majesty, 
 Leopold II. in 1883, while Stanley was in his service. 
 Prior to the legal foundation of the State, the Asso- 
 ciation had obtained recognition of its sovereignty 
 as hereinbefore indicated. By treaties concluded in 
 1884 and 1885 with the United States and with many 
 of the European Powers, it adhered, on the 25th of 
 February, 1885, to the resolutions of the Berlin Con- 
 ference, which, embodied in a General Act, established, 
 amongst other things, freedom of trade throughout 
 the Congo Basin, and declared free navigation on the 
 xjjg Congo River, its tributaries, and the lakes 
 
 General Act and canals connected therewith. The text 
 of Berlin. ^^ ^^^^ General Act of Berlin, so far as it 
 relates to the Congo, is fully set forth in an appen- 
 dix. The principal subjects contained in the Act 
 which may concern the reader are briefly stated: 
 
 I. A Declaration relative to freedom of trade in the Basin 
 
 92
 
 CQ
 
 The Berlin Conference 93 
 
 of the Congo, its embouchures and circumjacent regions, with 
 other provisions connected therewith. 
 
 2. A Declaration relative to the Slave Trade, and the opera- 
 tions by sea or land which furnish slaves to that trade. 
 
 3. A Declaration relative to the neutrality of the terri- 
 tories comprised in the Conventional Basin of the Congo. 
 
 4. An Act of Navigation for the Congo, which, while hav- 
 ing regard to local circumstances, extends to this river, its 
 affluents, and the waters in its system (eaiix qui leiir sont 
 assimilees), the general principles enunciated in Articles 
 CVIII. and CXVI. of the Final Act of the Congress of Vienna, 
 and intended to regulate, as between the Signatory Powers of 
 that Act, the free navigation of the waterways separating or 
 traversing several States — these said principles having since 
 then been applied by agreement to certain rivers of Europe 
 and America, but especially to the Danube, with the modifica- 
 tions stipulated by the Treaties of Paris (1856), of Berlin 
 (1878), and of London (of 187 1 and 1883). 
 
 5. An Act of Navigation for the Niger, which, while like- 
 wise having regard to local circumstances, extends to this 
 river and its affluents the same principles as set forth in Ar- 
 ticles CVIII. and CXVI. of the Final Act of the Congress of 
 Vienna. 
 
 6. A Declaration introducing into international relations 
 certain uniform rules with reference to future occupations on 
 the coasts of the African Continent. 
 
 The treaties which, before the adoption of these 
 resolutions on February 26, 1885, the Congo Free 
 vState had concluded with various Powers, were those 
 with the United States of America, dated April 22, 
 1886; Germany, 8th November; Great Britain, i6th 
 December; Italy, 19th December; Spain, 7th Janu- 
 ary, 1885; France, 5th February; Russia on the 
 same day; Sweden and Norway, loth February; 
 Portugal, 14th February; Denmark and Belgium,
 
 94 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 23rd February, These treaties ' were notified to the 
 Conference on the 23rd February, and the neutraUty 
 of the State was declared and pubhshed on the ist 
 August in the same year. 
 
 At the close of the Berlin Conference on 26th 
 February, 1885, Prince Bismarck offered his tribute 
 of appreciation for the work which, de- 
 raise rom j-jyjj^g {^g inspiration from the King of the 
 Belgians, had, by the Powers represented, 
 been formulated into an economic code for the 
 guidance of the four nations, which, besides the 
 Congo Free State, occupied the great Congo Basin. 
 Prince Bismarck's address has the effect of oracular 
 utterance in the light of events since the day when 
 he wisely said that the work of the Conference 
 would be, like every human undertaking, suscep- 
 tible of improvement. The following is the full 
 text of Prince Bismarck's closing speech: 
 
 Gentlemen: — Our Conference, after long and laborious de- 
 liberations, has reached the end of its work, and I am happy 
 to state that, thanks to your efEorts, and to the spirit of con- 
 cihation which has presided at our negotiations, a complete 
 agreement has been estabhshed on all the points of the pro- 
 gramme which was submitted to us. 
 
 The resolutions which we are on the point of sanctioning 
 assure to the commerce of all nations free access to the centre 
 of the African Continent. The guarantees with which com- 
 mercial liberty in the Basin of the Congo will be surrounded, 
 and all the arrangements made in the Acts of Navigation for 
 the Congo and the Niger, are of a nature to offer to the com- 
 
 ' For full text of the treaties with Germany, Great Britain, France, 
 and Portugal, and the Declaration exchanged with Belgium, see 
 Appendix.
 
 The Berlin Conference 95 
 
 merce and tlie industry of all nations the most favourable 
 conditions for their development and security. 
 
 By another series of provisions you have shown your 
 solicitude for the moral and material well-being of the native 
 populations, and there is room to hope that those principles, 
 dictated by a spirit of practical wisdom, will bear fruit and 
 will contribute to bestow on those populations the benefits 
 of civilisation. 
 
 The practical conditions under which are placed the vast 
 regions that you have just opened to commercial enterprise 
 have seemed to exact special guarantees for the maintenance 
 of peace and public order. As a matter of fact, the evils of 
 war would assume a particularly disastrous character if the 
 natives were led to take part in the conflicts of civilised 
 Powers. Justly preoccupied with the dangers that such an 
 eventuality would entail in the interests of commerce and of 
 civilisation, you have sought the means of withdrawing a 
 great part of the African Continent from the vicissitudes of 
 general politics, by restraining these national rivalries to the 
 pacific competition of commerce and industry. 
 
 In the same category you have aimed at preventing the 
 misunderstanding and contests to which new seizures of ter- 
 ritor\^ on the coasts of Africa might give rise. The declara- 
 tion as to the formalities to be complied with in order to 
 make acquisitions of territory effective has introduced into 
 public right a new regulation, which will contribute in its de- 
 gree to remove from international relations causes of dissen- 
 sion and conflict. 
 
 The spirit of mutual good understanding which has dis- 
 tinguished your deliberations has equally presided over the 
 negotiations which have taken place outside the Conference, 
 with the object of regulating difficult questions of delimita- 
 tion between the parties which exercise sovereign rights in the 
 basin of the Congo, and which by the nature of their position 
 are called upon to become the chief guardians of the work 
 which we are about to sanction. 
 
 I cannot touch on this subject without rendering my 
 homage to the noble efforts of His Majesty the King of the
 
 96 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 Belgians, the founder of a work which is to-day recognised by 
 almost all the Powers, and which by its consolidation may 
 render precious services to the cause of humanity. 
 
 Gentlemen, I am charged by His Majesty the Emperor and 
 King, my august master, to express to you his warmest thanks 
 for the part that each of you has taken in the happy accom- 
 plishment of the task of the Conference. 
 
 I fulfil a final duty in making myself the mouthpiece of the 
 gratitude that the Conference owes those of its members who 
 have discharged the difficult labours of the Commission, nota- 
 bly the Baron de Courcel and the Baron Lambermont. I 
 also thank the delegates for the valuable assistance they have 
 afforded us, and I associate with the expression of that grati- 
 tude the Secretaries of the Conference, who by the precision 
 of their work have facilitated our task. 
 
 Gentlemen, the work of the Conference will be, like every 
 human undertaking, susceptible of improvement and perfec- 
 tion; but it will mark, I hope, a step forward in the develop- 
 ment of international relations, and will form a new link of 
 solidarity between civilised nations. 
 
 The brilliant, cordial, and edifying final session of 
 the Berlin Conference presaged no such campaign of 
 Sir Charles calumny as that which has proceeded since 
 Diike Sir Charles Dilke, on gross misinformation 
 
 Astray. purveyed by interested persons, and on 
 what appears to have been his wilful misreading 
 of a book entitled The Fall of the Congo Arabs, 
 attacked the Congo State by moving in the Brit- 
 ish Parliament on April 2, 1897, a measure calling 
 for a new Conference to consider charges which no 
 one had presented, but which, for some inscrut- 
 able reason, this eminent parliamentarian seemed 
 anxious to dignify by sensational legislation. 
 
 When the Berlin Conference concluded its labours,
 
 The Berlin Conference 97 
 
 it was with manifest sympathy for the King of 
 the Belgians and his voluntary pledge to an African 
 task which practically all the participating Powers 
 regarded as impossible of achievement, such were 
 its glaring difficulties. Now, after twenty years of 
 Belgian sacrifice, there are those who, jealous of 
 the achievements in a task they were so anxious to 
 avoid in 1885, must destroy where they cannot reap 
 in 1905. To men of purpose and brave outlook, this 
 is merely one of the many incivilities of civilisation. 
 Success begets envy in one's neighbour; failure often 
 confirms him in his secret contempt. 
 
 In Belgium the completion of the General Act of 
 the Berlin Conference evoked a patriotic feeling of 
 satisfaction which, in its address to the King, the 
 Chamber of Representatives voiced in the following 
 language: "To your Majesty belongs the honour of 
 having conceived the African work, of having pur- 
 sued and developed it by persevering efforts. 
 We felicitate your Majesty on these important re- 
 sults, and, as Belgians, we are proud of the solemn 
 homage rendered by the Powers to the generous and 
 progressive ideas of our Sovereign." The Belgian 
 nation, for a long time uncertain of the result of the 
 philanthropic work of its King in Central Africa, and 
 having observed that other nations had shrunk from 
 this costly task of civilisation, now uttered its senti- 
 ments of approval in many forms. In his speech 
 before the Chamber on March 10, 1885, M. Beer- 
 naert, then Minister of Finance, said, amongst other 
 expressions of hope for the new State, that the merit 
 of the work accomplished "belongs especially to the
 
 9^ Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 initiation, to the persistent energy, and to the sacri- 
 fices of our King." Then, expressing the hope of 
 extended industries — a hope that was largely, if not 
 entirely, the incentive which actuated the Powers 
 Signatory to the Berlin Act — the Minister concluded 
 his address with the belief that the Congo would 
 offer "to our superabundant activity, to our indus- 
 tries more and more confined, outlets by which we 
 shall know how to profit. May the enterprising 
 spirit of our King encourage our countrymen to 
 seek, even at a distance, new sources of greatness 
 and prosperity for our dear country "' The Belgian 
 Chamber and Senate ratified the nation's participa- 
 tion in the General Act of the Berlin Conference 
 without a dissentient voice. 
 
 To the loyal address of his Parliament, the King 
 of the Belgians made reply, graciously acknowledg- 
 ing the support his subjects had given him in his 
 great African work. 
 
 There remained now the making of a Sovereign 
 for the new State, and, having regard to the universal 
 tribute of praise rendered to its founder at the Berlin 
 Conference, it was clear enough, in its opinion, who 
 should continue to direct the destinies of a wild 
 territory in which so much had been accomplished 
 in so short a time. Belgium, however, was not pre- 
 pared, in 1885, to take over the Congo State as her 
 colony. There were, at that time, many consider- 
 ations in Belgium and in the Congo to suggest cau- 
 tion to a naturally conservative Government. The 
 creation of the Congo State had involved many risks 
 and great difficulties. It had required a huge ex-
 
 The Berlin Conference 99 
 
 penditure of money, nearly all of which the King 
 had personally contributed without the slightest 
 assurance that his country or his estate would ever 
 recover it, except in so far as his marvellous fore- 
 sight assured him in this respect. If there were 
 many difficulties at the beginning of his Majesty's 
 African enterprise, there were still greater obstacles 
 to be surmounted. To the ultra-conservative sec- 
 tion of the Belgian Parliament the whole project was 
 still enshrouded in doubt. But the King, having 
 so far borne the risks and the cost of civilising the 
 savage African black man, had also given his country 
 the written assurance that the result of his labours 
 — whatever they were when realised — should be at 
 the disposal, by appropriation or otherwise, of the 
 Belgian nation "without costing her anything." As 
 the theory of a purely personal union between Bel- 
 gium and the Congo State had found much favour, 
 it was proposed that the King of the Belgians should 
 be empowered to become the Sovereign of the Congo 
 Free State without in any respect involving the 
 Belgian nation. 
 
 In this eminently practical proposal the King had 
 taken the initiative in the following letter to his 
 Council of Ministers: 
 
 Gentlemen: — The work created in Africa by the Inter- 
 national African Association has greatly developed. A new 
 State has been founded, its limits are fixed, and its flag is 
 recognised by almost all the Powers. 
 
 There remains to organise a Government and an Adminis- 
 tration on the banks of the Congo. 
 
 The plenipotentiaries of the nations represented at the 
 Berlin Conference have shown themselves favourable to the
 
 loo Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 work undertaken, and since then the two Legislative Cham- 
 bers, the principal towns of the country, and a great number 
 of important bodies and associations have expressed to me 
 on this subject tlie most sympathetic sentiments. 
 
 With such encouragement I could not recoil from the prose- 
 cution and achievement of a task in which I had, as a matter 
 of fact, taken an important part; and since, gentlemen, you 
 consider, as I do, that it may be useful to the country, I beg 
 of you to demand from the Legislative Chambers the assent 
 which is necessary to me. 
 
 The terms of Article 62 of the Constitution describe by 
 themselves the situation which has to be established. 
 
 King of the Belgians, I should at the same time be the 
 Sovereign of another State. 
 
 That State would be independent, like Belgium, and it 
 would enjoy, like her, the benefits of neutrality. 
 
 It would have to provide for its own needs ; and experience 
 based on the example of the neighbouring colonies justifies 
 me in affirming that it would dispose of the necessary 
 resources. 
 
 For its defence and its police it would rely on African forces 
 commanded by European volunteers. 
 
 There would then be between Belgium and the new State 
 only a personal bond. I am convinced that this union would 
 be advantageous for the country, without there being the 
 possibility of imposing any burdens on it in any case. 
 
 If my hopes are realised, I shall find myself sufficiently 
 rewarded for my efforts. The welfare of Belgium, as you 
 know, gentlemen, is the object of my whole life. 
 
 Leopold. 
 
 There were a few obstructionists in the Belgian 
 Parliament who, impelled by an habitual attitude 
 of opposition to all that the dominant political party 
 proposed, offered considerable criticism. They dis- 
 regarded the similar expedients adopted by Prussia, 
 Holland, and Great Britain in reference respectively
 
 The Berlin Conference loi 
 
 to Neuchatel, Luxembotirg, and Hanover. But the 
 spirit of the Belgian people favoured the King's 
 suggestion, and his Majesty's Ministers stood firmly 
 by him. When the vote was called on April 28, 1885, 
 the Chamber passed the following resolution with 
 but one dissentient: 
 
 His Majesty, Leopold II., King of the Belgians, is author- 
 ised to be the chief of the State founded in Africa by the 
 International Association of the Congo. The union between 
 Belgium and the new State of the Congo shall be exclusively 
 personal. 
 
 The Senate two days later having passed a sim- 
 ilar resolution, the King addressed the following 
 acknowledgment to his Ministers: 
 
 Gentlemen: — The Chambers, by voting almost unani- 
 mously the resolution that you submitted to them, have 
 shown themselves convinced that at the same time that I 
 was pursuing, in the general interest, the international African 
 work, I had it at heart to serve the country, to contribute to 
 the augmentation of its wealth, and to increase its reputation 
 in the world. I have asked you to thank, in my name, the 
 Chambers for the mark of high confidence which they have 
 given me. I also beg of you to accept for yourselves the 
 expression of my very sincere gratitude. Believe me, gen- 
 tlemen, your very affectionate 
 
 Leopold. 
 
 Leopold II., King of the Belgians, had now be- 
 come Sovereign of the Congo Free State, a territory 
 with a population estimated as five times larger 
 than the Belgium which he had ruled since 1865. 
 Many foreign bodies, philanthropic, scientific, and 
 commercial, sent their congratulations; the Lord
 
 I02 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 Mayor of London visited the King in state, and of- 
 fered him the felicitations of the British metropoHs, 
 and all the Powers concerned in the Conventional 
 Basin of the Congo expressed their satisfaction with 
 this happy consummation of his Majesty's en- 
 lightened undertaking in Mid-Africa. 
 
 What, by the Berlin Conference had been sanc- 
 tioned, now assumed permanent form, organisation, 
 and well-defined onward movement. There were 
 still difficulties ahead, some of them with the State's 
 neighbours, France and Portugal. Their early ex- 
 actions may be regarded as symptomatic of that 
 febrific goading which has now become the mania 
 of lesser bodies elsewhere. Subsequent conventions 
 with France and Portugal somewhat assured the 
 Congo State that its onward march would not be 
 obstructed by these Powers. On the other hand, 
 the exalted views and edifying principles so generally 
 prevalent at the Berlin Conference soon became 
 stale and innocuous in the official mind of the other 
 Powers who had subscribed to precepts which, from 
 subsequent indifference or self-interest, were dis- 
 regarded. Not the least among the pledges of the 
 Powers of the Berlin Conference was that designed 
 to regulate the importation of alcohol. Consistent 
 with the Christianising aims of its Sovereign, the 
 Congo Free State has fulfilled this pledge in a man- 
 ner to put its neighbours to shame for the large 
 percentage of revenue they derive from a debasing 
 liquor traffic. 
 
 So if the young State started upon its progressive 
 course in 1885-87, having paid a heavy price to
 
 The Berlin Conference 103 
 
 France and to Portugal for freedom to develop under 
 the government of the strong personality of its mag- 
 nanimous Sovereign, it was perhaps because such a 
 course would secure the Congo State to the Belgian 
 nation in accordance with the preconceived purpose 
 of its King. By the Congo-French Convention the 
 basin of the Kwilu and the left bank of the Congo, 
 from Stanley Pool as far north-eastward as its ex- 
 plorations had attained, were assigned to France. 
 On the other hand, it insured to the Congo Free State 
 what constitutes its outlet to the sea, the possession 
 of the district of the Cataracts, and the towns of 
 Boma and Banana at the mouth of the Congo. The 
 Congo-Portuguese Convention assigned to Portugal 
 territory south of the Congo as far as Noki, and along 
 the parallel of Noki to its intersection by the river 
 Kwango, which from that point was designated as 
 the boundary in a southerly direction. The terri- 
 torial assignments of these conventions were sub- 
 sequently modified, and Germany and Great Britain 
 have since acquired the large areas of the Congo 
 Basin lying east of Lake Tanganyika and its parallel 
 north and south.
 
 CHAPTER IX 
 THE ECONOMIC REGIME OF THE BERLIN ACT 
 
 THE Berlin Act and the economic, that is, 
 domestic, regime which it sought to estab- 
 lish in the Congo Basin occupied by Ger- 
 many, France, Great Britain, Portugal, and the Free 
 State, were, with various inadequacies and experi- 
 Eariy mental defects, the logical expression of 
 
 Colonial the drift that political science as applied 
 ^^^^^y to the law of nations had assumed in Eu- 
 rope as early as 1874. Under the operation of 
 the old Facte Colonial, the policy which prevailed 
 in the colon es of the European Powers discrim- 
 inated greatly against the subjects of all save the 
 mother country. The commercial policy of such 
 colonies was that of the Power which governed the 
 colonial territory, whether that was an extension of 
 the home territory or merely a dependency. 
 
 Some marked theoretics freighted the course of 
 international life as the time approached when ex- 
 ploration had revealed all the colonising areas which 
 the known earth contained. Europeans and their 
 descendants already occupied, under different forms 
 of law, as states, colonies, protectorates, leaseholds, 
 spheres of influence, over 82 per cent, of the lands 
 of this planet. Those who followed the evolution 
 
 104
 
 ^v^fetv^-aS^^^Sj^v'^'
 
 Economic Regime of the Berlin Act 105 
 
 of the law of nations were impressed by an African 
 situation in 1884 which offered opportunity for ex- 
 perimentation with new, and perhaps more elastic, 
 economic principles for the regulation of colonial 
 interests in regions where the character of the coun- 
 try, its natural features, such as waterways and 
 coastal advantages, and the juxtaposition of several 
 governments, tended to a conflict detrimental gen- 
 erally to the civilisation of such possessions and their 
 contributions to the markets of the world. 
 
 In the Annates de Vlnstitut de Droit International, 
 vols. iii. and vii., are to be found the various 
 resolutions of Prof. Egide Arntz relative to practical 
 and co-operative jurisdiction in the Congo Basin. 
 These were offered on September 7, 1883, at the 
 Munich meeting of the Institute. But long before, 
 namely, in 1878, M. Gustave Moynier had raised the 
 question of a concerted civilising movement and the 
 adoption of a scheme of political regulation in the re- 
 gion of the Congo. M. Emile Laveleye and the late 
 Sir Travers Twiss had, thereafter, also discussed the 
 question before the Institute. The essays of Pro- 
 fessor Arntz and Sir Travers Twiss, which embody 
 their respective views on what to them at that time 
 appeared to be a signal opportunity for applying 
 principles of colqnial government as yet unestab- 
 lished by tests of practice, are fully set forth in 
 the Report of the Committee on Foreign Re- 
 lations. 
 
 The Berlin Conference of November 15, 1884, may 
 be regarded as the crystallised result of the interest 
 manifested in respect of the Mid-African situation
 
 io6 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 by the learned bodies and the eminent legal authori- 
 ties indicated, and also as the outcome of Germany's 
 Experi- tactful method of superseding the then 
 ments of the imminent treaty between Great Britain 
 BerUn Act ^^^ Portugal signed on February 26, 1884, 
 but thereafter abrogated. As pointed out in an- 
 other chapter, the British-Portuguese treaty met with 
 active opposition in Germany and in England. 
 
 It was during the agitation of this feeling that 
 
 the Conference was summoned at the instance of 
 
 Germany. If one could analyse in extenso 
 
 German ^^ ^-j^^ essentials which so aptly informed 
 
 Astuteness ,111 
 
 Prince Bismarck of Germany s masked ad- 
 vantages in such a Conference, the Iron Chancellor 
 would stand revealed as an early monument to the 
 German astuteness of to-day. In creating an Areo- 
 pagus of the fourteen Powers assembled at Berlin 
 and referring to it the questions which, if unsettled, 
 would have led to conflicts, combinations, and con- 
 fusion prejudicial to German East Africa, Prince 
 Bismarck's workmanship surpassed the materials 
 which his skill employed. As the Prince said at the 
 final session of the Conference, the lofty aims and 
 political idealities proclaimed during its earlier ses- 
 sions would, when translated into facts, offer oppor- 
 tunity for improvement. Indeed, time and the 
 practical application of its precepts, so enthusias- 
 tically proclaimed, have revealed the theorist where 
 the man of practical political sense would better have 
 WTitten certain clauses of the General Act. As it steed 
 in 1885, it cannot be regarded with that awe which 
 certain persons manifest when they misinterpret its
 
 Economic Regime of the Berlin Act 107 
 
 inconclusive preachments. Some praise it as "the 
 inauguration of a truly new era in colonial affairs." 
 Others, condemning it without reserve, speak of it as 
 "the work of theorisers without experimental basis." 
 A fair estimate of this unique political palaver, as 
 embodied in its General Act, probably lies j^ie Act 
 somewhere between the extravagant praise Praised and 
 and the untempered condemnation fre- Condemned 
 quently bestowed upon it. If, from a legal and 
 political point of view, it can be regarded as only a 
 tissue of the substance it aimed at, the fact remains 
 that the Berlin Conference has more than justified 
 itself by guiding, often dispelling commercial rival- 
 ries which, in their tmchecked development, might 
 have nullified the great sacrifices of Belgian blood 
 and money in the cause of African civilisation. The 
 Conference entered the forum when many compli- 
 cations, arising from competing expeditions, con- 
 flicting explorations, unregulated trading operations, 
 the advent of evil adventurers, the devastating 
 slave trade, and a combination of other causes — 
 commercial and political — had provoked the dis- 
 trust and avarice frequently observed when several 
 European peoples occupy in common a vast and 
 fertile territory inhabited by savage tribes. At a 
 meeting of a Committee of the Conference held on 
 December 10, 1884, Mr. Kasson, the Plenipotentiary 
 of the United States, gave utterance, in retrospect 
 of early American colonisation, to expressions of 
 historic fact which graphically portray Mid-African 
 conditions twenty years ago: 
 
 The first colonies founded in America [said Mr. Kasson]
 
 io8 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 have been the work of different nationaUties. Even there, 
 where at first emigration was of a free and peaceful nature, 
 foreign Governments were soon installed, with military forces 
 to support them. Wars immediately broke out in Europe. 
 The belligerents had colonies, and soon the field of battle 
 spread to America. In the heat of the struggle, each of the 
 belligerents sought allies amongst the native tribes, where 
 they thus excited their natural inclination for violence and 
 plunder. Horrible acts of cruelty ensued, and massacres 
 where neither age nor sex were spared. The knife, the lance, 
 and the torch transformed peaceful and happy colonies into 
 deserts. 
 
 The present condition of Central Africa reminds one much 
 of that of America when that continent was first opened up to 
 the European world. How are we to avoid a repetition of the 
 unfortunate events, to which I have just alluded, amongst the 
 numerous African tribes? How are we to guard against ex- 
 posing our merchants, our colonies, and their goods to these 
 dangers? How shall we defend the lives of our missionaries 
 and religion itself against the outburst of savage customs and 
 barbarous passions? 
 
 Finding ourselves in the presence of those whom v/e are 
 urging to undertake the work of civilisation in Africa, it is our 
 duty to save them from such regrettable experiences as 
 marked the corresponding phase in America. 
 
 Whatever defective novelty may still reside in the 
 Berlin Act, the Conference which begot it gave an 
 The Real immense impetus to the great work of 
 Value of African civilisation. It eliminated move- 
 the Act ments by the various Powers which were 
 accomplishing little or nothing for lack of definition 
 and unity. It organised a scramble, so to speak, 
 into an orderly and intelligently directed set of 
 enterprises, chief among which were those urged 
 forward by the King of the Belgians and his diligent
 
 Economic Regime of the Berlin Act 109 
 
 subjects. In that amplitude of pledges, which when 
 applied to them the other Signatory Powers found 
 it convenient to forget, little Belgium strove mightily 
 not only to discharge her obligations under the Ber- 
 lin Act, but to demonstrate her own innate genius 
 for the work of colony-building and civilisation. It 
 is perhaps in the inevitable result of this 
 spirit that we find the explanation of Bel- Dominance 
 gian dominance and Belgian progress far 
 excelling that of its African neighbours. 
 
 In the United States the Berlin Act has not met 
 with the universal respect of competent legal author- 
 ities. It provided no means for its own enforce- 
 ment, and left the national committees, which were 
 to carry out certain of its provisions, without ma- 
 chinery and without that central authority essential 
 to its life. It also appears that the national com- 
 mittees never acted. Each of the Powers, supreme 
 within the border of its own African territory, pur- 
 sued a course which it believed was best calculated 
 to develop the resources ,and the civilisation of that 
 region of the Congo Basin in which it ruled. Never- 
 theless, the General Act had delimited the territory 
 comprised in the Conventional Basin of the Congo ; 
 defined the domain occupied therein respectively by 
 Germany, France, Great Britain, Portugal, and the 
 Free State; applied to the entire Congo Basin the 
 princij^le of freedom of commerce and of naviga- 
 tion, and concerted the aims of all the Powers to 
 the suppression of the iniquitous slave trade and 
 the horrible practice of cannibalism. It did not deal 
 specifically with questions of territorial sovereignty,
 
 I lo Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 nor with the internal public and private land system, 
 nor, in fact, with any act or principle of the civil or 
 
 military government of a State. It did. 
 Commerce howcver, scck to restrict the duties upon 
 
 the Congo and its affluents, and stipulated 
 that upon these highways there should be open to 
 all nations the freedom to trade and to navigate. 
 As Baron Descamps aptly says in his essay on Gov- 
 ernment Civilisation in New Countries: 
 
 The broad-minded measures of the Berlin Conference did 
 away with many of the existing anomaHes. Doubtless, the 
 general application of those measures to all colonies would 
 have been a step in the right direction; but while their gen- 
 eral adoption could have been justified on the same grounds 
 as their special application to the Congo, the Conference would 
 not have been able to accomplish such a gigantic reform of 
 distributive equity. The Conference, however, did what it 
 could in this direction. It felt that the impracticability of the 
 complete scheme did not prevent its partial application ; that 
 it was not easy to reform the whole world at once, especially 
 the colonial world; that the field of experience on which it 
 could operate was large enough; and that, last but not least, 
 the nature of the countr}'-, where the Government was as yet 
 more or less insecure, was calculated to induce those con- 
 cerned to make exceptional sacrifices. 
 
 The Conference therefore made the following regulations 
 for the Congo Basin : 
 
 Art. I. The trade of all nations shall enjoy complete 
 freedom. 
 
 Art. 2. All flags, without distinction of nationality, shall 
 have free access. 
 
 Art. 3, § 2. All differential dues on vessels as well as on 
 merchandise are forbidden. 
 
 Art. 5- No Power which exercises or shall exercise sover- 
 eign rights in the above-mentioned regions shall be allowed
 
 > J ' p 
 
 pq
 
 Economic Regime of the Berlin Act m 
 
 to grant therein a monopoly or favour of any kind in matters 
 of trade. 
 
 The five Powers occupying and governing the 
 Congo Basin have here assumed certain obhgations 
 in reference to the commercial regime which Freedom of 
 should prevail in their territory. There Commerce 
 shall be freedom to trade, and to navigate i^efined 
 in pursuit of commerce; there shall be no differ- 
 ential duties imposed; there shall be no monopoly 
 in matters of trade. In the fourth protocol of the 
 Berlin Conference, Baron Lambermont's report in- 
 cludes a definition of what the Conference meant by 
 monopoly "in matters of trade." This statesman 
 declared that : 
 
 No doubt whatever exists as to the strict and literal sense 
 which should be assigned to the term in- commercial matters. 
 It refers exclusively to traffic, to the unlimited power of every 
 one to sell and to buy, to import and to export, products and 
 manufactured articles. No privileged situation can be cre- 
 ated under this head, the way remains open without any 
 restrictions to free competition in the domain of commerce, but 
 the obligations of local Governments do not go beyond that 
 point. 
 
 Notwithstanding the explicit nature of this defin- 
 ition, those who, for reasons which it is not the pur- 
 pose of this volume to expose in detail, condemn 
 the governmental system of the Congo Free State, 
 and declare that the General Act of the Berlin Con- 
 ference aimed at much more than insuring the 
 common right (freedom) of all nations to pursue le- 
 gitimate trade in the Basin of the Congo. How much
 
 112 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 more, and precisely what the Act aims at, according 
 to hostile commentators, varies with the capacity 
 for exaggeration, or the speciousness in argument, 
 of the critic. Some declare that freedom in matters 
 of trade means that anybody may invade the Congo 
 Basin and barter with natives for the produce of the 
 soil and the chase, laws respecting private property 
 and providing regulations to govern traffic notwith- 
 standing. In his essay on Principles of Government 
 in the Congo Free State ' the author briefly indicates 
 
 the motif of King Leopold's rule in Central 
 of Congo Africa and the cogent reasons for the sys- 
 Govern- -^gj^i which has made that rule the envy of 
 
 persons whose faculty of perception is not 
 as dormant to-day as it was in 1885, when it was 
 lazily assumed that the salvation of a territory, not 
 worth much materially, was being imposed iipon an 
 enthusiastic and impractical kingly philanthropist. 
 Amongst other things, this essay contains the fol- 
 lowing exposition of the system of internal govern- 
 ment by which the Congo Free State and its people 
 have morally and materially prospered. It is, in 
 substance, the definition of Congolese policy stated 
 by his Majesty, King Leopold: 
 
 . . . The principles of the Congolese system of internal 
 government appear to be in entire conformity with the Gen- 
 eral Act of Berlin, wherein freedom of trade is assured to the 
 subjects of all nations. This signifies the liberty to sell and 
 to buy in a legitimate way, not in a way peculiar to the the- 
 ories of Congo despoilers. It is repugnant to law, and disturb- 
 ing to civil order and progress, to permit the product of the 
 
 * September, 1904.
 
 Economic Regime of the Berlin Act 113 
 
 land to be purchased from any person but its legitimate owner. 
 Congo law represses theft, the insidious encouragement of 
 which would appear to be the aim of those who so grossly 
 misinterpret the principle of Freedom of Commerce. A re- 
 spect for property is essential to all governments 
 
 which hope to endure, and the law of this attitude ^^^^ °^ 
 1 Property 
 
 is universal in all civilised communities. Trade, 
 
 whether free or restricted, could not exist on any other basis. 
 The forces of civilisation are paralysed without it, and un- 
 tamed natives are left to savage internecine strife. 
 
 The principles of the Congo Government are that the soil 
 shall maintain those who develop its resources for the better- 
 ment of the sower and the reaper. The civilisation of the 
 native by industry and other forms of instruction in the 
 attributes of order, civic life, and all that he may be capable 
 of absorbing of enlightened freedom. For the privilege of 
 residing within the sphere of a State so governed, the white 
 man is the most taxed member of society in the world. 
 Shall savages alone be exempt from labour and 
 
 iust contribution to organised government ? Shall ^"^^^ * ® 
 
 Great 
 the white man's rule teach the black that idleness, civiliser 
 
 craft, animal instincts, predatory habits in gaining 
 his irregular subsistence, are the foundations of civilisation? 
 Or shall the white man by precept and example, and by 
 humane but positive insistence, train the savage in the ways 
 of law and order, industry and thrift? 
 
 Reverting for a moment to the assertion that the Govern- 
 ment of the Congo Free State is primarily responsible for 
 what its detractors allege to be the enslavement of the native, 
 I fail to find conviction in unfounded statements often re- 
 peated, and arguments upon wrong premises, varied only in 
 form, not substance. Ignorance of the motif impelling Congo 
 State method and movement has misled those who have 
 brought prejudice to a subject worth the attention only of the 
 broadest minds. The system, which is the object of attack 
 when new stories of atrocities are scarce, is briefly stated to 
 be to devote the revenue derived from the State's property 
 
 8
 
 114 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 as much as possible to cover the State's expenses; that is to 
 say, to the moral and material organisation and regeneration 
 of the country and its inhabitants ; to resort to the imposition 
 of a tax in specie as rarely as possible ; and to exact a few 
 hours' labour monthly from the natives, in order to give them 
 the habit of work, which is the greatest of civilising precepts. 
 In this connection the Congo Government goes ba- 
 th N f yond its duty, and pays the natives for this work, 
 teaching them the relation between labour and 
 its reward. The habit of work, when formed, will elevate 
 the natives from the savage instincts which tend to debase 
 them in idleness. The exaction of, and payment for, forty- 
 odd hours' work each month from an able-bodied native, for 
 whose redemption from savagery millions of money and 
 many lives have been, and are being, spent, is a lesser tax 
 than the white man pays on his meagre income from daily toil 
 in the cities of London, New York, Paris, and Berlin. The 
 county road tax alone, levied upon the farmer in the United 
 States, is a greater imposition than this. Those who have the 
 hardihood to argue that the enforced practice of habits of 
 industry upon savages in an African colony, less than twenty 
 years in the making, is an unjust and iniquitous burden, can 
 have no conception of the condition of the white slaves of the 
 Midland counties of England, no understanding of life and its 
 burdens in the centres of the world's highest civilisation. 
 
 The Congo Free State, like all other States, acquired pos- 
 session of ownerless lands, not by bloody wars which have 
 characterised the acquisitive and "civilising" methods of its 
 principal mentor in morals, but only after treaty with the 
 natives who happened to occupy those lands in their savagery. 
 All lands which the natives occupy with at least the rudiments 
 of peaceful industry are guaranteed to them. What for ages 
 
 had been unused and undeveloped for the good of 
 The State , . , ^. . • . , . 
 
 , , mankmd, native or foreign, is now being success- 
 
 fully exploited by the State. Before this indus- 
 trial, civil, and moral era, the vast Congo forests were not 
 even traversed by the indolent native, so long as he could
 
 Economic Regime of the Berlin Act 115 
 
 acquire liis food in the sluggard idleness which to this day 
 prevails throughout neighbouring African colonies. 
 
 The Congo Free State is pursuing a policy for the preserva- 
 tion of its forests, far in advance of other colonies, by en- 
 forcing the replanting of rubber trees and vines as fast as the 
 old growth has been sapped, thus ensuring to future genera- 
 tions the results of Belgian foresight and wisdom. 
 
 The Congo Free State does not trade as a State. Like 
 other governments it is interested in the development of the 
 Government domain by its inhabitants. The United States 
 first occupied the wild lands of North America by conquest of, 
 and treaty with, the Indians. It then threw the land open to 
 the pre-emption of its citizens under certain restrictions and 
 impositions; for instance, to improve the land within a cer- 
 tain time, to maintain its yield, to pay taxes, build roads, and 
 in other ways contribute to the cost of administering and 
 improving the State. 
 
 After vainly waiting seven years for the influx of foreign 
 capital and enterprise to freely enter upon its public lands, 
 and assume the burdens and enjoy the gain of 
 developing the forests for the wealth they con- v^® *^*® 
 tained, the Congo Free State proceeded to cause a ^j^^ Land 
 part of its lands (one-fourth) to be developed en 
 regie (by trustees), in order that the land might at least con- 
 tribute to the creation and support of the public works to be 
 established within the State for the benefit and betterment 
 of its native population. Another part (one -fourth) of the 
 forests have been conceded to private companies, in harmony 
 with the system followed by France, England, Germany, and 
 Portugal, whose territories are contiguous to the Congo Free 
 State. But here again we have an exhibition of far-seeing 
 statesmanship, almost unparalleled in colonial history. Instead 
 of doling out the State lands absolutely to favoured conces- 
 sionaires, which has been the invariable practice in other colo- 
 nies, the Belgians have exacted a tremendous guarantee and a 
 growing revenue from those who exploit the natural resources 
 of its forests, by retaining in some cases a half interest in the
 
 II 6 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 capital of the concessionary companies. As an example of 
 
 practical politics, this admirable system alone constitutes a 
 
 material heritage to the future of the Congo. The revenue 
 
 thus annually accruing to the support of the Congo budget 
 
 must play materially in the development and wel- 
 
 The Con^ f^^.^ ^^ ^-^e State. Moreover, while the State has 
 
 ^ . such large influence in the internal affairs of its 
 
 Companies ° 
 
 concessionary companies, it has a practical power 
 within the companies in addition to the State law. This dual 
 control should ensure a commercial policy in harmony with 
 the spirit and the letter of the underlying principles of the 
 State's government. Under this system, the Congo Free 
 State now exports to European markets 5000 tons of rubber 
 annuall}^ where a few years ago this great asset lay hidden in 
 a forest upon which none of the Powers Signatory to the 
 General Act of Berlin desired to spend its means or its 
 labour. 
 
 One of the counts in the complaint by certain perfervid 
 pamphleteers in Great Britain against King Leopold is that 
 there is no freedom of commerce in that part of the Congo 
 Basin occupied by the Free State. Freedom of Commerce 
 under the definition of such persons is the indiscriminate right 
 of traders and adventurers, and purveyors of arms and spir- 
 ituous liquors, to swoop down on the State and private lands 
 of the Congo, incite the native to invade the forest, steal rub- 
 ber product and sell it to the trader at the latter's price. One 
 need not dwell upon the preposterous nature of 
 
 J 1.1 ^ J that transparent scheme of commercial freedom, 
 and Plunder ^ 
 
 Private property is nowhere open to unlawful in- 
 vasion. Public property is not open to the spoliation of ad- 
 venturers and vandals. The 5000 tons of rubber gathered 
 by the several industrial forces at work in the Congo can be 
 purchased by traders as well at Matadi as at Stanley Pool, at 
 Boma as well as at Antwerp, at a proper price. If the freedom 
 of commerce defined by Congophobes were permitted to 
 prevail in any civilised or uncivilised country in the world, 
 anarchy and tribal wars would ensue, all rights of property
 
 Economic Regime of the Berlin Act 1 17 
 
 would be violated, and the larcenous proclivities of the Afri- 
 can Negro would be encouraged. In the case of the Congo, a 
 reign of terror would decimate the native population, and 
 denude the forests which the wise laws of the State endeavour 
 to preserve. Upon their ruins the "savagery" of the white 
 man would have succeeded that of the black. 
 
 As already indicated, Congo law very properh' forbids in- 
 vaders of the State from buying the product of private pro- 
 perty from any one except the owner. In that respect it does 
 not depart from the law of every other country. The desire 
 of adventurers to buy rubber and ivory direct from the natives 
 is not sufficient reason for permitting the latter to trespass 
 upon private property for the purpose of stealing its product. 
 Once establish a traffic on these lines, and you put a premium 
 on the crime of theft, and pit the spear of every native against 
 his brother in their rubber-hunting areas. 
 
 The difference between the Congo system of colonisation 
 and those of its principal critic is the difference between a 
 definite State policy which, having the land and its resources 
 for its material basis, applies humane measures for enforcing 
 its development for the benefit and civilisation of the native, 
 and the permanent constitution of the State, and a policy 
 the baneful influence and unprogressive operation of which 
 can be observed in the protectorates and colonies of one of its 
 neighbours, where the budgets are to a large degree sustained 
 by the importation of alcohol as a beverage — a "civilising 
 influence" which, to the honour of the Belgians, is almost 
 entirely excluded from the Congo Free State. ... 
 
 The foregoing exposition of internal policy may 
 be regarded as a brief statement of the principles 
 which underlie the system of government in the 
 Congo Free State. 
 
 That the United States did not construe an il- 
 logical meaning into the phrase "freedom of com- 
 merce," and warp it out of all semblance to its
 
 ii8 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 natural character, is evidenced by the terms of its 
 
 treaty with the Free State made seven years after 
 
 the promulgation of the General Act of 
 
 Trcfltv 
 
 between ^he Berlin Conference, during all of which 
 Congo State time the Congo State authorities had acted 
 and United ^p^j^ ^j^g interpretation of the phrase indi- 
 cated in Baron Lambermont's definition, 
 and in the learned opinions of Maitres Barboux, Nys, 
 Van Berchem, and Picard. 
 
 Article I. of the treaty of April 2, 1892, between 
 the United States and the Independent State of the 
 Congo reads: 
 
 The citizens and inhabitants of the Independent State of 
 the Congo in the United States of America and • those of 
 the United States of America in the Independent State of the 
 Congo shall have reciprocally the right, on conforming to the 
 laws of the country, to enter, travel, and reside in all parts of 
 their respective territory; to carry on business there; and 
 they shall enjoy in this respect for the protection of their 
 persons and their property the same treatment and the same 
 rights as the natives, or the citizens and inhabitants of the 
 most favoured nation. 
 
 In this connection Sir Edward Malet, the British 
 Plenipotentiary at the Conference, clearly pointed 
 S^ out that "freedom of commerce unchecked by rea- 
 sonable control would degenerate into licence." 
 Reasonable control is only another name for State 
 law and police regulation. The Congo Government 
 maintains that, subject to its internal laws and 
 regulations which affect its own and foreign subjects 
 alike, the subjects of every nation are free to enter
 
 Students of the State Technical School, New Antwerp (Bangala). 
 
 Hospital, Boma.
 
 Economic Regime of the Berlin Act 119 
 
 its territory in pursuit of legitimate trade. Apropos 
 of this phase of the subject Baron Descamps says: 
 
 The power of the State in this connection is incontestable. 
 That power is derived directly from the primary right and 
 duty to maintain public order everywhere and under all cir- 
 cumstances. Nobody can deny the State the right of tak- 
 ing steps, for example, for the preservation of public safety. 
 Government cannot be carried on without a judicial and ad- 
 ministrative police system, and a State could not renounce 
 that prerogative without laying itself open to a charge of 
 incapacity in its primary and essential functions. Hence, 
 such a renunciation could not be argued from mere presump- 
 tions or inductions. ' 
 
 Amongst the innovations attempted by the Ber- 
 lin Act was that which sought, by Article IV., to 
 abolish all import and transit dues. Little -j-he 
 
 serious account appears to have been taken Free-Trade 
 — so far as the Act reveals — of the practical Policy 
 necessity for erecting and sustaining works of public 
 utility to commerce, and the equity of imposing 
 proper charges on the wares upon which the bene- 
 fits of such works were bestowed. The absolute 
 prohibition of import duties created great difificulties 
 for the Free State which, but for the personal munifi- 
 cence of its Sovereign, would have wrecked a liberal 
 undertaking, handicapped and fettered by the fan- 
 ciful legislation of the Berlin Conference, — "Mer- 
 chandise imported into those regions shall remain 
 free from import and transit dues." Fortunately 
 the legislators of the Berlin Conference were not to 
 become the practical governors of the Congo Free 
 
 ^New Africa, p. 68.
 
 I20 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 State, else they might have realised that the gravest 
 body may enact farce and commit folly. It was the 
 experiment of a new principle in colonial administra- 
 tive economy which they aimed at, but there is a vast 
 difference in substance between a mirage and a moun- 
 tain. That there were misgivings in the mind of 
 some members of the Conference as to the logic of 
 driving traders into the Congo, on the one hand, 
 utterly untaxed for the support of the Government 
 and the security it afforded, while on the other the 
 State was charged with the creation of public works 
 and the maintenance of law and order without 
 revenue, is manifested by that final clause of Article 
 IV., which provides that "the Powers reserve to 
 themselves to determine, after the lapse of twenty 
 years, whether this freedom of import shall be re- 
 tained or not." In this case the Powers did not wait 
 twenty years to revise their principle of free trade. 
 Five 3^ears were sufficient to reveal its inapplica- 
 bility to a new country, and the Second Brussels 
 Conference, assembled in 1890, made of the free- 
 trade clause of 1885 a clause allowing on merchandise 
 other than spirituous liquors an impost not exceed- 
 ing ten per cent. "It would never do," said Baron 
 de Courcel, at the Conference, "to renew the colo- 
 nial experience gained in the sixteenth century, 
 when colonies were brought to ruin by those who 
 pretended to fix in Europe, from a purely metro- 
 politan point of view, their financial and adminis- 
 trative system." The experiment of prohibiting 
 import duties proved, as already indicated, a serious 
 hindrance to the economic life of the new State.
 
 Economic Regime of the Berlin Act 121 
 
 That the experiment would not, however, be per- 
 sisted in by the Powers, had been foreshadowed by 
 the suggestion of Baron Lambermont at the ^ j^j^_ 
 Conference when he said: "It is experi- porary 
 ence which will then inspire the interested Experiment 
 Powers with the most favourable resolutions for the 
 development and commercial progress in their pos- 
 sessions." There were, therefore, after all, men of 
 practical political foresight at the Conference, whose 
 assent to so radical a policy of free trade was accorded 
 for the purpose of the moment only, and while the 
 great question of civilising Central African tribes 
 dominated their early aims even to the disadvantage 
 of the correlated questions of commerce. Article 
 III. of the General Act, therefore, provided that: 
 "Wares of whatever origin, imported into these re- 
 gions, under whatsoever flag, by sea or river, or over- 
 land, shall be subject to no other taxes than such 
 as may be levied as fair compensation for expendi- 
 ture in the interest of trade, and which for this reason 
 must be equally borne by the subjects themselves 
 and by foreigners of all nationalities." The reasons 
 actuating the Berlin Conference not to fix the rate 
 of such taxation as it provided for at the Brussels 
 Conference, are clearly indicated on page 85 of the 
 protocols to the General Act, from which the follow- 
 ing declaration is quoted: 
 
 The rate of the taxes of compensation is not fixed in any 
 definite manner. The support of foreign capital ought to be 
 placed, with commercial freedom, amongst the most useful 
 aids to the spirit of enterprise, whether it has reference to the 
 execution of works of public interest or whether it has in view
 
 122 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 the development of the cultivation of the natural products of 
 the African soil. But capital only goes, in general, to places 
 where the risks are sufficiently covered by the chances of 
 profit. The Commission has therefore thought that there 
 would result more disadvantages than advantages from bind- 
 ing too strictly, by restrictions arranged in advance, the lib- 
 erty' of action of public powers or of concessions. If abuses 
 should arise, if the taxes threatened to attain an excessive 
 rate, the cure would be found in the interest of the authorities 
 or of the contractors, seeing that commerce, as experience 
 has more than once proved, would turn away from establish- 
 ments the access to, or use of which, had been rendered too 
 burdensome. 
 
 That contribution by traders to the maintenance 
 of the State under a system of taxation and poHce 
 regulation is not incompatible with commercial 
 freedom was forcibly reiterated at the Conference 
 by Count de Launay and, of course, by other mem- 
 bers who at all dwelt upon a principle so well estab- 
 lished. Treating this question with much erudition, 
 Baron Descamps cites the French law of March 2, 
 1 79 1, relating to patents, which, he says, "gave the 
 most emphatic assent of modern times to the prin- 
 ciple of commercial freedom. The very clause pro- 
 claiming freedom of commerce provided for licence 
 dues! Thus: 'Everybody shall be free to carry on 
 any business he chooses; [sic] but he must first ob- 
 tain, and pay for, a licence, and submit to any re- 
 gulations of police that may be made.' " ' 
 
 Obviously the "freedom of commerce" intended 
 by the General Act of the Berlin Conference is not 
 the open door with the key thrown away and <^haos 
 
 ^ New Africa, p. 67.
 
 Economic Regime of the Berlin Act 123 
 
 prevailing behind it. The State is mistress of her 
 domain. She is alone responsible for its civil order 
 and the just regulation of its life, whether ^j^g q 
 social, commercial, or political. Her atti- Door and 
 tude upon all fundamental rules of civilised Chaos 
 government has two facets: the one toward her 
 subjects, the other toward the society of nations 
 which surrounds her. She must conduct her affairs 
 with due regard for those broad principles of national 
 morality which civilised communities recognise as a 
 lofty standard of social and political life. Until she 
 prove herself incompetent in this respect, her terri- 
 tory cannot become the subject of international 
 partition or regulation on pretexts of humanitarian- 
 ism or on any other, nor is it in the justice of nations 
 or of men to undermine the force of her authority or 
 to enfeeble the integrity of her Statehood by any 
 agency whatsoever. 
 
 From the latest report of the Vice-Govemor- 
 General of the Congo Free State are quoted below 
 statements which shed light upon the be- 
 lief held by the Belgians concerning their °^n\^gg! 
 own fiscal policy, and the attitude they 
 offer to the criticisms of its burly neighbour. Great 
 Britain, in its rule of the Soudan and its other 
 colonial possessions: 
 
 In the region of commerce the Congo State, which was the 
 first to inscribe in its international conventions the principles 
 of liberty, has not failed, no matter what any one says to the 
 contrary, in the programme which was drawn up in 1884, 
 and of which, as has recently been recalled, Stanley was made 
 the spokesman. The regime of the "open door," which has
 
 124. Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 just been claimed by the Liverpool Chamber of Commerce, 
 at the very moment, too, when purely philanthropic declara- 
 tions were being heard in the House of Commons, is that also 
 of the Congo State ; and there cannot be discovered in our 
 territory the existence of monopolies such as those of ivory 
 and rubber which the Government of the Soudan has created 
 for its own profit in some parts of the Soudan.' 
 
 The traders of all nations may sell on the Congo the objects 
 of their commerce, and buy the natural produce from the 
 proprietors of the soil; no limit, no hindrance is placed on 
 this traffic, and that is really freedom of trade. That this 
 freedom may remain complete notwithstanding the existence 
 of the domain rights, and the granting of concessions, has 
 been proved up to the hilt, and to declare, as has been done 
 in the House of Commons, that trade does not exist on the 
 Congo is to put oneself in contradiction with the law and the 
 facts. These statements, by repetition, end by being con- 
 sidered as axioms, and it is not realised that they still await 
 proof. The regime of concessions, besides, has not been es- 
 tablished for the exclusive advantage or benefit of the Bel- 
 gians ; the opening was given to foreign initiative and capital 
 without distinction to become interested in the development 
 of the country, and if, by a want of confidence that the event 
 has not justified, English capital was withdrawn from some 
 Congolese undertakings, the prosperous condition of which is 
 now made a grievance, it does not follow therefrom that those 
 who did run the risk inherent in enterprises in new countries 
 should see to-day the results of their efforts and their perse- 
 verance assailed. 
 
 It is to the astonishment, not to say to the general indig- 
 nation, of the handful of Europeans who are working, and 
 undergoing hardships on the spot, that these attempts are 
 
 ^ Soudan Gazette, published by authority of the Soudan Government, 
 No. 47, Khartoum, ist May, 1903: "It is notified for information that 
 the following articles are governmental monopolies in the following 
 districts: Rubber and gutta percha, in the whole of the Soudan, ex- 
 cepting Kordofan. Ivory, in the Bahr-el-Ghazal and Fashoda. . . . 
 (Signed) Reginald Wingate, Governor-General."
 
 Economic Regime of the Berlin Act 125 
 
 made abroad to represent them all, from the highest place 
 to the most obscure of the assistants, as associated in an 
 odious work of destruction and inhumanity. The duty of 
 protesting against this legend is imposed on whoever has seen 
 with his own eyes these territories, once disinherited, being 
 opened to civilisation, evangelisation, and progress; popula- 
 tions, formerly troops of slaves, reborn to confidence and 
 freedom; the rapid economic equipment, the railways under 
 exploitation or construction, a flotilla which covers the river 
 and its affluents, routes which open up the most distant 
 regions, telegraphic and telephonic lines to the Upper River, 
 cultivation and plantation gradually extending, cattle in- 
 troduced into every district, mission establishments opened 
 in all parts, vaccine institutions, and services of medical, 
 sanitary, and hygienic orders. Such are some of the results 
 of what has been called the system of the State, a system 
 which was inspired before everything by the vows of the 
 Berlin and Brussels Conferences, and it could not be explained 
 how it has been possible for the State's adversaries to cry it 
 down if it were not known that their customary tactics are to 
 lay stress on the inevitable imperfections of a work of that 
 extent still, after all, in the stage of its beginning. . . . 
 
 As concerns cotton, which before the Mahdist invasion was 
 seemingly cultivated in a sufficiently considerable degree, I 
 hold it on good authority that in Cairo and Lower Egypt 
 some little disquietude is being shown on the subject of the 
 activity displayed by the Belgians on the Upper Nile, and that 
 some apprehension is felt there of a cotton competition in 
 the near future.
 
 CHAPTER X 
 
 AN APPEAL TO BELGIUM TO SUPPRESS THE SLAVE 
 
 TRADE 
 
 SLAVERY is as ancient as war, and war as old 
 as human nature. Upon this premise Vol- 
 taire philosophised when his thought reverted 
 to the early inequity of human life. Christian na- 
 tions were deep in the slave trade in the sixteenth 
 century. A black cloud of human flesh, aggregating 
 sixteen million souls, was imported into America 
 upon Western slave dhows in three centuries, ex- 
 clusive of the twenty -odd million Negroes who 
 perished in transit. More atrocious than the pes- 
 tilential slave dhow was the slaughter of blacks by 
 the slave-raider, that fiend incarnate who until a 
 few years ago carried on his inhuman traffic under 
 the very gaze of Christian Europe. Indeed, Europe 
 herself was a slave-dealer for centuries. Some of 
 her Governments sanctioned it in terms unspeakably 
 callous. There was little pity and less mercy in 
 officially lading "tons of niggers" for American 
 ports. 
 
 Late in the eighteenth century, Great Britain had 
 championed the cause of humanity and sought a 
 remedy for the horrible conditions which slavery 
 entailed. The movement which, assuming definite 
 
 126
 
 --?.•"«»»*.. 
 
 Bridge Made of Cement, Boma.
 
 An Appeal to Belgium 127 
 
 shape about the time of the Declaration of Inde- 
 pendence, had found able and eloquent advocacy 
 in such men as Granville Sharpe, Clarkson, Wilber- 
 force, and William Pitt. These staunch humani- 
 tarians, after what seemed the hopeless labour of 
 many years, finally triumphed so far as to impel 
 the Vienna Congress of 18 15 and the Verona Con- 
 gress of 1822 to forbid any civilised nation to carry 
 on the slave trade. 
 
 The next steps, also furthered by the British 
 Government, sought to abolish the legal status of 
 slavery and to suppress slave markets and slave 
 dhows. The Western world began to awaken to a 
 sense of duty. In all directions the noble initiative 
 taken by Great Britain found earnest agency. The 
 Christian nations, now thoroughly aroused to the 
 iniquity of the slave trade, exchanged treaties in 
 1 84 1, the operation of which was designed to clear 
 the ocean of slave transports. When shut out of 
 the American market, it was believed that the in- 
 famous slave traffic would subside. But the scourge 
 continued almost unabated. Driven out of the 
 West, it flourished the more in the East, where 
 large markets still remained open. The northern 
 and eastern coasts of Africa continued to supply 
 the Oriental markets, the Soudan, Upper Nile, 
 and Congo Basin being the slave -hunter's Elysium. 
 The Sultans of the Soudan, whose avarice knew no 
 limit, strove in the cruellest manner to increase 
 their spoil in this man-hunting chase. Khartoum 
 slavers pressed into the Bhar-el-Ghazal, while the 
 Arabs from Zanzibar devastated the Manyema and
 
 128 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 Tanganyika regions. West-coast raiders had even 
 penetrated as far inland as the Upper Kassai, and 
 created that wretched condition of native hfe in the 
 interior of the Congo Basin which impressed Living- 
 stone, Stanley, Kirk, Bartle Frere, Nachtigal, Wiss- 
 mann, Serpa Pinto, Massaia, and that great exemplar 
 of Christianising work, Cardinal Lavigerie. 
 
 In 1876, nearly ten years before the Berlin Con- 
 ference, the King of the Belgians called upon Europe 
 to join in a concerted movement to suppress the 
 slave traffic in Central Africa. In the same year the 
 British Government published its Report of the Royal 
 Commission on Fugitive Slaves. The words of Prince 
 Bismarck at the Berlin Conference of 1885 were an 
 intimation of the legislation which was thereafter 
 effected by clauses 6 and 9 of the General Act. By 
 clause 6, the Powers agreed "to watch over the 
 preservation of the native tribes and to care for the 
 improvement of the conditions of their moral and 
 material well-being, and to help in suppressing 
 slavery and especially the slave trade." Baron 
 Lambermont stated the distinction between slavery 
 and the slave trade: "The slave trade," said the 
 Baron, "has another character; it is the very denial 
 of every law, of all social order. Man-hunting con- 
 stitutes a crime of high treason againt humanity. 
 It ought to be repressed wherever it can be reached, 
 on land as well as by sea." 
 
 It was with characteristic activity that the Sover- 
 eign of the Congo Free State had taken the initiative 
 in making the suppression of the slave traffic an 
 essential aim in the civilisation of an African State
 
 An Appeal to Belgium 129 
 
 which had not only been the source of slave supply 
 for many markets, but whose territory touched 
 closely upon a number of slave-dealing countries. 
 In the eighteenth century, the nations of Etu-ope 
 had partitioned the coast of Africa to the French 
 between Senegal and Gambia, to the British on 
 the Gold and Ivory coasts, and to the Portuguese in 
 the Angola and Benguela regions. The object of 
 this territorial apportionment was to facilitate the 
 slave trade and render it more profitable! Now, 
 in the nineteenth century, these same Governments 
 were dividing African territory with the much loftier 
 purpose of extirpating the slave trade. The march 
 of a hundred years had raised European morality 
 and justified the Christian influence of the age. 
 
 Undaunted by the material difficulty of realising 
 the excellent theories which European nations were j 
 now offering to carry out in the very nest of the 
 slave trade, the Congo Free State formally tackled the 
 problem by promulgating three decrees in Novem- 
 ber, 1888. The first provided practical means for 
 suppressing the slave trade, amongst which were 
 measures prohibiting trade in firearms, gunpowder, 
 and explosives; the second, seeking to protect and 
 improve the natives, dealt with contracts of service 
 between natives and foreigners, and enacted laws 
 which guaranteed the former from imposition. The 
 third decree established a body of volunteer police // 
 to suppress crimes and offences against public order 
 and individual liberty^; Then followed the organi- 
 sation of the Belgian Anti-Slavery Society which, 
 creating a special volunteer corps, operated against
 
 I30 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 the slave-raiders in the Tanganyika district. Refer- 
 ence has elsewhere been made to the vigorous man- 
 ner in which these and similar decrees were enforced, 
 and how the slave-raider was driven from one lair 
 to another, until, almost unaided and alone, the in- 
 domitable energy of Belgian officers succeeded in 
 uprooting the institution of slave traffic and opening 
 an immense river basin to the pursuits of civilisation. 
 
 A great wave of sympathy for all enslaved races 
 had spread throughout the civilised world. Nations 
 heretofore indifferent to the weal of the black man 
 in the brutal toils of the slave-raider, were actuated 
 by a desire to co-operate with the practical forces 
 already at work for emancipating the Dark Conti- 
 nent. All religions combined in the motherhood of 
 the human race and, now thoroughly alive to the 
 principle of human liberty, lent their support to the 
 great cause of African civilisation. The movement, 
 now become general throughout Europe, gained im- 
 petus in 1888 by the abolition of slavery in Brazil. 
 In that year. Pope Leo XIII. reiterated the appeal 
 made by Leopold II. in 1876, and besought all na- 
 tions to unite in purging the page of history of a 
 further record of the abominable crime of slave- 
 hunting. In addressing that wonderful engine of 
 missionary work, Cardinal Lavigerie, His Holiness 
 pointed out the misery of "that disinherited land," 
 and urged all who are moved by human impulse 
 to devote their lives to "this sublime work of re- 
 demption." 
 
 The self-sacrificing work which Cardinal Lavi- 
 gerie has done for the salvation of Africa will for ever
 
 Oh 
 
 H
 
 An Appeal to Belgium 131 
 
 be a white monument in a black wilderness. It was 
 his appeal to the peoples of the Christian world 
 which witnessed the first organised work of Leopold 
 II., and it is this prelate's indefatigable industry, 
 and his love for these savage souls of Africa, which 
 has largely carried that work to its present fruition. 
 The world-wide adhesion to the cause of Christian- 
 ising the Dark Continent took diplomatic shape soon 
 after a meeting held in London on July 31, 1888, at 
 which Lord Granville presided. On motion of Car- 
 dinal Manning, the following resolution was adopted : 
 
 The time has now fully arrived when the several nations of 
 Europe who, at the Congress of Vienna, in 1815, and again at 
 the Conference of Verona, in 1822, issued a series of resolu- 
 tions strongly denouncing the slave trade, should take the 
 needful steps for giving them a full and practical effect. And, 
 inasmuch as the Arab marauders (whose murderous devasta- 
 tions are now depopulating Africa) are subject to no law, and 
 under no responsible rule, it devolves on the Powers of Europe 
 to secure their suppression throughout all territories over 
 which they have any control. This meeting would, therefore, 
 urge upon Her Majesty's Govermnent, in concert with those 
 Powers who now claim either territorial possession or terri- 
 torial influence in Africa, to adopt such measures as shall 
 secure the extinction of the devastating slave trade which is 
 now carried on by those enemies of the human race.' 
 
 On October 27th, an anti-slavery convention was 
 held at Cologne, at which the following resolutions 
 were passed and sent to the Reichstag: 
 
 I — The suppression of slave-hunting with its attendant 
 horrors, devolves upon Christian States and constitutes the 
 primary condition of the abolition of the slave trade. 
 
 ^ Times, London, August i, 1888.
 
 132 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 2 — While the Congo Conference obhges all the Signatory 
 Powers to help in the suppression of slavery and the improve- 
 ment of the lot of the natives, at the same time the Congo 
 State, Portugal, Great Britain, and Germany, as being directly 
 threatened by Arab slave-traders, are expected to take the 
 initiative in, and to bring to a successful issue, the struggle 
 against the slave trade. 
 
 3t— The meeting expresses the conviction that the honour 
 of the German flag and German interests, which have been 
 violated by Arab slave-traders in East Africa, will be avenged 
 by the Imperial Government. 
 
 4 — It also expresses the hope that the Reichstag will sup- 
 port these resolutions, as a proof of tlie perfect agreement of 
 the German nation without distinction of party or creed. 
 
 On November 13, the Cabinets of BerHn, London 
 and Lisbon had agreed upon coercive measures 
 against slave-traders on the East Coast of Africa. 
 Meantime, on September 17, 1888, the British Gov- 
 ernment had appealed, through the Belgian Foreign 
 Office, to King Leopold to take the initiative in 
 assembling a Conference at Brussels to consider the 
 subject. In conveying this invitation to the King 
 of the Belgians, the British Minister to the Belgian 
 Court stated that : 
 
 The change which has occurred in the political condition of 
 the African Coast to-day calls for common action on the part 
 of the Powers responsible for the control of that Coast. That 
 action should tend to close all foreign slave -markets, and 
 should also result in putting down slave-hunting in the 
 interior. 
 
 The great work undertaken by the King of the Belgians, 
 in the constitution of the Congo State, and the lively interest 
 taken by His Majesty in all questions affecting the welfare of 
 the African races, lead Her Majesty's Government to hope
 
 o
 
 An Appeal to Belgium i33 
 
 that Belgium will be disposed to take the initiative in inviting 
 the Powers to meet in Conference at Brussels, in order to 
 consider the best means of attaining the gradual suppression 
 of the slave trade on the Continent of Africa and the immediate 
 closing of all the outside markets which the slave trade daily 
 continues to supply. 
 
 On August 24, 1889, King Leopold deferred to this 
 wish and called a Conference of the Powers for 
 November 18, 1889, to determine upon a course of 
 action for the gradual suppression of slave-hunting 
 on the African Continent and the immediate closing 
 of all markets supplied from that source, and "to 
 put an end to the crimes and devastation wrought 
 by the slave trade, and effectively to protect the 
 native populations in Africa." 
 
 Thus, after thirteen years of arduous labour, and 
 the vicissitudes which attend the progressive pioneer 
 in savage lands, where the mission and the plough 
 follow the white man's trail, the Belgians were again 
 called upon to lead in a war against the most degrad- 
 ing of human conditions.
 
 CHAPTER XI 
 
 THE SECOND BRUSSELS CONFERENCE 
 
 THE zealous labours of Cardinal Lavigerie, Arch- 
 bishop of Algiers, who had founded the Mis- 
 sion of the White Fathers in 1878 to convert 
 the Soudan and the Congo regions to Christianity, 
 had always been generously supported by the per- 
 sonal munificence of King Leopold. The 
 Cardinal rescript issued to this devoted and untiring 
 apostle by Pope Leo XHL had inaugurated 
 endeavours on behalf of civilisation unexcelled in 
 any colony in the world. King Leopold's earnest 
 and generous encouragement of this evangelistic 
 work equalled the broad-minded and hopeful man- 
 ner in which he supported Stanley and others in 
 their early expeditions through the unknown forests 
 of the Congo. There was, therefore, a sympathetic 
 tie between His Holiness, the King, and the Cardinal 
 in the world's task in Congoland. 
 
 Early in 1888 Cardinal Lavigerie visited Belgium, 
 and, being convinced by his long African experience 
 The Anti- ^^ ^^^ ncccssity f or an organised . anti- 
 siavery slavery crusade, opened a campaign in the 
 Crusade. Brussels Cathedral which, by its popular 
 interest, carried him to many parts of Europe. The 
 eloquence of this truly great prelate was born of 
 
 134
 
 Postmaster's House, Suruango, 1904. 
 
 House of Vice-Governor-General, Stanleyville.
 
 The Second Brussels Conference 135 
 
 that deep sympathy for the African black derived 
 from his intimate knowledge of the debasing con- 
 ditions still prevalent in those parts of the Congo 
 Basin where, for many practical reasons, the Bel- 
 gians had not penetrated with their work and in- 
 fluence. The Cardinal exhorted the Belgians, first 
 of all, to support and emulate their King, who, he 
 said, "would open before you a country seventy 
 times as large as your own — an immense field for the 
 spread of your religion and for charity. . . . You 
 have not given to the struggle with barbarism all 
 the assistance that was incumbent upon you." 
 
 To the avowed support given by his Majesty to the 
 movement which the Cardinal's numerous sermons 
 inspired, may largely be attributed the Belgian 
 campaigns against the Arab slave -raiders which 
 the Brussels Conference of the following year urged 
 upon the interested Powers. 
 
 The hundred admirable articles of the General 
 Act of the Conference do not all concern the reader. 
 Their general purpose, already indicated in a previ- 
 ous chapter, was the suppression of the slave trade, 
 the protection of the natives, and the provision of 
 revenue from import duties wherewith to maintain 
 a practical executive to accomplish both aims. 
 
 The Conference convened on November 18, 1889, 
 and held the last of its thirty-three sessions on the 
 July 2, 1890. The King of the Belgians had again 
 welcomed the representatives of all the Powers 
 party to the Berlin Act. Persia, having mean- 
 time adhered to that Act, was also represented. 
 The Prince dc Chimay, Belgian Minister for Foreign
 
 1 36 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 Affairs, presided at the formal opening of the Con- 
 ference. At its first session Baron Lamberniont 
 was unanimously elected to preside over its deliber- 
 ations. His able associate at Berlin, M. Emile 
 Banning, also represented Belgium at this Confer- 
 ence, while Baron Van Eetvelde, for many years 
 devoted to its moral and material development, 
 represented the Congo Free State. Chief among other 
 distinguished representatives were Count von Alven- 
 sleben for Germany, M. Bouree for France, Lord 
 Vivian and Sir John Kirk for Great Britain, Mr. Ter- 
 rell, Minister at Brussels, for the United States, and 
 Prince Ourroussof and Professor Martens for Russia. 
 
 Foremost in the work of framing a proposed Act, 
 under which the Congo Free State inherited great 
 responsibility and a tremendous task, were the Bel- 
 gian representatives. The other interested Powers 
 pledged themselves to join, each in its own territory, 
 in the anti-slavery campaign which the Act pre- 
 scribed. Briefly stated, the signatories to the Gen- 
 eral Act of this Conference declared that they were 
 "animated by the firm intention of putting an end 
 to the crimes and devastation engendered by the 
 traffic in African slaves, of protecting effectually the 
 aboriginal populations of Africa, and of insuring 
 for that vast continent the benefits of peace and 
 civilisation." 
 
 The first article, relating to effective methods of 
 The suppressing slave -raiding in the Congo Ba- 
 
 Generai sin, was divided into seven sections: 
 
 Act. 
 
 The first provided for the progressive organisation of ad-
 
 The Second Brussels Conference 137 
 
 ministrative, judicial, religious, and military services — in 
 fact, the whole machinery of government. The second rem- 
 edy was to be the gradual establishment in the interior of 
 strong protective and repressive stations. The third clause 
 provided for the construction of roads and railroads, so that 
 human porterage might be ended. The fourth, for the plac- 
 ing of steamers on the lakes and inland waters. The fifth, 
 for the laying down of telegraph lines. And the sixth, for 
 the organisation of expeditions by movable columns. While 
 these clauses were of an active character, the seventh came 
 under the head of prohibition. It provided for restriction in 
 tlie import of firearms, and especially of modern rifles and 
 ammunition, within the whole extent of the territory affected 
 by the slave trade. The General Act only provided for the 
 restriction in the import of firearms; but the King, in the 
 administrative decree, applying its provisions to the Congo 
 State, interdicted the importation, traffic, and transport of 
 all rifles, as well as of powder, bullets, and cartridges. The 
 same decree imposed severe penalties on those who in any 
 way violated these regulations. 
 
 The second article of the Act laid down that "the stations 
 and the interior cruisers shall have for their object the pre- 
 vention of the capture of slaves, and the interception of the 
 routes of transit. They shall extend their efficacious pro- 
 tection over all the dependent populations within the range 
 of their authority, by prohibiting intestine war, and by in- 
 itiating them into agricultural labour. They will assist com- 
 merce, verifying labour contracts; they will aid the missions, 
 and they will organise a sanitary service." ^ 
 
 The second article, recognising the duty of the 
 Powers to prevent slave -raiding in the territory 
 under their control, adopted, amongst others, the 
 following prescription : 
 
 To support and, if necessary, to serve as a refuge for the 
 native populations; to place those under their sovereignty 
 ' Boulger, The Congo State, 1898.
 
 1 38 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 in a position to co-operate for their own defence ; to dimin- 
 ish intertribal wars by means of arbitration; to initiate the 
 natives in agricultural pursuits and industrial arts, so as to 
 increase their welfare; to raise them by civilisation and 
 bring about the extinction of barbarous customs, such as 
 cannibalism and human sacrifices; and, in giving aid to com- 
 mercial enterprises, to watch over their legality, controlling 
 especially the contracts for service entered into with natives. 
 
 The third and fourth articles contained the pledge 
 of all the interested Powers to assist in enforcing 
 these commendable provisions for the betterment 
 of the black races in Africa. The succeeding apathy 
 of the Powers in no wise abated the energy of the 
 Congo Free State in its heroic effort to realise for 
 civilisation the views which Belgian statesmen had 
 largely inspired at the Conference. The Belgian 
 campaigns against the Arabs, briefly narrated in 
 succeeding chapters, were only one phase of those 
 multiform difficulties which beset the pioneer in 
 savage lands where the heralds of civilisation find 
 it necessary to suppress the old and impose a new 
 order of life upon untutored human beings. 
 
 The second chapter referred, amongst other things, 
 to caravan routes, the transport of slaves by land. 
 Alcohol ^^^ ^o providing means of livelihood and 
 and education for liberated slaves. The sixth 
 
 CivUisation, Qj^^pter enumerated the measures to be 
 taken to restrict the trade in spirituous liquors. 
 The six articles composing this chapter forbid the 
 importation of distilled drinks ' ' in the regions where 
 they have not yet penetrated," and "each Power 
 will determine for itself the limit of this zone within 
 its own pOvSsessions." It is in reference to these
 
 3
 
 The Second Brussels Conference 139 
 
 infirm clauses, as elastic as Congo rubber, that the 
 Free State has fulfilled promise with performance 
 that puts her neighbours to shame. Each year of 
 Belgian rule in the Congo has been marked by a 
 contraction of the area in which alcoholic liquors 
 are legitimate traffic even in a restricted form. To- 
 day spirituous liquors are practically excluded from 
 more than four-fifths of the entire State. The 
 Sovereign of the Congo Free State does not respect 
 that colonising enthusiasm which is founded on de- 
 leterious Scotch whiskey, Holland gin, and Jamaica 
 rum. He has, therefore, carried out the spirit as 
 well as the letter of the liquor clauses in the Brussels 
 Act, and lost revenue for the State from a source 
 which, to a large degree, supports the budgets of 
 neighbouring colonies. 
 
 In the eighth article it is declared that 
 
 the experience of all nations who have intercourse with 
 Africa has shown the pernicious and preponderating part 
 played by firearms in slave trade operations as well as in 
 intertribal wars, and has clearly proved that the preservation 
 of the African populations is a radical impossibility unless 
 restrictive measures against the trade in firearms and am- 
 munition are established. 
 
 It was, therefore, stipulated that in those parts 
 of Africa between the twentieth parallel of north 
 latitude and the twenty-second parallel of south 
 latitude the importation of firearms, and especially 
 of rifles and weapons of precision, powder, balls, and 
 cartridges, should be greatly restricted, and as far 
 as possible prohibited. The only exceptions in later 
 articles to this prescription were made in favour ofl
 
 y 
 
 140 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 f ' measures directly by governments for arming of a 
 force puhlique and the organisation of their defence." 
 
 To carry out the onerous duties imposed by the 
 Brussels Act upon all the interested Powers re- 
 Attitude quired more than a Conference and its 
 of the lofty ideals and appropriate resolutions. 
 Powers. -gy ^j^g Berlin Act import duties had been 
 prohibited in the Congo Basin only as an experi- 
 ment. The attitude of the Powers towards this 
 question was now more enlightened and more reason- 
 able. Experience, and admiration for King Leo- 
 pold's rapid acheivements in the development of 
 the new State, combined, in the face of the slave - 
 raiding enemy, to predispose the representatives of 
 the Powers to a rational view of the practical neces- 
 sities of governments which were called upon to 
 establish order and a civil community upon the 
 trail of the murderous slave-chaser. 
 
 At the thirteenth session of the Conference, held 
 on May 10, 1890, it was proposed that the stipula- 
 tion of the Berlin Conference prohibiting 
 Duties. ^11 import duties for twenty years should 
 be withdrawn, and that the "assenting 
 Powers having possessions or protectorates in the 
 Conventional Basin of the Congo shall be at liberty, 
 so far as authority to this end is required, to estab- 
 lish duties on imported goods, the scale of which 
 shall not exceed a rate equivalent to ten per cent. 
 ad valorem at the port of entry, always excepting 
 spirituous liquors." Applying especially to spirit- 
 uous liquors are the provisions of articles 90 to 95 
 of the General Act.
 
 The Second Brussels Conference 141 
 
 In supporting this measure, Baron Lambermont 
 said: 
 
 Not only has geographical acquaintance with the Congo 
 Basin revealed the wealth of the vast regions it comprises, 
 but European commerce, which was blocked at a short dis- 
 tance from the coast, has penetrated the heart of Africa, in 
 countries hitherto utterly unknown. Civilisation, in divers 
 forms, has made no less progress, and has been permanently 
 established in the very centre of Africa. The rapidity with 
 which this transformation has been accomplished would seem 
 to make it a duty to hasten the revision of the free-trade rule 
 temporarily laid down by the Berlin General Act. The pro- 
 tection due to commerce and missions, the establishment of 
 systematic justice, the opening up of easier means of com- 
 munication with the interior of the continent, the organisa- 
 tion of public services as auxiliaries to private enterprises, 
 require financial resources which it is reasonable to obtain, 
 by means of imposts, from those who profit by the new order 
 of things. While in most of the African colonies tariffs are 
 among the principal sources of revenue, the countries situated 
 in the Conventional Basin of the Congo alone are deprived 
 of the right of levying customs duties; and yet these are the 
 countries that find themselves at the front in the crusade 
 against the slave trade! The resolutions of the Brussels Con- 
 ference, in imposing on them new tasks, will also increase the 
 expenses necessary for the carrying out of their civilising 
 mission. The legitimacy of import duties destined to meet 
 these expenses cannot be denied. 
 
 In the debate which naturally ensued upon such 
 an important measure, Baron Gericke d'Herwijnen, 
 representing Holland, which has a large spirit 
 trade along the West Coast of Africa, opposed views 
 for a time unfavourable to the adoption of this 
 supplementary Declaration ' to the General Act. 
 
 'See Appendix for full text.
 
 142 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 Notwithstanding his views, the Dutch representa- 
 tive gracefully alluded to ' ' the well-merited homage 
 it [Holland] had rendered to the work of the King 
 of the Belgians from its very commencement." 
 
 On the part of Great Britain, Lord Vivian sup- 
 ported the proposition in words which should sear 
 the few unkindly, astigmatic eyes of those who re- 
 gard King Leopold's rule in Africa with splenetic gaze 
 and caterwauling. His lordship spoke aptly when 
 he said: 
 
 As to the question whether this modification is opportune, 
 the fact must not be lost sight of that the Berlin Conference 
 never intended to fix unalterably the economic system of 
 the Free State, which, as was already then foreseen, would 
 undergo radical modifications under the influence of progress, 
 nor to establish for an indefinite period regulations which 
 may hinder, check, and even arrest its development. Pro- 
 vision was wisely made for the probability of future changes, 
 which would require a certain latitude in economic matters 
 in order to secure their easy realisation. 
 
 The moment has now come when the marvellous progress 
 made by the infant State is creating fresh needs, when it 
 would be only in accordance with wisdom and foresight to 
 revise an economic system primarily adapted to a creative 
 and transitional period. 
 
 Can we blame the infant State for a progress which, in its 
 rapidity, has surpassed the most optimistic forecasts? Can we 
 hinder and arrest this progress in refusing Iter the m,eans neces- 
 sary for her development? Can we condemn the Sovereign who 
 has already made sucJi great sacrifices to support for an in- 
 definite period a burden which daily becomes heavier, and at 
 the same time impose upon him new and Jieavy expenses neces- 
 sitated by the suppression of the slave trade? 
 
 We are convinced that there will be but one answer to these 
 questions.
 
 wBefm^^^MijSm 
 
 Pi
 
 The Second Brussels Conference 143 
 
 Following the British representative in support of 
 the proposal, Count von Alvensleben, the German 
 Minister, expressed himself as follows : 
 
 The Imperial Government will be glad to have such an 
 opportunity of showing its sentiments of sympathy for the 
 Congo Free State, which, under the wise direction of its 
 august Sovereign, has given such striking proofs of vitality. 
 
 The German Government will willingly lend its help in 
 placing the Congo Free State in a position to acquire the 
 means which may seem necessary to assist its development 
 and to enable it to continue its valuable services to the cause 
 of civilisation and humanity. 
 
 Indeed, the expressions of appreciation of the Bel- 
 gian work in the Congo were unanimous and en- 
 thusiastic. The Declaration was adopted, prance and 
 and became part of the General Act of the the Slave 
 Brussels Conference by the ratification of Trade, 
 all the Powers — the Dutch Chambers sanctioning 
 the ratification on the intervention of the Queen 
 Regent, mother of the present Queen, Wilhelmina. 
 In giving her adhesion France did so with the re- 
 servation that she ' ' would not recognise the articles 
 relating to the zone of maritime search, jurispru- 
 dence, arrest, seizure, and condemnation of sus- 
 pected ships." This has always been regarded as a 
 flaw in the effort of the Powers to suppress the slave 
 traffic with unity of force and aim. France's re- 
 markable reservation has had the effect of affording 
 to slave -dealers the only existing protection of a 
 civilised Government on the East African Coast. 
 The motive for this is revealed in the fact that slave - 
 dealers are still employed in the French possessions
 
 144 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 of the Indian Ocean." It is to be regretted that 
 repubhcan France should stand out from that soHd 
 phalanx of the Powers by which alone the abomin- 
 able institution of slavery can be stricken from the 
 calendar of modem crime. 
 
 ' Boulger.
 
 Baluba Chiefs. 
 
 Return from the Hunt at Bumba (Bangala).
 
 CHAPTER XII 
 THE CONGO BEQUEATHED TO BELGIUM 
 
 THE Declaration supplemental to the General 
 Act of the Brussels Conference, referred to 
 in the previous chapter, assured an income 
 to the Congo Free State, which, however inadequate 
 for its needs at that time, served, in a degree, to clear 
 its future of the doubt which had caused Belgium, 
 as a nation, to shrink from incurring financial re- 
 sponsibility in support of it. The cost of the early 
 undertakings, from the day in 1876 when Stanley 
 took leave of King Leopold in Brussels and set out 
 upon his expedition up the Congo River, and the ex- 
 penses of the entire enterprise, including those of 
 the International African Association, had been 
 borne by the King and his immediate adherents. 
 The amounts so expended each year now aggregated 
 a sum approximating 100,000,000 francs. On 29th 
 April, 1887, the Belgian nation had authorised the 
 Congo State to raise a loan of 150,000,000 francs, 
 which, however, it did not guarantee. These funds 
 were largely employed to found the chartered com- 
 panies provided for in the Decree of 27th Februar}', 
 1887. The time had now again come when the 
 Belgian Chamber should consider the reasonable- 
 ness of asking the assistance of the Belgian nation, 
 
 145
 
 146 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 especially as the King's African enterprise had been 
 undertaken for the benefit of civilisation and the 
 expansion of Belgian markets. 
 
 On the 3rd July, 1890, the day after the General 
 Act of the Conference had been signed, a Convention 
 was concluded between M. Beernaert, the Finance 
 Minister, on the part of Belgium, and Baron Van 
 Eetvelde, on the part of the Congo Free State, by 
 which Belgium engaged to lend the Congo State 
 5,000,000 francs at once, and 2,000,000 francs a year 
 for the next ten years — 25,000,000 francs in all, on 
 condition that Belgium should have the option, six 
 months after the expiration of the ten years, of an- 
 nexing the Congo Free State ' ' with all the rights and 
 advantages attached to the sovereignty of the State 
 ." provided it also assumed the obligations 
 of the State to third parties, "the King-Sovereign 
 expressly refusing all indemnity on account of the 
 personal sacrifices he had himself made.'' It was 
 further agreed: 
 
 3. From the present time the Belgian State will receive 
 from the Independent State of the Congo such information 
 as it judges desirable, on the economical, commercial, and 
 financial- situation of the latter. It may specially ask for 
 communication of the budgets of receipts and expenses, and 
 of the customs dues both on imports and exports. This in- 
 formation is to be given, with the sole object of enlightening 
 the Belgian Government, and the latter will not in any way 
 interfere in the administration of the Independent State of 
 the Congo, which will continue to be attached to Belgium only 
 by the personal union of the two crowns. Nevertheless, the 
 Congo State engages not to contract any new loan hereafter, 
 without the assent of the Belgian Government.
 
 Pi 
 
 
 
 a 
 
 o
 
 The Congo Bequeathed to Belgium 147 
 
 4. If at the fixed time Belgium decides not to accept the 
 annexation of the Congo State, the sum of twenty-five milhon 
 francs lent, inscribed in the ledger of its debt, would not be- 
 come demandable until after a fresh period of ten years, but 
 it should bear in the interval interest at the rate of 3^ per 
 cent., payable every six months, and even before this term 
 the Independent State of the Congo should devote to partial 
 repayments all the sums obtained from cessions of land or 
 the mines of the domain. 
 
 Long before the date of the Brussels Conference 
 and the Convention just concluded, King Leopold 
 had written to his minister, M. Beernaert, a letter 
 clearly indicating his unselfish purpose in developing 
 the Congo State. The persons who charge the King 
 of the Belgians with governing the Congo for his 
 personal benefit might temper their mendacity by 
 the fact that this letter is dated 5th August, 1889, 
 nearly a year before the conclusion of the Brussels 
 Conference. Having regard to the false charges 
 busily purveyed in respect of his Majesty's true in- 
 tentions towards his people and the Congo State, 
 it seems but just to quote it : 
 
 Sth August, 1889. 
 
 Dear Minister [M. Beernaert]. — I have never ceased to 
 call the attention of my countrymen to the necessity of ex- 
 tending their view to countries beyond the sea. 
 
 History teaches that States of limited size have a moral 
 and material interest in stretching beyond their narrow front- 
 iers. Greece founded on the shores of the Mediterranean 
 opulent cities, centres of art and civilisation. Venice, later 
 on, established its greatness on the development of its mari- 
 time and commercial relations, not less than on its political 
 successes. Holland possesses in the Indies thirty millions of
 
 148 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 subjects, who exchange the commodities of the tropics for 
 
 the productions of the mother country. 
 
 ; It is by serving the cause of humanity and progress that 
 
 i people of the second rank appear as useful members of the 
 great family of nations. / More than any other, a manufac- 
 turing and commercial nation like ours should strive to secure 
 outlets for all its workers, for those of thought, capital, and 
 labour. 
 
 These patriotic preoccupations have dominated my life. 
 They determined the creation of the African work. 
 . My labours have not been sterile. A young and vast State, 
 {directed from Brussels, has peacefully taken its place under 
 /.the sun, thanks to the benevolent aid of the Powers which 
 have applauded its beginning^ Belgians administer it, whilst 
 others of our countrymen, every day more numerous, profit- 
 ably employ their capital in its development. 
 
 The immense river basin of the Upper Congo opens to our 
 efforts ways of rapid and cheap communication, which per- 
 mit us to penetrate direct into the centre of the African Con- 
 tinent. The construction of the railway of the region of the 
 Cataracts henceforth assured, thanks to the recent vote of the 
 Legislature, will notably increase these facilities of access. 
 Under these conditions, a great future is reserved for the 
 Congo, the immense value of which will soon be apparent to 
 every eye. 
 
 On the morrow of this considerable act, I have thought it 
 my duty to place Belgium herself, when death shall have 
 struck me, in a position to profit by my work, as well as by 
 the labour of those who have aided me in founding and direct- 
 ing it, and whom I thank here once more. I have therefore 
 made, as Sovereign of the Independent State of the Congo, 
 the Will that I send you. I ask you to communicate it to 
 the Legislative Chamber at the moment which shall appear to 
 you the most opportune. 
 
 The beginnings of enterprises such as those which have so 
 much occupied me are difficult and onerous. I have held 
 myself bound to support the cost. A king, in order to serve
 
 w
 
 The Congo Bequeathed to Belgium 149 
 
 his country, ought not to fear to conceive and to pursue the 
 reaHsation of a work, even if it be apparently rash. The 
 wealth of a sovereign consists in public prosperity; it alone 
 can constitute in his eyes an enviable treasure, which he 
 should endeavour constantly to increase. 
 
 To the day of my death I shall continue, in the same desire 
 of national interest which has hitherto guided me, to direct 
 and sustain our African work ; but if, without awaiting this 
 term, it should be agreeable to the country to establish closer 
 links with my possessions on the Congo, I should not hesitate 
 to place them at its disposal. I should be happy to see it, 
 during my lifetime, in the full enjoyment of their possession. 
 Allow me, in the meanwhile, to say to you how grateful I am 
 towards the Chambers, as well as towards the Government, 
 for the aid that they have afforded me on several occasions in 
 that creation. I do not think I deceive myself by affirm- 
 ing that Belgium will derive important advantages from it, 
 and that she will see opening before her, on a new continent, 
 happy and larger prospects. 
 
 Believe me, dear Minister, etc. 
 
 Leopold. 
 
 Accompanying this noble expression of a monarch 
 toward his people on his sacrificial work in their be- 
 half, was the King's Will, as Sovereign of the Congo 
 Free State: 
 
 We, Leopold IL, King of the Belgians, Sovereign of the 
 Independent State of the Congo: 
 
 Wishing to assure to Our well-beloved country the fruits of 
 the work which for many years We have pursued on the Afri- 
 can Continent, with the generous and devoted co-operation 
 of many Belgians: 
 
 Convinced of thus contributing to assure for Belgium, if she 
 wishes it, the outlets indispensable for her commerce and her 
 industry, and to open new paths for the activity of her 
 children : 
 
 Declare by these presents, that We bequeath and transmit,
 
 150 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 after Our death, to Belgium all our sovereign rights over the 
 Independent State of the Congo, as they are recognised by 
 the Declarations, Conventions, and Treaties concluded since 
 1884 between the foreign Powers on the one side, the Inter- 
 national Association of the Congo and the Independent State 
 of the Congo on the other, as well as all the benefits, rights, 
 and advantages attached to that sovereignty. 
 
 Whilst waiting for the Belgian Legislature to pronounce its 
 acceptance of Our aforesaid disposition, the sovereignty will 
 be exercised collectively by the Council of the three adminis- 
 trations of the Independent State of the Congo, and by the 
 Governor-General. 
 
 Leopold. 
 
 Done at Brussels the 2nd of August, 1889. 
 
 The announcement of the King's Will, bequeathing 
 the Congo State to the Belgian people, was received 
 with a demonstration of popular approval. In 1901 
 the Convention of 3rd July, 1890, giving Belgium 
 the right to annex the Congo State, was extended 
 for another term of ten years. Meantime the great 
 prosperity of the State and the voice of saner lib- 
 eralism in the Belgian Chamber are combining to 
 identify the more intimate support of the Belgian 
 Government with King Leopold's progressive Afri- 
 can colony. That the Belgian State will take over 
 that colony in 19 10, or on the death of King Leopold, 
 is hardly within the pale of rational doubt.
 
 CHAPTER XIII 
 
 TRIBES OF THE CONGO STATE 
 
 THE difficulty in arriving at an estimate of the 
 native population of the Congo Free State 
 that tolerably approximates the truth is 
 very great. Some authorities place it at as high 
 as 30,000,000, some as low as 15,000,000, population 
 while other observers, equally entitled to of Congo 
 respect, assert that 20,000,000 is about ^*^*®' 
 
 accurate. 
 
 This wide divergence of opinion ceases to be 
 matter for surprise when we reflect that the popu- 
 lation of an empire so important as China, known 
 to white men for centuries, is variously estimated 
 by them at anything between 300,000,000 and 
 400,000,000. 
 
 Compared with our knowledge of China, our ac- 
 quaintance with the countries and peoples comprised 
 within the boundaries of the Congo Free State is 
 a thing of yesterday. The nomadic habits of the 
 various semi-savage tribes of which the population 
 of the Congo Free State consists renders their exact 
 enumeration impossible. Besides, there can be no 
 doubt but that vast numbers of the dwarf (Pigmy) 
 race inhabit parts of the great Central African 
 forest not yet penetrated b)' the white man. 
 
 151
 
 152 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 It is certain, however, that all the vast region 
 with which this book is concerned contains no race 
 or tribe that has not come in contact with 
 Civmsation ^^^ civilising Belgians, or whose barbarous 
 habits and customs have not, in greater or 
 lesser degree, been modified into some semblance of 
 conformity with the standard of civilisation exem- 
 plified by their new masters. At present that con- 
 formity is far from being general, and where it is 
 found it is invariably more superficial than real. 
 To frankly admit so much is in nowise a reflection 
 upon the extent or value of the civilising influence 
 exerted by the Belgians upon their King's dusky 
 subjects. The complete transformation of the bar- 
 barian into the civilised man is not possible in one 
 generation. A consideration of the principal tribes, 
 their habits and customs, as they were when the 
 white strangers first appeared among them, and as 
 to some extent they continue to this day, cannot, 
 therefore, fail in interest. 
 
 The nomadic habits of the native races inhabiting 
 the Congo region, discussed at length in another 
 Origin of chapter, render an inquiry into their ori- 
 Congo gin a work of great difficulty and uncer- 
 ^^"'- tain result. Sir Harry Johnston, G.C.M.G., 
 K.C.B., whose expert opinion upon this subject is 
 entitled to the utmost respect, believes that the 
 Negro type which originated in Southern Asia wan- 
 dered across the peninsula of Arabia into Eastern 
 Africa, mingling, perhaps, on the way, with the Cau- 
 casians from the north, evolving that negroid race 
 known as the Hamite, whence sprang the early
 
 Is 
 
 W) 
 G 
 ui 
 
 m 
 
 B
 
 Tribes of the Congo State 153 
 
 Egyptians, and to which the SomaH, Gala, Abys- 
 sinian, and Nubian owe their origin. 
 
 From Eastern Africa this primitive race is thought 
 to have spread, in the course of ages, throughout all 
 Central Africa, and probably to have penetrated 
 almost to the southern and western coasts of that 
 continent, changing their physical characteristics 
 according to their environment, and again modifying 
 those characteristics by subsequent intermixture. 
 The numerous Central African tribes, as they exist 
 to-day, exhibit marked differences in height, shape, 
 language, habits, customs, and even in colour, some 
 being an intense black, some of a chocolate hue, 
 some reddish brown, and some of a bronze aspect. 
 The five main divisions, according to Johnston, 
 appear to be: (i) the forest Pigmy; (2) the Bantu; 
 (3) the Nile Negro; (4) the Masai, and (5) the 
 Hamite. 
 
 The native tribes in the neighbourhood of Leopold- 
 ville consist chiefly of the Musseronges, the Kakon- 
 gos, the Baoilis, and the Mayombes. 
 
 The Mvisseronges are difficult of approach. Not 
 only do they hold themselves severely aloof from 
 the white man, they are also very shy and g^j^g 
 
 guarded in their intercourse with other Tribal 
 native tribes, and are never known to com- ^^^^^' 
 
 bine with any of them, even when threatened by a 
 common enemy. They are tall, strong, and better- 
 looking than most members of the Negro race, 
 though this commendation must not be taken for a 
 certificate of beauty. They file their teeth to a 
 point, or cut them square, or into semicircles, their
 
 154 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 object being to provide themselves thereby with a 
 weapon for use as a last resort in a fight, when they 
 literally throw themselves upon their enemies and 
 seize them by the throat with their fangs, as a 
 bulldog inight do. They wear their hair short, and 
 indulge in the practice of tattooing, for purposes of 
 ornament, but not to any great extent. Strange 
 to say, the women are taller and stronger than the 
 men, which may perhaps be explained by the fact 
 that all the work of the tribe, except hunting and 
 fishing, falls to their share. 
 
 The Kakongos and Mayombes are less intensely 
 distrustful, but the Baoilis are markedly hostile to 
 the white man. They have been known to refuse 
 to barter oysters— their principal diet, of which they 
 frequently have supplies largely exceeding their 
 requirements — for European commodities which it 
 has been certain that they ardently desired to 
 possess. 
 
 All these four tribes are of cleanly habits; and 
 their practice of bathing daily, when the proximity 
 Modes et ^^ ^ river or lake puts it in their power to 
 Robes k la do SO, may put to shame some of the in- 
 Congo. habitants of great cities. The forest tribes, 
 to whom cleanliness by water is impossible, smear 
 their bodies with palm oil and a kind of red ochre, 
 which they afterwards scrape off. The original cos- 
 tume of a few leaves, or an exceedingly small apron 
 made from fibrous bark, for women, and a loin- 
 cloth of the same material for men, has yielded 
 to the superior attraction of common cotton goods, 
 which now reach them from far-away Manchester
 
 bfi 
 
 a 
 "S 
 
 <u 
 
 pq 
 
 a 
 
 a 
 
 o
 
 Tribes of the Congo State 155 
 
 or Saxon ^^ These stiiffs, ornamented by large 
 patterns in flaming reds or yellows, delight the eye 
 and rejoice the heart of the Congolese maid and 
 matron, while such of the men as desire to stand well 
 with the gentler (?) sex will also condescend to use 
 them. No time and skill are devoted to making a 
 garment. A piece of the gaudy stuff wound in loose 
 folds around the loins suffices both for men and 
 women. In every tribe, children of both sexes are 
 entirely nude until they reach the age of puberty. 
 In at least one tribe, neither men nor women wear 
 any covering. In a few tribes it is customary for 
 the women to remain nude until they are married. 
 Some women denote their married state by covering 
 their breasts with strange ornaments, while others 
 secure this object by elaborately dressing their hair, 
 which they build up to a great height by aid of palm 
 fibre and gum. Both men and women, of what- 
 ever tribe, ornament themselves with just as many 
 collars, bangles, and anklets as they can obtain. 
 Without exception, the possession of a few strings 
 of coloured beads is to them a source of great hap- 
 piness. They gaze upon such treasures with de- 
 hght and guard *them with jealous care. Some of 
 their customs are very peculiar. Men and women 
 will not eat together. A man guilty of eating in 
 company of his wives would be hopelessly disgraced. 
 In time past they have eaten one another, and 
 would doubtless do so again should existing restraint 
 be removed, but they may not eat together. After 
 their separate repast, the sexes mingle again freely, 
 and both engage in smoking their long-stemmed pipes.
 
 1 56 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 All the males of the Congo Pigmies seen by Sir 
 Harry Johnston were circumcised, and all in both 
 
 sexes had their upper incisor teeth and 
 Pigmies canines sharpened to a point. In their 
 
 forest homes they go naked, both men and 
 women; but in presence of strangers the men usually 
 don a small covering of genet, monkey, or antelope 
 skin, or a wisp of bark-cloth, and the women leaves 
 or bark-cloth. 
 
 The Pigmies [says Johnston] have practically no religion, 
 and no trace of spirit- or ancestor-worship. They have some 
 idea that thunder, lightning, and rain are the manifestations 
 of a Power or Entity in the heavens, but a bad Power, and 
 when (reluctantly) induced to talk on the subject, they shake 
 their heads and clack their tongues in disapproval, for the 
 mysterious Something in the heavens occasionally slays their 
 comrades with his fire [lightning]. They have little or no 
 belief in a life after death, but sometimes think vaguely that 
 their dead relations live again in the form of the red bush- 
 pig, whose strange bristles are among the few brightly col- 
 oured objects that attract their attention. They have no 
 settled government or hereditary chief, merely clustering 
 round an able hunter or cunning fighter, and accepting him 
 as law-giver for the time. Marriage is only the purchase of a 
 girl from her father. Women generally give birth to their 
 offspring in the forest, severing the naVel string with their 
 teeth, and burying the placenta in the ground. The dead 
 are usually buried in dug graves, and if men of importance, 
 food, tobacco, and weapons are buried with the corpse. 
 
 The same authority has observed that all the 
 Bantu-speaking forest folk on the Up- 
 
 Cicatrisa- r^ , • • - • -• o 
 
 tion P^^ Congo practise cicatrisation, bcores 
 
 and weals of skin are raised either by 
 
 burning or cutting with a knife, and introducing the
 
 Tribes of the Congo State 157 
 
 irritating juice of a plant into the wound. The 
 effect of this is to raise on the surface of the body 
 large or small lumps of skin. Sometimes these 
 raised weals are so small that they produce almost 
 the effect of tattooing; at other times they are large, 
 ugly excrescences. The Babira people cicatrise their 
 chests and stomachs ; but in the forest, toward the wa- 
 ters of the Congo, their faces are hideously scarred. 
 Both men and women of the Bantu Kavirondo ex- 
 tract the two middle incisor teeth from the lower 
 jaw, in the belief that if a man retains all his lowei' 
 incisor teeth he will be killed in warfare, and that 
 if the wife fails to pull out her teeth it may cause 
 her husband to perish. For the same reason of 
 averting ill-fortune, a woman inflicts cuts on the 
 skin of her forehead, which leave small scars. The 
 women also, as a means of securing good fortune for 
 themselves and their husbands, make a number of 
 small incisions, usually in patterns, in the skin of the 
 abdomen, into which they rub an irritant, so that 
 huge weals rise up into great lumps of skin. The 
 Kavirondo husband, before setting out to fight or 
 starting on a journey attended with great risks, 
 usually makes a few extra incisions on his wife's 
 body. 
 
 The traveller in the Congo will frequently ob- 
 serve repulsive disfigurements in the natives, and 
 is very liable to attribute to the cruelty 
 of oppression what are but nianifestations praud^ 
 of old-time tribal customs. The danger is 
 accentuated by the organised campaign of slander 
 now proceeding against the Congo Free State, which
 
 158 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 does not scruple to make capital out of such an op- 
 portune circumstance. 
 
 Almost all the tribes entertain a hazy notion of an 
 invisible Supreme Being; but they regard them- 
 selves as of no account in His estimation, and di- 
 rect their petitions for supernatural aid to their 
 fetiches, which they endeavour to propitiate by 
 gifts through the medium of their witch doctor or 
 medicine man, a kind of priest who pretends to pos- 
 sess supernatural powers and abuses the credulity of 
 his followers to an extraordinary extent. 
 
 Among the Mangbettus, a dead chief is buried in 
 a sitting posture, in the centre of a new hut specially 
 built on the banks of a stream. Five of 
 w^dows"^ his widows are strangled and their bodies 
 laid out with their feet towards their dead 
 husband. The bodies are then covered with bark- 
 cloth saturated with palm oil, after which the spot 
 is held to be sacred and must not be approached, 
 under penalty of death, by anybody but the ruling 
 chief and one attendant. 
 
 At the mouth of the Uelle is found the great 
 mass of the Azande, a very numerous and important 
 tribe, who range the country from 23 de- 
 Azande grecs east to 30 degrees west, and from 6 
 degrees north to 3 degrees south. There 
 are three subdivisions of the Azande — the Abandjia, 
 the Avongura, and the Makraka, born fighters all, 
 and devoted to cannibalism. Some of the Azande 
 men, however, will eat only the flesh of their ene- 
 mies whom they have slain in battle, declining a 
 diet of human flesh otherwise obtained, though they
 
 
 M
 
 Tribes of the Congo State 159 
 
 all (except such of them as dwell south of the 
 Uelle) forbid their women and children to touch it. 
 
 And here arises a curious subject for speculation. 
 The cannibalistic Azande are much farther advanced 
 in the arts of peace and war than many other tribes 
 that are not cannibal — ^the forest Pigmies, for in- 
 stance. Notwithstanding some peculiar customs 
 concerning them, they hold their women in high re- 
 gard, and never barter them for goats and cows, the 
 almost universal practice among other Central Afri- 
 can tribes. Their skill, too, in agriculture, pottery, 
 and in the making and playing of their musical in- 
 struments, seems quite incompatible with their 
 abhorred anthropophagy. 
 
 Each Azande chief is really a despotic king. His 
 power over his subjects is absolute, and any one of 
 them who is so unfortunate as to offend him is sim- 
 ply handed over to the executioner, a procedure 
 which to the Azande mind seems the most natural 
 thing in the world. The courage of the Azandes is 
 beyond praise. They know no fear; and when as- 
 sailed by a murderous fire, against which they have 
 no chance of success, they will rush right up to their 
 enemy and grapple with him hand to hand, though 
 nine-tenths of their fellows fall by the way. Their 
 favourite weapons are the lance and light throwing- 
 spear, and each warrior carries, in addition, a shield. 
 
 Among the Azande, criminals condemned to 
 death are despatched with the lance. Oc- 
 casionally, however, they employ a peculiar "^potso/ 
 method of trial, known as the ordeal by 
 poison, which precludes this method of execution.
 
 i6o Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 On such occasions the chief acts as judge, and the 
 person accused is made to drink a cup of poison, the 
 theory being that if the accusation is baseless 
 the accused survives unharmed. Of course, the in- 
 variable result is that the drinker falls dead within 
 a minute or so. It is safe to assume that an Azande 
 chief is sufficiently intelligent never to subject one 
 of his tribe to this ordeal whose death he has not 
 previously determined upon. 
 
 Another singular custom, not peculiar to the 
 Azande, but common to all Central African tribes, 
 Blood- ^s ^^6 ceremony of blood-brotherhood. Two 
 Brother- men who are in no way related having 
 ^°°^* agreed to become "blood-brothers," i. e., 
 
 to live in peace and amity for ever after, meet in the 
 open air, in the presence of the chiefs and people, 
 when a small incision is made in the forearm of each 
 "brother," sufficiently deep to cause a little blood 
 to flow. Each mutilated one then licks the blood 
 from the other's arm, and thenceforth they are re- 
 lated as brothers. 
 
 A slight modification of this ceremony was early 
 conceded by the various chiefs to accommodate the 
 pardonable squeamishness of Europeans; and now, 
 instead of licking each other's blood, the "brothers" 
 merely rub their incisions together, so that their 
 blood may mingle. Stanley was made blood- 
 brother to so many African chiefs that at last his 
 arm was well scored with incisions. Several Bel- 
 gian commandants, and a few Englishmen, have 
 submitted to this operation; always, it is almost 
 needless to remark, from motives of policy, for it
 
 a 
 
 t3
 
 Tribes of the Congo State i6i 
 
 has been proved that Africans regard the rite with 
 real veneration, and esteem the "brother" they ac- 
 quire by it at least as highly as they would a natural 
 brother. 
 
 It is not necessary in this place to give the names 
 of all the tribes of which the native population of 
 the vast Congo region is composed. They are numer- 
 ous, and for the most part not easily pronounceable. 
 Of the tribes not already referred to, the Basundis, 
 Bakuendas, Batekas, Bayanzis, Bangalas, Batetelas, 
 Mongos, Bantu, and Mombettus are most prominent. 
 While differing in personal appearance, prowess, 
 habits, and customs, clearly denoting that the}' are 
 not descended from a common stock, there are not 
 wanting certain traits which distinguish them all. 
 All are polygamous, nearly all are cannibal, and the 
 morals of the most advanced among them such as 
 shock the average civilised man upon his first con- 
 tact with them. Strangely inconsistent with the 
 low moral sense which prevails among most of the 
 tribes, some of them punish the crime of adultery 
 with death,, others by horribly mutilating the male 
 oifender. 
 
 Cannibalism has long been suppressed by the 
 Congo Government just as murder is suppressed 
 among civilised communities; but the hor- Cannibai- 
 rid practice is still indulged here and there, '^™' 
 
 as opportunity occurs for evading the vigilance of 
 the authorities. So recently as 1898, and possibly 
 to the present day, it was necessary to maintain a 
 constant guard at the cemetery in Leopoldville, the 
 chief station on the Upper Congo, to prevent the
 
 1 62 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 Bangalas unearthing the dead and carrying them 
 ofif to feast upon. Several such cases were proved 
 against them, and capital punishment had to be 
 resorted to in order to stamp it out. This horrid 
 subject is sickening to contemplate; but no de- 
 scription, however brief or superficial, of the Congo 
 people, can ignore a fact which has occasioned, and 
 still presents, such a tremendous difficulty for civil- 
 isation to surmount. This is but one of many diffi- 
 culties with which the Congo Free State has had to 
 contend, and those who sit in judgment upon that 
 State should bear in mind that the Central African 
 black is not by nature predisposed to civilisation. 
 Not all the cannibal tribes are so repulsive and cruel 
 as the Bangalas. Most of them eat no other human 
 flesh but that of their enemies slain in battle. That 
 source of supply will not suffice for the Bangalas, 
 who make up its deficiency with prisoners or slaves. 
 Having broken their victim's limbs, they place him 
 in a pool of water, with his head supported just 
 above its surface so that he may not drown. After 
 having left him in that position for three days (if 
 he survives so long), he is killed and eaten. Another 
 method is to behead the victim, singe all the hair 
 from the body over an ember fire, and then cut it 
 into pieces for cooking. The portions not imme- 
 diately eaten are smoke-dried and put aside for 
 another occasion. The teeth are extracted and 
 made into necklaces by the women. Sometimes 
 the skin is used for drumheads. 
 
 It is the general opinion of competent observers 
 that polygamy will for many years stirvive the ex-
 
 o 
 a
 
 Tribes of the Congo State 163 
 
 tinction of cannibalism. Nothing but the spirit of 
 Christianity will overcome that evil. The native 
 mind cannot be induced by ordinary ars^u- _ , 
 
 . 1 Polygamy. 
 
 ment to see any wrong m it. Why a man 
 should not have just as many wives as he can afford 
 to buy and keep is too much for his comprehension. 
 He regards woman as created solely for his pleasure 
 and profit, and trades in her accordingly. He buys 
 her from her father for one or two goats or a cow; 
 she becomes the mother of his children, and prepares 
 and cooks his food for him. That is her career, and 
 she shares it with as many other wives as her hus- 
 band's inclination and resources permit him to buy. 
 When she dies she is buried — sometimes. Certain 
 Central African tribes regard burial after death as 
 a superfluous ceremony for women, and place their 
 bodies where they will be devoured by hyaenas and 
 vultirres. From two to three wives is the average | / 
 quantum of the ordinary Central African barbarian, 
 and between thirty and forty for a chief. 
 
 After their prodigious effort and expense in sup- 
 pressing the slave trade, the Belgians set to work to 
 weld into a homogeneous civilised State a vast region 
 full of warring tribes with attributes such as these, 
 utterly oblivious to all sense of right and truth as 
 readers of these pages understand these words. 
 
 Looking at the Congolese as they were in 1876, 
 and again as they are in 1905, who can a Reflec- 
 honestly deny that King Leopold has, so *'°°- 
 
 far, well performed his arduous mission ?
 
 CHAPTER XIV 
 THE CONGO PUBLIC FORCE 
 
 THE State's military organisation is constituted 
 by what is called the Congo Public Force 
 {Force Puhlique). It had its origin in the 
 necessities of the International Association before the 
 State had gone far along its difficult way. It was 
 To Main- recruitcd from the^.blacks of Zanzibar and 
 tain along the West Coast at Lagos, Sierra Leone, 
 
 Order. Elmira, and Accra. The first troops were, 
 therefore, foreigners — -Zanzibaris and Haussas. Their 
 foreign origin was, in a sense, an element of security 
 to the Association when it had to direct repressive 
 measures against some of the Congolese tribes. The 
 Zanzibaris and the Haussas had great military apti- 
 tude and, lacking sympathy for the Congolese, were 
 generally loyal to their commanders. They loved 
 an enemy from the instinct inherent in savage natures. 
 J The maintenance of this early body of troops was 
 ^exceedingly expensive for the young State. Be- 
 x/sides food, uniform, and medical attendance, these 
 mercenaries received one franc twenty -five centimes 
 a day. Moreover, on the expiration of their term 
 of service they were sent back to their homes at the 
 expense of the Government. As the term of their 
 engagement was only three years, this obligation 
 formed an important addition to their cost. 
 
 It was beyond the financial power of the State to 
 
 164
 
 7^r" 
 
 tf.m 
 
 o
 
 The Congo Public Force 165 
 
 provide an adequate military organisation on such a 
 basis. While the administrators of the Congo were de- 
 vising means for the support of an efficient force at 
 a reduced cost, the British government on the Gold 
 Coast prohibited further recruiting of Haussas by 
 foreign states. Barred from getting its soldiers from 
 surrounding British territory, the Congo Government 
 proceeded to develop its earlier plans for raising a 
 native local force, the first purpose of which was that 
 it should supplement the main body of regular troops. 
 The nucleus of what is the present Public Force 
 were the men of th e Bang^ alatribe. whom Captain 
 Coquilhat employed as armeSfpolice when he founded 
 Equateurville in i^^^ A short tim.e thereafter, 
 Captain Van Dorpe made the same experiment 
 among the Manvanga. Finding the men from both 
 tribes fit for a military career, the principle of em- 
 ploying aboriginal races in the Public Force was 
 followed with the rapid establishment of the numer- 
 ous posts and stations erected at that time. The 
 wisdom of employing natives for the organisation 
 of such a national force was soon apparent. In 1888 
 an order was issued to.Jonn ei^ght companies of one 
 liundred and fifty men, with..po\Yer_ to increase the 
 number to two hundred and fifty. It was not, how- 
 over, till 1 89 1 that Baron Van Eetvelde and the 
 Governor-General, M. Camille Janssen, drafted a 
 practical scheme for the foundation of a permanent 
 Public Force. Mr. Demetrius C. Boulger. whose 
 volume entitled The Congo State treats at length 
 of the subject up to 1898, describes the scheme 
 which the Sovereign had approved:
 
 1 66 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 The principal features of the scheme were, that the force 
 should be divided into twelve companies corresponding with 
 the administrative districts, and that one hundred and twenty 
 European officers, chiefly Belgians, should be appointed to the 
 command and disciplining of this force. The different grades of 
 this army were: one commandant, eleven captains, ten lieuten- 
 ants , thirty-nine sub-lieutenants , and sixty sergeants . The new 
 system of recruiting was of two kinds. The first provided for 
 the engagement of volunteers for a period not exceeding seven 
 years, and the second for an enforced levy of militia by order 
 of the Governor-General, and arranged between the commis- 
 sary of the district affected and the local chiefs. The levy 
 was to be made, wherever possible, by lot, among the men 
 between the ages of fourteen and thirty. The term of service 
 for the latter was to be five years, with a further period of two 
 years in the reserve. Each man received, besides food for 
 himself and his wife (if he had one) , a daily pay of twenty -one 
 centimes, or a sixth of that which had to be paid for the alien 
 soldier. Moreover, the expense of sending the men back to 
 their homes was reduced to a minimum. The reduction in the 
 cost meant, besides a saving to the Government, the possibil- 
 ity of raising the strength of the force to a figure more in 
 proportion to the requirements of the State. Of the old alien 
 contingent, it has never been found possible to maintain more 
 than three thousand men, and the native contribution to this 
 was about two hundred; but in 189 1 the latter was increased 
 to sixteen hundred men, and in 1897, by which time the alien 
 element had been eliminated, the Public Force was raised to 
 a grand total of eight thousand militiamen and four thousand 
 volunteers. The number of companies had been raised to 
 twenty -two, with a nominal strength of nine thousand five 
 hundred and forty men at the end of last year (1897) , whereas 
 in 1891 the total was only two thousand nine hundred and 
 fifty. 
 
 For the purpose of training these forces, seven camps of 
 about five hundred men each were formed, and the period of 
 training the men undergo is fixed at eighteen months. The 
 uniform is blue linen, or, for full uniform, blue cloth, with a
 
 
 .tUtK^W* '• 
 
 pr^ 
 
 
 1 
 
 ^W^^^V^^^^^S* ' ^Hn-H I^^^^^W^ ^^^^^ib^ 
 
 A Bangala Chief, with his Harem. 
 
 Native Making Butter at his Home in Botandana (,Kivu).
 
 The Congo Public Force 167 
 
 scarlet fez. The arm in general use is the Albini, with a short 
 bayonet. The white officers carry the Mauser rifle, with a 
 magazine. The greatest pains is taken in the fire-training and 
 discipline of the men. Competitions are held every three 
 months among sections of fifty men, and prizes awarded. A 
 great improvement has been eftected in the housing of the 
 troops, who are now almost entirely accommodated in brick 
 barracks. The artillery of the force is of considerable strength, 
 and includes, Krupps, Maxims and Nordenfelts. 
 
 The seven camps of instruction are Zambi, for the Lower 
 Congo; Kinshassa, Bolobo, Irebu, Kassongo, Umangi, La 
 Romee, for the Upper Congo. The principal armed camps, 
 as they are called (because they are bases of military power), 
 are those at Lusambo, Bomokandi, and the Aruwimi; but 
 Vankerckhovenville, Dungu, and Redjaf are now of equal, if 
 not of greater, importance. At Kinshassa, on Stanley Pool, 
 a fort with a battery has been constructed for the protec- 
 tion of Leopoldville and the railway terminus ; and here an 
 experiment has been successfully tried of utilising the ser- 
 vices of prisoners of war. ]\Ien selected from the captives 
 of the nurherous expeditions have been passed through a 
 probationary course on the works of this place, and in this 
 manner a considerable number of recruits have been ob- 
 tained for the Public Force on more favourable terms than 
 the militiamen recruited through the chiefs. Kinshassa is 
 not the only fortified place within the State territory; for 
 at Chinkakassa, near Boma, a strong fort has been con- 
 structed, commanding the navigation of the Congo and the 
 approaches from the ocean. Here Captain Petillon, of the 
 Belgian Engineers, has placed eight Krupps and a number 
 of smaller guns in an admirably selected position, while 
 the Mongos tribe, from the Equateurville district, has sup- 
 plied an adequate number of skilful and handy gunners. 
 The authorities of the Congo State will experience no dif- 
 ficulty in procuring suitable men for this arm of their Public 
 Force. 
 
 The first and oldest company of the Public Force deserves 
 a special notice to itself. This is t he auxil iary^xompagy of
 
 1 68 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 the Congo Railway, and was founded by royal decree of 9th 
 August, 1890, or twelve months earlier than the decree con- 
 stituting the general force. Its organisation was entrusted 
 to Captain Weyns, an officer of the Carabiniers. Its strength 
 was first fixed at the modest total of fifty men; in 1892 it was 
 increased to a hundred men, and afterwards it received a 
 further addition of fifty men. T he task entr usted to this 
 corps was the protection of the railway works and" of TRe~^il- 
 lages through which the railway passed." As"-eight thousand 
 "navvies were employed on the line, and as these were com- 
 posed of many nationalities, the task was no sinecure, but it 
 was performed with perfect success and without friction. The 
 auxiliary force was recruited in a different manner from the 
 rest of the military. It contained several elements: for in- 
 stance, twent^r-five Senegalese, and fifty Batetelas from the 
 country between the Sankuru and the Lualaba. Although of 
 precisely the same race as the mutineers of the Dhanis column, 
 / the latter gave no trouble in 1897. Like the other militiamen 
 y of the State, they serve for five years with the colours and for 
 two years in the reserve, but the cost of maintaining this corps 
 is borne by the railway company. It, however, forms an 
 integral part of the general Public Force, and can be utilised 
 if any occasion arises. Captain Weyns reported so favourably 
 of the quickness of the Batetela recruits and their military 
 aptitude, that all vacancies in this company are now, like 
 those in the rest of the Public Force, filled up with natives of 
 the Congo territory. 
 
 In the archives of the Congo State's Administra- 
 tion in Brussels, there are interesting official reports 
 dealing with the question of creating a reliable native 
 force from the most civilised of the Congolese tribes. 
 The problem was not without many peculiar diffi- 
 culties. Baron Van Eetvelde, whose lofty aims for 
 Congolese civilisation were fortified with many wise 
 measures of great utility to the Government, had
 
 The Congo Public Force 169 
 
 formulated plans for the establishment of a system 
 of military conscription, as to which in January, 
 1897, he reported as follows: 
 
 The State has set itself to the task of creating a purely 
 national army, with the view of lightening the budget of the 
 considerable charges which weighed upon it through having 
 to recruit abroad, and also with the view of putting an end, 
 in accordance with the highest dictates of policy, to its de- 
 pendence in this matter upon foreigners. It considers, more- 
 over, the period of military service as a salutary school for 
 the native, where he will learn respect for authority and 
 the obligations of duty. It is happy, from this view, to see the 
 number of national militiamen increase, and, in order that the 
 institution may preserve all its value, special provisions have 
 been made to prevent abuses, to regulate the recruiting, to 
 assure the welfare of soldiers on service, and to provide occu- 
 pation for those who have served their term. The decree on 
 the recruiting of the Public Force is not more rigorous than 
 any other similar act of legislation, and the incorporation is 
 made under as sure guarantees of -human liberty as in the 
 armies of Europe. As is the case in almost all countries, the 
 recruiting, independent of voluntary engagements, is made 
 by annual levies, but "within the limits of the contingent 
 fixed by the King-Sovereign," and within these limits "the 
 Governor-General determines the districts and localities in 
 which the levy is to be made, and also the proportion to be fur- 
 nished by each locality. . . . The mode according to which 
 the levy operates is determined by the district commissary in 
 agreement with the native chief; and although the drawing 
 by lot is recommended, we must recognise that it would be 
 difficult, in the present circumstances, to have recourse always 
 and everywhere to this method in each village, and to refuse to 
 recognise the customary authority of the village chief, when he 
 designates the militiamen among his own dependants. . . . 
 The length of active service is for five years. At the expiration 
 of this term, the men pass two years in the reserve. The time
 
 1 70 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 passed under the colours, then, cannot exceed seven years — 
 a term which experience shows not to be excessive; and it is 
 strictly forbidden to keep under the flags men who are no 
 longer borne on the lists, or whose term of service has expired, 
 under pain of misdemeanour. These organic dispositions have 
 been completed by instructions, which prescribe on the officers 
 ' to watch carefully that the men receive a sufficient nourish- 
 ment, are comfortably housed, that the sick are well taken 
 care of, that the men are always properly treated, that their 
 misconduct is dealt with in conformity with the regulations, 
 and carefully avoiding all excessive severity.' 
 
 In fact, this system renders light for the native his obliga- 
 tions as a soldier. We do not desire any other proof than 
 those four thousand volunteers who are actually enrolled, and 
 those numerous re-engagements, which show the taste of the 
 native for the profession of arms. It was not with an army 
 of malcontents that the State could have carried out its anti- 
 slavery campaign. The State continues to interest itself in its 
 soldiers after their term has expired. The time-expired men, 
 sent back to their homes at its expense, together with their 
 wives and children (if there are any), are the object of special 
 protection, and receive concessions of land in a station at 
 their own choice. 
 
 The latest report of the Vice-Govemor-General 
 (July, 1904) indicates the great improvement to 
 which the Public Force has attained since the date 
 of Baron Van Eetvelde's statement of the system 
 which prevailed in 1897. Local experience in savage 
 lands should be the foundation of the reforms im- 
 posed. In the case of the State's Public Force, many 
 local conditions, traits, and prejudices, and much 
 inaptitude, were encountered to modify or extend 
 those principles of police control which the State's 
 earlier administration had adopted with character- 
 istic hopefulness. M. Fuchs sets forth the present
 
 Native Canoes, Lower Congo. 
 
 Fishermen, Uvvia.
 
 The Congo Public Force 171 
 
 position of the Force with considerable detail and 
 suggestion : 
 
 The Government is aware that the militar}'^ service of 
 the black race must be the object of constant watchfulness, 
 in order that it may be impossible for them to practise the 
 cruelties to which their primitive instincts might impel 
 them. 
 
 The officers and commanders of the troops have been often 
 warned that they must show themselves inflexible guardians 
 of the observance of those instructions, which have been 
 issued for the protection of the natives against any possible 
 abuse on the part of soldiers left in isolated positions or sub- 
 ject to insufficient control. Instructions have been given to 
 this effect — and I am happy to be able to say that they have 
 been almost evers^where faithfully carried out. Any contra- 
 vention of the order forbidding the despatch of armed soldiers 
 under the command of black officers is also severely pun- 
 ished, and may entail even the dismissal of the agent in fault. 
 These measures have been completed by the formal prohibi- 
 tion of the employment of auxiliaries under no matter what 
 circumstances. 
 
 It has also been laid down that direct relations are to be 
 established between the natives and European agents. In 
 order still further to strengthen the maintenance of discipline 
 among the soldiers of the black race, the regulations on the sub- 
 ject have been completed by the penalty of dismissal from the 
 Public Force. This is the most severe punishment in the eyes 
 of the soldiers, for they highly esteem the profession of arms. 
 Dismissal from the Public Force is inflicted on those soldiers 
 who show themselves absolutely incorrigible or who are un- 
 worthy to remain in the ranks. In order to surround this 
 rigorous measure with all the necessary guarantees, the sol- 
 diers whom it is wished to dismiss are brought before a Coun- 
 cil of Discipline. The dismissal is pronounced, at Boma by 
 the Commander of the Public Force; in the districts by the 
 District Commissioner or by the head of the expedition, after
 
 172 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 examining the charge, the evidence, and the decision of the 
 Council. Chiefs of zones cannot pronounce dismissal. 
 
 The Government have just finally decided that, for the 
 future, the soldiers of the Public Force shall not take part in 
 work at the stations, and that their time shall be exclusively 
 given up to their instruction, education, and military service. 
 The former arrangements which put soldiers, during some 
 hours of the day, at the disposal of the territorial chiefs, 
 chiefs of zones, and chiefs of posts, over and above the hours 
 assigned for military duty, have been modified so as to main- 
 tain in a more continuous fashion the men under the control 
 of their officers. In order to make this decision of the Gov- 
 ernment as fruitful as possible, the territorial chiefs have been 
 ordered to reduce to the effective force strictly necessary for the 
 assurance of security, the garrisons stationed at the posts in 
 zones and districts, and to concentrate at the chief places in 
 the territory garrisons as complete as possible. These meas- 
 ures are intended to produce the best results from the point 
 of view of educating and instructing the troops, as well as 
 from that of assuring military discipline, provided the terri- 
 torial chiefs scrupulously carry out the new instructions 
 mentioned above. 
 
 It has also been pointed out to them that it will be ex- 
 pressly recommended to the officials charged with the in- 
 spection — and the Government has decided to increase the 
 inspections throughout the State territories — to ascertain if all 
 these instructions, concerning the execution of the new table 
 of daily work for the public force, have been carried out. 
 
 The other measures of organisation which have been passed, 
 the formal prohibition to establish posts commanded by black 
 officers, or to confide military operations to them, and finally 
 forbidding the practice of taking sub-officers from their mili- 
 tary duties to employ them as chiefs of stations, are of a 
 nature to make us hope that very soon our public force will 
 constitute a body in which we may have complete confidence. 
 
 In February, 1904, I thought it my duty to point out to the 
 Government the manner in which instruction was given in the 
 camps, and to draw its attention to the necessity that there
 
 Uelle Chief and his Wives, Van Kerckhovenville. 
 
 Port of Leopoldville. Natives at Work.
 
 The Congo Public Force 173 
 
 would be to engage quickly a superior officer entrusted more 
 especially with the mission of seeing to the higher direction 
 and the general control of all the orders issued concerning the 
 Public Force. The Government, which had also occupied itself 
 with the question, has confided this high employment to a 
 superior officer who will be entrusted with the command of 
 the Public Force. 
 
 The Government has resolved to send, at the same time 
 three or four officers of the grade of commandant to be at- 
 tached to the staff of the Public Force, and whom the com- 
 mander will be able to appoint to exercise constant control 
 over the companies and camps. 
 
 It is right to recall the fact that military service is so far 
 from constituting a laborious servitude for those subjected to 
 it, by virtue of the organic law of conscription, that voluntary 
 engagements increase from year to year. Besides, the in- 
 structions of the Government encourage this state of mind 
 by improving the well-being of the soldier from the triple 
 point of view of habitation, food, and clothing. And they 
 are not only natives of Congolese territory, properly speaking, 
 who seek there military employment; numerous Africans 
 coming from the English colonies of the West Coast solicit 
 engagement at Boma. 
 
 The table (on page 174) of the engagements of men, na- 
 tives of the coast and British subjects, is characteristic in this 
 respect. 
 
 The multiplicity of voluntary enrolments will gradually re- 
 move, from the absolutely indispensable law of conscription, 
 what might seem rigorous, particularly in the eyes of people 
 not yet thoroughly acquainted with civilisation, and with the 
 idea of the necessity of public order. 
 
 It is nevertheless important to note that the efforts at- 
 tempted with the view of nationalising the police forces are be- 
 ing crowned more and more with success. The State can now 
 renounce the assistance, elsewhere advantageous, of foreign 
 mercenaries, thanks to the methodical, extensive, and wise 
 application of the militia law, and especially to the consider- 
 able increase in the number of national volunteers. But there
 
 174 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 
 
 Accra 
 
 
 Haussas (Lagos) | 
 
 Sierra-Leonese 
 
 i2 
 
 
 (British) 
 
 
 
 (British) 
 
 
 (British) 
 
 
 >; 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 En- 
 
 Re-en- 
 
 
 En- 
 
 Re-en- 
 
 
 En- 
 
 Re-en- 
 
 Offi- 
 
 
 gaged 
 
 gaged 
 
 Officers 
 
 gaged 
 
 gaged 
 
 Officers 
 
 gaged 
 
 gaged 
 
 cers 
 
 1883 
 1884 
 1885 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 50 
 30 
 20 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 2 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 1886 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 5 
 
 — 
 
 2 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 1887 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 642 
 
 20 
 
 16 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 1888 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 300 
 
 5 
 
 17 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 iSSg 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 10 
 
 5 
 
 4 
 
 204 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 1890 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 ■ — - 
 
 1,200 
 
 53 
 
 12 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 1891 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 542 
 
 6 
 
 1 1 
 
 9 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 1892 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 300 
 
 16 
 
 9 
 
 125 
 
 13 
 
 3 
 
 i«93 
 
 192 
 
 — 
 
 3 
 
 450 
 
 13 
 
 9 
 
 790 
 
 3 
 
 9 
 
 1894 
 
 29s 
 
 — 
 
 I 
 
 760 
 
 14 
 
 14 
 
 710 
 
 5 
 
 2 
 
 1S95 
 
 36 
 
 — 
 
 2 
 
 330 
 
 10 
 
 T I 
 
 72 
 
 20 
 
 2 
 
 1896 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 — 
 
 300 
 
 28 
 
 I I 
 
 136 
 
 40 
 
 10 
 
 1897 
 
 6 
 
 6 
 
 — 
 
 70 
 
 6 
 
 8 
 
 55 
 
 43 
 
 2 
 
 1898 
 
 8 
 
 13 
 
 3 
 
 200 
 
 1 1 
 
 14 
 
 200 
 
 37 
 
 12 
 
 1899 
 
 19 
 
 I 
 
 1 
 
 71 
 
 40 
 
 15 
 
 76 
 
 52 
 
 9 
 
 1900 
 
 I 
 
 5 
 
 — 
 
 20 
 
 17 
 
 5 
 
 50 
 
 38 
 
 8 
 
 1901 
 
 I 
 
 3 
 
 — 
 
 15 
 
 26 
 
 6 
 
 92 
 
 43 
 
 9 
 
 igo2 
 
 2 
 
 6 
 
 I 
 
 10 
 
 50 
 
 4 
 
 42 
 
 70 
 
 10 
 
 1903 
 
 — 
 
 7 
 
 — - 
 
 ID 
 
 21 
 
 7 
 
 37 
 
 59 
 
 6 
 
 
 563 
 
 43 
 
 II 
 
 5.335 
 
 341 
 
 177 
 
 2.598 
 
 1 
 
 423 
 
 82 
 
 could be no question of abandoning the system of recruiting 
 by means of regional conscription. It signifies, indeed, that 
 all the population throughout the whole extent of the territory 
 participates in this public charge as much in the interests of 
 the regular and permanent operation of the recruiting of the 
 national militia as in that also of the natives who benefit by 
 the lessons of their military profession (a sense of order, dis- 
 cipline, cleanliness, clothes, hygiene, habitation, &c.). The 
 stay in the ranks of the armed force has as its principal advan- 
 tage their initiation in civilised life, and their preparation for 
 a regular life of work. 
 
 The proportion of deaths has become very low among the 
 blacks of the Public Force and among the labourers. This is 
 due in a great degree to the improved conditions under which 
 our men live. The lodgment is well aired and neatly kept. 
 The food is varied as much as possible, and its careful prepara-
 
 The Congo Public Force 175 
 
 tion is provided for. The camps of the soldiers of the PubHc 
 Force are well kept up. Barracks constructed in stone with 
 cemented floors serve in the Lower Congo as lodgment for 
 our troops. The black officers have their habitation separate 
 from that of their men. 
 
 In the stations on the upper river these prescripts are also 
 well followed. At Boma the creation of a working city, con- 
 structed of well-chosen materials, is in progress. 
 
 It is interesting to quote with regard to the constant and 
 progressive improvement in the existence of the natives the 
 following paragraphs from the report of Mr. Casement, His 
 Britannic Majesty's Consul: 
 
 "Then (in 1887) I had visited most of the places I now 
 revisited, and I was thus able to institute a comparison be- 
 tween a state of affairs I had myself seen when the natives 
 lived their own savage lives in anarchic and disorderly com- 
 munities, uncontrolled by Europeans, and that created by 
 more than a decade of very energetic European intervention. 
 That very much of this intervention has been called for, no 
 one who formerly knew the Upper Congo could doubt, and 
 there are to-day widespread proofs of the great energy dis- 
 played by Belgian officials in introducing their methods of 
 rule over one of the most savage regions of Africa. 
 
 "Admirably built and admirably kept stations greet the 
 traveller at many points. 
 
 "The Government station of Leopold ville numbers, I was 
 informed by its chief, some 130 Europeans, and probably 300 
 native Government workmen, who all dwell in well-ordered 
 lines of either very well-built European houses, or, for tlie 
 native staff, mud-built huts. 
 
 " On the whole, Government workmen at Leopold ville struck 
 me as being well cared for," and they were certainly none of 
 them idle." 
 
 In thus taking care of their employes the agents have per- 
 formed a duty which has not only resulted in the well-being 
 of the blacks, but has also allowed of a reduction in tlie num- 
 lier of the workers, and accomplisliing better and more rap- 
 idly executed work.
 
 176 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 It will be observed elsewhere in this volume that 
 some of those who condemn the State's system of 
 government point to the Force Publique as 
 feet, but the chief instrument by which the Ad- 
 Good, ministration encompasses the enslavement 
 of the native population. There are glaring dis- 
 crepancies in what such persons, either maliciously 
 or in ignorance, represent as the police system which 
 prevails in the State at the present time. There 
 does not exist a police system anywhere in Europe 
 or Africa which has not some inherent defect. To 
 expect the highest discipline and the utmost control 
 in a police body composed of the imperfectly civil- 
 ised Negroes of Equatorial Africa is only one man- 
 ifestation of that narrow, imintelligent outlook upon 
 the subject over which certain persons are agitating 
 themselves into suspicious frenzy. The report of 
 M. Fuchs denotes that the State's police system is 
 foimded upon high principles of justice, that dis- 
 cipline and order are being maintained without the 
 abuse of power, and that, whatever individuals may 
 have done to transgress in the sphere of their op- 
 portunity, no such extravagant charges of mis- 
 government as a few persons have made can be 
 fixed upon a State with the police laws above in- 
 dicated. A million square miles of savage territory 
 are governed with 14,2 7j;^,. natives enrolled in the 
 State's military service. This is seven soldiers to 
 about every 625 square miles. Does this not signify 
 native respect for, and tranquillity in, the State? 
 What civilised community maintains its authority 
 with such a meagre force?
 
 CHAPTER XV 
 BELGIAN CAMPAIGNS AGAINST THE ARABS 
 
 IT had long been foreseen, as an inevitable result of 
 the advent of the Belgians in Central Africa, 
 that a direct conflict between them and the 
 Arabs, continued to the extinction of one or other 
 of the belligerents, must sooner or later take place. 
 The chief cause of the presence of the Belgi- 
 ans in the country being the suppression of ^^^^^\!° 
 slavery was in itself sufficient to assure this. 
 As shown in the chapter dealing with that subject, 
 the Belgian pioneers in establishing posts throughout 
 the coimtry were guided chiefly in their selection of 
 sites by a desire to obstruct the natural routes of 
 the slave-traders ; and this, as we have seen, had the 
 effect of frequently bringing Belgians and Arabs 
 into collision. 
 
 After the Belgian operations on the Uelle and 
 Lualaba, the Arabs became seriously alarmed. They 
 perceived not only their nefarious method of liveli- 
 hood at stake, but their very existence as a coherent 
 fighting force was also threatened. In dread at 
 this prospect, the Arabs resolved to precipitate mat- 
 ters, and took the offensive. It is not easy to see 
 what other conclusion they could have reached, for 
 the Belgians had now concerted practical measures 
 
 xa 177
 
 178 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 which rendered their raids upon Negro villages no 
 longer possible, while such Negro chiefs as had 
 hitherto been amenable to Arab influence had been 
 either alienated or killed off in fair fight. A tax on 
 ivory, too, imposed by the Congo Government in 
 1 89 1, though moderate in amount and perfectly just 
 in its incidence, was bitterly resented by them. It 
 was clear, therefore, that the only hope for the Arabs 
 lay in recovering the country which the Belgians 
 had wrested from them ; and as with every day that 
 passed their chances of doing this became more re- 
 mote, they resolved to stake all that was left to them 
 upon one desperate effort. 
 
 The first practical proof of this intention came 
 upon the Belgians somewhat as a surprise. M. 
 Hodister, acting on behalf of the Belgian Society of 
 the Upper Congo, a company of merchant adven- 
 turers, had founded two stations on the river Lo- 
 mami. In this act, M. Hodister was held by the 
 Congo Administration to have exceeded the range per- 
 mitted him. Lieutenant Le Marinel, the Belgian offi- 
 cer commanding that region, having foreseen danger 
 in pressing so closely upon the Arabs, a contingency 
 with which he was not as yet prepared to deal. But 
 the opportunity of striking a blow afforded by Hod- 
 ister's precipitate act was too inviting to be neg- 
 lected, and the Arabs promptly seized it. The blow 
 fell March 15, 1892, near Riba Riba, on the Congo, 
 the Arabs murdering Hodister and his ten white 
 companions. It was not a fight ; it was a massacre. 
 Elated by their success, the Arabs next proceeded 
 to burn the factories belonging to the Belgian So-
 
 n 
 
 a, 
 
 a 
 
 ei 
 O
 
 Belgian Campaigns against the Arabs 179 
 
 ciety of the Upper Congo, and to kill their inmates; 
 so that, for the moment, the collapse of Belgian 
 power in that section of the country was complete. 
 
 Another event that occurred about this time 
 served to emphasise the determination of the Arabs. 
 Rashid,' the Arab governor of Stanley Falls, on be- 
 ing invited by the Belgians to assist in obtaining the 
 punishment of the murderers of Hodister and his 
 companions, absolutely refused to have anything to 
 do with the matter, and with difficulty concealed 
 the satisfaction he felt at that tragic event. Sefu, a 
 son of Tippo Tip, began now to realise his father's 
 property, an ominously significant act. On all sides 
 it was felt that a crisis was at hand, and Lieut. Le 
 Marinel prepared to meet it by appointing to the com- 
 mand of the camp at Lusambo Lieut. Francis Dhanis, 
 an officer who had distinguished himself by founding 
 the camp at Bosoko, on the Aruwimi, and in many 
 other ways exhibited uncommon energy and resource. 
 
 Immediately upon the arrival of Lieut. Dhanis 
 at Lusambo, intelligence reached him that Gongo 
 Lutete was on the war-path, seeking to pass the 
 Sankuru. This Gongo Lutete was a Negro chief 
 who had allied himself with the Arabs and assisted 
 them in enslaving his own race. The following is a 
 description of him from the pen of Dr. Sidney Hindc : 
 
 Gongo Lutete was by blood a Bakussu. He had himself 
 been a slave, having as a child fallen into the hands of the 
 
 ' A nephew of Hamed-ben-Mohamed, better known as Tippo Tip, — 
 /. e., "winking the eye," — an Arab slave merchant, invested with the 
 government of Stanley Falls by King Leopold, at the instance of 
 Stanley, he having, in consideration of a monthly salary, bound him- 
 self to repress all slave-hunting and slave-dealing below the Falls.
 
 i8o Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 Arabs. While still a youth, as a reward for his distinguished 
 conduct and pluck on raiding expeditions, he was given his 
 freedom. Starting with one gun at eighteen years of age, he 
 gradually collected a band of brigands round him, whom he 
 ruled with a rod of iron, and before long became Tippo Tip's 
 chief slave and ivory hunter. At the time of his adhesion to 
 the State, Gongo was perhaps thirty years of age. He was a 
 well-built, intelligent-looking man of about five feet nine 
 inches in height, with a brown skin, large brown eyes with 
 very long lashes, a small mouth with thin lips, and a straight 
 comparatively narrow nose. His hands were his most re- 
 markable characteristic; they were curiously supple, with 
 long narrow fingers, which when outstretched had always the 
 top joint slightly turned back. One or both hands were in 
 constant movement, opening and shutting restlessly, especiall}- 
 when he was under any strong influence. His features mean- 
 while remained absolutely immovable. One had to see this 
 man on the war-path to realise the different aspects of his 
 character. The calm, haughty chief, or the genial and 
 friendly companion, became on the battlefield an enthusiastic 
 individual with a highly nervous organisation, who hissed 
 out his orders one after another without a moment's hesi- 
 tation. He was capable of sustaining intense fatigue, and 
 would lead his warriors through the country at a run for 
 hours together. 
 
 With such a redoubtable fighter as Gongo Lutete 
 to contend with, it was clear to Lieut. Dhanis that 
 no time must be lost. Believing, with von Moltke, 
 that the best defence against your enemy is to at- 
 tack him, Dhanis moved against Lutete without 
 delay, and brought him to battle on the 23d of April, 
 and again on the 5th and 9th of May. The first two 
 engagements were undecisive. The third proved a 
 hard fight. At first the fortunes of the day were all 
 in favour of the Arabs; and when his native aux-
 
 Jd
 
 Belgian Campaigns against the Arabs i8i 
 
 iliaries turned and fled it seemed impossible for 
 Lieut. Dhanis to gain the victory. But that very 
 circumstance, so disconcerting in itself, saved the 
 Belgians. As the Arabs advanced, they shouted: 
 "Do not fire! These are natives; make them pris- 
 oners." It was a fatal command. The Belgians 
 rallied, and received their foes with such a tremend- 
 ous fusillade that they were thrown into confusion 
 and took refuge in flight. Gongo Lutete surrendered 
 unconditionally to Lieut. Dhanis, and professed 
 himself henceforth a faithful vassal of the Congo 
 State. He was an able man, probably the most in- 
 telligent of the Negro race in the country, and cer- 
 tainly the best acquainted with the wily Arab and 
 his ways; so, after some hesitation, his overtures of 
 friendship were accepted. The force which Gongo 
 Lutete had commanded being now at the disposal 
 of the Belgians, its first employment under its new 
 masters was the establishment of a new post on the 
 Lomami, at Gandu, on the route to Nyangwe and 
 Kassongo. 
 
 Meanwhile Sefu, son of Tippo Tip, had not been 
 inactive. With cunning worthy of his father, he 
 had no sooner returned from Stanley Falls ^rab 
 
 to Kassongo than he made war upon the Treach- 
 station there and seized it. Two Belgian ^^^' 
 
 officers, Lieutenants Lippens and De Bruyn, were 
 also captured by him, to whom he confided the 
 comforting assurance that he only refrained from 
 putting them to death because he hoped to find 
 them useful as hostages in his negotiations with the 
 Congo Government. Sefu had for his ally Munic
 
 1 82 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 Moharra, chief of Manyema, a powerful Arab leader. 
 Between them they raised a formidable force, 
 which they hastened to employ against the Bel- 
 gians. Before doing so, however, they stated the 
 terms upon which they would make peace. As 
 these terms included, among other provisions, hand- 
 ing over to them Gongo Lutete and the establish- 
 ment of a new frontier to be indicated by them, 
 there was really nothing for the Belgians to con- 
 sider. Their terms being, of course, refused, the 
 Arabs marched from Nyangwe and Kassongo in the 
 direction of the Lomami. Their exact numbers are 
 not known; but notwithstanding the defection of 
 Gongo Lutete and his following, it is certain that 
 they were very numerous. 
 
 The force at the disposal of Lieut. Dhanis, though 
 not so great as that of the Arabs, was yet a con- 
 siderable one. His staff consisted of seven Euro- 
 peans, and he had three hundred and fifty regular 
 troops and one 7-5 Krupp gun. The command of 
 the troops acquired by Gongo Lutete 's defection 
 from the Arabs, numbering several thousands, was 
 entrusted to Captain Michaux, with Lieut. Duchesne 
 second in command. The Arabs having crossed the 
 Lomami at a lower point than where they had been 
 expected, were met by Captain Michaux and Gongo 
 Lutete at Chige, and a battle ensued. The Arabs 
 numbered sixteen thousand men, not more than 
 half of whom were armed with muskets, the rest 
 carrying bows and spears. Lutete having com- 
 plained that his men could not fight because their 
 guns had become wet with the rain, Michaux, know-
 
 Belgian Campaigns against the Arabs 183 
 
 ing that the Arabs must be labouring under a like 
 difficulty, ordered a general attack. His men re- 
 sponded nobly and a fierce fight ensued, but it was 
 of brief duration. Perceiving that they were out- 
 generalled, the Arabs became confused and rushed 
 madly into the river which they had recently been 
 at so much pains to cross, only to find that retreat 
 was impossible. In that situation they were shot 
 down in great numbers. Twelve hundred Arabs 
 were drowned, more than half that number lay dead 
 upon the battle-field, and nearly a thousand prisoners 
 were captured, together with a large quantity of 
 war material. Thus opened the Arab campaign on 
 November 23, 1892, with the battle of Chige. 
 
 Having re-formed his forces, Lieut. Dhanis now 
 crossed the Lomami, determined to carry the war 
 into the enemy's stronghold. His army, which had 
 been reinforced, was now quite a large one, num- 
 bering six Belgian officers, four hundred regulars, 
 and twenty -five thousand natives, the latter being 
 commanded in detail by their own chiefs. Lieut. 
 Scherlink and Dr. Hinde commanded the advance 
 guard. Michaux and Gongo Lutete marched to- 
 gether, and joined forces with Scherlink and Hinde 
 at Lusana. On the route, several Negro chiefs made 
 their submission and strengthened the force with 
 men and provisions. 
 
 On reaching Lusana, the Belgian leaders learned 
 with deep regret that Sefu, son of Tippo Tip, had put 
 to death their brave comrades, De Bruyn a Triple 
 and Lippens, and that he had also exe- Tragedy, 
 cuted a native who had endeavoured to save them.
 
 1 84 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 in circumstances at once pathetic and heroic. Sefu, 
 it now appeared, accompanied by Munie Moharra, 
 was hurrying to attack Dhanis, and the latter in- 
 structed Lieutenants Delcommune and Francqui, 
 then just returned from Katanga, to intercept him 
 if possible. 
 
 But the second battle of the campaign was to be 
 fought by Dhanis' force. It took place on Decem- 
 ber 30th, and opened inauspiciously for the Belgians, 
 Gongo Lutete's men being defeated and dispersed. 
 Fortunately they formed only the advanced guard, 
 and on Dhanis and Michaux coming up the fortune 
 of the day changed. Dhanis confined his energies 
 to a frontal attack, while Michaux assailed the Arabs' 
 flank. What Lutete's irregulars had been imable 
 to do, the Belgians accomplished — but not easily. 
 Part of the battle was fought in a swamp. 
 
 The Belgians displayed great courage imder ex- 
 traordinary difficulties, and continued the fight until 
 the Arabs broke and fled. The honours of the day 
 rested with the Krupp gun, which killed many and 
 frightened more. The Arabs left two hundred men 
 dead on the field, the Congo State only eighty, in 
 which number is included the wounded. When the 
 Belgians captured their enemies' camp, it was found 
 that they had slain their own women, that being the 
 barbarous custom of the Arabs to which they resort 
 whenever there is danger of their women being made 
 prisoners of war. 
 
 Immediately after this battle, the Congo State 
 force crossed the Mwadi to a plateau known as the 
 Gois Kapopa, and, having set up a camp there.
 
 "'^w^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 t' 
 
 o
 
 Belgian Campaigns against the Arabs 185 
 
 rested for a week. At the end of that period in- 
 teUigence reached Lieutenant Dhanis that Sefu had 
 gathered about him a vast following and was again 
 threatening trouble. Slightly counteracting the dan- 
 ger this implied, the same messenger also annoimced 
 that, by order of Lieutenant Delcommune, Lieuten- 
 ant Cassart, with a numerous body of men, was then 
 on his way to join Dhanis. 
 
 Cassart came, as announced, but met with a 
 desperate adventure by the way. He had been 
 entrusted to bring to Dhanis fifty thousand car- 
 tridges, and was provided with an escort of thirty 
 European soldiers and about two hundred and fifty 
 of Gongo Lutete's men. All went well with him 
 until dawn of January 9, 1893, when he was suddenly 
 attacked by Moharra. A short, sharp fight ensued, 
 as a result of which Cassart contrived to reach 
 Dhanis' camp with a loss of only seven men; he 
 also saved his cartridges, all but the five thousand 
 or so that he had used during the fight. 
 
 The conflict between Moharra and Cassart oc- 
 curred not far from the Belgian camp and was heard 
 there, whereupon Dhanis sent a detachment of his 
 men under Lieutenant De Wouters to join Cassart. 
 De Wouters failed to effect his object ; but he came 
 upon a portion of Moharra's men, who mistook his 
 force for a contingent from Sefu coming to their aid. 
 When within twenty yards of the Arabs, De Wouters 
 undeceived them by opening a terrific fire upon 
 them. At the first volley Moharra fell dead. He 
 had been wounded in his fight with Cassart, and 
 was being carried by his wives when he met his fate.
 
 i86 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 The manner in which the news of Moharra's 
 death was conveyed to Sefu is a sufficiently strik- 
 ing proof of the debased savagery with 
 A Cannibal ^yj^j^^j^ ^]^g Belgian civilisers have had to 
 
 Feast. ^ ,j 
 
 contend. They "broke the news gently 
 to him, thus: "We ate Moharra a few days ago." 
 
 The death of Moharra and defeat of his troops so 
 upset Sefu's calculations that he immediately aban- 
 doned his strong camp on the Kipango, and betook 
 himself and his followers behind the Lualaba, on 
 Nyangwe. But for the unfortunate breaking of a 
 bridge, Dhanis would have attacked him in his re- 
 treat. In consequence of that accident, Sefu was 
 enabled to cross the river without molestation. 
 Dhanis, having no canoes, could not come up with 
 him; so the two forces settled down on either side 
 of the river for five weeks and occasionally exchanged 
 harmless shots. 
 
 The canoes in which the Arabs had crossed the 
 river belonged to the Wagenia, a tribe who made 
 their home hereabouts and who lived chiefly by fish- 
 ing. Nearly all their canoes were now in the pos- 
 session of the Arabs, who evinced no disposition to 
 part from them. Dhanis exerted all his wit to induce 
 the Wagenia to provide him with canoes, but they 
 cither could not or would not. Professing friendship 
 for both belligerents, and ready at all times to take 
 bribes from each, they proved useful go-betweens. 
 One day the Wagenia reported that the store of pro- 
 visions in Nyangwe was almost exhausted. ' ' Here, ' ' 
 said Dhanis to his informant, "take these six fowls 
 to Sefu and present them to him from me. Tell
 
 Soldiers' Mess, Suruango, 1903 (Uelle). 
 
 Soldiers' Wives, Bumba.
 
 Belgian Campaigns against the Arabs 187 
 
 him that at present I have plenty, but when my 
 supply runs out I will cross the river." This message 
 deceived Sefu, as it was intended to do. As a matter 
 of fact, the six fowls were the only ones Dhanis had 
 in his camp. The effect of this strategem was per- 
 ceived before many days, the Arabs coming over to 
 the western side of the river, where they began to 
 build forts, or "bomas," as they call them, a short 
 distance below the Belgian camp. Dhanis resolved 
 to attack them at once, and with this object divided 
 his force into two columns. The engagement that 
 ensued proved a complete triumph for the State 
 troops. The Arabs lost nearly a thousand men, 
 many being drowned in an attempt to swim across 
 the river. The Wagenia, anxious to ally themselves 
 with the winning side, hastened to produce canoes in 
 abundance. Dhanis was now able to transport his 
 troops across the Upper Congo, and, that object 
 achieved, he captured Nyangwe almost without an 
 effort, Sefu retreating to Kassongo without firing a 
 shot. This event occurred on 4th March, 1893. 
 
 Though Dhanis was now master of Nyangwe, his 
 difficulties were not all surmounted. He had not 
 been installed there many days before it became 
 necessary to bum down a large part of the town in 
 order to frustrate an attempt by the Arabs to sur- 
 prise it. Then other and worse dangers threatened. 
 Influenza and smallpox broke out among his men and 
 decimated them. No active prosecution of the cam- 
 paign was possible until April, when these plagues 
 abated and reinforcements, five hundred strong, under 
 Commandant Gillain and Lieutenant Doorme, arrived.
 
 1 88 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 Leaving De Wouters in command at Nyangwe, 
 Dhanis now marched on Kassongo. It was a bold 
 Civilisation Venture, for while the Arabs had sixty 
 Trium- thousand men, and held four "bomas," 
 phant. Dhanis disposed of only three hundred 
 regular troops and two thousand auxiliaries. On 
 April 22, Doorme had the good fortune, at the be- 
 ginning of the fight, to rush an important fort which 
 commanded the Arab rear. The Arabs were greatly 
 perturbed by this circumstance, and fought with 
 less than their usual valour. Before two hours had 
 passed, Kassongo was in the hands of the^ Congo 
 State troops, with vast quantities of valuable spoil. 
 The triumph of civilisation over savagery was com- 
 plete, the only jarring note in Belgian ears being 
 confirmation of the murder of Emin Pasha a month 
 before.^ 
 
 ^ For amplified accounts of the Arab wars, see The Congo State, by 
 D. C. Boulger; Le mouvement geographique, by A. J. Wauters, 1884- 
 1898; Rapport de Baron Dhanis sur la campagne arabe dans le Man- 
 yema, 1895; The Fall of the Congo Arabs, by Dr. Sidney L. Hinde.
 
 Hospital, New Antwerp. 
 
 The White Man's Cemetery, Stanleyville.
 
 CHAPTER XVI 
 
 BELGIAN CAMPAIGNS AGAINST THE ARABS 
 {Concluded) 
 
 WHILE the events described in the preceding 
 chapter were being enacted, M. Tobback, 
 Resident for the Congo Free State at Stan- 
 ley Falls, with his second in command, Lieutenant 
 Van Lindt, and a small force, occupied a position of 
 imminent danger. Rashid, a nephew of 
 Tippo Tip and cousin to Sefu, was installed ^ ^^^^ 
 there. This arch-traitor, while professing 
 the utmost friendship for the State authorities, and 
 accepting favours at the hands of Belgian officers, 
 was really a confederate of the Arabs. His character, 
 which had long been suspected, appeared unmis- 
 takably from evidence discovered by Lieutenant 
 Dhanis at Kassongo, when that place was captured 
 by the State troops. On May 1 3th, immediately after 
 he had been informed of the fall of Kassongo, Rashid 
 openly attacked the State garrison. A fierce fight 
 ensued, in which three of Tobback's men were killed 
 and seven wounded. Nearly a hundred of Rashid's 
 men were placed hors de combat; but he was better 
 able to stand the loss than Tobback was his. Four 
 days the struggle continued with varying fortune, 
 but on the fifth day it became evident to Tobback 
 
 t89
 
 190 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 that it was impossible for him, with the handful of 
 men at his disposal, to successfully resist the large 
 force operating against him. He was perfecting his 
 plans for the evacuation of the station, and had pre- 
 pared six large canoes, when the whole situation 
 changed by the . opportune arrival of Commandant 
 Chaltin. The presence of this officer, and the State 
 troops that accompanied him, justified the experi- 
 ment of an attack upon the Arabs, which proved 
 entirely successful. The State troops captured all 
 the Arab positions, and took fifteen hundred pris- 
 oners, Rashid himself escaping capture in ignomin- 
 ious flight. 
 
 At this juncture the Congo State officers came to 
 the conclusion that the Arab power was effectually 
 broken, and they did not anticipate further trouble 
 with the slave-traders beyond, possibly, an occa- 
 sional skirmish. The State's progress in its cam- 
 paign against the Arabs had, on the whole, been 
 extremely successful, and its Sovereign had good 
 reason to be satisfied with the work accomplished. 
 When, in June, 1893, Captain Ponthier came up the 
 Congo with reinforcements for Dhanis, that event 
 seemed to give emphasis to this optimistic view. 
 Certainly it so alarmed Sefu that he abandoned the 
 struggle and fled to German territory. 
 
 Immediately after the flight of Sefu a painful in- 
 cident occurred which greatly embarrassed the Congo 
 A Fatal State authorities. A Belgian officer, hav- 
 Biunder. jj^g come to the groundless opinion that 
 Gongo Lutete was a traitor, ordered him to be court- 
 martialled and shot. It was a disastrous event, not
 
 PQ
 
 Belgian Campaigns against the Arabs 191 
 
 only wrong in itself, but alienating from the State 
 the affection of Gongo's men, and affording its 
 enemies in Europe an opportunity of reviling the 
 Congo Administration; a libel which, though it has 
 been many times refuted, they still industriously 
 disseminate. 
 
 It soon became evident that May, 1893, was not 
 to be recorded in history as the month in which 
 slave-trading Arabs had been finally re- a New 
 pressed. A chief belonging to Ujiji, named Enemy 
 Rumeliza, with a considerable force of ppears. 
 Arabs, now appeared east of Tanganyika. Having 
 penetrated as far as Kabambari, midway between 
 Kassongo and the lake, he encamped there, and ex- 
 plained his presence by avowing his intention to 
 reconquer Manyema. 
 
 Rumeliza 's following was so numerous and so well 
 equipped that October had arrived before Captain 
 (for such he had recently become) Dhanis thought 
 it expedient to move against him. When he did take 
 the field, his force consisted of five officers (of whom 
 Ponthier was one), about four hundred regulars, and 
 three hundred auxiliaries; and they had with them 
 the Krupp gun which had served them so well in 
 many a battle. Unfortunately, ammunition for it 
 was all but exhausted. 
 
 On reaching the Arabs' camp at Mwana Mkwanga, 
 they were found to be very advantageously placed 
 in two large, well-built bomas." The first efforts to 
 
 ' The following description of a boma is from the pen of Dr. Hinde : 
 
 "An Arab force on the march employs a large number of its slaves 
 
 in cutting down and carrying with them trees and saplings, from 
 
 about twelve to fifteen feet in length and up to six feet in diameter.
 
 192 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 dislodge them met with no success. The Krupp gun 
 proved of very Httle service. Of the scanty supply 
 of ammunition, a large portion was wasted by the 
 native troops through lack of skill in manipulating 
 the gun, and finally they abandoned it, after which 
 it was worked by European officers who could be 
 ill spared for the duty. When one of his officers, 
 De Lange, fell woimded, Captain Dhanis decided 
 to retire, and a position was taken up scarcely in- 
 ferior to that held by the Arabs. 
 
 Emboldened by what they erroneously regarded 
 
 As soon as a halting place has been fixed on, the slaves plant this 
 timber in a circle of about fifty yards in diameter, inside which the 
 chiefs and officers establish themselves. A trench is then dug, and 
 the earth thrown up against the palisades, in which banana stalks, 
 pointing in different directions, are laid. Round the centre, and fol- 
 lowing the inequalities of the ground, a second line of stakes is planted, 
 this second circle being perhaps three or four hundred yards in diameter. 
 Another trench is then dug in the same way, with bananas planted as 
 before in the earthwork. The interval between the two lines of forti- 
 fications is occupied by the troops. If the boma is only to be occupied 
 for two or three days, this is all that is usually done to it; but if it is 
 intended for a longer stay, a trench is dug outside the palisades. The 
 object of using banana stalks in this way is ingenious. Within four 
 or five hours they shrink, and on being withdrawn from the earth 
 leave loopholes, through which the defenders can fire without exposing 
 themselves. Little huts are built all over the interior of the fort, and 
 these huts are also very ingeniously devised, and are, furthermore, 
 bombproof. They consist of a hole dug a yard and a half deep and 
 covered with wood. This wood forms a ceiling, over which the earth 
 from the interior is placed to the depth of a couple of feet, and a 
 thatched roof placed over all to keep off the rain. In many of the 
 bomas we found that the defenders had dug holes from the main 
 trenches outwards, in which they lived, having lined them with straw. 
 The whole fort is often divided into four or more sections by a palisade 
 and trenches, so that, if one part of it is stormed, the storming party 
 finds itself in a cross fire — a worse position than when actually trying 
 to effect an entrance. We found that the shells from the 7.5 Krupps 
 did little or no damage to these forts."
 
 Post Office on River Bank, Boma. 
 
 Office of Secretary-General, Boma.
 
 Belgian Campaigns against the Arabs 193 
 
 as a great victory, the Arabs lost no time in attacking 
 the State camp. But this time the tables were 
 turned, and they were repulsed with heavy loss. 
 The arrival of reinforcements from Kassongo con- 
 tributed to this result; but in consequence of some 
 error, Kassongo was left without sufficient guard. 
 This fact coming to the knowledge of the Arabs, 
 they hastened to take advantage of it. To avert 
 this calamity, De Wouters, by order of Captain 
 Dhanis, marched night and day, through a violent 
 storm, and effectually intercepted them. Not a day 
 passed without a fight, victory inclining first to one 
 and then to the other belligerent. On the whole, 
 the Congo State troops continued to hold their own 
 fairly well against great odds. Wearying of the 
 protracted struggle, the Arabs decided to make a 
 desperate attack in full force upon the State camp. 
 They selected a foggy day on which to make their 
 assault, and were greatly aided thereby. At first 
 they succeeded so well that they actually entered 
 the State camp and engaged the Congo troops in a 
 hand-to-hand combat. The struggle lasted five 
 hours. The State troops lost fifty men, including 
 the brave Captain Ponthier, notwithstanding which 
 they succeeded in completely repulsing the Arabs, 
 whom they chased right up to Rumaliza's boma. 
 The Arab losses were far heavier than the State's. 
 Captain Dhanis had every reason to be satisfied. 
 Leaving De Wouters in active command, he now 
 returned to Kassongo to reorganise. 
 
 After the departure of Dhanis, De Wouters con- 
 tinued the aggressive policy of his chief. In attacking
 
 194 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 the boma of Lubukine, Lieutenant De Heusch was 
 killed, and so hot was the fight that his men fled. 
 De Wouters lost five men killed (including De 
 Heusch) and ten wounded; but the Arab loss was 
 far heavier, and included Sefu, the son of Tippo Tip, 
 who had returned from German territory and was 
 pursuing his old courses. 
 
 It was not until nearly the end of December that 
 Dhanis was again strong enough to take the offen- 
 sive. By that time his troops had been rested and 
 reinforced. They were none too early in taking the 
 field, for information now came to hand that Rashid 
 had rallied his forces after their defeat at Stanley 
 Falls and was hastening to join Rumeliza. 
 
 To deal with this combination, Dhanis despatched 
 Commandant Gillain with one hundred and eighty 
 soldiers and two hundred auxiliaries to cut off Rume- 
 liza's retreat, while De Wouters attacked Rumeliza's 
 great boma at Bena Kaltmga, Dhanis, with two 
 Krupp guns, personally commanding the reserve. 
 Rumeliza's boma proved impregnable, the Krupp 
 gims failing to injure it, and news arrived that fresh 
 forces were on their way from Tanganyika to aid 
 Rumeliza. 
 
 Matters stood badly for the State when the op- 
 portune arrival of Commandant Lothaire, with three 
 hundred men, changed the outlook entirely. This 
 occurred on January 9, 1894, a day marked by 
 another singular piece of good fortune. The boma 
 which had so long defied the best efforts of the be- 
 siegers was set on fire and destroyed, a shot from one 
 of the Krupp guns having blown up the Arab maga-
 
 Belgian Campaigns against the Arabs 195 
 
 zine. In their haste to abandon it, many Arabs 
 were shot, while others were drowned in a desperate 
 attempt to cross the river. By cutting off their 
 water supply, the other garrisons were compelled to 
 surrender, so that within three days over two thou- 
 sand Arabs were taken prisoners by the State troops. 
 
 The Arab power was now effectually broken. To 
 break it was an arduous task, expensive both in 
 blood and money, but on the whole it was conducted 
 as humanely as it is possible to conduct military 
 operations. The sufferings of the Europeans were 
 fully as great as, if not greater than, the sufferings 
 of their enemies. Proportionate to their numbers, 
 their mortality was higher. More succumbed to 
 disease and the hardships of the campaign than were 
 killed by the enemy's bullets, among them the gal- 
 lant De Wouters, who passed away in the very hour 
 of his triumph. 
 
 The chief honours of the Belgian campaigns against 
 the Arabs undoubtedly rest upon Dhanis, who had 
 exhibited foresight, patience, and skill in 
 his every act. His ability and success °°°^^^^^°'" 
 were recognised by King Leopold, who con- 
 ferred upon him the title of Baron. In his final re- 
 port to King Leopold of the Arab campaign, dated 
 December 20, 1894, Baron Dhanis thus tersely sums 
 up the results of that memorable struggle : 
 
 The annihilation of the Arab power has brought about the 
 complete suppression of the devastating bands which, in order 
 to procure slaves, had been ravaging the country with fire 
 and sword, from the Uelle in the north down to the Sankura 
 in the south. With them the slave trade disappears from the
 
 196 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 regions they exploited, and very soon, we may hope, it will 
 no longer exist in the Congo State. The native chiefs who 
 have submitted have been reinstated in authority ; others who 
 have disappeared have been replaced by intelligent soldiers of 
 the State ; and some of the Arabs, who made their submission, 
 have been left in enjoyment of their possessions. All have 
 been disarmed and warned that their authority must be 
 exercised under the direction of the State's agents, who are 
 charged with the pacific settlement of any differences that may 
 arise. . . Large camps will be formed at Kassongo and 
 Kabambari, and the numerous soldiers instructed there will 
 form the nucleus of the national army. From this point of 
 view the Arab campaign has forcibly shown that the natives 
 of the various districts of the Congo are in no way inferior as 
 soldiers to the blacks of the coast, who are most famous for 
 their bravery. The Baluba and others trained and led by 
 Lieut. Doorme, the Bangala under Captain Lothaire, etc., 
 have been admirable. In the near future we may expect that 
 it will no longer be necessary to recruit soldiers abroad at 
 great expense. The country will mainly supply its own re- 
 quirements, and the Manyema will be of great importance, 
 alike from the number of men they can furnish and from the 
 special aptitude of these men to the profession of arms.
 
 Office of Director of Transport, Boma. 
 
 Bishop's Palace, Mission of Our Lady of M' Pala (Tanganyika).
 
 CHAPTER XVII 
 THE SUPPRESSION OF SLAVERY 
 
 IT is an old world- truth, supported by countless 
 historical instances, that the way of the reformer 
 is hard. When his progress is not opposed by 
 vested interests, his enthusiasm is regarded with 
 chilling indifference. However just his cause, he 
 may safely count upon numerous oppon- -jj^g worid 
 ents, every one a giant. Even when he has Conserva- 
 succeeded in establishing a clear case for *^^®' 
 
 reform, he is merely set free from one set of diih- 
 culties in order to confront other, and generally 
 more formidable, obstacles. 
 
 When it first became known to the world that his 
 Majesty Leopold II., King of the Belgians, had 
 seriously determined to suppress the slave trade in 
 Central Africa, the news provoked but little com- 
 ment. "Is there any slave trade carried on in Central 
 Africa?" people asked one another — for notwith- 
 standing the wide dissemination of records of travel 
 by Livingstone and Stanley, and the numerous re- 
 ports from missionaries belonging to every religious 
 sect, all affirming it, the great bulk of civilised man- 
 kind, too busy to regard them, rested content in the 
 delusion that the iniquitous traffic was a thing of the 
 past. 
 
 197
 
 198 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 This apathy, if apathy it may be called to be in- 
 different where the facts are not properly known, had 
 to be fought and overcome by King Leopold, first 
 among his own countrymen, and afterwards in the 
 other countries of Europe and in America. By 
 many the King's enterprise was regarded as quixotic, 
 impossible of achievement ; some continued indiffer- 
 ent, and yet others commended the King warmly, 
 and lent their moral support in furtherance of his 
 scheme. The material support, however, which was 
 proffered to amplify his Majesty's own huge outlay 
 came almost entirely from Belgians. On the whole, 
 it was an uphill fight; but King Leopold won all 
 along the line. As we have seen, his Majesty, by his 
 wise initiative, patient labour, and lavish expendi- 
 ture, first created the Congo State, and afterwards 
 obtained from the great powers their recognition of 
 the State so created, and of his own sovereignty of 
 that State, accompanied by their hearty approval 
 of what had from the first been King Leopold's main 
 object in the foimding of the Congo State, viz., the 
 suppression of slavery. 
 
 It will be noted that an important epoch had now 
 been reached. King Leopold's mandate was clear 
 jQ and irrevocable. If it had been an ardu- 
 
 Leopoid's ous Struggle to win that mandate, the effort 
 Mandate, ^ountcd for little when compared with what 
 was needed for the accomplishment of the task now 
 opening out before him. The King of a small State, 
 and with a depleted fortune, Leopold 11. had, as 
 materials for his task, his own natural ability, the 
 righteousness of his cause, and the unswerving
 
 The Suppression of Slavery 199 
 
 loyalty of his people — three grand factors, it is true, 
 but hardly commensurate with its magnitude. The 
 suppression of slavery in a region a third as large 
 as the United States, populated by diverse and hos- 
 tile tribes, among whom slavery and cannibalism had 
 prevailed from time immemorial, would have been 
 no light undertaking for a missionary Croesus with 
 a huge army at his back. King Leopold was no such 
 Croesus, and his pioneers were few in number. But 
 what they lacked in numbers they made up in 
 geographical knowledge, in bravery, and in tact in 
 their dealings both with the Negro and his oppressor, 
 the Arab. Being human, some few mistakes were 
 made; but they were very few — fewer than has 
 frequently marked the establishment of a European 
 colony in countries where there has been no question 
 of slavery awaiting solution, no cannibalism to stamp 
 out, no climatic dangers to encounter. When the 
 time comes for King Leopold to be assigned his place 
 in history as an empire builder, the future historian 
 will probably designate as his Majesty's most bril- 
 liant work his solution of the problem of the sup- 
 pression of the slave trade in Central Africa. 
 
 A wrong may be persevered in until its perpetrator 
 comes to believe it is right. The Arab had for so 
 many centuries harried the Negro race — and, taking 
 advantage of their tribal disputes, plundered, en- 
 slaved, and sold them, under circumstances of re- 
 volting cruelty — that he had long ago grown to 
 regard the Negro as his natural prey, and was 
 seriously alarmed at the appearance in Congoland 
 of the white -faced strangers with their im welcome
 
 200 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 creed of liberty for all men, which they dreaded even 
 more than their weapons of precision. To the Arabs 
 this was a strange doctrine, inimical, they conceived, 
 to their vital interests, and it behoved them to resist 
 it to the death. That their alarm was well founded 
 the sequel will show. 
 
 One of the first acts of the newly recognised Congo 
 Free State was to forbid trade in firearms, gun- 
 Congo powder, and other explosives. Another 
 Free State act defined contracts of service between 
 *^^' natives and foreigners, affording the former 
 special protection. A third act created a volunteer 
 corps whose chief business it was to protect indi- 
 vidual liberty. Before any aggressive action, how- 
 ever, could be taken by this corps, the consent of the 
 sovereign's delegate was necessary. 
 
 Concurrent with these three acts, the Belgian 
 Anti-Slavery Society raised another, and quite dis- 
 tinct, volunteer corps for similar work, but restricted 
 to the neighbourhood of Lake Tanganyika. In ad- 
 dition, about this period the same Society despatched 
 to Congoland, in rapid succession, three expeditions 
 of a missionary and civilising character. In such 
 circumstances, collisions between the Belgians and 
 Arabs were inevitable. During the first few years 
 of the existence of the Congo Free State these col- 
 lisions occurred chiefly on the Upper Congo and its 
 tributaries, the currents of the interior slave trade, 
 particularly those from the eastern and southern 
 provinces, being checked by fixed military posts and 
 flying columns. For two years — from 1892 to 1894 
 — a continuous campaign was in progress, having
 
 Various Mounts, Lusambo. (Lualaba-Kassai). 
 
 ■Kfi^i :':J.A :, '^'Jf^ 
 
 Cattle, Luvungy (Kivu).
 
 The Suppression of Slavery 201 
 
 for its object the interception of the slave caravans 
 accustomed to come from the south and east, which 
 was entirely successful. In the vast territory known 
 by the name of Lualuba-Kassai, at a time when the 
 resources of the State were unequal to the expense 
 of maintaining a Hne of posts,, it was usual, up to so 
 recently as 1902, on the appearance of a gang of 
 slave- dealers to despatch a detachment of troops 
 from Lusambo or Luluabourg to intercept them. 
 Many engagements were thus brought about be- 
 tween the State volunteers and the slave-dealers. 
 Now military posts are established on all the prin- 
 cipal roads formerly used by the slave-traders, and 
 the barrier is complete. 
 
 In the north, Commandant Chaltin struck a dam- 
 aging blow to the Dervishes in February, 1897. 
 After traversing with his force the whole of the Uelle 
 territory, he encountered the Dervishes at Redjaf 
 on the Nile. The place was strongly held by four 
 thousand soldiers, more than half of whom were 
 armed with modem rifles. A severe battle ensued, 
 lasting nearly all day. Victory lay with the Bel- 
 gians, the Dervishes being forced to evacuate Redjaf. 
 They accepted their beating badly, making several 
 attempts to retake the place, but without success. 
 
 Thus we have seen that it was in the districts of 
 the Lower Congo that the slave trade was first 
 stamped out; that it was next eradicated from the 
 Middle Congo ; and finally extinguished on the Upper 
 Congo, where Belgian bravery and military skill 
 succeeded in effectually crushing the last vestige of 
 Arab power.
 
 202 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 The Negro was quick to respond to the revivify- 
 ing influence of security for Ufa and property, and his 
 
 rapid progress in civiHsation may be said 
 vancement ^^ ^^^^ from the day when -this essential 
 
 primary condition was estabhshed. From 
 a report to King Leopold made by Baron Van 
 Eetvelde, Secretary of State for the Independent 
 State of the Congo, the following passage is extracted : 
 
 Slowly but surely the black is being transformed, his intel- 
 lectual horizon is being enlarged, his sentiments are being 
 refined. A thousand facts, in appearance insignificant, mark 
 the halting-place left behind. The black to-day has his place 
 marked out where ten years ago no one thought of using him. 
 He is to be seen, according to his aptitude, as a clerk in the 
 Administration, as a postman, as a warehouseman, as a pilot 
 or sailor on the river boats ; also as a smith, mechanic, sawyer, 
 or brickmaker. Porter in the region of the Cataracts, navvy 
 on the railway, he offers his arms and his labour when the 
 remuneration satisfies the new needs that have taken birth in 
 him. Trader above all, he becomes of a more delicate taste in 
 the acceptance of merchandise in exchange; the stufEs, the 
 tissues of striking colours but mediocre quality, formerly 
 sought for, have to-day no demand, and must give place to 
 articles of a superior kind. He accepts money; he is even 
 acquainted with paper money, for many purchases are effected 
 by means of bonds, which are then cashed at the European 
 revenue offices. He is conscious of his own personality — 
 claims loudly the redress of any wrong which he conceives 
 himself to have suffered. Grown more sociable, he receives, 
 without distrust in his house, the stranger and the traveller. 
 He begins to repudiate his old primitive customs, such as the 
 casque, or the proof of poison. He sends his children to the 
 missionary schools; and, to encourage him in this, the State 
 has started a system of colonies of schools, the pupils of which 
 are rapidly increasing. Fetishism is beginning to lose ad-
 
 o 
 
 u 
 O
 
 The Suppression of Slavery 203 
 
 herents, and religious proselytism proceeds not without suc- 
 cess. The legend of the Negro opposed to all improvement 
 can no longer be maintained in face of this experience. We 
 may consider it as certain that the native, well conducted and 
 well directed, is fit to be assimilated with civilisation. Guard- 
 ing ourselves against optimism, we do not disguise that there 
 remains much to be done in order to introduce by successive 
 stages that civilisation to the farthest frontiers of the State. 
 But the facts warrant our believing in the possibility of such 
 a result, which is the final object of the enterprise of your 
 Majesty. The Congo State in the few years which have 
 elapsed since its creation, has not failed in its task. Time 
 and perseverance will crown the work, and it will be to Bel- 
 gium, if she wishes it, that its accomplishment will belong. 
 
 In a later report — the last from which it will be 
 necessary to quote — Baron Van Eetvelde reviews the 
 complete work of the Congo Free State from its 
 creation to the date of his writing (1897), and very 
 ably sums up the situation then existing: 
 
 The Congo State [says Baron Van Eetvelde] inherited from 
 its birth the heaviest and most perilous task in the anti- 
 slavery work. The territories which fell to it had the sad 
 privilege of being in their greater part handed over to the raz- 
 zias, and of including the principal slave centres and the most 
 important markets of human flesh. However willing were the 
 Powers, who in the Berlin Act solemnly condemned the slave 
 trade, the most optimistic only dared to hope for the disap- 
 pearance of the abominable practices, like those Stanley had 
 witnessed on the banks of the Upper Congo, in a distant 
 future. 
 
 In truth, the crusade against the slave trade, in some meas- 
 ure ordered by the Berlin Conference, remained in the follow- 
 ing years in the condition of a mere vow; and the Congo 
 Government, which on its own account had then already 
 organised a chain of posts of defence against the invasions of
 
 204 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 the slave-hunters, was condemned to deplore that, despite 
 some partial successes, a great part of its provinces still re- 
 mained in their power. Such were at that epoch the horrors 
 and cruelties denounced to the civilised world, such was the 
 deplorable situation in which the people of Central Africa, 
 decimated and massacred by their oppressors, passed an 
 agonising existence, that, struck by a sentiment of legitimate 
 indignation, the Powers again decided by the Act of Brussels 
 (1890) to deal a decisive blow at the slave trade. 
 
 The Brussels Conference characterised the part reserved to 
 the Congo State in the anti -slavery campaign, the importance 
 of the undertakings which devolved upon it, the difficulties of 
 the task which assigned it the perilous honour of being the 
 advance guard on the battle-field. The number of enemies to 
 be fought, the organisation of their bands, their installation 
 from a remote date in the regions which they terrorised, their 
 supply in firearms and munitions, the subjection even of the 
 natives, were so many grounds of apprehension and dis- 
 quietude as to the final issue of the struggle undertaken, and 
 as to the fate ultimately reserved for the African populations. 
 It really seemed, in that encounter between civilisation and 
 slavery, of which the stake was the life and liberty of millions 
 of human beings, as if failure would dispel for ever the hope of 
 a better future. Thus it was that circumstances had placed 
 in the hands of the Congo State the destiny of Central Africa 
 and its tribes, and the situation was tersely defined by an 
 English missionary when, with the experience acquired during 
 a long residence in Africa, he wrote in 1893, during the pro- 
 gress of the military campaign: " I am convinced that, unless 
 the Arabs be annihilated, a general massacre will ensue. This 
 is the moment for the Europeans to play their last card against 
 the Arabs. Whether they will carry the day or not, I cannot 
 say." 
 
 Civilisation did carry the day. And has not history to 
 register that this victory for the Congo State, due to the 
 bravery of Belgian officers, entitled it to merit well of those 
 interested in the fate of the native populations? If to-day 
 there opens for them a new era of liberty and regeneration, if
 
 The Suppression of Slavery 205 
 
 the amelioration of their material and moral condition can 
 now be pursued, they owe it to the annihilation of the pro- 
 moters of slavery. 
 
 Elsewhere has been told at the price of what sacrifices of 
 men and money, at the price of what valour in every case, 
 these results have been attained. The facts are there to attest 
 that these sacrifices have not been in vain. The men-hunters 
 reduced to impotence, their bands dispersed, their chiefs dis- 
 appeared, the fortresses of slavery laid level with the ground, 
 the natives rebuilding their villages under the shadow of the 
 posts of the State, giving themselves up to the peaceful pur- 
 suits of cultivation of the soil — an era of tranquillity succeeding 
 the sombre and sanguinary episodes of the old regime. Every 
 mail from Africa brings proof of the progress of this period of 
 pacification, and shows the natives, delivered from an odious 
 yoke, recovering confidence, and living peaceably in their own 
 abodes. 
 
 That the problem of the suppression of slavery in 
 Central Africa had now been solved, we have had 
 abundant incontrovertible evidence. That ^ oratify- 
 its solution was effected with a minimum ingRetro- 
 of bloodshed, and in a marvellously short ^^^^^' 
 
 period of time for the accomplishment of so gigan- 
 tic a task, we have also seen. The first and greatest 
 of the objects for which King Leopold had so long 
 laboured was at length realised. The applause of 
 all civilised peoples had been justly earned, and was 
 ungrudgingly given, and substantial reward was 
 soon to follow.
 
 CHAPTER XVIII 
 FRONTIERS AND DIPLOMATIC SETTLEMENTS 
 
 THE Conventional Basin of the Congo contains 
 about 1,500,000 square miles, of which the 
 Free State occupies 1,000,000, and its neigh- 
 bours, France, Great Britain, Gerraany, and Portu- 
 gal, about 500,000. On the east of the Free State, 
 and divided from it by Lakes Tanganyika, Kivu, 
 and Albert Edward, is German East Africa, on the 
 coast of the Indian Ocean; on the south-east lie 
 British possessions; on the south the Portuguese, 
 and on the east and north-east the French Congo 
 and Soudan; on the north-east, in the Nile Valley, 
 lie the Egyptian Soudan and the Uganda Protec- 
 torate, the one on the west, the other on the east 
 bank of the Nile. 
 
 The Berlin Conference of 1885 had not dealt with 
 questions of territory except to delimit the area 
 comprised in the Congo Basin. By the Anglo- 
 German Agreements of 1886 and 1890, the borders 
 of German East Africa had been generally defined. 
 France, however, still fostered the hope of acquiring 
 dominion of the Egyptian Soudan and, perhaps, of 
 nearly all of the northern part of Africa. The ar- 
 rangement with the Sovereign of the Congo Free 
 State, giving her a right of pre-emption of the State 
 
 206
 
 W 
 
 w 
 
 o 
 
 o
 
 Frontiers and Diplomatic Settlements 207 
 
 over other Powers, would indicate an ambition in 
 this direction. That France endeavoured to achieve 
 her aim in this respect was forcibly demonstrated 
 by the expedition of Captain Marchand and the 
 Fashoda incident. So far as Germany and Portugal 
 were concerned, the Congo Free State's boundary 
 had been well-nigh firmly established, but with 
 France and Great Britain there was a lack of settle- 
 ment on this important question which threatened 
 the State with future insecurity. 
 
 The first convention on this subject was con- 
 cluded w4th Great Britain, and concerned the Bahr- 
 el-Ghazal, referred to in the succeeding chapter. 
 
 The Franco-Congolese Convention of 14th August, 
 1894, was of great importance to the young State, 
 albeit the price it paid for the friendly attitude of 
 France may appear greater than the security af- 
 forded. The relations which existed between France 
 and the State, when the upper course of the Ubanghi 
 became the object of frontier settlement, were de- 
 fined by the Convention of 5th February, 1885, and 
 that of 29th April, 1887. In the first, France agreed, 
 in return for the right of pre-emption conferred 
 on her in 1884, to determine her own Congolese 
 limits and those of the Free State, and to guaran- 
 tee the latter's neutrality. In the second, the Bel- 
 gian Congo surrendered a considerable territory to 
 France by substituting the Ubanghi to the 1 7th de- 
 gree of east longitude for the boundary defined in 
 the third article of the treaty of 5th February, 1885, 
 and the modification of her right of pre-emption in 
 favour of Belgium in certain contingencies. These
 
 2o8 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 negotiations, beginning in 1 891, were not settled un- 
 til 1894, owing to conflicting views as to the course 
 of the Ubanghi. Moreover, the French Government 
 had expostulated vigorously against the British pro- 
 posal to lease the Bahr-el-Ghazal to the Congo Free 
 State, while Germany protested against British pos- 
 session of the strip of land between Lakes Tan- 
 ganyika and Albert Edward, which the Free State 
 intended granting in payment for its lease of the 
 Bahr-el-Ghazal. The article conveying this strip, 
 manifestly intended for the Cape-to-Cairo railway 
 conceived by Mr. Cecil Rhodes, was, in fact, with- 
 drawn by arrangement betw^een the British and 
 Congo Governments on June 22, 1894. Meantime, 
 the French Government had contended that the 
 river Uelle was the true upper course of the Ubanghi, 
 and that the State had no rights north of it, "even 
 though it resulted in moving the State's frontier line 
 south of the fourth parallel secured to it by the Con- 
 vention of February, 1885." There were, however, 
 on the part of the Congo State, the advantages of 
 possession and effective occupation of the territory 
 north of the Uelle and the right bank of the Mbomu, 
 which had now been geographically established as 
 the uppermost course of the Ubanghi. An offer was 
 made by the Congo State to arbitrate the matter in 
 accordance with the provisions of the Berlin Act. 
 France, however, declined to submit the case to such 
 tribunal. Finally, after three years' delay, a con- 
 vention between France and the Congo Free State 
 was signed in Paris on 14th August, 1894, which 
 contained six articles. The first conceded part of
 
 Frontiers and Diplomatic Settlements 209 
 
 the Belgian claim by constituting the river Mbomu 
 the upper course of the Ubanghi. 
 
 Article i. The frontier between the Independent State of 
 the Congo and the colony of the French Congo, after following 
 the thalweg of the Ubanghi to the confluence of the Mbomu 
 and the Uelle, shall be formed in the following manner: — 
 First, the thalweg of Mbomu to its source; second, a straight 
 line joining the crest of the water-parting between the basins 
 of the Congo and the Nile. From this point the frontier of 
 the Independent State is constituted by the said crest of the 
 water-parting to as far as its intersection with the 30th degree 
 of east longitude (Greenwich). 
 
 Article 2. It is understood that France will exercise, under 
 conditions which shall be determined by a special arrange- 
 ment, the right of police on the course of the Mbomu, with 
 the right of pursuit on the left bank. This right of police will 
 not be exercisable on the left bank, but exclusively along the 
 course of the river, and so long as pursuit by the French 
 agents is indispensable to effect the arrest of the authors 
 of offences committed on French territory or on the waters 
 of the river. France shall have, when necessary, a right of 
 passage on the left bank, to assure her communications along 
 the course of the river. 
 
 The third article stipulated for the gradual sur- 
 render to the French of the posts established by the 
 State north of the Uelle ; and the fourth and the final 
 articles "bound the State to renounce all political 
 action of any kind to the west or north of the follow- 
 ing line — the 30th degree of east longitude, from its 
 point of intersection with the crest of the water- 
 parting of the basins of the Congo and the Nile to 
 as far as the point where this meridian meets the 
 parallel 5° 30', and thence that parallel to the Nile."
 
 2IO Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 By these articles, and the good feehng that has 
 since prevailed between the French and the Belgians, 
 all matters likely to have caused dispute have been 
 settled. A well-defined boundary has been laid 
 down between the French possessions and the Congo 
 State from the Atlantic to the Nile. If the King 
 of the Belgians surrendered to France what others 
 would have retained, it was so dealt with because of 
 that wise political foresight which has characterised 
 his Majesty's diplomacy in other respects. The 
 friendly relations between France and the Congo 
 State, the settlement of northern boundaries along 
 the Mbomu, and the lease of the Bahr-el-Ghazal from 
 Great Britain, have dispelled much Belgian anxiety. 
 The question which now appears to forebode diffi- 
 culty is what the Belgians believe to be Great 
 Britain's scheme for a pretext to break the lease of 
 the Enclave of Lado, a rich and prosperous territory 
 in the Bahr-el-Ghazal, where the Belgians have 
 established posts along the Nile as far north as Lado. 
 As to Great Britain's purpose in this connection 
 there have been many recent signs.
 
 CHAPTER XIX 
 THE BAHR-EL-GHAZAL AND THE NILE 
 
 IN addition to the territories of the Congo Free 
 State proper, the sovereignty of which is vested 
 in Leopold II., King of the Belgians, and his 
 successors, King Leopold holds on lease from Great 
 Britain the Bahr-el-Ghazal up to io° N. A treaty 
 entered into between the Congo Free State and Great 
 Britain on 12th May, 1894, determines the duration 
 of this lease, and the extent of the territory to which 
 it applies. The conditions are somewhat compli- 
 cated, partaking in a measure of the nature of an 
 exchange, the Congo Free State, by Article III., 
 leasing to Great Britain a strip of territory between 
 the lakes Tanganyika and Albert Edward. 
 
 To be more precise: In 1890 the Congo Free 
 State despatched several missions to its frontiers, 
 some of which penetrated the Nile region and made 
 various political arrangements with the ruling chiefs 
 there. It happened also at that period (July, 
 1890) that Germany and Great Britain entered 
 into an agreement whereby Germany acknowledged 
 the paramount influence of Great Britain in the 
 Nile Basin. This agreement was no sooner con- 
 cluded than Great Britain opened negotiations with 
 the Congo Free State, offering to grant thereto, on
 
 2 1 2 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 lease, certain territories situated west of the Basin 
 of the Nile, if the Congo Free State would accord to 
 Great Britain's presence in the Nile Basin recog- 
 nition similar to that which it had just obtained 
 from Germany. Out of this overture grew the 
 treaty of 12th May, 1894, between the Congo Free 
 State and Great Britain, to which allusion has al- 
 ready been made. 
 
 By that treaty, Great Britain leases to Leopold II., 
 King of the Belgians and Sovereign of the Congo 
 Free State, the territories limited by a line starting 
 from a point situated on the west bank of Lake 
 Albert Edward, south of Mahagi, to the point of inter- 
 section of the 30th meridian east of Greenwich, the 
 frontier line of the territories so assigned following 
 the head of the division of the Nile and Congo waters 
 to the 2 5th meridian east of Greenwich ; and along 
 this meridian to its intersection with the loth north 
 parallel, and along this parallel direct to a point north 
 of Fashoda ; thence to the west bank of Lake Albert 
 Edward, south of Mahagi. These territories comprise 
 the entire basin of the Bahr-el-Ghazal River and its 
 affluents (except the upper portion of the Bahr-el- 
 Arab), and are generally referred to as the Bahr-el- 
 Ghazal. The treaty further provides that the lease 
 is to remain operative during the reign of King Leo- 
 pold IL only, except as regards that portion of the 
 Bahr-el-Ghazal west of the 30th meridian, perma- 
 nently vested in the Congo Free State. 
 
 France, which had never recognised British in- 
 fluence in the Nile Basin, at once protested against 
 this arrangement, asserting that Great Britain had
 
 m
 
 The Bahr-el-Ghazal and the Nile 213 
 
 leased territories which did not belong to her. While 
 this delicate question was sub judice there arose the 
 celebrated Fashoda incident which brought Great 
 Britain and France perilously near to war. The 
 circumstances of that incident are too near our own 
 times, and too remote from the purpose of this book, 
 to need recounting here. But it is important to 
 refer to it in this place, because in the settlement of 
 the Fashoda dispute between Great Britain and 
 France the latter recognises the paramount influence 
 of the former in the Basin of the Nile. 
 
 The only obstacle in the way of the execution of 
 the treaty of 12th May, 1894, was now removed, 
 Great Britain's right to dispose of the territories 
 leased to the Sovereign of the Congo Free State being 
 everywhere admitted. But now Great Britain her- 
 self sought, without justification, to annul the treaty. 
 Because the Congo State had made therein certain 
 reservations in regard to France— a perfectly natural 
 proceeding at a period when the rights of Great 
 Britain over the Bahr-el-Ghazal were in dispute — 
 Great Britain contended that the treaty of 12th 
 May, 1894, had practically lapsed. After the battle 
 of Omdurman, the British even went so far as to 
 give, in part, practical effect to this extraordinary 
 view of their treaty obligations, occupying, upon 
 several occasions, Meshra-er-Rek, at the confluence 
 of the Bahr-Djur and the Bahr-el-Ghazal. 
 
 From information which reached Europe and 
 America early in November, 1904, it would appear 
 that Great Britain has resolved to carry this matter 
 with a high hand. A British expedition was said to
 
 214 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 be then in process of formation, composed of 2500 
 native troops, officered by Englishmen, to penetrate 
 Central Africa, ostensibly to restore order among 
 the Niam-Niam tribe. 
 
 Now the Niam-Niam tribe inhabit the Bahr-el- 
 Ghazal country. That is one reason why Great 
 Britain concerns herself with that tribe; but there 
 is another, and a much stronger, reason. Recently 
 it has been discovered that vast mineral wealth ex- 
 ists in that region, and Belgians, Frenchmen, Ger- 
 mans, and particularly natives of that country which 
 "seeks no gold mines and seeks no territory," 
 have busily employed themselves in prospecting it. 
 Trading relations have been established by small 
 companies supposed to be engaged in exchanging 
 fire arms and ammunition for ivory, but really 
 prospecting for ore. 
 
 Side by side with this information comes the 
 official announcement that the British Government 
 has given orders, either directly or through a sub- 
 sidised company, for the erection of a permanent 
 telegraph connecting Khartoum with the Bahr-el- 
 Ghazal, and that transport for traders up the White 
 Nile is guaranteed as far as Fashoda. Already a 
 section of the British newspaper press is advocating 
 the establishment of British military stations and 
 posts upon ground of which King Leopold holds a 
 perfectly valid lease granted by Great Britain ! 
 
 Is it too high a flight of the imagination to suppose 
 that the patience with which the British Government 
 has listened to the libellous tirades against the Congo 
 Free State, in the form of petitions to the House of
 
 M
 
 The Bahr-el-Ghazal and the Nile 215 
 
 Commons, is to be explained by its evident desire to 
 cut loose from its treaty obligations, and forcibly 
 take away what it voluntarily ceded to the Congo 
 Free State for a valuable consideration?
 
 CHAPTER XX 
 MUTINIES OF THE BATETELA TRIBE 
 
 THE hasty and ill-advised trial and execution 
 of the chief, Gongo Lutete, described in 
 another chapter, proved a source of much 
 danger and tribulation to the Congo Free State. It 
 was the act of a misguided and over-zealous officer, 
 The without doubt undertaken in good faith, 
 
 Bateteia but none the less disastrous upon that 
 Grievance, ^ccount. The incident has never been de- 
 fended, but always deplored, by the Congo Govern- 
 ment, to which it occasioned grievous loss in men, 
 money, and reputation. 
 
 Lutete's men were loyal to their chief and bitterly 
 resented his execution. So threatening did their 
 attitude become that it was decided to remove them 
 to some considerable distance from the scene of the 
 tragedy. At the moment of their departure, they 
 fired upon the people and vowed complete vengeance 
 whenever opportunity for it should occur. Later, 
 at Luluabourg, when they accepted an invitation 
 to enter the Force Publique, all danger from them 
 was thought to have been averted. But the ap- 
 parent content of the fierce Batetelas was simulated; 
 they were merely biding their time. 
 
 216
 
 ■tiSL 
 
 C5 
 
 a 
 
 9) 
 
 B 
 
 i^m
 
 Mutinies of the Batetela Tribe 217 
 
 It was d tiring the stimmer of 1895, ^^ Luluabourg, 
 that the Batetelas openly revolted. After murder- 
 ing some of their officers, they attacked the j^ie 
 post at Kabinda. Next, they struck out First 
 to the north, with intent to surprise Lu- Revolt, 
 sambo. At Gandu, and on the Lomami, they mur- 
 dered more Belgian officers, and for a time it was 
 impossible to foresee a limit to their depredations. 
 
 Though the mutineers were less than four hundred 
 in number, in the circumstances they were potent 
 for a vast amount of mischief. They were well 
 armed with modern weapons of precision, were 
 abundantly furnished with ammunition, and had, 
 besides, some military knowledge, acquired from 
 their Belgian officers, which rendered them almost 
 the equal of European troops. To these advantages 
 must be added the natural valour of the Batetela, 
 and the desperation with which men, knowing that 
 their treason will be punished by death in the event 
 of their capture, may be expected to fight. 
 
 Commandant Lothaire, on hearing of the mis- 
 fortune that had befallen the State, hastened with a 
 small force to intercept the Batetelas, then marching 
 on Nyangwe. He met the mutineers on the i8th of 
 October, near Gandu, and, notwithstanding that 
 the force he commanded was much inferior, at once 
 assumed the offensive. A fierce fight ensued, in 
 which the mutineers were badly defeated, losing 
 many killed and prisoners, and having finally to fly. 
 Previous to this engagement another Belgian officer, 
 Lieutenant Gillain, had been active to retrieve the 
 fortunes of the State. Having gathered together
 
 2i8 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 such remnants of the State's forces as remained 
 loyal, and were to be found scattered about the 
 Lomami district, he boldly attacked the mutineers. 
 The battle opened greatly to his disadvantage, but 
 ended in his victory. Lieutenant Gillain then added 
 his forces to those of Commandant Lothaire, and 
 the combination, as we have seen, was far less in 
 number than that of the mutineers, though it 
 proved superior to them. 
 
 After their defeat on the 1 8th of October, in which 
 they lost the greater part of the spoil taken at Lulua- 
 bourg, Kabinda, and Gandu, the Batetelas broke up 
 into small bands, and sought refuge in a forest, into 
 which it was impracticable for the State's forces to 
 pursue them. The latter had now become nearly a 
 thousand strong, and numbered among its officers 
 the brave Michaux, Svensson, De Besche, Jiirgens, 
 Konings, and Droeven — a force sufficient, it was 
 believed, to deal with any recrudescence of the 
 trouble. 
 
 A few days later an incident occurred which rudely 
 dispelled this notion. The scattered bands of mu- 
 tineers again united, to make safe their retreat, and 
 were probably about to march to the Manyema coun- 
 try, when they accidentally met a Belgian column. 
 Both were surprised. The Batetelas, by far the 
 more numerous, at once attacked the Belgians. At 
 the very opening of the fight, the four Belgian offi- 
 cers who were leading the Congo force were shot 
 dead. The bands which had to the present re- 
 frained from joining the main body of the Batetelas 
 now hastened to do so.
 
 Mutinies of the Batetela Tribe 219 
 
 Perceiving that their power would continue to 
 grow so long as they were left unmolested, Com- 
 mandant Lothaire determined to attack the Bate- 
 telas again with all the force at his command. The 
 battle took place November 6th, at Gongo Machoffe, 
 and resulted in a complete victory for the State 
 forces. The Batetelas lost heavily in killed and 
 prisoners, while such of them as survived fled for 
 protection to various local chiefs, who soon, how- 
 ever, handed them over to Commandant Lothaire. 
 
 Again, notwithstanding their bitter experience, 
 the Congo State and its advisers, military and civil, 
 permitted themselves to be lulled into the confidence 
 of security. Nearly two years of quietude on the 
 part of the Batetelas led the Belgians to believe that 
 that fierce race had forgiven, if they had not for- 
 gotten, the injury unwittingly inflicted upon them — 
 that the trouble had been fought out, and the inci- 
 dent from which it originated relegated to its proper 
 place among the unfortunate happenings of a by- 
 gone period. 
 
 The awakening from this dream came in 1897. 
 Commandant Chaltin had driven the Dervishes as 
 far as the Nile, and Baron Dhanis, with a -j-jje 
 
 larger force than Chaltin's, had been sent Second 
 to take possession of the Lado territory Revolt, 
 to found posts there, and to fortify it against possi- 
 ble Dervish inroads. With a column of more than 
 three thousand men, a third of whom were Batetelas, 
 Dhanis set out from Avakubi towards the Nile. 
 
 In the second week of February, 1897, Captain 
 Leroi, with two thousand men, had just reached
 
 220 Story of the Congo P>ee State 
 
 Dirfi, when the Batetelas, of which the force was 
 mainly composed, suddenly mutinied. The mutiny 
 began with the murder of Captain Leroi and his 
 fellow officers, after which the mutineers retreated 
 upon the Obi. As soon as news of this event was 
 brought to Dhanis, he threw his force right across 
 the path of the mutineers, and a desperate battle 
 ensued (March i8, 1897). The pages of history af- 
 ford few parallels to this singular conflict. No 
 sooner had the fight begun, than about five hundred 
 of the Batetelas commanded by Dhanis deserted, 
 and went over to the enemy, their kinsmen. The 
 result, as may be imagined, was chaos. With great 
 difficulty Baron Dhanis effected his retreat. His 
 losses were grievous. Ten Belgian officers fell, 
 among them a brother of Baron Dhanis. Among 
 those who specially distinguished themselves by 
 their gallantry upon this occasion was Lieutenant 
 Delecourt, who, with a miserably small following, 
 covered the retreat, at the cost of his own life and 
 the lives of every member of his faithful company. 
 Having at last succeeded in reaching Avakubi, 
 Dhanis entrenched the handful of men left to him 
 in the little station there, and, leaving Commandant 
 Henry in command, hurried to Stanley Falls, to 
 report the disaster and concert measures for regain- 
 ing what had been lost. 
 
 Meanwhile the Batetelas were not inactive. Mak- 
 ing straight for Stanley Falls, they destroyed all the 
 stations on their way; but just before they reached 
 what was thought to be their objective they struck 
 out eastward. Baron Dhanis at once concluded
 
 State Officials at Ponthierville. 
 
 ^sSHDHnc^v 
 
 -i*^ -- 
 
 ■*!-: 
 
 "j».*^-^ «■ 
 
 Saddle Ox, Lusambo (Lualaba-Kassai).
 
 Mutinies of the Batetela Tribe 221 
 
 that they were bound for their native country^ 
 Manyema. The assurance that they contemplated 
 no invasion of State property was a rehef, but the 
 possibihty that so considerable a number of well- 
 armed men, flushed with victory, reaching their 
 tribe and reporting to it how they had defeated the 
 redoubtable Baron Dhanis was very disquieting, for 
 such an event would infallibly have led to the up- 
 rising of all the Batetelas. Baron Dhanis, having 
 returned from Stanley Falls, placed a body of picked 
 men at Nyangwe and Kassongo, to intercept the 
 mutineers if they chanced to pass that way, while 
 troops, with European officers, were sent from Stanley 
 Pool to pursue them. 
 
 At this juncture, the Belgian cause was aided by 
 an outbreak of smallpox among the mutineers, 
 which compelled them to encamp near Lindi, not 
 far from the British frontier. At that place Com- 
 mandant Henry, fresh from Avakubi (which he had 
 found deserted), with seven hundred men, came upon 
 them and almost succeeded in driving them into 
 British territory. Meanwhile, Lieutenant Sannaes 
 had successfully repelled an attack upon his post at 
 Katue (Semliki), which so enraged the mutineers 
 that the leader of the attacking party, a man named 
 Malumba, was murdered by one of his own men who 
 held him responsible for its failure. 
 
 June had arrived before Commandant Henry and 
 Lieutenant Sannaes could join their forces, and then 
 the regular pursuit of the mutineers began; but 
 another month elapsed before they could be brought 
 to battle. The result was a great victory for the
 
 222 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 Congo State forces. Over four hundred Batetelas 
 were killed, and they lost, besides, five hundred rifles 
 and ten thousand cartridges. And then ensued 
 what had happened in like circumstances before — 
 the surviving mutineers broke up into small bands 
 and dispersed in various directions. Though vic- 
 torious, Commandant Henry was exhausted, and 
 fell back upon his base. Baron Dhanis, who had 
 been guarding the Lualaba to prevent the mutineers' 
 crossing it, now found it safe to pursue their scattered 
 bands. 
 
 At last the Batetela revolt w^as broken. There- 
 after some minor skirmishes occurred here and there ; 
 but they were as the feeble flickerings of an expiring 
 flame — a flame that had seared the growing Congo 
 State only to enable it to show to the world an admir- 
 able example of discipline and resisting power in 
 circumstances of extraordinary difficulty.

 
 CHAPTER XXI 
 
 DISPLACEMENT OF THE POPULATION 
 
 THE instinct of the nomad largely prevails in all 
 savage races, but in none does it prevail to a 
 greater extent than among the black tribes 
 of Central Africa. It is one of their marked char- 
 acteristics, and a fruitful source of trouble. 
 
 Central African tribes are greatly influenced by 
 their superstitions. Like the North American In- 
 dians, they have their medicine men who victims 
 conjure up all sorts of occult prognosti- ofSuper- 
 cations of imminent and mysterious phe- stition. 
 nomena. With them the fetish doctor is little less 
 than a god. If this wise man asserts that a village 
 has suffered ill-luck because the new moon dips to 
 the left or right, his deluded followers collect their 
 effects, devastate the village, and move into some 
 region which he may indicate is free from that curse. 
 If rain has not fallen in sufficient quantity, and the 
 crops surrounding the village have withered, or if 
 the rain has been too abundant, the fetish doctor 
 may forthwith present an explanation based upon 
 some new superstition. Indeed, there are thousands / 
 of tribal beliefs in the Congo Free State which are^^ 
 for ever disturbing the settlement of the population. 
 Implacable enemies of the Congo Free State, not 
 
 223
 
 224 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 wholly ignorant of these tribal beliefs and cus- 
 toms, pretend to regard the migratory nature of the 
 Central African savage as evidence of his fear of 
 the State's government, arising from a feeling of 
 insecurity. Such persons point to the native's 
 incorrigible habit of moving his abode as an un- 
 mistakable sign of his desire to escape from the bar- 
 barities practised upon him by officers and soldiers 
 of the Congo Government. In this way it is sought 
 to deceive those who are imacquainted with the 
 habits of the black man — the man who, a few years 
 ago, ate his brother with a relish which civilised 
 white men can hardly conceive. 
 
 The State, however, fully cognisant of the natural 
 habits of its black subjects, has often considered the 
 question of how to deal effectually with these dis- 
 placements of the population. There are times when 
 neither superstition nor tribal custom causes a large 
 exodus from a well-established village. Sometimes 
 the fertility and luxuriant grass of another region 
 attracts the more enterprising black, who has learned 
 to cultivate his own land. Allured by glowing ac- 
 counts of such a nature he gathers about him his 
 friends and family, and makes off to what he con- 
 siders to be a new Eldorado. In a short time, the 
 diablerie of the fetish doctor has again unsettled 
 him. 
 
 Then, again, there have been occasions when the 
 natives have migrated to avoid payment of the taxes 
 imposed upon them by their own chief on behalf of 
 the State, taxes which are infinitesimal in value as 
 compared with the benefits of civilisation which
 
 Displacement of the Population 225 
 
 the State confers. To deal generally with the dis- 
 placement of the population of the Congo Free State 
 has been a matter of much concern to the Govern- 
 ment. A case of sleeping-sickness or smallpox has 
 occurred, and away goes the whole village pell-mell 
 into another region. The movements of the native 
 tribes are often inscrutable, and afford the State no 
 clue as to how they may be prevented. Like some 
 species of wild animals which instinctively avoid 
 certain districts of the forest at particular sea- 
 sons, or on account of some unusual phenomena, the 
 black man will sometimes quit his residence for no 
 apparent reason at all. Nine times out of ten, how- 
 ever, he migrates on account of things entirely un- 
 connected with any administrative act of the State. 
 Entire villages have been removed because a death 
 has occurred there the cause of which was inex- 
 plicable to the black man. Occasionally the fetish 
 doctor, inspired by some unexplained caprice, will de- 
 cree that the tribe shall move — he knows not where. 
 Ignorance and superstition invariably follow a leader 
 whose pretence is some occult power. The tribe 
 moves; and another tribe, moving from a similar 
 or other impulse, may occupy the very village which 
 the first tribe had abandoned a few weeks before. 
 
 These removals along the banks of the river have 
 sometimes created the impression on a superficial 
 observer that the population of the Congo Free 
 State has diminished or disappeared. Regardless of 
 the impression these deserted villages have made 
 upon those who seek to find opportunity for vilifying 
 the Congo Government, the inconvenience resulting
 
 226 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 from the constant removals has been very great. 
 There is often at one point an aggregation of people 
 too numerous for their subsistence, and public order 
 and tranquillity are disturbed, with disastrous re- 
 sults. More strife between village and village and 
 tribe and tribe has been occasioned by this migratory 
 habit than by any bloodthirsty instinct inherent in 
 the Congolese black. This is notoriously true; and 
 it has had a gravely adverse effect, too, upon the 
 population of the Soudan, with regard to which the 
 statements in Lord Cromer's report of 1893 are 
 conclusive. 
 
 Vice -Governor-General Fuchs, always seeking to 
 improve the governmental machinery of the Congo 
 
 Free State, has recently made the following 
 Remedies Suggestions, which, if adopted, he believes 
 
 would tend to control the migratory nature 
 of the subjects over whom he so intelligently rules: 
 
 I think that it would be opportune to pass the necessary 
 legislative measures, so that an end may be put to this col- 
 lective kind of vagabondage. The administrative authority 
 finds itself at present unarmed, the Congo courts having de- 
 clared the absolute right of the native to move about and to 
 dwell where he likes. But it appears to me that public order 
 is directly interested in having these emigrations in a mass, 
 from region to region in the interior of the country, regulated 
 by law. This regulation would also result in assured stability 
 for a fair distribution of native taxes. It would also facilitate 
 the establishment of definite and permanent means of com- 
 munication throughout the country. 
 
 There is, however, still a special case to be taken into con- 
 sideration. Some natives on removing in this way are ready 
 to establish themselves on the territorv of one or other of
 
 Displacement of the Population 227 
 
 those Sultans whose native authority extends beyond, as 
 well as within, the political frontiers of the State. The 
 determination of the_sovereign power such individuals may 
 wield might, owing to the silence of our laws, not be without 
 future difficulty, when, for instance. Sultans, established on 
 foreign territory and dependent themselves for it on foreign 
 power, are concerned. It would be well if all doubtful ele- 
 ments were removed by a decree which in a general manner 
 might establish the principle that every native of Congolese 
 origin who, by naturalisation or otherwise, shall endeavour 
 to modify his national status, will still be considered as a 
 subject of the Congo State, and remain amenable to Congolese 
 law, so long as he shall reside, in fact, within the limits of 
 the State territory. 
 
 From this it will be observed that in addition to 
 the numerous other difficulties with which the new 
 State has to contend, it is now called upon to legis- 
 late for the solution of a problem which the State's 
 detractors have distorted and misrepresented as a 
 result of the State's cruel system of government. 
 
 The importance of this question cannot be over- 
 stated, as it forms a great hindrance to the proper 
 organisation of so vast a territory as the Congo 
 Basin. That the potentialities of King Leopold's 
 beneficent rule in Central Africa will eventually 
 legislate wisely, and permanently abolish this 
 native inconsistency, no one who has observed the 
 intelligent governmental genius of the State can 
 doubt.
 
 CHAPTER XXII 
 THE STATE'S ADMINISTRATION 
 JUSTICE — NATIVE CHIEFTAINCIES 
 
 TO provide a just and equitable process for giving 
 effect to the civil laws of a savage country 
 requires an administrant force of exceptional 
 powers, of rare patience, and of wide sympathies. 
 Highly civilised communities largely govern them- 
 selves by the aggregate contribution and 
 Problem, example of all orderly persons. The very 
 momentum of their civilisation and the hab- 
 its and tendencies of a cultured people conduce to the 
 observance of law and the tranquillity of the social 
 life to which the law applies. Rules of State and 
 municipal procedure for the government of European 
 countries have, by use and the experience of time, 
 long ago attained to an automatic operation. The 
 social phenomena of all civilised communities are 
 well established, and they form part of that large 
 body of academic theory called social science. The 
 development of human society has its constitution 
 and its philosophy, yet those who are charged, by 
 a duty arising from exceptional circumstances, to 
 apply social and political principles to savage tribes 
 distantly situated from all civilising contact with 
 
 228
 
 a* 
 
 m
 
 The State's Administration 229 
 
 human beings of superior attainment, are charged 
 with a task of unknown and multiform difficulty. 
 
 The characteristic thoroughness with which the 
 Belgians have established their administrative ma- 
 chinery in the Congo Free State is apparent in the 
 latest report (July, 1904) of Vice-Govemor-General 
 Fuchs, the acting head of that Government. Mon- 
 sieur Fuchs has had twenty years' experience in Cent- 
 ral Africa. He is, perhaps, the best-qualified living 
 colonial official dealing with the black races of the 
 African Continent. The great progress of the coun- 
 try he governs, and the moral and material better- 
 ment of the tribes which thrive under his liberal rule, 
 are astonishingly revealed in the report from which 
 the following quotations are made : 
 
 The development of the State administration is attested 
 in a general wav by the ever-increasing number of Posts of 
 different kinds that are in operation irr its territories. 
 
 Thus there are at the present time 233 Posts and Stations, 
 all of them under the command of white men, scattered over 
 tlie 14 districts. 
 
 The European staff attached to the services of the districts 
 mentioned is distributed as follows: 
 
 Organic Staff 294 
 
 Service of Justice 57 
 
 Administrative Service 115 
 
 Medical Service 27 
 
 Service of Public Works 92 
 
 Service of Agriculture 89 
 
 Service of Finance 74 
 
 The Public Force 490 
 
 Service of the Marine 166 
 
 Various 20 
 
 Total 1424
 
 230 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 The number of blacks attached to the different services of 
 the districts is about 20,000 men. 
 
 I here render justice to the zeal and devotion of the servants 
 of the State; besides Belgians, who form the great majority, 
 they also comprise Italians, Swiss, Scandinavians, Germans, 
 English, etc., according to the following order: 
 
 Belgians, 898; Italians, 197 ; Swiss, 89; Swedes, 86; Danes, 
 34; Germans, 31; Norwegians, 22; Finns, 19; English, 16; 
 Dutch, 9; Russians, 5; French, 4; Austrians, 3 ; Americans, 
 2; Turks, 2; Lvucemburgers, 2; Portuguese, 2; Greeks, i; 
 Spaniards, i ; Cubans, i ; total, 1424. 
 
 To whatever nationality they belong they vie with each 
 other in the ardour with which they perform their numerous 
 duties. All are penetrated with the greatness of their role in 
 the heart of savagery, and impelled by the noblest emulation 
 compete in the gradual realisation of our civilising work. 
 Numerous are the testimonies that I have collected during 
 my last official tour of their fruitful activity exercising it- 
 self in all directions, of their protecting benevolence with 
 regard to the natives; and these testimonies emanate from 
 missionaries, from learned men, from travellers, and even 
 from persons inclined rather to criticise than to praise our 
 works. 
 
 In order that this staff may become more experienced, by 
 acquiring progressively a knowledge of the country, its re- 
 sources, and its inhabitants, it has been particularly recom- 
 mended to the agents composing it that they should learn the 
 native dialects. Knowledge of the local idioms is, indeed, 
 indispensable to the European who seeks to enter into di- 
 rect relations with the blacks — to study their manners and 
 customs, and by that means take account of the measures 
 to employ for the introduction and development of our 
 ideas of civilisation. 
 
 The judicial statistics show the vigilance and impartiality 
 with which the Parquet (Public Ministry corresponding to 
 our Public Prosecutor) inquires into breaches of the law, 
 no matter who their authors may be, and aims at allowing no 
 offence to remain unpunished. If some faults have been
 
 The State's Administration 231 
 
 committed by our agents, the guilty have been prosecuted 
 conformably to the law. 
 
 The attention of the members of the service besides has 
 been frequently called to the consequences which would result 
 for them from transgressing the laws and instructions of the 
 Government. In order to ensure their faithful and complete 
 execution, the Government has just again added to the staff 
 of superior officials new State Inspectors. 
 
 DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE 
 
 The magistrates by profession number at the present time 
 32; they are assisted by 25 judicial agents properly so called. 
 
 The judicial services of Boma, to which are attached seven 
 magistrates by profession, and a dozen judicial agents, allow 
 of: 
 
 1. An Appeal Court, composed of a President and two 
 judges, of the State Prosecutor who occupies the seat of the 
 Public Minister on this jurisdiction, and of a Registrar; 
 
 2. A Council of War in Appeal, the presidency of which 
 devolves on the President of the Appeal Court, of two judges, 
 officers of the Public Force, of the State Prosecutor, and of a 
 Registrar ; 
 
 3. A Court of First Instance, composed of a professional 
 judge, of a substitute, a doctor of laws, and of a Registrar; 
 
 4. A Council of War of First Instance, composed of a 
 judge, officer of the Public Force, of the substitute attached 
 to the Court of First Instance, and of a Registrar. 
 
 These four jurisdictions are competent in penal cases. 
 Those occurring under i and 3 are competent also in civil and 
 commercial matters. They sit in such cases without the 
 Public Minister. A report of the Registrar of the Court of 
 First Instance attached to this sets forth the order of civil 
 business. 
 
 The other professional magistrates are distributed between 
 the territorial courts and the councils of war. 
 
 Territorial courts exist at Matadi, Leopoldville, Popokab- 
 aka, Coquilhatville, New Antwerp, Basoko, Stanleyville, Toa
 
 232 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 (Albertville), Lukafu, Kabinda (Katanga), Lusambo, and at 
 the chief place of the Rusisi-Kivu zone (Uvira), independ- 
 ently of the councils of war, which will be shortly replaced by 
 ordinary courts as the number of magistrates is increased. 
 The Parquet attached to these courts is represented by the 
 substitutes of the State Prosecutor, all of whom are doctors 
 of laws. 
 
 Among the following officials of judicial rank the majority 
 are Belgians. There are also Italians, Danes, Swiss, and Nor- 
 wegians. 
 
 President of Court of Appeal: Baron G. Nisco. 
 
 Judges, Court of Appeal: M. Horstmans, M. A. Gohr. 
 
 Judge, Court of First Instance: M. T. Beeckman. 
 
 Prosecuting Attorney: M. F. Waleffe. 
 
 Director: M. A. Gohr. 
 
 Magistrates {Territorial Judges and Substitutes): Ernest Dupont, Her- 
 mann Weber, Iwan Grenade, Louis Rossi, J. Jenniges, P. Vincart, 
 C. M. B. L. Greban de St. Germain, Stanislas Lefranc, Martin 
 Rutten, Albert Sweerts, Robert de Meulemeester, Michel Cucini- 
 ello, Angelo Cagginla, Mario Falcetti, Gennaro Bosco, Frederic 
 Erdrich, Manlio Scarpari, F. J. S. M. Lambin, Torquato Polimante, 
 Loviis Tessaroli, Paul Bossolo, T. C. Lund, H. G. Moth-Borgliim, 
 C. J. R. Vandekelder, A. A. A. Celletti, C. E. A. M. Smets, C. L. 
 Gianpetri, Jacob Vogt, Ragnvald Koht, T. Fessante Adrien 
 Beeckman. 
 
 The administration of justice shows that its representatives 
 are conscious of the responsibility of their mission. No one 
 has ever been able to impugn its impartiality and independ- 
 ence, and the judgments and sentences awarded establish its 
 qnxiety to reach all the guilty, and not to leave unpunished 
 any breach of the laws for the protection of the natives. I 
 will not mention any other examples of this than the judg- 
 ments recently pronounced against the agents of a trading 
 company, upon whom heavy sentences of penal servitude 
 were passed for crimes committed upon natives. The tribute 
 which the Government on that occasion paid to the 
 Courts' sense of their duties will be a valuable encouragement 
 for them. I am confident that the Government's appeal
 
 The State's Administration 233 
 
 to the vigilance of the Department of PubHc Prosecution to 
 prevent any offence of the kind passing unpunished will not 
 be in vain. 
 
 The superior administration of Boma is instructed to follow 
 the principle of bringing before the competent courts all 
 cases of abuses of natives that are pointed out to it by the 
 authorities, by the direct complaints of residents in the 
 Congo, or by criticisms in the press. These last accusa- 
 tions, the frequency of which is found to coincide with 
 the campaign conducted against the Congo State, are regu- 
 larly submitted on the spot to careful examination in detail. 
 The impression that is left by the investigations that have 
 been made, and some of which are still unfinished, is that 
 as a general rule the complaints formulated are wanting 
 in the precision necessary to fix the responsibility, if any, 
 for them; or that they rest exclusively on the gossip and 
 statements of natives which have not been sufficiently veri- 
 fied. In this latter respect a long experience of African 
 affairs has shown me with what circumspection, 
 
 not to sav with what distrust, the statements of 
 
 as a 
 
 the blacks must be accepted. Their peculiar Witness, 
 mental characteristic renders them inclined to 
 lie with an ease that is disconcerting, and magistrates are 
 obliged to direct their inquiries and questionings with real 
 skill and untiring patience in order to arrive at the truth 
 amongst the inaccuracies and omissions of coloured witnesses. 
 That will reveal how much and how often the stories of 
 sensational facts circulated by natives are distorted by them, 
 when they are not absolutely invented, and what disappoint- 
 ments those who accept them too easily prepare for them- 
 selves. A typical case is that of a Protestant missionary 
 who was accused by natives of having inflicted on the 
 l)lack engineer of his mission's steamer blows and wounds 
 that caused his death. The judicial investigation disposed 
 of this charge, which had been fabricated in all its details 
 by the natives with the view of avenging themselves on the 
 missionary, with whom they were engaged in a dispute on a
 
 234 Story of the Congo r>cc State 
 
 question of wages. And yet the natives making the accusa- 
 tion never ceased for a moment, despite the proofs to the 
 contrary, from maintaining their lying charges with a per- 
 sistency which could not fail to create an impression. It is 
 to be regretted that Mr. Casement ' was not put on his guard 
 against the statements of the blacks, and especially by this 
 incident, of which he could not have been ignorant, since the 
 missionary concerned accompanied him during the inquiry into 
 the case of Epondo, whom the natives also represented to have 
 been the victim of a criminal act. 
 
 I will, by another example revealed during a recent in- 
 quiry, show how much the charges brought against the Ad- 
 ministration of the State are wanting in prudence. Some 
 correspondence from a missionary published in England has 
 given rise to violent comments in the press of that country 
 upon the Congo Free State. When invited by the State 
 Prosecutor to formulate and present his charges, this mis- 
 sionary did not allege anything against the State agent, 
 whom, in his writings he had charged with responsibility 
 for odious crimes. He had invoked, as corroborating his 
 own statement, the affirmations that other European agents 
 had made to him; he declared by what follows that these 
 affirmations were to be kept strictly confidential. "It is 
 true," he adds, "that these facts have been published, but 
 as the publication was made in England I thought that 
 the confidence placed in my discretion was not betrayed." 
 He also declares that "before accepting the responsibility 
 of revealing and specifying in a precise manner the facts, 
 he desires to consult, and take the opinion of, if not a bar- 
 rister, at least some one knowing Congolese law, and that 
 the extracts published of his letter have not perhaps been 
 made with strict precision of language." In short, the want 
 of clearness, the subterfuges of the examination, attracted 
 the attention of the State Prosecutor, and left on his mind 
 the most unfavourable impression as to the good faith of 
 
 * His Britannic Majesty's consul, author of the Report referred to 
 in a succeeding chapter.
 
 The State's Administration 235 
 
 this missionary, and as to his highly blameworthy manner 
 of recognising the hospitality that he has hitherto enjoyed 
 in the Congo. 
 
 I have entered into these few details in order to show the 
 occasionally inconsiderate character of the attacks directed 
 against our Administration. 
 
 And I owe it to truth to make another reproach, not less 
 grave, with regard to certain foreign elements which do not 
 seem to have an exact view of their duty in incul- 
 cating the natives by their example and teachings . 
 with the respect due to the authority of the State ^jjg state, 
 and to its representatives. It is impossible not to 
 be struck by the strange rumours in the vicinity of the Pro- 
 testant missions, which for some time have been announcing 
 to the population a change in the established order, and pre- 
 dicting the end of the State. There natives have been 
 seen to offer insults to the European agents; officers of 
 the Companies have lodged complaints as to the arrogant 
 attitude of part of the population subject to certain influ- 
 ences; a tendency to shake off the duty due to the State, 
 and to repudiate respect for our laws, has manifested itself 
 among them. It is not doubtful that here we see the result 
 of the underhand intrigues sapping, more or less intention- 
 ally, the legal authority. The remark inevitably follows that 
 this position reveals itself solely in the neighbourhood of some 
 evangelical posts, and it assumes a more significant character 
 when it is known that the tendency of these establishments is 
 to exercise over the surrounding population a sort of sover- 
 eign power, in opposition to "Boula M atari, " ' thereby cre- 
 ating a state of antagonism between the influence of the 
 mission houses and the authority of the State agents. I have 
 pointed out for the attention of the Government this grave 
 position, and the measures that it ought to take if it con- 
 tinues. Already local agents have been obliged to act on 
 their own initiative to safeguard the State's authority, and if 
 
 ' The name which the natives applied to Stanley. It is now used 
 to designate the State.
 
 236 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 it becomes necessary the Governor-General will consider the 
 occasion for making use of the means placed at his disposal, 
 by the decree of 15th September, 1889, for dealing with for- 
 eigners who should employ against the State their influence 
 over the natives. 
 
 It would be desirable that an appropriation be provided to 
 carry out the plan at present under examination, of establish- 
 ing on the Upper Congo a number of civil courts and a second 
 Court of Appeal. 
 
 In my opinion the Government ought to go farther in the 
 way of developing our judicial machinery. A point which has 
 not ceased to attract attention is, in the first place, the re- 
 cruiting of the staff. Whatever may be the goodwill of the 
 judicial agents, it is beyond doubt that some newcomers have 
 not always possessed, before their entrance into our judiciary, 
 a sufficiently long experience of judicial practice. I here renew 
 the wish, already expressed, to hear that judges of Belgian 
 courts and parquets be authorised to obtain leave of absence 
 to occupy judicial posts in the Congo. 
 
 The spirit in which this recommendation by the 
 Vice-Go vemor-General was received in Belgium is 
 clearly indicated in the following announcement on 
 behalf of the Minister of Justice at Brussels : 
 
 The Minister of Justice has just authorised Belgian magis- 
 trates who may be desirous to do so, and be accepted by the 
 Congo Free State, to undertake, by a limited engagement, to 
 serve as judges in the Congo, — and for that purpose, to obtain 
 leave of absence without pay, save that their rights of seniority 
 in the Belgian magistracy are to be reserved. 
 
 The Congo has been for us a field of heroism. It has 
 enabled numerous Belgians, who were smothering within 
 their frontiers, to prove their value in a much broader sphere, 
 where territorial, political, and diplomatic conditions per- 
 mitted some display of their inborn qualities, and to reveal 
 themselves first-class pioneers, soldiers, and administrators.
 
 The State's Administration 237 
 
 If considered only from an ideal point of view, this advant- 
 age is well worth something. And those of our officers who 
 out there have put down slavery, pacified the native tribes, 
 opened the ways of navigation, commerce, and industry, 
 created agricultural stations, depots, railways, forest ex- 
 ploitations, and roads will surely from this point of view 
 alone have rendered our little country as much service as 
 they could have rendered it in the service of our garrisons. 
 
 It has often been said that narrow frontiers mean narrow 
 ideas. To broaden our horizon, is to broaden our ideas. It 
 seems to us that without going beyond these considerations, 
 this decision taken by our Department of Justice deserves to 
 be commended. 
 
 Without any burden on our Treasury on that account, — 
 since the Belgian judges serving in the Congo will, during the 
 term of their service, cease to draw upon our budget, — our 
 magistracy will be losing nothing of their value, so justly ap- 
 preciated, by delegating a few of their members — selected 
 from the youngest — in those new regions where their know- 
 ledge of law, coming into more direct contact than at home 
 with nature and practical needs, will acquire renewed strength 
 at the very springs of equity and juridical conscience. 
 
 At the same time, their authoritative participation in the 
 colonial undertaking will contribute to do away with the very 
 suspicion of those abuses which, after being systematically 
 exaggerated by interested opponents, have been used as a 
 pretence for this deplorable Congophobe campaign which 
 has led av/ay in England a few minds more generous than 
 enlightened. 
 
 Fortified in this manner, the Congolese magistrates, who 
 even now worthily bear comparison with any colonial magis- 
 tracy, will, by the mode of their recruitment, and their own 
 merit, command respect from our adversaries. 
 
 They will be continually renewed, which is advisable in 
 these tropical regions, where the conditions of climate very 
 soon exhaust individuals, and the new and continued re- 
 lations which will thus progressively spring up between
 
 238 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 Belgium at home and its African extension will contribute to 
 force into our colonial undertaking the best part of our tradi- 
 tions and of our national spirit. 
 
 It would be also useful if the ambulatory character attri- 
 buted by Congolese law to the Courts of First Instance were 
 made more effective, by rendering it an obligation for these 
 courts to move about periodically throughout the extent of 
 their province, to sit regularly at important centres, and to 
 betake themselves to all points to which the necessities of 
 their presence required them to proceed. This object might 
 be easily attained, if only there were placed at the disposal 
 of the magistrates the material means — with regard to trans- 
 port, provisions, and lodging — that the frequency of these 
 movements on circuit might call for. 
 
 I would also recommend a new measure which would con- 
 sist in establishing in the different jurisdictions a corps of 
 special agents who should be remunerated by the Govern- 
 ment, and whose mission would be to discharge in the inter- 
 ests of the natives the role of barristers. At present it is to 
 the magistrates themselves that the native addresses himself 
 in order to obtain the necessary counsel for the protection of 
 his rights. It would be preferable that those who may be 
 called upon to lay down the law on a conflict of civil right, 
 should not fill also the post of being counsel to one of the 
 parties. On the other hand, from the penal point of view the 
 measure that I propose would permit of professional defend- 
 ers being assured to the accused. This institution, which it 
 would be necessary to render of as general application as 
 possible in the Upper as in the Lower Congo, would thus place 
 on the spot, at the disposition of those natives who thought they 
 had ground of complaint, gratuitous defenders of their interests. 
 
 Indeed it would be useful to constitute in Belgium a Court 
 of Cassation to which the sentences and definite judgments in 
 penal matters which might possibly be contrary to the law 
 should be submitted. Such a court might be composed of mem- 
 bers of the Belgian Court of Cassation, or of the Appeal Courts 
 admitted to the grade of emeritus, or actually practising.
 
 it! 
 
 G 
 
 o 
 
 C 
 *>»
 
 The State's Administration 239 
 
 It will certainly seem natural that these different opportu- 
 nities of co-operating in the Congolese work should be given 
 to the Belgian magistracy. Belgium would see therein, as it 
 seems to me, the occasion of drawing closer the links of a 
 moral nature which already unite it to its future colony, and 
 the mission not without distinction which Belgian officers 
 have fulfilled and are fulfilling in Africa would find its com- 
 plement in the collaboration of jurists of merit who can be 
 counted in our country in great numbers. 
 
 NATIVE CHIEFTAINCIES 
 
 The institution of native chieftaincies, due to the decree of 
 6th October, 1891, realises an idea too just and too politic for 
 it not to receive all the extension possible. If during the first 
 days that followed the promulgation of that decree the dis- 
 trict Commissioners displayed praiseworthy emulation in 
 recognising native chieftaincies, it is not less certain that these 
 have not rendered, up to the present, all the services which 
 we could expect, so far as they were called upon to create 
 between the European authority and the natives a natural 
 intermediary, having its duties and responsibilities, and cal- 
 culated to facilitate the action of the Government. 
 
 The cases in which it has been applied still show the ad- 
 vantages of the system and testify to the greater facility with 
 which the natives rally to the new order of things when it is 
 personified in their eyes by the chief whom they have always 
 recognised. It is proved that respect for the orders of au- 
 thority, obedience to the laws, the execution of legal obliga- 
 tions, such as military recruiting and the payment of taxes, — 
 in a word the principles of an organised social state, are more 
 easily accepted by the natives forming part of a chieftaincy 
 than by those who are quite independent. The chiefs, be- 
 sides, have generally a real influence over the population, and 
 thus, as has several times been said, if they feel themselves 
 supported they will succeed in making our ideas prevail and 
 in imposing them on the natives through our support. 
 
 Another appeal has just been quite recently made by the
 
 240 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 local government to all the chiefs of districts and zones in 
 order to inspire them with these views, and so that they may 
 increase the official chieftaincies to a great extent. 
 
 The instructions issued are inspired by a double object: to 
 maintain and even to extend the authority of the chiefs over 
 their subjects, to avoid all intervention in the internal affairs of 
 the tribes which would be of a nature to compromise the pres- 
 tige of that authority. 
 
 "It is the right of the chief," these instructions declare, 
 "to assure the execution of his orders according to native 
 rules and particularly to bring to his decision the sanction 
 demanded by native custom." 
 
 The only restriction on the authority of the recognised 
 native chiefs lies in the necessity for them not to run counter, 
 in the decisions taken, to public order, that is to say, principles 
 which are at the base of the organisation of society, as it is 
 comprehended and wished to be by the legislator. 
 
 The chief's authority ceases as soon as the measures taken 
 are contrary to that public order. 
 
 Thus, in matters of private right, the native chief could not 
 legitimately take any course which would assail the organisa- 
 tion of families constituted under the regime of the civil Code, 
 and according to its prescribed form, — in other words, entered 
 on the European statute. 
 
 On the other hand, he could not establish slavery, oppose 
 religious liberties or commercial liberty, or order acts con- 
 trary to the penal law. 
 
 Still it is necessary to remark that he may employ coercive 
 and repressive measures to ensure, as chief, and within the limits 
 of his power according to custom, the execution of his orders. 
 
 But this sanction itself would be contrary to public order 
 if its character differed from our ideas of what repression 
 should be, more especially if it were accompanied by torture, 
 mutilation, or other acts of cruelty, or if it were surrounded 
 with superstitious practices, such as the proof by poison; in 
 a word, if it were really to run counter to our ideas of humanity 
 and the civilising object of the State.
 
 The State's Administration 241 
 
 Corporal punishments, similar to those employed by the 
 State and in a similar measure to what is employed by it, in- 
 flicted by the native chief according to custom, would evi- 
 dently not be contrary to public order. 
 
 Such are the regulations set forth in a general way which 
 govern the 258 recognised native chiefs in their participation 
 with the political life of the State. 
 
 These instructions recommend to the territorial authorities 
 "continual relations with the native chiefs, incessant instruc- 
 tions and recommendations, a direction and control without 
 interruption, and a moral and material support in order to 
 maintain and increase the chief's authority with a similar 
 object," and to the judicial authorities "an intervention 
 marked by prudence in order not to diminish uselessly the 
 chief's authority, and not to destroy, or even weaken, the in- 
 fluence that he should have, and of which the Government 
 means to make use for the spread of civilisation." 
 
 The care of maintaining intact and of developing the prin- 
 ciple of the chief's authority might perhaps one day be carried 
 farther. It would indeed be permissible to wish that, in the 
 future, all the decisions of an administrative and judicial char- 
 acter, passed by the European authorities themselves, should 
 be executed by the intermediar}^ of the recognised chief; in 
 other words, the native would receive orders only from his 
 natural chief. 
 
 This measure, when it becomes possible, will produce the 
 best results with regard to order and discipline, the natives 
 being less inclined to rebel against the orders of the chief 
 whom they have freely chosen. ' 
 
 In order to avoid the abuse which might result from ignor- 
 ance of our laws, and to make the native chief acquainted 
 with his rights, there should be attached to the proces ver- 
 banx of investitute of the chiefs a protocol setting forth the 
 penalties that it will be permissible for the local authorities to 
 continue to apply, as in the past, with a specific mention of 
 the offences subject to their jurisdiction. 
 
 They will be made acquainted with this act on their investi- 
 16
 
 242 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 ture, at the same time as they are instructed as to the general 
 obligations imposed on them by the State, and which should 
 also figure in the document in question. 
 
 All that precedes evidently relates only to native chiefs 
 properly so-called, and not to the present sultans who, as 
 prescribed by the Government's instructions, must not have 
 the authority which they at present possess increased.
 
 u 
 CO 
 
 tD 
 
 a 
 
 u 
 
 o
 
 CHAPTER XXIII 
 
 THE POSTAL, TELEGRAPH, AND TELEPHONE 
 
 SERVICE 
 
 MODERNS regard the post-office and the mis- 
 sion school as substantial signs of civilisa- 
 tion wherever the two are found in mutual 
 endeavour. In compliance with Article VII, of the 
 General Act of Berlin, the Congo Free Twin 
 
 State joined the Postal Union, and has sent CiviUsers. 
 official representatives to its periodic congresses. 
 
 In the Belgian Congo the postal service is very 
 efficient. It already penetrates to districts most 
 remote from the central office at Boma. It was ef- 
 fectively established in 1885 when the irregular ser- 
 vice was succeeded by the rudiments of the present 
 system. In 1887 it was, in fact, a piece of perfect 
 governmental machinery. On the 28th of February 
 that year it signed a formal Postal Convention with 
 Belgium. It was soon thereafter apparent that a 
 postal money-order service was required to facilitate 
 the transit of small sums between Europe and the 
 Congo. Agreements in this respect were made with 
 Belgium on May 13, 1893, ^^^ November 24, 1898. 
 The rapid development of the Congo Basin already 
 calls for even further extension of the system. 
 
 243
 
 244 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 The latest report on the subject is that of Vice- 
 Govemor-General Fuchs, which follows: 
 
 POSTAL SERVICE 
 
 There are at present on the Congo: 23 post-offices, sub- 
 post-offices, and depots for stamps. 
 
 According to the returns before me, there were transported 
 in 1885 only 33,140 letters and printed objects, whereas for 
 1902 the postal movement was represented by 372,007 letters 
 and printed objects. 
 
 Correspondence is conveyed by either railway or steamer; 
 on the roads it is forwarded to its destination by special native 
 couriers. 
 
 The weight of the despatches enclosing letters and printed 
 matter may not exceed, for transport by land, 10 kilogrammes.^ 
 The porters required for this service are furnished by the 
 chiefs of posts. 
 
 The transmission of correspondence into the interior of the 
 country is, besides, regulated by instructions, to which the lo- 
 cal authorities frequently draw the serious attention of the 
 territorial chiefs. Thus, in all parts of the State territory, the 
 couriers must leave on a fixed day, and they have a certain 
 time, which has been calculated after much experience as 
 sufficient, for the journey from one point to another. 
 
 It is expressly forbidden to the authorities to detain the 
 native couriers after the date fixed for their departure, or 
 to entrust them with correspondence not sealed. All postal 
 packages must be paid for (with the exception that certain 
 officials have the right to post free) and enclosed in a sealed 
 envelope having the address clearly shown. 
 
 Each postal despatch contains a ticket of advice which is to 
 be returned to the originating office, dated and signed by the 
 agent of the office that received it, after he has found the con- 
 tents exact. The carrier of the mail is also in possession of a 
 route ticket which informs him of the number of sacks and 
 envelopes composing the mail. It must be checked and dated, 
 
 'About 22 lbs.
 
 Postal, Telegraph, and Telephone Service 245 
 
 and must show in a special column, for the way out and back 
 and for each station, the hour of the arrival and departure of 
 the couriers. 
 
 The sub-controllers of the post-oflfices must forward each 
 month, for the purpose of verification, to the Controller of the 
 post-ofhce at Boma, the route tickets of the couriers sent 
 during the previous month. 
 
 The Director of Finance sends, as often as possible, the 
 Controller of the Post-Office to examine the accounts of the 
 various offices which are run by selected agents appointed 
 from the Belgian administration. 
 
 In districts where sub-post-offices are established, the Dis- 
 trict Commissioner sees to the strict observance of the in- 
 structions regulating the important postal service. 
 
 It has been found that in several districts the services of 
 soldiers in the garrison have been utilised for the mails. Not 
 only did these not always render the services which workmen 
 or other men specially engaged for the service of transports of 
 all kinds render, but even there was reason to fear that the 
 soldiers, on account of their uniform and arms, as well as being 
 without control, sometimes abused their powers to make levies 
 on the villages through which they passed. But now the 
 strict instructions of the Government forbid soldiers being 
 taken away from their garrison and military duties, and re- 
 quire that they should always remain under the control of 
 their chiefs. It has, therefore, been positively forbidden to 
 send any mail by soldiers of the Public Force. 
 
 TELEGRAPH AND TELEPHONE SERVICE 
 
 On 27th November, 1893, the State ordered by decree the 
 first telegraphic line, and in July, 1895, ^ ^^st wire was 
 stretched across the river; and on 15th September, 1898, it 
 became possible to telephf^ne and telegraph from Boma to 
 Leopoldville, or for a distance of 452 kilometres (282 miles). 
 Later on, and when the transport of material had been made 
 easier by the openmg of the Matadi-Leopoldville railway, the 
 telegraph line was extended to Coquilhatville.
 
 246 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 At the present moment there are thirteen telephone and 
 telegraph offices working in the State. 
 
 The principal offices and distance separating them from 
 each other are: 
 
 Boma-Matadi 52 kilometres 
 
 Matadi-Tumba 185 
 
 Tumba- Leopold ville 215 
 
 Leopoldville-Kwamouth 233 
 
 Kwamouth-Mopolenge-Yumbi 177 
 
 Yvimbi-Lukolela 121 
 
 Lukolela-Irebu 102 
 
 Irebu-Coquilhatville 114 
 
 Total 1,199 kilometres ^ 
 
 (nearly 750 miles) of development. This extensive telegraph 
 and telephone line is carried on iron posts from Boma to 
 Leopold ville, and from Leopoldville to Coquilhatville the wire 
 is supported in some places on steel posts, in others on trees, 
 in the proportion approximately of 4494 steel posts and 2782 
 trees. 
 
 The line has to make two very important crossings of water, 
 one across the Congo a little above Underhill Point (Hell's 
 Kettle), the other across the Kassai near its mouth. 
 
 At the crossing of the river at Underhill the wires are sup- 
 ported by trellised steel towers, the piers of which are distant 
 800 metres from each other; and they are placed 73 and 63 
 (2) metres ^ respectively above the bed of the river at the 
 highest flood. 
 
 The crossing of the Kassai is made by two casts of the line, 
 one being 450 and the other 670 metres in length. Fourteen 
 steel towers, of 36.50 and of 38.50 metres in height, help 
 crossing the river. One of the towers is placed on an island, 
 and four conductors ensure the proper working of the tele- 
 graph line. 
 
 The camps of Lisala and Umangi are also connected by a 
 telephone line 22 kilometres in length. Besides a strong per- 
 manent body of native workers and European linesmen, the 
 
 * A kilometre is .621 of a mile. ^ A metre is 39.37 inches.
 
 PQ 
 
 CO
 
 Postal, Telegraph, and Telephone Service 247 
 
 line is maintained by the natives of the villages through which 
 it passes. The natives receive ample compensation in monthly 
 payments. 
 
 Another telegraph and telephone line of about 320 kilo- 
 metres, which leaves Kassongo on the Lualaba for Baraka on 
 Lake Tanganyika, was opened on 5th December, 1903. It 
 connects the telegraph and telephone offices of Kassongo, Ka- 
 bambare, Kalembe-Lembe, Baraka. This line will be ex- 
 tended to Lake Kivu, in the extreme eastern part of the Free 
 State. 
 
 For about two years past experiments have been in progress 
 to establish communication by wireless telegraphy between 
 Banana and Ambrizette, so as to connect the Congolese sys- 
 tem with the rest of the world. 
 
 Telegrams for Europe are at present brought either by the 
 State steamers or by ocean steamers from Boma to St. Paul 
 de Loanda, to San Thome, and to Sierra Leone, whence they 
 are transmitted to their destination. Telegrams can also be 
 sent from the Congo for Europe by the French route of the 
 Gaboon by taking them to the French office of Brazzaville. 
 A convention recently established between the French Repub- 
 lic and the Government of the Congo Independent State will 
 allow the telegraphic systems of the two States to be con- 
 nected by sinking a cable in Stanley Pool between Brazzaville 
 and Kinshassa. This work finished, the Congo State will be 
 connected with the telegraphic system of the globe.
 
 CHAPTER XXIV 
 NAVIGATION, RAILWAYS, ROADS 
 
 THE Sovereign of the Congo Free State adheres 
 to a gospel of labour of which he is personally 
 the greatest exemplar in Europe. His Maj- 
 esty's industry is in motion at five o'clock every 
 morning. It gathers force as the sun rises, and sub- 
 sides only when his ministers and attend- 
 The strenu- ^^^g have retired. In this respect much 
 
 ous Life. . ^ 
 
 might be written to attract the world's ad- 
 miration to a monarch who has the false reputation in 
 America of toying with time and its tintinnabulation. 
 Tremendous are the energies which the King's 
 example inspires, not only in the Belgium which his 
 rule has beautified, and which he has made the least- 
 taxed country in Europe, but also in the heart of 
 blackest Africa. There are, in that vast territory, 
 manifold monuments to the infectious spirit of en- 
 deavour which prevails in the palace at Laeken, 
 at Brussels, and in the lofty chalet at Ostend. These 
 monuments, by their nature, appear to confirm Bel- 
 gian intention to occupy the future of the Congo 
 State with structures of enduring substance, whether 
 they be material, political, ethical, or social. The 
 charge, sometimes uttered against King Leopold, 
 that his interest in the Congo is merely what it can 
 be made to yield him during his lifetime, dissolves 
 
 248
 
 Navigation, Railways, Roads 249 
 
 into the mist of the slander it becomes in the pre- 
 sence of the physical improvement going on, with 
 mighty strides, in Congoland. 
 
 When the Congo Free State was founded, com- 
 munication by water with Europe was infrequent 
 and uncomfortable. Liverpool and Lisbon Benefits 
 sent a few ships at irregular intervals. Later of state 
 Germany and Holland followed their ex- ■^"^®* 
 
 ample at a time when Fuka-Fuka was the farther- 
 most settlement on the Congo coast. No means of 
 transport into the interior existed except by canoes, 
 or by native carriers. To-day all this has been 
 altered by Belgian capital, skill, and industry. 
 
 The maritime development of the Congo began in 
 1 89 1, when the State, joining the commercial com- 
 panies of the region, concluded an agreement with 
 certain German and English steamship lines to estab- 
 lish a monthly service between Antwerp and Matadi. 
 These ships left Antwerp on the 6th of each month 
 and arrived at Matadi in about fifteen days. 
 
 In 1895, under the auspices of a syndicate com- 
 posed of the masters of these ships, there was incor- 
 porated at Antwerp La Compagnie Beige Maritime 
 du Congo, which provided a monthly service of 
 steamers sailing under the Belgian flag. The success 
 of this enterprise induced other companies to engage 
 in the Congo trade, among them being L'Empresa 
 Nacional de Navigagao, of Lisbon; Les Chargeurs 
 Reunis, of Bordeaux, related to Fraissinet et Cie., of 
 Marseilles; The Woerman Line, of Hamburg; The 
 African Steamship Company, combined with the 
 British and African Steam Navigation Company.
 
 250 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 Extensive harbour works have been erected at 
 Banana, Boma, and Matadi, and several signal lights 
 have been placed at the mouth of the Congo to in- 
 dicate the entrance to the channel. The Lower 
 Congo, from Banana to Matadi, has been charted 
 by buoys, and a pilot service has been organised at 
 Banana. The river channel is being constantly im- 
 proved by dredging, and Matebe, which in the dry 
 season was inaccessible except to small craft, is now 
 on the line of general navigation. A regular service 
 of steamers plies the Lower Congo, and the State boats 
 go regularly to Landana to meet the Portugese mail. 
 
 In 1890 the shipping in the ports of Banana and 
 Boma amounted to only 166,028 entries, and 163,716 
 departures. The present tonnage into and out of 
 these ports is over 500,000. 
 
 On the Upper Congo a large flotilla carries on an 
 excellent service. The State operates thirty-two of 
 these vessels and the companies about forty-five, 
 besides which there is a considerable number of 
 smaller craft belonging to private individuals and to 
 missions. The tonnage of the Upper Congo flotilla 
 is 1675 tons. The marine service numbers 166 
 whites and 1300 blacks. 
 
 The first steamers launched on the Upper Congo 
 were of only five tons, their component parts having 
 been carried on men's backs along caravan routes 
 long before the construction of the railway of the 
 Cataracts. Even before the completion of the rail- 
 way from Matadi to Stanley Pool the State had 
 launched twelve five-ton boats on the Upper Congo, 
 each of which had a capacity of nearly 50,000 poimds.
 
 s
 
 Navigation, Railways, Roads 251 
 
 Besides these, the Government launched one steamer 
 of twenty-three tons and four of forty tons burden. 
 
 With the completion of the railway, the necessity 
 for considering the weight of the loads ceased, and a 
 new type of craft, the stem -wheel, was chosen. Its 
 system of propulsion offered greater advantages 
 against the variable conditions of navigability with 
 which the vessels had to contend. The ports and 
 landings are in a state of complete organisation at 
 numerous points on the river, and cargoes are now 
 moved with great facility. At regular intervals 
 along the watercourse, posts at which Government 
 workmen gather wood, supply the steamers with this 
 form of fuel. In order that the forests along the 
 banks may not be denuded, a State law enforces the 
 replanting of trees as fast as they are cut down. 
 
 In 1896 the Government established a regular fort- 
 nightly steamship service between Leopoldville and 
 Stanley Falls. The three steamers, Brabant, Hain- 
 aut, and Flandre, have been assigned to this service. 
 The dates of their departure from Stanley Pool have 
 been fixed to correspond with the dates of arrival of 
 European ships. In order to ensure service on the 
 navigable stretches beyond the Falls, steamers have 
 been launched on the rivers Lualaba, Itimbiri, and 
 Ubanghi. A sailing vessel has been launched on Lake 
 Tanganyika and a steamer on the Nile, Native 
 rowing crews have been organised in many regions, 
 and their services are often of great vakie. All in all, 
 the 102 steamers plying the Congo River in the 
 governmental and private service, the efficient port 
 facilities, the means of transport up the navigable
 
 2=^2 
 
 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 affluents, and the hydrographic surveys constantly 
 going on constitute a condition of colonial develop- 
 ment which truly merits the commendation of Herr 
 Von Puttkamer, Governor of the Cameroons, in 
 which, amongst other things, he vSays: "The energy 
 and practical sense displayed here deserve the greatest 
 admiration," 
 
 As the Congo steamboat largely abolished the 
 laborious native carrier system through the riverain 
 districts of the State, so has the Congo Railway, 
 popularly known as the Cataracts Railway, largely 
 contributed to relieve the black man, under Bel- 
 gian rule, from lugging fifty-six pounds dead weight 
 through the African jimgle. The iron horse in 
 Central Africa has given great momentum to the 
 industries of a fertile region. In constructing the 
 railway from Matadi, near the mouth of the Congo 
 River, to Stanley Pool, traversing a distance of 260 
 miles over as tortuous and steep a route as ever dar- 
 ing engineers ventured to follow; climbing the Pal- 
 laballa Mountains at gradients of 150 feet in the 
 mile, and finally steaming over a summit 17,000 feet 
 above the sea, Belgian skill has again manifested its 
 extraordinary quality, a quality observed in all that 
 it has accomplished in the Congo Basin. 
 
 To connect the navigable regions of the Lower and 
 the Upper Congo by a line over the route just indi- 
 cated seemed at first to be beyond the possibility 
 of achievement. On July 6, 1898, after nine years 
 of unremitting toil and the expenditure of sixty 
 million francs, the line was in complete and regular 
 operation through a region which, on account of its
 
 Navigation, Railways, Roads 253 
 
 picturesque scenery, may be likened to the Simplon 
 Pass in Switzerland. 
 
 Without a railway running round the thirty-two 
 great cataracts which tumble furiously in their de- 
 scent of eighty miles to the sea, the Congo River, in 
 the opinion of Stanley, would not have much value 
 in the development of the Basin. 
 
 The first estimate of the cost of constructing the 
 line was twenty-five million francs. This was based 
 on the surveys of Major Cambier for the Compagnie 
 du Congo pour la Commerce et ITndustrie, which, 
 as early as the year 1887, had been granted certain 
 rights and privileges if it would undertake to build 
 the railway. On July 29, 1889, the Belgian Chamber 
 agreed to provide ten million francs of the Company's 
 first capital, the remaining fifteen million francs 
 having been subscribed chiefly by Belgian investors. 
 The work so enthusiastically undertaken met with 
 one setback after another, owing mainly to the en- 
 gineering difficulties encountered in the rocky side 
 of the mountain of Pallaballa, forming a spur of the 
 great Crystal range, the western rampart of the 
 Central African plateau. It required four years and 
 indomitable perseverance to construct the section 
 of the line from Matadi over the summit of Pal- 
 laballa, a distance of onl}^ twent3^-six miles. In 
 December, 1893, Colonel Wahis opened this part of 
 the line with appropriate ceremonies, which many 
 Europeans interested in Congo affairs attended. In 
 the Mouvement Geographiquc appeared the following 
 interesting description of this unique engineering 
 triumph :
 
 254 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 The train, on leaving the station of Matadi, passes in front 
 of the works of the State and the Belgian and Portuguese 
 commercial establishments, and debouches immediately by 
 the Neck of the Guinea Fowls (Col des Pintades) into the 
 Leopold Ravine, which it crosses by a bridge of sixty-five feet. 
 It follows for a few minutes the right bank of the ravine, and 
 is then on the bank of the Congo, whose magnificent panorama 
 is suddenly exposed. Here commences the sensational part 
 of the journey. For four miles, first alongside the Congo and 
 then alongside the Mpozo, the way is hooked on to the side of 
 the strong rock of Matadi. It mounts by a gentle incline, 
 having on its right a perpendicular rocky wall, in some places 
 seven hundred feet high, and on its left, in the foreground, the 
 river rolling in rapids ; and in the background the grand land- 
 scape of the right bank, with Vivi and Mount Leopold. At 
 the sixth kilometre, where the Mpozo flows into the Congo, 
 and before entering the valley of the former river, the view 
 is exceedingly grand. At this point the railway is two hun- 
 dred feet above the river — the Congo, enclosed in a gorge, 
 rolls its tumultuous waters with extreme rapidity, as they 
 have just made the descent from the Falls of Yellalla. On 
 the left, to the north-east, the scenery is quite wild. It is 
 equally so to the south-east, while the water is closed in in 
 the narrow valley of the Mpozo. It was in these parts, at the 
 very commencement of the work, that the difficulties were 
 the greatest. From the Leopold Ravine to the bridge of the 
 Mpozo, or for over four miles, the platform of the line had to 
 be cut in terraces on the side of an immense rock of hard stone, 
 through the thick equatorial vegetation which encumbered 
 every ravine. Beyond Sleepy Kollow (Ravin dii Sommeil), 
 and after passing the ancient camp of Matadi-Mapembe. 
 commences the famous ascent of Pallaballa. At the tenth 
 kilometre the line attains a height of three hundred feet, or a 
 rise of six hundred feet in four and a half miles. Beyond this 
 the line traverses the Devil's Ravine to reach the summit of 
 the mountain, one thousand seven hundred feet, and in the 
 course of this part of the work several bridges have had to be 
 thrown across the intervening chasms or ravines. The whole
 
 Navigation, Railways, Roads 255 
 
 of this part of the journey is really inspiring. The scenery 
 is grand, works of skill succeed each other every minute, 
 the perspective modifies itself to each of the numerous curves 
 the road makes at every passage across the ravines. The 
 railway ever ascends, hanging on to the mountain, suspended 
 in places froin three hundred to five hundred feet above the 
 bottom of the Devil's Ravine. The engine blows with force 
 to the very moment of reaching the station of Pallaballa. 
 Here the most interesting portion of the journey is over. The 
 great difficulties, the long slopes of ascent at a maximum 
 incline, recur no more. 
 
 It had now become apparent that the railway 
 would cost more than double the sum originally es- 
 timated. Additional powers having been granted to 
 the Company and a tripartite convention having 
 provided the Congo Free State and the Belgian 
 Government with power to buy the road, capital 
 was raised to bring the total up to sixty million 
 francs. By an extension of the time when the Congo 
 State and Belgium may buy the line, the railway 
 Company has possession until 1908, 
 
 The Cataracts Railway has some unique char- 
 acteristics. It maintains a first- and a second-class 
 car on each train. Trains leave Matadi 
 every other day. Persons returning from R^i^Jja'^^ 
 the Congo refer to it as the strangest as 
 well as the most profitable railway line in the world. 
 It runs the distance between Matadi and Stanley Pool 
 in twenty-four hours. First-class passage costs 500 
 francs, the second-class 50 francs. The former is, 
 therefore, at the rate of 40 cents a mile. This, it 
 is to be hoped, is at least some compensation for the 
 great difficulties encountered in the construction of
 
 256 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 the line. For the final accomplishment of what is 
 regarded in Europe as one of the great engineer- 
 ing feats in Africa, the energy and skill of Lieuten- 
 ant Thys, the original surveys of Major Cambier, 
 and the support of the King and the Belgian Par- 
 liament are largely to be credited. Outside as- 
 sistance was almost entirely lacking. 
 
 The Mayumbe Railway is the second which was 
 imdertaken in the development of the Congo Free 
 State. It connects Boma with Lukula, eighty kilo- 
 metres (about fifty-four miles) distant, and has been 
 in operation since 1901. It is narrow gauge (0.60 
 metre), while the Cataracts Railway is 0.70 metre. 
 
 On the completion of the Mayumbe Railway, the 
 State inspired the construction of three lines of one- 
 metre gauge, with a total length of 1600 kilometres 
 (1080 miles). These lines are being undertaken by 
 the Compagnie des Chemins de Fer du Congo Super- 
 ieur aux Grands Lacs Africains under an agreement 
 made with the State on January 4, 1902. The latest 
 report of the Vice -Governor-General (July, 1904) 
 indicates the present stage to which these lines and 
 others have attained: 
 
 A route for a railroad from Stanleyville to the Great Lakes 
 has been surveyed. This survey comprehends a principal 
 trunk line, Stanleyville-Bafwaboli-Mawambi-Irumu, 762 kil- 
 ometres in length. Near Irumu the track branches off in two 
 directions, one, Irumu-Mahagi, of 358 kilometres, the other, 
 Irumu-Beni, of 135 kilometres. At present the surveys are 
 being made for a track from Beni to Lake Tanganyika. 
 
 In addition, the track has been completely surveyed for a 
 railway from Dufile to Redjaf, following the left bank of the 
 Nile, which would be 157 kilometres in length.
 
 pq
 
 Navigation, Railways, Roads 257 
 
 This railway would turn the unnavigable part of the river. 
 
 At this moment a line is being constructed between Stan- 
 leyville (left bank) and Ponthierville. This line will be 140 
 kilometres in length. The rails have been placed over ten 
 kilometres, and the embankment finished for fifty kilometres. 
 This line will permit of transports being made on the river above 
 Ponthierville. As soon as this first line is finished, others will 
 be constructed along the unnavigable parts of the river. 
 
 At the present moment surveys are also being made for a 
 railway connecting a point on the southern frontier of the 
 Congo Independent State (Katanga) with a point situated on 
 the Lualaba, south of the junction of that river with the 
 Lufila. 
 
 The approximate length of this line, the survey of which 
 commenced as far back as 25th April, 1903, will be about 500 
 kilometres. 
 
 Having regard to those articles of the Berlin 
 General Act which relate to the free navigation of 
 the Congo and its affluents, the legal status of rail- 
 ways within the Conventional Basin of the Congo 
 becomes a matter of considerable importance, es- 
 pecially in view of the growing controversy as to 
 the proper construction of the Act. 
 
 Baron Descamps has ably treated this subject in 
 his New Africa, a volume of exceptional interest at 
 this time. After pointing out that the "freedom 
 of navigation" declared by the Berlin Act must not 
 be confoimded with freedom of railway traffic, inas- 
 much as the latter admits of grants of monopoly and 
 the former does not, this eminent writer on questions 
 of general and special law says : 
 
 The idea of considering railways as continuations of water- 
 courses, or as junctions between water-courses, was quite a 
 new one, as was pointed out at the Berlin Conference. The
 
 258 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 Conference realised the necessity of providing for the logical 
 consequences of such an idea, and therefore it drew up special 
 regulations which are worthy of careful examination. 
 
 The general legal standing of railways in the Congo, the 
 essential rights of the authorities as to their construction, 
 their concession, their running powers, their charges, their 
 position as public highways, their administrative and judicial 
 policy are the same as those of railways in other countries. 
 
 The Berlin Act, as regards railways destined to provide 
 transport where the Congo and the Niger become unnavigable, 
 made special provision in clauses 16 and 23 on the one hand, 
 and 29 and 33 on the other — the only clauses which are con- 
 cerned with railways — for certain details of these communi- 
 cations. After declaring that these railways, as means of 
 communication, are considered as auxiliaries of the rivers, the 
 Act dwells on the legal consequences attaching to the introduc- 
 tion of this new idea, this conventional innovation in inter- 
 national relations. The consequences are as follows: 
 
 1. The obligation of opening the railways to the traffic of 
 all nations (Art. 16, § i), and the inviolability at all times of 
 the lines thus opened to the trade of all nations (Art. 25, §1). 
 
 2. The obligation to refrain from any excessive railway 
 rates, that is to say, "not calculated on the cost of construc- 
 tion, maintenance and management, and on the profits due to 
 the promoters." The Berlin Act states but these general prin- 
 ciples, its object being to give the basis of calculation rather 
 than a detailed solution of the problem, since it does not draw 
 up a schedule of rates with respect to the nature of goods or 
 the scale of the charges. 
 
 3. The obligation to observe, in fixing a tariff within these 
 broad limits, "equality of treatment for the strangers and the 
 subjects of the respective territories." 
 
 Thus, equality is sure to be observed as regards the tariff, 
 both in the case of subjects and foreigners, and especially so in 
 business which may be called the sphere of private activity, 
 i. e., commerce. Thus also the power of the State to allow 
 exclusive access to the railways, to impose extra or unfair 
 charges, is minimised. The Berlin Act goes so far, but does
 
 P4 
 
 !«
 
 Navigation, Railways, Roads 259 
 
 not pass these limits. Beyond this, it does not affect the 
 sovereign prerogatives of the State as regards its territory. 
 
 According to the usual right of the Powers in all that re- 
 gards railways, the State can order the establishment of the 
 same, can have them constructed, run them itself, and fix 
 their tariff. It can also, if deemed preferable, authorise a 
 concessionaire to collect the charges on the contemplated line, 
 on condition that he shall undertake the construction and 
 maintain the established tariff. 
 
 The Berlin Act respects these fundamental rights. It offers 
 no opposition against whatever arrangements the State makes 
 with its concessionaire as regards a schedule of rates with 
 respect to the nature of goods or the scale of the charges. It 
 does not intrude upon the internal organisation of the rates, 
 except so far as it circumscribes them within the following 
 limitations: i, all are free to use the railways ; 2, no distinc- 
 tion can be based on the nationality of individuals ; 3, and no 
 excessive rates are to be imposed. 
 
 Circumstances may render changes in the tariff advisable, 
 and the State may modify the rates periodically.' It may also 
 exercise the right of ordering its concessionaire to make cer- 
 tain modifications and reductions. 
 
 This was the course adopted by the Free State in relation 
 to the Congo Railway in its initial estimates. It also reserved 
 the right of repurchase. This latter reservation, however, it 
 abandoned for a time by Act dated November 12, 1901, which 
 also stipulated in what manner its optional power of reducing 
 rates was to be exercised. That power it exercised by im- 
 posing a comprehensive system of reduction, and without at 
 the time committing itself to any declaration as to the specific 
 classes of goods on which the rates were to be reduced. It 
 does not concern strangers whether it be exercised in one act 
 or in two, and whether the concessionaire acts by special 
 agreement with the State or under general powers. The main 
 consideration is whether the procedure followed for the attain- 
 ment of the reductions aimed at is in accordance with the 
 
 ' As this volume is going to press, the announcement is made that 
 the rates have been reduced.
 
 26o Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 Berlin Act. In the present case, the procedure certainly was 
 in accordance with that Act. 
 
 From a legal point of view, nothing can be said against the 
 State's reducing railway rates, inasmuch as it was invested 
 with the right of primarily drawing up those rates. 
 
 By the same Act of November 12, 1901, the State enjoys 
 certain special conditions of transport for carrying out works 
 of public utility. That right is quite legitimate for the Gov- 
 ernment, and does not entitle private citizens to demand its 
 application for their own purposes. The State could have 
 enjoyed these advantages if it had itself built and worked the 
 line. The mere fact of a concession by no means robs the State 
 of all its rights in this respect. These advantages are justi- 
 fied, for the State has made real sacrifices in ceding a part of 
 its territory and in abandoning the repurchase clauses. The 
 advantages accruing to the State do not in any way interfere 
 with the equal treatment of individuals stipulated for in 
 Article 16, which says: "As regards the rate of these tolls, 
 foreigners and subjects of the respective territories shall be 
 treated on a footing of perfect equality." 
 
 No distinction is made on account of nationalities ; the only 
 difference made rests on a service of public utility, regardless 
 of nationality. Neither subjects nor foreigners can say that 
 their civil or commercial liberties are endangered. 
 
 There are certain authoritative interpretations of the Ber- 
 lin Act which confirm our view of this question. The German 
 Government, for example, considers no breach of equality the 
 exemption of all dues granted to a German railway conces- 
 sionaire. Below are two clauses of the Imperial German 
 decree, dated December i, 1891, and relating to the railway 
 in German East Africa (Usambara line). 
 
 "Clause I. — The Imperial Government shall grant to no 
 other contractor, either individual or corporation, the right 
 of constructing or working a railway line joining the said 
 localities or liable to compete with the line ceded by the 
 present decree or any parts of same." 
 
 ''Clause g. — The Imperial Government guarantees to the 
 tjerman East African Railway Company, subject to compli-
 
 Navigation, Railways, Roads 261 
 
 ance with the prescribed formalities, an exemption from all 
 taxes on materials, engines, working tools, and all other im- 
 plements and articles which may be imported into German 
 East Africa for the construction, repair, renewal, and running 
 of the railway." 
 
 In drawing up special tariffs with its concessionaire, it may 
 be asked whether the State can base these rates on the actual 
 working expenses — that is to say, with neither profit nor loss 
 for the concessionaire. From an economic point of view, such 
 a tariff is perfectly justifiable. Transporting operations, per 
 se, cannot be separated from the transactions to which they 
 are related. These transactions must be considered in view 
 of all the surrounding circumstances. In negotiating trans- 
 port operations, which of themselves entail neither profit nor 
 loss, a contractor is quite justified in calculating on present 
 or probable advantages which may result from the whole of 
 the operation; as, for instance, the opening of new markets 
 and the renunciation to the right of immediate repurchase of 
 the concern. To forbid him to do this would be to spoil 
 his chances and deprive him in many cases of a part of the 
 profit to which he is justly entitled. 
 
 Neither can it be argued, in the case of a railway like that 
 of the Congo, that the contractor should require rates superior 
 to his actual expenses, in order to realise an immediate profit. 
 Clause 16 states "that there shall be collected only tolls cal- 
 culated on the cost of construction, maintenance, and manage- 
 ment, and on the profits due to the promoters." To argue in 
 the sense indicated would be against the purport of the clause 
 which aims at forbidding excessive rates, but which in no way 
 interferes with a gradual realisation of average profits by the 
 contractors. To arbitrarily forbid the contractor to make 
 such profits would be to fly in the face of Clause i6, inasmuch 
 as it refers to the profits due to the contractor. It is equally 
 fallacious to imagine that because certain merchandise is car- 
 ried for a time without profit, the rates for certain other mer- / 
 chandise must needs be increased. Finally, it would still have •^- 
 to be shown that the Berlin Act forbids a proper and reason- 
 able equalisation of contractors' charges. But the Berlin Act
 
 262 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 does not meddle with such arrangements; it does not estab- 
 Hsh a detailed and proportional schedule of rates. It only- 
 says that such charges must not be excessive — that is to say, 
 they must not exceed the comprehensive amount of the neces- 
 sary^ expenses and due profits. The Act, moreover, fixes no 
 maximum for such profits, neither does it fix any maximum 
 rates on produce. Its intentions in this respect are shown by 
 its refusal to define, even by means of a maximum scale, the 
 extent of compensatory rates. 
 
 Time was when the native Congolese, lazily living 
 out his torpid life in a land where Nature in her 
 Africa Un- Itixuriance yielded him subsistence without 
 known to the ennobling concomitant of his labour, 
 ricans. avoided the great forests, the jungles, and 
 the marshes of Equatorial Africa. He moved about 
 to regions of easy access where the land afforded 
 his indolence the greatest pleasure for the least re- 
 sponsibility. Explorers and the early builders of 
 the Congo Free State often experienced great diffi- 
 culty in preventing the desertion of their native 
 carriers over a trackless course, such, for instance,- 
 as Stanley, Wissmann, De Brazza, cut out on their 
 several expeditions. In short, the African Negro 
 regarded his feet with such solicitude that he waited 
 for the white man to show him the thickets and the 
 fastnesses which contained those natural resources — 
 rubber, oil, gum, ivory, nuts — which certain library 
 philosophers and untravelled colonisers assert were 
 the conscious property of the savage who neither 
 knew of, nor cared for, their existence. Industry 
 was not worth while to him who could supply his 
 wants in idleness. 
 
 The State, on the other hand, has not only taught
 
 Navigation, Railways, Roads 263 
 
 the native Congolese the enlightening influence of 
 honest labour, it has set him an example of colonial 
 industry the like of which can not be found in the 
 possessions of any other European Power. It built 
 its railways where the engineering skill of its more 
 powerful neighbours predicted failure; it sought 
 the hidden treasure of a vast domain with routes 
 and transport services which, in part, account for 
 prosperity which others observe with manifest envy. 
 Not content with these, it has lately penetrated the 
 forests with wide avenues, hundreds of miles long, 
 upon which to operate an automobile service. On 
 this subject Vice-Govemor-General Fuchs says: 
 
 The Government has also given attention to the construc- 
 tion of routes for motor cars; two chief routes of this kind 
 are being constructed. 
 
 The first in the Uelle between Redjaf and Ibembo. It will 
 be about 1250 kilometres in length, of which, according to the 
 latest information furnished, 400 kilometres are now open to 
 use. Experiments are being made there by means of three 
 steam waggons. 
 
 The second starts from Songololo, a station on the railway 
 from Matadi to the Pool, and proceeds to Popokabaka on the 
 river Kwango. 
 
 Routes destined for transport by waggons are, besides, in 
 course of construction, and in some parts of the territory are 
 sufficiently advanced to permit of transport by oxen, par- 
 ticularly in the Uelle, Katanga, and Manyema. The Mahagi- 
 Irumu route is working for a length of 165 kilometres; eleven 
 large villages are now established along this route, at distances 
 of from 13 to 16 kilometres from each other.
 
 CHAPTER XXV 
 
 SCIENCE, AGRICULTURE, CIVILISING MEASURES 
 
 WITHIN the lifetime of men who may still be 
 accounted young, the words that stand at 
 the head of this chapter had no appli- 
 cation to any part of Central Africa. Science, in 
 A Marvel- ^^^ ^^^ forms, was Utterly unknown there; 
 lous Trans- agriculture can hardly be said to have ex- 
 formation, .g^g^^ though a few of the tribes raised 
 scanty crops of a nature that needed little or no 
 attention; while of civilising measures there were 
 absolutely none. These concomitants of long-estab- 
 lished civilisation followed naturally the advent of 
 the Belgians; and they have ever since, year by 
 year, taken root, and spread until there are no two 
 countries in the world more dissimilar than the 
 Central Africa of thirty years ago and the Central 
 Africa of to-day. 
 
 Realising to the full that complete success in any 
 undertaking is only possible where all the conditions 
 The Gospel affecting it are thoroughly understood, 
 ofThor- the Congo State, early in its career, es- 
 oughness. -^ablished nineteen scientific stations, at 
 various points throughout its territories, for the col- 
 lection of data relating to anthropology, botany, 
 ethnography, geology, philology, pisciculture, miner- 
 
 264
 
 Science, Agriculture, Civilising Measures 265 
 
 alogy, zoology, etc., and for trigonometrical and 
 astronomical surveys. Each of these stations is in 
 charge of an expert, with properly qualified assist- 
 ants. They have transmitted to Europe a whole 
 literature of monographs, of great interest and value, 
 upon all sorts of subjects, and their field of work is 
 still far from being exhausted. The study of the 
 Congo climate by these savants has proved especially 
 valuable, their recommendations as to regimen, 
 dress, habitation, etc., for travellers and settlers, 
 having reduced the death rate of the whites to six 
 per cent., thus dispelling for ever the old notion 
 of the deadliness of Central Africa, and showing it 
 to be at least as healthful as India, and healthier 
 than either German East Africa, the Cameroons, 
 the Niger Territory, or Cochin China. A small, but 
 continual and increasing, influx of Europeans and 
 Americans demonstrates the gradual abandonment 
 of fear of the Congo climate, and faith in the hy- 
 gienic system inaugurated by the Belgians, — a sys- 
 tem which maintains sixteen State doctors to watch 
 over and report upon the health of the various 
 stations, and a permanent Hygienic Commission, 
 which sits at Boma. 
 
 At the royal palace of Tervueren, near Brussels, 
 now used as a public museum, are exhibited nearly 
 eight thousand objects illustrating industry 
 
 1 , ,1 • •■• 1 r Museum at 
 
 and art among the primitive peoples ot xervueren. 
 Central Africa, such as costumes, dwellings, 
 musical instruments, and implements of hunting, 
 fishing, agriculture, river navigation, and war. The 
 museum also contains several thousand geological,
 
 266 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 mineralogical, and zoological specimens, and a very 
 comprehensive herbarium, all collected within the 
 borders of the Congo Free State. The latter is of 
 particular interest, containing specimens of more 
 than four hundred new species. 
 
 From the first it has been the unswerving policy 
 of the Congo Free State to promote, by every means 
 at its disposal, the advancement of science as it 
 affects, and as it is affected by, conditions prevailing 
 within its territories. Until the Belgians came 
 among them, smallpox from time to time decimated 
 the natives, and was as great an evil as the slave 
 trade or their own internecine wars. They had no 
 conception of its prevention or cure, and submitted 
 to its ravages with unintelligent dumb passivity as 
 a providential visitation impossible to resist. The 
 white man with his vaccine was a revelation to 
 them; and though they at first refused to believe 
 in its efficacy, and would not accept vaccination, 
 they soon perceived the error of their disbelief; and 
 now they voluntarily come to the Belgian medical 
 officers asking to be vaccinated. Both Boma and 
 New Antwerp have vaccine producing institutions, 
 and vaccine is also distributed from Coquilhatville 
 and Stanleyville. The results are most gratifying; 
 for although, unfortunately, smallpox is by no means 
 stamped out of the Congo State it is far less pre- 
 valent and less virulent than formerly, so that it 
 is not unreasonable to look for its practical extinc- 
 tion in the near future. 
 
 To the present. Science has proved powerless to 
 cope with that strange malady, the sleeping -sick-
 
 Science, Agriculture, Civilising Measures 267 
 
 ness. The ablest physicians, not only of Belgium, 
 but of England, France, and Germany, have studied 
 the disease exhaustively. Though much ^^^ sieep- 
 valuable data relating to its cause and ing sick- 
 effect have been collected, the discovery 
 of its antidote seems as far off to-day as ever. The 
 prevalence of this fatal sickness among its people 
 makes it a subject of vital concern to the Congo 
 Government, which is unceasingly vigilant in seek- 
 ing to discover the means for its extinction or al- 
 leviation. In its pursuit of this object, all possible 
 facilities have been afforded to foreign doctors visit- 
 ing the Congo State. By request of the English 
 medical faculty, three Congolese patients, suffering 
 from sleeping sickness, were recently sent to the 
 School of Tropical Medicine at Liverpool. On 
 another occasion two others were sent to the Char- 
 ing Cross Hospital in London. Animals have been 
 infected with the germs of the disease, and its every 
 symptom, from inception to climax, noted with min- 
 ute accuracy. The disease, which is invariably fatal, 
 appears to be on the increase, and there have been 
 many victims of it on the Gold Coast as well as in the 
 Congo State. For some obscure reason this dreadful 
 malady has been strictly confined to individuals of 
 the black race. Notwithstanding its want of success 
 in combating the evil, the Congo Government may 
 congratulate itself that it has neglected no precau- 
 tion, and spared no expense, in its effort to mitigate 
 what may conceivably develop into a veritable plague. ' 
 
 ' In the opinion of scientists, sleeping sickness is due to a trypano- 
 mous microbe, the propagating agent of which is the tsetse fly.
 
 268 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 In numerous ways has the Congo Government 
 appHed modem science to the upHfting and general 
 betterment of the people over whom it rules, without 
 distinction of colour or creed. Twenty-seven medi- 
 cal men, holders of European dij^lomas, twenty 
 Health Committees scattered throughout the coun- 
 try, a Bacteriological Institute, and a Hospital for 
 Natives at Boma not only labour for the cure of 
 disease, but disseminate as widely as possible among 
 the natives knowledge of the laws of health. On 
 the whole, the work has been marvellously produc- 
 tive of good results, and the native is now incom- 
 parably more healthful, cleaner, better fed, and 
 better housed than at any previous period of his 
 history. 
 
 Thirty years ago what is now the Congo Free 
 State was a wild tangle of luxuriant tropical growth 
 through which hordes of black savages 
 ACTkuiture ^oamed, fought, and practised their un- 
 speakable barbarities, living almost entirely 
 upon the spontaneous products of Nature. The 
 white magician has waved his wand and the scene 
 is transformed. In, and far around, each of the 
 numerous governmental stations or posts, life and 
 property are as secure now as in any part of Europe 
 or America. The spade and the hoe have displaced 
 the throwing-spear and poisoned arrow in the hands 
 of the native. Where the shy antelope or spring -bok 
 browsed, remote from human intrusion, the soil is 
 now turned up by the plough, and devoted to the 
 growing of coffee, cocoa, tea (of the Assam variety) 
 and various condiments, cinnamon, pepper, ginger,
 
 Science, Agriculture, Civilising Measures 269 
 
 nutmegs, cloves, vanilla, etc. The establishments 
 for the breeding of cattle, horses, and donkeys, par- 
 ticularly in the Enclave of Lado, in Ruzizi-Kivu, 
 Equateur, Bangala, and Lualaba-Kassai, are numer- 
 ous and increasing. Latest accounts to hand state 
 that they exceed seventy. Many of the natives 
 display considerable aptitude in learning how to 
 tend herds of cattle. Great expense has 
 been incurred by the State and by various °^^ca«ie 
 companies in the purchase and importation 
 of pedigree horses and cattle. The animals have 
 been selected from the best European stocks by ex- 
 perts, and assigned to various breeding establish- 
 ments throughout the country. The enterprise has 
 proved extremely successful, the number of cattle 
 of European origin now in the State being no fewer 
 than 4500, with sixty horses, and nearly as many 
 donkeys. 
 
 In following agricultural employments the natives 
 receive liberal encouragement from the Government. 
 The State offers rewards for the cultivation of coffee 
 and cocoa. At all suitable stations is a coffee and 
 cocoa nursery, established by the State; that is to 
 say, the State has supplied the necessary seeds, and 
 contracts to allow an indemnity for each shrub on 
 its attaining two feet in height, and to pay the native 
 half the value of its produce less the cost of transport 
 to Europe. 
 
 Coffee has been found to flourish most in the 
 districts of Equateur and Aruwimi, and 
 in the zone of Stanley Falls. Liberica, Ar- 
 abian, and Guadaloupe are the varieties which have
 
 270 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 been selected as suited to the Congo soil and climate. 
 The number of coffee plants has increased from 
 61,517 in 1894, to 1,996,200 in 1902. Cocoa plants 
 numbered no fewer than 298,003 in 1902, an in- 
 crease of 284,136 in ten years! 
 
 In 1899 the State erected a factory for the prepa- 
 ration of coffee at Kinshassa, and adopted several 
 new methods, improvements upon the practice in 
 vogue in countries where coffee has been culti- 
 vated for generations. After being dried at the 
 plantations, the coffee is placed in sacks and sent 
 in State steamers to Stanley Pool, and thence to 
 the Kinshassa factory. So good is the quality of 
 Congo coffee that in 1894 it realised no less than 
 100 francs per 100 kilogrammes in the open market 
 at Antwerp. 
 
 Caoutchouc (rubber), for countless ages wholly a 
 spontaneous product of the forests, every year be- 
 comes more and more an object of cultivation. By 
 a decree dated January 5, 1899, it is provided that 
 in all the forests of the domain caoutchouc trees 
 shall be planted in the proportion of 150 feet to the 
 ton of caoutchouc collected during the same period. 
 By a subsequent decree, dated six months later, the 
 number of caoutchouc trees to be planted for each 
 ton of caoutchouc collected was raised from 150 
 feet to 500 feet. The enforcement of these decrees 
 is attended to by a staff of foresters, consisting of 
 eight controllers and twelve sub-controllers, work- 
 ing under a chief inspector. 
 
 Until prohibited by State decree, the method of 
 collecting caoutchouc practised by the natives was
 
 it!
 
 Science, Agriculture, Civilising Measures 271 
 
 to make an incision in the plant (liana), and al- 
 low the fluid to run into a jar. Sometimes they 
 allowed it to run into their hands, and 
 afterwards smeared it over their bodies, and Rubbe? 
 in that manner it was conveyed to market, 
 where it was rubbed off with sand. It was an ex- 
 ceedingly wasteful method, or rather want of method, 
 for the plant thus drawn from was necessarily killed. 
 Only the prodigious quantity of plants existing on 
 the Upper Congo and its tributaries has saved it 
 from extinction. Now caoutchouc is harvested by 
 extracting the fluid from the stem of the plant in a 
 way that does it no injury, a scientific yet simple 
 operation easily performed by women and children. 
 The industry has assumed enormous proportions. 
 The number of caoutchouc plants put into the 
 ground by companies and by the State are valued 
 at five million francs. The rubber annually pro- 
 duced in the world amounts at present to something 
 over 30,000 tons, of which the Congo Free State 
 exports 5000 tons. 
 
 In the African forests the caoutchouc or rubber- 
 bearing plant grows to a great height, often exceed- 
 ing 100 feet. It is commonly about six 
 inches in diameter at its base, and shoots ^ pianT 
 upward to the light through a dense mass 
 of tropical growth until, failing to find further sup- 
 port, it falls upon the branches of the tallest trees, 
 and spreads itself over them. There are numerous 
 other plants of the same genus which closely resemble 
 it, but their sap lacks the qualities of true rubber. 
 For several years past the State has experimented
 
 2 72 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 with these plants, and has sent specimens of them 
 to the authorities at the Botanical Gardens at Brus- 
 sels, Kew, Berlin, and Paris, for investigation. The 
 ever-increasing demand for rubber for use in the in- 
 dustries stimulates the inquiry as to whether or not 
 it is possible to so treat what is now regarded as 
 "false rubber" that it shall serve all the purposes of 
 "true rubber." 
 
 Amongst the true rubber lianas in which the 
 Congo Basin abounds are the following: Ficus 
 altissima, ficus Eetveldeana, ficus elastica, ficus nek- 
 buda, ficus religiosa, manihot glaziovii (French name, 
 ceara) , clitandra Arnoldiana (native name, mondongo), 
 juntumia elastica (French name, Ireh), landolphia 
 gentillii, and the landolphia owariensis (native name, 
 matofe mengo). 
 
 Constant experiments are being made, privately 
 and by the State, in the production of copal, sugar, 
 tobacco, and cotton, with results that justify the 
 confident expectation that at no distant date they 
 will be profitably exported. The cultivation of the 
 vine, and of numerous fruits and grasses, receives 
 also much attention, and is full of promise. 
 
 African ivory is ever3^where esteemed for its 
 superiority in colour and hardness to the Indian 
 variety. The large herds of elephants in- 
 and'ivo^'. habiting the forests of the Congo State 
 provide, at present, an enormous supply; 
 but the Government wisely takes into account the 
 possibility of its exhaustion, and has prohibited the 
 shooting of elephants. Wise laws also regulate 
 the cutting and export of lumber; and the folly of
 
 Making Baskets for Transportation of Rubber (Kassai).
 
 Science, Agriculture, Civilising Measures 273 
 
 denuding vast regions of trees, such as we have been 
 guilty of in America, will not be repeated on the 
 Congo. 
 
 In every way the State has exerted its utmost 
 influence to effect the moral improvement of the 
 native races, and its efforts have met with 
 much success. Their liberty and property influence? 
 are very carefully guarded. Polygamy is 
 not only discountenanced, it is penalised, no polyga- 
 mist being eligible for employment, whether mili- 
 tary or civil, by the State. Christian marriages 
 between natives, which ten years ago numbered 
 eighty-four, now take place by thousands every 
 year. 
 
 Alcohol is prohibited over 2,337,500 square kilo- 
 metres of Congo territory, the zone w^ithin which 
 its sale is tolerated extending to only 12,500 square 
 kilometres, w^here its abuse is guarded against by 
 carefully devised restrictions, rigidly enforced. The 
 sale of absinthe is absolutely forbidden in every part 
 of the Congo Free State. 
 
 It thus appears that, as the guardian of the wel- 
 fare of its people, the Congo Free State has nothing 
 to learn, either in theory or practice, from the most 
 enlightened governments of the world.
 
 CHAPTER XXVI 
 
 TRADE, REVENUE, AND TAXES 
 
 AMONG the earlier trading companies on the 
 West Coast of Africa was the house of Regis 
 et Cie., estabhshed at Banana in 1858, whose 
 successors, Daumas, Beraud et Cie., were carrying on 
 a considerable business when Stanley explored in- 
 land from the mouth of the Congo in 1878. The old 
 Dutch house, the Afrikaansche Handels-Vennoot- 
 schap, of Rotterdam, had a branch at Boma in i860, 
 and the Portuguese firm of Valle & Azvedo, and the 
 agents of Hatton & Cookson, of Liverpool, opened 
 trading depots near by a few years later. These 
 firms had, however, very little direct trade with the 
 interior of the Congo Basin, commerce in their early 
 time being confined to the coast. Trade with the 
 interior is almost entirely due to the Belgians. 
 
 Before the Free State was founded the trade of 
 Central Africa was chiefly in slaves. As a Belgian 
 writer quaintly observes, the slave was at once the 
 means of labour, the main capital, the vehicle of 
 transport, the common currency, and the usual 
 tribute given to satisfy the covetousness of native 
 chiefs. The slave was the standard of wealth and 
 the element of power. In order to estimate the 
 influence of the slave trade as an economical factor 
 
 274
 
 Trade, Revenue, and Taxes 275 
 
 in barbarous communities, and compare it with the 
 trade regime of civiHsation, it would be necessary 
 to imagine deaHngs in some object representing all 
 these uses in our markets." 
 
 To destroy the slave trade creates the problem of 
 substituting a trade that is legitimate, that is founded 
 upon the natural resources of the country. It 
 simultaneously creates the problem of labour. The 
 soil depends upon the man in the ratio in which man 
 depends upon the soil. The Belgians heard from 
 Stanley what vast wealth the Congo contained ; but 
 that wealth lay behind difficulties so great that no 
 one in Europe ventured to pursue it until the in- 
 domitable personality of one man inspired men with 
 the courage to undertake a seemingly hopeless task. 
 Without a railway from Matadi to Stanley Pool 
 commerce could not develop in the Congo Basin. 
 This was Stanley's opinion. His judgment that the 
 Congo had little value without such a railway in 
 the region of the Cataracts has been justified. The 
 Belgians built the railway at a cost nearly treble 
 that of the original estimate. In fact, while others 
 have been groaning and droning and musing upon 
 the ethical theories of ideal colonisation and civili- 
 sation, in pamphlets and innocuous books, the Bel- 
 gians have followed their own gospel of work and 
 been at their task throughout the waking hours of 
 each day. Spontaneous initiative, timely energy, un- 
 remitting labour, these appear to be the character- 
 istics of Belgian dominance in Congoland. Having 
 regard to the habit Europeans have of considering 
 
 ^ Descamps.
 
 276 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 Americans the great exemplars of an age of ma- 
 teriahsm and hustle, there is almost an element of 
 humour in the fact that one of the first Congolese 
 companies formed under the aegis of the Free State 
 was founded by an American, General Henry S. 
 Sanford, sometime United States Minister at 
 Brussels. This was the Sanford Exploring Ex- 
 pedition, constituted by General Sanford and M. 
 Georges Brugmann in 1887. Its business was that 
 of dealing directly with the natives for rubber and 
 ivory, and it and the Mateba Syndicate and the 
 Compagnie du Congo pour le Commerce et 1' Indus- 
 trie are generally regarded as the pioneers of organ- 
 ised trade in the interior of Central Africa. It 
 would seem, therefore, that the accident of a king's 
 friendship with an American minister, whose wise 
 counsel he often consulted, might justify at least 
 sentimental interest in the welfare of a region where 
 the restless spirit of strenuous American life had 
 manifested its tendencies nearly twenty years ago. 
 Since the day when General Sanford set the ex- 
 ample, forty-eight Belgian and fourteen foreign com- 
 panies, with an original capital of 136,000,000 francs, 
 have established a commerce in Congoland which is 
 attracting the envy of some and the admiration of 
 many throughout the world. 
 
 Before indicating the practical details of the trade 
 and revenue of the State, a brief glance at the ten 
 years before the Brussels Conference enabled it to 
 create its support by levying import duties will recall 
 the fact that from 1878 to 1890 King Leopold per- 
 sonally expended upwards of 3,000,000 francs a year
 
 Trade, Revenue, and Taxes 277 
 
 for the founding and maintenance of the State, 
 irrespective of the meagre support derived from 
 other sources. Indeed, no one felt disposed to sup- 
 port an African enterprise which promised to yield 
 only ' ' enlightened niggers. ' ' As Stanley sarcastically 
 said in his lectures in England, too many of his 
 audience measured "civilisation" by the dividends 
 it produced. The inability of the Free State to 
 support itself from enthusiastic humanitarians out- 
 side of Belgium was significantly indicated in 1886, 
 when the revenue of the State was less than 75,000 
 francs! The exports, chiefly ivory, were only 
 1,750,000 francs, and the Congo Association, when 
 it was merged in the State, possessed only thirteen 
 stations. Out of two hundred and fifty -four for- 
 eigners on the Congo in 188 5- 1886, only forty-six 
 were Belgians. In fact, nothing looked gloomier 
 than the prospect of the new State in the African 
 jungle; and yet one man, with a superhuman sense 
 of the future, continued to pour gold and his labours 
 upon that dark and distant land with its thirty 
 million unenlightened souls. Now, when from a 
 wilderness and savagery have been evolved civili- 
 sation, a thriving industry, a prolific field and 
 growing market, religion, order, and prosperity, all 
 that the early pioneer did is utterly lost and for- 
 gotten in the noisy controversy over a rich spoil. 
 
 It was by the Brussels Act of 1890 that the State 
 acquired the right to levy taxes and impose customs 
 dues. What Leopold II. had expended on be- 
 half of the State in its long formative period was be- 
 yond recovery. It will be recalled that the Belgian
 
 278 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 Parliament had sanctioned a loan to the State of 25,- 
 000,000 francs, 5,000,000 francs to be paid soon after 
 the Brussels Conference, the remainder at the rate of 
 2,000,000 francs a year. To this sum the King, hav- 
 ing abandoned all claim to the huge sum he had pre- 
 viously advanced to the State, now added an annual 
 subsidy of 1,000,000 francs. The State, therefore, 
 began the development of its resources with an as- 
 sured income of 3,000,000 francs a year — not a large 
 sum when compared with the responsibility of fight- 
 ing cannibal slave-raiders with one hand while tilling 
 the soil, constructing railways, creating posts and 
 missions, and organising the State's machinery with 
 the other. Beside the task in Congoland, the early 
 American colonist enjoyed a holiday in a land of 
 greater security and healthfulness. 
 
 The revenues first provided were on the export of 
 rubber and ivory. These were fixed, after agree- 
 ment with the neighbouring States of France and 
 Portugal, at ten per cent. The duty on vegetable 
 products was fixed at five per cent. Import duties 
 were as follows: On arms, ammunition, and salt, 
 ten per cent. ; merchandise of any kind, six per cent. ; 
 on spirits, fifteen francs per hectolitre ' at 50° of the 
 centesimal alcoholmetre ; boats, machinery, and 
 articles for industrial and agricultural use were ex- 
 empt till May, 1898, and thereafter paid only three 
 per cent. 
 
 The tax on caoutchouc (rubber) was first fixed at 
 
 ■ twenty -five centimes a kilogramme (about five cents 
 
 on two pounds) equivalent to four per cent, on its 
 
 ^ About twenty-two gallons.
 
 Trade, Revenue, and Taxes 279 
 
 value in Europe. When, however, the Cataracts 
 Railway was finished, and human porterage along 
 the route from Stanley Pool to Matadi abolished, 
 the tax on rubber was increased to eight per cent, 
 of its European value. Another decree of the same 
 date (February, 1898) provided for the payment of 
 a licence of 5000 francs by all persons establishing 
 a rubber factory or depot in the domains. Other 
 sources of revenue are coffee, tea, cocoa, gum-co- 
 pal, palm oil, palm nuts, rice, tobacco, maize, sugar- 
 cane, vegetables, fruit, cinnamon, pepper, ginger, 
 vanilla, nutmegs, cloves, and spices. 
 
 Great credit is due the local administrators of the 
 Free State for the progress they have made in a long 
 list of cultivated products, and the growth of the 
 country's export trade resulting from Belgian and 
 native co-operation and industry. For instance, in 
 1887 the total exports amounted to only 1,980,441 
 francs'; in 1891, 5,353,519 francs, and in 1903, 
 
 54,597.835-21. 
 
 The following tables indicate at a glance the pro- 
 ducts imported and exported, their comparison with 
 previous years, and their value : 
 
 * Reported in the Bulletin Officiel, 1898.
 
 28o Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 STATISTICS OF PRODUCTS EXPORTED FROM THE CONGO 
 FREE STATE DURING 1903 
 
 
 Special Commerce 
 
 General Commerce 
 
 Exports 
 
 Quantity 
 
 Value 
 
 Quantit}' 
 
 Value 
 
 Arachides 
 
 Coffee 
 
 Rubber 
 
 White Copal 
 
 Palm Oil 
 
 Ivory 
 
 Palm Nuts 
 
 Cocoa 
 
 Beans 
 
 Maize 
 
 Kilog."- 
 328,463 
 136,148 
 
 5.917,983 
 341.883 
 
 1,647,434 
 
 184,954 
 
 4,957,635 
 
 89,365 
 
 740 
 
 4,750 
 
 5 
 
 33,654 
 
 Frs. Cs. 
 
 65,692.60 
 
 129,340.60 
 
 47.343,864.00 
 
 649.577-70 
 
 971,986.06 
 
 3.791,557.00 
 
 1,487,290.50 
 
 125,1 1 1.00 
 
 222.00 
 
 546.25 
 
 15,000.00 
 
 16,827.00 
 
 Kilog. 
 461,652 
 172,674 
 6,594,804 
 
 342,317 
 1,848,092 
 
 353.679 
 5,909,900 
 
 89,365 
 
 740 
 
 4,750 
 
 5 
 
 33.654 
 
 35,810 
 
 235 
 
 5 m. 3 
 
 Frs. Cs. 
 
 92,330.40 
 
 164,040.30 
 
 52,758,432.00 
 
 650,402.30 
 
 1,090,374.28 
 
 7,250,419.50 
 
 1,772,970.00 
 
 125,111.00 
 
 222.00 
 
 546.25 
 
 15,000.00 
 
 16,827.00 
 
 17,905.00 
 
 70.50 
 
 750.00 
 
 Rough Gold 
 
 Rice 
 
 Sesame 
 
 Tobacco 
 
 Wood 
 
 235 
 5 m-3 
 
 70.50 
 750.00 
 
 Totals 
 
 54,597-835-21 
 
 63,955.400.53 
 
 ^ 1 kilogramme equals 2.20 lbs. 
 
 TOTAL VALUE OF 
 
 Place of Export 
 
 Special 
 Commerce 
 
 General 
 Commerce 
 
 Free State (Upper Congo 
 
 " " (Lower Congo") 
 
 Frs. Cs. 
 
 51,790,451.05 
 
 2,807,384.16 
 
 Frs. Cs. 
 ] 54,597,835-21 
 
 French Possessions (Upper Congo) . . 
 Portviguese Possessions (Left Bank 
 
 of the Congo) 
 
 German Possessions (West Coast of 
 
 Africa) 
 
 Portuguese Possessions (Basin of the 
 
 Shiloango) 
 
 Portuguese Possessions (Sea Coast) . . 
 
 6,738,689.35 
 
 1,293,043-47 
 895,611.50 
 
 271,840.18 
 158,380.82 
 
 Totals 
 
 54,597.835-21 
 
 63.955,400.53
 
 Collecting Rubber in Forest of Lusambo (Lualaba-Kassai).
 
 Trade, Revenue, and Taxes 
 
 281 
 
 COMPARISON OF EXPORTS FOR 1903 WITH THOSE OF PRE- 
 VIOUS YEARS 
 
 Years 
 
 Values 
 
 Special 
 Commerce 
 
 General 
 Comjnerce 
 
 Second half-year, 1886 
 Year 1887 
 
 1890. 
 
 1893. 
 1894. 
 
 1895. 
 1896. 
 1897. 
 1898. 
 1899. 
 1900. 
 1901 . 
 1902. 
 1903. 
 
 Frs. 
 
 886, 
 1,980, 
 2,609, 
 
 4,297^ 
 8,242, 
 
 5.353. 
 
 5.487. 
 
 6,106, 
 
 8,761, 
 10,943. 
 12.389. 
 15.146, 
 22,163, 
 36,061, 
 
 47.377, 
 50,488, 
 50,069, 
 54,597. 
 
 432 
 441 
 
 300 
 
 543 
 199 
 
 519 
 632 
 
 134 
 622 
 019 
 
 599 
 976 
 481 
 
 959 
 401 
 
 394 
 514 
 835 
 
 Cs. 
 
 03 
 45 
 35 
 85 
 43 
 37 
 89 
 68 
 15 
 07 
 85 
 32 
 86 
 
 25 
 33 
 31 
 97 
 
 Frs. 
 3.456, 
 7,667, 
 7.392, 
 8.572, 
 14,109, 
 
 10,535, 
 7.529, 
 7.514, 
 II. 031, 
 12,135, 
 15.091, 
 17.457, 
 25.396, 
 39.138, 
 
 51.775. 
 54,007, 
 56,962, 
 63,955. 
 
 Cs. 
 050.41 
 969.41 
 348.17 
 51919 
 781.27 
 619.25 
 979.68 
 
 791-39 
 704.48 
 656.16 
 137.62 
 090.85 
 706.40 
 283.67 
 978.09 
 581.07 
 
 349-44 
 400.53 
 
 'Statistics of exports were not taken until after July i, 1886. 
 
 EXPORTS FOR 1903 
 
 Destination 
 
 Special 
 Commerce 
 
 General 
 Commerce 
 
 Belgium 
 
 Portuguese Possessions (Sea Coast) 
 
 Low Countries 
 
 England 
 
 Portuguese Possessions (Left Bank of 
 
 the Congo) 
 
 Portugal 
 
 British Possessions (East Coast of 
 
 Africa) 
 
 Gennany 
 
 French Possessions (Upper Congo) .... 
 
 France 
 
 German Possessions (East Coast of 
 
 Africa) 
 
 German Possessions (West Coast of 
 
 Africa) 
 
 Italy 
 
 British Possessions (West Coast of 
 
 Africa) 
 
 Sweden and Norway 
 
 United States of America 
 
 Frs. Cs. 
 
 51,944,628.76 
 
 1,786,869.55 
 
 415.558.85 
 
 213,602.45 
 
 66,433-75 
 63,471.62 
 
 50.327-50 
 
 22,074.48 
 
 16,269.75 
 
 6,238.00 
 
 7,277.50 
 
 2,500.00 
 1,312.00 
 
 820.00 
 287.00 
 164.00 
 
 Frs. Cs. 
 
 60,119,981.46 
 
 1,872,934.45 
 
 1,293,801.56 
 
 297,676.91 
 
 85.057-75 
 85,823.62 
 
 50,327-50 
 
 103.797-78 
 
 16,269.75 
 
 17.369-25 
 7,277.50 
 
 2,500.00 
 1,312.00 
 
 820.00 
 2S7.00 
 164.00 
 
 54,597.835-21 
 
 63.995-400.00
 
 282 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 STATISTICS OF GOODS IMPORTED INTO THE CONGO FREE 
 STATE DURING 1903 
 
 Sumtnary 
 
 Goods 
 
 Values 
 
 Special 
 Commerce 
 
 General 
 Commerce 
 
 Matches . 
 
 Live Ani- 
 mals and 
 Fodder 
 
 Arms, Am- 
 munition, 
 and belts 
 
 Boats, En- 
 gines, and 
 Detached 
 Pieces for 
 Boats 
 
 C Homed Cattle 
 
 Sheep 
 
 Pigs 
 
 Horses 
 
 Donkeys and Mules 
 
 Others 
 
 Fodder 
 
 Cannons 
 
 Piston Guns 
 
 Flint Guns 
 
 Other Guns (Improved Sys- 
 tems) 
 
 Pistols and Revolvers 
 
 Charge Pieces 
 
 Side Arms 
 
 Cartridges 
 
 Caps 
 
 Gunpowder 
 
 Ordinary and Blasting 
 Powder 
 
 Explosives 
 
 Sundries 
 
 Belts 
 
 Steamers 
 
 Engines and Boilers 
 
 Charge Pieces for Engines 
 and Boilers 
 
 Boats and Sailing Vessels.. 
 
 Detached Pieces for Boats . . 
 
 Canoes 
 
 Sail-Cloth ; 
 
 Anchors and Chains for 
 Navy 
 
 Wood for Masts 
 
 Other Rigging and Ap- 
 paratus 
 
 Frs. Cs. 
 17,367.67 
 15,360.00 
 
 2,197.20 
 48.00 
 
 7.379-48 
 
 10,370.40 
 
 227.40 
 
 1,654.08 
 66,306.18 
 34,788.66 
 26,848.44 
 
 68,215.97 
 
 10,295.82 
 
 23.516.53 
 
 1,356.26 
 
 292,323.80 
 
 8,889.14 
 
 167,024.44 
 
 2,046.61 
 48,183.67 
 76,749.90 
 33-720.30 
 845.957-00 
 30,920.00 
 
 223,517.94 
 66,950.00 
 
 715,858.90 
 
 22,981.20 
 
 5,216.44 
 
 2,585-71 
 120.60 
 
 8,781.91 
 
 Frs. Cs. 
 
 21,375-79 
 15,360.00 
 
 2,197.20 
 48.00 
 
 7,379-48 
 
 10,370.40 
 
 227.40 
 
 1 ,654.08 
 66,306.18 
 48,541.45 
 74.585-18 
 
 90,044.50 
 12,347.82 
 
 23.834-71 
 
 1,356.26 
 
 308,606.84 
 
 16,558.34 
 271,145.04 
 
 2,963.41 
 48,183.67 
 79,268.93 
 34,141.26 
 845.957-00 
 56,332.83 
 
 302,308.83 
 66,950.00 
 
 715,858.90 
 
 22,981.20 
 
 6,553-18 
 
 2,848.27 
 120.60 
 
 9,302.88 
 
 N. B. — The Special Commerce includes goods for consumption which 
 are declared directly they arrive, or at the time of their removal from 
 the warehouse. 
 
 General Commerce embraces all goods which enter the territory of 
 the State that may be declared for consumption, transit, or warehouse.
 
 Trade, Revenue, and Taxes 
 
 ^^Z 
 
 Goods 
 
 Values 
 
 Special 
 Commerce 
 
 General 
 Commerce 
 
 Jewelry 
 and 
 Clock-work 
 
 Liquors 
 
 Fuel 
 
 Gold and Silver Jewelry 
 
 Other Jewelry 
 
 Watches and Fittings 
 
 Clocks and Alarums 
 
 Carved Wood and Wooden Objects 
 
 Beer 
 
 Brandy, at 50 Degrees or 
 
 Less 
 
 Brandy, at more than 50 
 
 Degrees. . ;.• 
 
 Other Brandy (including 
 
 Liqueurs) 
 
 Wines 
 
 Candles 
 
 Coffee 
 
 Camping Equipments 
 
 f Briquettes of Coal 
 
 I Coke 
 
 Coal 
 
 Charcoal 
 
 Rope, Cord, and Fishing Implements. . . . 
 Colours, Varnish, and Painters' Ma- 
 terials 
 
 ' Canned Meats, Fish, Vege- 
 tables, Butter, Cheese, 
 
 etc 
 
 Starch, Biscuits, Flour, etc.. 
 Seeds (Beans, Oatmeal, Len- 
 tils, Barley, etc.) 
 
 Dried Fish 
 
 Potatoes and Onions 
 
 Rice 
 
 Salt. ._. _ 
 
 Sundries (Spices, Yeast, 
 
 Tea, etc) 
 
 Chemicals 
 
 Pottery and Earthenware 
 
 Seeds and Berries 
 
 Clothing and Lingerie 
 
 Harness and Saddlery. . 
 
 Oils, f Petroleum 
 
 Grease, and | Oils, Tar, Grease, 
 
 Bitumen [ etc 
 
 Tools, Scientific Apparatus, etc. . . 
 
 ' Engines 
 
 Cars 
 
 Alimentary 
 Provisions 
 
 Resin 
 
 Machines, 
 
 Frs. Cs. 
 
 183.30 
 
 4, Sot). 60 
 
 11,315.90 
 
 5.S19.75 
 287,143,01 
 203,181.34 
 
 96,725.40 
 
 113,987.22 
 
 85,148.69 
 890,618.56 
 
 39.473-91 
 
 16,041.49 
 
 60,143.52 
 
 220,681.79 
 
 103.20 
 
 1,470.36 
 
 I.574-83 
 
 49.973-37 
 
 90,181.70 
 
 2,117,536.81 
 378,337-04 
 
 8,696.69 
 516,216.60 
 
 67,376-77 
 412,772.93 
 loi ,206.70 
 
 175,696.59 
 42,450.49 
 51,218.48 
 33,491-80 
 1,112,571.28 
 35,262.87 
 41,865.91 
 
 126,940.40 
 
 126,258.93 
 
 29,400.00 
 
 46,073.88 
 
 Frs. Cs 
 
 183.30 
 
 7.144 
 
 11.635 
 
 5.963 
 
 325.245 
 
 207,279 
 
 1 16,101 
 
 147,452 
 
 133,834 
 
 1,053,073 
 
 49,133 
 
 24,265 
 
 66,217 
 
 220,681 
 
 103 
 
 1.470 
 
 1.574 
 
 54.429 
 
 64 
 99 
 
 91 
 73 
 16 
 
 51 
 44 
 79 
 20 
 
 36 
 
 83 
 73 
 
 96,694.46 
 
 2,501,029.49 
 478,102.87 
 
 9.331-56 
 
 547,529-61 
 
 73,21 1.63 
 
 472,494.35 
 
 132.471-30 
 
 220,038.06 
 46,085.27 
 58,014.07 
 36,869.80 
 1,284,929.00 
 51,670.17 
 44,597.69 
 
 133,992.10 
 
 134,216.20 
 
 29,400.00 
 
 46,073.88
 
 284 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 Goods 
 
 Values 
 
 Special 
 Commerce 
 
 General 
 Commerce 
 
 Machinery, 
 
 Tools, 
 Telegraph 
 
 and 
 Telephone 
 Apparatus, 
 Metallic 
 Structures 
 
 Building 
 Materials 
 
 Metals 
 
 Machines and Various Ma- 
 chinery 
 
 Charge Pieces and Acces 
 
 sories 
 
 Various Tools 
 
 Material and Apparatus for 
 
 Telegraph and Telephone 
 
 Various Metallic Structures. 
 
 Bricks 
 
 Lime 
 
 Cement 
 
 Other Material 
 
 Mercery and Perfumery 
 
 ' Steel Bars 
 
 Steel 
 
 Steel Rails 
 
 Steel Plates 
 
 Other Steel 
 
 Copper and Brass 
 
 Other Copper and Brass. . . 
 
 Tin 
 
 Iron Bars 
 
 Pure Iron 
 
 Iron Nails 
 
 Iron 
 
 Iron Girders 
 
 Sheet Iron 
 
 Other Iron 
 
 Mercury 
 
 Lead 
 
 Zinc 
 
 Furniture and Furnishings 
 
 Papers, f Account-Books and Papers. 
 
 Cards, I Papers and Cards 
 
 Office j Office Stationery and 
 Stationery [ Printed Matter (Sundry). 
 
 Chemical Products 
 
 Pharmaceutical Products 
 
 Ironmongery (Kitchen Utensils, House- 
 hold Articles, Sundries such as Copper 
 
 and Iron Bands, Mirrors, etc.) 
 
 Soaps 
 
 Tobacco i Cigars and Cigarettes 
 
 ( Other Tobacco 
 
 Tissues ^ Unbleached Cotton 
 
 ( Bleached Cotton 
 
 Frs. Cs. 
 
 244.595-21 
 
 147,997.82 
 300,770.38 
 
 32,454-55 
 
 337.512.43 
 
 2,098.38 
 
 13,166.52 
 
 98,351-29 
 116,396.30 
 
 I35-047-3I 
 
 596.46 
 
 209.52 
 
 378,287.50 
 
 4,941.61 
 
 1,335.60 
 
 479,356.67 
 
 21,452.05 
 
 1,667.14 
 
 885.32 
 
 2,772.24 
 
 55,678.83 
 
 6,544-36 
 
 602.48 
 
 68,334.43 
 
 32,279.45 
 
 348.90 
 
 1,489.99 
 
 6,792.88 
 
 119,458.27 
 
 73.873-84 
 28,598.79 
 
 115,664.81 
 
 63,644.81 
 
 224,577.48 
 
 640,032.60 
 
 91,364-23 
 
 80,874.89 
 
 72,897.57 
 
 835,792.11 
 
 141,243.69 
 
 Frs. Cs. 
 
 291,491.21 
 
 150,092.90 
 322,553.56 
 
 40,776.55 
 
 340,782.43 
 
 2,098.38 
 
 14,541.84 
 
 100,560.41 
 
 128,908.61 
 
 163,413.99 
 
 1,681.08 
 
 2,292.10 
 
 378,287.50 
 
 7,587-61 
 
 1,454-40 
 
 522,850.66 
 
 27,190.16 
 
 1,979.14 
 
 1,583-24 
 
 2,772.24 
 
 58,704.06 
 
 9,386.68 
 
 602.48 
 
 77,021.87 
 
 49,102.97 
 
 348.90 
 
 2,704-75 
 
 8,515-78 
 
 133,537-33 
 
 76,413-49 
 
 31,743-82 
 
 139,694.47 
 
 70,509-15 
 
 248,789.45 
 
 784,079.20 
 106,753.67 
 102,181.71 
 91,313-90 
 895,633-90 
 180,482.79
 
 Trade, Revenue, and Taxes 
 
 285 
 
 
 
 Values 
 
 UOODS 
 
 Special 
 Commerce 
 
 General 
 Commerce 
 
 
 r Printed Cotton 
 
 Frs. Cs. 
 
 688,813.04 
 
 3,966,602.10 
 
 123.052.95 
 
 446.94 
 
 52,766.94 
 
 1,060.20 
 
 48,863.76 
 
 190,920.12 
 
 8,914.84 
 
 6,99552 
 
 2,036.26 
 
 17.685.73 
 
 58,068.92 
 
 50,128.43 
 253.278.71 
 
 Frs. Cs. 
 
 772,302.83 
 
 4,632,076.80 
 
 132,819.78 
 
 152.06 
 
 446.94 
 
 54,174.68 
 
 1 ,060. 20 
 
 
 Dyes Cotton 
 
 
 Other Kinds, Cotton 
 
 Raw Wool 
 
 
 Woollen Prints 
 
 
 Woollen Dyes 
 
 
 Woollen Cloth 
 
 Tissues \ 
 
 Other Wool 
 
 60,844.02 
 
 
 Hemp and Jute 
 
 223.715-70 
 14,228.44 
 
 
 Silks 
 
 
 Velvet 
 
 9,300.42 
 
 7,083.20 
 
 22,616.82 
 
 
 Shawls 
 
 
 Carpet 
 
 
 Awnings, oil-cloth, and 
 Tarpaulin 
 
 60,320.68 
 
 58,606.07 
 
 324,955.06 
 
 
 f Glassware 
 
 and Fancy 
 Glass 
 
 Fancy Glass 
 
 
 
 Totals 
 
 20,896,331.02 
 
 23.933.375-02 
 
 
 IMPORTS 
 Year 1903 
 
 RECAPITULATORY TABLE, SHOWING COUNTRIES FROM 
 WHICH PRODUCTS WERE IMPORTED 
 
 Countries 
 
 Belgium 
 
 England 
 
 Germany 
 
 France 
 
 Low Countriv?s 
 
 Portuguese Possessions (Sea Coast) 
 
 Portugal 
 
 Austria 
 
 Denmark 
 
 Italy 
 
 Switzerland 
 
 Special 
 Commerce 
 
 Frs. Cs. 
 
 15.699.535-09 
 
 2.390.779-79 
 
 639,098.72 
 
 584,372.36 
 
 491.758-23 
 
 451.903-78 
 
 155,500.81 
 
 1 10,976.30 
 
 85,195.04 
 
 76,616.46 
 
 69,763.40 
 
 General 
 Commerce 
 
 Frs. Cs. 
 
 16,524,451.18 
 
 2,790,509.07 
 
 781,608.72 
 
 1,724,921.27 
 
 975.031-13 
 478,443.69 
 
 160,004.16 
 
 115.275-70 
 
 85,607.06 
 
 81,730.76 
 
 69,857.22
 
 286 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 Countries 
 
 English Possessions (East Coast, 
 
 Africa) 
 
 Spain (Canary Isles) 
 
 Zanzibar 
 
 Sweden and Norway 
 
 Portuguese Possessions (Left Bank of 
 
 the Congo) 
 
 British Possessions (West Coast, 
 
 Africa) 
 
 United States of America 
 
 Senegal 
 
 Algeria 
 
 Spain 
 
 French Possessions (Upper Congo) 
 
 German Possessions (East Coast, 
 
 Africa) 
 
 Grand Duchy of Luxembourg 
 
 Republic of Liberia 
 
 Totals 
 
 Special 
 Commerce 
 
 Frs. Cs. 
 
 59,210.70 
 27,645.02 
 13,301.28 
 1 1,790.87 
 
 8,245.69 
 
 5,467.20 
 
 5.274-33 
 4,800.00 
 2,647.20 
 
 i>i4i-55 
 731.28 
 
 434.82 
 84.00 
 60.00 
 
 >, 331-02 
 
 General 
 Commerce 
 
 Frs. Cs. 
 
 5,210.079 
 27,645.02 
 13,301.28 
 12,077.07 
 
 8,245.69 
 
 5,467.20 
 9,285.88 
 4,800.00 
 2,971.20 
 1,166.03 
 1,121.28 
 
 434.82 
 
 148.86 
 
 60.00 
 
 23.933.375-02 
 
 COMPARISON OF IMPORTS FOR 1903 WITH THOSE OF PRE- 
 CEDING YEARS 
 
 Years 
 
 From May 9th to December 31st, 1892^. 
 Year 1893 
 
 i»94. 
 1895. 
 1896. 
 1897. 
 
 1900. 
 1901 . 
 1902. 
 1903. 
 
 Values 
 
 Special 
 Commerce 
 
 Frs. Cs. 
 
 4,984,455-15 
 9. 175. 103. 34 
 1 1,194,722.96 
 10,685,847.99 
 15,227,776.44 
 22,181,462.49 
 23,084,446.65 
 22,325,846.71 
 24,724,108.91 
 23,102,064.07 
 18,080,909.25 
 20,896,331.02 
 
 General 
 Commerce 
 
 Frs. Cs. 
 5,679,195.16 
 10,148,418.26 
 1 1,854,021.72 
 11,836,033.76 
 16,040,370.80 
 23,427,197.83 
 25,185,138.66 
 27,102,581.18 
 31,803,213.96 
 26,793,079.37 
 20,699,723.98 
 23.933.37502 
 
 I The collection of import duty commenced May 9, 1892.
 
 at
 
 Trade, Revenue, and Taxes 287 
 
 These tables show what has provided the enemies 
 of the Congo Free State with a great deal of puerile 
 prattle — an excess of exports over imports which is 
 more apparent than real. One of the bitter critics 
 who write from Liverpool repeats the charge in the 
 press that the Sovereign of the Free State is denud- 
 ing the Congo of its natural resources by exporting 
 inore than he imports. In this respect a German 
 writer in Der Tag, Berlin, September, 26, 1904, not at 
 all friendly to the Congo State (because it is divert- 
 ing the Zanzibar trade of the Fatherland), has some 
 pertinent things to say of the excess of exports over 
 imports in the British colonies of South Nigeria and 
 Lagos. Herr Eberhard von Schkopp discusses the 
 Congolese, British, French, and German trade statis- 
 tics in the following concise manner: 
 
 In I go I the Congo State importations reached twenty- 
 three million francs whilst the exports attained fifty millions, 
 and the transit trade seven millions. This excess of exports 
 over imports has been turned to account to support the at- 
 tacks — justified besides — upon the Congo State's system of 
 government. 
 
 If that circumstance is of a kind to weigh in the balance, 
 it ought to be imputed as a ground of complaint against all 
 nations carrying on a practical colonial policy, and whose 
 possessions export more than they import. The Congo State 
 is neither the only nor even the first colony where this excess 
 has been exhibited. 
 
 The exports of the English colony of South Nigeria have 
 always surpassed the imports. Here are the figures: 
 
 1896 1897 1898 1899 1900 
 Imports . .750,000 655,000 640,000 732,000 723,000 pounds ster. 
 Exports . .844,000 785,000 750,000 774,000 888,000 pounds ster.
 
 288 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 Statistics of the trade of the EngUsh colon}'- of Lagos: 
 
 1896 I'^f^? 1898 1899 1900 
 
 Imports. .881,000 758,000 892,000 960,000 832,000 pounds ster. 
 Exports. .975,000 810,000 882,000 915,000 885,000 pounds stcr. 
 
 Here also, except for 1898 and 1899, the total of exports 
 exceeds that of imports. The case is the same with the com- 
 merce of the Gold Coast and the Gambia. 
 
 The French colonies also — Ivory Coast, Dahomey, Guinea, 
 and French Congo — can also boast of having frequently had 
 their exports higher than their imports. 
 
 No one has ever yet pretended to make that a grievance 
 against the English and the French, and it must appear aston- 
 ishing that the favourable trade statistics of the Congo State 
 should lead to an attack on the system of its administration. 
 
 It would be very desirable if, following the example of the 
 Congo State, and as we have seen of the English and French 
 colonies, our possessions [the German] across the sea were to 
 show exports exceeding their imports. For a commercial 
 firm that is the best proof of success, and it cannot in any 
 way be concluded from this fact that the "poor" blacks of 
 Africa are being exploited by Europeans devoid of conscience. 
 
 But let us see if the Congo State exports really do 
 exceed the imports, and if so, by what sum. The 
 exports of the State are estimated in the tables at 
 their value in Antwerp, after they have been har- 
 vested, prepared for transport from remote parts of 
 the Congo Basin, stood charges of porterage, freight, 
 export duties, taxes, insurance, brokerage at the 
 African and European terminals, and merchant pro- 
 fits of an indefinite measure — in all, at least half 
 their European value. The original value of Cen- 
 tral African ivory, rubber, palm oil, gum copal, and 
 other exports is, in fact, less than half their market 
 value in Europe. In other words, if the exports of
 
 Trade, Revenue, and Taxes 289 
 
 the Congo State were estimated at their value as they 
 left the forests or the native collector, instead of 
 aggregating 54,597,835.21 francs for the year 1903, 
 they would show but 27,298,917.16 francs. 
 
 On the other hand, the imports, also estimated at 
 their European value, but having similar distances 
 to undergo and similar charges to bear, represent 
 when they reach their consumers at least double their 
 invoiced European cost. On a proper basis of value 
 in their ultimate African market the imports for the 
 year 1903 would amount to 42,792,662.04 francs. 
 Thus the exports would stand at 27,298,917.16 
 francs, and the imports at 42,792,662.04 francs for 
 the year 1903. 
 
 But even this is not a just comparison with the 
 exports and imports of the British colonies, inas- 
 much as in the colony of Lagos, for instance, the 
 imports include about sixty-five per cent, of alco- 
 holic liquors,' leaving the native the beneficiary of an 
 
 ' The revenue of the British colony of Lagos for the last three years 
 available was derived as follows: 
 
 1898 1899 1900-1 
 
 Fes. Fes. Fes. 
 
 Alcohol 3,386,450.00 3,288,250.00 3,345,850.00 
 
 Tobacco 273,250.00 266,125.00 379,150.00 
 
 Salt 40,075.00 43,750.00 140,800.00 
 
 Cotton Goods 428,075.00 382,850.00 432,450.00 
 
 Other Articles 366,650.00 661,350.00 799,775.00 
 
 The following is a comparison between the alcoholic liquor imported 
 into Lagos and the Congo Free State: 
 
 Lagos Congo Free State 
 
 Gin 463,380 gallons 
 
 Rum 129,780 
 
 Whiskey 8,100 
 
 601,260 " Total consumption = 43,300 gallons. 
 Thus for every gallon of alcohol imported into the Congo Free State 
 19
 
 290 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 aggregate import of really civilising products of only 
 thirty-five per cent, of the total, while the Congo 
 imports, containing only five per cent, of alcoholic 
 liquors, bestows ux)on the native legitimate products 
 for his civilisation to the extent of ninety-five per 
 cent, of the total of all the imports of the State. 
 Deducting, therefore, from the Lagos imports sixty 
 of their sixty -five per cent, of gin, rum, and whisky, 
 thereby placing them on an equation with the im- 
 ports of the Congo, we find in Herr von Schkopp's 
 figures an arraignment of Lagos "civilisation" which 
 indicates where the real curse of Central Africa abides. 
 The foregoing is an astonishing record of exports and 
 imports for a country practically developed in the 
 short period which has elapsed since 1886. Congolese 
 products are largely sent to Antwerp and, as the 
 tables show, Belgium is by far the largest exporter 
 and importer. A few years ago England was the 
 chief exporter to the Congo of its cotton stuffs and 
 other goods, but the same laggard spirit which 
 caused Englishmen once interested in the Anglo- 
 Belgian India-Rubber Company (known as the Abir) 
 and other undertakings to abandon their Congolese 
 enterprises has lost England a large and growing 
 market in Central Africa. That the Belgians have 
 developed the Mid-African trade by dint of hard 
 work, organisation, and the risk of capital, is a state 
 of things intolerable to those who have neglected 
 and lost it. The awkward English monetary system 
 is alone responsible for a large percentage of the 
 
 (1,000,000 square miles in area,) there are imported into British Lagos 
 (3,460 square miles in area), thirteen and seven-tenths gallons, or as 
 5 per cent, is to 68J per cent, of total revenue.
 
 Trade, Revenue, and Taxes 291 
 
 world-wide diminution of British trade. All other 
 nations have shown greater adaptability to the 
 characteristics of foreign markets, and the capabil- 
 ities and peculiarities of the peoples who compose 
 those markets. The Germans, French, and Ameri- 
 cans circulate their catalogues and price lists in the 
 language of the country where they seek a market 
 and quote prices in its coin, giving the equivalents 
 in francs, marks, and dollars. British merchants, 
 on the other hand, have adhered to their ancient 
 custom of employing a monetary system so need- 
 lessly cumbersome that it can hardly be attributed 
 to intelligent origin. 
 
 Belgian manufacturers have patiently studied the 
 needs of the natives and have successfully endeav- 
 oured to supply them with the textures and food 
 stuffs, machinery, agricultural implements, and 
 building material which, being of simple construction, 
 they are capable of putting to intelligent use. 
 
 The mineral wealth of the country which prospect- 
 ing during the last five years has revealed in many 
 sections of the Congo Basin, it is not the purpose 
 of this volume to more than mention. Fine out- 
 croppings of gold, coal, and copper have been dis- 
 covered in the Katanga district in the south-eastern 
 comer of the State. It has lately been rumoured in 
 Europe that foreign prospectors have discovered ter- 
 ritory marvellously rich in gold near the borders of 
 British East Africa in the south, and again in the En- 
 clave of Lado in the north. On this subject, and the 
 likelihood of early and interesting mineral develop- 
 ments in that region, the Congo State authorities
 
 292 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 appear to have considerable knowledge. They do 
 not, however, discuss the matter with any degree of 
 candour. When the secret of certain political phases 
 of Congolese history shall have been revealed, a con- 
 nexion may be found between the mining and rubber 
 industry and the calumnious campaign now pro- 
 ceeding against the State. But with that story, the 
 present volume has naught to do. 
 
 The State's revenue, consisting of import and ex- 
 port dues, tolls, excise, and direct personal taxation, 
 is indicated in the following table: 
 
 1902 
 
 Nature of Receipts 
 
 1903 
 
 Estimates 
 
 Estimates 
 
 Frs. 
 
 3,000.00 
 70,000.00 
 
 6,055,000.00 
 580,000.00 
 
 Registration Taxes 
 
 Frs. 
 3,000.00 
 
 20,000.00 
 
 6,150,000.00 
 
 600,000.00 
 
 Sale and Letting of Domanial Land, 
 
 Timber Felling, etc 
 
 ' Customs Duties on Exports, ] 
 Frs. 4,550,000.00 1 
 ■ Customs Duties on Imports, includ- \ 
 ing the Duties on Alcohol, 
 Frs. 1,600,000.00 
 Direct Personal Taxation 
 
 Road Tolls 
 
 1 ,000.00 
 
 125,000.00 
 
 155,000.00 
 
 55,000.00 
 
 25,000.00 
 
 8,000.00 
 
 4,160,000.00 
 
 Taxes on Timber Felling 
 
 Postal Receipts 
 
 Maritime Rates . . .• 
 
 Judicial Receipts 
 
 Chancery Duties 
 
 Transport, and Different Services 
 of the State 
 
 140,000.00 
 
 155,000.00 
 
 60,000.00 
 
 25,000.00 
 
 6,000.00 
 
 3,100,000.00 
 60,000.00 
 
 16,440,000.00 
 1,100,000.00 
 
 105,000.00 
 125,000.00 
 
 60,000.00 
 15,452,000.00 
 
 1,703,000.00 
 122,000.00 
 
 135,000.00 
 
 Taxes on Portage 
 
 Proceeds from the Private Domain 
 of the State, from Tributes and 
 Taxes Paidin Kind by the Natives 
 
 Interests and Dividends 
 
 Fees for Licences Granted to Con- 
 golese Companies 
 
 Extra and Casual Receipts 
 
 Total Receipts 
 
 28,709,000.00 
 
 28,090,000.00
 
 Trade, Revenue, and Taxes 293 
 
 It will be observed that by far the greater propor- 
 tion of the State's revenue is derived from the State 
 lands (Domatne prtve), which is fully considered in 
 a succeeding chapter. Direct personal taxation is a 
 comparatively small item, being only 600,000 francs, 
 or one forty-seventh part of the year's budget. Im- 
 port duties, including duties on alcohol, are only 
 1,600,000 francs, while duties on exports amount to 
 4,550,000 francs. These duties were, as hereinbefore 
 stated, fixed by arrangement with France and Por- 
 tugal on April 8, 1892, for a term of ten years, and 
 by a protocol dated May 10, 1902, extended until 
 July 2, 1905. 
 
 The export duty collected on India-rubber and 
 ivory under these tariff agreements between the in- 
 terested Powers are as follows: 
 
 Ivory, in pieces or sticks Frs. lo per kilo. 
 
 Tusks of less weight than 6 kilos " 16 " 
 
 Tusks above 6 kilos, in weight " 21 " " 
 
 India-rubber " 4 " " 
 
 "Personal taxes," says Descamps, "are levied 
 upon three bases : i , The area of inhabited buildings 
 and enclosures; 2, the number of employes in ser- 
 vice; 3, the ships and boats used by tax-payers." 
 As to the taxes en nature, levied upon the natives and 
 already referred to in a previous chapter, the Chev- 
 alier de Cuvelier, Secretary of State of the Congo 
 Free State, says in his official capacity in the Bulletin 
 Ofpciel for June, 1903, that "it is as legitimate as any 
 other kind of tax. It does not impose upon the 
 native obligations of a different nature or heavier 
 than the system of taxation employed in neighbour-
 
 294 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 ing colonies, such, for instance, as the British hut- 
 tax. It is the native's contribution to the pubhc 
 charges incurred by the State in exchange for the 
 protection given him. In the Congo State this par- 
 ticipation in the State's support is hght, seeing that 
 it represents on an average not more than forty 
 hours of native labour in a month." It is the pay- 
 ment of tax in this form that the State terms presta- 
 tion, which, if literally translated, would mean 
 enforced labour upon roads. 
 
 In 1902 a general reduction of direct taxation was 
 decreed. At the same time the taxation of all re- 
 ligious, charitable, and scientific institutions and 
 enterprises was reduced to 50 per cent, of the rate 
 which prevailed when the State had no revenue from 
 import dues or from its domain lands. By a decree 
 of 25th June, 1902, all personal taxes are entitled to 
 one-fifth reduction so long as the State lands {do- 
 maine), tributes, and taxes in kind, yield the sum of 
 17,000,000 francs annually. In order to develop 
 and extend the public highways, and works increas- 
 ing the facilities of commerce, religion, agriculture, 
 etc., the native prestations and their proper distri- 
 bution have formed the subject of numerous decrees, 
 all seeking to equitably adjust this form of taxation. 
 One of the later decrees, that of i8th November, 
 1903, provides, amongst other measures protective 
 of the native, that "In order to fix the tax justly and 
 equitably among the natives, the territorial chiefs 
 must take into account the nature of the work to be 
 done, the age and the skill of the natives subjected 
 to the prestation, and finally the obligation of the
 
 g
 
 Trade, Revenue, and Taxes 295 
 
 State to remunerate the natives for all work done 
 by them."^ 
 
 The items constituting the State's annual ex- 
 penditure throw an interesting light on the subject of 
 these native prestations in the Congo State. The 
 State's enemies found their charges of slavery largely 
 upon the fact that the State enforces this labour 
 upon the natives instead of imposing a tax in specie. 
 In 1903 the State paid to its European officials and 
 employes in the Congo force puhlique the sum of 
 1,800,000 francs, whereas during the same period 
 the wages it paid to natives in the same service 
 amounted to 2,050,000 francs. In developing the 
 State lands at a cost of 6,014,790 francs during that 
 year, the sum of 2,802,190 francs was paid to natives 
 as wages. For extending agriculture and replant- 
 ing India-rubber vines the sum of 1,373,932 francs 
 was expended in 1903. The following items, taken 
 from the table of expenditure for the same year, may 
 be interesting: 
 
 Home Department 
 
 Frs. 
 
 The Administrative Service of Europe 165,000.00 
 
 The Administrative Service of Africa 3,180,310.00 
 
 The Army 7,701,765.00 
 
 Naval Expenditure 2,023,376.00 
 
 Sanitary Department 504,120.00 
 
 Public Works _. _ 1,081,885.00 
 
 Missions and Educational Establishments 121,425.00 
 
 Expenses relating to some Transports in Africa, not 
 
 Drawn up in the Budget 1,600,000.00 
 
 Financial Department 
 
 The Administrative Ser\'ice of Europe 99,000.00 
 
 The Administrative Service of Africa 503,065.00 
 
 Agriculture 1,373,932.00 
 
 Exploitation of the Domain 6,041,790.00 
 
 Savings-Bank, Interest of the Loans and Guaranteed 
 
 Stock 1,656,228.00 
 
 ' Report of Vice-Govcrnor-Gcncral, July 1904. " 
 
 i^
 
 296 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 Foreign Office and Justice 
 
 Administrative Service of Europe 227,100.00 
 
 Postal Department 66,000.00 
 
 Navigation 140,200.00 
 
 Justice 910,000.00 
 
 Worship 250,000.00 
 
 The currency of the Congo Free State consists of 
 copper, silver, and gold coins and paper notes. The 
 former are issued under a decree of 27th July, 1887, 
 which established the monetary system upon the gold 
 standard. The gold coins are of the value of twenty 
 francs; the silver coins are the five, two, one franc, 
 and the fifty centime piece. The copper coins are 
 the ten, five, two, and one centime pieces. 
 
 Paper Currency. By a decree of February 7, 1896, with 
 the object of faciUtating business transactions between the 
 different parts of the State, banknotes of the State, payable to 
 the bearer at the General Treasury of the Congo Free State, 
 in Brussels, were issued. This decree sanctioned a first issue 
 of notes to the value of 400,000 francs. 
 
 An order of the Secretary of State of February 8, 1896, 
 limited the value of the issued notes to a sum of 269,850 
 francs, comprising 2,000 notes of 100 francs each, and 6,985 
 ten franc notes. 
 
 Formerly, in the Lower Congo, agents of the State and 
 merchants were accustomed to give the natives, in exchange 
 for their services, a mokande or cheque, which enabled them 
 to purchase what they required at the factories. 
 
 It is evident that silver, copper, and paper currency of the 
 State have a great advantage over the mokande or cheque 
 system, these latter often being only payable at a fixed date 
 and by certain persons. At first the circulation of money 
 was slow and difficult. It was only with a good deal of 
 trouble that foreign money was displaced in the Lower Congo, 
 and in the interior there was the same difhculty in abolishing 
 the custom of barter, and the usage of the mitako, or brass wire.
 
 Trade, Revenue, and Taxes 297 
 
 Finally, to accelerate the introduction of State currency, 
 the Government decreed: 
 
 1. To pay the soldiers and native workmen in cash, and 
 also to pay in the same manner for all goods bought from the 
 natives by the State ; 
 
 2. To stop all payments in kind at the stations of the 
 Lower Congo; 
 
 3. To substitute for the rations formerly issued by the 
 State to the agents, an equivalent in cash, and so forth. 
 
 Immediately after the enforcing of these measures the 
 State currency began to circulate rapidly, and merchants no 
 longer hesitated to open retail stores, where the natives in 
 the employment of the State and commercial companies, 
 and other natives as well, came to exchange their money for 
 European goods. 
 
 At the present time, in the region south of Stanley Pool, the 
 greater part of the commercial transactions between Euro- 
 peans and natives is carried on through the medium of the 
 State currency, and in the native markets it is no longer 
 possible to purchase anything except with the silver or copper 
 Congolese money — the preference being given to silver.* 
 
 The native's love of tinsel causes a large quantity 
 of the silver and copper coins put into circulation to 
 disappear from the sphere of commerce. Congolese 
 vanity manifests itself in many forms. Necklaces, 
 earrings, bracelets, anklets, and other ornaments are 
 made of the State coins, and worn by the men and 
 women of all the tribes which come in touch with 
 the Congo coinage. Powerful chiefs are often buried 
 with many coins placed upon their bodies. 
 
 ' Descamps.
 
 CHAPTER XXVII 
 MISSIONS AND SCHOOLS 
 
 IT will be remembered that clause VI. of the Ber- 
 lin Act enacts that "They [the interested 
 Powers] shall, without distinction of creed or 
 nation, protect and favour all religions, scientific 
 or charitable institutions, and undertakings created 
 Berlin ^^^ Organised for the above ends, or which 
 Act on aim at instructing the natives, and bringing 
 Missions. -j^QijiQ -to them the blessings of civilisation. 
 Christian missionaries, scientists, and explorers, with 
 their followers, property, and collections, shall like- 
 wise be the object of especial protection." 
 
 For this enlightened enactment the thanks of the 
 world are due to the Count de Launay, of Italy. In 
 proposing its inclusion in the Berlin Act, Count de 
 Launay said :" It is to scientific men and explorers 
 that we owe the marvellous discoveries made during 
 these latter years in Africa. The missionaries, for 
 their part, lend valuable assistance in winning these 
 countries over to the civilisation which is inseparable 
 from religion. It is our duty to encourage them, to 
 protect them all, both present and future." 
 
 How faithfully the Congo Government has carried 
 out clause' VI. of the Berlin Act, impartially and 
 completely administering it in the spirit in which it 
 
 298
 
 Missions and Schools 299 
 
 was conceived, is apparent in the number and diver- 
 sity of the Christian missions at present existing in 
 the Congo State. 
 
 Upon Protestants rests the honour of being first 
 in the endeavour to evangehse the races inhabiting 
 the countries of the Congo Free State. Of 
 
 , . . . 1 -r» • -i>T- Protestant 
 
 their numerous missions, the Baptist Mis- Missions, 
 sionar}^ Society of London was first in the 
 field, it having been estabhshed so long ago as 1877. 
 It has posts at Matadi, Tumba, Takussu, Bopoto, 
 Monsembe, Bolobo, Lukolela, Kinshassa, and Gombe 
 Lutete, and its missionaries are the Messrs. George 
 Grenfell, Ross Phillips, J. H. Weecks, A. E. Scrive- 
 ner, Kerend Smiths, Lawson Forfeit, Whitehead, 
 Stapleton, Bentley, J. Howell, Kirkland, Frame, and 
 Kempton. 
 
 Next, in respect of age, comes the American Baptist 
 Missionary Union, founded in 1883, which now in- 
 cludes the earlier Livingstone Inland Mission, founded 
 in 1879. It has posts at Matadi, Pallaballa, Lu- 
 kungu, Kimpese, Banza, Leopoldville, and Bolengi, 
 and is served by the Messrs. C. H. Harvey, A. M. D. 
 Sims, W. S. Leslie, J. Clarke, and Faris. 
 
 The Congo Balolo Mission is very active. Though 
 it has but six posts — Lulangi, Bongandanga, Bon- 
 ginda, Ikau, Leopoldville, and Baringa — it has a 
 numerous staff, including Mr. and Mrs. Morgan, 
 Gilchrist, Whiteside, Armstrong, Ellery, Lawes, 
 Ruskin, Gamman, Jeffrey, Harris, and Frost; the 
 Messrs. Beale, Bond, Padfield, Rankin, Boudot, 
 Wallbaum, Steel, McDonald, and Stannard; and the 
 Misses Padfield, Cork, and Amory.
 
 300 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 Other important missions are the Christian and 
 Missionary AlHance, the Swedish Missionary Society, 
 the Garenganze EvangeHcal Mission, the Foreign 
 Christian Missionary Society, and the Bishop Taylor 
 Self-Supporting Mission. 
 
 Each mission owns lands, either absolutely or in 
 tenancy, the Baptist Missionary Society Corporation 
 heading the list with no fewer than fifteen, being 
 followed by the American Baptist Missionary' Union 
 with fourteen, and the International Missionary 
 Alliance with thirteen. The other missions have 
 between one and eight locations each, their field of 
 action being throughout the Upper, Middle, and 
 Lower Congo. 
 
 All these missions are Protestant. Their work is 
 done by between two and three hundred white mis- 
 sionaries, to say nothing of native evangelists, and 
 they dispose of a considerable revenue, subscribed, 
 for the most part, by the Protestants of Great 
 Britain and the United States. 
 
 Of the five large missionary steamers in the Congo 
 State, four are owned by Protestants. The Peace 
 and the Goodwill belong to the English 
 steamers Baptist Mission, the Henri Reed to the 
 American Baptist Mission, and the Pioneer 
 to the English Balololand Mission. Roman Catholics 
 own only one mission steamer, Our Lady of Per- 
 petual Help^ 
 
 As might be expected from its history, the pre- 
 vailing faith in Congoland is the Roman Catholic. 
 
 ^ In the French Congo there is only one small launch devoted to 
 missionary work.
 
 Missions and Schools 301 
 
 The Congo Free State tolerates all religions, no one 
 of them enjoying a privilege denied to the others. 
 Unfortunately the Protestants are split up Roman 
 into several sects; but there is no division Catholic 
 among the Roman Catholics, and this fact ^^^sions. 
 has resulted largely in favour of the growth of the 
 latter. 
 
 The White Fathers began their mission in Congo- 
 land in 1878, a year later than the first Protestant 
 mission. They were followed by the Scheut Fathers 
 in 1888; the Trappists, 1892; the Jesuits, 1893; the 
 Priests of the Sacred Heart, 1897; the Premontre 
 Fathers, 1898 ; and the Redemptionists, 1899. There 
 are also the missionaries of the Ghent Sisters of 
 Charit}', the Sisters of Notre Dame, the Trappistines, 
 the Franciscans, and the Sisters of the Sacred Heart 
 of Mary. 
 
 The wide-reaching results of the earnest labours 
 of these self-denying evangelists is apparent in the 
 existence to-day of 59 permanent and 29 temporary 
 posts ; 384 missionaries and sisters 1528 farm chapels ; 
 113 churches and chapels; 523 oratories; 3 schools 
 of the second degree; 75 primary schools; 440 ele- 
 mentary schools (in which native teachers instruct 
 in the elements of reading, writing, and arithmetic) ; 
 7 hospitals, 71 Christian villages, and 72,383 Chris- 
 tians and catechumens. 
 
 From statistics such as these, pregnant as they 
 are with proof of the onward march of civilisation, 
 it is a relief to turn to records in words. Here are 
 two extracts from a diary kept by the Rev. Father 
 Orison, missionary in charge of St. Gabriel's, Stanley
 
 302 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 Falls. The diar}^ from which they are taken was 
 written in odd moments snatched from an excep- 
 tionally busy life in a far-off land, with no idea that 
 any line of it would ever be given to the world. 
 
 Aug. i6, 1902. Yesterday we had 17 baptisms and I ad- 
 ministered Holy Communion to more than 300 people. 
 
 Holy Week. If it had not been for the colour of the con- 
 gregation kneeling before the Blessed Sacrament, you could 
 not have believed you were in Central Africa. The church 
 was filled with flowers, and a large number of people kept 
 coming during the whole time. 
 
 We did not know exactly how things were going on at 
 Banalya, but we did hear that our Christians were prosperous 
 and had won over several catechumens. As soon as we came 
 within a distance of about one and a half hours from the 
 place, a number of the village people came out to meet us, 
 laughing, singing, and kneeling in the mud of the marshes 
 for our benediction. They told us that some little catechists, 
 who could hardly read themselves, had managed to teach a 
 number of the others to pray every morning and every even- 
 ing, and then to teach them some catechism, so when we came 
 over we found that a large number of the people had already 
 been converted. We immediately landed 150 catechumens at 
 Banalya, 80 at Yambuga, and nearly 200 at Basoko, where 
 a young woman, baptised the year before, — although she is 
 iinable to read, — superintends morning and evening prayer 
 for the whole village. 
 
 The following, from the diary of the Rev. Father 
 Wulfers, written at Yanonghi (Romee Mission), 
 June 22, 1902, accurately portrays the hopes and 
 fears, the triumphs and disappointments, which 
 attend the life of a missionary in Central Africa.
 
 M 

 
 Missions and Schools 303 
 
 Our Station is flourishing. We have a fine spring of rock 
 water near the house, and a beautiful vista across the river, 
 about two miles wide. The cofTee groves begin near the house, 
 affording shaded walks for hours. Within a short distance, 
 we find the Arab settlements; and, somewhat further away 
 from the river, immense rice fields. Fruits and agricultural 
 products abound. It is from here that rice is supplied for 
 a number of stations and missions, all the way down to the 
 Falls and Leopoldville. The missionary of Romee supplies 
 our other posts with large quantities of rice, besides the seeds 
 furnished b}^ the State Agricultural Station, and a number of 
 articles which we get from the Arabs in exchange for cotton 
 cloth. Of course everything has to be bought; they will 
 give nothing for nothing. The railroad — Romee-Ponthier- 
 ville — will start from here. The survey is progressing. That 
 branch will help to avoid the rapids on the river on both sides 
 of Bertha Island and the Lakes, which frequently interfere with 
 navigation. Our situation, therefore, is pretty good from the 
 material point of view; but, of course, we have some troubles. 
 The Arabs are not peaceful, and the State contemplates 
 the establishment of a military post here to protect the whites 
 against them and the Turumbus, who are fierce cannibals. 
 When Monseigneur van Ronsle was here last year, he wanted 
 to establish a mission at Romee, because the State maintains 
 there a force of about 600 men to protect the new rubber 
 plantation. At present there are here about 120 catechumens 
 and 20 Christians. I baptised ten of them last March and 
 three in May. They come to Mass every Sunday, sometimes 
 arriving Saturday evening to sleep here. I expect to have 
 a great many more Christians when the work on the railroad 
 begins. Although the Turumbus are still very savage, I hope 
 to do a good deal with them, for they have already helped 
 me to build my house. Yesterday I gave them some pre- 
 sents. One got a pipe ; another a looking-glass ; another some 
 cotton cloth, with some rice for their children. They went 
 away very happy, saying the Father is a good man. The 
 people of the neighbouring villages sometimes come to me 
 saying they want to stay a year and then be baptised. I
 
 304 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 promise them when the chapel is built that I will visit them, 
 teach them to read and write, and then get them to teach the 
 catechism to others. They seemed very happy. As regards 
 the Arabs, I am afraid they will not come to the catechism 
 so soon. They sometimes listen to it out of curiosity. They 
 appear to understand it, and acknowledge that it is true; but 
 a virtuous life seems hard to them, and they have no inclina- 
 tion to it. Their Chief often inquires about the beginning of 
 the world, the origin of the white settlements in Africa, the 
 story of Christ, etc. He works with me, comes to see my pic- 
 tures, and asks for explanations. Some of the Arabs want to 
 learn French. I shall teach them some in order to gain their 
 confidence. When the chapel is finished I will see what I can 
 do to Christianise the Arabs, who are about 200,000 strong. 
 
 I have had a disheartening experience at Yafolo, where I 
 found the community, which had inspired me with so much 
 hope, had gone over to the Dilwa worship. This is a form 
 of public worship of the Dilwa. It lasts for two or three 
 months. During that time all the young men, from seven 
 to twenty years of age, devote themselves to the Dilwa. Of 
 course I denounced the falsity of that superstition. I went 
 into the middle of the crowd with a revolver in my pocket, 
 because I did not know what they might do. They were 
 sorry that I came, because they thought I was going to drop 
 dead as a punishment for my temerity. They told me if I 
 touched any of the Dilwa men my arm would wither and fall 
 off. I touched some of them, and of course nothing happened ; 
 but they kept on, and during the three months of the Dilwa 
 work I could not do anything for them. I went again a 
 month ago and learned that about two-thirds of the cate- 
 chumens were willing to return to Christianity, but their 
 parents would not let them come, believing all those who 
 have gone through the Dilwa to be sacred people and to have 
 no further need of God. Some old people told me that when 
 the Dilwa is over they will all come back. I wonder if they will ! 
 
 The same missionary records yet another of his 
 experiences, which throws a vivid light upon the
 
 Missions and Schools 305 
 
 horrid subject of cannibalism. It is dated February 
 
 7> 1903- 
 
 While the Rev. P. Kohl was staying with me, a young chief 
 named Kalonda visited us. He told us that he had said to 
 his warriors: "Come, let us visit our Father. He is such a 
 good man that he is sure to give us something!" Speaking 
 to the Rev. Kohl, he added, " He certainly is a very good man. 
 He visits our village and tells us beautiful things about God. 
 You will see that he loves us, because he certainly is going to 
 give us something." In the meantime he was slapping his 
 stomach, to show what he expected. We could not help 
 laughing, but he took no offence. Turning to his warriors, 
 he began again: "Children, here is the Good Father of whom 
 I have so often spoken to you." There I stopped him, say- 
 ing: "That will do, Kalonda. Look here, now. If you 
 answer my questions well, I shall give you a present." 
 
 "To be sure. Father, I am going to tell the truth." 
 
 "Are you a great chief?" 
 
 "Yes, Father." 
 
 "And you formerly used to go to war very often?" 
 
 "Now listen, Father! I used to have a great many more 
 men than I have now. They were vigorous, and understood 
 war. I went through all the villages with them as far as 
 Lindi." 
 
 "Then you have killed many people?" 
 
 "To be sure." 
 
 "You have carried away and eaten quite a number of 
 women and children? Of course," said I, immediately, in 
 order to prevent an explosion of wrath on his part, "you do 
 not do so any more?" 
 
 "No," said he, very deliberately, "I do not do so at all 
 now; but formerly we ate a number of men. We used to 
 kill as many as we wanted at the time and take away the rest 
 to fatten. The flesh of the women and children is the best." 
 
 "How does it taste?" I asked of the young boy who was 
 standing near the chief [his father]. 
 
 He answered quite naturally: "It tastes like boiled rice."
 
 3o6 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 It is out of material such as Kalonda that Chris- 
 tian missionaries and just laws carefully adminis- 
 tered are evolving a peaceful, pastoral people. 
 That so large a part of this prodigious task should 
 have been achieved during the brief period that the 
 Congo State has existed places its triumphant com- 
 pletion in the near future beyond all doubt. The 
 patience, skill, and energy of the men who in cir- 
 cumstances so difficult have achieved so much, if 
 not appreciated at their true worth now, will as- 
 suredly be regarded by posterity as one of the bright- 
 est pages in the history of our time. 
 
 There are no harder workers in the world than the 
 Catholic missionaries of the Congo. The following 
 passage from the diary kept by the Rev. Father 
 Grison, missionary in charge of St. Gabriel's, Stanley 
 Falls, by no means depicts an exceptional experience : 
 
 Oct. 19, 1902. — It is Sunday, 9.30 p.m. I have been busy 
 in the church since 6 a.m. Said Mass at 7, and preached. 
 Had a little coffee and wanted to retire to my room for a brief 
 rest, when from 60 to 80 people called. They had come from 
 Vincent yesterday in order to hear Mass to-day. They com- 
 plained that they had not brought enough supplies and they 
 wanted me to give them some rice; which, of course, I did. 
 Then an important palaver turned up at Adela, and I was 
 called upon to act as interpreter between the natives and the 
 State. Then I had to patch up the quarrels of three or four 
 married couples who had fallen out. Next, I had to grant 
 about sixty permits to work on account of its being Sunday ; 
 and, finally, I found a little time to do my Breviary. My 
 brother missionaries are in the same fix. The Rev. Father 
 Kohl, who has charge of the Sisters' Convent, gave them a 
 lecture, and then had to busy himself with the choir boys to 
 whom he teaches the ceremonies. About noon I received a
 
 Missions and Schools 307 
 
 visit from two gentlemen from Stanley Falls, who are on their 
 way towards the Great Lakes surveying for the railroad. 
 Towards one o'clock the blacks warned us that the boat was 
 coming on, and we knew that in about an hour we should 
 have news from home. The steamer arrived, bringing some 
 stores, which we hurriedly landed, deferring until to-morrow 
 to put them in their proper places in the storerooms. After 
 that we said the Rosary and gave Benediction. Then came 
 the Catechism lesson and a Marriage; then a sick call. Bre- 
 viary again, and then supper. Such is our Sunday, supposed 
 to be a day of rest! 
 
 The Rev. Father Grison is typical of Catholic mis- 
 sionaries in Congoland. Other missionaries there 
 are, of the Protestant faith, equally sincere and ar- 
 dent; but it is an unfortunate fact that among the 
 latter have been included certain quasi-political 
 agents who believe that they find advantage in de- 
 preciating the Government under which they vol- 
 untarily elect to live. Others, again, for the purpose 
 of increasing the zeal of the congregations of the 
 churches in their fatherland to provide for them 
 sufficient support, have permitted themselves to 
 excite the sympathies of the home associations by 
 exaggerated tales of oppression and cruelty. Ac- 
 quisitiveness is not an unknown quality among mis- 
 sionaries. Mr. Stokes, the so-called martyr, who 
 suffered for supplying arms in time of war to the 
 enemies of the Congo Free State, was originally a 
 Protestant missionary, but he abandoned that voca- 
 tion to become a trader.
 
 CHAPTER XXVIII 
 STATE LANDS AND CONCESSIONS 
 
 IT would seem reasonable that practical colonial 
 government should begin the pursuit of its ob- 
 jects by a policy so flexible that it might readily 
 conform to the altering conditions upon which it 
 operates. The exceptional nature of the 
 e tate s ^^^\^ imposed upon the Government of the 
 Congo Free State, its varied and numerous 
 difhctilties, and the uncertainty of the radical prin- 
 ciples imposed upon it, left its administrators no 
 choice of colonial precedent to follow, no govern- 
 mental model to adopt. It stood alone, in a unique 
 enterprise not devoid of new hazards, pitfalls, and 
 strange teiTors. It had been regarded at first as an 
 adventure, then as a serious experiment. A civil 
 community was to be created of savage hordes; to 
 maintain itself by its own people led on to civilisa- 
 tion by a few Europeans with a courage and zeal the 
 equatorial sun should not subdue. The vast field 
 it occupied and the untamed characteristics of its 
 large population, the early philanthropic aims of its 
 royal patron, and a general desire to carry out the 
 principles enunciated at the Berlin Conference, all 
 contributed to invest the Congo State Government 
 with a special character, and to saddle it with 
 original duties supposedly beyond its powers to per- 
 
 308
 
 State Lands and Concessions 309 
 
 form. Thus, in the midst of an unexplored and, 
 barbarous land, vvith everything before it unknown, 
 with all behind it seemingly unsuited for employ- 
 ment here, ways and means and a state system of 
 government had to be adopted not only for internal 
 regulation and development, but also to maintain 
 the integrity of its relations with the rival Powers 
 which surrounded it. The natural problems of the 
 sovereignty of an unknown land and savage people 
 were difficult enough; but when these had been 
 intensified and their practical solution hindered by 
 the fine theories and high ideals of the Berlin Con- 
 ference, there appeared reason for the belief that 
 a West African Don Quixote had been charged to 
 assault a windmill. Colonial traditions appeared 
 to the men on the spot to be inapplicable to the 
 Congo. There was no tax-burdened home govern- 
 ment to rely upon for support. Nor were the 
 African forests or the palaces and mansions of 
 Europe crowded with philanthropists desirous of 
 dedicating their fortunes to the welfare of the Bantu 
 race in the distant Congo. In popular parlance, the 
 King and his Congo were left to subsist on fine senti- 
 ments and a jug of water. If in these circumstances 
 a colonial policy of self-support was adopted and 
 carried out with an economic skill which in its re- 
 sults excites foreign envy and covetousness to-day, 
 it should not be attributed to wrong motive, but to 
 that of stem necessity. Concerning this formative 
 period of early Congolese policy the recent exposition 
 of Baron Descamps may be aptly quoted: 
 
 The problem had to be solved without bringing into conflict
 
 3IO Stoiy of the Congo Free State 
 
 certain elements which are difficult to assimilate, namely, the 
 exigencies of commercial freedom as recognised by the con- 
 ventions, the civiUsation of the natives and their material 
 and moral improvement, the exigencies of the life and pro- 
 gress of the State itself considered as the organic principle of 
 the new political society, and finally the exigencies or rather 
 conditions relating to the personal union of the Free State 
 with Belgium. 
 
 In the accomplishment of this complex task, the State was 
 first inspired with the principle of a scrupulous respect for 
 international engagements. This principle was never lost 
 sight of, even at the critical periods of its life following on the 
 Berlin Conference, when a regime of complete exemption from 
 import duties weighed heavily upon its economic existence. 
 
 The State was also filled with the determination to faith- 
 fully respect the declaration of permanent neutrality which 
 it made a short time after the Berlin Conference. As we have 
 remarked elsewhere, this was an honourable action towards 
 the Powers who were thus reassured concerning the policy 
 and pacific autonomy of the new State. It was also an act 
 of prudence which protected the Congo State from the solicit- 
 ations of other States interested in influencing its political 
 life.^ 
 
 The poHcy of the new State was to be "fruitful 
 activity" in peace and order as soon as the Arab 
 
 wars had ceased and the slave trade had 
 The tate's j^ggj^ superseded by an agricultural and 
 
 industrial regime. With a neutralised State 
 this seemed to be a permanent function commend- 
 able alike to its people, its Government, and its 
 international associates and sponsors. Whether we 
 regard the moral concomitant of an era of fruitful 
 activity or only the material essentials of a com- 
 munity so employed, the bald reality called for men 
 
 ^Report to the Belgian Senate, July 25, 1893.
 
 State Lands and Concessions 311 
 
 and money for its accomplishment. Of white men 
 there were few in a region where a tropical sun, and 
 other climatic disadvantages, counted heavily against 
 their labour. The Negro alone appeared to thrive 
 in conditions more suited to his physical character- 
 istics. The problem of creating a State of the 
 Negro population involved social and material ques- 
 tions of vast import to those who had undertaken 
 to develop and govern this unknown and savage 
 land. Should the Negro be taught the nobility of 
 labour — informed of the glorious edifices to civilisa- 
 tion it had reared and what benefits its pursuit would 
 shower upon him if he would but follow the white 
 man's precept and example in the sphere of honest 
 toil? 
 
 The trade in black men had been suppressed by 
 the courageous white men of Belgium. Trade in the 
 material resources of the country was now but a 
 phenomenon of the law of self-preservation and the 
 principle of self-support. It is in the adoption of 
 practical measures to develop that trade for the 
 greatest good of the greatest number that the Bel- 
 gians have shown an executive skill which gives the 
 character of indolent farce to the droning adminis- 
 tration of certain other African colonies, particu- 
 larly British Lagos, which derives sixty -five per 
 cent, of its supporting revenue from traffic in alco- 
 holic liquor,^ as compared with five per cent, de- 
 rived from the same source by the Congo Free State. 
 
 If the Government of the Congo Free State had to 
 deal with a white population capable of co-operation 
 
 ' For statistics supporting this statement, see page 287.
 
 312 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 as independent political units in the State's develop- 
 ment, it may easily be conceived that measures 
 perhaps more in consonance with certain European 
 theories might have been devised. The candour of 
 this suggestion in no wise detracts from the fitness 
 and happy efficacy of the measures by which the 
 Government of the Congo State has achieved one of 
 the greatest colonising successes of modem times. 
 
 It is the co-operative principle — so utterly lacking 
 in the uncivilised native Congolese — which often 
 inspires those governmental speculations in new 
 countries whereby it is sought to solve the problem 
 of sustaining the State upon its own undeveloped 
 resources. There can be little doubt that this 
 principle, now well recognised in the industrial world 
 and constantly adopted and expanded in the United 
 States and Great Britain by enlightened labour 
 leaders and great corporations, unconsciously in- 
 fluenced the Belgian statesmen who framed the land 
 and taxation laws of the Congo Free State. The 
 civilisation of Central Africa was, and forsooth, still 
 is, an immense task, and the State's early attitude 
 of welcoming quasi private enterprise to co-operate 
 with it in the development of lands which indolent 
 native races had ravaged — first for their own im- 
 mediate wants, later at the behest of adventurers 
 and despoiling traders, whose coin was alcohol and 
 shoddy tinsel — was not only justified in a Govern- 
 ment seeking rational progress, but it followed the 
 soundest principles of what the higher socialism 
 terms community of interest. If more modern in 
 theory, the Congo State has in practice often fol-
 
 State Lands and Concessions 313 
 
 lowed the most experienced of old-world colonisers 
 — the Dutch and the British. Where practicable 
 under like conditions "it imitates these experienced 
 colonisers, without, however, following them blindly " 
 or attaining at once what it has taken them several 
 generations to accomplish. "Neither does it per- 
 sist in methods which have been recognised as er- 
 roneous, but it alters and corrects them where 
 possible." Being like all governments, old or new, 
 in savage lands or civilised, unable to reform its 
 domestic policies at command, it seeks the better- 
 ment of its system with that gradation of movement 
 which shall not disorganise and disrupt the structure 
 of its statehood. Those who avowedly speak for 
 the Congo Free State say that "its policy is essen- 
 tially a work of methodical experiment and practical 
 adaptation. Even when colonial science is more 
 advanced than it is to-day, that policy will retain its 
 raison d'etre and its merits." 
 
 Having considered those early causes which 
 evolved a State land policy largely founded on the 
 principles of co-operation and self-support, it is 
 pertinent, at this point, to examine the theory of the 
 State land system which has met with the criticism 
 of commercial interests in Great Britain. 
 
 The origin of the land system of the Congo Free 
 State may be said to have assumed legal form by the 
 official order of Sir Francis de Winton, ^j^g state's 
 who, it will be recalled, was appointed Land 
 
 Governor-General of the State when Henry System. 
 M. Stanley returned to Europe. The order is dated 
 Vivi, July I, 1885.
 
 SH Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 A Decree of the Sovereign will presently request all non- 
 natives who now possess, by any right whatever, land situ- 
 ated within the territory of the Congo Free State, to make an 
 official declaration, describing the land in question, and sub- 
 mitting their titles to be examined and approved by the Gov- 
 ernment. The object of the said Decree will be to secure, 
 in the prescribed form, the acknowledgment of acquired 
 rights, and to make the regular organisation of land property 
 in the said State possible in the near future. 
 
 In the meantime, with a view to avoiding disputes and 
 abuses, the Governor-General, duly authorised by the Sover- 
 eign, orders as follows: 
 
 Article i. Dating from the publication of the present 
 proclamation, no contract or agreement with the natives for 
 the occupation of portions of the land will be acknowledged 
 or protected by the Government, unless the said contract or 
 agreement has been made in the presence of a public official, 
 commissioned by the Governor-General, and according to the 
 rules laid down by him in each particular case. 
 
 Article 2. No one has right to occupy without title any 
 vacant land, nor to dispossess the natives from their land; 
 all vacant land must be considered as belonging to the State. 
 
 This order provided for the official recognition of 
 title to land appropriated by foreigners before July 
 State Pro- ^' ^^^5 ' ^^^^ occupied Up to the same date 
 tects Lands by natives, and land which, having been 
 of Natives, j^gi-t^]-^^;^ occupicd by natives nor appro- 
 priated by foreigners, was declared to be the property 
 of the State. Particular emphasis was given to the 
 clause protecting the native in his occupation of 
 land whereon his industry had created improve- 
 ment, where he lived in the peaceful pursuits com- 
 mon to his tribe. 
 
 As the appropriation by the State of vacant lands
 
 CIS 
 
 a 
 
 a 
 H
 
 State Lands and Concessions 315 
 
 in the Congo has inspired many of the specious 
 arguments which have lately emanated from Eng- 
 land alone and more particularly from the claque of 
 the Congo Reform Association in Liverpool, it may 
 be opportune to consider first what the Belgians have 
 said in justification of a course which every student 
 of political history knows has been followed by all 
 civilised States 
 
 In his essay, New Africa, Baron Descamps briefly 
 analyses the theory of the State's unquestionable 
 property in all vacant lands within its territory: 
 
 Territory is that part of the globe over which a State exer- 
 cises its sovereign rights ; it is the material basis of sovereign 
 influence. 
 
 The mere fact of the acquisition of a pohtical sovereignty 
 over a certain territory does not in itself confer on the Sover- 
 eign — at least according to modem law — the ownership of 
 all property over which private individuals have acquired 
 rights. But the recognition of these same rights, the fixing 
 of just titles of acquisition, the regulation of the legal system 
 relating to property and especially of the condition of vacant 
 land, all that constitutes an essential attribute of sovereignty, 
 in conformity with the necessities of public order and the 
 general welfare of society. 
 
 As a sovereign and independent State, the Congo State has 
 been, and continues to be, invested with that prerogative. 
 
 In appropriating vacant and ownerless land, the State has 
 made lawful use of an indisputable and perfectly legal right, 
 sanctioned by international custom and acknowledged by the 
 law of nations. 
 
 When regularly in possession of vacant land, is it expedient 
 for the State to appropriate certain portions for public uses; 
 to transfer other portions gratuitously or for a consideration, 
 with full rights of ownership or with the right of using them 
 only, to private individuals; to preserve other parts for
 
 3i6 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 revenue purposes, by means either of direct administration 
 or of tenure, with a view to employing the revenue according 
 to the needs or convenience of the State? That is a question 
 of internal administration which may be discussed theoretic- 
 ally, as we have already observed, but which must be left, in 
 practice, to the sovereign decision of the State. 
 
 Before the Congo State was founded, a few 
 European traders and missionaries in the Lower 
 Early Congo Were occupying certain undefined 
 
 European lands under agreements — more or less pre- 
 Settiers. carious in term and effect— with native 
 chiefs. These occupations partook largely of the 
 temporary nature of the native occupations on the 
 banks of the river. As these occupations ceased 
 and the land was abandoned, it reverted to the 
 State, precisely as it reverts, under certain con- 
 ditions, in other States and colonies throughout the 
 world. 
 
 That the Congo State dealt equitably with for- 
 eigners who had seriously squatted upon lands in the 
 basin, is plainly indicated in its next decree, dated 
 2 2 August, 1885: 
 
 Considering that it is necessary to take steps to recognise 
 the rights of non-natives who acquired property situated in 
 the Congo Free State before the publication of the present 
 Decree: 
 
 On proposal of Our Council of General Administrators, 
 We have decreed and do decree as follows: 
 
 Article i. Non-natives who have rights to substantiate 
 on land situated in the Congo Free State, may have them 
 registered by presenting a request for registration in the form 
 prescribed by the following regulations: 
 
 This request must be presented in duplicate, before April
 
 State Lands and Concessions 317 
 
 1, 1886, to the public officer, who will have to record the 
 deeds of land. 
 
 Our Governor-General has the power to authorise the ad- 
 mission, after this date, of demands for registration, which 
 for some exceptional reason could not be presented within 
 the prescribed time. 
 
 Article 8. The manner in which requests for registration 
 will be controlled shall be settled by Our Governor-General. 
 
 When a non-native shall have duly proved his rights over 
 a portion of land, the Recorder of Deeds shall give him 
 a registration certificate which shall constitute a legal title 
 of occupation until such time as the land system has been 
 definitely settled in the Congo Free State. 
 
 Under this decree, practically every land claim 
 presented was admitted by the Government. Fur- 
 ther decrees provided for the compulsory measure- 
 ment of land held by private owners; the Torrens 
 Act system of transferring the title to land was 
 adopted; rules of survey and its certification were 
 prescribed; deeds were registered at the office of a 
 Registrar, and generally the complete and practical 
 machinery of an efficient Land Department was 
 established for the benefit of natives and foreigners 
 alike. As the State progressed in its organisation 
 it defined its earlier improvisations with greater pre- 
 cision, provided laws in regulation of native "occu- 
 pations," private lands and the lands of the State. 
 Its respect for the equities in property of those who 
 had hazarded life in that wild region extended also 
 to a scrupulous care for the native whose lands it 
 guarded from invasion and trespass. By decree 
 dated September 14, 1886, the State provided that
 
 3i8 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 "Lands occupied by native populations under the 
 authority of their chiefs shall continue to be governed 
 by local customs and uses," thus insuring aboriginal 
 tranquillity in the presence of a scheme of civilisation 
 which the administrators of the State wisely re- 
 frained from imposing with disturbing rigour. The 
 savage black man at first instinctively shrinks from 
 the civilised white, and the Belgians, with knowledge 
 of this almost universal timidity of the African races, 
 offered him a mild measure of civilising rule as dis- 
 tinguished from the bluff and peremptory subjuga- 
 tion which has always characterised the decimating 
 colonial methods of its burly neighbour in the 
 Uganda and Soudan countries. By the same decree 
 the Government of the Congo State provided that: 
 
 All acts or agreements which might tend to expel the 
 natives from the territories occupied by them or to deprive 
 them directly or indirectly of their freedom or means of sub- 
 sistence, are forbidden. 
 
 Where natives occupy, or have moved upon, lands 
 which it is sought to lease from the State, provision 
 has been made by the decree of April 9, 1893, that: 
 
 When native villages are enclosed in the land acquired or 
 let, the natives may, as long as the official measurements 
 have not been made, carry on agricultural pursuits without 
 the consent of landlord or tenant, on the vacant lands sur- 
 rounding their villages. 
 
 All disputes which may arise in the matter between the 
 natives and the grantee or tenant, shall be finally settled by 
 the Governor-General or his delegate. 
 
 A decree of February 2, 1898, appointed a Land 
 Commission charged to consider whether certain
 
 State Lands and Concessions 319 
 
 lands, as to which claims may have been made, 
 ' ' shall be reserved either on grounds of public utility 
 or with a view of promoting their cultivation by the 
 natives." Reference has already been made to the 
 bounty paid by the State to natives who cultivate 
 coffee and cocoa plants. Even in the mining laws 
 of the Congo the State has continued its solicitude 
 for the native and decreed that he shall not be dis- 
 turbed in the pursuit of those rude industries which 
 tend to elevate his moral nature and provide him 
 with means of self-support. By a decree dated June 
 8, 1888, the native is exempted from the prohibition, 
 under a previous decree (July i, 1885), ^^ working a 
 mine without a concession from the State. Under 
 this exemption natives are expressly authorized to 
 "continue to work mines for their own account on 
 lands occupied by them." Indeed in all cases where 
 local tribal customs do not directly conflict with 
 civilising tendencies, the rule of the State has been 
 to observe them in all their integrity. To facilitate 
 this policy in its intercourse with natives, the State 
 has dealt with the aboriginal population largely 
 through the chiefs of the native tribes. This means 
 of linking the black man to the State which is striving 
 to civilise him by the gradual substitution of the 
 white man's methods for those of the savage, has 
 been attended with much success and inspired con- 
 fidence where instinctive distrust might have long 
 prevailed Amongst the local customs which are 
 safeguarded by the State are what are known as 
 coutumes de rations, a form of royalty to which the 
 natives are entitled on the produce of certain land.
 
 320 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 So far has the State concerned itself in perpetuating 
 this form of support to the tribes where the custom 
 prevails that, by an order of the Governor-General 
 dated November 8, 1886, it has provided that: 
 
 The issue of registration certificates does not exempt the 
 interested parties from observing, in their deaHngs with the 
 natives, existing local customs, especially those relative to 
 royalties known as coutumes de rations, although these royal- 
 ties may not be mentioned in the certificates, among the 
 encumbrances affecting the property. 
 
 If, in consequence of the non-payment of the rations or 
 coutumes, usual in such cases, disputes occur between the 
 landed proprietor and the natives, the certificate of registra- 
 tion may be cancelled by the Courts on the application of the 
 curator of land titles. 
 
 From the foregoing and many similar decrees in- 
 tended to secure the property and other rights of the 
 natives, it will be observed that the administrators 
 of the State consistently undertook to carry out all 
 that was implied in King Leopold's early declaration 
 of his aims in Central Africa. If in the execution 
 of the Congo State laws there has sometimes been 
 laxity, error, and perhaps individual cases of per- 
 version, the fact remains that the law is sound and 
 the land system in respect of native possessions an 
 equitable scheme devised in the interest of their 
 general welfare and protection. The administration 
 of the Congo Free State should be judged with due 
 regard to the nature of its savage population, its 
 unexplored territory of a million square miles, its 
 early lack of organised governmental forces, the 
 necessary newness and the rudeness of its civil in-
 
 State Lands and Concessions 321 
 
 stitutions, and the thousand and one uncatalogued 
 difficulties which must have beset such ambitious 
 pioneers as that Httle band of Belgians which dared 
 venture into an abyss from the safe walls of which 
 Europe smiled derisively and shouted orders to the 
 men below. 
 
 Having provided laws securing to natives the lands 
 occupied by them, and regulated the land titles of 
 foreigners, the State declared as its own g^^^g claims 
 all unoccupied lands not subject to the Vacant 
 ownership of the native or the foreigner. ^° ^' 
 
 This governmental possession of unoccupied territory 
 is not only sanctioned by the most enlightened laws 
 of the age, it is the express duty of a State to bring 
 under its care all territory which, if abandoned, 
 might become the object of dispute, internecine 
 strife, and sanguinary warfare. The very element 
 of, and respect for, ownership of lands, chattels, or 
 other objects of material value, preserves that order 
 which all law seeks to enforce, for which civil so- 
 ciety is organised on foundations of equity and just- 
 ice. Was it not the very principle which actuated 
 the Berlin Conference when, in order to remove the 
 Congo Free State from the covetous rivalry of the 
 Powers — their disputes and possible wars — it recog- 
 nised the occupants of the Congo Basin and neu- 
 tralised the Congo State? If, during the twenty 
 years that have elapsed since the Berlin Conference 
 settled the matter, the Congo Free State had re- 
 mained in the position of territory open to the pre- 
 emption, adverse possession, invasion, and trespass 
 of anybody, the savage European war of words, of
 
 322 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 diplomatic missiles, or perhaps of actual arms, 
 would have been a deadly substitute for the native 
 savagery of the African black. Civilisation with- 
 out property vested in the State or its citizens is 
 inconceivable. 
 
 The categories into which the lands within the 
 borders of the Congo Free State naturally fall have 
 Various already been briefly indicated in a previous 
 Tenures chapter. The land system includes, first, 
 ° ^° • a reservation of land exclusively for the 
 use of the public. Second, lands sold upon an 
 official scale of prices through a Land Department 
 composed of five members. Third, concessions of 
 land granted for a certain term of years, or as free- 
 hold, to companies organised to develop its pro- 
 ductivity. Fourth, grants of use extended to those 
 who, by arrangement with the State, thereby obtain 
 the right to work a prescribed area for india-rubber. 
 Certain zones of rubber-bearing territory are not 
 subject to grants of use, the State reserving therein 
 the exclusive right to work the forests, thereby 
 following the system in force in the Soudan and 
 in other neighbouring colonies. Finally, there are 
 leases of three, six, or nine years, of land for com- 
 mercial purposes, and leases for twenty to fifty 
 years of lands for agricultural uses and the estab- 
 lishment of missions, schools, and churches. The 
 latter possess areas aggregating about six thousand 
 acres. 
 
 The principal concessionary companies, operate 
 over approximately one-fourth of the State. The 
 lands conceded to such companies are transmitted
 
 State Lands and Concessions 323 
 
 under contracts very similar to those employed in the 
 Soudan,' and provide for the improvement of the 
 land b}^ the erection of buildings, planting rubber 
 vines, coffee, cocoa, breeding cattle, and collecting 
 rubber in a manner which will not deplete the grow- 
 ing stock. The Congo State law imposes upon the 
 rubber companies the duty of planting at least five 
 hundred feet of rubber vines or trees for every ton 
 of rubber harvested. The forests are safeguarded in 
 respect of wood and other products, and special in- 
 spectors see to the rigorous enforcement of the law. 
 There appears to be a different state of things in 
 the rubber-bearing districts of British Lagos, where 
 reckless destruction of the vines, waste, inattention, 
 and lack of intelligent organisation have reduced 
 the rubber yield in 1900 to one-tenth its harvest in 
 1896, with the decline still continuing. The same 
 measure of rapid decline is going on in the Gold 
 Coast and Sierra Leone. "The decrease in the ex- 
 port of rubber from £347,721 in 1896 to ;^i6o,3i5 
 in 1899 is clearly due to the reckless and unskilful 
 manner in which rubber was collected " ^ 
 
 This report is corroborated by the statistics of the 
 British Gold Coast, which in 1899 exported rubber 
 to the value of £sSS^73'^^ but in 1902 to the value of 
 only ;;{^88,6o2; Lagos, 1896, £347,721, in 1901, 
 £14,749; Sierra Leone, 1895, ;£86,94o, in 1902, 
 £8,192. Indeed, the table from which these quota- 
 tions are made shows that the rubber exports from 
 
 ' Sale of Government Land in the Anglo-Egyptian Soudan, Times 
 (London), July i8. 1904. 
 
 'Annual Colonial Report, Lagos, 1899.
 
 324 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 eight British colonies have greatly decreased since 
 1898, desx)ite the increased European value of that 
 product. It would seem that the care and skill 
 which during these same years caused the Congo 
 exports to rise from less than a million francs in 1 886 
 to over fifty -four millions in 1 903 were at least worth 
 the emulation of the Gold Coast, Lagos, and Sierra 
 Leone muddlers hiding defeat behind the humani- 
 tarian pretexts of Liverpool rubber merchants and 
 their agents, whose conscience is as flexible as their 
 trade product. 
 
 Concerning the concessionary scheme which pre- 
 vails in the French Congo, and which the Congo 
 Free State Government has so successfully carried 
 out in its own territory, M. Eugene Etienne, a dis- 
 tinguished French scholar, Vice-President of the 
 French Chamber of Deputies, and leader of the 
 French colonial group, has said and written some 
 pertinent things. The French Congo, lying on the 
 coast west of the Free State, has been also assailed 
 by the few interested British merchants and their 
 religious and secular agents and reform associations 
 for having been forbidden to trespass upon and de- 
 spoil Central African territory which has so far 
 escaped the acquisitive proclivities of John Bull. 
 M. Etienne's dissertation contains the following 
 passages as applicable to the Free State as to the 
 French Congo : 
 
 1 stop in the enumeration of the results obtained by the 
 Independent State of the Congo, and I will not put in the op- 
 posite column the balance sheet which gives little enough to 
 rejoice over of the progress realised in the neighbouring
 
 State Lands and Concessions 325 
 
 French colony. Certainly from the point of view of the ex- 
 ploration of the country, and the management of the na- 
 tives, our officials have obtained what might be French and 
 called, in a formula borrowed from mechanics, Belgian 
 the maximum of result with the minimum of Systems 
 expense. . . . Compared. 
 
 The constitution of landed property in the Congo, regu- 
 lated by the decree of 28th March, 1899, and the attribution 
 of vacant lands by important lots to companies bound by a 
 cahier des charges, form a work carefully thought out and 
 elaborated on the advice of eminent jurists. It does honour 
 to the Minister of the Colonies who took the initiative in the 
 matter, my eminent colleague in the Chamber of Deputies, 
 M. Guillain, as well as to the Councillor of State, M. Cotelle, 
 who gave his active collaboration as President of the Com- 
 mission of Concessions. 
 
 The justification of the large concessions is to substitute 
 
 a regular and methodical exploitation of the products of the 
 
 soil for the svstem of trading which destroys the 
 
 Ooti cessions 
 natural riches, leaving behind it only the exhausted , ^.^ , 
 ' ° -' Justinea. 
 
 and mutilated bush. Is it a question of the 
 collection of caoutchouc [rubber], — the native cuts the lianas, 
 bleeds the producing shrub to complete exhaustion. Is it 
 a question of ivory, — the precious product disappears rapidly 
 with the increase of the price, and the easier destruction of 
 the elephants by means of arms of precision. Left to him- 
 self the native destroys, and does not concern himself to ask 
 the earth to restore what he has taken from it. At the most 
 he scratches a little of the soil round the villages he inhabits 
 in order to carry out thereon some cultivation of food stuflfs. 
 Thus has it already been recorded in our Congo colony that 
 the caoutchouc lianas have nearly disappeared from the 
 coast, and from the banks of the rivers. It would be the 
 same in the end in the regions further removed from the sea, 
 if wise regulations did not put a stop to it. 
 
 Quite different would be the value of the soil if new planta- 
 tions replaced those exhausted by successive harvests, and 
 added new products to those which come without cultivation.
 
 326 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 Coffee trees and cocoa trees succeed admirably on the Congo. 
 The soil lends itself to all tropical cultivations. As to the 
 collection of caoutchouc, which will long remain one of the 
 principal resources of the country, it demands management 
 and care. It is for this motive that, according to one of the 
 clauses of the cahier des charges annexed to the decrees of 
 concession, the concessionaire companies are bound "to 
 plant and to maintain to the termination of the concession, by 
 replacing those which shall have disappeared, at least 500 
 feet of caoutchouc plants per ton of caoutchouc produced." 
 
 The contract signed between the State as the proprietor of 
 vacant lands and the concessionaire is the following: The 
 concessionaire is authorised to establish himself on the lands 
 assigned to him, he exercises there for a period of 30 years 
 all rights of possession and exploitation (under reservation 
 of lands allotted to the natives, and of rights of proprietorship 
 previously acquired by third parties) ; but this lease of 30 
 years is to be changed into definite proprietorship for all lands 
 which shall have been improved. How is it to be decided 
 whether the lands may be considered as improved? The 
 cahier des charges answers this question with precision. Shall 
 be considered as improved: 
 
 1. Lands occupied over at least one-tenth of their surface 
 b}^ buildings ; 
 
 2. Lands planted over at least one-twentieth of their sur- 
 face with rich cultivation such as cocoa, coffee, caoutchouc, 
 vanilla, indigo, tobacco, etc.; 
 
 3. Lands cultivated over at least one-tenth of their surface 
 with food cultivation such as rice, millet, manioc, etc.; 
 
 4. The pasturage on which shall be maintained during at 
 least five years beasts for breeding and fattening at the rate 
 of two heads of large beasts or four heads of small beasts per 
 10 hectares ' ; 
 
 5. The parts of forests of a superficies of at least 100 hec- 
 tares of a single tenancy in which caoutchouc shall have been 
 regularly collected for at least five years at the rate of at 
 least 20 feet of trees or lianas as the average per hectare. . . , 
 
 'Approximately twenty-four and one-half acres.
 
 State Lands and Concessions 327 
 
 In exchange for these advantages the concessionaire as- 
 sumes charges which are not defined with less rigour : Fixed 
 annual rents to be paid to the colony, share of the profits, 15 
 per cent, of the company's receipts going to the local budget, 
 obligation to float on the watercourses traversing the con- 
 cession steamboats of a fixed model, all without prejudice to 
 the payment of a security. 
 
 The British merchants ^ complained of being deprived of 
 the rights which they had exercised during many 3^ears of 
 sending their contractors to collect the caoutchouc on the 
 lands conceded to the new companies, a dispossession for 
 which they demanded reparation. The Court, after having 
 ascertained that the English firms did not claim any per- 
 manent establishment on the domain conceded, non-suited 
 them, objecting with reason that the State as proprietor of 
 free lands in the Congo had the right to dispose of them, and 
 that the long tolerance which the merchants had enjoyed for 
 the collection of the products of the soil could not constitute 
 an acquired right in their favour. Beaten in the French 
 courts, the Liverpool firms lodged an appeal before a tribunal 
 where they were certain of being heard. They set in movement 
 the English Chambers of Commerce, interested the press and 
 public opinion in their cause, and made the British Foreign 
 Office intervene. 
 
 I have always admired the ardour and solicitude with which 
 British diplomacy takes part and cause for the grievances of 
 British subjects abroad. The British citizen, as formerly the 
 Roman, is assured of being protected and defended. I know 
 citizens of other countries who cannot always say as much. 
 The complaints of the Liverpool merchants furnished in their 
 way a fine platform for diplomacy. The Congo with the 
 guarantees stipulated by the Berlin Conference, should it not 
 be the chosen land, the last refuge of commercial freedom? 
 To the complaints of merchants established in the French 
 
 ' Two Liverpool firms, Messrs. Hatton & Cookson and John Holt & 
 Co., have alone figured in the cases brought before the Courts of 
 Libreville.
 
 328 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 colony were added those of the English merchants and consuls 
 resident in the Belgian Congo. It was the placing on trial of 
 the Independent State in its entirety — of its commercial 
 policy, of its native policy, which formed the subject of in- 
 quiry in the press and before the British Parliament. . . . 
 
 Now in no country of the world has freedom of commerce 
 been considered as interfering with the rights of property. 
 The proprietor of the soil alone has the right to dispose of the 
 products of the land which belongs to him. Do people in 
 England think that freedom of commerce is violated because 
 the first passer-by of a rich and extensive manorial domain 
 cannot take the fruits and vegetables, kill the bucks and the 
 hinds, and lay the axe to the trees? Why should it be other- 
 wise on the Congo? The whole question is, whether the 
 State, which in the French Congo (as in the Independent 
 State) has proclaimed itself the proprietor of vacant and 
 unowned lands, has this right legitimately. If it has, it can 
 in one form or another alienate the lands belonging to it. 
 That this exercise of the law of property may inconvenience 
 those who formerly enjoyed the products of the soil, I do not 
 deny. There are countries where hunting is not forbidden, and 
 the ga'ine belongs to the killer. A day arrives when the pro- 
 prietor reserves his rights. He forbids hunting, he institutes 
 suits. It is very disagreeable for those who used to traverse his 
 land freely. But it does not follow that they have the right to an 
 indemnity. Still that is the strange suit that England wishes to 
 bring before the European Areopagus. The Congo has pro- 
 tected its hunting grounds; the poachers exclaim against the 
 injustice and claim damages ! ' 
 
 Has the State been right in considering itself the legitimate 
 
 proprietor of vacant and unowned lands in the Congo? If 
 
 any doubt existed on the subject, the luminous 
 
 British opinion given to our concessionaires by Maitre 
 
 Concessions --i^ • t-. i i u ^ ^ -^ a r^ 
 
 in Canada Henri Barboux should suince to remove it. After 
 
 having recalled that in all countries, at all periods, 
 
 the exercise of the right of sovereignty implied the appro- 
 
 ^ Italics by the author.
 
 State Lands and Concessions 329 
 
 priation for the profit of the State of conquered lands, the 
 eminent advocate shows how England has made use of that 
 prerogative; in Lower Canada where a single Governor 
 granted 1,425,000 acres to sixty persons; in Upper Canada 
 where in 1825 out of 17,000,000 measured acres, an extent 
 almost equal to Ireland, 15,000,000 had been given in con- 
 cession; in Australia where the distribution of lands to 
 colonists in gratuitous concessions or by sale was never con- 
 sidered "as in contempt of the rights of the primitive inhab- 
 itants of the country, nor as contrary to the largest principles 
 of commercial freedom." In India, Ceylon, at Hong-Kong, 
 in Africa (Cape Colony, Natal, Bechuanaland), in the Fiji 
 Islands, Great Britain has always admitted that "the whole 
 country falls to the Crown, and that the Crown Crown 
 
 can attribute to individuals portions of the country. Lands in 
 while reserving as its own domain all which is not British 
 
 given in concession " (Creasy, TJie Imperial and Colonies. 
 Colonial Constitutions of the Britannic Ernpire, p. 66). Hol- 
 land applies the same rules. In Germany the Imperial 
 ordinance of 26th November, 1895, ordains in these terms: 
 " Under reserve of the rights of property or other real rights 
 that individuals or juridical persons, native chiefs or com- 
 munities, can invoke, as well as of the rights of occupation of 
 third persons resulting from contracts passed with the Im- 
 perial Government, all the land of German East Africa is 
 vacant land of the Croum. The proprietorship of it belongs to 
 the Empire.'' 
 
 These very same principles have been applied by the 
 European nations which have shared amongst themselves 
 the Conventional Basin of the Congo. The reservation of the 
 rights acquired by third persons, the reservation of the rights 
 of natives are stipulated for in our contracts of concession 
 with a precision which leaves nothing to be desired. "The 
 society having the concession cannot exercise the rights of 
 enjoyment and exploitation which are accorded to it except 
 outside villages occupied by natives, and the lands reserved 
 to them for purposes of cultivation, pasturage, or as forest. 
 The perimeters of these lands if it is a question of natives
 
 330 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 with a fixed residence, or the successive perimeters to be 
 occupied or reserved if it is one of natives with a changeable 
 residence, shall be fixed by the decisions of the Governor of 
 the Colony, who shall equally determine the lands over which 
 the natives shall preserve the rights of hunting and fishing. 
 The lands and rights thus reserved shall not be ceded by the 
 natives either to the concessionaire or to third pp.rties except 
 with the authority of the Governor of the Colony." (Art. 
 lo of the decree of 28th March, 1879, on concessions.) These 
 stipulations are the most liberal that could be carried out in a 
 country where native proprietorship is not regularly con- 
 stituted, where the land surrounding the villages is alone 
 cultivated, where the villages are shifted about with extreme 
 ease, what was field or plantation one year returning to the 
 state of the bush in the following. As to lands really oc- 
 cupied by Europeans, they have always been left outside the new 
 concessions. What it has not been thought proper to respect is 
 the pretension which some traders have put forward of being 
 masters of what tlwy never possessed, of trading in what did not 
 belong to them. 
 
 Up to the present I have spoken only of the concessions 
 given on French territory. The Independent State has em- 
 ployed the same system. In a part of its territoiy it even 
 inaugurated it. All that may be said to defend our admin- 
 istration from having violated on the Congo the principle 
 of commercial liberty is, then, applicable to the Belgian 
 concessions. 
 
 The Private Domain {Domaine Prive) of the Congo 
 Free State embraces approximately one-fourth of 
 
 the unoccupied lands within its borders. 
 of"TraderT '^^^ ^^ ^^^ feature of the State's general 
 
 scheme of physical development which ex- 
 cites its enemies to make many foolhardy assaults 
 and become voluble with fallacy and hollow argu- 
 ment. It was created by a decree dated December
 
 State Lands and Concessions 331 
 
 5, 1892. All the net revenue derived from the 
 Private Domain is placed in the State's treasury and 
 applied to the payment of the cost of its public im- 
 provements and all its undertakings seeking to im- 
 prove the condition of the native population, the 
 facilities for their civilisation and the elevation of 
 their moral nature. 
 
 The revenue from the Private Domain is derived 
 from the State's direct exploitation of its lands. 
 Rubber and ivory are its chief products at the present 
 time. Various kinds of wood abound in its forests, 
 and cocoa and coffee plantations, experimental 
 farms, live-stock ranches, agricultural areas, all are 
 being developed under the direct supervision of 
 State agents. 
 
 The question which is periodically enlivened con- 
 cerning this governmental scheme for acquiring 
 necessary revenue is: Can the State, in occupation 
 of its own lands in the Congo Basin, develop the land 
 by direct cultivation, or en regie (by trustees), for 
 the benefit of the State budget, which, in its integrity, 
 is devoted to increase the power of the State to 
 civilise and elevate its native people? There can 
 be no doubt about the State's right to develop terri- 
 tory which for lack of private initiative and capital 
 would produce nothing for the benefit of the society 
 for which the State has been created. This right has 
 been recognised not only by the Powers at the Berlin 
 Conference in reference to Central Africa, but, in 
 varying aspects, by all civilised countries in refer- 
 ence to other parts of the globe. Belgian, French, 
 English, Russian, Swiss, and Italian jurists have
 
 332 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 considered this question at great length. The opin- 
 ions of Messrs. Van Berchem, Van Maldeghem, de 
 Paepe, John Westlake, K.C., Sir Horace Davey, K.C., 
 de Martens, Barboux, Nys, Pierantoni, and Azcarate, 
 besides the weight of opinion expressed by United 
 States authorities which have been consulted, all 
 concede the State's right to develop its territory for 
 the benefit of a treasury devoted to the welfare of 
 its people. Moreover, this scheme of self-develop- 
 ment is not peculiar to the Free State. France, 
 Germany, Great Britain, and Portugal declared un- 
 occupied land to be the property of the State. The 
 establishment of that principle at once implies the 
 adoption of that other by which the State may im- 
 prove its own property and turn it from a wilder- 
 ness into a productive garden. In addition to 
 innumerable earlier decrees by the Governments 
 surrounding the Congo Free State, many of which 
 are set out in the Bulletin Ofpciel of the Independent 
 State of the Congo for June, 1903, new ordinances, 
 amplifying and extending the early decrees, have 
 been recently (September 20 and October 23, 1904) 
 put into operation. Their inclusion herein would 
 unduly extend the text of this volume. A brief in- 
 dication of their provisions will be found in the 
 Appendix under the title: Features of the Land Sys- 
 tem in the African Colonies of Germany, Great Britain, 
 France, and Portugal.'' 
 
 From the Neue Hamburgische B or sen Halle, 20 
 October, 1904, we quote the following comment upon 
 the German decree of the same date, inasmuch as it 
 
 'See Appendix.
 
 - State Lands and Concessions 333 
 
 reveals what, in general, is the European opinion of 
 the British criticism of the Congo State land system : 
 
 The decree brings under the designation of forest products 
 the products from all woodlands, whether fenced in or not, 
 and even from isolated plantations, from bush and under- 
 brush, bamboo and elm trees, and from all liquaceous plants, 
 especially the lumber, the bark, the sap, the rubber, the 
 leaves, the flowers, and the fruit. In such part of the terri- 
 tories as have, after eflfective occupation, been declared 
 forest reservations by a public notice of the government, it 
 is strictly forbidden to gather any kind of forest products, for 
 such harvesting is made an exclusive right of the Treasury. 
 
 That decree is interesting in many ways. First, it shows 
 that the German Colonial Office has decided to systematically 
 protect the forest domain of the Colony in order to prevent 
 indiscriminate deforestation, which would rapidly bring dis- 
 aster upon the country. But it also reminds one of the 
 violent onslaught made by some English people, and es- 
 pecially by the Liverpool rubber dealers, against the Congo 
 Free State. 
 
 What England unceasingly argues against the Belgian 
 Congo — for the humanitarian movement is only a pretext — 
 namely, the exploitation by the Government of such parts of 
 the territory as are not private property of individuals, is 
 actually made a rule by the [German] decree just referred to. 
 A previous decree of the Government has still more closely 
 indicated what parts of the territory are assigned to the 
 Treasury as forest reservations. Added to the other Treasury 
 lands of various description they cover more than nine-tenths 
 of the Colony. 
 
 The conclusion is that in German East Africa, as well as in 
 the Congo Free State, the rubber harvest, in which the Liver- 
 pool merchants take such lively interest, is gathered from 
 crown-lands only, and practically constitutes a State monopoly. 
 
 Now, a large part of German East Africa comes under the 
 provisions of the Berlin Act. And, in order to show the
 
 334 Story of the Coni^o Free State 
 
 extent to which British hypocrisy will go, it is enough to recall 
 that for years, both in British East Africa and in Uganda, 
 which also partly come under the scope of the Berlin Act, 
 the same government rules have been enforced, declaring 
 india-rubber a State monopoly not only on the crown-lands, 
 but even on private estates. 
 
 What is lawful for one party must be lawful for the other, 
 and we cannot reproach the Congo Free State for upholding 
 against British would-be interference such rights of the 
 Crown as other governments maintain in their own colonies. 
 
 This example of vigorous Teutonic candour might 
 be repeated from the columns of many other Euro- 
 pean journals, but the desire to avoid passing from 
 the historical to the controversial in the present work 
 must limit the use of abundant similar material. 
 
 To show that the direct exploitation of domanial 
 forests is made a legitimate source of revenue in 
 Eastern countries, the instance of Japan may be 
 cited. That brave little country, so heroically en- 
 gaged in fighting for the unmolested right to pursue 
 its brilliant course of modern progress, directly culti- 
 vates and harvests for the benefit of its treasury a 
 State domain equal to seven times the entire area of 
 Belgium! 
 
 When the ministers of his Majesty, King Leopold, 
 were requested to indicate the principles upon which 
 the Domaine Prive of the Congo Free State was 
 developed, they stated that, having in view the 
 necessity for revenue from the soil, the civilising in- 
 fluence of labour, and the social, physical, and moral 
 condition of the African black, they had devised 
 that scheme which would attract the only existing 
 available labour in the country, the co-operation of
 
 State Lands and Concessions 335 
 
 the native, for which co-operation the State not only 
 paid him, but provided him with hberating and en- 
 lightening opportunities for participating in the 
 growth of African civiHsation. In its official reports 
 the Government of the Congo Free State refers to its 
 aims in this respect: 
 
 The object which the Government aims at, is to succeed in 
 turning the private domain of the State to profit, exclusively 
 by means of voluntary contributions [of labour] from the 
 natives, and inducing them to work through the allurement 
 of an earned and adequate payment. The rate must be 
 sufficiently remunerative to stimulate in the natives the de- 
 sire of obtaining it, and, as a consequence, to induce them 
 to gather in the products of the domain. 
 
 Where the attraction of commercial benefit is not sufficient 
 to assure the working of the private domain, it is necessary 
 to resort to the tax in kind ; but, even in this case, the work is 
 remunerated in the same manner as the voluntary contribu- 
 tions. The Government's orders in this respect are positive. 
 Properly speaking, the tax in kind is not a real tax, since the 
 local value of the products brought in by the natives is given 
 to them in exchange. 
 
 The Government has never neglected an opportunity to 
 remind its agents, intrusted with the collection of taxes in 
 kind, that their part is that of an educator: their mission is 
 to impress on the mind of the natives the taste for work ; and 
 the means available would fail of their aim if compulsion was 
 changed into violence. 
 
 What is called the Domain of the Crown is a 
 limited territory defined by decrees dated March 8, 
 1896, and December 23, 1901, lying in the basins of 
 Lake Leopold II. and of the Lukenie River, in the 
 basin of the Busira-Momboya River, and between 
 certain boundaries at the confluence of the Lubefu
 
 336 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 and Sankuru rivers, to the western summit-line of 
 the Lukenie basin, and including certain contiguous 
 areas. These lands include six discovered mines 
 which have so far not been worked. The Domain 
 of the Crown is a corporate body administered by 
 a committee of three persons appointed by the 
 Sovereign. 
 
 The forests of the Congo are the finest in the 
 world. They contain a great variety of hard and 
 soft wood, fruit-bearing trees, rubber trees and 
 vines, and gum trees, and constitute an industrial 
 wealth which is being preserved by enforcing rigor- 
 ous laws. A decree dated July 7, 1898, and orders 
 dated November 22, 1898, and March 21, 1902, 
 regulate timber cutting. Under these, steamboats 
 may take on supplies of wood fuel on payment of 
 an annual tax measured according to their tonnage 
 and speed. 
 
 The mining laws of the State are embodied in the 
 decrees of June 8, 1888, and March 20, 1893. They 
 provide, amongst other things, that the purchase of 
 land from the State or from individuals does not 
 ' ' confer the right of working the mineral riches be- 
 neath the surface ' ' ; that ' ' mineral riches remain the 
 property of the State ' ' ; that ' ' no person can work 
 a mine except by virtue of a special concession from 
 the State "; that "the Government fixes by decree 
 the regions where mining researches are authorised 
 either in favour of all persons without distinction, 
 or of the persons specified in the decrees." A 
 licence fee of 2500 francs and other fees are imposed 
 upon those who, having discovered mineral -bearing
 
 
 ^ 
 
 (^
 
 State Lands and Concessions 
 
 jj, 
 
 properties, desire to work them. A mining con- 
 cession is limited to an area not exceeding 24,000 
 acres. Article 4 of the decree of March 25, 1893, 
 provides that: 
 
 Whoever shall discover a mine in the regions where he is 
 authorised to make researches in conformity with Article 3, 
 can obtain a right of preference for ten years for the concession 
 of this mine, on condition that he complies with the regula- 
 tions laid down in the present Decree. 
 
 All mining concessions are limited to a term of 
 ninety-nine years. On its expiration the State 
 succeeds to the property as it stands. A system of 
 royalties on the product of the mine is stipulated in 
 all concessions. Such royalties shall not be less than 
 one dollar a year on each 2.47 acres. These fixed 
 annual charges may be commuted by arrangement 
 with the State. 
 
 In commenting upon the criticism which British 
 merchants and their allies have uttered against the 
 entire land system of the Congo Free State, an 
 eminent Belgian closely identified with those who 
 support the Congolese policy has said: 
 
 It is an easy matter to point out, in an undertaking sucli 
 as the Congolese enterprise, the inherent imperfections and 
 difhculties of the task, and the accidental defects in the in- 
 struments which the State is called upon to employ. 
 
 It is, however, very unfair to hide under a bushel the good 
 results which have been obtained, and the progress which has 
 been realised, and to expose on a pinnacle a few exceptional 
 and regrettable facts, to draw a conclusion from particular 
 cases to the detriment of the general rule, and to condemn 
 wholesale an institution which draws forth the admiration
 
 33^ Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 even of its enemies, and of which a witness, certainly to be 
 little suspected, has been able to say: "/w the whole history 
 of Colonial life, there is no example on record of such a result 
 obtained in such a short period of time.'' 
 
 We are far from overlooking the important role which 
 criticism plays in a matter which is as yet so little advanced 
 as the art and science of colonisation, but in order to play 
 this role properly, the critic must remain impartial. 
 
 After all, if these severe criticisms have been at times 
 formulated, there are ample compensations in many authori- 
 tative comments from abroad. For instance, M. de Lanessan, 
 formerly Minister of the Admiralty in France, says: 
 
 "Belgium has shown that, in matters of colonisation, she 
 possesses more practical and rational ideas than ourselves, 
 and a better understanding of the methods of modem col- 
 onisation." 
 
 As to the condition of the natives, this is the opinion of Sir 
 Harry Johnston, speaking from experience of that part of the 
 Congo which was formerly the most backward: 
 
 "This portion of the Congo Free State was inhabited by 
 cheerful natives who repeatedly, and without solicitation on 
 my part, compared the good times they were now having, to 
 the misery and terror which preceded them when the Arabs 
 and Manyema had established themselves in the country as 
 chiefs and slave-traders." 
 
 As this volume is going to press, advices are to 
 hand that M. Gaston Doumergue, the French Minis- 
 ter for the Colonies, submitted to the President of 
 the RepubHc of France — and on October 23, 1904, 
 procured his signature to — a decree consolidating 
 the Repubhc's legislation concerning French West 
 Africa. This decree reaffirms that "all vacant lands 
 in the colonies of French West Africa are the property 
 of the State ' ' ; that the property of the State may 
 be alienated, leased, or developed according to the
 
 State Lands and Concessions 339 
 
 methods employed in the Free State; that conces- 
 sions may be granted; that property held in com- 
 mon by tribes under their chiefs may not be sold 
 by them without the State's consent, etc. In 
 short, the success of the land regime practised by the 
 Congo Free State having convinced the Germans 
 and the French of its wisdom, both countries have 
 now conformed their own laws to it.
 
 CHAPTER XXIX 
 THE NEMESIS OF LIBEL 
 
 ON Friday, the 25th of March, 1904, in the King's 
 Bench Division of the High Court of Justice, 
 London, the case of Captain Henri Joseph 
 Leon De Keyser, and his colleagues-in-arms, Com- 
 mandants Chaltin and Dubreucq, against Captain 
 Guy Burrows, an EngUshman, one time in the ser- 
 vice of the Congo Free State, and his pubHshers, 
 Messrs. R. A. Everett & Co., London, came on for 
 trial before Mr. Justice Ridley and a special jury. 
 
 The trial of this action for libel is the first which 
 has, so far, been determined against those who are 
 charged with traducing the men whose courage in, 
 and devotion to, the Congo cause has erected a pros- 
 perous State in the heart of savage Africa. The case 
 irradiates much that has been long proceeding in 
 Great Britain, and that has recently received sig- 
 nificant impetus in the United States through the 
 action of certain persons operating from the city of 
 Boston. 
 
 The author has no acquaintance with any of the 
 parties to this case, but deems it incumbent upon 
 one who essays to write a full history of the Congo 
 Free State to include an account of litigation which 
 in its proceedings and result reveals and explains 
 
 340
 
 The Nemesis of Libel 341 
 
 many things with which the present work will not 
 otherwise specifically deal. 
 
 Belgian officers brought this action against an 
 English officer, whom they charged with libel and 
 attempted blackmail, before a British jury. Captain 
 Guy Burrows, the defendant, had published a book 
 containing false statements of atrocities in the Congo. 
 He had followed the Liverpool and Boston custom 
 of attributing villainy to the officers of the Congo 
 State Government. But imlike the Liverpool and 
 Boston general allegations. Captain Burrows attrib- 
 uted the wrongful acts to Captain De Keyser and 
 Commandants Chaltin and Dubreucq. What the 
 Court thought of the case as it sensationally unfolded 
 itself may be gleaned from the observations and 
 summing up of Mr. Justice Ridley. What the jury 
 felt is indicated in its verdict for damages against 
 the defendants in all the cases. 
 
 To ensure the fairest statement of this interesting 
 and informing suit, the following quotations, ver- 
 batim et literatim, are taken from a stenographic 
 report of the trial. 
 
 There was a fine array of learned counsel on both 
 sides, among whom Sir Edward Clarke, K.C., Mr. 
 J. Eldon Bankes, K.C., and Mr. Lewis Thomas (in- 
 structed by Messrs. Bird, Strode & Bird, solicitors) 
 appeared for the plaintiffs; Mr. Crispe, K.C., and Mr. 
 Swanton for the defendant Burrows; and Mr. Ger- 
 maine, K.C., and Mr. G. A. Scott for the defendants, 
 Messrs. R. A. Everett & Co. 
 
 Defendants' counsel opened the case by asking 
 leave of the Court to withdraw his clients' plea of
 
 342 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 justification, by which, in popular terms, he stated 
 that Captain Burrows was unable to prove any of 
 the monstrous accusations he had made against Cap- 
 tain De Keyser and his colleagues, in the book which 
 contained the libels complained of. After this dra- 
 matic collapse of previous pretence, Sir Edward 
 Clarke proceeded with the case as follows : 
 
 May it please your Lordship. — Gentlemen of the Jury, I 
 feel bound to preface the observations that I have to make 
 to you upon this case by just a very short reference to what 
 has taken place this morning. A very sudden transformation 
 has occurred in the condition of the case, and in the issues 
 which are to be put before you. In February last year Cap- 
 tain De Keyser, a gentleman who has served in the Belgian 
 Army, and who has been employed in the Congo Free State, 
 found himself compelled, by circumstances which I shall ex- 
 plain to you in a few minutes, to take the opportunity of 
 bringing this action against Captain Burrows and against 
 some London publishers in respect of accusations against him 
 of the gravest possible kind — accusations dishonouring to his 
 character as a man of honour and as a man of humanity, and 
 dishonouring to him as an officer in the Belgian Army; and 
 he brought his action in February last year. Thereupon, in 
 the course of the year. Captain Burrows puts on a defence in 
 the month of April or May, and Messrs. Everett & Company 
 put on a defence in the month of August, in which they say 
 that those accusations against Captain De Keyser were true; 
 and what were called Particulars, to which, however, I need 
 not now refer, were put in, in which it was alleged that Cap- 
 tain De Keyser had been guilty of infamous conduct as a 
 servant of the Government of the Congo Free State. This 
 case has gone on month after month. There have been ques- 
 tions as to the time when it should be tried, and those who 
 were advising Captain De Keyser and those who are interested 
 in this matter have had the anxious duty of taking care that 
 it never could possibly be said that the Defendants did not
 
 The Nemesis of Libel 343 
 
 have a fair opportunity of trial. The case stood over for a 
 considerable time, and even so lately as when it was before 
 the Lord Chief Justice there was a practical assent on the 
 part of the Plaintiffs to the postponement of the case in order 
 that no one should ever say that the Defendants had not the 
 fullest opportunity of putting their case before you; and now, 
 at this moment, when we come into Court to-day, suddenly, 
 the statement that the accusations are true is absolutely 
 struck out. Not only do the Defendants say that they are not 
 prepared to call witnesses to support the allegation that those 
 allegations are true, but they appear not to be prepared even to 
 challenge Captain De Keyser himself, or to ask him any ques- 
 tions as to his conduct in the Congo Free State. I do not know 
 how far I may be allowed to go — how far it may be possible 
 in the present state of the Pleadings for me to get any abso- 
 lute vindication of Captain De Keyser in this Court. I dare- 
 say my Lord will be indulgent with me with regard to that, 
 looking at the very cruel position in which this gallant officer 
 has been placed by accusations made against him which might 
 affect, and, I believe, have affected him, very seriously in 
 private life — accusations which have come to be known and 
 to be talked about — accusations, as he was prepared to show, 
 which were absolutely untrue, and accusations at the very 
 last moment withdrawn, struck away from the Record, when 
 not only has he been here prepared to give his evidence, but 
 when we have tried to get, and succeeded in getting, as many 
 of those as could be possibly called here who were associated 
 with him in his responsible work in the Congo Free State to 
 carry to a demonstration the proof that he could give that 
 there was not a tittle of foundation for the injurious state- 
 ments that have been made about him. Now, at the last 
 moment, it comes to a question of publication, and my learned 
 friends have taken the position that if I can prove against 
 them that there was a publication of these libels, then they 
 are without a defence, and are not able to say that there is 
 any truth in the statements that they have made, and must 
 submit to such verdict as you may give in the matter. As to 
 the verdict, I do not know whether, in Ihc ultimate results,
 
 344 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 the amount of it will matter very much, but you may think, 
 when you hear the statement I have to make to you with 
 regard to the publication of these accusations, that it is a 
 case in which, whether there is ever any possibility of recover- 
 ing the money or not, at all events there should be a very 
 definite expression of your view with regard to the conduct 
 that these parties have pursued. I shall prove not only a 
 publication, but I shall prove an attempt to blackmail the 
 Belgian authorities, and the authorities of the Congo Free 
 State, by these people in conjunction. Captain Burrows and 
 Everett & Co. I believe I shall prove it up to the hilt, and 
 then it will be for you to say, by your verdict, what you 
 think of the conduct of which they have been guilty. 
 
 Gentlemen, I must limit very closely the observations which 
 I was going to make to you. My learned friend and I had 
 somewhat laboriously prepared ourselves for dealing with all 
 the possible issues of fact that might be raised in this case 
 that were suggested by the accusations against Captain De 
 Keyser. That has passed out of the case, and I must treat 
 very shortly the questions with which I should otherwise have 
 had at some length to deal. It is essential when you are con- 
 sidering the persons against whom, if I prove the publication, 
 your verdict must go, for you to consider who those persons 
 are. The accusations which were made have been made by 
 Captain Burrows and published by the Everetts, and were 
 accusations which concerned the course of government in the 
 Congo Free State, a matter which has attracted great attention 
 from time to time and with regard to which certain very 
 strong statements have been made in this country and else- 
 where. 
 
 Now, Gentlemen, the Congo Free State is a State which, as 
 a separate and independent State, has not existed very long. 
 It was in the year 1884 or 1885 that that State was consti- 
 tuted under the Government of the King of the Belgians, who 
 is called the King Sovereign of the State, and it has from that 
 time been administered by Belgian authorities as the author- 
 ity of the Free State. It has been a Government in process 
 of construction, and it was not, perhaps, until the year 1891
 
 00 
 
 S
 
 The Nemesis of Libel 345 
 
 that it can be said that there was an organised system of 
 government extending over the Congo Free State. It is an 
 enormous area of over 800,000 square miles. It is an area 
 scantily populated, but populated by savages of almost the 
 lowest type of existence, savages among whom the practice 
 of cannibalism, the practice of mutilation of enemies who 
 have been killed in battle, and of violent punishments as be- 
 tween one tribe and another, had reigned without check until 
 the representatives of civilisation came, in the officers of the 
 Congo Free State, and established some sort of organisation 
 and government throughout that country. The difficulties 
 have been enormous. The difficulty of dealing with an area 
 of more than 800,000 square miles with only a very few hun- 
 dred white men who were in command of black troops, drawn 
 from the very tribes whose habits I just now referred to, has 
 been enormous. It has been one of the most anxious and 
 difficult tasks that a civilised country ever undertook. That 
 task has been fulfilled — on the whole with signal success. No 
 set of men are absolutely free from reproach. The position of 
 the representatives of the Congo Free State has been an 
 extremely difficult one. At the time when Captain De Key- 
 ser went out, a captain and seventy-five men had been killed 
 a few weeks before, very near to the place where he was sent 
 to carry on his work. Every white man is surrounded by 
 hundreds or thousands of black men, and is in a position not 
 only of great responsibility but of great personal danger and 
 of great difficulty, and there may have been here and there 
 a default on the part of now one and now another of the offi- 
 cers in the employ of the Congo Free State. It has not been 
 the fault of that State, for from time to time orders have 
 been issued to the officers of the Free State, by which it has 
 been attempted to prevent any sort of misconduct, and there 
 have been administrative orders by which severe punishments 
 have been inflicted on the natives for cannibalism or for the 
 mutilation of persons who have been killed in battle, and this 
 amelioration of the condition of the people has been going 
 on with great success. Captain Burrows, who wrote against 
 Captain De Keyser these most atrocious libels, has been on
 
 34^ Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 two occasions in the employment of the Congo Free State. 
 He was employed there from June, 1894, until September, 
 1897. He never had an opportunity of seeing or knowing 
 the character of the work which Captain De Keyser did, for 
 they were together only fourteen days in the year 1897. But 
 from 1894 to 1897 Captain Burrows was out in the Congo 
 Free State. He came back to Europe in 1897, ^^^ the first 
 interesting circumstance about him is that he became at once 
 the champion of the Congo Free State against allegations 
 made by Captain Salusbury. In 1896 Captain Salusbury had 
 made accusations against certain oflticers of the Congo Free 
 State, and one of his allegations had been that there were 
 mutilations— hand-cutting and the like. Captain Burrows 
 made himself the defender of the Congo Free State and of its 
 administration. He had had four years' experience, and he 
 sought an interview with the Etoile Beige, and had a conver- 
 sation with the representative of that newspaper, which was 
 pifblished ; and you will find in a letter from Captain Burrows 
 that he takes to himself the credit for what he had done in 
 getting rid of, or answering, the accusations of Captain Salus- 
 bury. I will read a line or two from this statement: "As for 
 his accusations," — that is, Captain Salusburv^'s accusations 
 against the Congo State and the Belgian officers who employ 
 him, — "they fail from the outset. It is without any compul- 
 sion that the natives enlist in the public forces. The harvest 
 of ivory and caoutchouc gives rise to no atrocity. I have wit- 
 nessed none of the odious deeds related by Captain Salusbury, 
 and they certainly would have come to my knowledge if they 
 had been real. I say this for the simple reason that it is true." 
 Then at the end he says as to the action of the Government : 
 "With such accounts one is silent instead of becoming an 
 accuser. I do not pretend that all is perfect at Congo. It 
 certainly commits errors sometimes, but truth compels me to 
 state that the Government seeks only to redress them, and to 
 punish those who have been guilty of it. The Belgian officers 
 do not use their men brutally at will as Captain Salusbury 
 has affirmed. Indeed, the soldiers are much attached to 
 the greater number of their white chiefs, and the latter
 
 The Nemesis of Libel 347 
 
 can confidently count on their courage and devotion in time 
 of war." 
 
 The close of it all was— and this you will find extremely 
 important when you see what Captain Burrows was saying 
 later: "The tales that have been told of cut hands are all 
 pure legend. I have never seen a living native mutilated. 
 As for the cannibal customs of certain tribes of the Congo, 
 they should not be charged to the whites, who do what they 
 can to modify them, but who can only succeed in doing it after 
 lapse of time." That was as explicit as it was possible to be. 
 That was published in the year 1898. He came back in 1897. 
 You will find a reference in the letter which I am going to 
 read. He published a book. I will read the letter first. The 
 letter is the 20th November, 1897. "Dear Mr. Liebrechts, — 
 I send you the last article of Mr. Salusbury. ... I do 
 not like asking anything for myself, but if it were possible 
 for you to obtain for me the order of the ' Lion,' and that 
 I should be named the Captain Commandant of the first 
 class, Salusbury would know it, and this would be an ab- 
 solute denial of his exposures. ... I have an idea of 
 writing a book entitled The Truth about the Congo. It 
 should be dedicated (I do not know if that is the word) to 
 the King, and an introduction written by Stanley. What do 
 you think of the idea? Yours always. Burrows." M. Lie- 
 brechts is the Secretary General of the Congo Free State, resi- 
 dent in Brussels. He has had the administration of the Congo 
 under the King for years past. He himself served for six 
 years in the Congo, came back, and has been Under Secretary 
 for the Congo Free State since 1889. He has been Secretary 
 General for the State, and has had the responsibility for the 
 administration of the place, and is at present here in Court. 
 
 In that letter he refers to an introduction written by Stan- 
 ley — that is, Sir Henry M. Stanley. Here is the book that 
 was published. It was not called The Truth about Central 
 Ajrica; it was called The Land of tlie Pigmies. It is dedicated 
 to the King of the Belgians by permission, and it does contain 
 an introduction by Stanley. It purports to give a full account 
 of the Congo State, and I need hardly say there is not the
 
 348 Stoiy of the Congo Free State 
 
 smallest reference in it as to any sort of atrocity. At one 
 page there is a statement of a man being caught, who had been 
 guilty of inhuman conduct, and of his being most severely 
 punished, but that is given as an instance of the untruth of 
 the stories that inhumanity was allowed. This was the posi- 
 tion in 1898. Captain Burrows went back in June, 1898, and 
 was at Basoko from 1898 till February, 1901. Then he came 
 back to Europe on the 21st of May, 1901. He wrote a letter 
 to Mr. Liebrechts. You will be interested to note the atti- 
 tude he takes with regard to his treatment by the Congo Free 
 State. "Sir, I have the honour to ask you to have the good- 
 ness to request the Government to permit me to convert into 
 capital (i. e., sell) my allotment of the public debt 4 per cent. 
 Congo Free State, granted by your letter dated the 19th 
 April, 1 90 1." The explanation is that when an officer has 
 served in the Congo for a certain time and retires from the ser- 
 vice there is allotted to him a certain income from the Public 
 Debt, and he is allowed to take that as a lump sum, instead 
 of receiving the interest from year to year upon the propor- 
 tion which is allotted to him. "The motives which have de- 
 cided me to make this request are as follows: It is more than 
 probable that I shall not return any more to the Congo. I 
 shall in all probability go to the Transvaal, and in that case 
 the stock granted to me would be almost useless. It would 
 indeed be difficult for me to again enter into service with the 
 State after having been four times passed over for promotion 
 by officers of shorter terms of service. Moreover, I have 
 never received any increase of pay during the two years and 
 six months of my last term of service as Commissioner of the 
 district of Aruwimi. In spite of services rendered since 
 my arrival in the Congo in July, 1898, I was the object of 
 unrelenting suspicion on the part of several functionaries of 
 the State, and I am informed that many of these gentlemen 
 disparage me to the State. Amongst the services which I 
 have rendered I can remind you that it was I who silenced 
 Captain Salusbury. I wrote and published a book distinctly 
 favourable to the State, for which Sir Henry M. Stanley was 
 pleased to write the introduction. I regret, Sir, that such cir-
 
 The Nemesis of Libel 349 
 
 cumstances oblige me to quit the service of the State. 
 I have the honour to remain, District Commissioner Burrows." 
 You see by that that he was leaving the service. He was 
 stating his grievances: that his pay had not been properly 
 raised, and that he had not received sufficient distinction. 
 The next thing that happens is on the 15th of November, 
 I go I — a note which is the beginning, as you watch from this 
 point, of the scheme by which it was attempted to blackmail 
 the Government of the Congo Free State, or anybody else, by 
 the combination of Captain Burrows and Messrs. Everett, 
 publishers of his second book. On the 15th of November, 
 1 90 1, this very curious note was written: "Dear Monsieur 
 Liebrechts. I should be very grateful if you would have the 
 kindness to tell me if the State wishes to employ me again. 
 If so, will you let me know the conditions? Mr. Canisius is 
 here. He says that he is engaged in writing a book on the 
 Congo." That is a very interesting bit of information. Mon- 
 sieur Canisius was a gentleman who had been in the employ- 
 ment of the Congo Free State, and had left that employment 
 to go into the employment of a private Company, and then 
 had desired to come back into the employment of the Congo 
 Free State. He had been refused. It is a rule, I think, with 
 the Congo Free State not to take back into the State service 
 those who have left to serve in private companies. Captain 
 Burrows says: "Canisius is here. He is engaged in writing 
 a book on the Congo." M. Canisius was not there; M. 
 Canisius at that time was on the Gold Coast! It was a very 
 curious notification to send: "Are you going to have me back 
 into the State service? There is somebody here who is writ- 
 ing a book." On the 23rd of November he was answered by 
 Commandant Liebrechts: "I have duly received your letter 
 of the 15th of November and hasten to thank you for the 
 communication you have been good enough to make me. I 
 heard Monsieur Canisius was spreading certain calumnies 
 about the State." On the i6th December Captain Burrows 
 writes again: "I presume that your letter is a refusal on the 
 part of the Free State to re-engage me for a third term of 
 service. I beg you to enlighten me on this point, then I shall
 
 350 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 know whether I am free or not to do what I wish" — another 
 very interesting suggestion ; it is enlightened very much by 
 what you will hear shortly. On the 21st of December M. Lie- 
 brechts writes thus: "I quite understood at the time of our 
 last conversations, that you no longer wished to resume serv- 
 ice at the Congo, and we seemed to be agreed that a post 
 suitable to your capabilities would be very difficult to find in 
 Africa. You must not, however, conclude that we shall no 
 longer be able to make use of your services should an occasion 
 arise, for special missions, such as may arise at any moment 
 in other regions. If you were inclined to hold yourself at 
 our disposal, I should be obliged if you would let me know." 
 On .the 31st December Captain Burrows wrote: "I do not 
 remember the conversation alluded to in your letter of the 
 2ist December, in which I said quite plainly that I no longer 
 wished to resume service at the Congo. I understood that it 
 was a question of the conditions under which it would be im- 
 possible to resume such service. You ask me if I am dis- 
 posed to hold myself at the disposal of the State with a view 
 of being employed for special missions which may arise at 
 any moment in other regions. Am I to understand that I 
 am still in the service of the State or not? And if so, under 
 what conditions of remuneration, etc. ? " On the 2nd of Janu- 
 ary, 1902, Commandant Liebrechts writes: " In reply to your 
 letter of the 31st December, 1901, I hasten to inform you that 
 your agreement ended with your return to Europe, and that 
 since then you have, according to our laws and regulations, 
 ceased to be a member of our staff. It is precisely for this 
 reason that I asked you in my last letter if it would suit you 
 to hold yourself at our disposal for a certain period — let us 
 say two years. You will have to undertake during that period 
 any mission with which we might entrust you. Of course, if 
 you accepted this proposal, an annual salary would be allowed 
 to you for that period of two years. But before deciding this 
 point I should like to know if, in itself, our proposal com- 
 mends itself to you. I should be obliged if you would reply 
 as soon as possible." 
 
 Gentlemen of the Jury, we have come now to January, 1902.
 
 The Nemesis of Libel 351 
 
 There was an end of the negotiations, so to speak, between 
 Captain Burrows and Commandant Liebrechts, and Captain 
 Burrows found himself, to use his own expression, free to do 
 as he chose. 
 
 During the early part of 1902, he began writing some things, 
 and an advertisement appeared in the Wide World Magazine 
 m which an announcement was made of "Life in the Congo 
 Free State," a series of articles which were to be published, 
 written by Captain Guy Burrows. The advertisement reads: 
 "Captain Burrows was recently in the employ of the Congo 
 Free State Government, and in his ofificial capacity has seen 
 much of the misgovernment which prevails in that little- 
 known territory. He has a good deal to say about the atroci- 
 ties which have taken place in connection with the rubber 
 industry, and the sworn testimony and photographic evidence 
 which he holds will no doubt create a sensation in high circles. 
 Captain Burrows' articles in the Wide World will be illustrated 
 with his own snapshots." That was the advertisement that 
 appeared. Why there was a mention of atrocities in it ap- 
 pears presently. The articles appeared in April, May, and 
 June, in the Wide World. They are articles with regard to 
 the Congo State, and there is not one syllable in them about 
 any atrocity of any sort or kind. That is what he was doing 
 in the early part or middle of the year 1902. In the latter 
 part of this year an agreement was entered into between 
 Captain Burrows as author, and E. A. Everett & Co., London, 
 as publishers, for the publication of a work then entitled The 
 Congo Free State. This was signed on November 17, 1902. 
 On the 24th of November, 1902, this letter was written by 
 Everett & Co. to the Secretary of State of the Congo Free 
 State at Brussels: "Sir, we have recently concluded a con- 
 tract with Captain Guy Burrows, well known to the English 
 public as having served some years in the service [sic] of the 
 Congo Free State, to publish an important work on the Congo 
 Free State. The information contained in this book is of such 
 a startling character, and contains so many revelations con- 
 cerning the administration of the Congo Free State of Bel- 
 gium, that we thought it well to advise you of its publication
 
 352 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 beforehand, and at the same time to enquire if we may have 
 the honour of oflfering you the Belgian rights for pubHcation 
 in your country. We are arranging for simultaneous publi- 
 cation in Italy, Germany, France, Norway, and Sweden, and 
 the United States of America. We need hardly say that the 
 book will be well got up, and illustrated with a very large num- 
 ber of valuable and unique photographs taken on the spot by 
 the author and others. If you wish to move in the matter 
 of this offer, we should be glad if you would let us know at 
 your earliest convenience.." That, written on the 24th to the 
 Secretary General, was followed by a curious communication 
 sent to the editor of the Independance Beige at Brussels, on 
 the 27th November by Everett & Co.: "Dear Sir, We send 
 you the advance notice of the enclosed valuable work, and 
 trust you may find room to insert the same in your literary 
 column. If you have an agent here, we could, perhaps, tell 
 him of some of the marvellous revelations in this book, but 
 which we could not put on paper." On the 8th of December 
 Commandant Liebrechts wrote to him: " I have received your 
 letter of the 24th ulto., in which you inform me that you 
 have agreed with Captain Guy Burrows for the publication of 
 a work on the Congo State, and you offer me the rights of 
 publication in Belgium. Before replying to your proposition 
 I wish to see the manuscript or a proof of the book." On the 
 9th Messrs. Everett & Co. wrote: "We are in receipt of your 
 letter of the 8th inst., for which we have to thank you, and 
 we much regret, that we are unable to comply with your re- 
 quest in sending you the MSS. of this book, as we are under 
 a contract with the author not to part with the MSS. under 
 any consideration whatever. We should, however, be happy 
 to send you the title and contents so as to give you some idea 
 of the nature and scope of the book, and we should also be 
 willing to show the MSS. to any of your accredited agents in 
 London (by appointment). The MSS., signed documents, and 
 photographs are of such vital importance that we should not 
 care to put them through the post, for fear of loss. We under- 
 stand that the author, Captain Burrows, was lately a District 
 Commissioner for the Congo Free State, and is a Chevalier of
 
 The Nemesis of Libel 353 
 
 the Order of the Lion of Belgium." In consequence of their 
 offer to show those documents to anybody who was sent over, 
 Mr. Bigwood came over to this country, and he saw Messrs. 
 Everett. He met them and had a conversation with them, 
 and then there was shown to him the document of which this is 
 a copy, called "The Curse of Central Africa." It was the same 
 document as had already been sent to the Independance Beige. 
 At the end of chapter xxv., the very last chapter, there is 
 this: "A Belgian's treatment of a native chief — more bestial 
 than human — goes unpunished." That was afterwards ap- 
 plied to Captain De Keyser. Then comes a list of illustra- 
 tions. At the end there is a list of Belgian officers and officials 
 who, the author alleged, are responsible for the atrocities men- 
 tioned in this book ; and a series of names included the name 
 of Captain De Keyser. 
 
 Captain Burrows was in England on the i6th of December. 
 He had a conversation with Everett on the i yth of December. 
 This note was written to Mr. Bigwood at the Hotel Metropole 
 by R. A. Everett: "With reference to your visit yesterday 
 at my office, I think it would be to your advantage for you 
 to call upon me at my club. I shall be here during the even- 
 ing." That was the National Liberal Club, Whitehall Place. 
 On the 17th, Everett was at the National Liberal Club, and 
 he was there with Captain Burrows and young Mr. Everett, 
 and then a very interesting agreement was signed which 
 throws a very clear light indeed upon the correspondence that 
 had been going on with Brussels. It is witnessed by A. E. 
 C. Everett, that is, the son, who went over to Brussels and 
 posted the post cards in bad French. Captain Burrows signs 
 it: "I hereby agree to pay Mr. John George Leigh the sum of 
 /^5oo, if and when my publishers, R. A. Everett & Co., 42, 
 Essex Street, Strand, receive the amount which may be paid 
 by the Belgian Government for the non-publication of the 
 manuscript written by myself and him entitled ' The Curse of 
 Central Africa.' In case the book is published I agree to pay 
 Mr. J. G. Leigh one third of the profits accruing from such 
 publication as per agreement with the said publishers." There 
 never was more definite evidence of the intention with which 
 
 23
 
 354 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 these communications had been made with Brussels. If they 
 had succeeded in extorting from the Belgian Government by 
 any apprehension of the publication of these documents, a 
 substantial sum of money — ^^500 — was to be paid under that 
 agreement. 
 
 Mr. Leigh is a brother-in-law of Mr. Canisius, and Mr. 
 Leigh eventually signed the introduction to the book. He is 
 a journalist. That agreement having been made on the 17th, 
 on the 30th Mr. Everett writes another letter to the State 
 Secretary: "At the request of Mr. Bigwood, who called upon 
 us recentl}^ on your behalf, we send you a revise of the title- 
 page, and one or two chapters of this book" (you will hear 
 from Mr. Bigwood that that is not true; he did not request 
 them to send anything at all), "and we shall be glad if you 
 will let us know definitely, and at once, whether you wish to 
 go any further in this matter. The more important photo- 
 graphs detailing the cruelties are being enlarged from the 
 originals, so please do not take the enclosed to be the size. — 
 We have the honour to remain your obedient servants, R. A. 
 Everett & Co." 
 
 In the documents you will find the passages to which I 
 have now come, which are contained in this: "Flogging a 
 native by order of De Keyser. At Basoko, the headquarters 
 station of the district of the Aruwimi, where the notorious 
 De Keyser [meaning thereby the Plaintiff], of hand-cutting 
 fame, was in command, women were daily flogged for the 
 most trivial offences, etc." This, you will notice, is stated 
 to have occurred in November, 1897. It was a time when 
 Captain Burrows himself was not in the Congo State at 
 all, but you will hear from Captain De Keyser that there 
 is not the smallest ground for the allegation of cruelty that 
 was made against him. It is true that a chief was taken 
 down in the steamer on which Captain De Keyser was, but 
 the suggestion that he was treated in that barbarous fash- 
 ion is entirely untrue. The next passage which has to be 
 read is with regard to Basoko, and as to Basoko, what I have 
 told you is that at Basoko, for fourteen days only, Captain 
 Burrows was at the place where Captain De Keyser had his
 
 The Nemesis of Libel 355 
 
 command. "At Basoko, the headquarters station of the dis- 
 trict of the Aruwimi, women used to be flogged almost daily 
 for the most trivial offences. In one case five women were 
 beaten for daring to go to a village a short way up the river 
 to buy food without having previously informed the com- 
 mandant." Thus, after six and a half years, during which 
 no breath of accusation has been made with regard to these 
 matters by Captain Burrows, there comes this extraordinary 
 attack: " De Keyser, of hand-cutting fame"; "De Keyser's 
 massacre " ; De Keyser described as walking about the station 
 where he was employed with his gun, and shooting with reck- 
 less cruelty at the natives — De Keyser, who is accused of 
 taking a man prisoner and practically roasting him on the 
 stack-pipe of the boat as he is going down the river. There 
 was not only that, but the imputation of habitually flogging 
 women at this place. These odious and appalling accusa- 
 tions, the echo of which follows a man through his whole life, 
 are made against him, and made against him by whom? By 
 a man who had been in the service of the Congo State itself, 
 who, in the year iSgy, as I have shown, made himself the 
 defender of the administration of the Congo State, and de- 
 clared in an article which was put in the interview which he 
 had with UEtoile Beige, that there was no foundation what- 
 ever for the accusations which had been made against the 
 Belgian officers, and he was able to say so because he knew 
 the truth. He attacked Captain Salusbury and disposed of 
 that. This man, who in 1897 was taking that attitude, who 
 afterwards leaves the service of the Congo State and feels 
 himself aggrieved because he has not been so highly paid, 
 because he has not had such distinction conferred upon him 
 as others have had conferred, — he, seven years afterwards, 
 enters into this — is it too much to call it a conspiracy ? 
 They are grave accusations, accusations which, if there 
 had been any semblance of truth in them, or if there had 
 been any honest reason for their being made, would have 
 l)een made long before in different circumstances and in a 
 different way. At the time when they are eventually made, 
 they are made in a way which will not do public service, but
 
 35^ Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 will put money in Captain Burrows' pocket and into the pockets 
 of the publishers who are joining with him in publishing. It 
 is perfectly impossible to misunderstand the correspondence 
 with Commandant Liebrechts. If this had been an honest 
 thing, honestly done by Captain Burrows in the performance 
 of any pubhc duty, do you think there would have been a 
 going first to a pubhsher and then a letter from that pub- 
 lisher inviting the Belgian Government to consider what it 
 would be worth their while to pay for the suppression of this 
 book? There is no question as to the meaning of that letter. 
 What do you think was the object of putting a crowd of 
 names into the revise, some of which afterwards disappeared? 
 Why, it was because the object was the illegitimate object of 
 endeavouring to bring pressure upon the Belgian Government 
 and to induce them to pay money to buy up this book. It 
 was not for any public object at all, but because the mention 
 of these names, showing that there was a list of persons for- 
 merly or at present in the Congo Company's service against 
 whom accusations might be brought, might make it worth 
 the while of the Belgian Government to prevent a great scan- 
 dal by procuring the suppression of this book. But the Congo 
 Free State or the Belgian Government was not going to buy 
 up the book in order to suppress it or in order to prevent its 
 publication. As one of the witnesses, Commandant Liebrechts, 
 said, " For the first time we found that we should be in a posi- 
 tion to deal with specific statements." It is all very well for 
 people to be spreading over the world — I do not care whether 
 they are in reports or interviews or anything else — general 
 statements with regard to things that are done in the Congo 
 Free State. Commandant Liebrechts says there had been 
 complaints : "I had heard on more than one occasion of com- 
 plaints being made as to conduct in the Congo. Whenever it 
 was known, and found out, it was dealt with and it was pun- 
 ished. These allegations about maladministration of the 
 Congo Frae State had been spread about from time to time by 
 interviews, suggestions, newspaper reports, and the like, but 
 here we saw that there was an opportunity for the men who 
 were personally attacked to come and vindicate themselves
 
 The Nemesis of Libel 357 
 
 from the charges which were made against them." There- 
 fore, there was no attempt to buy this book, and the con- 
 spirators were disappointed who had been preparing this 
 revise, and cramming it with an enormous amount of ma- 
 terial which it was thought would frighten the Belgian Gov- 
 ernment from permitting it to be dealt with. I do not 
 know what the price might have been which they would 
 have asked for, but that there was a price they were think- 
 ing of you will see in a minute or two. What did they expect 
 to get for it? We do not know. But we do know this, 
 that there were two principals in the matter, and there was 
 by way of being a subordinate. I speak of Mr. Leigh as 
 a subordinate. I do not suggest in the least that he was 
 associated with the attempt that was being made in Belgium, 
 but what we know is, that he was doing a minor part of the 
 work, that the manuscript was said to have been Captain 
 Burrows' manuscript, that the materials for this book were 
 supposed to be Captain Burrows' materials, and Captain Bur- 
 rows therefore was the principal person, and Messrs. Everett 
 had lent their name and their work, and were acting with 
 Captain Burrows, and no doubt expected a very large share 
 of the money that would be got from the Belgian Government. 
 If Mr. Leigh, in his modest inconspicuous, and irresponsible 
 position, was to get ;C5oo for helping in putting together 
 the materials for this book, what do you think that Captain 
 Burrows and Mr. Everett thought that they might be able to 
 extort from the fear of the Belgian Government that this 
 thing would go all over the world ? 
 
 The address to the jury of Mr. Crispe, counsel 
 for the Defendant Burrows, was often eloquent, 
 always adroit, and showed great skill in defending a 
 cause to which the main defence had been abandoned 
 when the pleas of justification were withdrawn. 
 
 Gentlemen [said Counsel for Everett & Co., one of the de- 
 fendants], apart from what Commandant Liebrechts termed 
 "moral damage," there is no evidence of actual damage
 
 35^ Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 suffered by Captain De Keyser in this having come to the know- 
 ledge of Commandant Liebrechts. Commandant Liebrechts 
 says that he had investigated these charges and found out 
 that they were false. If so, the repetition of them could 
 have no effect upon his mind as regards the complicity of 
 Captain De Keyser in them, and therefore, so far as that is 
 concerned, no damage could have been suffered with reference 
 to Commandant Liebrechts. 
 
 Those are the facts on the question. I now ask you to 
 deal with the printer in this case in the most general and 
 lenient manner that you can. He has, as I told you in open- 
 ing, been compelled to accept the evidence given him by the 
 man who brings him the material. He safeguards himself to 
 an extent, or at all events his bona fides [sic], he safeguards by 
 obtaining the statement in that agreement that these allega- 
 tions are true, and that there is nothing libellous in the work 
 that he is about to produce. Mr. Everett has not been able 
 to establish the plea of justification, and if the statements, as 
 Captain De Keyser says now, in the books are untrue, Mr. 
 Everett can only express his regret that he should have ac- 
 cepted from Captain Burrows, on Captain Burrows' assurance 
 that they were true, statements which were false, and which 
 have led Mr. Everett to being made a Defendant in an action 
 for libel. 
 
 Gentlemen, I ask you to say that throughout Mr. Everett 
 has believed in the truth and the proof of these allegations; 
 that otherwise he would not have published the book, and 
 placed himself in such a dangerous and perilous condition; 
 and I ask you further to say that whether the Plaintiff comes 
 here to-day to vindicate and clear the character of Captain De 
 Keyser, or whether he comes here to vindicate and clear the 
 character of the Congo Free State administration, there was 
 no necessity, in order to do that, to try and blacken the char- 
 acter of the Defendant, Mr. Everett. 
 
 Mr. Justice Ridley, in charging the jury, after dis- 
 posing of several minor matters, said : 
 
 What is the real case here? The action is brought by Cap-
 
 The Nemesis of Libel 359 
 
 tain De Keyser to clear his character against libels which have 
 been published. I do not wish to use epithets in a case like 
 this, but they are certainly libels of a most serious character. 
 It is charged that he had been guilty of abominable outrages 
 against the natives, against men and women who were under 
 his government, a thing which is of an atrocious character, 
 enough to blacken the good name of any one for the rest of his 
 life. That is what he came here about ; he came to say that 
 this was a libellous statement, to say that it was untrue, and 
 to ask for a verdict from you. The answer of the Defendants 
 is that it was true. That has remained their answer until 
 yesterday morning, when it ceased to be their answer. 
 
 We have been listening this afternoon to statements made 
 by Counsel, in which it appears that they complain because 
 they cannot cross-examine, or they cannot examine, or they 
 cannot do something or other. It seems to me that, upon the 
 other hand, it is the Plaintiff who has the right of complaint, 
 that he has been brought here with such a plea on the Record 
 until the very last minute. That is very late, is it not? It 
 is absolutely untrue that he ever did any one of those things. 
 There is not one tittle of evidence to that effect, and nobody 
 dare say so. 
 
 It appears that Captain Burrows, who is one of the Defend- 
 ants, was out in the Congo at an earlier year. I am not sure 
 when; he returned to Europe on November 20, 1897. He 
 was at that time a supporter of the Government in respect of 
 the charges made by a person named Salusbury. In i8g8 he 
 brought out another book, called "The Land of the Pigmies," 
 against which I have nothing to say. It contained nothing at 
 all in the shape of a charge against anybody in respect of this 
 matter. He then went back again to the Congo, but he re- 
 turned in 1 90 1, and then commenced a correspondence be- 
 tween him and Commandant Liebrechts. There is an earlier 
 letter in which he states that he is proposing to bring out 
 another book. Later on there is correspondence as to which 
 I agree, that it shows that he and the Belgian Government 
 jjarted on terms not of dismissal of him, but upon a proposal 
 being made that if he liked to place himself at their disposal
 
 360 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 for two years they would pay him a salary, and that he must 
 be ready to accept any expedition on which he was asked to 
 go. He declined that service. That was at the end of 1901. 
 In the following year he published certain articles in the 
 Wide World. They contained nothing at all about cruelties, 
 as I understand, although the}- contained articles about the 
 administration of the Congo Free State. That was in the 
 year 1902; but when we get to the autumn of 1902 a new 
 state of things commences, because up to that time you will 
 see there is nothing to indicate that he had taken up a hostile 
 position against either the administration of the Congo Free 
 State or against any one who had been concerned in it. 
 But on the 17th November things begin to assume a some- 
 what different complexion. There is the Agreement of the 1 7th 
 November, 1902, made between Captain Burrows and Messrs. 
 Everett & Co., under which the author warrants that the 
 work is to be an original work. He names the work then 
 as The Congo Free State. The publishers agree to pay him 
 the sum of ;^25o on account, and a royalty of 15 per cent. 
 On the 24th November, when that agreement was in force, a 
 letter was written by Messrs. Everett & Co. to Commandant 
 Liebrechts. Now the point of this letter is: Was the action 
 of the Defendants bona fide in this matter ? Are they persons 
 who have unwittingly fallen into a false statement, or have 
 they done a thing with a purpose regardless of the conse- 
 quences? Have they done the thing which is what we com- 
 monly call blackmail, or forcing people to pay over money 
 unless they wish to have a foul charge made against them? 
 
 These are the letters which bear upon this matter. The 
 first is November 24th: "We have recently concluded a con- 
 tract with Captain Guy Burrows, well known to the Eng- 
 lish public as having served some years in the service of 
 the Congo Free State, to publish an important work on the 
 Congo Free State. The information contained in the book is 
 of such a startling character, and contains so many revela- 
 tions concerning the administration of the Congo Free State 
 by Belgium, that we thought it well to advise you of its pub- 
 lication beforehand, and at the same time to inquire if we
 
 The Nemesis of Libel 361 
 
 may have the honour of offering you the Belgian rights for 
 publication in your country." That may mean nothing but 
 what it says, but it may have a sinister meaning in it. It 
 may be that the fact that ' ' the information contained in the 
 book is of such a startling character, and contains so many 
 revelations concerning the administration of the Congo Free 
 State," that the point which is meant to betaken by those to 
 whom it is written is : Is it worth your while to buy it up and 
 stop it; not to publish it, but to have the right of publica- 
 tion so as to prevent it from being published in the ordinary 
 way? Is that the meaning of the letter, or is it merely a 
 bona fide offer of trying to push a book which is supposed and 
 intended to be innocent, and to get people to push the sale 
 of it? If that was the object, one is rather at a loss to under- 
 stand how it could be to their interest to publish revelations 
 concerning the administration of the Congo Free State by 
 themselves, and, of course, contrary to the good faith and to 
 the proper administration of the Government. That it might 
 be to their interest to buy it up, and refuse to publish it, I can 
 understand; the other part I have a difficulty in following. 
 It states: "We are arranging for a simultaneous publication 
 in Italy, Germany, France, Norway, Sweden, and the United 
 States of America." I suppose this could not also be bought 
 up through some agents of the Government of Belgium, but 
 if so, it would be a larger sum to come to the publishers. 
 That is the letter of the 24th. On the 27th, by the same 
 people is sent to the paper in Brussels an "advance notice of 
 the enclosed valuable work." That is the first issue which 
 contains a list of the persons who are implicated in the atroci- 
 ties. It does not contain the chapter which is the subject of 
 this libel, but it contains a list of Belgian officers and officials 
 responsible for the atrocities mentioned in this book. That 
 is sent to the leading paper in Belgium. With what object? 
 Do you think it possible that they thought that by some means 
 or other it would come to the knowledge of the Government 
 through the Press, or through some other means, that there 
 was something which it would be worth their buying? 
 
 Now came Mr. Bigwood. The result upon the Belgian
 
 362 Stor}^ of the Congo Free State 
 
 Government was not that they made an offer; they made 
 nothing of the sort. They said, We will find out what this is ; 
 and they sent Mr. Bigwood over, whose evidence we heard 
 yesterday, and who says that he then saw and took back with 
 him not only the first issue, which is the one I have just been 
 mentioning as containing the names of the officers, but that 
 he also saw upon the table the second issue, which is now put 
 forward as the first of the two libels in the case, but he did 
 not take it with him. It was sent upon the 30th December, 
 as you know. Now, an important thing upon this part of 
 the case seems to me to be the document of the 17th Decem- 
 ber. That is, you see, between the two dates; it is after the 
 24th and the 27th November, and it is about the time of the 
 visit of Mr. Bigwood, or just after he had left. Mr. Bigwood 
 had seen on the table the second issue, but he had not taken it; 
 it was not sent until the 30th December. In the interval we 
 have got a document which is signed by Captain Burrows, and 
 which says : " I hereby agree to pay to Mr. John George Leigh " 
 (who is the man whose signature appears in the introduction) , 
 "the sum of ;£5oo if and when my publishers, Messrs. Everett 
 & Co., receive the amount which may be paid by the Belgian 
 Government." What for, do you think, gentlemen? You 
 will say, of course, for the publication of the book. But it 
 is not so: it is for the non-publication of the book. There- 
 fore he is to get ;^5oo, which is to be paid by the Belgian 
 Government for not publishing the book; that is to say, for 
 suppressing it. Nothing could be plainer. "If the Belgian 
 Government think it worth their while to buy it up, so that 
 it should not be published, I will pay you £s°'^-" I^ is under 
 his own hand and signature, and I cannot see what the answer 
 to it is. To my mind it is absolutely conclusive. I do not 
 know whether you will consider that the meaning of the first 
 letter is not that the book should be published broadcast but 
 that the rights of publishing it should be bought up with the 
 view of stopping its being published broadcast. He goes on: 
 " For the non-publication of the manuscripts written by myself 
 and him, entitled 'The Curse of Central Africa.' In case the 
 book is published, I agree to pay Mr. Leigh one-third of the
 
 The Nemesis of Libel 363 
 
 profits accruing from such publication as per agreement with 
 the said publisher." That, of course, goes for nothing. It is 
 the first part, and it appears to me to be clear upon that, that 
 the meaning of such words must be that the object was not to 
 get the Belgian Government not to publish, but to prevent the 
 publication. Now, if so, of course I am perfectly aware that 
 that is not the point of the case, but you cannot keep out of 
 your mind in a case of this kind what has been the conduct 
 of those who are responsible for the libels which have been 
 published. Is it a case in which they have done the thing 
 with a bona fide intention to produce and to bring to light, and 
 to make to cease outrages and atrocities which have been com- 
 mitted in any part of the world, or is it, on the other hand, to 
 make a profit out of something which has been brought to 
 their knowledge to the detriment of other people? If you 
 think that this was done to get a profit by forcing the Belgian 
 Government to buy their silence, it would appear to me that 
 you would deal with the matter upon a different footing to 
 that on which you would be willing to deal with it if you 
 thought that the Defendants, from beginning to end, had done 
 their best to alleviate the mischief which their published state- 
 ments might have unfortunately brought about. 
 
 You must also, I think, look at the conduct of those who 
 were guilty of having published this libel. Have they done the 
 best they could to alleviate the consequences, or have thej^ 
 on the other hand, maintained the fact that it was true until 
 almost the eleventh hour; and have they also, or have they 
 not, whilst this matter has been going on, been actuated by 
 other motives, not merely the motive of bringing to light in 
 the public interest a scandal that was going on, but by the idea 
 that out of this business they would make some ugly profit for 
 themselves ? 
 
 The jury retired at 3.22 o'clock. In ten minutes 
 it returned a verdict for the plaintiff, Captain De 
 Keyser, awarding him ;)^5oo damages and costs. Sir 
 Edward Clarke, plaintiff's counsel, having moved the 
 Court to make the preliminary injunction forbidding
 
 364 Story o( the Congo Free State 
 
 publication of the book perpetual, defendant's coun- 
 sel gave expression to the thought that if the Court 
 complied, it would be a "very hard and cruel pro- 
 ceeding." In replying to this observation. Sir 
 Edward Clarke said: 
 
 I do not know that the interference with the business of 
 persons who publish libels like this is a public misfortune ; but 
 it would be very unfortunate indeed if after the Jury have 
 found a verdict in my favour upon this matter, and awarded 
 substantial damages, that the Defendant should be free from 
 the Injunction which has gone on for the last year. I do not 
 ask your Lordship to vary the Injunction, but I ask your 
 Lordship that the Injunction which lasted while this matter 
 was in dispute shall be made perpetual. 
 
 The terms of the Injunction which was granted by Mr. Jus- 
 tice Bigham are these: "Ordered that the Defendants, their 
 servants and agents and each and every of them be restrained 
 and an Injunction be granted restraining the Defendants, their 
 servants and agents, and each and every of them, from print- 
 ing or selling or otherwise distributing a book entitled ' The 
 Curse of South Africa ' under that or any other title, or any 
 portion of the said book under that title or any other title." 
 I submit that I am at least entitled to be continued in the pro- 
 tection which existed while the action was pending. 
 
 I was so protected when it was uncertain whether I had 
 sustained any grievance or not. Now it has been established, 
 and I have recovered substantial damages for that grievance, 
 I surely am entitled to a continuation of that protection. 
 
 Mr. Justice Ridley: I shall make it perpetual. 
 
 Thereupon counsel for defendants in the remaining 
 cases of Chaltin versus Captain Burrows and Everett 
 & Co., and Dubreucq versus the same, agreed to sub- 
 mit to a verdict in favour of the plaintiffs for ;^5o 
 damages and costs. The jury returned verdicts for
 
 The Nemesis of Libel 365 
 
 this sum, and the Court made perpetual the injunc- 
 tion against the pubhcation of the book. 
 
 So resulted the first opportunity Belgian officers in 
 the service of the Congo Free State have had to 
 vindicate their characters during the long campaign 
 which certain persons have, from varying motives, 
 waged against the youngest and most progressive 
 State in Africa.
 
 CHAPTER XXX 
 THE CONGO CAMPAIGN IN ENGLAND 
 
 THE English are an admirable people, who have 
 excelled in every department of human effort ; 
 but the evidence of the more critical among 
 them, with whom love of fair play counts for as 
 Some much as pride of race, has never failed to 
 
 EngUsh reveal in the national character (as of 
 ^^^*^* course in the character of every nation) a 
 goodly number of weak spots whereat the critic and 
 the wit may profitably direct their shafts. John 
 Biill, the trader, is a keen-eyed, hard-headed bar- 
 gainer. Good; it behoves every merchant to be no 
 less. He regards the whole world as his farm by 
 right divine, and resents his exclusion from any 
 part of it. When his remonstrance is met by 
 counter-remonstrance, he points to his home markets 
 and his colonies, and emphasises the fact that these 
 British markets are open (long after his own trade 
 has been firmly established therein) to the traders 
 of the world. 
 
 But it is in his ultra-sentimental mood that John 
 Bull is seen at his worst. Has there been a conflict 
 between some semi-barbarous tribes in that seething 
 cauldron of discontent, the Balkans, and the Sul- 
 tan's troops have thrashed them indiscriminately 
 
 366
 
 o 
 
 CO 

 
 The Congo Campaign in England 367 
 
 and dispersed them, John Bull, or at least that part 
 of him which wears white ties and is described as 
 "reverend," rushes off to Exeter Hall and demands 
 the prayers of the churches and the forces of his 
 Government for the suppression of the inhuman 
 atrocities which he denounces. (Incidentally, but 
 in unmistakable terms, he at the same time calls 
 the attention of his audience to the joyful fact that 
 it is their duty and privilege to assist in this good 
 work by giving liberally of their mone3^) Of course 
 it is but a section of the English people which ap- 
 proves and supports this sort of thing, and a still 
 smaller section that exploits it. But in a country 
 politically constituted as England is, where the 
 suffrage is almost universal, it is sufficiently large 
 and influential to influence from time to time the 
 conduct of the British Government. This is more 
 particularly the case where the interests of the 
 pseudo-humanitarians and those of the traders 
 happen to coincide. On such occasions, fortunately 
 somewhat rare, the spectacle of Cant and Commerce 
 in alliance is enough to bring a smile to the face of 
 a sphinx. 
 
 Protestant missionaries of various sects, in rivalry 
 with each other, but often alike in being envious of 
 the superior results obtained by Roman 
 Catholic missionaries in the Congo Free ^^ance^ 
 State, denounce the Congo Government as 
 a gang of barbarous extortioners, oppressors, mur- 
 derers. A small but active set of Liverpool mer- 
 chants, dismayed at finding that what twenty years 
 ago they regarded as worthless has, under judicious
 
 368 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 Belgian administration, become a valuable asset, and 
 some of whom appear willing to resort to any means 
 by which they may at least be enabled to share the 
 prize, join their forces to those of the missionaries. 
 Lies fall as thickly as leaves in Vallombrosa. No 
 sooner is one mendacious story refuted than ten 
 others take its place. The Congo campaign mul- 
 tiplies its adherents, it gathers force daily, its voice 
 becomes more and more thunderous, until at last it 
 invades the British House of Commons and moves 
 a British minister to write a puerile dispatch to the 
 Great Powers, which the Great Powers, in the exer- 
 cise of their common-sense, x^olitely ignore. Onl\7- 
 up to a certain point does Baron Munchausen tri- 
 umph. Verb. sap. 
 
 What magnificent material for the mouthings of 
 certain English ultra -humanitarians would be the 
 Why is lynching of Negroes in our own Southern 
 John Bull States! The jail -breakings, the hangings^ 
 Silent? shootings, and burnings — could more effec- 
 tive subjects for stereopticon slides and the perfervid 
 oratory of paid lecturers be devised? And all true 
 and ready to hand, needing neither lies nor distor- 
 tions! Alas! nothing can be made out of that cam- 
 paign. It will not pay to call our country to account 
 for its neglect or failure to suppress these things. 
 The United States own a fleet which, if not as strong 
 as it should be, is sufficiently powerful to inspire 
 respect; and our President can at any time call up 
 an army of a million citizen soldiers, volunteers of 
 proved valour. With the Congo Free State this is 
 not t-he case. Caution was ever a prominent charac-
 
 The Congo Campaign in England 369 
 
 tens tic of John Bull, and he has carefully noted that 
 fact. Neutral little Belgium may safely be bullied, 
 her King libelled, and his enterprise misrepresented 
 and held up to the scorn of an undiscriminating 
 world, too busy to undertake a careful analysis of 
 motives or even to distinguish between the true and 
 the false. 
 
 Judicial consideration of the English campaign 
 against the Congo, naturally a difficult task, is ren- 
 dered doubly so by the general suppression of ma- 
 terial evidence favourable to that State. From 
 motives best known to their proprietors,, one or two 
 important London newspapers, ever ready to afford 
 space for an attack upon the Congo Government, 
 however violent or by whomsoever made, frequently 
 decline to publish replies thereto. Indeed, the miore 
 complete the refutation, and the greater the author- 
 ity of the writer, the less chance of its acceptance for 
 publication in these newspapers. Upon several oc- 
 casions has Major Harrison been refused space for his 
 temperate letters to the Morning Post, and the Daily 
 News, the principal support of the Aborigines Pro- 
 tection Society, is avowedly against the continued 
 existence of the Congo Free State. A complete 
 answer to Mr. Roger Casement's Report, prepared 
 by the Congo Government, was unanimously rejected 
 by London editors. This most unjust partisanship 
 extends even to English press reports of proceed- 
 ings in the House of Commons, of which one might 
 reasonably expect to find in English journals a com- 
 plete record; or where the exigencies of space ne- 
 cessitate condensation, that at least that editorial
 
 370 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 operation should be performed without bias. That 
 expectation meets with disappointment. 
 
 On June 9, 1904, Sir Charles Dilke, with a fine 
 show of virtue which has not always characterised 
 his conduct, delivered a speech in the House of Com- 
 mons wherein he assumes the truth of the various 
 libels upon the Congo Government prepared by mis- 
 sionaries, merchants, and dismissed employees. That 
 speech, and the speeches of such other members of 
 the British House of Commons as for various reasons 
 have been induced to follow a similar course, have 
 been reported in extenso, while the speech of Mr. 
 John Campbell, member for South Armagh, has not 
 so much as been referred to. Mr. Campbell derided 
 the Congophobes' plea that they have at heart only 
 the interests of humanity. 
 
 The gold [he remarked] of that fine phrase is alloyed with 
 other arguments. Commercial considerations have also their 
 weight. Some speakers began by talking of humanity and 
 ended with commerce. Others began with commerce and 
 ended with humanity. One honourable member had thrown 
 overboard the humanitarian theme and flatly talked business. 
 But, in spite of all the ornamental flowers of philanthropy, 
 the groundwork of all these speeches is — commerce. The 
 true motive which prompts the Anti-Congo campaign, con- 
 ducted with such vigour in this country and within these 
 walls, was exposed in a few words by Stanley when he said : 
 ' ' The sentiment that inspires tlie charges against tJie Congo is 
 jealousy. The Congo is succeeding better than any other State 
 in Africa." 
 
 One would suppose that sentiments such as these, 
 supported by the authority of Stanley, would at 
 least be as worthy of a few lines in an English news-
 
 The Congo Campaign in England 371 
 
 paper as the vague charges of cruelty alleged by 
 some missionaries based upon what they have been 
 told that somebody else has heard, etc. But, no ! such 
 references are rigidly suppressed in a large section of 
 the English press, just as much of Mr. Casement's Re- 
 port that is favourable to the Congo Government has 
 been suppressed.' 
 
 ' The following letter, addressed to the Secretary of the Congo Re- 
 form Association, Liverpool, on December 8, 1904, by the editor of 
 the Catholic Herald (London), indicates that certain British journals 
 are sincerely seeking to expose the truth concerning the Congo and the 
 motives underlying the campaign against the Free State in England. 
 The writer of the letter is the publisher of the thirty-odd leading 
 Catholic papers in the United Kingdom. As a Member of Parliament, 
 and as an editor, his attitude towards public questions has always been 
 conscientious and fearless. 
 
 "Sir, — The following matters so intimately concern your veracity, 
 and, therefore, deeply concern the public, in connection with, your 
 anti-Congo campaign and your Congo Reform Society, that I draw 
 your attention to the fact that this letter will be printed in full in the 
 Catholic Herald of next week, and will also be sent out broadcast to 
 the newspapers of this country, so that you may have a full opportunity 
 of defending yourself from the most serious charges made therein. 
 
 "On the 24th of November last, in defending an abusive attack made 
 by the London Daily News on the Belgian people, in which it referred 
 to them as 'barbarians,' you made a statement to the effect that fifteen 
 Congo officials were then in prison at Boma for the grossest outrages 
 upon natives, and that ten more were awaiting their trial. 
 
 "In reply to a communication sent to a member of the Belgian 
 House of Representatives, a statement is made by the Belgian author- 
 ities, that only two officials are in prison in Boma. This statement 
 was forwarded to the Daily News, which has lent itself to the disgrace- 
 ful and lying campaign against the Congo, but, although the editor 
 has been several times requested to publish it, he has up till now de- 
 clined to do so. 
 
 "I, therefore, draw your attention to this emphatic contradiction of 
 your story, and, having every confidence in the honesty and truthful- 
 ness of the statement made by responsible gentlemen in Brussels, state 
 that your assertion can only be treated as a gross invention, quite on 
 a par with the other methods of your anti-Congo campaign. 
 
 "But this is not the most serious matter. On the following point,
 
 372 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 Just as this book is going to press particulars come 
 to hand of an incident which throws a strong Ught 
 
 I charge you with putting forward a statement in the Daily News, with 
 reference to the Congo Reform Society, which you knew to be lontrue, 
 for the purpose of deceiving and misleading the public of this country. 
 It was stated in a letter which appeared in the Daily News on Novem- 
 ber 25th, that Liverpool shippers and merchants were aiding the Congo 
 Reform Society, and financing it. On the 29th November a letter 
 appeared from you in the Daily News, in which you denied this, and 
 called upon the writer to offer an apology for his statement. You 
 proceeded to assert that you had enclosed (for the private information 
 of the Editor of the Daily News) a list of the subscribers to the Congo 
 Reform Society, and the editor supported your statement by the 
 assertion that 'the list of donors and subscribers supplied does not 
 contain the names of any British merchants or shippers.' 
 
 ' ' The clear purport of your letter was to make it out that there was 
 no co-operation between the Liverpool shippers and merchants and 
 this so-called Reform Society, which is nothing more or less than a 
 bogus name adopted to cover the campaign of falsehood and calumny 
 which you and your friends have entered upon. 
 
 "On November 30th the following statement was published in the 
 Daily News in answer to your denial : — ' With reference to the Liverpool 
 merchants I have not seen the "private list" that he (Mr. Morel) for- 
 wards to you. I cannot tell whether it contains the names of all the 
 subscribers to the Congo Reform Society, but I cannot accept the 
 denial of the secretary with reference to the Liverpool merchants, in 
 view of the candid admission of Mr. Fox Bourne that some of the mer- 
 chants in Liverpool are working with the Society, and his further ad- 
 mission that they had helped to finance it. I believe Mr. Fox Bourne's 
 statement, and if an apology is required for perversion of the facts, the 
 secretary of the Congo Reform Society must make that apology. ' 
 
 "To that emphatic disproval of your statement, you have up till 
 now made no reply. In fact you cannot deny Mr. Fox Bourne's honest 
 admission, which has already appeared in our columns, and of which 
 evidently you were entirely ignorant at the time you attempted to 
 throw dust into the eyes of the readers of the Daily News by your 
 untruthful denial. 
 
 "Now, one of two things : either you are in a position to free yourself 
 from this charge of deception and untruthful statement put forward 
 for the purpose of deceiving the public, or you are not. If you are in 
 a position to do so, come forward immediately, in the interests of the 
 Congo Reform Society, and of yovu-self as its secretary. If you are not 
 in a position to disprove this statement and to substantiate your words, 
 you stand convicted of flagrant deception and falsehood on a most
 
 The Congo Campaign in England 373 
 
 upon the methods adopted by the enemies of the 
 Congo Free State in maniifacturing evidence against 
 
 important public matter, and the people of this country will know how 
 to judge a person, or a society, which descends to such methods for the 
 purpose of bolstering up selfish and disgraceful designs. 
 
 "At the very moment that you were writing this denial in the col- 
 umns of the Daily News, you were in treaty with a former Congo offi- 
 cial, and bribing him for the purpose of giving evidence against the 
 Congo State, and as a witness to the document that passed between 
 you, you called in Mr. John Holt, merchant, 8i, Dale Street, Liverpool, 
 who was associated with you in this attempt to purchase testimony, 
 and who actually paid, at the Exchange Hotel, Liverpool, on the 21st 
 November last, a sum of £,j^o to Mr. Benedetti, the Congo ex-official 
 referred to, and yet you have the impudence and the hardihood to 
 assert that the Liverpool shippers and Liverpool merchants are not 
 associated with the Congo Reform Society! 
 
 "Nor are these all the inventions, perversions, and misrepresenta- 
 tions which can be proved against you in connection with this move- 
 ment. 
 
 "The book that you have just written and published is packed with 
 such lies and suppressions of truth. You print a travesty of the case 
 of the man Stokes, who was executed in the Congo, and you say that 
 the charge against him was 'of trading with natives,' whereas, as a 
 matter of fact, he was proved to have supplied the cruel and barbarous 
 Arab slave raiders of the Congo, who have been put down by the Congo 
 Government, with guns and ammunition for the purpose of carrying 
 on their nefarious work. 
 
 "These slave raiders evidently receive your warm sympathy, and 
 the man Stokes, who helped them to carry on their trade, is held up by 
 you as a martyr! Yet you dare to appear before the people of this 
 country as a friend of the natives of the Congo, and your present cam- 
 paign is ostensibly carried on for the amelioration of their condition! 
 
 "Again, you have ventured to make a most infamous charge against 
 Catholic missionaries in the Congo. In a letter to the Times you said 
 that ' they dared not state in public what they have said in private. ' 
 In other words, you accuse them of double dealing of the basest char- 
 acter, like Mr. Fox Bourne, who says, 'they ofFcr religion to the natives 
 only as a bribe, or to terrorise them into further enslavement.' 
 
 "You have never produced a single iota of evidence in support of this 
 statement against the CathoHc missionaries, who are doing such splen- 
 did work in the Congo territory. We characterise the statement as a 
 gross and palpable invention, but, in that respect, it has only been on 
 a par with the general policy of yourself and the so-called 'Congo 
 Reform Society' in connection with these matters.
 
 374 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 it. The paid officers of the Congo Reform Associa- 
 tion in Liverpool, the Aborigines' Protection So- 
 
 "It has also been asserted by the secretary of the Aborigines' Pro- 
 tection Society — which has been mainly responsible, with yourself and 
 the Liverpool shippers and merchants, for working up this campaign 
 of calumny — that the clerical party in Belgium is supporting the King 
 in his Congo policy, irrespective of any atrocities that may be com- 
 mitted, because the King has agreed to siipport them in Belgium. This 
 is not only a libel on Belgian Catholics and the Belgian people — who 
 have been insolently referred to by the Daily News as 'barbarians' — - 
 but is amply disproved by the fact that the most recent exposure of 
 your tactics, and the tactics of your society, has been made in the 
 columns of the well-known anti-clerical paper, The Independance 
 Beige, of Brussels, which has published the disclosures with reference 
 to your bribing of a Congo official to secure evidence from him, and 
 has amply exposed, on many occasions, the selfish and dishonest 
 character of this anti-Congo campaign. 
 
 "You have printed the grossest inventions with reference to the 
 treatment of British natives in Congo territory. You have said that 
 at Lagos, and in the surrounding district, if the word 'Congo' is men- 
 tioned to a native he will make for the bush if he is on land, and will 
 jump into the water if he happens to be on sea, in order to escape 
 going to the Congo! 
 
 ' ' A full and impartial inquiry made by a number of English gentle- 
 men at Lagos, and the evidence of one hundred and seventy- five 
 natives taken on oath, shows how baseless and unscrupulous is your 
 statement. One English gentleman declares that ' in a single week's 
 time he would undertake to send two thousand natives to the Congo, 
 if the English Government would permit their enrolment ' — the taxa- 
 tion being so much heavier in British territory than in Congo territory, 
 that natives have to seek in the latter the means of earning the taxa- 
 tion which they are compelled to pay to the British administration. 
 
 "Missionaries of all classes, Catholic and non-Catholic, have 
 borne ample testimony to the humane and civilising influence of the 
 Congo administration. Englishmen like Lord Mountmorres, Major 
 Harrison, of Hull, Mr. Grenfell, Mr. Bell, Mr. Holland, Mr. Maguire, 
 as also Mrs. French-Sheldon, Mrs. Doering, and others, have borne 
 the most emphatic testimony to the lies and misrepresentations that 
 have been so sedulously spread by yourself and your friends with refer- 
 ence to the Congo administration. 
 
 "You cannot have failed to notice that in La Verite sur le Congo for 
 October-November, 1904, page 3, you are accused of actually having 
 faked certain photographs which appeared in. your book — one on page 
 49, in which certain natives are represented holding cvit-off hands.
 
 Interior of Cathedral, Baudouinville (Tanganyika). 
 
 Sisters of New Antwerp Teaching Natives to Weave.
 
 The Congo Campaign in England 375 
 
 ciety, and kindred organisations, must find it in- 
 creasingly difficult to justify their existence when 
 
 The publication referred to says that 'the hands seem to have been 
 added aftenvards'; and, with regard to a photograph on page 225 of 
 your book, the same pubHcation says that 'the chains around the 
 necks of the natives would also appear to have been designed on the 
 plate.' 
 
 "You have put these photographs forward as real. Will you pro- 
 duce the negatives and the i.ame of the person who took the actual 
 photographs? Or will you remain content to rest under the charge 
 of fabricating evidence of this description to deceive your readers ? 
 
 "The Catholic Herald denounces, and will denounce, outrages upon 
 natives and wrong-doing and maladministration of native territories, 
 whether by Belgians or by any other people. No doubt wrong-doing 
 has taken place; but is it of such a character as justifies people in this 
 country taking up arms against those responsible for it ? 
 
 "Is it not rather inseparable from the administration of native 
 territories ? Let any one responsible for native administration answer 
 this question, but let not the good cause of fair play and justice for the 
 natives be disgraced and besmirched by the recklessness and vicious - 
 ness that have been displayed in connection with this Congo agitation. 
 
 "The Catholic Herald accepts in full all responsibility for the state- 
 ments made herein, and for the publication of them, and for their 
 circulation broadcast through the Press of this country, and believes 
 that in doing so it is discharging a public duty, not only to the Catholic 
 name, which you have foully libelled, but also to the cause of inter- 
 national peace and goodwill, which this anti-Congo campaign, based 
 on selfish and sordid motives, has done so much to impair. 
 
 "The administration of the Congo will compare more than favour- 
 ably with the administration of native territories imder British rule. 
 There is more consideration shown to the natives, more care e\'inced 
 for their interests, and they arc less heavily taxed, and more humanely 
 treated in the Congo, than is the case in any British territory in Africa 
 to-day. 
 
 "Some of the lies sent forth on the wings of the Press arc hereby 
 nailed to the counter, and it is to be hoped that yourself, or your 
 Society, will at once disprove, by any means at your disposal, charges 
 which, if not so disproved, clearly show that your evidence in con- 
 nection with these matters is discredited and untrustworthy, and that 
 no one will be justified in paying attention to any statement of yours, 
 unless supported by evidence that has not been purchased or invented. 
 
 "The Editor, 
 "The Catholic Herald."
 
 376 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 tactics such as are here exposed have to be resorted 
 to.' 
 
 In 1902, on the recommendation of a high official 
 of the Free State, Mr. Antoine Benedetti, a cultured 
 A Typical gentleman belonging to an ancient and 
 phobe' wealthy family in Sicily, was appointed 
 Method. chief commissary — a post which had never 
 before been conferred on a foreigner on account of its 
 special responsibilities. This rapid promotion shows 
 in what esteem Mr. Benedetti was held by his chiefs. 
 
 Mr. Benedetti returned to Europe on November 
 7, 1904, and when requested to give his chiefs some 
 information on the existing situation in the Congo, 
 related circumstances which might well be consid- 
 ered fit for a novel, if their accuracy were not 
 vouched for by authentic documents. 
 
 ' From The Transvaal Trouble, an Extract from the Biography of the 
 late Sir Bartle Frere, by John Martineau (pp. 211, 212): 
 
 "During these years, about 1879, a society in London, called the 
 Aborigines' Protection Society, took upon itself the function of judging 
 between the white and the black races in South Africa, and of arraign- 
 ing the conduct of the white race whenever there was a question be- 
 tween the two. That a society in London, with paid officers bound to 
 justify their employment by finding something to complain of, should 
 take upon itself to pronounce judgment upon difficult and complex 
 questions between races in South Africa was, on the face of it, not more 
 reasonable than that a society should be started at Cape Town, say, 
 to protect women and children in London. By its constitution, 
 which was practically that of advocattis diaboli against the white man, 
 such a society must always of necessity take a one-sided view, from 
 which misapprehension and mischief could hardly fail to result, how- 
 ever carefully considered were the methods employed. 
 
 "The methods employed by the Aborigines' Protection Society bore 
 some resemblance to those of mediaeval Venice. The Blue-books of 
 the time are full of letters from the society to the Secretary of State, 
 detailing stories of alleged oppression or cruelty, and demanding an 
 inquiry; or sometimes a question was asked to the same effect in 
 Parliament. It would be many months before the reply to the in-
 
 The Congo Campaign in England 1"]^ 
 
 While at Boma, Mr. Benedetti noticed that a 
 Negro named Shanu, a British subject from Lagos, 
 was trying to discover his opinions on Congo policy 
 and admini:,tration. Shanu having been at one time 
 in the employ of the State, Mr. Benedetti suspected 
 nothing; but in the course of conversation with the 
 Negro, he perceived what Shanu wanted to get from 
 him. Shanu boasted to Mr. Benedetti of the hu- 
 manitarian character of the English campaign against 
 the Congo, and he further hinted that, if he were 
 correctly informed, Mr. Benedetti would surely join 
 in the said campaign, a course which would be of 
 great advantage to him. Mr. Benedetti pretended 
 to share the views of Shanu, who thereupon pushed 
 the matter home by producing some letters of Mr. 
 
 quiry could come back from the Cape, and, in the meantime, the story 
 was circulated, and the refutation came too late to be listened to. 
 The society generally refused to give the name of its informant, or the 
 particulars of time and place, so that, like the lion's mouth at Venice, 
 it offered an opportunity to any one — agitator, place-hunter, or 
 criminal having a spite against a magistrate or official — to injure him 
 anonymously. The fear of being denoiinced by some scoun- 
 
 drel to the society in some districts seriously interfered with and 
 often perverted the administration of justice. ... In one in- 
 stance, a man, on whose testimony is placed special reliance, was dis- 
 covered to be a disfrocked clergyman who had been in custody for 
 swindling another informant, who in turn was a trader who had been 
 in jail for gun-running. 
 
 "Mr. H. Nixon, writing to Sir Bartle Frere, says: 
 
 '"The lawlessness of the coloured races and their hopeless state of 
 degradation, their drunkenness, and general dissolute habits may 
 fairly be laid to the baneful influence of the Aborigines' Protection 
 Society, which has done everything it possibly could to paralyse the 
 arm of the law in the execution of justice, and I consider the demoral- 
 isation of the natives is entirely due to their persistent agitation. 
 The drunkenness in this province is quite alarming and unprece- 
 dented.'"
 
 37^ Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 Edmund Deville Morel, Secretary of the Congo Re- 
 form Association. 
 
 In one of these letters, Mr. Morel informs Shanu 
 that Mr. Benedetti, commissary at Boma, has been 
 spoken of to him as one who would be a valuable 
 acquisition in the English campaign against the 
 Congo. Mr. Benedetti at once saw what was ex- 
 pected of him; he realised that efforts were being 
 made to enlist in the anti -Congo campaign the num- 
 erous Italians in the service of the Free State; and, 
 with the sole desire of protecting the honour of his 
 fellow-countrymen in the Congo, he resolved to 
 defeat Mr. Morel's jjlans. With a view of gaining 
 Shanu' s confidence, he declared himself to be on the 
 Negro's side, and by so doing compromised himself 
 in the eyes of his official colleagues. He told Shanu 
 — who lost no time in informing Mr. Morel — that by 
 virtue of his position, he was able to make some 
 startling revelations. Shanu thereupon suggested 
 that he should send in his resignation, giving as the 
 reason certain compromising allegations against the 
 Free State. Shanu then wrote to Mr. Morel to 
 the effect that he and Mr. Benedetti agreed that 
 the latter was just the man to lead the campaign 
 against the Congo. On the receipt of Mr. Morel's 
 reply, the departure of Mr. Benedetti was decided 
 upon. 
 
 Mr. Benedetti was promised his passage money to 
 Europe, as well as compensation for the loss of his 
 place under the Free State, and, later, a handsome 
 bonus. Mr. Morel requested Mr. Benedetti to meet 
 him at the Exchange Station Hotel, Liverpool, on
 
 The Congo Campaign in England 379 
 
 the 19th November, and to announce his arrival by 
 the following telegram: 
 
 "Morel care Jellani arrived Benedetti " 
 
 Under these circumstances, Mr. Benedetti sent in 
 his resignation, alleging that private business called 
 him to Europe. He left by the SS. Philippeville, 
 and the British Consul at Boma gave him ten pounds 
 sterling for his travelHng expenses. The receipt for 
 this sum was made out by Mr. Benedetti in the name 
 of Shanu. 
 
 Up to the time of his departure, Mr. Benedetti had 
 discharged his duties so well that he was congratu- 
 lated by the local authorities. Having spoken to 
 nobody about the course he was adopting, so little 
 was his sudden departure understood that his col- 
 leagues were mystified. He could not, of course, 
 enlighten them without showing his hand. Mr. 
 Benedetti landed at Antwerp on November 7th, and 
 on the 17th arrived at Liverpool, having previously 
 despatched to Mr. Morel the telegram agreed upon. 
 After some delay Mr. Morel went to see Mr. Bene- 
 detti at the Exchange Station Hotel in that city. 
 
 Mr. Morel appeared somewhat distrustful, and 
 asked Mr. Benedetti if he had authenticating docu- 
 ments. The latter produced some unimportant 
 papers, which he pretended were valuable, and told 
 the Secretary of the Congo Reform Association some 
 sensational stories of absolutely imaginary crimes. 
 In short, Mr. Benedetti played his game so well that 
 Mr. Morel no longer hesitated to close the affair, but 
 said he would introduce to him a gentleman who was 
 greatly interested in the Congo.
 
 jSo Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 In response to a telephonic message from Mr. 
 Morel there arrived Mr. John Holt, a merchant, of 
 Dale Street, Liverpool. Mr. Holt is Vice-President 
 of the Liverpool Chamber of Commerce and a mem- 
 ber of the Congo Reform Association. Mr. Morel 
 told Mr. Holt what Mr. Benedetti had said, and then 
 certain practical questions were discussed. It was 
 agreed that Mr. Benedetti should relate in the West 
 African Mail the stories that he had just invented; 
 but Mr. Benedetti, wishing to gain time, stated that 
 he would rather publish them first in Italy, after 
 which the organ of the Congo Reform Association 
 might reproduce them. It was decided also to issue 
 a pamphlet, for which Mr. Benedetti was to receive 
 eighty pounds. Some generous promises were made 
 to Mr. Benedetti: five hundred pounds as damages 
 and his fare paid to Tenerifie by the Congo Reform 
 Association. At Tenerifie, it was agreed, he should 
 seek to poison the minds of Italian officers returning 
 from the Congo. Later, Mr. Holt was to go to Italy 
 where, together with Mr. Benedetti, he was to sub- 
 sidise a newspaper to attack the Congo, and if this 
 newspaper war resulted in the King of Italy recalling 
 Italian officers serving in the Congo, Mr. Benedetti 
 was to receive a further sum of four thousand pounds. 
 
 The former commissary of Boma would not accept 
 verbal promises; he requested a document. He 
 demanded first of all a contract for the publication 
 of the pamphlet. Mr. Benedetti invited Mr. Morel 
 and Mr. Holt to dinner, and it was during this dinner 
 on the I gth of November that the clauses of the con- 
 tract were discussed. Conversation was carried on
 
 The Congo Campaign in England 381 
 
 to a late hour and Mr. Holt, in an unguarded mo- 
 ment, remarked that in England everything was 
 done by and for the sake of business, and that senti- 
 ment was obliged to give way to trade. The signing 
 of the contract was fixed for eleven o'clock on the 
 morning of the 21st of November, 1904, when the 
 three gentlemen concerned attended and the follow- 
 ing document was drawn up and signed. The text 
 is in English and French : 
 
 Between Mr. Benedetti and Mr. Morel it is agreed as fol- 
 lows: — Mr. Benedetti agrees to publish in a special pamphlet 
 all the statements that he made and proved by means of 
 documents on the evening of the 19th of November at the 
 Exchange Station Hotel, in the presence of Mr. Morel and 
 Mr. Holt, as well as various other facts the evidence of which 
 is in his possession in Italy. 
 
 Mr. Benedetti shall first submit to Mr. Morel, before the 
 5th of December, a rough copy of his pamphlet in English and 
 Italian. Upon this rough copy Mr. Morel reserves the right 
 to make corrections, and to send these corrections to Mr. 
 Benedetti by the 9th of December, unless prevented by force 
 majeure. 
 
 As soon as the pamphlet has been approved by Mr. Morel, 
 Mr. Benedetti shall send to Mr. Morel a corrected copy (if cor- 
 rections have been made) in English and Italian, as well as a 
 copy of the original documents in his possession, certified by 
 the British Consul on the original text. 
 
 Mr. Benedetti undertakes to be ready to publish all by 
 22nd December, or by such date as Mr. Morel shall telegraph 
 to him. 
 
 In any case, Mr. Benedetti will not publish all or any part 
 of the pamphlet without previous understanding with Mr. 
 Morel as to the date. 
 
 Mr. Benedetti undertakes to place at Mr. Morel's disposal, 
 after the publication of the pamphlet, all original papers
 
 382 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 referred to in the said pamphlet, and Mr. Morel undertakes 
 to return them, if required. 
 
 Mr. Morel deposits a thousand francs for Mr. Benedetti's 
 travelling expenses from Boma. 
 
 Mr. Morel undertakes to pay Mr. Benedetti the sum of two 
 thousand francs, which sum represents the loss to Mr. Bene- 
 detti of his situation in the Congo State, owing to the publica- 
 tion of statements made in the said pamphlet, as soon as he 
 receives from Mr. Benedetti notice that the pamphlet has 
 been published in Italy, and a copy of the pamphlet. 
 
 Mr. Morel undertakes to pay the expenses incurred in pub- 
 lishing the pamphlet in Italy up to the sum of five hundred 
 francs. Mr. Benedetti undertakes to send two hundred 
 copies of the pamphlet to Mr. Morel. 
 
 It is understood on both sides that the above entirely 
 covers all relations between Mr. Benedetti and Mr. Morel. 
 
 Mr. Morel undertakes to obtain from Mr. Shanu, of Boma, 
 the receipt for the two hundred and fifty francs handed by 
 Mr. Benedetti to Mr. Shanu, and to deduct the sum from the 
 two thousand francs above mentioned. 
 
 Signed the 21st November, 1904, at Liverpool Exchange 
 Station Hotel. 
 
 E. D. Morel. 
 A. Benedetti. 
 
 Witness to signatures of A. Benedetti and E. D. Morel: 
 
 John Holt, 
 merchant, 
 
 81 Dale Street, 
 
 Liverpool. 
 
 It is not without interest to call attention to the 
 final clause, concerning the receipt for the 250 francs 
 which Mr. Benedetti had given to Shanu, as a guaran- 
 tee of the £10 which the British Consul at Boma had 
 given him before his departure. 
 
 As to the clause concerning the thousand francs
 
 « 
 
 pq
 
 The Congo Campaign in England 383 
 
 which Mr. Morel undertook to pay Benedetti for his 
 travelling expenses from Boma, it came about 
 through the fact that his departure from Boma was 
 not in accord with the regulations. As his engage- 
 ment was not terminated, the question of his being 
 sent home at the expense of the Congo Free State 
 was not settled. Mr. Holt took from his pocket a roll 
 of Bank of England notes and paid Mr. Benedetti 
 
 As soon as he was in possession of this contract, 
 Mr. Benedetti returned to Brussels, whence he sent 
 Mr. Morel the following letter: 
 
 Brussels, 30th November, 1904. 
 Mr. E. D. Morel, Liverpool, 
 
 I have the pleasure of remitting herewith to you a cheque 
 on the South Wales Bank, Limited, No. 109,880, to the order 
 of Mr. John Holt, merchant, Dale Street, Liverpool, for ^40, 
 which this latter gave me in the Exchange Station Hotel, 
 Liverpool, on the 21st of this month. 
 
 I will also send you a sum of ^"lo in exchange for the re- 
 ceipt of Shanu, which you promised to procure for me. 
 
 You made a mistake. Sir, when you thought I would play 
 into your hands in your campaign against the Congo, and 
 thus do grievous harm to my countrymen working in the 
 Congo. 
 
 Believe me, my conduct, from my first interview with 
 
 Shanu, when acting for you, till my telegram from Paris on 
 
 the 28th of this month, was dictated by a sentiment of duty 
 
 and patriotism. 
 
 A. Benedetti. 
 
 The telegram to which Mr. Benedetti alludes was 
 addressed to Mr. Morel from Paris, and was to call 
 his attention to an article in the Tribuna favourable 
 to the Congo, and to ask him for arguments in answer
 
 384 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 to this article for pubHcation in an Italian paper. 
 Mr. Morel replied that he had not had time to get 
 the Trihuna article translated. 
 
 This edifying incident needs no comment. When 
 the denial of its genuineness, or a qualification of its 
 meaning and purpose, comes, it is understood that 
 the Congo Administration will publish a facsimile of 
 Mr. Morel's contract with Mr. Benedetti, bearing his 
 signature and the signature of Mr. John Holt, mer- 
 chant-philanthropist, Vice-President of the Liverpool 
 Chamber of Commerce, etc., in order that intelligent 
 people may form their own conclusions upon it at 
 first hand. 
 
 Mr. Morel writes to the London Times of December 
 19, 1904, defending the part he has played in this 
 Benedetti incident. "You persist," says Mr. Morel 
 (addressing M. Roland de Mares), "to make readers 
 believe that I proposed to pay M. Benedetti for false 
 testimony, whereas my role was limited to giving him 
 the opportunity he asked for (that is to say, to come 
 to Europe and to publish under his own name, in 
 the interests of truth and of his fellow-countrymen), 
 by defraying the expenses of his journey and the 
 positive pecuniary losses which his action would in- 
 volve, and by participating in the printing expenses 
 of his pamphlet."
 
 CHAPTER XXXI 
 
 THE CONGO CAMPAIGN IN AMERICA 
 
 THE interest taken by Americans in the affairs 
 of the Congo Free State has never been very 
 keen. What little of interest, however, we 
 do take in that distant region has been sentimental, 
 for the greater part based upon the national respect 
 for Stanley and his work. The campaign in England 
 against the Congo, therefore, fails to evoke any 
 substantial sympathy on this side of the Atlantic. 
 Citizens of the United States are better employed 
 than in undertaking knight-errantry at the behest of 
 certain disappointed British merchants and fanatics. 
 But, inasmuch as it is vital to the enemies of the 
 Congo Free State that our country should be with 
 them in their crusade, the Rev. Mr. W. M. American 
 Morrison, of Lexington, Virginia, a gentle- Aid 
 
 man whose Christianity is liberally leavened Wanted, 
 with business acumen, was brought to the front and 
 set upon a pedestal. The light of publicity was 
 turned upon the reverend gentleman, who then pro- 
 ceeded to relate stories of outrage and oppression, 
 examples of which he had seen and heard — chiefly 
 heard — during six years' residence in the Congo Free 
 State as a missionary of the American Presbyterians. 
 Mr. Morrison's stories are of the stock variety, 
 and include looted villages, wholesale deportations, 
 
 385
 
 386 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 mutilations, burnings, State slavery, and refusal of 
 land concessions to missionaries — in brief, the whole 
 catalogue of infamies without which, real or alleged, 
 men such as Mr. Fox Bourne, the Secretary of the 
 Aborigines' Protection Society in England, and Mr. 
 Morel, who built the Congo Reform Association 
 around himself, would find their occupation gone. 
 The italics are mine. Why I have used them will 
 at once appear. 
 
 "Concessions or grants of land, however small," 
 wails Mr. Morrison, ' ' can now no longer be obtained 
 A Morris- f^om the State by other than favoured indi- 
 onian viduals or corporations . . . Not only 
 
 Jeremiad. ^^^ conccssions refused to traders, they are 
 also refused to missionaries." Alas! yes, in the case 
 of a missionary who demands, as Mr. Morrison did, 
 
 that no taxes shall be levied, and no soldiers drawn 
 from certain populations around Luebo." ' 
 
 The refusal of Mr. Morrison's demand for the 
 creation of an Alsatia which should be equally at- 
 tractive to the idle and the thrifty, from which the 
 State was to receive no support, and which, in the cir- 
 cumstances, would certainly at once become the 
 most populous district in all the Congo Free State, 
 seems to have angered the reverend gentleman, for 
 thereafter followed his discovery of atrocities com- 
 mitted by State officials against natives. Land was 
 offered to Mr. Morrison upon equitable terms, iden- 
 tical with those agreed upon between the State and 
 numerous other missions. 
 
 When Mr. Morrison was in Brussels in the spring 
 
 ^ The scene of the Rev. Mr. W. M Morrison's mission.
 
 The Congo Campaign in America 387 
 
 of 1903, negotiating with the Congo Government 
 concerning the concession of land, and in constant 
 touch with officials of that Government, 
 he said not one word about any atrocities Discovery 
 which he had seen or heard of in Congo - 
 land; but a few weeks later, he was in London, 
 associating with the English Congophobes, and 
 calling upon the Government of the United States 
 to combine with that of Great Britain to coerce 
 the Congo Government, though in what manner 
 and to what effect is not quite clear. What, how- 
 ever, is perfectly clear, is the bad faith of the 
 men who make it their business to vilify and mis- 
 represent the Congo Administration. For example, 
 here is Mr. Morrison's statement about the almost 
 impossibility of obtaining concessions of land for 
 missions, when up to May, 1903, there had been 
 fifteen grants of land conceded in the Congo State 
 to the American Baptist Missionary Union; two to 
 the American Congo Mission; fifteen to the British 
 Baptist Society Corporation; seven to the Bishop 
 Taylor's Self -Supporting Mission; "seven to the 
 Congo Balolo Mission; eleven to the International 
 Missionary Alliance ; nine to the Swedish Missionary 
 Societ3^ and forty-four to the Roman Catholic 
 Mission. 
 
 The campaign against the Cong in this country 
 was opened on the 19th of April, 1904, by the pre- 
 sentation to Congress of a huge inflated ^ew Facts 
 memorial, accompanied by numerous sub- in Many 
 stantiating documents of great length. It 
 was gotten up by the Rev. Thomas S. Barbour,
 
 388 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 Chairman of the Conference of Missionary Societies 
 and Secretary of the American Baptist Missionary 
 Union, Boston, with the assistance of the Rev. W. M. 
 Morrison and six other gentlemen interested in mis- 
 sionary work. Senator Morgan, of Alabama, under- 
 took the work of presentation, and performed his 
 task with as much moderation and grace as its na- 
 ture permitted. The memorial was referred to the 
 Committee on Foreign Relations and ordered to be 
 printed. 
 
 On the whole, the reception of this strange literary 
 budget— a rechauffe of oft -refuted fables and adroit 
 Not Uncle distortions of events that occurred long 
 Sam's ago — was decidedly passive. The prevail- 
 Afifair. ^j^g impression among Senators seemed to 
 be that even if all that is asserted in the memorial 
 be true (a monstrous supposition which surely its 
 promoters never seriously entertained), to play into 
 the hands of John Bull's merchants at the bidding 
 of John Bull's missionaries is hardly a suitable role 
 for Uncle Sam. 
 
 The next move in the campaign against the 
 Congo Free State in this country took place at 
 A Mischiev- ^^shington on the 30th of September, 
 ous Busy- 1904, when the Secretary of the Congo 
 ° ^" Reform Association (an English organ- 
 
 isation of which Mr. John Holt, the merchant- 
 philanthropist, of Liverpool, is one of the pillars) 
 presented a memorial to President Roosevelt con- 
 cerning affairs in the Congo Free State, and asking for 
 his intervention therein. The memorial was politely 
 received, acknowledged with graceful platitudes,
 
 The Congo Campaign in America 389 
 
 and laid aside. During the few weeks that the 
 Congo Reform Association's agitator was in this 
 country, he talked freely to every newspaper re- 
 porter he met, and disseminated broadcast the old 
 libels which had grown stale with use in England. 
 
 When the Belgian people learned of the presenta- 
 tion to President Roosevelt of the second anti-Congo 
 memorial, wherein the agents of the British -pj^e Belgian 
 merchants strove to make it appear that People 
 the United States ought to do what all the ^^^^' 
 
 continental powers had, by their silence, refused to 
 do when the British Foreign Secretary appealed to 
 them in August, 1903, their leading citizens took a 
 hand in the literary carnival and sent President 
 Roosevelt their reply to the series of slanders which 
 were being so widely disseminated in America by the 
 Liverpool organisation. Although the anti -Congolese 
 resolutions of the Boston Peace Conference were 
 published in extenso in the secular and religious press 
 throughout the United States, for some inscrutable 
 reason the Belgian reply to the second Liverpool 
 memorial sent to President Roosevelt on October 3, 
 1904, has so far never had the advantage of similar 
 publicity. This fact alone would indicate that his 
 Excellency, Baron Moncheur, Belgian Minister to the 
 United States, and his talented coadjutor. Professor 
 A. Nerincx. an eminent Belgian advocate, author, 
 and instructor in the University of Louvain, were 
 quite indifferent to that campaign of publicity which 
 the enemies of the Congo Free State began in Eng- 
 land and now continue in America. In justice, how- 
 ever, to the Federation for the Defence of Belgian
 
 390 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 Interests Abroad, a Belgian society numbering over 
 fifty thousand adherents, it is deemed desirable to 
 quote in full the only communication bearing upon 
 the anti-Congolese campaign which the offtcial of the 
 Free State or the Belgian people have ever addressed 
 to the people of the United States : 
 
 fedi;ration pour le defense des interets belges a 
 
 l'etranger. 
 
 Brussels, October 3, 1904. 
 To His Excellency, Theodore Roosevelt, 
 
 President of the United States. 
 Mr. President: 
 
 The Federation for the Defence of Belgian Interests Abroad 
 presents its compliments to the President of the United States 
 and begs leave to state: 
 
 That we are loth to impose upon the President of the 
 United States considerations which are foreign to the interests 
 of his Government. But inasmuch as certain persons are 
 conducting within the United States a movement to involve 
 the Government of the United States in the consideration of 
 their unfounded charges and interested misrepresentations 
 against the Government of the Congo Free State, we feel it 
 our duty to present a brief statement of the objects of the 
 Congo Government to the President of a friendly Power in 
 order that the unjust methods being employed by the enemies 
 of the Congo Free State may not mislead the President to 
 encourage Congressional action prejudicial to our interests 
 before we shall have been fully heard. 
 
 Our Association has been formed for the defence of Belgian 
 interests and possessions abroad. Our people esteem and 
 admire the people of the United States and we have great 
 respect for their President. The Belgians desire that they 
 shall not be slandered and vilified in the midst of the American 
 people. They feel it their duty to assist the American people to 
 a proper \mderstanding of the lofty purposes which actuate the
 
 a
 
 The Congo Campaign in America 391 
 
 Government of the Congo Free State. In this connection 
 the Belgians recall with pleasure and with pride the fact that 
 the Government of the United States was the first great 
 nation to recognise the flag of the International Association 
 of the Congo as that of an independent State. By its treaties 
 and by its adherence to the Berlin and Brussels Acts it 
 promised liberty of trade in its part of the Congo Basin, and 
 it respectfully asserts that it has fulfilled that promise in 
 spirit and to the letter in so far as the short term of its exist- 
 ence in a savage cotintry has enabled it to establish an organ- 
 isation which, by its prosperity and progress, now excites the 
 envy of those who seek to disrupt it. 
 
 The principles which actuate the Congo Government are 
 tersely set out in an essay written by a highly qualified 
 American citizen, which is herewith enclosed. We humbly 
 beg the President of the United States to honour us by perus- 
 ing this concise exposition of the fundamental principles 
 which underlie, and which have given such progressive 
 momentum to, the Government of the Congo Free State. 
 
 The principles of the Congo Government are devoted to 
 progress and civilisation. The State's motto is "Work and 
 Progress." We have always felt that to intelligently follow 
 that motto was to firmly establish in the midst of conditions 
 of savagery the habit of industry and a respect for property 
 as well as for life, according to the universal law of nations. 
 
 Concerning the term " Freedom of Commerce," which Congo 
 enemies are interpreting to mean ungovemed license, we beg 
 to refer the President to the laws of the United States and 
 penalties concerning trespass upon and pillage of public lands 
 and their product. Perhaps no nation in the world has so 
 precisely developed the law of private and public property, 
 nor administered it with finer understanding of the principles 
 of equity and justice, than the United States. The Congo law 
 relating to property is in consonance with the law of the 
 world's greatest nations. The great success which has been 
 attained by the Congo Government for the betterment of its 
 native inhabitants by the operation of this law, and the order 
 which exists thereunder, has excited the envy and the avarice
 
 392 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 of those whose ulterior motive is being cloaked in the garb of 
 humanitarianism and questionable philanthropy. On the one 
 hand it is charged that the Congo Government by its method 
 seeks to enslave the native in order that he may serve it 
 with his hands for the benefit of interests whose welfare he 
 does not share. On the other hand, the libellers of the 
 Congo wilfully utter not only the unfounded accusation but 
 the inconsistent charge, that the Government cuts off the 
 hand whose work it seeks to enslave. Concerning the un- 
 truthful character of the testimony in this respect which 
 has been published against the Congo by the promoters of 
 the so-called "Congo Reform Association" of Liverpool, we 
 beg to refer your Excellency to the great mass of genuine 
 and reliable evidence by Englishmen, Frenchmen, Germans, 
 Americans, Italians, and Belgians in direct contradiction of 
 the falsehoods which form the traffic of the Association, whose 
 leading spirit has never been near the Congo nor the natives 
 who form the pretext of his search for personal notoriety 
 and aggrandisement. 
 
 We also call your Excellency's attention to the fact that 
 the Congo Government, when assailed by missionaries at all, 
 is assailed by a few individual missionaries operating in con- 
 junction with the Liverpool Association, whose object we 
 shall in due course expose. The Congo Government has not 
 been assailed by other missionaries at all. The Catholic 
 missionaries are in reality all seeking the moral, spiritual, and 
 intellectual betterment of the native races, while those of a 
 material faith, who have sought from the Congo Government 
 and been denied personal concessions of material value solely, 
 are secretly working in directions entirely unconnected with 
 the spiritual and moral welfare of the Congo population. In 
 due time and in the proper place the Government of the 
 Congo Free State will produce its testimony bearing upon 
 this phase of the campaign begun in England, and now 
 carried to the United States, against an undertaking which 
 within twenty years has done more to promote civilisation 
 than was ever before attempted in all the great continent of 
 Africa.
 
 The Congo Campaign in America 393 
 
 We beg your Excellency to receive from the hands of our 
 representative an abundance of carefully prepared matter 
 upon this subject, and to command him in any further de- 
 sires which you may wish to express. A cursory outline, 
 limited to only a few phases of the questions which the 
 enemies of the Congo so confusedly mince in their wild con- 
 demnation of a State justly founded and intelligently and 
 humanely governed, is not of course intended as a sufficient 
 statement of our case. It is merely intended to introduce 
 your Excellency to the subject on which our representative, 
 and the evidence and literature he will offer to you, may lead 
 you to those wise and equitable conclusions which have 
 always characterised the highest tribunals of the American 
 people. 
 
 Your Excellency is too well versed in the science of govern- 
 ment to be influenced by the statement that where individual 
 acts are committed in violation of enacted penal law the 
 Government should be primarily charged therewith. If such 
 were the case, penal institutions for the incarceration of 
 violators of police law would be no part of a nation's structure. 
 
 It is not infrequent that the cable conveys to us intimation 
 that in some sections of your own free and glorious country 
 an inflamed mob seizes upon a black inhabitant and burns 
 him at the stake. Our governmental experience has taught 
 us that such acts would have been impossible if your Govern- 
 ment had been advised in time to prevent them. And yet 
 we know that your Government is the subject of harsh 
 criticism by self-constituted associations formed in the same 
 countr)'- whence come those who accuse the sincere govern- 
 mental effort of the Congo Free State. The law of the Congo 
 Free State is based upon the loftiest ideals of humane control 
 of a vast territory and undeveloped interests, and every 
 part of the State's machinery is employed to ensure equal 
 justice to all. 
 
 The "method of the State," at which Congo accusers hurl 
 their shafts, cannot be charged with responsibility for lawless 
 acts in a vast territory of a million square miles where the 
 Government of that State is vigilantly and earnestly seeking,
 
 394 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 by the extension of its organisation and police powers, to sup- 
 press and punish crime and redress wrong. If the subjects of 
 one nation were compelled to submit to the opinion of its 
 unfriendly neighbours as to the correctness of their habits and 
 conduct, and obliged to submit themselves to the penalties 
 that their neighbours would attach to the alleged misconduct, 
 the subjects of one nation would inhabit the prisons of 
 another. 
 
 We need hardly call the attention of your Government to 
 the great and humane work which your Government is now 
 so earnestly, and with so much sacrifice, furthering in the 
 Philippine Islands, to meet with that broad and sympathetic 
 view of the situation in all savage countries; which, if fairly 
 and justly applied to the Congo Free State, would place us 
 upon that plane where co-operation, not criticism, were the 
 reward of our sacrificial work in the darkest part of Africa. 
 
 It has been the pleasure of our beloved King, Leopold II., 
 Sovereign of the Congo Free State, to appoint a Commission, 
 composed of eminent men, to undertake with the utmost 
 freedom a judicial investigation upon all and singular the 
 vague charges from time to time used by the promoters of 
 the Congo Reform Association in prostituting certain public 
 journals in England. Your Excellency may be assured of the 
 utmost integrity of the gentlemen who compose this Com- 
 mission, and that the Congo Government will afford them all 
 the help in its power to place the truth before the eyes of the 
 world. 
 
 In this connection Congo reformers pretend that the de- 
 cisions of the Congo Courts indicate that the government is 
 bad, when in fact these very decisions are, in our opinion, 
 proof of unimpeachable good faith and judicial independence. 
 
 Concerning the Congo standing army of 14,000 natives, as 
 to which some criticism is uttered by the same persons, we 
 need only indicate that the State Government is so well re- 
 spected in the Congo Basin that it is able to control its vast 
 territory with only seven soldiers to every 625 square miles. 
 We have no doubt that if the Congo governmental system 
 had not included this meagre police force for the repression
 
 The Congo Campaign in America 395 
 
 of tribal strife and the maintenance of order, its critics would 
 have represented the Congo Government as unprepared to 
 guarantee protection to persons and property, and as unable 
 to maintain the integrity of its frontiers. The Congo army 
 is recruited in conformity with the Belgian law of conscription, 
 which is a restriction of the universal service in Continental 
 Europe. When the Government enlisted a part of its army 
 in a neighbouring colony it was requested to desist, the 
 promises of England to permit such recruiting notwithstand- 
 ing. Now the Congo army is characterised as barbarian! 
 Doubtless the Congo Government would have no objection 
 to recruit its army in China, as miners are recruited for 
 the Transvaal. But would it thereby escape censure? We 
 think not. Some things which are right and proper in a 
 British colony become crimes when done in the Congo Free 
 State. 
 
 It is the earnest desire of the Belgian people, and those 
 who are interested in the welfare and progress of the native 
 population of Mid-Africa, that the good-will and respect of the 
 people of the United States and their President may continue, 
 by their sympathy, to enliven the devotion, energy, and 
 sacrifice which the builders of the Congo Free State are ex- 
 pending upon races which but a few years ago were in a state 
 of the wildest savagery. 
 
 We are, Mr. President, with great respect, 
 Your obedient servants, 
 
 (Signed) A. Dufourny, 
 
 President of the Federation for the 
 Defence of Belgian Interests Abroad. 
 
 At the Peace Congress held at Boston in October, 
 1904, to attend which was as much the reason of the 
 visit to these shores of the Secretary of the g-^^g 
 
 Congo Reform Association as the presenta- Leopold 
 tion of a memorial to President Roose- -^"^cked. 
 velt, he recited his usual tirade against the Congo 
 Government and the person of King Leopold with
 
 39^ Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 somewhat more than his customary unction ; but his 
 contentions were utterly demoHshed by the superior 
 information and saner reasoning of his fellow-coun- 
 tryman, Mr. George Head, and by a letter which 
 was read from Cardinal Gibbons {vide Chap, xxxiv), 
 warmly defending the aims and achievements of the 
 Belgians in Central Africa. 
 
 The net result of the Peace Conference to the 
 Congophobes is to expose and appreciably weaken 
 their conspiracy. 
 
 There remains in our country a small section of 
 the press obedient to the will of an ti -Congolese 
 campaigners and their merchant support, 
 FaUs^"^^^^ and the eloquent sophistries of Messrs. 
 Morrison and Barbour. But these forces 
 are surely inadequate to cause the Government of 
 the United States to forget all of our political tra- 
 ditions, and to so abate our natural shrewdness, as 
 to become a catspaw for an avaricious foreign com- 
 mercial clique.
 
 CHAPTER XXXII. 
 
 TESTIMONY OF TRAVELLERS AND THINKERS 
 SIR HENRY M. STANLEY 
 
 IT will ever be esteemed a fortunate circumstance 
 by all who have regard for historical accurac}^ 
 that the late Sir Henry M. Stanley, discoverer of 
 the course of the Congo, who assisted so materially 
 in the creation of the Congo Free State, did not pass 
 awa}^ without recording his opinion of the campaign 
 of calumny against the Congo Administration. In- 
 comparably the greatest authority of his time upon 
 this subject, what Stanley had to say about it must 
 be given here in full. It took the form of 
 an interview with a representative of the dT^t? 
 press, and was first published in the Petit 
 Bleu (Brussels), 13th November, 1903: 
 
 I do not believe [said Sir Henry Stanley] in the charges 
 brought against the Congo, and I do not share the opinions 
 that inspire them. I do not think that any State will be in- 
 clined to step in, and to spend the money that Belgium and 
 the King of the Belgians spend to adapt the darkest part of 
 Darkest Africa to the interests of commerce. King Leopold 
 lately assigned ;£i 20,000 a year to the Congo administration. 
 He thereafter gave ^£40,000 and Belgium £80,000. Tell me, 
 what other country would be ready to do as much? 
 
 When I consider the limited number of years which have 
 
 397
 
 39^ Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 elapsed since the Congo became a State, I hold that the work 
 which has been accomplished there does great honour to 
 Belgium, and I am certain that not one of the countries who 
 are invited by the newspapers to put itself in its place would 
 have been able to do better. 
 
 You can feel certain that the King of the Belgians interests 
 himself personally in the smallest detail of the administration. 
 I do not pretend that he can superintend the acts of each indi- 
 vidual, but what Government, what State could do that? 
 But the recitals of atrocities, and of bad administration which 
 have of late been spread about are almost all, if not all, pure 
 reports. Naturally, if it is question of seeking cause for a quar- 
 rel there is no difficulty in finding it; but if the Congo of 
 1885 is compared with the Congo of to-day, it must be allowed 
 that its progress has been remarkable. 
 
 The English Note of the month of August is founded, I am 
 convinced, on reports stamped with partialit3\ The asser- 
 tions of a missionary have been reproduced, according to whom 
 the natives flee at the approach of the Congo State officials. 
 They fled before me also when I was there. The mere ap- 
 parition of a white man, the simple sight of an unusual being 
 or object, puts them to flight. That is part of the animal in- 
 stinct of self-preservation. Whites and blacks always ap- 
 proach one another for the first time with a general sentiment 
 of distrust. Little by little they learn to know one another, 
 and this sentiment disappears. 
 
 The Congo was in truth the darkest part of Africa. To-day 
 with its forests pierced and open, its routes, its stations, it is 
 in advance of all other African States. Take the French 
 Congo, German East Africa, Portuguese West Africa, and 
 compare them ! The Congo State prospers in a greater degree 
 than any other part of the black continent. 
 
 The Congo State is accused of employing as soldiers can- 
 nibal Negroes. When I was on the Congo, and I accused a 
 tribe of cannibalism it replied: "We are not cannibals, but 
 our neighbours are." The neighbouring tribe said: "It is 
 not we, it is the next tribe that you will meet"; and that 
 tribe referred us on to the next, and so on continually. They
 
 Coffee-Drying Grounds, Coquilhatville (Equateur). 
 
 Bakusu Woman (Lualaba-Kassai>
 
 Testimony of Travellers and Thinkers 399 
 
 seemed to be ashamed of their cannibalism. They concealed 
 it. Yet there was no doubt as to the existence of this prac- 
 tice. I frequently met with trenches freshly disturbed, from 
 which corpses had been taken to be eaten. It was very sel- 
 dom that I could discover the guilty. How then in recruiting 
 its troops was the Congo State to distinguish the black can- 
 nibals from those who are not cannibals ? 
 
 I am convinced that since I left Africa King Leopold has 
 done his best to prevent all crime on the Congo. But he is 
 no more responsible for the crimes which may be committed 
 there than for those occasionally committed on the soil of 
 Belgium itself. There are on the Congo 300 officials who re- 
 port to the Governor-General, who in his turn addresses a 
 summary of these reports to the King. They discharge their 
 mission under the most difficult conditions, and I believe that 
 I may assert that from the Governor-General down to the 
 humblest official there is not one of them guilty of cruelty. 
 Moreover, it is for those who speak of atrocities to furnish 
 proof of them. 
 
 I kndw by experience what a large number of stories are put 
 forward, then refuted, and afterwards resuscitated year after 
 year. These are legends for travellers. Use is made of them 
 with every change of the wind in Africa. Those who relate 
 them are often the prey of climatic maladies. 
 
 The Congo has not the most enviable climate in the world. 
 The maladies contracted there are often debilitating, and 
 things are seen and things are described through the malady, 
 which distorts the morale and changes the optic. 
 
 I had on the Congo under my orders 300 men — English, Ger- 
 mans, Dutch, Portuguese, Belgians. There were 80 English, 
 but the majority were Belgians. I found no difference between 
 them. All did their best, according to their means. All were, 
 in the course of duty, the object of some charge. I examined 
 the charges minutely, and always found them to be without 
 foundation. That did not prevent these stories reaching 
 Banana, and from there Europe. Well, that is what hap- 
 pened on the Congo in my time; that is what is happening 
 there to-day.
 
 400 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 The sentiment that inspires the charges against the Congo 
 is jealousy. The Congo is succeeding better than any other 
 State of Africa. 
 
 I do not think that the Congo State would be administered 
 better by France, the United States, or Germany. Under 
 French administration the Congo would retrogress. Germany 
 would content itself with fortifying it in a military sense. 
 And commerce does not develop when it is covered with a 
 coat of mail. Germany does not permit and will not permit 
 the English to penetrate into its territory, except under cer- 
 tain restrictions. England would not have managed the 
 Congo better than King Leopold has done if she had been 
 mistress of it, as she might have become in 1877. 
 
 The white man must remain master of the Congo. Drive 
 him out of it, and you will see war arise anew between one 
 native village and another, a return to barbarism. It is diffi- 
 cult to govern so vast a country; yet, in a limited number of 
 years, the King of the Belgians has put an end to the horrible 
 Arab slave trade. I do not think there is another sovereign 
 living who has done so much for humanity as Leopold IL 
 
 SIR HARRY JOHNSTON, G.C.M.G., K.C.B. 
 
 About a year previous to the publication of Stan- 
 ley's vindication of the Congo Administration, ap- 
 peared a remarkable book, entitled The Uganda 
 Protectorate, written by the distinguished English 
 traveller, Sir Harry Johnston, from which the follow- 
 ing passage is taken: 
 
 In spite of an element of Arab civilisation which the slave- 
 trader had certainly implanted in the Congo Forest, he had 
 made himself notorious for his ravages and cruelties. Num- 
 bers of natives had been horribly mutilated, hands and feet 
 lopped off, and women's breasts cut away. These people ex- 
 plained to me that these mutilations — which, as only a Negro 
 could, they had survived — had been the work of the Manye- 
 ma slave-trader and his gang, done sometimes out of wanton
 
 Testimony of Travellers and Thinkers 401 
 
 cruelty, sometimes as a punishment for thieving or abscond- 
 ing. May it not be that many of the mutilated people of 
 whom we hear so much in the northern and eastern part of 
 the Congo Free State are also the surviving results of Arab 
 cruelty? I am aware that it is customary to attribute these 
 outrages to the native soldiery and police employed by the 
 Belgians to maintain order or to collect taxes; and though 
 I am fully aware that these native soldiers and police under 
 imperfect Belgian administration, as under imperfect British 
 control, can commit all sorts of atrocities (as we know they 
 did in Mashonaland and in Uganda), every bad deed of this 
 description is not to be laid to their charge, for many out- 
 rages are the work of the Arab traders and raiders in these 
 countries, and of their apt pupils the Manyemas. This much 
 I can speak of with certainty and emphasis: that from the 
 British frontier near Fort George to the limit of my journeys 
 into the Mbuba country of the Congo Free State, up and down 
 the Semliki, the natives appeared to be prosperous and happy 
 under the excellent administration of the late Lieutenant 
 Meura and his coadjutor, Mr. Karl Eriksson. The extent to 
 which they were building their villages and cultivating their 
 plantations within the precincts of Fort Mbeni showed that 
 they had no fear of the Belgians, while the Dwarfs equally 
 asserted the goodness of the local white men. 
 
 Great value attaches to the evidence of Sir Harry 
 Johnston, it being impossible to impute to him any 
 particular bias. He travelled independently, visit- 
 ing the Congo on three occasions — 1882-83, 1891-96, 
 and 1900. In a letter published in the Daily Chron- 
 icle (London) of 28th September, 1903, he thus 
 further expresses his opinion of the Congo Adminis- 
 tration : 
 
 • I was present on the Congo at the birth of the Congo Free 
 
 State. In 1 882-1 883 I paid a prolonged visit of eight months 
 36
 
 402 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 to Stanley. During the course of this visit I travelled up the 
 Congo nearly as far as the point where it crosses the Equator. 
 I came into continual contact with the Belgian officers and 
 officials who had been sent out on the part of the Comite 
 cV Etudes du Haitt-Congo to assist Stanley. I may mention 
 that I was "nobody's" man. I paid my own travelling ex- 
 penses, and had no reason to espouse any one cause more 
 than another. I conceived, however, the highest admiration 
 for Sir Henry Stanley, personally, and for the work he was 
 doing. I convinced myself over and over again by constant 
 cross-examination of the natives of the Congo, and of Zanzi- 
 baris and Somalis, that Sir Henry was always just and never 
 cruel, and that the first interests he had at heart were those 
 of the natives of Africa. His memory still lingers in all the 
 regions from the mouth of the Congo to Zanzibar, and any 
 one who doubts the justice of my opinion has only to do as I 
 have done through many years — question the natives as to 
 their impressions of "Bula Matadi" (the Breaker of Stones). 
 Nor did I at that date see anything to object to in the con- 
 duct of the Belgian officers, for many of whom I entertained 
 feelings of warm friendship and esteem. The work of such 
 men as Nilis, Van Gele, Hanssens, Coquilhat, Braconnier, 
 Janssen, and Roger, not to mention others, was such as no 
 missionary could or did find fault with. 
 
 And again : 
 
 Subsequently when I returned to the vicinity of those re- 
 gions as Commissioner for British Central Africa, I came a 
 good deal into contact with the Belgian officers sent to con- 
 trol those countries. I never received any complaints from 
 natives or Europeans at that time which tended to show that 
 the natives were ill-treated by the Belgians. 
 
 Lastly comes this convincing pronouncement: 
 
 In 1900, whilst at work in Uganda, I had occasion to visit 
 the adjoining regions of the Congo Free State along and
 
 Testimony of Travellers and Thinkers 403 
 
 across the Semliki River. In this portion of the Congo 
 Forest (into which my expedition penetrated for about thirty- 
 miles west of the SemUki) I questioned many natives — Pig- 
 mies, Babira, Bambuba, Lendu, Bakonjo, and Basongora. 
 From none of them did I receive the sHghtest complaint 
 as regards the treatment they received from the Belgians, 
 and indeed the sight of their villages, plantations, and set- 
 tlements, the fact that they so freely came and talked to the 
 white man, were sufficient to show that they were perfectly 
 content with their present lot. The Belgian and Swedish 
 officers whom I met in this portion of the territory of the 
 Congo Free State were men of the best character. In short, 
 this portion of Congo territory left little to be desired, and in 
 some respects was better organised than the adjoining dis- 
 tricts of the British Protectorate. One Musongora chief com- 
 plained to me that the native soldiers in Belgian employ had 
 taken awaj' some of his wives. He expressed himself so 
 dissatisfied with this treatment that he asked permission to 
 cross over into British territory. That permission was given 
 him; but when he found that he had to pay the hut tax on 
 Uganda soil he returned to his old quarters. In addition to 
 the foregoing experiences I might say that I took into my 
 employ about this time natives of many districts along the 
 Upper Congo, from the country of Bangala on the west to the 
 mouth of the Aruwimi on the east. I did this with the idea 
 of making studies of their languages, and they lived with me 
 for about a year, accompanying me on all my journeys through 
 the Uganda Protectorate. I did not ask the permission of the 
 Belgians to recruit these people, for the very good reason that, 
 having apparently complete liberty of action, they had walked 
 through the Congo Forest to the British frontier to offer 
 themselves for work. It cannot be said therefore that the 
 Belgians selected people especially to fill my ears with pleas- 
 ing stories as to Belgian administration. I questioned these 
 natives of villages all along the great northern bend of the 
 Congo Not one of them had any complaint to make against 
 the Belgians. When I was preparing to leave Uganda to 
 return to England I offered these men (who were accom-
 
 404 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 panied by their wives) plots of land in the Uganda Protector- 
 ate ; but they were quite decided in wishing to return to their 
 homes on the Upper Congo ; and so far as I know they did so, 
 as every facility was given them in that direction. It strikes 
 one that if these particular people were living under a reign 
 of terror they would hardly have been so eager to return to 
 their homes with the wages they had earned. 
 
 The absolute impartiality of Sir Harry Johnston's 
 review of the Congo Administration well appears in 
 the few following words; in which it will be noted, 
 that while he claims no immaculate perfection on 
 behalf of every Belgian official, he compares them 
 as a body, and that not to their disadvantage, with 
 his own countrymen : 
 
 There are, no doubt, bad Belgians, as there have been bad, 
 cruel, and wicked Englishmen and Scotchmen, amongst 
 African pioneers. In the early days of African enterprise I 
 have seen too many misdeeds of my own countr}^men in 
 Africa to be very keen about denouncing other nations for 
 similar faults. 
 
 MAJOR JAMES HARRISON 
 
 This eminent authority on the Congo has recorded 
 his impressions of the social and economic condi- 
 tions prevailing in that country, and of the false 
 statements regarding them disseminated by inter- 
 ested parties, in the following letter, which appeared 
 in the London Times of June lo, 1904: 
 
 To tJie Editor of the " Times" 
 
 Sir, — Having just returned from a shooting trip across the 
 Congo Free State from the Nile to Boma, on the West Coast, 
 I naturally feel much interested in the correspondence now
 
 Testimony of Travellers and Thinkers 405 
 
 going on with regard to that country. As I came down the 
 Congo River a copy of Mr. Casement's report was lent me 
 to read, and I was more than surprised at the contents of a 
 letter written by Lord Cromer, which was inserted as a pre- 
 lude to the more serious indictment following. 
 
 Now, Sir, had this letter been published alone it might not 
 have seemed so serious, but taken in conjunction with what 
 followed it formed a most damaging article. 
 
 As my experience of the Government of the Lado Enclave 
 is so entirely opposite to the view taken of it by Lord Cromer, 
 I feel compelled, in fairness to the Belgian officials, to give my 
 views of the country and its Government. That I am not 
 alone in discovering so much that is good in the Belgian ad- 
 ministration of the Lado Enclave is vouched for by other Eng- 
 lish officers who have hunted and travelled among the natives 
 beyond the waters west of the Nile. 
 
 I assume from Lord Cromer's report, and from what I was 
 told at Lado, that he only landed at the Kiro and Lado sta- 
 tions, so that the greater part of his report must have been 
 founded on inform.ation supplied by others, which, besides 
 being often incorrect, might possibly have reference to times 
 gone by, when, I believe, a certain official was promptly dis- 
 missed the service for unfair treatment of the natives. 
 
 Lord Cromer compares the deserted appearance of the west 
 banks of the Nile with the east bank between Kiro and Lado. 
 
 My experience of this part was that you could hardly see 
 anything of the west bank, owing to the channel lying well 
 over to the east, and endless sudd stretching to the west. The 
 reasons for natives not living near the bank I give later on. 
 
 Again, Lord Cromer contrasts the peaceful, settled state 
 and the confidence of the tribes under English rule on the Nile 
 as compared with those on Belgian territory; yet within a 
 few months of his visit a whole British force was annihilated 
 on the Bahr el Ghazal, while in the Game Ordinance published 
 last year it stated: "The whole of the left bank of the Nile 
 is at present closed to sportsmen, owing to the unsettled state 
 of the natives." 
 
 Since my return I see that yet another British force has been
 
 4o6 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 severely handled by the natives. Through the whole of my 
 Congo trip, absolutely alone, I wandered about, visiting 50 
 different tribes and hundreds of villages, armed as a rule with 
 a camera, umbrella, and, at times, a collecting gun. Yet I 
 had no unpleasant experiences; on the contrary, I was re- 
 ceived with kindness far different to any I ever met with 
 when hunting among British African natives. 
 
 As I went up the Nile I heard the same stories Lord Cromer 
 did — as to how all the natives were flying across the river 
 from the Belgian country owing, I was told, to ill-treatment. 
 As I spent a month hunting all the district 40 miles inland 
 from Lado and Kiro, looked after by the two big Bari chiefs, 
 Kenion and Fariala, I took great interest in learning all I 
 could, and, owing to my capitow talking Arabic, the chiefs' 
 favourite language, I had excellent chances for finding out 
 all I wanted. 
 
 To my question as to whether many of their tribes went 
 over the river, and why, they replied: "A few boys ran away 
 the other side, but mostly bad bo3'-s who won't work." Asked 
 again, if a few good men went, and, if so, why, they answered: 
 " English pay in money ; some boys, if once had money, like it 
 better than being paid in cloth or beads," but no mention of 
 ill-treatment. 
 
 Lord Cromer considers because the native villages happen 
 at these particular posts to be several hours' distant, that this 
 is also owing to bad treatment. I wish to point out that the 
 villages must either be right on the Nile bank, or inland where 
 they are, for the whole country between is waterless during 
 four months. Another reason given for not living on the Nile 
 was that in olden days the few who did so were all killed or 
 taken prisoners by the Dervishes; hence the survivors kept 
 clear of waterways. 
 
 Again, there are no sites for villages near the river, as nearly 
 all the banks, lying low, are covered with marsh a.nd sudd, har- 
 bouring millions of mosquitoes, whereas a few miles inland 
 there is good water, not a single mosquito, plenty of game, 
 with good grass and tillage land. 
 
 When I visited Gondokoro every one was complaining at
 
 
 I
 
 Testimony of Travellers and Thinkers 407 
 
 having the station on the Nile, instead of a few miles inland, 
 for similar reasons. 
 
 One of the wisest rules of the Congo is not to allow native 
 villages adjoining the posts; and I hear we are copying the 
 same on the West Coast; it means a reduction of 75 per cent, 
 in sickness. 
 
 That no natives live near Lado arises from purely natural 
 causes. Lord Cromer would find plenty of posts in the in- 
 terior, with thousands of natives settled as near as they are 
 allowed to. 
 
 Another statement, that "the soldiers are allowed full lib- 
 erty to plunder the natives," is by no means correct. During 
 my journey I saw hundreds of soldiers being sent off on dif- 
 ferent work — such as postal. Government despatches, fetching 
 in porters, etc. ; but not one ever left without having received 
 cloth, beads, or wire sufficient to purchase all necessary food. 
 I quite admit a few of the soldiers helped themselves now and 
 again, and I found the worst sinners in this respect were our 
 own Sierra Leone boys, a number of whom take service in the 
 Congo. Should their acts be reported they are quickly dealt 
 with. 
 
 During my trip I must have employed over 1200 porters. 
 I can only say I never came across a more cheerful, well- 
 disposed set of men. I never had the least trouble with 
 them, though asking them to march 30 and 40 miles a day. 
 How often I thought of my woes and worries in British Cen- 
 tral Africa, never knowing how many porters would run away 
 each night, though only marching ten miles a day! Had all 
 the accounts of ill-treatment and non-payment been true, 
 would men have come in so readily and worked for me as these 
 carriers did ? Many an hour at night I used to spend getting 
 them to talk about the country, its ways, and any grievances. 
 1 found, naturally, two or three officers who were evidently 
 disliked (no doubt I will be added to that list after our long 
 marches); but, on the other hand, they talked of many 
 officers as their "white fathers." As for the way in which 
 the Belgians have opened out the country, it is wonderful. 
 The posts are now all well-built brick houses, and in a few
 
 4o8 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 months' time most of the barracks will be similar; excellent 
 roads connect many of the posts, while all sorts of vegetables 
 and fruit are being grown, cattle and sheep also being intro- 
 duced in many parts. Though I was told in Khartoum by 
 several of our officers who had been stationed on the frontier 
 how well the Lado Enclave was run, I was quite astonished 
 at such progress. I am glad to see my views are shared by 
 Major Gibbons and Captain Bell, both of whom have had 
 chances of seeing life inland from the Nile. 
 
 I met during my wanderings several English and American 
 traders having concessions both in Uganda and the Congo. 
 These men have to visit all the villages. They all said the 
 same thing — that there was nothing wrong with the Govern- 
 ment of the Enclave. I also had a long and interesting talk 
 with Father Maguire, of the Roman Catholic mission station 
 at Amadi. He spoke most warmly in praise of the work done 
 by the Belgians in such a few years. He said: "Think of 
 what this country was only a few years ago, overrun with 
 Dervishes, decimated by the slave-dealers, the natives all 
 cannibals — and now you walk in here with only an umbrella 
 as a protection." 
 
 I can only add that I admire the excellent work being done 
 by such men as Commissioner General George Witerwulge, 
 Commandants Ravello (Lado), Menwnaer (Redjaf), Wacquez 
 (Buta), Holmes (Dungu), Grazione (Lodka), and all the many 
 other officers, too numerous to mention, who are quietly work- 
 ing hard, day after day, opening out those vast regions to 
 civilisation; and I shall never forget the kindness met with 
 at the hands of all, from the Nile to Boma. 
 
 I must apologise for trespassing on your valuable space, 
 
 but if I were to try and refute many of the statements I have 
 
 seen in print I should have to trespass considerably more. 
 
 Yours truly, 
 
 James J. Harrison. 
 Bachelors' Club, London, 
 
 June 6th. 
 
 P. S. — Since writing the above I see in to-day's Morning 
 Post quotations from some English trader in Matadi. He
 
 Testimony of Travellers and Thinkers 409 
 
 says: "From all I hear, things up country are worse than 
 ever. In the Mayumbe country, behind Boma even, the 
 State has begun collecting rubber by force from the natives." 
 
 As I happened to travel home on the same boat as Mr. Ave, 
 an American missionary, who has for some years been in charge 
 of this Mayumbe district, his statements to me may be of 
 interest. Mr. Ave said all these reports were untrue; that 
 the district was governed by an officer who was most kind and 
 considerate in all his dealings with the natives; that he had 
 carefully readjusted the taxation so as to fall as fairly as pos- 
 sible with regard to villages and population of same; and 
 that the officer was universally respected by all the natives as 
 a kind and just man. The same Morning Post article seems to 
 be slightly inconsistent. It quotes one Equatorial mission- 
 ary as saying that "the white man will be swept out of the 
 Congo and a revolution will take place within two years," 
 while farther on it quotes the Matadi trader "as deprecating 
 the founding of a new post for i,ooo soldiers at Bomasundi." 
 
 Surely, if the first assumption is correct, the wisdom of the 
 second is sound. I am glad to find since my return that few 
 people take notice of or believe those wonderful statements, 
 copied from a more wonderful paper — the West African Mail. 
 
 This is the way Major James Harrison a few days 
 later demolishes a side issue raised by Mr. Morel. 
 The letter is addressed to the Editor of the Morning 
 Post (London), and appeared in that journal of June 
 25, 1904: 
 
 Mr. Morel in your paper to-day himself answers the question 
 asked him by others, viz.. Why has the Congo Reform Associa- 
 tion noticed my statements? If they were incorrect surely 
 his letter would have dealt with them, instead of which all 
 he can say is that I am attacking a man of Mr. Casement's 
 standing. 
 
 While quite ready to take full responsibility for any letter 
 or interview alluded to by Mr. Morel, I absolutely deny having 
 attacked the character of our Consul in any way, nor did I
 
 4IO Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 find in Boma Belgian officers "showering abuse" on him. 
 Like myself they (and most people over here with, whom I 
 have discussed it) did not think it a wise appointment, and 
 certainly it placed Mr. Casement in an awkward and un- 
 enviable position; but after all he would only carry out his 
 orders. But as to the travelling about on a mission steamer 
 I most strongly assert it was a most unfortunate error. It is 
 well known to all natives on which side most of the Protestant 
 and Baptist missionaries are, and to expect them to give 
 contradictory evidence in such circumstances was attributing 
 to them virtues unpossessed. I have noted Mr. Morel places 
 much of the Belgian evidence (say, the Epondo case) out of 
 court for the selfsame reasons. After the using of a mission 
 steamer I hardly see that any work Mr. Casement might have 
 been interested in originally could make any difference. Still, 
 for his own sake it might be wise if Mr. Morel stated exactly 
 what occupations or duties he was interested in, say, between 
 1885 and 1900. I trust Mr. Morel in his next letter will deal 
 more fully with my "absurdities" put forward in my letter, 
 and not have to simply try and find an imaginary attack on a 
 gentleman for whom, through mutual friends, I have every 
 respect. 
 
 My object in entering this Congo controversy is to try and 
 place before the English public a more broad-minded view of 
 the question, and while making allowances for the well-nigh 
 insuperable difficulties the Congo Government have had to 
 contend with, at the same time try to help on improvements 
 for the future, rather than dwell entirely on the past. I can 
 assure Mr. Morel that I am by no means alone in my "ab- 
 surd views," but will be supported by others who have lately 
 crossed the whole Congo State, blessed with an open mind. 
 
 Yours, &c., 
 
 James J. Harrison. 
 
 Bachelors' Club, London, 
 
 June 24th.
 
 CHAPTER XXXIII 
 
 TESTIMONY OF TRAVELLERS AND THINKERS 
 (Continued) 
 
 THE three authorities whose testimony was given 
 in the preceding chapter are all distinguished 
 travellers of British nationality. It is now 
 proposed to lay before the reader the opinions held 
 upon Belgian Administration in the Congo 
 by three well-known Americans — Mr. James ^«"ca° 
 
 -' "^ Opinion. 
 
 Gustavus Whiteley of Baltimore, member 
 of the Institute of International Law, who has repre- 
 sented the United States Government at several in- 
 ternational congresses; the Rev. W. H. Leslie, a 
 missionary of the American Baptist Missionary 
 Union; and Mr. Mohun, a former United States 
 Consul at Boma. 
 
 MR. JAMES G. WHITELEY 
 
 It is unfortunate that so many false impressions about the 
 Congo have been accepted without examination. For exam- 
 ple, there is a popular belief that the King runs the Congo 
 " for revenue only," and that he oppresses the natives in order 
 to extort money from them. The exact opposite is the truth. 
 The King receives no revenue from the Congo Government; 
 on the contrary the State owes its very existence to the gen- 
 erosity of the King, who advanced several million dollars to 
 keep the Government going in its early struggle for existence. 
 
 411
 
 412 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 It is true that there are in the Congo extensive Crown lands, 
 the revenue from which belongs to the King, but His Majesty- 
 refuses to take the receipts from this land and has turned the 
 money into a fund for the erection of schools, the encourage- 
 ment of science, and similar purposes. He does not even 
 manage the fund himself, but has placed it in the hands of 
 three trustees. 
 
 I have seen the statement in several newspapers that the 
 Congo State was created by the Berlin Conference in 1885 
 and placed in the hands of King Leopold for administration, the 
 Powers reserving a sort of right of guardianship over it. This 
 is entirely erroneous. The Congo was a sovereign State before 
 the Berlin Conference was thought of. The first official ac- 
 knowledgment of the new State came from the United States 
 in the spring of 1884. It was afterwards formally recognised 
 by the other nations, and it entered the Berlin Conference on 
 an equality with the other Powers. It has never placed 
 itself under the guardianship of any Power or collection of 
 Powers. It has no connection with Belgium except the fact 
 that King Leopold happens to be king of each of them. The 
 two Governments are entirely independent. 
 
 One of the great achievements of the Congo State has been 
 the suppression of the Arab slave-traders, who were in the 
 habit of invading Central Africa, carrying oif slaves to the 
 eastern markets, and laying waste the country through which 
 they passed. It is estimated that 100,000 natives were killed 
 each year in these slave raids. I recently saw an erroneous 
 statement to the effect that the slave raids are still carried on, 
 and that they are encouraged by King Leopold and his agents 
 as a means of revenue. It is difficult to see how the King or 
 his Government could reap any profit by encouraging the slave- 
 raiders to destroy the villages, and kill off a hundred thou- 
 sand or so of the inhabitants. Such lack of logic is damaging 
 to the case of the gentlemen who put it forward as a serious 
 argument. As Lord Westbury once said to a young English 
 barrister: "Never make a mistake in your logic; the facts 
 are always at your disposal." 
 
 In this case, however, the anti-Congo critics have availed
 
 w 
 
 (^ 

 
 Testimony of Travellers and Thinkers 413 
 
 themselves of both false logic and false "facts." The facts 
 are that the slave-raiders were finally vanquished and driven 
 out by the Congo forces in the early nineties, after a severe 
 struggle and at the cost of much Belgian blood. As the 
 present Viceroy of India said some years ago: "The Congo 
 Free State has done a great work and by its administration 
 the cruel raids of the Arab slave-dealers have ceased to exist 
 over many thousand square miles." 
 
 Another prevalent error about the Congo Government is in 
 regard to the treatment of the natives by the officials. An 
 impression has got abroad that there are many atrocities 
 committed. 
 
 There have been cases in which the natives have been mal- 
 treated by minor officials, but these are isolated cases, and 
 are severely punished by the authorities. Such cases have 
 occurred in all public services where an attempt has been 
 made to govern inferior ' aces. Such things have happened 
 in the Philippines, in British Africa, and in India. No colo- 
 nising nation can cast a stone at King Leopold on that score. 
 Among a large number of officials scattered over a vast terri- 
 tory there will often be one or two wicked stewards who de- 
 spitefully use the natives. All that any State can do is to 
 keep vigilant watch and to punish the wrongdoers, and this 
 the Congo State has done. It has even established a Com- 
 mission for the protection of the natives. By the decree of 
 1896, this Commission consisted of seven members, three 
 being Catholic priests and four Protestant missionaries. 
 
 It has been said, among other things, that the State prac- 
 tically enslaves the natives by forcing them to pay a tax in 
 labour. The tax is light. According to a statement made 
 the other day by Baron de Favereau, it consists of 40 hours' 
 work per month, and for this work they are paid at the regular 
 rate of wages obtained in the district. It is a tax which helps 
 the State and also helps the native, for it teaches him to 
 work. It is one of the most civilising influences in African 
 colonisation, for it is only by teaching habits of industry to 
 the natives that civilisation can make any progress in the 
 Dark Continent.
 
 414 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 The detractors of the Congo administration make a great 
 outcry, but as Burke said in one of his celebrated speeches: 
 "You must not think because the crickets make a great noise 
 that they are the only inhabitants of the field. The cattle 
 browsing in the shade make less stir, but they are infinitely 
 more important." Those who cry out against the Congo are 
 a small band, and generally of small importance. Their evi- 
 dence is light in comparison with the testimony of such men 
 as the Count de Smet de Naeyer, the Baron van Eetvelde, 
 Baron Wahis, the Chevalier Descamps, and Mr. Nys, but if 
 these witnesses be considered as in any way prejudiced on 
 account of their official positions, you have only to look at the 
 evidence of Sir Harry Johnston, late British Commissioner to 
 Uganda, as well as the evidence of such men as Cardinal 
 Lavigerie, Paul Leroy-Beaulieu, the great authority on po- 
 litical economy, Mr. Pickersgill, the British Consul, besides 
 the missionaries, such as the Rev. G. Grenfell, of the British 
 Baptist Missionary Society, Mgr. Augouard, Rev. Holman 
 Bentley, Father van Hencxthoven, Rev. Herbert S. Smith, 
 Mgr. Streicher, Rev. Lawson Forfeit, Father Gabriel, and Rev. 
 W. Verner of the American Presbyterian Mission. 
 
 The Congo State furnishes a model for civilisation in new 
 countries. A great work has been accomplished in Equa- 
 torial Africa, and, as a distinguished missionary said, "Pos- 
 terity will place the name of Leopold at the head of human 
 benefactors for the princely enterprise, perseverance, and 
 sacrifices contributed by him in such a cause." 
 
 THE REV. W. H. LESLIE 
 
 In a recent number of the Missionary Review of 
 the World, a magazine pubUshed by Messrs. Funk & 
 Wagnalls of New York, there appeared an article 
 written by the Rev. W. H. LesHe, a missionary of 
 the American Baptist Missionary Union, stationed in 
 the Congo. In that article Mr. Leslie refers to the 
 exceeding degradation of the Congo people twenty
 
 Testimony of Travellers and Thinkers 415 
 
 years ago. He states that, naturally, not a little 
 evil remains, that immorality and various heathen 
 practices are still prevalent. But he speaks with 
 much enthusiasm of the social and moral uplifting 
 and the industrial development within that twenty 
 years. He says4;hat the people are learning to work, 
 are learning to read and write, are clothing them- 
 selves, and are building better houses. In other 
 words, they are gradually adopting the manners and 
 customs of civilisation. 
 
 MR. MOHUN 
 
 Of course you must understand that for the moment I am 
 in the service of the Congo Free State, and a great many- 
 people might consider anything I should say in favour of the 
 Congo as being biased; but I can assure you that, in my 
 opinion, it would be impossible for any one to give other than 
 a favourable report on the work of the Free State in the East- 
 em province. The administration is excellent. The country 
 is quite quiet from the Falls to Tanganyika. The native 
 tribes seem contented and happy, and are paid by the Govern- 
 ment for every stroke of work they do. The price of rubber 
 has increased, and every man who brings in rubber receives 
 pay for it. Formerly robbery and murder existed to a great 
 extent among the native tribes, but are now quite rare; and 
 the old "Mwavi," or ordeal by drinking poison, seems to be 
 disappearing. Justice is administered with an impartial 
 hand, and I firmly believe the natives are beginning to ap- 
 preciate the benefits of good government. 
 
 Some months ago a woman was shot dead near my camp. 
 I immediately sent for the chief, and told him I wanted the 
 murderer arrested and brought in. Three hours later he re- 
 turned with him and also two accessories to the crime, to- 
 gether with all the stuffs they had stolen from the woman. 
 The principal actor in the crime was tried and hanged, while
 
 4'6 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 the others received long terms of punishment. This incident 
 is merely cited to show that when the natives are living in 
 a contented way, and are satisfied with their surroundings, 
 they will assist the Europeans wherever possible. I could enu- 
 merate a dozen cases where natives have themselves arrested 
 and brought to justice thieves, ravishers,&c., of their own ac- 
 cord. They never received a present for these services. In 
 the Manyema, which is very thickly populated, a great market 
 has been established at Vieux Kasongo, and this serves as a 
 meeting-place for thousands twice a week. Caravans come 
 from Ujiji nearly every month, and the natives journey there 
 by a 15 or 20 days' march. I never saw a disturbance at the 
 market, either going or returning. By common consent guns, 
 knives, spears, and knobkerries are excluded from articles of 
 exchange, and the men only carry thin walking-sticks. There 
 are no soldiers guarding the market, but immunity from 
 thieves is guaranteed by some ten or twelve native policemen, 
 who receive no pay, and are highly pleased to have an oppor- 
 tunity of showing their authority. 
 
 I have been astonished in coming down river from Kasongo 
 to the coast to see what extraordinary changes have taken 
 place. First, the administration is now established on a good, 
 firm basis, and all the officials take an intelligent interest in 
 their work, with the result that scandals are quite a thing of 
 the past. The stations are all splendidly and solidly built in 
 brick, and the grounds are laid out in a very pleasing way. 
 The transport service by canoe between Kasongo and Stanley 
 Falls goes without a hitch, and thousands of loads go up river 
 every year, absolutely unguarded, and the loss by theft is 
 almost nil. The steamer service between the Falls and Pool 
 is good, and an enormous improvement over the old days, 
 especially in the matter of messing. The large steamers 
 Hainaut and Brabant are most imposing-looking craft, and 
 comfortably fitted up. They carry 200 tons of cargo and 600 
 troops, in addition to 40 white passengers. The new steamer 
 La Flandre, of 250 tons, is on the slip at Leo, and I think will 
 make her first trip in February next year (1904). She is to 
 be lighted by electricity. So far as I know, the whole coimtry
 
 Testimony of Travellers and Thinkers 417 
 
 is tranquil, with the exception of a small portion of the Ban- 
 gala district north of Bumba. 
 
 It has been the fashion during the past for travellers who 
 have been in the Congo State to run it down in every way, 
 but it gives me the greatest pleasure to be able to affirm that 
 only a most captious critic would be able to find fault with its 
 administration to-day. 
 
 With regard to specific pronouncement on the alleged mur- 
 der of several hundred natives who failed to supply the re- 
 quired quota of rubber, I can say nothing, it having been out 
 of my district. Personally, I do not believe it, excepting in 
 a vastly modified degree ; and I must point out that the au- 
 thorities are taking such steps as must bring any offenders to 
 summar}^ justice. I absolutely deny the absurd attempt to 
 fasten responsibilities upon the authorities for any acts of 
 violence they cannot control from this side. Such acts com- 
 mitted while I was there would have been reported, and it is 
 evident the}^ are now taking steps to prevent, in so far as 
 possible, any recurrence of them. In all human institutions 
 there are imperfections ; here and there employees prove them- 
 selves unworthy of the trust reposed' in them; but these, in 
 my opinion, are exceptions rather than the rule.
 
 CHAPTER XXXIV 
 
 TESTIMONY OF TRAVELLERS AND THINKERS 
 
 {Contintied) 
 
 ALEXANDER DAVIS 
 
 THE following valuable testimony is extracted 
 from an interesting volume written by this 
 gentleman, entitled The Native Problem in 
 South Africa: 
 
 The Congo atrocities campaign is fed upon just a sufficient 
 substratum of truth to make it plausible. But the public in 
 their administered sentimentality travel very wide of the true 
 case. After a full career of blood-curdling horrors unhesitat- 
 ingly placed at the door of the administration in highest au- 
 thority irrespective of conditions of environment or personal 
 responsibility, a Sir Harry Johnston, accepted authority, in 
 plenitude of personal knowledge and experience presents a 
 rock of fact which checks the wave of misrepresentation. 
 
 In the Congo Free State in addition to the superior council 
 to advise the King in Belgium, the Governor General has the 
 assistance of a similar nominated body at Boma. Local con- 
 ditions here do not admit at present of following the French 
 system, but it is guided largely in its deliberations by the 
 reports and advice of the district commissioners who with the 
 co-operation of the local chiefs and their own officials form 
 really limited autonomous administrations. 
 
 Turning to the Congo Free State the general division of the 
 territory, from an administrative point of view, is based on the 
 
 418
 
 Testimony of Travellers and Thinkers 419 
 
 districts at the head of each of which is a district commis- 
 sioner representing the State. The commissioner is assisted 
 by sub-commissioners, but is alone responsible for the good 
 order of his district. Their principal instructions, on which 
 the State lays great stress, are to maintain friendly relations 
 with the natives and wherever possible to prevent or patch up 
 intertribal disputes; they are also charged with abolishing 
 as far as possible barbarous customs and especially human 
 sacrifices and cannibalism, still practised over a large extent 
 of the territory. ... In close co-operation with the 
 district commissioner is the native chief or chiefs of the dis- 
 trict. The institution and recognition of these are encouraged 
 by the State in order to improve the relations between it and 
 the natives, to consolidate authority over individuals, to 
 ameliorate their condition, and to facilitate their regular con- 
 tribution to the development of the country. The chiefs have, 
 as a rule, to be first recognised as such by native custom, and 
 are then officially recognised by the Government, and receive 
 a certificate to that effect. They are allowed to exercise 
 their usual authority according to native usage and custom, 
 provided the same be not contrary to public order and is in 
 accordance with the laws of the State. They are held per- 
 sonally responsible for their tribe's supply of public labour as 
 notified to them annually. The acknowledged native chiefs 
 number 258. 
 
 The safeguards provided by the co-operation of the chiefs, 
 and the supervision of the central authority are now on the 
 Congo supplemented, as far as human action under such condi- 
 tions can go, by a very thorough organisation of the judicial 
 side of the Government. It has pleased many of the critical 
 theorists who have attacked the Congo Free State to say that 
 this latter has been established merely as a blind to the actions 
 of the administration. It may be merely remarked that no 
 infant struggling State is likely to go to the great expense of 
 such an elaborate and widely organised system of justice as 
 has now been called into existence on the Congo pour rire, and 
 furthermore that jurists of the character of those now serving 
 on the Congo are not those capable of lending themselves to
 
 420 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 such practices. A certain amount of latitude must of course 
 be made for the different conditions in individual countries, 
 especially when in a state of savagery, but generally speaking 
 the Congo tribunals do their duty as well as similar ones in 
 British colonies. 
 
 The Sovereign and Government of the Congo Free State 
 have stated over and over again that they desire justice to be 
 rendered impartially, and that as it is necessary that offences 
 committed by natives should not remain unpunished, so 
 penal laws must also be applied to the whites who are guilty 
 of illegal doings. The mere fact of having constituted a 
 superior court of appeal with judges of different nationalities 
 and of appointing foreign lawyers and magistrates as judges 
 and officials of the lower courts in the interior of the country 
 is a proof, and a more than evident guarantee, of the impar- 
 tiality and seriousness of the judicial administration aimed 
 at. The writer holds no brief for the Congo Free State ; rather 
 the contrary in fact, but in common fairness after a very lengthy 
 study of its judicial machinery, laws, and decrees, and the in- 
 structions given to its officials, he finds it difficult to conceive 
 what more King Leopold could have done to safeguard its in- 
 ternal affairs than has now been done — given the peculiar con- 
 ditions of the country. The abuses which have from time 
 to time arisen in the past have been due, as far as one ac- 
 quainted with similar conditions in West Africa can see, to 
 three things, viz. : (i) to the abuse of power by agents of the 
 concessionaire companies before the State had fully realised 
 the necessity of keeping a sharp control over these semi-inde- 
 pendent individuals; (2) to the want of experience of early 
 officials ; and (3) to the lack of trained colonial servants whose 
 known antecedents and constitutions fitted them for isolated 
 and arduous responsibility in an unhealthy, tropical, and sav- 
 age country. It is only right to add, however, that though 
 isolated misdeeds may still continue to occur here as every- 
 where else, the measures now in force guard as far as possible 
 against a repetition of the former regrettable occurrences, and 
 where these occur the offenders are brought to trial without 
 delay.
 
 Public Library, Matadi. 
 
 Soldiers' Mess at Coquilhatville, (Equateur).
 
 Testimony of Travellers and Thinkers 421 
 
 The native idea represents that of primitive society every- 
 where in the world, the European that of latter-day civilisa- 
 tion; and if this were always borne in mind, less nonsense 
 would be written by those ill-informed sentimentalists who 
 insist on treating the former on the lines of the latter. 
 
 Nothing is more astounding in regard to the Congo cam- 
 paign — to take a very flagrant case in point — than the utter 
 ignorance displayed by those who, while violently denouncing 
 every detail of Congo administration, appear to be totally un- 
 aware either of the past history of social evolution, of modem 
 civilisation in Europe, or of the conditions existing in other 
 African countries at the present day. 
 
 We have here (British Central Africa) admitted, as in 
 Uganda where we have shown that it has been actually carried 
 out, the right of the British Crown to assume ownership of 
 "vacant lands," and the principle enunciated that the reserves 
 allotted must be sufficient to allow of the lying fallow of the 
 ground for a period of three years in addition to allowing a 
 proportion for the natural increase of the family. Had the 
 same principles set forth above been applied to the early days 
 to British West Africa that country would be far more pros- 
 perous and advanced than is the case to-day. 
 
 Bearing these facts in mind it is possible to understand 
 more fully the situation on the Congo where the general sys- 
 tem has been pursued of assuming possession of the vacant 
 lands and allotting to natives reserves throughout the country, 
 though it may be remarked that on the plea of conquest alone 
 the State has a valid title to a large part of the country apart 
 from that set forth. 
 
 In the case of the Congo Free State, however, the opposite 
 course has been taken, i. e., the State has undertaken the 
 direct exploitation of its private domains, the profits realised 
 being allotted to public works and the expenses of administra- 
 tion ; and without stopping to examine the necessities of 
 the case its critics have eagerly seized on this as a point of 
 attack. 
 
 When criticisms, however, are raised against the very com- 
 plete system of land tenure now in existence on the Congo as
 
 42 2 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 regards the State, non-natives and natives, it is as well to re- 
 member that the exploitation of the land by the State is an 
 after and separate act quite unconnected with the assumption 
 of sovereign powers over the land in the State, which latter is 
 in accord with general European and universal American cus- 
 tom, though after all whether a State raises mone^^ for public 
 revenues by selling, leasing, or by personally exploiting the 
 State lands seems to be a mere matter of detail in which the 
 principle of the action is exactly the same. En passant it 
 may be remarked that the Royal Niger Comj)any, though an 
 administration, raised its principal revenue and paid its divi- 
 dends by its trade — not by duties or taxes. 
 
 Further south, getting down to the Congo again, we find a 
 State which, sharing these views, has the courage of its convic- 
 tions and acts upon them to the great scandal of our own 
 Exeter Hall set, no doubt, but to the very marked improve- 
 ment of the native races affected as well as to the development 
 and opening up of the State. 
 
 It will have been observed in what special terms 
 Mr. Davis repudiates personal interest in champion- 
 ing the Congo Administration against its detractors. 
 Should any reader be so sceptical as to question the 
 accuracy of that repudiation, attention is invited to 
 the following declarations by three English states- 
 men, two of them of high political attainment, and 
 all three by social position and actual record of 
 approved bona- fides. 
 
 VISCOUNT CURZON, VICEROY AND GOVERNOR-GENERAL 
 
 OF INDIA 
 
 It is only fair to remember that the Congo State has done 
 a great work, and by its administration the cruel raids of 
 Arab slave-dealers have ceased to exist over many thousands 
 of square miles.
 
 Testimony of Travellers and Thinkers 423 
 
 THE LATE MARQUESS OF SALISBURY, K.G., PREMIER 
 OF THE BRITISH PARLIAMENT 
 
 Look at the Congo State. Everything has not gone there 
 as well as could be wished, but still a great domination is main- 
 tained. There are two sets of opinions; but what is un- 
 doubtedly true is that Belgium — a very much less powerful 
 country than Great Britain — has been able to maintain the 
 dominion of her King over a territory larger than the Sudan. 
 
 THE MARQUESS OF SALISBURY 
 
 Lord Cranborne, now Marquess of Salisbury, declared, during 
 the debate of 20th May, 1903, in the House of Commons, that 
 "There was no doubt that the administration of the Congo 
 Government had been marked by a very high degree of a 
 certain kind of administrative development. There were 
 steamers upon the river, hospitals had been established, and 
 all the machinery of elaborate judicial and police systems had 
 been set up."
 
 CHAPTER XXXV 
 
 TESTIMONY OF TRAVELLERS AND THINKERS 
 {Concluded) 
 
 A 
 
 MONG the denunciators of the Congo Adminis- 
 tration a prominent place must be assigned to 
 
 DR. H. GRATTAN GUINNESS 
 
 {English) 
 
 a part medical, part missionar} , wholly illogical per- 
 verter of facts. The plimges made by this eccentric 
 individual into the depths of human credulity would 
 certainly receive no attention in this place but for 
 the strange circumstance that some people have 
 actually so far belied their intelligence as to accept 
 them without investigation. Strange to relate, Mr. 
 Booker Washington (a singular lapse of sagacity in 
 a man so generally intelligent) is among those whose 
 credulity has been abused by stories of strings of 
 Negroes' hands being set to dry in the sun, the said 
 hands having been cut off from natives by wicked 
 European officials of the Congo Administration as a 
 punishment for failure to collect a sufficiency of 
 rubber, etc. 
 
 In the course of a recent lecture in Scotland, Dr. 
 Guinness said : "To our knowledge the natives never 
 
 424
 
 Testimony of Travellers and Thinkers 425 
 
 mutilated their victims by cutting off their hands. 
 The wild Ngombe never practised the mutilation re- 
 ferred to. It was reserved for civilisation to intro- 
 duce this certificate of death." 
 
 Now it is a matter of history, quite outside the 
 realms of argument, that punishment by bodily 
 mutilation has been practised by natives of Central 
 Africa from the earliest times of which we have any 
 record. Here is a sentence taken from a book en- 
 titled The First Christian Mission on the Congo, 
 published before the Congo State came into exist- 
 ence, written by Mrs. H. Gratten Guinness: 
 
 From half a million to a million of lives are annually sacri- 
 ficed in the slave trade, and as many more in all probability 
 in inter-tribal wars and contests. Physically a land of sun- 
 shine and beauty and redundant life, it is spiritually a land of 
 darkness, deformity, and death. 
 
 This evidence, given by the wife of Dr. Grattan 
 Guinness in 1882, is a strange foundation for Dr. 
 Guinness to erect his 1904 statement upon. Let us 
 hear what other people have to say upon this subject. 
 
 COMMANDER LOVETT CAMERON 
 {English) 
 In Ouroua only two punishments are known, mutilation 
 and the penalty of death. Both are much in use, but espe- 
 cially the former. For the least offence the chief and his 
 lieutenants cut off a finger, a Hp, a portion of the ear or of the 
 nose. For more serious offences, they cut off the hands, etc. 
 
 DR. WILLIAM JUNKER 
 {German) 
 
 Mazindeh wished to punish the man according to A-Zandeh 
 law by cutting off a finger. ... I saw a man who had been
 
 426 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 punished by the loss of his finger and of another important 
 member. A Mahngdeh told me he knew about twenty men 
 who had been similarly punished. 
 
 SIR JOHN KIRK 
 
 (English) 
 
 If slavery were abolished, all criminals would probably be 
 put to death or mutilated. 
 
 CARDINAL LAVIGERIE 
 
 {Belgian) 
 
 King Wemba, near Tanganyika, finding the wooden drum- 
 sticks too harsh for his ears, cut off the hands of his slaves 
 so that they might beat the drums with their stumps. 
 
 MR. J. A. MALONEY 
 {English) 
 
 The offender was lucky if he escaped with instant death, 
 for Msiri delighted in diabolical refinements of cruelty. Quite 
 minor crimes were punished by the lopping off of a hand or the 
 docking of an ear. In fact Msiri practised mutilation almost 
 as extensively as Kasongo. 
 
 MR. FREDERICK STANLEY ARNOT 
 
 {English) 
 
 Mr. Giraud noticed some men whose noses or ears had been 
 cut off. Mkewe's six drummers had a thumb on each hand 
 hut no fingers. . . . Mr. Giraud says that everywhere the 
 Bemba people practise these barbarous customs. First the 
 fingers and toes are cut off. 
 
 These quotations will surely prove that bodily 
 mutilation is essentially an African barbarity that
 
 Testimony of Travellers and Thinkers 427 
 
 prevailed more or less among all the tribes of the 
 Congo region, but is now almost entirely suppressed, 
 thanks to Belgian civilisation. The charge brought 
 by Dr. Grattan Guinness against that civilisation, 
 that it introduced and practises this certificate of 
 death, is a libel so monstrous that it carries with it 
 its own refutation. 
 
 MR. GRENFELL 
 
 (English Missionary) 
 
 The welcome that I have received and the faciHties ac- 
 corded me everywhere in the course of my journey through 
 the Eastern Province have made this journey very agreeable. 
 This is now the third day that I have received the hospitality 
 of this post, and before leaving it, which I expect to do to- 
 morrow morning, I consider that I must write and tell you 
 how happy I have been to have had the opportunity of making 
 this most interesting journey. In the course of my tour I 
 have been much struck by the order which has been estab- 
 lished, and by the real progress accomplished. When the 
 position of the country under the Arab domination is recalled, 
 and when the relatively brief number of years since the ter- 
 mination of the military operations rendered necessary by the 
 revolts is taken into account, the progress that has been made 
 is nothing less than marvellous. If in spite of such numerous 
 difficulties so much has been done, I am sure that when the 
 railway towards Ponthierville has been completed the pro- 
 gress will prove more rapid still. — May ji, igoj. 
 
 MR. WILLIAM FORFEIT 
 
 (English Baptist Missionary) 
 
 We arrived to-day at New Antwerp in order to take our 
 farewell before leaving for England. 1 much regret that we
 
 428 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 are not able to see you. I desire to thank you for the kind 
 interest and consideration for the mission at Upoto which 
 you ' have always displayed. 
 
 The condition of the natives is much improved, all the vil- 
 lages of the district can be visited in absolute safety, and I 
 beg to congratulate you on the tranquillity of the district of 
 which you are the Commissary -General. — March 14, igoj. 
 
 MESSRS. ASCENSO AND POLIDORI 
 
 {Italian Physicians) 
 
 The dwellings for soldiers and labourers are numerous in 
 Kabinda. They are symmetrically arranged and separated 
 from one another by wide alleys from 10 to 15 metres across. 
 Each black family has a separate house sufficiently large, 
 divided into two rooms. Each dwelling is raised half a metre 
 (nearly 20 inches) above the ground, and surrounded by a 
 verandah one metre broad. The soil has been well beaten 
 down, and the walls are whitened with lime. The roofing is 
 without a ceiling, with a large opening admitting ventilation; 
 each man sleeps on a bed raised one metre. The ground sur- 
 rounding the post is formed into separate small gardens in 
 which each soldier cultivates maize, manioc, etc. 
 
 All the villages around Kabinda are united to the post by 
 wide and long avenues, well kept up and bordered by trees 
 and pineapples. The natives greatly feel the effects of the 
 neighbourhood of the white man, and make every effort to 
 rival him in the maintenance, cleanliness, and prettiness of 
 their villages. The houses are placed on an elevation, and 
 are built in the same way as those of the soldiers with truly 
 remarkable care and propriety. Each house has two or three 
 rooms containing from 12 to 15 cubic metres, with good 
 verandahs, and meets the prescribed hygienic conditions. 
 
 Large free intervals separate the dwellings from one an- 
 other, and in them are the vegetable plantations. 
 
 A detail worthy of being pointed out is the great cleanli- 
 
 ^ The Commissary-General of New Antwerp.
 
 Testimony of Travellers and Thinkers 429 
 
 ness of the natives of this region. During the course of my 
 journey from the West Coast of Africa to Kabinda I remarked 
 many things, and I ascertained that at Kabinda all the natives, 
 in place of sleeping on the ground, have a raised bed, formed 
 by means of flexible canes with coverlets, stuffs, and mosquito 
 nets. There are houses that contain magnificent sarcophagi 
 of truly artistic work. 
 
 Everywhere there are small pieces of furniture coarsely 
 sculptured, but which reveal the artistic taste of this people 
 and their progressive march towards civilisation. It must 
 also be said that they have a marked desire to dress decently. 
 In conclusion, they are, in my opinion, the first people I met 
 in Africa who, without being spoilt by money, possess a rela- 
 tively advanced degree of civilisation, and an hygienic system 
 beyond dispute. 
 
 The fertility of the soil and the abundance of provisions of 
 all kinds allow of changing the food of the soldier and the 
 native. Their food generally consists of chickens, goats, wild 
 animals, manioc, maize, vegetables, and various fruits. They 
 feel the effects of this good nourishment. They are strong, 
 robust, support fatigue well, and consequently give little hold 
 to sickness. 
 
 On a hill close to the post a hospital has been constructed 
 by the natives. It contains three large rooms separated from 
 each other and containing loo cubic metres. — February 21, 
 1904. 
 
 MR. MAGUIRE 
 
 {English Missionary) 
 
 Though I have travelled by boat and on foot from Boma 
 to Amadi and higher up to Surunga, calling at all the State 
 stations; though I have visited many establishments, both 
 Catholic and non-Catholic, as well as some stations of inde- 
 pendent companies; though I have passed nights and days 
 in my tent in the forest and in villages of the natives; though 
 1 have had ample opportunities of seeing much in my jour- 
 neys as to how the natives are treated, I have never seen or
 
 430 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 heard of any of the atrocities with which the agents of the 
 Free State are charged. On the contrary, one cannot but 
 admire the wonderful progress that has been made in so short 
 a time, the commendable way in which the natives are treated, 
 the little work that is exacted of them, and the manner in 
 which they are punctually paid for every service rendered or 
 work done. The little work which is occasionally exacted of 
 them by way of tax in porterage or otherwise is as nothing 
 when compared with the immense benefits conferred upon 
 them by the State. In fact the methods of the Belgian officers 
 drew a highly complimentary eulogium from the Sirdar dur- 
 ing his recent visit to the Enclave of Lado — methods which, 
 he stated, might be followed with advantage by our English 
 officers: "Messieurs," said the Sirdar, "nous avons d'excel- 
 lentes lemons devant nos yeux." — March ji, igo4. 
 
 DR. CHRISTY 
 
 {English Physician) 
 
 I went to the Congo last September as a member of an ex- 
 pedition of the Liverpool School of Tropical Medicine, which 
 was despatched especially to investigate sleeping sickness in 
 the Congo, the same disease which so recently, as the public 
 know, broke out in such virulent epidemic form in Uganda. 
 For a considerable time I was in Leopold ville, which is the 
 Bombay of the Congo — that is, everybody throughout the 
 whole of the Congo goes through Leopoldville in order to 
 reach Europe and the outer world. Hence you can quite 
 understand that any one, like myself, for instance, stationed for 
 a time in Leopoldville, must, if he take any trouble at all, 
 come across all the officials from the whole of the Congo, who, 
 from various causes, are bound at intervals to be in or passing 
 through Leopoldville. Thus, whilst there I had excellent 
 opportunities of finding out exactly what happens in that 
 country, particularly as these men — that is, the officials of the 
 Congo — are extremely ready to talk. Besides opportunities 
 of acquiring information in that way, I have travelled on foot
 
 Testimony of Travellers and Thinkers 431 
 
 in the Belgian Congo State, and personally observed the con- 
 dition of things which prevails there. I assure you that if I 
 were to tell you all I know against the Congo Administration 
 it would amount to a very little indeed compared with what 
 I know in its favour. The credulousness of the British Gov- 
 ernment in respect of the Casement report is something mar- 
 vellous. Casement travelled up the river in a missionary 
 steamer, arm in arm with missionaries practically all the time, 
 and obtained all his information from the river bank instead 
 of personally investigating the various stories of outrage and 
 mutilation which he received. It is the most astonishing 
 thing that the British Government have given the Casement 
 report so much credence. 
 
 The agitation now going on with respect to atrocities in the 
 Congo is based on things that happened a long time ago. 
 There is no doubt that in times gone by atrocities have oc- 
 curred; but, thanks to the altered methods and conditions of 
 administration, such things are not likely to recur. The basin 
 of the Congo, mainly the Belgian Congo, is practically the 
 sole rubber-producing area of the world. This territor}^ also 
 contains the lowest class of natives in the whole of Africa. 
 The natives all over the East Coast — the Masai, the Nandi, 
 the Kaverondo, the Bukedi, the Baris, the Madis, the Dinkas, 
 the Shiluks, and others — stretching right away up to the 
 Soudan, are all a magnificent class of Negro, a fighting people, 
 a manly, upstanding people, who impressed me immensely. 
 I have been through parts of all their territories, and they are 
 indeed a magnificent set of people. Then you get towards 
 the West Coast — the basin of the Niger, where I was for nearly 
 two years, and you see a lower class of natives. On the Benue, 
 where the present punitive expedition is operating in Niaiger, 
 you have again a distinctly lower class of natives. Then, as 
 you go farther South, and get into the Congo watershed, you 
 come upon a still lower class of natives. The natives over large 
 areas in the Congo are cannibals to the present day. They are 
 a very low class of native indeed. That is the territory which 
 the Belgians have so successfully opened up for the rubber 
 trade. In that opening-up process they have had, as I say,
 
 432 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 to contend with absolutely the lowest class of natives in Africa 
 at the present day. As you travel through the Congo you 
 cannot help feeling — at all events any one like myself, who 
 has been through the British tropical colonies — that the 
 amount of general advancement and civilisation in the Congo 
 Free State is far ahead as compared with our own. This is 
 doubtless owing to the fact that the Belgians have made the 
 natives work. The Belgians have gone on the principle, to 
 begin with, that the native must be a participating element 
 in the development and civilisation of the country — that is, 
 that he must work with and for the white man, and thereby 
 benefit not only the white man but himself. I was immensely 
 impressed with the state of government and the advancement 
 and general opening-up of the Congo, the more so as I can 
 compare it with other districts under British control in which 
 I have been. We do not attempt to make the native work, 
 with the result that we do not get the benefit we should from 
 our Protectorates. Uganda and British East Africa are far 
 behind the Congo Free State. Not more than a third of 
 Uganda is opened up to administrative control. I once spent 
 ten months in Uganda, and visited every station in it, walk- 
 ing 2300 miles and returning down the Nile. The Belgians 
 have got stations everywhere in the Congo practically, and 
 most of the natives, except in one or two areas, are entirely 
 under control. The Uganda native is a fat, lazy chap, who 
 will do no work. There is no industry in Uganda. The Bel- 
 gians pay the Congo natives for their labour. They realise 
 that the native is a valuable asset in the country, and treat 
 him accordingly. It is surely obvious that it is not to the 
 interest of the Congo administrators to maim the native. 
 
 All the mutilations and cruelties which have been spoken 
 of took place in the early days of the opening-up process to 
 which the country has been subjected and before the railway 
 was constructed. The men who have been guilty of the 
 atrocities have not been Belgians in all cases. In many in- 
 stances they have been Italians who have been appointed to 
 the smaller outlying posts, the better and higher positions 
 being kept for Belgians. These Italians and other foreigners
 
 Testimony of Travellers and Thinkers 
 
 -i-v). 
 
 who have been given the charge of outlying stations have in 
 some cases perpetrated cruehies in times gone by. These men 
 were not accustomed to exercise power, and this led them to 
 ill-use the natives. That is how the atrocities such as these 
 were originated. But that has all gone now; they are all 
 cleared out. I have seen nineteen such men, chiefly Italians, 
 in prison at Boma on charges of cruelty, which proves that 
 the Belgians are doing their best to put a stop to the kind 
 of thing complained of. The agitation that is now going 
 on about atrocities is exaggerated out of all proportion to 
 the amount of the atrocities that happened at any time. 
 The Belgians are doing everything they can to supersede the 
 men who have acted improperly in the past; they, have 
 appointed inspectors for different districts, and they have 
 allowed inspectors appointed by the Italian Government and 
 the Scandinavian Government to go out into the Congo for 
 the purpose of keeping an eye on those of their own nationality 
 in positions of responsibility and control in the Congo Free 
 State. Things in the Congo now are very different to what 
 they were even two or three years ago. The King of the 
 Belgians has sent out Baron Dhanis — who had more to do 
 with opening up the Congo in the early days than anybody 
 else — to reorganise the whole military system of the Congo 
 Free State. There are to be two or three large military 
 centres in the Congo, and the soldiers will be much more 
 highly trained and be more under control. Hitherto the 
 small posts have recruited men from the surrounding villages, 
 and given them a bit of uniform and a rifle, and they have 
 gone about, supposed to be doing their duty, instead of which 
 they have probably been ill-treating the natives. The whole 
 thing will be changed now, however, for they will have a 
 much more highly organised army and a much higher class of 
 officer. It has been these unscrupulous foreigners — Itahans, 
 etc. — who have been guilty of the cruelties reported. Another 
 proof of the endeavours to stop any existing abuses of admin- 
 istration is the fact that a Belgian officer who for many years 
 held a high post in the Congo has recently been sent out by 
 the King as Royal High Commissioner, to investigate all 
 28
 
 434 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 questions of maladministration and, particularly, payment of 
 State employees and the natives for labour, with power there 
 and then to rectify or alter any existing rules which he thinks 
 might be amended in any part of the Congo, the territories of 
 concessionary companies included. With regard to the muti- 
 lations in the Congo, described by Mr. Casement, I may tell 
 you that only last year in Uganda I saw similar mutilations, 
 which, it is well known, were done by the natives in Uganda, 
 notably in King Mtesa's day. In walking through Toro and 
 Unyoro, I have seen men without noses, ears, and, frequently, 
 without hands. 
 
 With regard to Lord Cromer's assertion that in the Lado 
 Enclave the natives have left the banks of the river and the 
 immediate regions of the Belgian posts, — well, I have walked 
 along the Nile from the Albert Nyanza into the Soudan, and 
 visited the Belgian stations on the river, besides having seen 
 a good deal of the natives on both banks. I feel sure that 
 Lord Cromer is wrong when he states that the natives are 
 leaving the Belgian side and going over to the Uganda side. 
 The natives certainly had nothing to complain of, and cer- 
 tainly are not migrating across the river. As for there being 
 no villages round Lado Enclave, the explanation is that there 
 is for several months of the year absolutely no water and, 
 therefore, necessarily no villages. But at many other places 
 along the banks in the Lado Enclave there are large villages. 
 I saw several thousand natives at Wadelai, employed by the 
 Belgians in rebuilding the old fort of Emin Pasha, preparatory 
 to making a large station there, and they seemed quite con- 
 tented and happy, and worked like a hive of bees. The con- 
 clusion to which I am irresistibly driven as a disinterested 
 observer is that the present administration of the Congo is 
 not only free from cruelties, but is of the most complete and 
 efficient description, and counts for the fullest commercial 
 and industrial development of the Free State. I am sure that 
 that administration is doing its level best in every way, from 
 the highest to the lowest officer, to make the country prosper- 
 ous, and the native happy and useful. — June 23, 1904.
 
 Testimony of Travellers and Thinkers 435 
 
 MR. GREY 
 
 (English Civil Engineer) 
 
 From the "Morning Post" (London), January 20, igoj. 
 
 Since I returned to England a few weeks ago I have read 
 some correspondence in the Morning Post on the subject of the 
 administration in the Congo State. I am an EngUshman, 
 and have during the last two years led an expedition of the 
 Tanganyika Concessions (Limited), organised in Rhodesia 
 to explore and search for minerals in the Katanga district of 
 the Congo State. During the latter part of 1901 and the 
 whole of 1902 sections of this expedition have explored and 
 settled in the district of Katanga, and at the same time the 
 representatives of the Special Katanga Committee have occu- 
 pied and governed the country. It is almost impossible for 
 one man to have intimate knowledge of more than a portion 
 of the territory of the Congo Free State, and I can only claim 
 to know a small and remote section. Still, seeing that so 
 much attention has been directed of late to Belgian administra- 
 tion in the Congo, my experiences in that country may be of 
 interest. It is, perhaps, necessary to explain that the Special 
 Katanga Committee, the governing body in Brussels of the 
 territories of Katanga, is composed of the representatives of 
 an amalgamation between the separate interests of the Congo 
 Free State Government and the Katanga Company. The 
 former originally owned two-thirds, the latter one-third, of 
 that portion of the Congo State. This administration is 
 entirely Belgian, and the African staff is composed of a repre- 
 sentative of the committee, whose headquarters are at Lukon- 
 zolwa, on Lake Mweru, and who occupies the position of 
 administrator, and of numerous officials, civil and military, in 
 charge of the various sections of the district and departments 
 of the administration. The country is garrisoned by a large 
 force of native troops, with European officers. My duties 
 have confined me to the section of the district called the Upper 
 Luapula Section, which borders on the south and east with 
 Northern Rhodesia. I have visited the chief of that section,
 
 nI 
 
 436 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 Mr. Vervloet, at his headquarters at Lukafu, and an officer of 
 the Katanga force with a few soldiers has been attached to 
 my expedition. 
 
 I have, therefore, had considerable opportunity on the spot 
 of learning the instructions which the Special Committee give 
 their officials, and how those instructions are carried out. I 
 myself and many members of my expedition have become 
 fairly intimate with the native inhabitants of large portions 
 of this district, and have from time to time employed as 
 carriers and miners sevei^l hundred labourers. That the 
 natives of this country had never suffered ill-treatment from 
 white men was evident to me from the time I entered the 
 countr}^ They showed no hesitation in working for my ex- 
 pedition and in bringing quantities of food to sell, and always 
 seemed quite confident that fair payment would be given, both 
 for labour and food. I have lived for many years in parts of 
 Africa in which the native inhabitants were for the first time 
 coming under the influence of European government, and 
 where conditions rendered the aid of such government by 
 native troops necessary. It is almost impossible constantly 
 to restrain the tendency to oppress and ill-treat his less 
 powerful countrymen which is inherent in the native soldier, 
 and I do not believe that it ever happens that the advent of 
 that form of government is unaccompanied by acts of injustice 
 and oppression. Generally there is a constant effort on the 
 part of the European officer to prevent such acts and punish 
 offenders. My experience is that this is especially the case 
 in the district of Katanga. The regulations of the Special 
 Committee provide that no armed parties of soldiers should 
 travel or patrol without a European officer. Native soldiers 
 are not allowed to enter villages alone, and weekly markets 
 are held at which a European official buys food for his soldiers 
 from the neighbouring villages, so endeavouring to do away 
 as far as possible with direct dealing between the soldier and 
 the people. My experience of the last two years has con- 
 vinced me that in the district of Katanga at any rate the 
 Belgian officials endeavour to treat the Central African native 
 with justice and leniency, and in as great a degree as officials
 
 Testimony of Travellers and Thinkers 437 
 
 of any other nation look on him as a human being, with a 
 perfect right to sell his labour and his food on terms satisfac- 
 tory to himself. When I first entered the Congo, at the time 
 that the officials of the Special Committee were establishing 
 their government, and before I had come into personal con- 
 tact with them, I found some armed natives who posed as 
 soldiers of the Belgian Government, and who lived more or 
 less the life of robbers, raiding and stealing wherever they 
 went. The natives believed that these men were the au- 
 thorised police of the European Administration, whose white 
 officials they had not yet seen, and members of my expedition 
 reported to me on the shocking behaviour of the Belgian 
 Askari. I later learnt the complete mistake we had made in 
 believing these men to be Government employees. In a short 
 time they completely disappeared, caught or driven out by 
 the agents of the committee. The Ba-Luba and Wasanga, 
 the tribes we have been working among, are, we find, a peace- 
 able, industrious race, with practically no warlike propensity, 
 an easy prey to any organised hostile force. I am led to be- 
 lieve that their numbers have decreased during the last fifty 
 years owing to a continuous traffic in slaves with the Arabs 
 of the East and Mambunda of the West. To-day the slave 
 trade has ceased in this particular district, the traders being 
 afraid to come anywhere near the Belgian posts. To such an 
 extent have conditions changed with the advent of Belgian 
 administration that many small chiefs are now recovering in- 
 dividuals raided from them by their stronger neighbours and 
 not already sold to the traders when European control reached 
 the country. 
 
 In all discussions and criticism of the mistakes made by 
 European administration in Central Africa there is one condi- 
 tion which seems to me to be never taken into account. That 
 is the necessity of employing officials who have to spend a 
 long time learning how to do efficiently the work that they 
 have to carry on from the day they arrive at their posts. There 
 is no school in which to learn Central African Civil Service 
 except Central Africa, and it is impossible in Africa to obtain 
 a sufficient number of qualified officials. Not many go to
 
 438 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 Central Africa with the idea of making their permanent homes 
 there. It has been my own good fortune to settle in a healthy 
 part of Central Africa, but from my knowledge of the Conti- 
 nent as a whole, I think it is not an exaggeration to state that 
 two-thirds of the officials who leave Europe are, within five 
 3'ears of their arrival, either killed by the climate, invalided 
 home, or have left the country at the termination of an agree- 
 ment. All these have to be constantly replaced by inex- 
 perienced men, with their job to learn. What wonder then 
 that grievous mistakes are sometimes made by some of these 
 untried men, necessarily placed in responsible positions? In 
 writing this letter to you, I state onl}^ my own experience and 
 opinion of the spirit and effect of Belgian administration in 
 the district of Katanga ; but it seems natural to me to suppose 
 that the same spirit extends throughout the whole of the 
 Congo territory ; and it seems almost the duty, at the present 
 time, of any Englishman who has had opportunity to judge of 
 the general methods of Belgian administration to give pub- 
 licity to his knowledge. — Yours, etc., 
 
 G. Grey. 
 
 In presence of testimony such as this, it is not 
 matter for surprise that His Eminence, Cardinal 
 Cardinal Gibbons, should have characterised as in- 
 Gibbons Opportune the consideration by the recent 
 Speaks out. pg^^^g Congress at Boston of the oft -refuted 
 accusations brought against the Congo Free State. 
 Where not absolutely false in every particular (as 
 the majority of these slanderous stories most cer- 
 tainly are), they are grossly exaggerated, distorted 
 out of all resemblance to the events they are based 
 upon, and mendaciously attributed to a Government 
 that has consistently and unswervingly repressed 
 wrongdoing, of whatever kind, or by whomsoever 
 done, and brought the light of civilisation to a vast
 
 Testimony of Travellers and Thinkers 439 
 
 barbarian population more thoroughly and in less 
 time than was ever done before. 
 
 The opinion of Cardinal Gibbons upon this point 
 well appears in a letter addressed by His Eminence 
 to the Honorary Secretary of the Congo Reform 
 Association, of which the following is the full text. 
 
 HIS EMINENCE, CARDINAL GIBBONS 
 
 (American) 
 
 Baltimore, Oct. 21, 1904. 
 The Honorary Secretary, 
 
 Congo Reform Association. 
 
 Sir, — I avail myself of the first opportunity which has pre- 
 sented itself to acknowledge your letter of the i8th instant. 
 In that letter you call my attention to certain resolutions 
 adopted by the Peace Congress at Boston. I fail to see in 
 these resolutions any vote of censure upon the Congo Free 
 State. They express rather a desire for information in regard 
 to the international status of that State. 
 
 It appears that those who voted for the resolutions were in 
 need of enlightenment on the subject, but this information 
 lies near at hand. There is no need to appeal to any tribunal. 
 Diplomatic history, diplomatic correspondence concerning the 
 Independent State of the Congo, and the acts and the proto- 
 cols of the Conference of Berlin, as well as of the Conference 
 of Brussels, all prove conclusively that the Congo Free State 
 is an independent sovereign State, and that the powers have 
 no right of guardianship or intervention. 
 
 Your letter also refers to certain documents, such as the 
 British Parliamentary White Book, Africa, No. 7 (1904), 
 which, however, has not escaped my attention. Permit me 
 to say that this book, instead of proving your contention, 
 proves the exact contrary, and shows that both the adminis- 
 tration and the courts of the Congo are using their endeavours 
 to correct such evils as may exist — for no human government 
 is perfect.
 
 440 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 The interpellation in the Belgian Chamber of Representa- 
 tives, to which you refer, seems to have been simply a fruit- 
 less attempt on the part of the Socialist leader to annoy the 
 Grovemment. The very fact that the Chamber considered 
 Mr. Vandervelde's charges against the Congo, and refused to 
 sympathise with him in his views, is in itself a significant 
 indication of the baselessness of his accusations. 
 
 In your letter you are also pleased to say that in speaking 
 in defence of the Congo Government I have spoken "unwit- 
 tingly," and to imply that I have not considered the facts 
 nor weighed the evidence. I can assure you that I have not 
 spoken without due consideration. As to the evidence, it is 
 overwhelmingly against your contention. 
 
 It is only some score of discontented men, depending largely 
 on the untrustworthy hearsay evidence of natives, who have 
 raised an outcry against the Congo Administration, out of a 
 great band of 500 or 600 missionaries, both Catholic and 
 Protestant, who are working on the Congo, and who give 
 thanks to the Congo Administration for its support to the 
 missions, and for its successful efforts to introduce Christian- 
 ity and civilisation into Central Africa. 
 
 Overwhelming evidence in favour of the Congo Government 
 has been given recently by missionaries and by travellers, and 
 it is not only Catholic missionaries, like Monsignor Van Ronsle 
 and Father Van Hencxthoven, who have spoken in praise of 
 the State, but also the most distinguished Protestant mis- 
 sionaries, such as the Rev. Mr. Bentley and Dr. Grenfell. 
 
 As it is not likely that you will convert me, and as I see no 
 probability of convincing you, I, for my part, think it best to 
 consider the correspondence closed. 
 
 Very sincerely yours, 
 (Signed) James, Cardinal Gibbons. 
 
 Viscount Mountmorres 
 
 In the summer of 1904, an Irish peer, Lord Mount- 
 morres, began a journey through the Congo Free
 
 Testimony of Travellers and Thinkers 441 
 
 State, whence his lordship is sending an admirable 
 series of letters, descriptive of his experiences and 
 impressions, to the London Globe. The dismal 
 scenes of torture, desolation, and death, in which 
 the missionary-agents of the Liverpool merchants 
 assure us that unhappy country abounds, appear in 
 some way to have escaped the observation of this 
 traveller. "The further one goes into the interior 
 the more civilised one finds it, the better organised, 
 and the more developed," says Lord Mountmorres 
 at the opening of his second letter : 
 
 I was utterly unprepared [he continues] for what I found 
 at Irebu and at Coquilhatville, buried away there on the 
 equator in the very heart of the great forest. For what are 
 these stations? Large haphazard jumbles of native dwell- 
 ings and white men's bungalows in an arid clearing, with ill- 
 kempt roadways, such as one would find in the Western 
 States ? No ; here we have great open towns of really artistic 
 brick houses, with palm-thatched roofs and wide verandahs, 
 each standing in its own little garden, bright with roses and 
 hibiscus, Spanish iris and flamboyants, and set well back 
 along straight, wide avenues shaded by bamboos, mangoes, 
 papayes, acacias, bread-fruit trees, or one of a dozen other 
 leafy and ornamental equatorial trees. In spacious grounds 
 will be found the residence of the local governor, chef-de- 
 poste, or commandant, as the case may be, with its twenty to 
 thirty-foot verandah and its flagstaff in front, placed usually 
 so as to command the full view of the river front. Round 
 one or more spacious squares at the intersections of the prin- 
 cipal avenues will be the various public offices — the Director- 
 ate of Transports, the Post Office, the Magasins de I'Etat, 
 the headquarters of the Force Pubhque, the Office of Agri- 
 culture, and the rest. At Bikoro there are 2200 acres over- 
 looking the lovely Lac Tumba, sometimes miscalled Man 
 Tumba or M'Tumba, a corruption of Mai Na Tumba, water
 
 442 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 (or lake) of war. Round Coquilhatville there are little short 
 of 4500 acres of these plantations, and round Irebu and 
 Imesse something like 1200 acres in each case. Then near 
 to each station will be the extensive market gardens, where 
 every manner of vegetable, both European and tropical, is 
 raised in profusion, and also the large, well-kept farm or 
 farms, which supply the principal officials with beef and 
 mutton, goat and pork, poultry and ducks, and in which a 
 ceaseless series of experiments in breeding and raising stock 
 adapted to the climate is carried on. 
 
 And this has been achieved not in one isolated spot near 
 the coast, where material and transport were ready to hand, 
 but at every "white post" up here in the very heart of the 
 black continent, cut off until a few years ago from the capital 
 and the seaboard by that deadly, costly barrier — the white 
 man's cemetery of the Cataract caravan road. How has it 
 been done? Let us take Irebu as a typical case. Seven 
 years ago a young Belgian lieutenant, Jeuniaux by name, was 
 sent out to take charge of the military training camp at the 
 junction of the Ubanghi, the Congo, and the Tumba Canal, on 
 the site of a former larger and flourishing native village. He 
 came, and he found an unhealthy and pestilential swamp 
 covered with the ruins and the filth of the then almost de- 
 serted village of Irebu. Among these unpleasant surround- 
 ings was a large group of ill-kempt and badly constructed 
 mud and thatch huts — the training camp ; and here he was 
 doomed to pass at least three years. But he was young and 
 energetic, and had passed unscathed along the latter half of 
 the caravan road in the cataract district, for the railway was 
 then but half completed. He had seen brick houses in other 
 stations, and clean, well-kept, well-arranged little townships. 
 He would have the same. But his first difficulty was that 
 this was a training camp, whither the raw, untutored savage 
 was drafted in his naked ignorance to undergo six months' 
 tuition only; and, so soon as he had acquired a sufficient 
 training to make him of use to the white man, he was hurried 
 on elsewhere and a new batch of raw material took his place. 
 Jeuniaux had but a hazy notion of architecture, but, unaided,
 
 Testimony of Travellers and Thinkers 443 
 
 he planned and designed his barracks, and acted as his own 
 foreman, devising quaint methods to construct weather-proof 
 walls and roofs from the materials at hand, and instructing 
 his workers, man by man, in these methods, and that without 
 even the medium of a common language. 
 
 At last his barracks were built, and the old huts destroyed; 
 coffee, cocoa, maize, sweet potatoes, and bananas grew in 
 well-ordered plantations, between parallel, palm-lined avenues, 
 where formerly had been a wilderness of insanitary ruins. 
 Then came the great feat of all — brick houses for the whites 
 and for the Departmental offices. Bricks, bricks. He knew 
 that bricks were made somehow from some sort of clay, and 
 he had a hazy notion that straw was essential to their com- 
 position. So he started on a series of experiments. In the 
 intervals of his work — with two sub-lieutenants to help him, 
 he was responsible for training, feeding, and controlling from 
 looo to 1500 soldiers, with their wives and families, for main- 
 taining order in his district, and developing its commercial 
 resources, and for ruling the natives in it; how well he had 
 done this work I will show in a moment — but, in the inter- 
 vals, he went on clay-hunting expeditions, and then sat up 
 at night experimenting on what he had found, and at last he 
 produced what he recognised as the real red brick — the 
 philosopher's stone of his research. And so the first brick 
 house in Irebu was built in one year from when Jeuniaux 
 first came. And he built other houses for his lieutenants and 
 white non-coms., and a residency for himself, and a guest 
 house large and comfortable, and post-office, state stores, 
 guard-house, pharmacy, armoury, and houses for all the 
 other whites. One by one they were built, and Jeuniaux, 
 now Commandant Jeuniaux, and his ever-changing pupils 
 built them all, until he had realised his ambition, and had 
 constructed a model station, with its lovely avenues, its 
 riverside promenade, its fine landing-stage, its parade ground, 
 where 1200 men may, without crowding, manoeuvre in com- 
 panies at once, and its pretty public gardens. And when his 
 first term of three years was over he left, with the sense of 
 work accomplished, for his six months' holiday. All the
 
 444 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 time in Europe he pictured the growth of his plantations and 
 his palms, and told his friends he should be glad to get back 
 "home" to Irebu, the town he built with his own hands. 
 And the night before he reached it he could not sleep for 
 excitement; and all day he strained his eyes to catch a 
 glimpse of it, and at last it came in sight. But not the Irebu 
 he knew. The plantations had reverted into jungle, the 
 avenues had disappeared, lost in the qtiick, rank growth; the 
 pleasure gardens were a wilderness; the finest of the palms 
 had been cut down; and he went through the coarse, wild 
 vegetation that clogged the entrance to his house, and into 
 the damp hall- way that was become the home of bats, and of 
 rats, and of lizards, and he sat down there, and he wept. For 
 so, in six short months, had an idle officer left in charge 
 during his absence undone the labour of three years. 
 
 But he is not a man to be easily daunted. To-day Irebu 
 is as spick and span and as beautiful as he first conceived it. 
 The benefit that accrues to the natives as well as to the whites 
 from so well-built and arranged a station is shown by the 
 change that has occurred in the health of Irebu. One of 
 Jeuniaux's first cares was to make the place sanitary. Now, 
 since he built the station, i. e., in the five years since summer, 
 1899, there have been only two deaths among the whites, — 
 although their number has been increased, — and of these one 
 was a case of sunstroke, the other one probably of deliberate 
 intent to die by disobeying orders during an illness on receipt 
 of bad news. Since 1901 there has not been one death among 
 Europeans. The mortality rate among the soldiers has de- 
 creased to 14 per 1000 average, and for the current year to 
 12 per 1000, or a fraction under. And this despite the fact 
 that the sudden change in their mode of life when they enter 
 military service must be a severe strain on the recruits, and 
 also that Irebu, lying at the junction of waterways, is con- 
 stantly having dumped down in it cases of infectious diseases, 
 which are discovered on the river steamers, and which are 
 put ashore at the nearest station. 
 
 Now, I mention all this about the building of Irebu, not 
 simply to glorify Commandant Jeuniaux, but because the
 
 Testimony of Travellers and Thinkers 445 
 
 work that has been done there, the difficulties he has had to 
 contend with and has overcome, the result that has been 
 achieved, are identical with what every commandant has met 
 with in each of the beautiful stations that you will find in 
 the Middle Congo. Each of these represents the personal 
 exertion of one individual, and their existence is eloquent 
 testimony to the ability and devotion with which the State 
 is served by its servants. 
 
 Mrs. M. French Sheldon 
 
 Mrs. French Sheldon, the traveller and author, 
 returned to Europe in December, 1904, after a tour 
 through the Congo Free State. 
 
 I have witnessed [she says] more atrocities in London 
 streets than I have seen in the Congo, which remark applies 
 to the rubber country as well as the rest of the State. I 
 travelled through every part of the country, and am con- 
 vinced that the allegations of maladministration are ground- 
 less. Wherever I went I found the natives treated with 
 kindness and consideration, while the improvements in the 
 condition of the land and its inhabitants are almost incredible.
 
 CHAPTER XXXVI 
 
 THE ATTITUDE OF EUROPE AND THE UNITED 
 STATES 
 
 THE Congolese kaleidoscope has revolved so 
 swiftly since 1896, that it is with difficulty 
 the European attitude towards the Congo 
 Free State notoriety can be completely indicated. 
 It would be unfair to the English people — that great, 
 sane mass of them which sits imperturbably serene 
 and looks on — to say that the British attitude 
 towards the Congo is of that bitter hostility which 
 a few hysterical Liverpool merchants and writers 
 wish the outside world to believe. Indeed, it would 
 appear to be part of their plan to make sufficient 
 noise to induce the Germans, French, and Ameri- 
 cans to attribute the agitation to the entire British 
 public. The fact is that the severest condemnation 
 of the anti-Congo campaign is being uttered by 
 Britons against the clique which is striving to en- 
 tangle British ministers in an affair that may some 
 day redound to England's humiliation. The shifts 
 have been many to which certain Liverpool mer- 
 chants and their chief crier have been put to main- 
 tain a hubbub which they hope will, by accident or 
 the logic of events, create an opening for their 
 ulterior commercial plans. 
 
 446
 
 Native Planter's House, near Stanley Falls. 
 
 ■Xi* • 
 
 Prison, with Carpenter's Shop, at New Antwerp (Bangala).
 
 Attitude of Europe and United States 447 
 
 In 1897, the services of Sir Charles Dilke were first 
 enhsted against the Congo State. In that year it 
 was evident to those who had previously erred in 
 their estimate of the value of the Congo as a com- 
 mercial and political asset, that the Free State 
 would more than fulfil the early expectations of 
 Leopold 11. and Henry M. Stanle}^ The awakening 
 to this fact is the genesis of the envy which enlivens 
 Congolese history to-day. So long as Stanley sat 
 in Parliament and avowed his confidence in the Bel- 
 gians who are erecting a State upon the ruins of the 
 slave trade, and so long as he reiterated to his 
 colleagues on the benches there the truth of the 
 practical difficulties in Central Africa, the campaign 
 against the Congo State in Efngland made little 
 serious progress. When Stanley died, when his 
 voice in defence of the great work which he had 
 shared with the King of the Belgians could no 
 longer expose the fallacies and the true motive of the 
 despoiler, the Congophobe epidemic spread to Amer- 
 ica and became more virulent than ever. 
 
 Early in 1903, a number of British merchants ex- 
 pressed their grievance against the French Congo 
 in a volume by the author ^ whose active hostility 
 against the Belgian Congo has given currency to 
 many false statements and unjust beliefs. In the 
 preface to the story of the British Case in the French 
 Congo, this writer states that: 
 
 The British merchants in the French Congo have been sacri- 
 ficed to save the face of certain French poHticians — to stave 
 off for a while the inevitable exposure of a deplorable error 
 
 ■ E. D. Morel.
 
 448 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 of colonial policy. In the French Congo, rather than admit 
 the overwhelming body of proof pointing to the Concessions 
 Decree of 1899 being framed in ignorance, unworkable in 
 practice, monstrously unjust in its effects upon the merchant 
 and native alike, successive Colonial Ministers have endeav- 
 oured to square the circle, and, of course, they have lament- 
 ably failed. An existing trade has been destroyed, the colony 
 is practically bankrupt, the revenue is steadily falling, the 
 natives are either in open rebellion or thoroughly disaffected, 
 the military expenditure has largely increased, and the Con- 
 cessionaires will only last as long as they are allowed to 
 maintain themselves by the ingenious system of fining the 
 British firms — that is to say, until a way is graciously found 
 for the latter to sell their factory depots and their merchan- 
 dise (which, of course, is deteriorating steadily) ; or until, 
 despairing finally of effectual home support, our merchants 
 themselves destroy or embark all that remains of their actual 
 possessions, and leave the country in a body. 
 
 The purely commercial considerations upon which 
 this complaint against the French Congo is founded 
 are quite apparent and need not form the subject of 
 argument. It may be enlightening, however, to note 
 the fact that since this impassioned book was hurled 
 at the heads of Frenchmen across the English Chan- 
 nel, the Anglo-French rapprochement has been ef- 
 fected, and the entente cordiale of King Edward's 
 visit to Paris has likewise intervened to divert the 
 merchant wrath from the French Congo to the 
 Congo Free State. French Deputies have visited 
 London and enjoyed that bounteous hospitality 
 which none can gainsay of a British household; 
 members of Parliament have gone to Paris and 
 dignified the gaiety of the quai d'Orsai. Not a ves- 
 tige of the British complaint against the French
 
 Attitude of Europe and United States 449 
 
 Congo now freights the air. Instead, there prevails 
 a friendly persiflage between those two great powers. 
 
 Inasmuch as the concessionaire system adopted 
 in the French Congo gave new impetus to the 
 British campaign against the Belgian Congo, it may 
 be profitable to examine what precipitated matters. 
 
 The occasion was the organisation in the French 
 Congo of the system known as the regime des con- 
 cessions. A decree of the President of the French 
 Republic, dated March 28, 1899, divided the whole 
 territory of the French Congo Colony between about 
 forty concessionaire companies, which were to de- 
 velop it under various conditions imposed upon them. 
 The companies were granted all the rights of owner- 
 ship over the ceded areas. 
 
 In 1 90 1, several of these companies prohibited cer- 
 tain English merchants, who had been established 
 in the country upwards of twenty-five years, from 
 buying rubber direct from the natives, alleging that 
 all natural produce belonged to the owner of the 
 soil. Goods were even seized on their way to the 
 English factories. 
 
 The injured traders complained that such action 
 was not in accordance with the General Act of Ber- 
 lin, the terms of which insure freedom of trade in the 
 Congo Basin. They appealed to the French Congo 
 courts, whose decision was in favour of the com- 
 panies. Many judgments were pronounced, all of 
 which held that the agricultural exploitation of the 
 forests was an exclusive right of the concessionaire 
 companies, and did not run counter to the provisions 
 of the Berlin Act.
 
 450 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 These judgments were rendered by the Council of 
 Appeal at Libreville, on November 27, 1901, the 
 petitioners being John Holt & Company (Liverpool) 
 and the defendants the Compagnie Frangaise du 
 Congo Occidental. 
 
 In spite of these judgments, British commercial 
 circles persisted in the view that the concessions 
 system was a violation of the free -trade clause of the 
 Berlin Act. The Chamber of Commerce of Liver- 
 pool took the lead in a movement based upon this 
 view. On September 30, 1901, a memorial was pre- 
 sented to the British Foreign Office protesting 
 against the concessionaire regime in the French 
 Congo, petitioning for an inquiry into its legality 
 under the Berlin and Brussels Acts, and urging the 
 British Government to insist on these Acts being 
 respected by the French. 
 
 A similar memorial was presented on October 22, 
 1 90 1, by the Manchester and Birmingham Chambers 
 of Commerce, and in December of the same year 
 delegates from ten British Chambers of Commerce 
 were received in audience by Lord Lansdowne, who, 
 according to the Paris Temps, acknowledged that 
 their grievances were well founded and promised 
 to do all in his power for those interested in the 
 question. 
 
 At that time West Africa, the journal of the 
 Liverpool Chamber of Commerce, renewed its cam- 
 paign against the Congo Free State, accusing its 
 administrators of being the principal sinners, inas- 
 much as the Free State's land system had been 
 copied in the French Congo and German East Africa.
 
 Attitude of Europe and United States 45 1 
 
 In its issue of October 26, 1901, West Africa called 
 the Congo State fans et origo mali, and declared that 
 it was the Belgian clique which had drawn France 
 into the economic errors of its present system. 
 
 This campaign quickly assumed large proportions. 
 West Africa continued to wage war against the 
 French system of concessions and against the Congo 
 Free State, the latter being bitterly denounced as 
 the evil genius who conceived a land system which 
 supported the State without the assistance of large 
 revenue from the liquor trade or the presence of 
 intriguing foreign merchants. 
 
 In the hope of putting an end to the Anglo-French 
 difficulties in the Congo without raising questions of 
 principle, the Temps of December 29, 1901, sug- 
 gested that an amicable settlement be arranged be- 
 tween the French Government and the British 
 traders affected by the concessionaire system in its 
 West African Colony. By such arrangement, these 
 traders would have received compensation for their 
 loss. But, in a letter dated January 7, 1902, the 
 Temps' special correspondent in Liverpool warned 
 the French that such an expedient would not put a 
 stop to the agitation, and endeavoured to show in 
 its true light the campaign which was going on in 
 England 
 
 Meantime the Aborigines' Protection Society pur- 
 sued its old course of agitating something, anything, 
 so long as its secretary, freedom of speech, and the 
 attention of a Foreign Office combined to afford op- 
 portunity. The purely commercial grievances of 
 British traders who had been made to conform to
 
 452 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 Congolese law required new elements of support. 
 What could be of greater assistance to their com- 
 mercial schemes than the tearful work of the Abor- 
 igines' Protection Society of England, the new Congo 
 Reform Association of Liverpool, and their peculiar 
 methods of playing upon the credulity, sentimental- 
 ity, and the sympathies of susceptible and deluded 
 persons whose leisure sought occupation and new 
 interests? While the business brigade of the anti- 
 Congo campaign sought to enlist the aid of the 
 German Chambers of Commerce, the humanitarian 
 scouts developed the atrocity theme — not so much 
 against the French Power as against the Belgian 
 jngmy. Belgium and the Congo Free State cannot 
 resort to the arbitrament of that force which as a 
 last resort decides the contests of all nations. 
 
 The opportunity for attracting the co-operation of 
 commercial factions in Germany was greatly pro- 
 pitiated by the unfortunate Stokes incident. Stokes, 
 a British subject, once a missionary, had become an 
 itinerant trader, and came into the Congo State from 
 German East Africa, where he had established head- 
 quarters. His caravan was largely composed of 
 natives from German territory, and the goods they 
 carried for the purpose of barter were to a large ex- 
 tent of German manufacture. When Stokes was 
 caught, red-handed, bartering guns and ammunition 
 with the native enemies of the Free State for ivory 
 which they had unlawfully acquired, he was tried 
 and executed. This summary disposal of a trader 
 who had been undermining Belgian and native 
 security in the Congo met with vehement protests
 
 Attitude of Europe and United States 453 
 
 in Germany as well as in England. Other factors 
 began to operate in favour of an Anglo -German 
 alliance against the Free State, not the least of 
 which was the apprehension felt in Hamburg, Bre- 
 men, and Berlin over the remarkable progress the 
 Belgians were making with their transport facilities, 
 whereby the trade of German East Africa was being 
 diverted to the Free State. For a time, therefore, 
 the German press joined the British in decrying the 
 Belgian Government in Central Africa. German 
 attacks upon the Congo State economic policy have, 
 however, been largely confined to interested mer- 
 chants or enlisted politicians. Herr von Bornhaupt, 
 Prince F. d'Arenberg, and Consul Vohsen have been 
 actively identified with German criticism of the 
 Congo State's policy, notwithstanding that Ger- 
 many, as shown in a previous chapter, has inaugur- 
 ated a land policy founded upon precisely the same 
 principles as those which prevail in the Belgian 
 Congo. The statement of Consul Vohsen that "the 
 Congo State's methods were diverting trade from the 
 German East African colonies," betrays, perhaps, 
 the only pretext upon which the criticism of German 
 merchants may rest. 
 
 Until recently the political attitude of certain 
 German statesmen toward the Belgian Congo has 
 been to bring about a revision of the Berlin Act of 
 1885. In announcing a desire to form an inter- 
 national league. Consul Vohsen said that its object 
 should be to induce the Powers party "to revise 
 the Berlin Act and to force the Congo State to re- 
 spect its provisions." Europeans suggest that the
 
 454 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 gentleman probably means, by this contradiction in 
 terms, that the real aim of England, Germany, and 
 France, working in secret combination against the 
 energetic little fellow with the biggest part of Central 
 Africa, is to come to an understanding which will on 
 the part of England realise the prophetic utterance 
 of Mr. Cecil Rhodes ' and the ambitions of Lord 
 Cromer and Sir Reginald Wingate in the Cape to 
 Cairo schemes; on the part of Germany, establish a 
 new western frontier for German East Africa; and 
 on the part of France, the final adoption of definite 
 settlements in the Soudan and on the east and south 
 banks of the Congo River. In short, the million 
 square miles of immensely rich territory lying within 
 the borders of the Congo Free State can, when rudely 
 wrested from the heroic pioneers of little Belgium, 
 be used by the three European Powers dominant in 
 Africa to enlarge the gouty, the bilious, and the 
 apoplectic tints of the African continent. That such 
 views are abundant throughout Europe, and that the 
 humanitarian pretext on the part of Congo enemies 
 is regarded with derision, is all too evident from the 
 columns of the leading continental journals. Euro- 
 pean editors have referred to the Congo debate in the 
 British Parliament on May 20, 1903, as a "Parlia- 
 mentary raid," and likened it to the Jameson Raid 
 in the Transvaal, which acted on the principle of 
 violating first, negotiating afterwards, but in the end 
 
 *In a speech delivered by Mr. Rhodes, in which he outlined his 
 scheme for linking Egypt with the Cape, he said that his measures, if 
 adopted, "will give to England Africa, the whole of it." (Boulger, 
 P- 373-)
 
 Attitude of Europe and United States 455 
 
 bringing the whole subject within the pale of dispute, 
 speculation, and bargain. 
 
 As long ago as 1897, Belgian statesmen were con- 
 vinced that certain English statesmen, of whom Sir 
 Charles Dilke was foremost, had espoused the cause 
 of the commercial men of Liverpool and Manchester 
 with intent to settle upon a purpose of hostility 
 towards the Congo State. Whatever there may- 
 have been lacking to justify the Belgians in harbour- 
 ing this belief at that time, intervening events have 
 unfortunately confirmed them in their impression. 
 Belgians connected with the Congo administration 
 in Brussels still maintain what they said in 1897, 
 that "there was a set purpose to create for the 
 Congo State difiiculties both in Africa and in Europe, 
 to discredit it by magnifying isolated facts, and by 
 preparing, under the colour of philanthropy, the 
 moment when there could be produced the terri- 
 torial and financial designs concealed behind that 
 campaign. The plan is clearly traced. At the com- 
 mencement a feint is made that the sacrificed in- 
 terests of the native populations of the whole of 
 Africa is the cause they have at heart, and the idea 
 of a new conference is put forward. As soon as 
 this idea has appeared to germinate and public 
 opinion has been baited, it becomes a question of 
 the Congo State alone, and the division of its terri- 
 tories is boldly spoken of." 
 
 On March 2, 1903, Sir Charles Dilke asked the 
 British Government in the House of Commons 
 whether it intended taking steps to procure the 
 co-operation of the principal signatories to the Berlin
 
 456 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 Act with a view to suppressing abuses in the Congo 
 Free State. In reply the British Government stated 
 that it did not then contemplate taking steps in that 
 direction. On March 3rd, the Associated Chambers 
 of Commerce of Great Britain met and resolved to 
 press their grievances against the Congo State upon 
 the British Government. On the nth of the same 
 month Viscount Cranbourne declared that no ac- 
 tion would be taken to interfere with the Congo 
 State, as the British Government had no reason to 
 believe that slavery was tolerated by that State. 
 Then the Baptist Union threw in its weight on April 
 30th, and at a meeting held in London, denounced 
 the concessionaire system of the Free State and at- 
 tributed to that system all the cruelties alleged 
 against the State. Meantime the British press, 
 which reeked with stories of atrocities in the Belgian 
 Congo, had not a word to say against the French 
 Congo and that concessionaire system therein which 
 was the Belgian system carried to extreme. At a 
 meeting held in London on May 6, 1903, by the 
 Aborigines' Protection Society, W. H. Morrison, an 
 American Congo missionary, from Lexington, Vir- 
 ginia, having returned from a visit to Brussels, 
 where he had asked for and been refused land con- 
 cessions to which special advantages should attach, 
 delivered a series of complaints against the admin- 
 istration of the Congo Free State, and caused his 
 charges to be telegraphed to the press of Europe and 
 America. While in Brussels seeking extraordinary 
 land concessions, Mr. Morrison did not utter one 
 word of complaint against the local administration
 
 Attitude of Europe and United States 457 
 
 of the Congo. On May 7th, a member of the House 
 of Commons again inquired whether a petition had 
 been presented from British Chambers of Commerce 
 or traders complaining that trading rights on the 
 Congo under the BerHn Act were not respected, and 
 what, if anything, the British Government intended 
 doing in regard to the matter. Finally on May 20, 
 1903, the House of Commons, pressed by organised 
 British commercial interests, passed the following 
 resolution : 
 
 Resolved, That the Government of the Congo Free State 
 having, at its inception, guaranteed to the Powers that its 
 Native subjects should be governed with humanity, and that 
 no trading monopoly or privilege should be permitted within 
 its dominions, this House requests His Majesty's Government 
 to confer with the other Powers, signatories of the Berlin 
 General Act by virtue of which the Congo Free State exists, 
 in order that measures may be adopted to abate the evils 
 prevalent in that State. 
 
 On August 8, 1903, Lord Lansdowne addressed a 
 dispatch ' to the Powers signatory to the Berlin 
 Act, setting forth the grievances which had been 
 brought to the attention of his Government, and 
 suggesting that : 
 
 In these circumstances. His Majesty's Government con- 
 sider that the time has come when the Powers parties to the 
 Berlin Act should consider whether the system of trade now 
 prevailing in the Independent State is in harmony with the 
 provisions of the Act; and, in particular, whether the system 
 of making grants of vast areas of territory is permissible 
 under the Act if the effect of such grants is in practice to 
 create a monopoly of trade by excluding all persons other 
 
 * See Appendix.
 
 45^ Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 than the concession-holder from trading with the natives in 
 that area. Such a result is inevitable if the grants are made 
 in favour of persons or Companies who cannot themselves use 
 the land or collect its produce, but must depend for obtaining 
 it upon the natives, who are allowed to deal only with the 
 grantees. 
 
 His Majesty's Government will be glad to receive any 
 suggestions which the Governments of the Signatory Powers 
 may be disposed to make in reference to this important ques- 
 tion, which might perhaps constitute, wholly or in part, the 
 subject of a reference to the Tribunal at The Hague. 
 
 Three of the Powers, the United States, Italy, and 
 Turkey, formally acknowledged receipt of the British 
 dispatch ; all maintained silence in respect of it. 
 
 On September 17, 1903, the Government of the 
 Congo Free State delivered its reply ' and, pursuing 
 the same course as the British Government had 
 followed, sent it to all the interested Powers. The 
 attitude of Europe concerning the issue thus joined 
 may be gathered from the silence of the Powers 
 signatory to the Berlin Act, and the press comment 
 which the two dispatches evoked. The Morning 
 Advertiser, London, a conservative organ, referring 
 to the British dispatch, said: 
 
 A weaker official document we do not ever remember to 
 have read. . . . The use of the word "alleged" in the 
 title of the document gives the key to its whole tone. The 
 note sets forth various "alleged" shortcomings of the Congo 
 Government, and then says, lamely: 
 
 "His Majesty's Government do not know precisely to what 
 extent these accusations may be true." 
 
 Surely this is a very serious matter — to accuse the Adminis- 
 tration of a friendly State of inhumanity and "systematic 
 
 *See Appendix.
 
 Attitude of Europe and United States 459 
 
 oppression," and then to admit that we do not know whether 
 the accusations are true. 
 
 The leading article in the Times (London) of the 
 same day described the Congo State's reply as 
 "weak, inconclusive, and confused." While Lord 
 Lansdowne's note had been published in its en- 
 tirety, the longer reply on behalf of the Congo Free 
 State was accorded scant space in the British press. 
 
 From Black and White (London), November 21, 
 1903: 
 
 To pile Peliqn on Ossa in the way of accusation only to 
 encounter a rebuff by being non-suited, scarcely recommends 
 itself to the judgment as a course either dignified or statesman- 
 like. Yet in the present instance the fact that the English 
 Note remains without a single answer from the twelve States 
 to whom it was addressed three months after it was despatched, 
 shows beyond question the trend of Continental opinion. 
 
 In the Standard (London) of October 24, 1903, the 
 following utterance would imply a threat: 
 
 The Belgian Administration objects to submitting ques- 
 tions of internal government to arbitration, but it would do 
 well to remember that there is an alternative of a still more 
 unpleasant character. 
 
 On September 19th the Morning Advertiser (Lon- 
 don) has the following to say by way of insight into 
 British desires in Congoland: 
 
 Nearly twenty years have passed since a great Englishman 
 came through the Dark Continent and down the Congo, and 
 it has always seemed a strange thing to other Englishmen that 
 the great river of Central Africa should have remained ever since 
 under the domination of the smallest country in Europe.
 
 460 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 The general tone of the British press was in sup- 
 port of Lord Lansdowne's Note, and intolerant of 
 the Congo State's reply. On the Continent, the 
 weight of opinion favourably acknowledged the 
 force of the Congo State's reply. In France, Ger- 
 many, Austria, and Italy certain British journals were 
 severely criticised for suppressing the publication of 
 all evidence favourable to Belgian rule in Congo - 
 land, for dignifying the fulminations of E. D. Morel, 
 the penman of the merchants and shippers of Liver- 
 pool, the self-appointed coroner of the Congo, sitting 
 in judgment upon the disjecta membra which he so 
 luridly and so falsely portrays in the books which 
 the anti-Congo campaign incidentally serves to ad- 
 vertise. Brief quotations from the arguments of 
 M. Etienne, the French Deputy, have been set 
 forth in a previous chapter. Criticising the Lon- 
 don Times for its partisanship, the Depeche Coloniale 
 of October 16, 1903 stated editorially: 
 
 . . . We invite the great journal [London Times] of the 
 city to cease this chicanery which might discourage men whose 
 task in Africa demands the co-operation of every one. In this 
 task, in its success, we are all interested, and the fact of having 
 opened to commerce the immense territory of the Congo 
 should of itself spare Belgium the bitterness of misdirected 
 criticism. 
 
 In La Liberie (Paris) the editor, referring to the 
 Congo State's reply, says: 
 
 Now that we have before us the reply of the King of the 
 Belgians, we may say that we have reason from every point of 
 view to defend the Congo Free State against accusations as
 
 d 
 
 at 
 
 S
 
 Attitude of Europe and United States 461 
 
 stupid as they are prejudiced. England may definitely re- 
 nounce the hope that she had entertained of increasing her 
 colonial empire by means of puerile calumnies. 
 
 The Phare de la Loire: 
 
 We should not forget that a similar quarrel has been sought 
 for with us [the French]. French concessionaires have had 
 much trouble with two English houses — Holt & Company and 
 Hatton & Cookson [Liverpool] — whose agents had turned the 
 natives away jrmn French factories by offering them exorbitant 
 wages. 
 
 The General Anzeiger, October 30, 1903, is merely 
 quoted to indicate the violence to which criticism 
 of the British dispatch attained, not as a specimen 
 of sound Teutonic reasoning nor of temperate com- 
 mentary : 
 
 Truly, when reading this one hardly credits one's eyes. 
 Here is what the English Government, whose officials are al- 
 most without exception discredited by reason of their rude, 
 brutal, and often inhuman attitude towards natives; here 
 is what is written [sic] on the faith of pure colonial gossip, 
 of unauthenticated rumour. It is not ashamed to act thus — 
 this very Government whose cruelties in the last African war 
 are still too fresh in the memory. . . . It is impossible to 
 say whether this cynical fashion of acting is more striking 
 than the hypocrisy which makes us indignant. . . . 
 
 The Chronique (Belgium) of November 4, 1903, 
 contains an interview with M. Edmond Picard, ad- 
 vocate of the Belgian Court of Cassation, from which 
 the following is quoted: 
 
 The reply to the English Note drafted by the Independent 
 State of the Congo appears to me as nobly simple, and as
 
 4^2 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 proud in form as peremptory in substance. As for convinc- 
 ing the English ogre desirous of swallowing up the Belgian 
 Congo as it swallowed up the Transvaal and Orange State — 
 it would be ridiculous to hope for this. This people is as en- 
 thusiastic a brigand as a nation as it is honest and loyal in 
 the individual. 
 
 The Miinster Westphal, November 3, 1903: 
 
 The insatiable English greed claims a new prey. The two 
 Republics have been happily swallowed and digested. What 
 is to be served up now? That fine phrase, "British Africa 
 from the Cape to Cairo," has been recalled at the right mo- 
 ment, and it is remarked that the Congo State is still one of 
 the obstacles to the realisation of that phrase freely quoted 
 by our cousins. And hardly were the two Boer Republics 
 given up to British domination than commenced, at first a 
 little timidly, then with more effrontery and brutality, the 
 chase of the Congo State. A mass of trifles were then put 
 forward with incredible exaggeration; the pretext for the 
 agitation against the Congo State was given: "British Africa 
 from the Cape to Cairo," that is the objective of the anti- 
 Congolese. No one is deceived about it. 
 
 The Kleine Journal (BerHn), October 21, 1903, 
 contains the following admonition from the well- 
 known explorer, Eugene Wolf: 
 
 "The Germans to the front!" such has always been the cry 
 of the English when they have need of some one to take the 
 chestnuts out of the fire for them. 
 
 "The Germans to the front!" has also been the cry of the 
 English in the question of the Independent State of the Congo. 
 And in this matter also the English have found among us a 
 fool; for the aid which England has found in this Congolese 
 question quite needlessly exaggerated cannot come from the 
 heart of the German nation, but from the mouth of a member
 
 Attitude of Europe and United States 463 
 
 of the German Colonial Society, inhabiting Berlin, making 
 himself of importance, and who, turning to account a residence 
 many years ago on the east and west coasts of Africa, invok- 
 ing his title as retired Consul, and his possession of a colonial 
 library, gives himself out as the spokesman authorised by the 
 nation in order to pass himself off on his own authority as 
 infallible in colonial matters. With the war cry : "The trade 
 of Germany is intercepted by the agents of the Independent 
 State of the Congo, and we must settle it!" this gentleman, 
 whose name is known to everybody, has made an attempt 
 which has evidently remained unfruitful of stirring up 
 Germany against Belgium and of disturbing the feelings of 
 good neighbourship and the commercial relations existing 
 between the two countries. The persons who have seriously 
 at heart the interests of the German colonies do not allow 
 themselves to be taken in by this trick. And if the Congo 
 State is governed in a more profitable fashion than our own 
 colonies, we must heed their example and imitate it. After 
 all, it is not only with the object of realising permanent 
 deficits that we have acquired our colonies. 
 
 The Corner e Toscano (Italy), October 31, 1903: 
 
 There is on the Congo as in every civilised country only 
 one justice ; blacks and whites are subject to the same laws, 
 and the State's motto, Work and Progress, is adopted and 
 followed by all with the greatest ardour. 
 
 Finally the views of some of the leading journals 
 of the United States, manifestly free from bias, 
 founded on self-interest, may be interesting. 
 
 The Evening Transcript (Boston). 
 
 The Congo Administration has not waited for any com- 
 mission of inquiry to sit. It has already replied fully to the 
 charges brought against it, but no reply will silence its 
 accusers. They want the Congo's riches, not its King's de-
 
 4^4 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 fence, and will continue clamouring until the utter futility of 
 their shouting threats at Leopold is brought home to them. 
 Already they have prepared a map, a copy of which is before 
 me as I write, of the Free State of the Congo partitioned out 
 as they wish. The districts to be offered as bribes to France 
 and Germany are duly marked on it, but they are small. The 
 plotters do not hide their hands, they show clearly that Eng- 
 land, and England's puppet Egypt, is to take the lion's share. 
 This, which I have related, accounts for the tumult of 
 popular opinion in England, always easily stirred up by such 
 tales. Multitudes, misled by the cheap, if genuine, sympathy 
 felt with the oppressed, join unthinkingly in the cries against 
 the Congo. 
 
 From the New York Press: 
 
 Those missionaries who are urging the United States Gov- 
 ernment to interfere in the quarrel between the British and 
 the Congo Governments doubtless mean well, but they fail to 
 offer any valid reason why this country should entangle itself 
 in a matter in which it has no especial interest. The British 
 Government has demanded, and the Belgian Government has 
 conceded, all reasonable protection and privileges for the 
 missionaries labouring in Congoland. 
 
 The other demands of the British with regard to the basin 
 of the great African river are not entirely devoid of a tinge 
 of self-interest, and it would be entirely improper for the 
 United States to interfere at all in the matter. If an Ameri- 
 can missionary in the Congo is oppressed, or his treaty rights 
 as an American citizen in any way violated, the State De- 
 partment could and would interfere in that particular case, 
 but further than that the missionaries ought not to expect 
 this country to go. Missionaries, while most excellent and 
 self-sacrificing people, are not perfect, and one of their im- 
 perfections is that in all parts of the world they are a little too 
 anxious to bring about the interference of their home Power 
 in the affairs of the Government in whose territory they are 
 labouring.
 
 Attitude of Europe and United States 465 
 
 The Public Ledger (Philadelphia), October 26, 
 1903: 
 
 The acquisition by Great Britain of the Congo State would 
 not only join her separate dominions, but would give her an 
 immense territory of the most wonderful wealth. Not only 
 so, but it would open to British Central Africa and Rhodesia 
 an outlet to the sea down the Congo, and give even the Trans- 
 vaal a chance of trading with England through a port on that 
 great river, saving 2000 miles of the sea voyage to London. 
 
 English horror at Belgian mismanagement of Congoland is 
 easily understood in the light of these facts. Does any one 
 imagine that the British conscience would be so sensitive 
 about cruelties alleged to have been committed in lands not 
 contiguous to British territory, and not extremely desirable 
 as annexations? The crime of King Leopold is that he has 
 developed a colony which England wants. 
 
 Sufficient has been quoted to indicate that the 
 silence of the Powers in regard to the British dispatch 
 of August 8, 1903, was fairly interpreted by the 
 press of Europe. The meaning of that silence is 
 unmistakable. British ministers having been mis- 
 led to undertake a serious diplomatic act which was 
 admittedly based on commercial grievance and un- 
 proved accusations, it now became necessary to 
 ]:)ack up the charges contained in Lord Lansdowne's 
 dispatch by something seemingly more tangible than 
 the complaints of persons peculiarly interested in 
 doing mischief to the Government of the Congo 
 Free State. It is the British view that the official 
 report of Mr. Roger Casement, British Consul at 
 Boma, in the Congo Free State, dated December 11, 
 1903, four months after the Powers had been appealed 
 to, supplied the necessary confirmation of all that may
 
 466 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 have been lacking to justify the precipitate diplo- 
 matic act of August 8th which had met with rebuff. 
 
 The report ^ and enclosures of Consul Casement 
 would occupy approximately one hundred and 
 eighty pages of this volume. It is an interesting 
 account of a brief journey on the Upper Congo dur- 
 ing a period of two and a half months, most of which 
 was spent in the Equatorial district. The report 
 contains many paragraphs in praise of the wonderful 
 changes wrought by the Belgians in the Congo during 
 the last twenty years. There are other passages in 
 the report which condemn the land and concession- 
 aire system of the State. Enclosed in the volumin- 
 ous document are statements from Protestant 
 missionaries and certain natives concerning alleged 
 atrocities. As the official reply of the Government 
 of the Congo Free State, brief as it is, deals fairly 
 and fully with the essential allegations in Mr. Case- 
 ment's report, it has been set out in full in the 
 Appendix. 
 
 In T 0-Day (London), December i6, 1903, Mr. 
 John Henderson, an experienced traveller who had 
 visited the Congo to ascertain for his journal the true 
 state of affairs under Belgian rule in the Free State, 
 wrote the following amongst other interesting com- 
 ments on Consul Casement's Report: 
 
 I suggest that we should be careful in our condemnation of 
 the methods of the Congo Government. The agents of the 
 State are subject to perils and dangers unheard of, undreamed 
 of by the people in comfortable Britain — the climate, the con- 
 dition of living, and the natives combine to make life always 
 
 ^Africa, No. i, 1904.
 
 Attitude of Europe and United States 467 
 
 uncertain, and at times absolutely terrible. In Europe, or 
 the West Indies, or Australia, or in any fairly salubrious 
 country, the methods of Free State agents as pursued in 
 Congoland might be judged barbarous, but it is impossible to 
 judge the methods of the peoples of all countries and climates 
 by one standard of ethics. 
 
 For my part, I shall hesitate to praise or blame the Congo 
 State by this report alone. I have little doubt that some of 
 the facts Mr. Casement will bring forward will be extremely 
 shocking (while in the Congo I was several times shocked 
 myself), but these reports of excesses will not prejudice me 
 for or against the State. If Mr. Casement will furnish us with 
 reports which will show us the exact conditions prevailing 
 among the other West African districts — the French Congo, 
 the Portuguese Congo, German West Africa, Nigeria, and the 
 Gold Coast — then I shall hope to arrive at a more or less 
 correct understanding of the matter. Cruelty and excess un- 
 doubtedly exist in the Congo Free State, but my experience 
 in Congoland taught me that those guilty of any crime who 
 come before the notice of State agents were severely punished. 
 
 To carry on the anti -Congo campaign in the 
 United States, the Congo Reform Association of 
 Liverpool has established headquarters at Boston. 
 Its organisation includes a secretary, pamphleteers, 
 press writers, and Protestant missionaries. It prints 
 and sends broadcast to the press of America a 
 weekly "News Letter," composed of articles de- 
 signed to intensify agitation against the Belgians in 
 the Congo. It is sagaciously understood by its sup- 
 porters that one missionary with imagination and 
 glib speech, turned loose on society in America or 
 Europe, can make more noise, effect more mischief, 
 do more to prostitute Christian work in foreign 
 lands, than twenty earnest, patient, toiling, praying
 
 468 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 missionaries can accomplish for humanity by mind- 
 ing God's work in the dark heart of Africa. That 
 concession - seeking, commercially - inclined Congo 
 missionaries should be enabled to gratify their de- 
 sire for notoriety after the fashion of the Congo 
 coroner, Mr. Morel, and gain the slightest connection 
 with American Missionary Societies, is only to be 
 accounted for by the large financial support which, 
 having prevailed in England, may be presumed to 
 lie back of the campaign in America. There are 
 certain phases of the Congolese question since 1897 
 by which even a disinterested observer is deeply 
 impressed. The large financial support and the 
 numerous agencies it employs is one of them. 
 
 So far the attitude of the American press has been 
 eminently disinterested. Its leading journals have 
 shown a keen insight into the motives which under- 
 lie a campaign that has been overdone to the dis- 
 gust of all fair-minded observers. There is, in all 
 colonies, whether under British, German, American, 
 French, or Belgian rule, ample opportunity for 
 criticism. There is, on the other hand, even greater 
 opportunity for help and co-operation. The de- 
 moralising story of British Lagos is alone sufficient 
 to make British criticism of every other nation's 
 colonies pusillanimous. Acts of cruelty by natives, 
 foreigners, or by State servants are in violation, not 
 in consequence, of the Congo State's system of 
 government. For such infractions of the law the 
 individual, not the State, is responsible. But when 
 the support of a British colony is derived from a 
 debasing traffic in alcohol for whose existence the
 
 Attitude of Europe and United States 469 
 
 home Government is directly responsible, that Gov- 
 ernment should not assume the grotesque position 
 of custos morum of Africa. 
 
 The Lagos Standard, reputed to be favourable to 
 the British Government, referring to the Colony's 
 revenue for 1 901 -1902, says: 
 
 It would appear that the chief and ruling tendency of the 
 successive administrations has been to draw from the Colony 
 the fullest possible revenue, the greater part of which is spent 
 in salaries of the officials. Every effort has been made in that 
 direction, and no resource that ingenuity can appeal to was 
 spared in order to reach that purpose. . . 
 
 The revenue derived from import duties on spirits, gin, 
 rum, alcohol, whisky, reached 65.53 % of the total revenue 
 of the Colony.^ To this add the licences for the sale of spirits, - 
 which brings up the contributive share of spirits in the bud- 
 get's receipts to 67.53 %. . . . 
 
 Alcohol is the great staple of trade. By visiting Lagos, 
 one would be inclined to believe that it is practically the only 
 commodity. Everywhere on the huge quay, extending sev- 
 eral miles, where large business houses are established, on 
 their wharfs, in their warehouses, are accumulated heaps of 
 green cases and pyramids of demijohns of gin and rum. All 
 the important stores have the same signboard, bearing in 
 large letters the words. Wholesale Spirit Merchants, and from 
 morning to night, every day of the week, there is on the 
 lagoon a continual traffic of large steamers coming in to dis- 
 charge their cargo and leaving empty. On the quay there is 
 a continual movement of black porters carrying cases of 
 spirits on their heads, which they either pile up by thousands 
 in the warehouses, or remove them therefrom in order to 
 load the boats, which are powerful launches of the native 
 traders who spread the poison all over the markets of the 
 villages alongside the lagoon and its affluents. 
 
 > Message of the Governor to the Legislative Council, February 26, 
 1903, p. 9. ' Blue Book, 1902, p. 21.
 
 470 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 The quality of these horrible goods has been too often 
 described to render it necessary to revert to the subject. 
 Their price says sufficient: 4^d. per litre, bottle and pack- 
 ing included! The Government analyst found them to con- 
 tain extremely strong poisons known under the name of 
 fusel oils, in the enormous proportion of from 1.46 to 4.31 % 
 of the weight.' Is it to be wondered at that after absorbing 
 several bottles of this poisonous liquor, the drinker should be 
 overcome by a sort of madness? Is it to be wondered at that 
 criminality is on the increase, that the birth rate is on the 
 decrease, that this magnificent race of Yoruba agriculturists 
 is speedily degenerating? 
 
 Where Europe, whose interests in Africa are 
 material as well as moral, has not seen fit to join a 
 British traders' campaign against a small neutral- 
 ised State, it would seem that the United States 
 Government could not be led into action on the pre- 
 text that its recognition of a friendly Government in- 
 vested it with police powers over the internal affairs 
 of the State so recognised. "Territory" and "com- 
 merce" are the tightly furled, secretly carried banners 
 of the raid upon the Congo State. This exagger- 
 ated humanitarian solicitude for the African black is 
 purely pretence. By its hypocrisy, falsehood, and 
 disputative vulgarisation, the movement, instead of 
 remedying what evils exist in all African colonies, 
 is made utterly puerile. By such vituperative fan- 
 faronade as the following, rational minds are made 
 to turn from the subject in disgust: ^ 
 
 Of such is the kingdom of Congo. 
 
 The tale is told — the tale of " King Leopold's rule in Africa." 
 I Message of the Governor, p. 8. * E. D. Morel.
 
 Attitude of Europe and United States 471 
 
 A piratical expedition on a scale incredibly colossal. The 
 perfection of its hypocrisy ; the depth of its low cunning ; its 
 pitiable intrigues ; the illimitableness of its egotism ; its moral 
 hideousness ; the vastness and madness of its crimes — the 
 heart sickens and the mind rebels at the thought of them. 
 A perpetual nightmare reeking with vapours of vile ambi- 
 tions — cynical, fantastic, appalling. A tragedy which ap- 
 pears unreal, so unutterably ghastly its concomitants, but the 
 grimness of whose reality is incapable of superlative treat- 
 ment. Destroying, decimating, degrading, its poisonous 
 breath sweeps through the forests of the Congo. Men fall 
 beneath it as grass beneath the scythe, by slaughter, famine, 
 torture, sickness, and misery. Women and children flee from 
 it, but not fast enough, though the mother destroy the un- 
 born life within her that her feet may drag less heavily through 
 the bush. 
 
 There has been nothing quite comparable with it since the 
 world was made. The world can never see its like again. 
 
 Sufficient that it exists, that each month, each year, the 
 terror of this Oppression grows, immolating fresh victims, 
 demanding new offerings to minister to its lusts, spreading in 
 ever wider circles the area of its abominations. 
 
 After that, what can one say or do except to ap- 
 preciate one's sense of humour, and the lack of it 
 in a zealot? A tower of babel on a pile of words!
 
 CHAPTER XXXVII 
 SUMMARY, RETROSPECT, AND PROPHECY 
 
 THE rise and progress of the Congo Free State 
 marks a unique page in modern history. The 
 boldness of the State's conception, the ap- 
 parent hopelessness of its early conditions in a 
 region unspeakably savage and barbarous, its grad- 
 ual evolution under the magic touch of a master 
 hand; the horrifying vicissitudes of its bloody re- 
 demption from the accursed slave -raider, and finally 
 its admission into the society of independent nations, 
 constitute a set of circumstances unparelleled in the 
 history of the world. The span of its life from a 
 wilderness to a self-supporting and prosperous State 
 is about twenty-five years. Its rapid evolution was 
 at first watched with sneers and derision. During 
 the last ten years it has been the object of the hostile 
 vigilance of those whose early regard had been scorn. 
 Young as it is, a considerable literature already ex- 
 ists descriptive of the infant State. This literature, 
 however, is very unsatisfactory, being for the most 
 part bitterly partisan, either perceiving no good 
 point at all in King Leopold's rule, or regarding that 
 rule as a perfect thing in which no improvement is 
 possible. Neither attitude is just. And this may 
 be said not only of the Congo Free State and its ir- 
 
 472
 
 Summary, Retrospect, and Prophecy 473 
 
 resolute and disappointing African neighbours, but 
 of States whose civiHsation is the pride of our own 
 times. 
 
 There have been error and crime on the Congo as 
 there have been error and crime on the Thames and 
 the Hudson. Savages left the banks of the Thames 
 nearly eighteen hundred years ago. The white man 
 came and refined their cruelties in a thousand ways 
 now practised by civilisation behind the curtain and 
 the padded door. 
 
 The aboriginal black cannibal still occupies the 
 banks of the Congo. But his nature, so recently in 
 its savage state, is manifesting great change. He is 
 on his knees in the mission chapel; the song of the 
 White Fathers and the Sisters of Mercy inspires in 
 him the rude awakening of new emotions. His own 
 voice abandons the war-cry and makes its fervid, 
 untaught plea to the white man's God. 
 
 On the Congo, religion is perforce a plain, sincere, 
 and a comforting thing. It is taught by a small, 
 earnest band of men and women whom the epithets 
 of the flaccid, arm-chair colonising hero will not dis- 
 turb. These rugged Christian teachers pursue their 
 lowly, patient work to please God — not Liverpool. 
 On the Congo, the gospel knows nothing of the 
 elaborations of insincerity, sophistry, and cant. It 
 finds the soul of the black man in a patient and a 
 [practical way by instructing his body in the habits 
 of honest toil, of cleanliness and decency, and by 
 developing an intelligence to supersede his savage 
 instinct. 
 
 The results of only twenty years' guidance in this
 
 474 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 direction are manifest to-day. They have placed 
 the Negro in the midst of the uncovered wealth of a 
 vast and fertile country ; of waterways teeming with 
 traffic; of a magnificent forest stored with rubber; 
 timber of great variety, ivory, oil, and fruit; of 
 promising fields of coffee, cotton, cocoa, tea, and 
 sugar; deposits of gold, copper, coal, and iron. This 
 short era of civilisation has created in the Congo 
 over four hundred commercial houses doing a thriv- 
 ing business with Europe; built railways over 
 mountain routes where only Belgian engineers and 
 Belgian capital had the courage and the skill to 
 venture. In the midst of it all the black man's 
 hands and acquired energy have provided him with 
 new value to himself and to the State. He is at the 
 plough, on the cart and the railway, on the wharf 
 and upon the road and the farm, in the shop and 
 factory, learning the uses of the white man's im- 
 plements of labour, and imitating his enlightened 
 ways. Industry and order, Christianity, civilisa- 
 tion, and material progress have succeeded tribal 
 wars, cannibalism, and the horrible atrocities of the 
 slave chase. This has been achieved by the brawny 
 men of Belgium in less than twenty years. 
 
 The smug men of the study, untra veiled in re- 
 gions wilder than Westminster, St. Albans, or Liver- 
 pool, are as incompetent to judge of civilisation in 
 Congoland as are the Manyema of the lack of it on 
 Park Lane, in London. Their beautiful theories of 
 civilising the African Negro with illuminated manu- 
 scripts, florid dissertations on the Berlin Act, and 
 freedom of (alcoholic) commerce, constitute a pyra-
 
 Summary, Retrospect, and Prophecy 475 
 
 mid of fustian with but a single thought starring 
 its apex — Empire. 
 
 While the English campaign against the Congo 
 Administration was confined to nebulous libels, pro- 
 ceeding for the greater part from wrangling mission- 
 aries and aggressive traders, it was the policy of that 
 Administration, conscious of its own rectitude, to 
 ignore the attacks made upon it. In light of sub- 
 sequent events, the wisdom of that course appears 
 open to question. Did not one of England's poets 
 observe that a lie seven times repeated without being 
 challenged acquires the force of truth ? Some of the 
 fiction concocted by enemies of the Congo Free State 
 has been so industriously reiterated by so many 
 different agents of English traders that, collectively, 
 the British Government could no longer refuse to 
 give ear to their vapourings. Whether the British 
 Government did so willingly or unwillingly is another 
 story. What has been the outcome of that Govern- 
 ment's acquiescence in the demands of the slanderers 
 of the Congo Free State the world now knows. Mr. 
 Roger Casement was sent to the Free State, where 
 he traversed ground carefully mapped out for him, 
 and interviewed natives specially instructed in their 
 parts by the persons whose agitation had occasioned 
 his mission. The result was precisely what might 
 have been expected, and that without impeachment 
 of Mr. Casement's integrity — an inaccurate and par- 
 tial report. That report, magnified, distorted, garbled, 
 has afforded material for the enemies of the Congo 
 Free State upon which they have not yet ceased to 
 work. The refutation of all its more important pro-
 
 47^ Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 nouncements will probably not disconcert Mr. Case- 
 ment's believers in the least, as they are immune to 
 the logic of facts. Nevertheless, the Sovereign of 
 the Congo Free State, in order that the world may 
 not accept as a thing against which no defence can 
 be made the judgment passed upon his rule by the 
 cliques banded together to embarrass or overthrow 
 it, in July, 1904, resolved to send a special com- 
 mission to the Congo to inquire into the atrocities 
 alleged to have been committed. 
 
 The Committee of Inquiry appointed by King Leo- 
 pold consists of the following members: (i) M. Jans- 
 sens, Advocate-General of the Supreme Court of 
 Belgium, president; (2) Baron Nisco, Judge of the 
 Court of Appeal at Boma, and (3) Dr. De Schu- 
 macher. M. Janssens, who as Advocate -General 
 holds the second highest judicial office in Belgium, 
 is a Belgian; Baron Nisco is an Italian, and Dr. 
 Schumacher is a Swiss. Assisting these three heads 
 of the mission are MM. De Neyn and Gregoire and 
 Professor Dupont, all of whom are Belgians. These 
 gentlemen constitute a Court of Inquiry, and their 
 instructions are to investigate closely every detail 
 of Congo administration, and to examine on oath 
 every person who may be able to give evidence of a 
 nature valuable to the commission. The testimony 
 of missionaries and traders is now being taken, and 
 the committee will see to it that they obtain the 
 evidence of the heads of British and American, as 
 well as of Belgian, French, German, and Italian 
 missions. The investigations are being held in many 
 parts of the State. The committee is to travel
 
 Summary, Retrospect, and Prophecy 477 
 
 throughout the country into all the districts covered 
 by Mr. Casement in his recent tour of inspection, be- 
 sides visiting many places Mr. Casement never saw. 
 In brief, the committee is to hold inquiry wherever 
 evidence can be obtained. Where native witnesses 
 give evidence of a nature prejudicial to white men, 
 the committee will see that such witnesses are pro- 
 tected from the possibility of suffering at the hands 
 of officials against whom they may bear witness. 
 The Government of the Congo holds itself respon- 
 sible for the safety and well-being of such witnesses. 
 On this latter point King Leopold has expressed 
 himself in the strongest possible terms. Inquiries 
 are to be held publicly, open to all. The committee 
 has the right to compel witnesses to appear before 
 it. A general instruction to the committee asks 
 for a report laying bare absolutely the condition of 
 the rule in the Congo to-day, and enjoins it to devote 
 all its efforts to a full and entire revelation of the 
 truth. The duration of the stay of the Committee 
 of Inquiry in Congoland is limited only by the 
 exigencies of its task. The committee sailed from 
 Southampton, in the Belgian SS. Philippeville, on 
 September i6, 1904, and arrived at Boma early in 
 October. 
 
 Such are the constitution, powers, and purpose of 
 the Committee of Inquiry now at work in the Congo 
 Free State. It is almost unnecessary to record that 
 the committee has already been denounced by the 
 enemies of the State on ever}^ conceivable ground. 
 "A farcical commission" and "a bogus inquiry" are 
 two of the descriptions which have been applied to
 
 478 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 it. That indefatigable meddler, Mr. H. R. Fox 
 Bourne, who writes contemptuously of Stanley and 
 his work, objected to Dr. Schumacher's presence on 
 the committee on the ground that he is a brother of 
 King Leopold's private secretary. On its being 
 pointed out that Dr. Schumacher is nothing of the 
 kind, Mr. Fox Bourne retracts his assertion, and 
 substitutes another equally unfounded. Upon this 
 second statement being questioned, Mr. Fox Bourne 
 withdraws that also, and falls back upon his com- 
 plaint that the members of the Committee of 
 Inquiry will be paid for their labours. Such conten- 
 tions are simply fatuous. Does not the Aborigines' 
 Protection Society pay Mr. Fox Bourne for his 
 labours ? 
 
 During the few years in which the Belgians have 
 been criticised for their progressive rule in the Congo, 
 the Belgian people have heartily co-operated with 
 their King in his long and arduous work. There 
 has been, however, a small but active section in the 
 Belgian Chamber spasmodically opposed to the 
 Congo, and to any other expansion of territory, 
 influence, or market, on the part of Belgium. This 
 set of politicians, acting in suspicious harmony with 
 the foreign enemies of the Congo State, have been 
 exploited by the latter as representing the attitude 
 of the Belgian people. To carr}^ out this deception, 
 certain foreign papers, peculiarly interested in the 
 affairs of Liverpool merchants with African schemes, 
 publish the speeches of this disloyal minority, and 
 suppress the addresses of Baron de Favereau, Min- 
 ister of Foreign Affairs, Count de Smet de Naeyer,
 
 Summary, Retrospect, and Prophecy 479 
 
 Minister of Finance and Public Works, and other 
 Belgian statesmen. In a masterly arraignment of 
 those members of the Chamber who have been hos- 
 tile to Belgium in this respect, these gentlemen, by 
 their speeches in Parliament, inspired the organisa- 
 tion, in July, 1903, of a federation composed of 
 religious, commercial, industrial, social, and scien- 
 tific societies throughout Belgium. This large and 
 representative bod}^ is known as The Federation 
 for the Defence of Belgian Interests Abroad. Its 
 short address, presented to President Roosevelt in 
 October, 1904, has already been referred to. In a 
 speech made at a meeting of the societies allied to 
 the Federation, General Baron Wahis, President of 
 the Brussels African Club, and Governor-General 
 of the Congo Free State, eloquently contrasted the 
 condition of the Central African tribes twenty years 
 ago with their improved state to-day. Baron 
 Wahis and Vice -Governor-General Fuchs are men 
 on the spot. Their long experience on the Congo 
 invests their statements with authority. In the 
 address referred to. Baron Wahis narrated the fol- 
 lowing graphic picture of Congolese conditions two 
 decades ago. 
 
 Let us see in what position these peoples were before the 
 formation of the State, and what is their position now. 
 
 In tlie Lower Congo, close to the sea, there was one locality 
 which already possessed some importance, viz., Boma. Be- 
 fore the first expedition of the State landed at Boma there 
 were at that point some commercial liouses. For a long 
 period they derived their profits from the sale of slaves; 
 later, they obtained their chief profits from the sale of alcohol,
 
 480 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 and, accessorily, of the products of the soil. The traders 
 carried on a more or less prosperous business according to 
 their strength and courage. They made expeditions into the 
 interior, and frequently burnt native villages for not bringing 
 in at fixed periods the expected quantities of palm nuts and 
 other products. Their staff of labourers was composed of 
 slaves upon whom they inflicted torments for the least in- 
 fraction of their orders. These punishments had no limit. 
 It is related, and the fact is not open to doubt, that during 
 the time of which I am speaking there were once found in the 
 waters of Boma the corpses of thirty blacks attached to one 
 chain. The chain bore the name of "Olivares," but it was 
 alleged, and probably with good reason, that the perpetrator 
 was not Olivares, that the chain had been stolen from him. 
 The name of the person really guilty of this horrible crime 
 was mentioned, and it was represented as the consequence 
 of a mutiny by the staff of a factory. That was the kind of 
 administration to which the blacks were subjected, under the 
 eyes of Europe it may be said, seeing that ships of war had 
 easy access to Boma. 
 
 Higher up, in the present district of the Cataracts, the 
 population was in part subject to the Negro king of San Sal- 
 vador. Read the book of Mr. Bentley, an educated English 
 missionary, who has been in Africa thirty years, and who 
 saw the administration under which the natives lived when 
 he arrived there. He expresses his admiration for the enor- 
 mous progress which has been made, so far as the protection 
 of the blacks goes, since they came under the government of 
 the Congo State. Why are not the statements of this ster- 
 ling man, so eminently competent in all questions relating to 
 the protection of the blacks, quoted? . . . 
 
 But whatever may be said to the contrary, the system 
 adopted by the Government of the Independent State is more 
 equitable than any other system whatever, and imposes upon 
 the natives a minimum of taxes. Each man's tribute is very 
 small. In certain regions where the rubber is abundant, he 
 can gather in one day the tax that is required of him for a 
 month. Besides the work thus performed by the natives
 
 Summary, Retrospect, and Prophecy 481 
 
 being remunerated, their households find themselves in pos- 
 session of some supplementary resources. The desire to add 
 to their well-being increases each day. 
 
 Let us hope that the policy established by the Congo State 
 in this respect will not be changed. The strong black races 
 which cover many parts of its territory will acquire the habit 
 of regular work, in place of their primitive idleness. There 
 will result from this what has resulted in countries long 
 civilised. The countries in which people know how to work 
 are strong, and in the van of progress. Such a future seems 
 to me reserved for the Congo State if it perseveres in its 
 present course. 
 
 The story of the Congo Free State offers great 
 opportunity for speculation and for prophecy. Tak- 
 ing a broad view of the opinion prevalent in Europe 
 and the United States, the conclusion that Great 
 Britain seeks to acquire important territory in Cen- 
 tral Africa is inevitable. This theory of the anti- 
 Congo campaign is strenuously denied by all un- 
 official persons engaged in that campaign. And 
 yet there are unmistakable signs that of the many 
 theories so industriously exploited, British acquisi- 
 tion of the keystone of African territorial possession 
 seems to be most in line with the history of British 
 methods of expansion. The Free State is one -third 
 the size of the United States. It lies squarely 
 across the heart of Africa, with an outlet to the sea 
 on the West Coast which brings it many miles and 
 many days nearer European markets. It separates 
 the British African Empire, — the Soudan and the Nile 
 country adjoining the Free State on the north, from 
 the Cape and the Boer war territorial acquisitions on 
 the south. It is as if the Louisiana Purchase, owned
 
 4^2 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 by a small country, say Portugal, divided the United 
 States. One might dwell long and interestingly 
 upon the political possibilities of such a rich country 
 and its great waterways separating the energies of 
 the east and the west in our country's social, politi- 
 cal, and strategic solidarity. The British and the 
 Germans appreciate the vast possibilities of the 
 great African Continent. While the former expands 
 its territory by costly wars, the latter, by adapting 
 its methods to suit the native populations, encom- 
 passes the African market. While the former per- 
 sists in imposing its ancient, crude, and ineffectual 
 methods of colonial development, the latter, more 
 modern, more direct, more flexible, is gaining trade 
 and influence which might belong to intelligent 
 British rule. The palsied arm and the obsolete 
 method of regeneration, prevalent in the territories 
 devastated by the Boer war, illustrate the incom- 
 petency of the present generation of British colo- 
 nisers. Their failures are multiplying. It is the 
 old story of worship of the Past, confusion in the 
 Present, misconception of the Future. 
 
 The growth of the Congo Free State has from the 
 first been skilfully directed by clever men of thought 
 and action. Now that the transformation is com- 
 plete, and what but three short decades ago was the 
 very heart of savagery has become a valuable com- 
 mercial and political asset, the forcible ejectment 
 from the African Continent of the authors of all this 
 good is openl}'- discussed ! Such is the reward which 
 it is proposed should be meted out to the gallant, 
 self-sacrificing little nation which has replaced the
 
 m
 
 Summary, Retrospect, and Prophecy 483 
 
 horrors of barbarism by the blessings of civilisation, 
 and incidentally discovered vast material wealth. 
 After disposing of the Belgian African possession, 
 that international x^igmy, Portugal, occupying Dela- 
 goa Bay to the obvious chagrin of Britain, will be 
 served with the long-expected writ of ejectment. 
 These little fellows in Africa will have but one choice 
 of leaving — by the door or by the window. Will the 
 world tolerate such iniquity? — an iniquity of the 
 baser sort, veiled with specious pretence. Much 
 depends upon the attitude of the American people — 
 youngest of the great nations, herself too recently 
 emerged from the trials and tribulations which beset 
 every newly created State not to discriminate be- 
 tween greed and hypocritical pretence on the one 
 hand and conscientious well-doing on the other.
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 485
 
 APPENDIX 
 TREATY OF VIVI 
 
 M. August Sparhawk, agent of the International Expedition of the 
 Upper Congo, acting in the name and for the account of the Comite 
 d'Etudes, of the Lower Congo, and Vivi Mavungu, Vivi Mku, Ngusu 
 Mpanda, Benzane Congo, Kapita, have come together the 13th of 
 June, 1880, at the station Vivi, in order to discuss and to decide upon 
 ce'rtain measures of common interest. 
 
 After full examination they have arrived at the dispositions and 
 engagements which are embodied in the present treaty, to wit: 
 
 Article I. — The aforesaid chiefs of the district of Vivi recognise 
 that it is highly desirable that the Comite d' Etudes oi the Congo should 
 create and develop in their states establishments calculated to foster 
 commerce and trade, and to assure to the country and its inhabitants 
 the advantages which are the consequence thereof. 
 
 With this object they cede and abandon, in full property, to the 
 Comite d' Etudes the territory comprised within the following limits: 
 To the west and north and east the left banks of the river Lulu, and 
 to the south the districts of Kolu and Congo. 
 
 Art. II. — The chiefs of the district of Vivi solemnly declare that 
 these territories form an integral part of their states, and that they are 
 able freely to dispose of them. 
 
 Art. III. — The cession of the territories specified in the last paragraph 
 of Article I is consented to in consideration of a present represented by 
 the following articles and goods to each one: A uniform coat, a cap, 
 a coral necklace, a knife; and a monthly gift to Vivi Mavungu of two 
 pieces of cloth ; to Vivi Mku of one piece of cloth ; to Ngusu Mpanda, 
 one piece of cloth; to Benzane Congo, one piece of cloth; to Kapita, 
 one piece of cloth. 
 
 Art. IV. — The cession of the territory includes the abandonment by 
 them and the transfer to the Comite d'Eiudes of all sovereign rights. 
 
 Art. V. — The Com.ite d' Etudes engages itself e-xpressly to leave to the 
 natives the free enjoyment of the lands which they now cultivate to 
 supply their needs. It promises to protect them and to defend their 
 persons and their property against aggressions and encroachments, 
 
 487
 
 488 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 from whatsoever side, which shall attack their individual liberty or 
 shall seek to take away from them the fruit of their labours. 
 
 Art. VI. — The chiefs of the district of Vivi grant, besides, to the 
 Comite d' Etudes — 
 
 (i) The cession of all the routes of communication now open 
 or to be opened throughout the whole extent of their states. If the 
 Comite deems it proper it shall have the right to establish and levy 
 for its own profit tolls upon said routes, to defray the expenses incurred 
 in their construction. The routes thus opened shall embrace, besides 
 the routes properly so-called, a breadth of twenty metres right and 
 left therefrom. This breadth constitutes part of the cession, and shall 
 be, like the route itself, the property of the Comite d'Etudes. 
 
 (2) The right of trading freely with the natives who form part of 
 their states. 
 
 (3) The right of cultivating unoccupied lands; to open up the for- 
 ests; to cut trees; to gather india rubber, copal, wax, honey, and, gen- 
 erally, all the natural productions which are found there ; to fish in the 
 rivers and streams and water-courses, and to work the mines. 
 
 It is understood that the Comite can exercise the several rights men- 
 tioned in the third paragraph throughout the whole extent of the 
 states of the chiefs of Vivi. 
 
 Art. VII. — The chiefs of the district of Vivi undertake to unite 
 their forces to those of the Com,ite to repel attacks which may be made 
 by intruders, no matter of what colour. 
 
 The chiefs, not knowing how to sign, have put their marks, in the 
 presence of the witnesses hereafter designated and who have signed. 
 [Seal.] Aug. Sparhawk. 
 
 [Seal.] John Kickbright. 
 
 [Seal.] Frank Mahoney. 
 
 [Seal.] Geoffrey. 
 
 TREATY OF MANYANGA 
 
 During the palabre held at Manyanga the 12th of August, 1882, it 
 is agreed between the members hereinafter designated of the Expedi- 
 tion of the Upper Congo : 
 
 Dr. Edward Pechuel Loesche, chief of the Expedition; 
 
 Capt. Edmund Hanssens, chief of the division of Leopold-Manyanga ; 
 
 Lieut. Arthur Niles, chief of Manyanga; 
 
 First Lieut. Orban, deputy chief of Manyanga; 
 
 Edward Ceris, assistant of Pechuel, representing the Comite of the 
 Upper Congo; 
 and the chiefs hereafter named of Manyanga — 
 
 Makito, of Kintamba; 
 
 Nkosi, of Kintamba;
 
 Appendix 489 
 
 Filankuni, of Kintamba; 
 
 Maluka, of Kintamba; 
 
 Kuakala, of Kintamba; 
 
 Mankatula, of Kintamba- Kimbiiku; 
 
 Luamba, of Kintamba; 
 
 In the name of their subjects. 
 
 Article I. — Hereafter the territory of Manyanga, heretofore be- 
 longing to the chiefs before cited, situated north and south of the river, 
 and bounded on the west by the stream Luseto, and by the stream 
 Msua Mungua on the east, shall be the sole property of the Comite 
 d'Eiudes of the Upper Congo. 
 
 Art. II. — The chiefs and their subjects, their villages, their planta- 
 tions, their domestic animals, and fishing apparatus shall be placed 
 under the protection of the Expedition. 
 
 Art. III. — In all political affairs of -the populations of the district 
 protected and acquired, their quarrels, differences, elections of chiefs, 
 shall be submitted to the decision of the member of the Expedition 
 who shall be present at the station. 
 
 If the people of Manyanga shall be attacked by neighbouring tribes, 
 the Expedition shall defend their women and children and their pro- 
 perty by all the means in their power. If the Expedition shall be 
 attacked by another tribe, the men shall be bound to defend the 
 station. 
 
 Art. IV. — In consequence of the rights acquired and protection 
 afforded, no stranger whatsoever can build or open a road or carry 
 on commerce in the territory of Manyanga. 
 
 Art. V. — At the request of the chief of the station, the chief of the 
 district shall put at his disposition the necessary number of labourers, 
 men or women, for the work of the station and the service of the 
 caravans. 
 
 Art. VI. — Besides the sum stipulated, which has been remitted in 
 goods to the assembled chiefs in payment for their territories, and for 
 which they have given a receipt, the chiefs shall receive monthly 
 presents on condition that they remain true friends and voluntarily 
 perform the services asked of them. 
 
 Art. VII. — The first chief of Manyanga, Makito, residing at Kin- 
 tamba, receives the flag of the Expedition, which he will raise in his 
 village in sign of the protection exercised by the Expedition. 
 
 [Here follow the crosses and signatures.] 
 
 TREATY OF LEOPOLDVILLE 
 
 29th of April, 1883. 
 We, the undersigned, chiefs of the district of N'Kamo, of Kuiswangi, 
 of Kimpe, and of all the districts extending from the river Congo to
 
 490 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 Leopoldville and to Ntamo, up to the river Lutess and the mountains of 
 Sama Sankori, have resolved to put ourselves, as well as our heirs and 
 descendants, under the protection and patronage of the Comite d' Etudes 
 of the Upper Congo, and to give power to its representative at Miamo 
 to regulate all disputes and conflicts that may arise between us and 
 foreigners of whatsoever colour, residing out of the district or territory 
 of N'Kamo, in order to prevent strangers, animated by wicked inten- 
 tions or ignorant of our customs, from exciting embarrassments or 
 endangering the peace and security and independence which we now 
 enjoy. 
 
 By the present act we also resolve to adopt the flag of the Comite 
 d'Etudes of the Upper Congo, as a sign for each and all of us that we 
 are under its sole protection. 
 
 We also solemnly and truly declare that this is the only contract we 
 have ever made, and that we .will never make any contract with any 
 European or African without the concurrence and agreement of the 
 Comite d'Etudes of the Upper Congo. 
 
 To the above resolution we freely put our marks. 
 
 Ngaliema, his X mark. 
 
 Makari, his X mark. 
 
 NuMBi, his X mark. 
 
 Manwale, his X mark. 
 
 Nyasko, his X mark. 
 
 TREATY WITH THE KING OF NIADI 
 STEPHANIEVILLE 
 
 Between, on the one side. Captain John Grant Elliott, commissioner 
 and representative of the Comite d'Etudes of the Upper Congo, 
 and, on the other hand, M'Wuln M'Boomga, King of Niadi, in 
 his own name, and in that of his heirs and successors, the following 
 contract has been made and signed in the presence of the wit- 
 nesses whose signatures are below given: 
 
 Article I. — The party first named engages himself to make to the 
 second party named above an immediate payment of 60 yards of save- 
 list, 20 pieces of superior stuffs, 8 pieces of ratteen stuff, and a keg of 
 powder. He, moreover, engages to make to the above-named party 
 of the second part, his heirs and successors, a m.onthly payment, which 
 shall commence in four months, with arrears from the date of this con- 
 tract, of four pieces of stuffs, and to continue always this payment, if, 
 in compensation therefor, the party of the second part, in his name 
 and in that of his heirs and successors, makes an absolute and imme- 
 diate sale of a certain portion of territory sketched further on, de-
 
 Appendix 49 ^ 
 
 scribed in Art. II., the territory selected by the first-named party, and 
 over which the flag of the Comite d' Etudes of the Upper Congo, that is 
 to say, a blue flag with a yellow star in the centre, has been raised. 
 
 Art. II. — The country ceded by the abov^e-named article is de- 
 scribed below, and accepted by the contracting parties. Captain John 
 Grant Elliott and the King. 
 
 1. Six miles towards the west, from the junction of the Niadi and 
 the Ludema, and following the banks of the Niadi (Niari). 
 
 2. Ten miles from the same confluence, towards the south, and 
 following the banks of the Ludema. 
 
 3. Ten miles towards the east, from the confluence above named, 
 and following the course of the Niadi (Niari). 
 
 4. Ten miles towards the south, from the same confluence, and 
 following the Ludema. 
 
 5. Ten miles to the north of the Niadi (Niari), on each side from 
 
 that point of the Niadi opposite the mouth of the Ludema, running 
 
 back five miles towards the north. 
 
 Grant Elliott, 
 
 wuln m'boomga. 
 Witnesses : 
 
 Von Shaumann, 
 
 Legat, 
 
 Destrain. 
 
 Other treaties, districts ceded, and stations created by the In- 
 ternational Association of the Congo, and which form the 
 chief places of the states possessed by this Association on 
 the Congo and on the Niadi Kwilu in the Year 1883. 
 
 Stations: Vivi, Isanghila, Manyanga, Lutete, Leopoldvillc, Msuata, 
 Bolobo, Rudolfstadt, Baudoinville, Franktown, Stanley Niadi, Step- 
 hanieville, Anvers, Gideemba, Lukolela, Equateur, Philippe ville, Bu- 
 langungu, Mboka, Mkula, Grantville, Massabe. 
 
 Treaties and Districts ceded: Vivi, Yellala, Sala Kidougo, Gan- 
 ghila, Sadika Banzi, Ingha, N'Sanda, Kionzo, N'Bambi M'bongo, 
 Talaballa, Issanghila, Ndambi M'bongo, M'Kelo, Fua na Sondy, 
 Konimovo M 'Bongo, Yanga, Kamsalou, M'binda, Sakali Boadi, 
 Tchouma Ranga, Tombukile, Ngoma, N'Zadi, Tchincala, Banza 
 ngombi, Manyanga, Bandanga, Banza, M'bou, Sello, Loufountchou, 
 Kimbanda, Ngombi, Leopoldvillc, Kimpoko, Kinshassa, Kintambou, 
 Souvoulou, M'bala, Woutimi (south), Woutimi (north), Msuata, 
 Bolobo, Matchibouga, Tchissanga, Kitabi, Zientu, Mongo, Franktown, 
 Goudou, Ganda, Fouindoukifout, Makouba Banga. Sitambe, Bieba, 
 Moyby, Matalila, N'Zombo, Ganda Kobombo, Mabuka, Chinnifor, 
 Mudenda, Nyangc, Lubu, Zoa, N'Gewlla Chunikonbo, M'Gwella, 
 Sangha, Charli, Mikasse, Moulangas, Mackanga, Ludema, Ungoonga, 
 Buconzo, Matenda, Tanga Dibiconga, Licarnga, Bumianga, Chibanda 
 N'Kuni, Kingi, Anversland, Buda, Towha, Gideemba, Sushwangi.
 
 492 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES 
 
 March 26, 1884. — Ordered to be printed 
 
 Mr. Morgan, from the Committee on Foreign Relations, submitted the 
 
 following 
 
 REPORT 
 
 (To accompany S. Res. 68 and Mis. Doc. 59) 
 
 The Committee on Foreign Relations, to whom were referred Senate 
 Mis. Doc. No. 59 and Senate Joint Resolution 68, relating to the occu- 
 pation of the Congo Country, in Africa, have had the same under con- 
 sideration, and report a substitute for the same, and recommend its 
 passage. 
 
 The President, in his annual message to this Congress, expresses the 
 sentiment of the people of the United States on the subject of our 
 future relations with the inhabitants of the valley of the Congo, in 
 Africa. 
 
 Our attitude towards that country is exceptional, and otu" interest in 
 its people is greatly enhanced by the fact that more than one-tenth of 
 our population is descended from the negro races in Africa. 
 
 The people of the United States, with but little assistance from the 
 Government, have established a free republic in Liberia, with a con- 
 stitution modelled after our own, and under the control of the negro 
 race. Its area is 14,300 square miles; its population is about 1,200,000 
 souls; its commerce is valuable; its government is successful, and its 
 people are prosperous. 
 
 The necessity for a negro colony in Liberia was suggested by the 
 fact that slaves found in vessels captured for violations of the slave- 
 trade laws and treaties were required to be returned to Africa when 
 that was practicable, and it was impossible, and it would have been 
 useless and cruel, to send them back to the localities where they were 
 first enslaved. Humanity prompted certain private citizens of the 
 United States to organise the American Colonisation Society in aid of 
 the return of captured slaves to Africa and to find a congenial asylum 
 and home for negroes who were emancipated in the United States. 
 
 Henry Clay was, for many years, president of this association, and 
 assisted it with the influence of his great name and broad philanthropy. 
 
 The success of the Liberian colony has demonstrated the usefulness 
 of that system of dealing with a social question which is, to the people 
 of the United States, of the highest importance. It has also estab- 
 lished a recognised precedent in favour of the right of untitled indi- 
 viduals to found states in the interests of civilisation in barbarous 
 countries, through the consent of the local authorities, and it has given
 
 Appendix 493 
 
 confidence to those who look to the justice of the nations for a restora- 
 tion of the emancipated Africans to their own country, if they choose 
 to return to it. 
 
 This great duty has, so far, been left entirely to the efforts of citizens 
 of the United States, and it has been supported almost exclusively by 
 their personal contributions. The governments of the world have 
 been slow even to recognise the state thus founded by the courage and 
 means of private citizens, but it is now firmly established in the family 
 of nations and is everywhere recognised as a free and independent 
 nation. 
 
 This pleasing history of progress, attended with peace and pro- 
 sperity in Liberia, has given rise to a feeling of earnest interest amongst 
 the people of the United States in the questions which arise from the 
 recent discovery by their countryman, H. M. Stanley, of the great 
 river which drains equatorial Africa. They rejoice in the revelation 
 that this natural highway affords navigation for steamers extending 
 more than half the distance across the continent, and opens to civilisa- 
 tion the valley of the Congo, with its 900,000 square miles of fertile 
 territory and its 50,000,000 of people, who are soon to become most use- 
 ful factors in the increase of the productions of the earth and in swell- 
 ing the volume of commerce. 
 
 The movements of the International African Association which, 
 with a statement of its purposes, are referred to in the letter of the 
 Secretary of State, appended to this report, are in the direction of the 
 civilisation of the negro population of Africa, by opening up their 
 country to free commercial relations with foreign countries. 
 
 As a necessary incident of this praiseworthy work, which is intended, 
 in the broadest sense, for the equal advantage of all foreign nations 
 seeking trade and commerce in the Congo country, the African Inter- 
 national Association has acquired, by purchase from the native chiefs, 
 the right of occupancy of several places for their stations and depots. 
 The property so acquired is claimed only for the association, which is 
 composed of persons from various countries, and it could not, there- 
 fore, be placed under the shelter of ajny single foreign flag. 
 
 From the time when the people of Christian countries began to ex- 
 port slaves from Africa, the custom grew up of locating "barracoons" 
 or slave depots along the African coasts and rivers, and they were each 
 placed under the shelter of the flag of the country to which the slave 
 merchants belonged. In this way certain settlements were made 
 along the shores of the Congo River as far inland as Yellalla Falls, and 
 were claimed and held under the protection of the respecti\'e flags of 
 the countries from which these traders came. 
 
 This was, generally, a mere personal ad\'enture, and had no relation 
 to any governmental authority of those covintries over the barracoons. 
 When this traffic took the shape of legitimate commerce with the
 
 494 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 natives, these places were called factories, and they gradually assumed 
 certain powers of self-government as their necessities required. Each 
 factory was independent of the control of all others, and established 
 for itself such regulations, having really the effect of laws, as were 
 necessary to protect life and property. To this day those settlements 
 are held in the same way, and while the governments, whose flags are 
 thus displayed over them, claim no sovereignty there, they do not 
 recognise the rights of their people at such places as entitling them to 
 protection, and they require their flags to be respected. 
 
 In some instances the native chiefs sold the lands on which the fac- 
 tories were situated, with the privileges of trade to foreign companies, 
 and these in turn sold them to persons of still other nationalities. 
 
 The African International Association established its stations, and 
 opened roads leading from one to another around the falls of the Congo 
 in the same way that the older factories had been established, with 
 the additional fact in their favour that their settlements were always 
 preceded by an open agreement with the local government in the form 
 of a treaty. A flag was as necessary for the purposes of their settle- 
 ment and as an indication of their right and to designate the places 
 under their control, as it was to the slave-traders, whose only advan- 
 tage is that they have been in possession a long time for the purposes 
 of nefarious traffic in slaves, while the Association has been in posses- 
 sion only a short time for the benign purposes of introducing civilisa- 
 tion into that country. 
 
 Having no foreign flag that they could justly claim, they adopted a 
 flag and displayed it, a golden star in a field of blue, the symbol of hope 
 to a strong but ignorant people, and of prosperity through peace. The 
 native people instinctively regarded that as the first banner they 
 had seen that promised them goodwill and security, and they readily 
 yielded to it their confidence. 
 
 There is no historical record to be found of such a rapid and general 
 assembling of separate and independent rulers under a banner that 
 was raised by the hands of strangers, as that which took place amongst 
 the chiefs and people of the Free States of the Congo. Within five 
 years from the time the banner of this Association was first displayed 
 on the Congo, its agents have made nearly one hundred treaties with 
 the chiefs of the different tribes in the Congo countrjr. In each of 
 these treaties there are valuable commercial agreements and regula- 
 tions touching law and order and certain delegations of limited powers, 
 all of which are intended for the better government of the country. 
 
 The powers are not ceded to a new and usiirping sovereignty seeking 
 to destroy existing governments, but are delegated to a common agent 
 for the common welfare. In the language of the first treaty, concluded 
 at Vivi June 13, 1880, and which is the plan after which nearly one 
 hundred subsequent treaties have been modelled:
 
 Appendix 495 
 
 "The aforesaid chiefs of the district of Vivi recognise that it is 
 highly desirable that the Comite d' Etudes of the Congo should create and 
 develop in their states establishments calculated to foster commerce 
 and trade, and to assure to the country and its inhabitants the advan- 
 tages which are the consequence thereof. 
 
 "With this object in view they cede and abandon, in full property 
 (fee-simple) to the Comite d'Etudes, the territory comprised within the 
 following limits," etc. 
 
 A copy of this treaty is appended to the report of the committee. 
 
 If these local governments had the right to make these concessions, 
 so much sovereign power as they confer upon the African International 
 Association is entitled to recognition by other nations as justifying its 
 claim to existence as a government de jure. Or, if there is still a ques- 
 tion as to its sovereignty, affecting either its territorial extent or the 
 subjects as to which it may legislate, there is still enough of concert 
 amongst the native tribes, in placing themselves in treaty relations 
 with this Association, to warrant other nations in recognising its exist- 
 ence as a government de facto. In either case, it is our duty so to 
 recognise it, because its purposes, as avowed in those treaties, are 
 peaceful, and commend themselves strongly to the sympathies of our 
 people. 
 
 The golden star of the banner of the International Association re- 
 presents hospitality to the people and commerce of all nations in the 
 Free States of the Congo; civilisation, order, peace, and security to the 
 persons and property of those who visit the Congo country, as well as 
 to its inhabitants; and if, in the promotion of these good purposes, it 
 lawfully represents powers ceded or delegated to the Association by 
 the local governments necessary to make them effectual, it does not 
 thereby offend against humanity nor unlawfully usurp authority in 
 derogation of the rights of any nation upon the earth. 
 
 Powers asserted in good faith, and with a reasonable show of ability 
 to maintain them, even by rebels, within a state that denounces their 
 assertion as treasonable, are often recognised as being lawful, as well 
 in the interests of humanity, as to give to the alleged rebels an oppor- 
 timity to make good their pretensions by arms. 
 
 The history of our recent civil war discloses the recognition of the 
 belligerent rights of the Confederate States by all nations, including the 
 United States, which wholly denied the lawfulness of the acts of 
 secession which led to hostilities and denounced them as treasonable. 
 
 If the flag of the Confederate States could protect its armed citizens 
 against the penalties of piracy while destroying the ships and com- 
 merce of the United States, it would be diflficult to state a reason why 
 the flag of the International African Association should not protect 
 its ships from capture and condemnation while carrying on peaceful 
 commerce on the Congo. It would be still more difficult for any
 
 49^ Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 Christian nation to assign a reason founded in the principles of inter- 
 national law why it should refuse to recognise this flag. The Congo 
 River has been for centuries, and is now, the common resort of the 
 ships and flags of all countries, and it requires a total change of the 
 political conditions in that country to destroy this right, and either to 
 declare the waters and shores of the Congo as being neutral territory 
 or as being under the sovereignty of any one or more of the foreign 
 nations. 
 
 These reasons, and others which appear in the papers appended to 
 this report, are a just and sufficient foundation for the declaration by 
 the United States which individualises the flag of the African Interna- 
 tional Association as a national flag, entitled to our recognition and 
 respect. 
 
 The precedents in our own history to justify our recognition of 
 states while in the process of early development are numerous and 
 conclusive. They are cited in the papers appended to this report, and 
 are sustained by many other references which show that in Europe, 
 Asia, and Africa civil power, exerted by commercial associations, and 
 by religious orders, and by propagandas of civilisation, and by groups 
 of Hospitallers, has owned large war fleets and raised armies, fought 
 great battles, levied taxes, and performed every function of govern- 
 ment. They did all this without claiming to possess sovereign power 
 as organised nations ; and they submitted themselves to the authority 
 of the state after they had prepared the country where they ruled for 
 that final act of establishment of sovereign power, and then they ceased 
 to exist. 
 
 It is not necessary to go further in order to find a justification of the 
 action suggested in the message of the President, and of the resolution 
 which the Committee on Foreign Relations recommend as a proper 
 means of carrying into effect this policy concerning the Free States of 
 the Congo. 
 
 It is, however, proper to make some examination of the alleged 
 claim of Portugal to the sovereignty of the mouth of the Congo, and 
 of the riparian country as far into the interior as the first falls of Yellalla. 
 
 Portugal's pretensions to this sovereignty are completely refuted 
 by the fact that it has not been heretofore acknowledged by the five 
 great powers whose flags have been flying for more than a century in 
 the country now claimed by that Government. On the contrary, 
 these powers have constantly refused to make any such concession on 
 all occasions since 1786, and some of them previous to that time. 
 
 The claim of Portugal, based on discovery of the mouth of the Congo 
 by Diego Cam in 1485, and by his having erected a monument on the 
 shore to testify to his landing there, only establishes its antiquity and 
 not its rightfulness under modern interpretations of the laws of 
 nations.
 
 Appendix 497 
 
 If the laws of Christian nations give any effect to the discovery by 
 the subjects of a Christian power, of a country inhabited even by 
 savages, they also require that discovery shall be followed by continu- 
 ous subsequent occupation. If such occupation ceases, it is justly 
 considered as being abandoned, since the only foundation of reason or 
 of justice that can support the occupation of an inhabited country by 
 a foreign power is, that it is better that the savages should have the 
 advantages of Christian instruction and laws, than that they should 
 continue in darkness to rule the country in their own way. If, there- 
 fore, the Christian ruler should cease to occupy the country, it must 
 be considered that he abandons his duty, and, with it, the sovereignty 
 of the country. 
 
 Portugal did not exert continuous or exclusive authority on the 
 Congo for any great while; her possessions there, as well as those of 
 the other Christian powers, fluctuated with the supply of slaves, the 
 capture or purchase of which was the chief inducement to these settle- 
 ments. They all followed up the supply of slaves from the interior of 
 Africa, along the coast, according to its abundance, as the fishermen 
 visit different localities in search of better fishing grounds. 
 
 In 1786, disputes having arisen between France and Portugal, as to 
 the sovereignty of the latter over the mouth of the Congo, under the 
 mediation of the King of Spain, Portugal conceded the point that her 
 rights in that country were not exclusive. Since that time England 
 has repeatedly denied, in the most formal and solemn manner, that 
 Portugal had any sovereignty or suzerainty over the Congo country. 
 None of the great powers claimed such sovereignty for themselves, 
 nor have they conceded it to Portugal ; their occupancy has not been 
 such as implied any right to rule the country, but only such as was 
 necessary to carry on trade. That is equally free to all nations. In 
 the papers appended to this' (report, and especially in the valuable tes- 
 timony of Earl Mayo, based upon his personal observations in the 
 Congo country in 1882, we find the most conclusive proof upon all the 
 points above stated, and unquestionable evidence that Portugal's 
 northernmost boundary on the West Coast of Africa, south of the 
 Equator, for many years past, has been the river Loge. 
 
 The attitude of Great Britain towards the pretensions of Portugal 
 to the sovereignty of the Lower Congo has been that of decided, fre- 
 quent, and stern denial, accompanied with distinct orders to her fleets 
 to repel any advance of Portugal to assert her authority north of 
 Ambriz. This record, so repeatedly reaffirmed, is by no means changed 
 by the fact that Great Britain may now be ready to admit Portugal, in 
 alliance with her, to sovereign rights in the Lower Congo. Her change 
 of policy cannot change the facts, especially when Great Britain ob- 
 tains from Portugal the cession of Wydha in consideration that she 
 will acknowledge the rights of Portugal to the sovereignty of the Lower
 
 49^ Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 Congo. Great Britain has also made treaties with fifteen tribes in the 
 Lower Congo country, paying no attention to Portugal's claims of 
 sovereignty there. 
 
 In like manner France has disregarded these pretensions, and has 
 made treaties with tribes north of the Congo. De Brazza, an enter- 
 prising explorer, went into that region of Africa as an agent of the 
 African International Association, and also as an agent of the French 
 Government, and was supported with money from the French treasury. 
 He made these treaties in the name of France, and the Chamber of 
 Deputies has ratified them. In view of these facts it can scarcely be 
 denied that the native chiefs have the right to make treaties. The 
 able and exhaustive statements and argtunents of Sir Travers Twiss, 
 the eminent English jurist, and of Professor Arntz, the no less distin- 
 guished Belgian publicist, which are appended to this report, leave no 
 doubt upon the question of the legal capacity of the African Interna- 
 tional Association, in view of the laws of nations, to accept any powers 
 belonging to these native chiefs and governments which they may 
 choose to delegate or cede to them. 
 
 The practical question to which they give an affirmative answer, 
 for reasons which appear to be indisputable, is this: Can independent 
 chiefs of savage tribes cede to private citizens (persons) the whole or 
 part of their states, with the sovereign rights which pertain to them, 
 conformably to the traditional customs of the country? 
 
 The doctrine advanced in this proposition, and so well sustained by 
 these writers, accords with that held by the Government of the United 
 States, that the occupants of a country at the time of its discovery 
 by other and more powerful nations have the right to make the treaties 
 for its disposal, and that private persons, when associated in such 
 country, for self -protection or self-government, may treat with the 
 inhabitants for any purpose that does not violate the laws of nations. 
 
 The following incidents, mentioned in Bancroft's History of the 
 United States, show how much we owe, as a people, to the early recog- 
 nition of these doctrines: 
 
 "MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 "One day in March, 1621, Samoset, an Indian, who had learned a 
 little English of the fishermen at Penobscot, entered the town, and, 
 passing to the rendezvous, exclaimed in English, 'Welcome, English- 
 men ! ' He was the envoy of Massasoit himself, the greatest commander 
 of the country, sachem of the tribe possessing the land north of Narra- 
 gansett Bay, and between the rivers of Providence and Taunton. 
 After some little negotiation, in which an Indian who had been carried 
 to England acted as interpreter, the chieftain came in person to visit 
 the Pilgrims. With their wives and children they amounted to no 
 more than fifty. He was received with due ceremonies, and a treaty
 
 Appendix 499 
 
 of friendship was completed in few and unequivocal terms. Both 
 parties promised to abstain from mutual injuries, and to deliver up 
 offenders; the colonists were to receive assistance, if attacked; to 
 render it, if Massasoit should be attacked unjustly. The treaty in- 
 cluded the confederates of the sachem ; it is the oldest act of diplomacy 
 recorded in New England ; it was concluded in a day, and was sacredly 
 kept for more than half a century. " — (Bancroft's History of the United 
 States, p. 2IO.) 
 
 "The men of Plymouth exercised self-government without the sanc- 
 tion of a royal charter, which it was ever impossible for them to ob- 
 tain." — {Ibid., p. 213.) 
 
 "The attempt to acquire the land on Narragansett Bay was less de- 
 serving of success. . . . In 1 64 1 a minority of the inhabitants, 
 wearied with harassing disputes, requested the interference of the 
 magistrates of Massachusetts, and two sachems near Providence sur- 
 rendered the soil to the jurisdiction of that State." — {Ibid., p. 287.) 
 
 "providence plantations and RHODE ISLAND 
 
 "In June (1636) the law-giver of Rhode Island (Roger Williams), 
 with five companies, embarked on the stream; a frail Indian canoe 
 contained the founder of an independent State and its earliest citizens. 
 Tradition has marked the spring of water near which they landed. 
 To express unbroken confidence in the mercies of God, he called the 
 place Providence. . . . The land which he occupied was within 
 the territory of the Narragansetts. In March, 1636, an Indian deed 
 from Canonicus and Miantonomoh made him the undisputed possessor 
 of an extensive domain ; but he ' always stood for liberty and equality 
 both in land and government.' The soil became his 'own as truly as 
 any man's coat upon his back'; and he 'reserved to himself not one 
 foot of land, not one tittle of political power, more than he granted to 
 servants and strangers. ' He gave away his lands and other estates to 
 them that he thought most in want until he gave away all." — {Ibid., 
 
 P- 254.) 
 
 "Before the month (March, 1638) was at an end, the influence of 
 Roger Williams and the name of Henry Vane prevailed with Mianto- 
 nomoh. the chief of the Narragansetts, to make them a gift of the 
 beautiful island of Rhode Island. ... A patent from England 
 was necessary for their security; and in September they obtained it 
 through the now powerful Henry Vane." — {Ibid., p. 263.) 
 
 "CONNECTICUT 
 
 "In equal independence a Puritan colony sprang up at New Haven, 
 under the guidance of John Darenport as its pastor, and of his friend 
 the excellent Theophilus Eaton. . . . In April, 1638, the colonists
 
 500 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 held their first gathering under a branching oak. ... A title to 
 lands was obtained by a treaty with the natives whom they protected 
 against the Mohawks." — {Ibid., p. 271.) 
 
 "new HAMPSHIRE 
 
 "At the fall of the leaf in 1635, a band of twelve families, toiling 
 through thickets of ragged bushes and clambering over crossed trees, 
 made their way along Indian paths to the green meadows of Concord. 
 A tract of land six miles square was purchased for the planters of the 
 squaw sachem and a chief, to whom, according to Indian laws of pro- 
 perty, it belonged." — {Ibid., p. 271.) 
 
 "north CAROLINA 
 
 "In 1660 or 1661 New England men had found their way into the 
 Cape Fear River, had purchased of the Indian chief a title to the soil, 
 and had planted a little colony of herdsmen far to the south of any 
 English settlement on the continent." — {Ibid., p. 409.) 
 
 "It is known that in 1662 the chief of a tribe of Indians granted to 
 George Durant the neck of land which still bears his name." — {Ibid., 
 p. 410.) 
 
 We owe it as a duty to our African population that we should en- 
 deavour to secure to them the right to freely return to their fatherland, 
 and as freely to agree with their kindred people upon any concessions 
 they may choose to make to them as individuals or as associated colo- 
 nists, looking to their re-establishment in their own country. The 
 deportation of their ancestors from Africa in slavery was contrary to 
 the now accepted canons of the laws of nations, and now they may 
 return under those laws to their natural inheritance. In exercising 
 this right they should not be obstructed by a power that had more to 
 do with their enslavement and expulsion, in bondage, from their own 
 country than any other, and that never held a claim upon that country 
 for any purpose of advantage to the people there, but held it chiefly, 
 if not entirely, for the mere purpose of enslaving them. 
 
 It is stated, with the support of strong testimony, that Portugal is 
 still protecting the slave trade on the West Coast of Africa under a thin 
 guise of the voluntary emigration of the negroes to other countries. 
 
 Extracts appended to this report, from Earl Mayo's De Rebus Af- 
 ricanus, in which he gives an account of his personal examination, 
 in 1882, of the Portuguese trading posts, supported by the report of 
 M. du Verge, our United States consul at St. Paul de Loando, show that 
 slavery still exists in the country claimed by Portugal on the Congo, 
 and is fostered there and at St. Paul de Loando by the Portuguese 
 residents. 
 
 This violation of the slave-trade treaties renders the occupancy by
 
 Appendix 501 
 
 Portugal of any African territory at the mouth of the Congo dangerous 
 to all the tribes of the interior, and cannot be sanctioned by the treaty 
 powers while it is attended with such incidents without an abandon- 
 ment of all treaty obligations and duties relating to the slave trade. 
 
 The importance of the Congo River to the continent of Africa as a 
 channel through which civilisation and all its attendant advantages 
 will be introduced into a region inhabited by 50,000,000 of people can- 
 not be too highly estimated. 
 
 After Stanley had made his journey of exploration of nearly 7000 
 miles across the continent of Africa, and had revealed to the world the 
 extent and importance of this great river Congo, all the great commer- 
 cial nations at once began to look earnestly in that direction for a new 
 and most inviting field of commerce, and with the high and noble 
 purpose of opening it freely to the equal enjoyment of all nations alike. 
 
 The merchants of Europe and America insist upon this equal and 
 universal right of free trade with that country, and their Chambers of 
 Commerce have earnestly pressed upon their respective Governments 
 the duty and necessity of such international agreements as would 
 secure these blessings to the people of Africa and of the entire com- 
 mercial world. 
 
 The enlightened King of the Belgians has supplied the means from 
 his private purse to inaugurate civilisation in the Congo country under 
 the authority of its native rulers. He has no thought of extending the 
 power of his realm over that country, but has engaged in this move- 
 ment only as any citizen might. 
 
 Its progress is thus further described by an agent of the African 
 International Association in a letter within the past month: 
 
 "Brussels, February 25. 
 
 "Our territories are extending now on a very rich coast south and 
 north of the mouths of the Quillou, a distance of more than 350 kilo- 
 metres (about 300 miles). 
 
 "That coast has given itself to us by unanimous acclamation of the 
 natives, who hoisted our flag and refused our presents. 
 
 "Our territories are going to be divided into three provinces: (i) 
 Coast and Quillou Madi; (2) Lower Congo, Vivi, Stanley Pool; (3) 
 Upper Congo. 
 
 "Our governmental organisations will then be complete: in Africa, 
 a head chief and governors administering the country and justice: in 
 Europe, the association providing for the financial wants of the new 
 State, and representing the new state and many native sovereigns who 
 have confederated with vis and hoisted our flag. 
 
 "This is the present situation and prospects of the enterprise." 
 
 It may be safely asserted that no barbarous people have ever so 
 readily adopted the fostering care of benevolent enterprise as have the
 
 502 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 tribes of the Congo, and never was there a more honest and practical 
 effort made to increase their knowledge and secure their welfare. 
 
 The people of the Congo country and their benefactors alike deserve 
 the friendly recognition of the United States in their new national 
 character. 
 
 Your committee, therefore, report a substitute for the resolutions 
 referred to them by the Senate, and recommend its passage. 
 
 (From the Revue de Droit International) 
 
 THE FREE NAVIGATION OF THE CONGO 
 By sir TRAVERS TWISS 
 
 The Congress of Vienna inaugurated a new era in the reciprocal 
 relations of European states, by laying down the principle that these 
 relations should be subordinated to the interests of the European 
 community in case of conflict between the individual interests of 
 the states and that which is just in an international point of view. It 
 is a fact, which is apparent to every attentive observer of the great 
 political evolutions of our centvuy, that it is more and more per- 
 ceived that the community of nations create obligations towards it, 
 and that the empire of this community over the states which form 
 part of it has several times obtained formal sanction by means of con- 
 ferences whose protocols point out to us the considerations which 
 dominated their counsels. These protocols form declarations of which 
 all the participants are the sureties. We are proud of modern civil- 
 isation. We congratulate ourselves upon the progress of interna- 
 tional law among civilised nations. We are therefore justified, it 
 seems to me, in asking of the states which participate in the European 
 concert of public law, whether it would not be possible to assert this 
 principle of duty towards the community of states as a means of 
 solving the question of the Congo, without awaiting the stern necessity 
 of intervening to put an end to war, or, at the least, the occasion of 
 offering mediation to avert a recourse to the sad arbitrament of the 
 sword. The Congo question is in the condition of a young tropical 
 plant, whose germ has not yet commenced to develop, but which will 
 perhaps assume suddenly unexpected proportions. 
 
 I have already treated of the free navigation of the Lower Congo, 
 but I have omitted, or at least only glanced at the idea of an interna- 
 tional protectorate, under the cegis of which a modus vivendi could be 
 established upon a solid basis of stipulated right, among the diverse 
 nationalities whose flags float over the factories of Banana Creek, at 
 the entrance of the Congo, and thus proclaim the cosmopolitan char- 
 acter of the settlement. Ascending the channel of the river, Punto 
 da Lenha is reached, where a pentarchy, so to say, of European flags
 
 Appendix 503 
 
 equally affirms the cosmopolitan character of the port, and gives 
 notification that the individual interests which prevail there rest 
 under the protection of five states. Formerly, a common end, the 
 slave trade, was the only bond which united those diverse nationali- 
 ties in a kind of commercial fraternity. To-day there exists between 
 them a law of usage, intended to regulate their common interests; 
 but this usage leaves much to be desired, and it does not control the 
 private life of the residents of each factory, who are free to regulate, 
 according to their own pleasure, their relations with the natives. In 
 fact, there does not exist social order, properly so called, among the 
 factories; there is no collective will among their members, no author- 
 ity which they are bound to obey, and one may say, " Ubi nulla 
 societas, ibi nullum jus." The sad truth of this axiom is confirmed by 
 the stories of frightful cruelties committed upon the natives in the 
 year 1877, an account of which can be found in the dispatches of the 
 English consuls to their Government. {Parliamentary Papers, Africa, 
 No. 2, 1883.) 
 
 M. Moynier, president of the International Committee of the Red 
 Cross, at Geneva, called the attention of the Institute of International 
 Law, during its last session at Munich, to the question of the Congo, 
 and the readers of the Review will remember the proposition which M. 
 Emile de Laveleye developed thereupon (pp. 254-262), asking, in the 
 interests of humanity, that the waters of the Congo should be neu- 
 tralised by European action. M. Moynier had already treated of this 
 subject at the Institute in Paris, in September, 1878; but it was not 
 expected at that time that the majestic course of waters explored by 
 Stanley in 1877 would soon become the object of dangerous rivalries. 
 The result has proved that the whites, who have formed many stations 
 upon the Upper Congo and its affluents, have already run the risk of 
 being engaged in competitions which may disturb the good feeling 
 between the newcomers and the natives, to whom European civilisa- 
 tion should bring only benefits. The arrival at Stanley Pool of a 
 French expedition which ascended the channel of the river Ogouve, 
 from the affluents of the Congo, has introduced upon the banks of 
 tlie Upper Congo the representative of a European Government, who 
 has taken possession, in the name of France, of a territory ceded by 
 the native chiefs of the country. 
 
 It is evident from the very nature of things that the question of 
 the Congo may properly be divided into two parts, for the Lower Congo 
 is already subjected to an order of things entirely exceptional, in which 
 five European nations participate. This condition of affairs was based 
 originally upon a common traffic in slaves, to which has succeeded a 
 legitimate trade with the natives — a commerce in which the European 
 nations take part in a perfectly independent manner, each for itself. 
 In spite of that, there is on the Lower Congo, because of these na-
 
 504 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 tionalities, a certain solidarity of interest which counsels a common 
 accord upon the subject of the navigation and the police of the river. 
 But, as I have before said, as far as regards criminal jurisdiction, the 
 whites of each factory regard themselves as independent, and not as 
 responsible to any Government whatsoever. 
 
 The Upper Congo, on the contrary, bathes the territories of many 
 native tribes. Their chiefs have granted stations to the agents of the 
 International Association, which depend upon no European sovereign, 
 but which are modelled upon certain institutions of the Middle Ages, 
 to enable the population of barbarous Africa to participate in the 
 advantages of European civilisation. All the stations which this 
 Association possesses have been acquired peaceably by treaties with 
 sovereign chiefs of the country. It governs them by intelligent men, 
 belonging to all European nationalities. And, moreover, it has hoisted 
 over these stations a flag which signifies that they belong to no especial 
 nation, but that they form part of an International Association 
 founded in the interests of the natives, and which represents all 
 countries interested in the progress of humanity. A single European 
 nation has entered this humanitarian arena, and that is the French 
 Republic, w-hich, in accepting, as a European State, the cession of 
 territory made to M. Savorgnan de Brazza, has notified the civilised 
 world that France has not sought to put private interests in opposition 
 to the general interests of civilisation, represented in Africa by a flag, 
 the principal merit of which is precisely that of not being the flag of 
 any one power. (See Report presented by the Government of the 
 Republic to the Chamber of Deputies, 20th November, 1882.) 
 
 ' ' Neither in the spirit of your Commission [it is there said] nor in 
 the views of the Government, is there any purpose at this moment to 
 go upon the banks of the Congo, or upon the neighbouring shores with 
 military array, but simply to found scientific, hospitable, and com- 
 mercial stations, without other military force than may be strictly 
 necessary for the protection of the establishments successively created. " 
 
 Unfortunately, the appearance of a European national flag upon 
 the banks of Stanley Pool raised the question whether the agent of an 
 association which had not the political character of a State, could, by a 
 cession of the actual Sovereign of the countrj^ acquire and exercise the 
 sovereignty of a territory situated outside of Europe. I say outside of 
 Europe, because we do not seek to find the solution of such a problem, 
 as affecting Africa or Asia, in the existing political condition of affairs 
 in Europe, nor in the fixed regulations of European society, upon which 
 that condition of things rests, but in the unwritten law of nations, 
 which should regulate the relations between free peoples, no matter to 
 what family they belong, nor what religion they profess. Yet the 
 practice of Europe, while Christianity was seeking to accomplish the 
 high mission of civilising the barbarous races on the northern and
 
 Appendix 505 
 
 eastern frontiers, merits our attention, because of a certain analogy 
 between the condition of those frontiers in the eleventh century, and 
 the present condition of Equatorial Africa. 
 
 In order, therefore, to appreciate the action of the International 
 African Association, and to fathom the question whether this action 
 is without precedent in the action of European peoples, it will be 
 profitable, in the first place, to study the archives of a period when 
 Europe was not entirely Christian, and when Christianity made a 
 propaganda among the native pagan tribes who at that time inhabited 
 a part of the country which we now call Prussia. This study will 
 bring to our knowledge the action of an international association which 
 accomplished the civilisation of a country inhabited by people who 
 might be called savages, and, at the same time, will furnish a refuta- 
 tion of the assertion put forth by certain publicists that States alone 
 can exercise the rights of sovereignty. 
 
 M. de Laveleye, before cited, has made allusion to the Teutonic 
 Order as an institution for the propagation of civilisation, which, in 
 the Middle Ages, carried ci\41isation to the populations on the borders 
 of the Baltic and cemented them to the rest of Europe. The action 
 of this famous order in regard to the acquisition of the sovereignty of 
 a barbarous country has an important analogy to the action of the 
 International African Association. 
 
 Thus this order was originally a charitable association of Germans 
 which the citizens of the free cities of Bremen and Lubeck instituted 
 at the siege of St. Jean d'Acre, during the Fourth Crusade. After- 
 wards, this association constituted itself into an order of chivalry 
 towards the end of the twelfth century, and, after the religious en- 
 thusiasm to which the Crusades had given birth had ceased to in- 
 flame the nations of Southern Europe, the order established itself at 
 Culm, in the country which is now called Western Prussia, where 
 Conrad, Duke of Massovie, of the Polish Dynasty of the Piasts, ceded 
 to it a territory and assured to it the conquests it might make over the 
 idolatrous Prussians. The order by gradual steps established its 
 dominion with Christianity over the whole of Prussia. The city of 
 Konigsberg, upon the Pregel, was built by it in 1255, and the city of 
 Marienbourg, upon the Nougat, which became afterwards the capital 
 of the order, dates its foundation back to the year 1276.' 
 
 Another order, that of the Chevalier's Sword- Bearers (Ensijerri), 
 was established in Livonia, where, finding itself too weak to sustain the 
 attacks of the pagans, it ended by uniting itself to the Teutonic Order. 
 This union rendered the Teutonic Order so powerful it was able to 
 
 ' The Schloss Hauptmann of the Castle of Marienbourg, formerly 
 the palace of the grand master of the order, is now appointed by the 
 King of Prussia.
 
 5o6 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 establish its authority over the whole of Prussia, Courland, and Sene- 
 gal, and from the annalists of that time we learn that in converting 
 the people to Christianity the Teutonic Order subjected them to an 
 exceedingly hard yoke. The Teutonic Order maintained itself in the 
 sovereignty of this country until the middle of the fifteenth century, 
 when it was subjected to great territorial losses in a war against 
 Poland, and was compelled to become the vassal of the King of Poland 
 for East Prussia. It is upon the embers of this order that the 
 Prussian monarchy was established by the courage of the descendants 
 of Duke Albert of Brandenbourg, grand master of the order, the first 
 Duke of Prussia. 
 
 It is to be observed that, during all this time that this order was 
 sovereign, it was not recognised as a State, and that the master of 
 Livonia was not admitted to a sitting and vote among the States of 
 the German Empire until after this order had ceased to be sovereign. 
 
 The City of Dantzic was, for two centuries, up to 1454, the mari- 
 time capital of the order, and it may be said that the Teutonic Order 
 was the supreme power during two centuries on the shores of the 
 Eastern Baltic, without being organised as a State. ^ 
 
 On the other hand, in the south of Europe, there was an order of 
 chivalry whose services to civilisation in defending Christian countries 
 against the invasions of the Arabs and the Turks are more famous 
 even than those of the Teutonic Order. I refer to the sovereign Order 
 of St. John of Jerusalem. This order, originally founded for the serv- 
 ice of the hospital of St. John at Jerusalem, quitted the holy city at 
 the commencement of the fourteenth century and established itself 
 in the island of Rhodes to defend the frontiers of Christianity against 
 the attacks of the Saracens. Then it had to give up the island of 
 Rhodes to the Turks, and it established itself in the island of Malta, 
 of which it obtained the territorial sovereignty as a gift from the Em- 
 peror, Charles V., in 1530. Even this order adopted a territorial 
 title, that of the Order of Chevaliers of Malta, and maintained its 
 sovereignty over this island until the year 1798. The English having 
 soon after become masters of the island by conquest from the French, 
 it was proposed by the Congress of Amiens, the 27th March, 1802, to 
 restore the fortress of Malta to the Order of St. John, and to put the 
 independence of the island under the guarantee of the powers uniting 
 in that congress. This project failed. At the Congress of Vienna, in 
 1 81 5, the Order of Malta demanded to be provided with another 
 
 ' The old Teutonic Order was suppressed in the year 1809 at the 
 peace of Luneville, when the grand master of the order was secularised 
 for the archduke to be chosen by the emperor. It may be said of the 
 Teutonic Order that it was renewed in 1824 and reorganised in 1840 
 and 1865, but that it is the shadow of a great glory — magni stat nominis 
 umbra.
 
 Appendix 507 
 
 sovereign establishment in the Mediterranean suitable for the institu- 
 tion of the order, and that its independence and neutrality should 
 be guaranteed by all the powers. The congress would not listen to 
 this demand. 
 
 I have cited these two examples to show that according to the law 
 of usage of Europe, associations which are not organised as states 
 can, nevertheless, exercise sovereign rights. But it may be said that 
 these orders of chivalry were privileged orders, and that they belong 
 to an epoch when Christian civilisation was propagated at the sword's 
 point. Putting aside, then, the military epoch of the civilising pro- 
 paganda, let us pass to the commercial era inaugurated by the dis- 
 coveries of Christopher Columbus and Vasco de Gama. The theory 
 of publicists which we have to examine is this, that a private asso- 
 ciation cannot exercise sovereign rights in a barbarous country. A 
 learned collaborateur of the Revue de geographie, of Paris, has formu- 
 lated it in these terms: "It is a principle of law that states alone can 
 exercise sovereign rights; that no private company can have them. "' 
 It is evident that this proposition is affirmed by M. Delavand in too 
 absolute a manner, for the facts of history contradict it. Among the 
 members who formed the great Union of the United States of North 
 America there were at least four which owed their origin to private 
 associations, whose territorial sovereignty had been established be- 
 fore they received any charter of incorporation from the Crown of 
 England. Everybody knows that a commercial company acquired 
 by treaties with the natives the sovereignty of the English Indies. A 
 similar Dutch company acquired and exercised sovereign rights in the 
 island of Java and in the Malaccas. Should there be a different rule 
 in Africa from that which has prevailed in America and Asia? Or 
 should there be, for the young republics of the nineteenth century, a 
 law of nations directly opposed to that which prevailed at the founda- 
 tion of the independent States on the shores of North America — 
 States whose federation gave birth to the parent republic of our age? 
 I do not think so. Doubtless the national law of a country may pro- 
 hibit its citizens from accepting the sovereignty of a barbarous coun- 
 try, but the international question must not be confounded with the 
 question of national law, in regard to which we may sa.y," Extra tcrri- 
 toriutn jus dicenti intpune -non parctnr" 
 
 Will it be said that these ideas are superannuated; that they do 
 not belong to our age? I will reply by a very recent example, which 
 has been the subject of discussion between the Governments of Spain, 
 the Netherlands, and Great Britain. It is known that certain native 
 chiefs on the northern coast of the island of Borneo delegated to a 
 European, a private individual, rights implying the exercise of terri- 
 
 » Vol. xii. of the Revue above cited, p. 224.
 
 5o8 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 torial sovereignty ; that the person to whom the chiefs of the country 
 had delegated supreme power, under the title of maharaja, ceded his 
 rights to a private company, and that that company obtained from 
 the English Crown a charter of incorporation. It may be said that 
 the history of the propagation of civilisation in the seventeenth cent- 
 ury in America is renewed in Asia and Africa in the nineteenth cent- 
 ury. The English Government regarded this delegation of sovereign 
 rights by native chiefs, in return for an annual subsidy, as a sufficient 
 title to enable the company to exercise these powers, and sustained 
 this proposition before the House of Commons. In reply to a ques- 
 tion in regard to the granting of the charter of incorporation, Sir Henry 
 James, Attorney General, said: 
 
 "The rights which have been accorded the company have become 
 legally its property, and it would have been an act of confiscation if 
 the Government of Her Majesty had attempted to deprive it of them." 
 
 And the prime minister, Mr. Gladstone, also affirmed that the 
 charter had not granted to the company any power to exercise rights 
 implying sovereignty which it had not already acquired by delegation 
 from native chiefs. A correspondent of the Revue de geographic of 
 Paris has specified these rights according to the contents of the act of 
 delegation.^ It is not doubtful that in virtue of this act the company, 
 without being a state, can exercise sovereign rights over a considerable 
 territory in the northern part of the island of Borneo. M. E. de 
 Laveleye, before cited, says that Germany, formally consulted by the 
 British Government in 1882, did not question the capacity of private 
 individuals or of companies to obtain from non-civilised Sovereigns 
 the concession of rights implying the exercise of rights of sovereignty. 
 The Governments of the Netherlands and of Spain did not deny such 
 power, but they claimed to have anterior rights over the northern 
 portion of Borneo; and it was in virtue of those anterior rights that 
 they protested against the rights claimed by the British North Borneo 
 Company. It is, therefore, evident that the obstacles which the 
 establishment of stations by the International Association upon the 
 Upper Congo might meet with from European powers are not to be 
 found in the fact that they are in contravention of any law of nations 
 by virtue of which states alone can exercise sovereign rights, but 
 solely in the fact that Portugal pretends, by reason of anterior rights, 
 to deny the capacity of the native chiefs of the country to cede the 
 sovereignty of a part of their territories without the consent of 
 Portugal. 
 
 It appears, in the meantime, that the British Government did not 
 
 ^ Mr. A. J. Wauters, assistant secretary of the International Con- 
 gress of Commercial Geography, 1879. First number of the Revue, 
 July I, 1883, p. 63.
 
 Appendix 509 
 
 yield to the pretensions raised by Holland and Spain concerning the 
 northern part of the island of Borneo, and that the Government of 
 the French Republic, in spite of the pretensions of Portugal, has 
 recognised the supremacy of a native king upon the Upper Congo, and 
 has accepted the cession of his hereditary rights. This treaty, con- 
 cluded by M. Savorgnan de Brazza, as the representative of France, 
 at Neousa, the 30th October, 1880, ceded to France a territory which 
 was in the possession of certain chiefs, vassals of the King Makoko; 
 and said chiefs signed the treaty, whilst the King Makoko, in his 
 capacity as suzerain of these chiefs, ceded to France, by an act in- 
 vested with his mark, his rights of supremacy over this territory. It 
 seems, therefore, that there is no place for a suzerainty of Portugal over 
 the regions arotmd Stanley Pool, according to the opinion of the 
 Government of the French Republic, for the Senate and the Chamber 
 of Deputies authorised the President of the Republic to ratify the 
 treaty and act above mentioned, and the President has promulgated a 
 law to give them full effect. 
 
 It might reasonably be asked, if there is any difference in principle 
 between the right of African chiefs, admitting they are sovereigns 
 of a territory, and the right of Asiatic chiefs to cede their territory 
 to a private company. France, at least, has recognised the right 
 of King Makoko, suzerain of the Batakes, to cede to a European State 
 his rights of sovereignty, and the right of the chiefs subordinate to 
 his authority to cede the possession of the parts of the territory they 
 occupied. Why should it be forbidden to a native chief to cede his 
 territory to an international European company, which, according to 
 the law of nations, is perfectly capable of accepting and exercising 
 such a sovereignty? 
 
 The Contite d'Etudes of the Upper Congo — for it is necessary to 
 distinguish between the association which occupies the Lower Congo 
 and the association which occupies the Upper Congo — has made, 
 through Mr. Stanley, with the native chiefs, treaties, which in regard 
 to their tenor resemble more closely the treaties concluded by the 
 British Society with the Sultans of Brunei and Sooloo, in the island of 
 Borneo, than the treaties concluded by the native chiefs of the Upper 
 Congo with M. Savorgnan de Brazza. Take for example the treaty 
 which Captain Eliot, agent of Mr. Stanley, concluded with the Chief 
 Manipembo, the 20th of May of this year. The first three articles de- 
 clare that the Chief Manipembo cedes and abandons to the committee 
 of the Upper Congo, in full property, certain territories in return for a 
 present the receipt of which is acknowledged, and he solemnly de- 
 clares that these territories form an integral part of his State, and that 
 he can freely dispose of them. It is clearly evident from the tenor of 
 these articles that the Chief Manipembo recognises no superior chief 
 Article IV. of the treaty states that the cession of territory' carries with
 
 5IO Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 it the abandonment by the above-named chief, and the transfer to 
 the committee of all his sovereign rights. 
 
 Was this transmission of sovereign rights to the committee of the 
 Upper Congo illegal according to the law of nations? It is indis- 
 putable that the Chief Manipembo was legally capable of concluding 
 treaties with European Powers, for the French Republic, through M. 
 Cordier, on the 12th of March of this year, concluded with him and 
 ■with the King of Loango treaties by which all the left bank of the 
 river Quillou,' which empties into the Bay of Loango, is placed under 
 the protectorate of France. 
 
 Concerning the exercise of sovereign rights by the committee of 
 the Upper Congo, accjuircd by treaties with native chiefs, if reliance 
 can be placed upon an article in the Journal V Export, which professes 
 to have its facts from good authority, the committee has instructed 
 its representatives, in case of expeditions from any nation seeking to 
 establish themselves there, to give them gratuitously the necessary 
 land. The committee wishes especially to create colonies at the sta- 
 tions of the Congo, and to see developed there a new kind of free 
 cities. An idea which may throw some light on the future of the 
 Upper Congo is this: An International Protectorate of the Lower 
 Congo, under the presidency of Portugal, and a system of free cities 
 for the Upper Congo. 
 
 History teaches us that the march of the caravans which traverse 
 the sandy deserts of Northern Africa has been rendered possible by 
 the existence of certain spots where nature has made provision of 
 water and vegetation where travellers and camels can rest and refresh 
 themselves. Why should not a philanthropic association be per- 
 mitted to imitate this foresight of nature, and to establish, like these 
 oases, free cities at certain distances upon the banks of the great river 
 of Equatorial Africa, to facilitate the progress of a humane civilisation 
 and the development of a beneficent commerce? 
 
 The institution of free cities in Germany greatly accelerated the 
 progress of the arts and civilisation in Europe, and the rapid develop- 
 ment of these cities in the fourteenth century teaches us that by 
 means of such an organisation a nearly barbarous country can be 
 erected into a civilised body upon an industrial and commercial basis. 
 These cities, either through their origin or by virtue of the charters 
 granted them by sovereign powers, secured to themsehes a free gov- 
 ernment, which assured to their citizens personal liberty and the owner- 
 ship of their property under the protection of their own magistrates. 
 
 The traveller in the free city of Bremen, on arriving at the market- 
 place, will see before him a great stone column which is called the 
 Rolands Saule. This column supports the colossal figure of a man, 
 holding in his right hand a sword, and crushing under his feet the head 
 
 ^ Niadi-Kwilu.
 
 Appendix 5" 
 
 and hand of a man. This is emblematical of the right of the city to 
 dispose of the lives and labour of its inhabitants. The present column 
 was erected in 141 2, but it replaced a wooden column which dated 
 back to the period of the First Crusade, and whose origin is unknown. 
 Other monuments of analogous character to this are found in many of 
 the cities of Germany, and they are symbols of the right which the 
 magistrates of these cities had to exercise both civil and criminal 
 jurisdiction. They bear witness that these cities were siii juris in 
 regard to the power to make and execute their laws. Should an in- 
 stitution which contributed so much to attach the North of Europe to 
 the civilisation of the South, which rooted itself so firmly upon the 
 shores of the North Sea and the Baltic that its vitality withstood the 
 strain of wars and civil dissensions for six centuries, — should that be 
 regarded as an innovation in the usages of nations when transplanted 
 into Equatorial Africa? 
 
 When the Dutch Provinces of Spain revolted against the Spanish 
 Crown, and the Prince of Orange granted letters of mark to individuals, 
 to make reprisals against Spain, the Spanish Government refused to 
 recognise the legality of these letters of mark, upon the pretext that a 
 republic could not exercise rights of admiralty which belonged ex- 
 clusively to crowned heads. This is the origin of the term of oppro- 
 brium, quex de mer, which the Spaniards employed to degrade the 
 Dutch, but which the Dutch adopted as a title of honour. In the 
 same way as now, it was then attempted to make it appear that under 
 the law of nations states alone could exercise sovereign rights. But 
 the facts contradicted this proposition. The suggestion recalls the 
 fable of the hare and the tortoise. According to the principles of pure 
 mathematics the tortoise should never be able to catch the hare, but 
 the problem is simplified enormously when recourse is had to the 
 proof of the facts. To use a scholastic expression, "Experience dis- 
 covers the truth" — solvitur ambulando. For example, the right of the 
 International African Association to hoist a flag upon its steamboats 
 upon the Lower Congo cannot be denied, while the English society, in 
 possession of the rights of the Sultans of Brunei and Sooloo, implying 
 the exercise of rights of sovereignty, has raised its flag, and the British 
 admiralty has been authorised to recognise it. 
 
 To return to the objection of certain publicists that a State alone can 
 exercise sovereign rights. The free cities of ancient Rome and of the 
 empire of Germany (to distinguish it from the present empire) were 
 not subjects of the Emperor, but vassals of the empire, and when the 
 free city of Strasbourg capitulated, in the year 1681, the King of France 
 received it under his royal protection, and it preserved all its privi- 
 leges and its magistrates with civil and criminal jurisdiction, as a free 
 republic, with a territorial zone, under the protection of France, until 
 the French Revolution.
 
 512 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 What are the obstacles which delay the establishment of a system 
 of free cities on the banks of the Upper Congo, and which prevent the 
 powers whose subjects have establishments on the Lower Congo from 
 coming to an agreement as to an international protectorate of the 
 river? There is a European power which arrogates to itself, in virtue 
 of a discovery of the mouth of the river Congo in the year 1484, the 
 sovereignty of all territory watered by this river and its affluents. I 
 do not speak of the pretensions of this power over all the territory of 
 the west coast of Africa, between 5°, 12', and 8° south latitude — pre- 
 tensions which have been contested by France, by Holland, and even 
 by England since the slave trade was abolished by conventions be- 
 tween the British and Portuguese Governments. So long as the slave 
 trade existed, everybody hunted Negroes in common in the regions of 
 the Congo. Since the slave trade was abolished the maritime powers 
 of Europe have treated the pretensions of Portugal with courtesy, 
 but not one has admitted them. 
 
 I affirm, with all the respect due to the coimtry of Prince Henry 
 the Navigator, that this is the condition of things upon the Congo, 
 although the Portuguese Government, in a circular dispatch, written 
 in reply to a resolution of the Institute of International Law, has 
 asserted that its rights are not disputed. 
 
 In support of this assertion of the Portuguese Government the 
 author of the dispatch cites an incident of the last Franco-German 
 war. During the war a French corvette captured a German merchant 
 vessel, the Hero, lying at anchor in Banana Creek, inside the mouths 
 of the Congo. The circular dispatch states that the German Govern-- 
 ment requested the Portuguese Government to demand the rendition 
 of the prize, as captured in Portuguese waters; but it does not say 
 that the Portuguese Government took any steps before the French 
 prize courts, or that the French Government acceded thereto. The 
 statement of facts stops there. Then, the dispatch says that "the 
 news soon reached Europe that the French governor of Gaboon, 
 the port into which the captor had carried his prize, had set at liberty 
 the crew, and caused the German ship to be taken back to Banana 
 Creek, where it remained at anchor till the close of the war." 
 
 The author of the dispatch appears to me the victim of the paral- 
 ogism described by the phrase post hoc, propter hoc, for he attempts 
 to draw from these facts the ' ' irresistible conclusion ' ' that the Governor 
 of Gaboon recognised the waters of Banana Creek as Portuguese 
 waters. It appears, on the contrary, that the ship was set at liberty 
 by the Governor of Gaboon, ^notu siio proprio, and in no manner on 
 account of any demand of the Portuguese Government; and the only 
 legitimate conclusion from the premises is this: The Governor of 
 Gaboon recognised that the capture of the ship had been effected in 
 territorial waters, where, whether they belonged to a native King or to
 
 Appendix 513 
 
 a European power, France had not the right as a belligerent power to 
 capture the enemy's ships.' The Governor of Gaboon conducted him- 
 self loyally without waiting special instructions from his Government. 
 This fact, which the author of the dispatch cites as a proof of Portu- 
 guese sovereignty over the territories of the west coast of Africa, be- 
 tween 5°, 12', and 8°, south latitude, comprising the mouths of the 
 Congo, has absolutely no significance as an argument. 
 
 Another event which the dispatch of the Portuguese Government 
 recalls is that of the ist of May, 1877, which had previously acquired 
 considerable notoriety by the publication of the correspondence be- 
 tween the Portuguese Government and the Government of her Bri- 
 tannic Majesty. Several old slave-traders, established at Punta da 
 Lenha, were carrying on a regular and legal commerce with the na- 
 tives, but, at the same time, were slave-owners. In consequence of 
 an incendiary attempt upon a Dutch factory, the residents of Punta 
 da Lenha made a "noyade" (drowning of several persons at the same 
 time) of Negroes in the river opposite Boma. The British consul, who 
 resides ordinarily at Saint Paul de Loando, which city is under the 
 jurisdiction of the Portuguese crown, wished to make inquiries at the 
 scene of the crime in regard to the summary execution of twenty-nine 
 Negroes by order of their masters, but he did not dare to disembark at 
 Punta da Lenha because of the threats of the inhabitants. Under 
 these circumstances, the Portuguese Government conducted itself in 
 a very proper manner. At the instance of Consul Hopkins, of Loando, 
 the governor of the Portuguese province of Angola sent a gunboat to 
 Punta da Lenha, and arrested a British subject named Scott, im- 
 plicated in the noyade, and was perfectly willing to try the accused 
 according to the laws of Portugal with the consent of the English 
 consul; but the correspondence between the two governments shows 
 that the English Government was unwilling to admit Portuguese 
 sovereignty over the banks of the Congo. It is surprising that the 
 author of the circular dispatch should have cited this incident as in- 
 dicating the recognition of Portuguese sovereignty by the English 
 Government, when the correspondence presented to the British Par- 
 liament in regard to the matter proves precisely the reverse. Here, for 
 example, are the terms of a dispatch of Sir Julian Pauncefote, under 
 secretary of state, to the English consul at Loando, which closes the 
 correspondence : 
 
 "The territory in which these outrages have been committed has 
 long been claimed by the Portuguese Government, and this claim is 
 renewed in the correspondence with the Portuguese authorities in- 
 
 ' The Times of the 5th November, 1882, in which an English transla- 
 tion of the circular dispatch of the Portuguese Government is pub- 
 lished, says: "Unquestionably becaitse the Government perceived 
 that the capture had been made improperly."
 
 SH Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 closed in your dispatches. Her Majesty's Government, however, as 
 you are aware, have always contested and opposed that claim, and 
 cannot, therefore, admit the jurisdiction of the Portuguese tribunals 
 to deal with the case of Scott. ' ' * 
 
 No one accuses Portugal of wishing to impede the free navigation 
 of the Congo, but it is to be regretted that, being powerless to insure 
 that navigation to its own subjects, it is unwilling to consent to a 
 friendly agreement with the powers whose subjects have factories upon 
 the north bank, to put the navigation of the river beyond risk of 
 danger. I have said advisedly that Portugal is powerless to insure 
 the navigation of the river to its own subjects. I have already spoken 
 of the tribes which inhabit the borders of Pirates' Bay, upon the north 
 bank of the river, against whom the English commander, Hewitt, had 
 to organise an expedition in 1875, because they had plundered an Eng- 
 lish merchant ship and massacred the crew. But there is, on the 
 south bank, a considerable tribe who practise piracy on a large scale, 
 and do not even respect Portuguese vessels. The pirates especially 
 infest San Antonio, at the southern extremity of the mouth, in the 
 immediate neighbourhood of the column of Point del Padron. The 
 author of a book entitled Four Years on the Cortgo,' published in Paris, 
 describes an attack by these pirates upon a Portuguese brig. The ac- 
 count is interesting, but I will not now go into details. What it im- 
 ports is, the powerlessness of the Portuguese Government to suppress 
 the piracy of this tribe and to punish the guilty ones. I cite an extract 
 from this work which gives the history of the Portuguese expedition 
 sent to punish the Mussorangos who had attacked the Portuguese brig: 
 
 "On the 15th of November two corvettes and the frigate La 
 Guadiana left Loando. The little fleet, commanded by M. Viegas de 
 
 C , headed for the Congo. The commander hoped to surprise the 
 
 Negroes. Arrived at a place considered sacred, and which is called 
 the "Stone of the Fetish," they anchored, and M. Viegas himself, with 
 one company, ascended the creek in a steam gunboat and effected a 
 landing, which the savages endeavoured at first to oppose; but soon 
 afterwards, dislodged by the showers of grape shot from the frigate, 
 moored a few cables' length only from the shore, they retired in good 
 order. Meanwhile, the little band of whites, finding no serious resist- 
 ance, advanced. The corvettes shelled the \dllages in sight. Some 
 groups of Mussorangos, who had stood firm till then, feeling themselves 
 vanquished fled in every direction, returning and stopping, from time 
 to time, behind trees to discharge their guns at the whites. The com- 
 mander burned all the villages he found. That was all that could be 
 done. It would not have been prudent to march at a venture into an 
 unknown country in search of an unapproachable enemy, always flee- 
 
 ' Parliamentary Papers, Africa, No. 2, 1882, p. 86. 
 2 Paris, G. Charpentier & Co., 1883.
 
 Appendix 515 
 
 mg. It was necessary to re-embark; the ships came back to Banana, 
 where they remained some days, and then returned to Saint Paul." 
 
 This is a very recent occurrence, which does not very well bear out 
 the assertions of the Portuguese Government relative to the efficacy 
 of its jurisdiction as remedy for the disorders of the Congo. 
 
 "The Congo [says the author of the circular dispatch] and the 
 territories bordering its mouth are already the seat of an important 
 commerce, and of European establishments of diverse nationalities, 
 but there is no security either for life or property, no police, no courts, 
 nor any of the institutions so necessary to all civilised people, and 
 which can only be established under a recognised and effective juris- 
 diction. And such jurisdiction can only be exercised by Portugal, 
 because no other nation possesses or claims any rights of sovereignty 
 over these territories." '■ 
 
 I repeat, the good intentions of Portugal are not in dispute. What 
 is wanting is energy and material power; and it is necessary to have 
 these in order to civilise the country discovered by the agents of the 
 International Association. Four centuries have elapsed since Diego 
 Cam, a Portuguese cavalier, erected a column upon the Point del 
 Padron, the end of the south bank of the river's mouth, in commemora- 
 tion of the fact that a subject of the crown of Portugal had discovered 
 the great river Congo. This same point is to-day in the hands of 
 a native tribe, which not only does not recognise the sovereignty 
 of Portugal, but openly defies it. Nevertheless, the author of the 
 circular finds much fault with the resolution of the Institute of In- 
 ternational Law, because that resolution implies, according to him, 
 forgetfulness of the rights of Portugal. What rights? There exist 
 rights based upon the discovery of the country, but considering that 
 the fleets of Pharaoh Neco, King of Egypt, made the circuit of Africa, 
 we cannot admit that the legal discovery of the Congo was effected by 
 Diego Cam. But rights founded upon the discovery of the country are 
 only imperfect rights; occupation should follow, within a reasonable 
 time, to render them perfect; otherwise the discovery becomes inop- 
 erative, like an abandoned title. Has Portugal occupied both banks 
 of the Congo to acquire possession of its waters? Have we the proof 
 of it? On the contrary, the very territory where Cam erected this 
 column is to-day in the power of a native tribe, who have always resisted 
 Portuguese sovereignty, and who openly claim to be (a thing almost 
 incredible) the enemies of the human race (Jiostes humani generis). 
 And, on the other hand, England, which pretends to no sovereignty 
 over the waters of the Congo, has been obliged to land a force 
 upon the north bank to chastise an act of piracy committed by the 
 inhabitants of the creeks in the neighbourhood of Banana. 
 
 ' I quote the te.xt of the circular as published in the Independance 
 Beige of the 7th November, 1883.
 
 5i6 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 It is evident that very soon the problem of the free navigation of 
 the Congo will assume such proportions that the solution cannot be 
 longer deferred. Should this solution wait upon a state which up to 
 now has only demonstrated its powerlessness to civilise the countries 
 on the south bank of the Lower Congo, its sovereignty over which is 
 not disputed by any European state? 
 
 London, November 21, 1883. 
 
 ARGUMENT OF PROFESSOR EGIDE ARNTZ 
 
 Can independent chiefs of savage tribes cede to private citizens the 
 whole or part of their states, with the sovereign rights which pertain 
 to them, conformably to the traditional customs of the country? 
 
 This question, as it is propounded, presents two aspects. It must 
 be considered : 
 
 I. From the point of view of the right of the one who cedes. 
 II. From the point of view of the one to whom the cession is made. 
 
 In examining this question from the standpoint of international law, 
 we must first ask if the chiefs of savage tribes can, generally, make 
 treaties, conventions, cessions of territories; in other words, if the 
 tribes which they represent are considered as states, having the 
 capacity to make international treaties, which would be respected as 
 such by all civilised or non-civilised nations. 
 
 From the fifteenth century till early in the nineteenth century, the 
 rules of international law were regarded as being to some extent an 
 exclusive privilege of Christian peoples, for the establishment of regular 
 relations between them. With regard to pagan peoples, they were not 
 considered as participating in the political community which interna- 
 tional law established between Christians; and it was only by Article 
 VII. of the treaty of Paris of the 30th of March, 1856, that the Sub- 
 lime Porte was admitted "to participate in the advantages of the 
 European concert." 
 
 We can easily understand that Christian nations could not admit to 
 participation in the advantages of international law the people of 
 nations who did not recognise this law as binding upon themselves, 
 and who did not practise its precepts. Publicists and moralists teach 
 that in their relations with pagan and savage populations. Christian 
 sovereigns should always conduct themselves honestly, and observe 
 the rules of justice, equity, and Christian morality. 
 
 It would be too long to enter here into the details of the discussions 
 which the authors of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries had on the 
 subject of the conduct of European nations in regard to the Indians. 
 We shall limit ourselves to saying that the relations of the states of
 
 Appendix 517 
 
 Europe with other nations had no fixed rules, that they varied much, 
 according to the power and importance of the foreign nations, accord- 
 ing to the communications more or less niimerous which Europeans had 
 with them, and according to the manners and customs practised by 
 them.' 
 
 Thanks to the progress of hiunanitarian ideas, of a better practice of 
 Christian morality, and the greater influence of principles of interna- 
 tional justice, feeble people, almost savage, although not possessed of 
 the benefits of civilisation, are no longer considered in our days, as de- 
 stined to serve as a mine for civilised nations to "work." All those 
 having a human face, turned towards the heavens, are considered as 
 members of the great htunan family, children of the common Father, 
 animated by the same Divine breath, having the same destiny to ac- 
 complish, and meriting the respect due to human dignity. 
 
 These ideas have prevailed with jurisconsults and publicists, have 
 permeated their doctrines, and happily have guided their practices. 
 Savage tribes, although living in very imperfect communities, as well 
 as their territories, are no longer regarded to-day as things without a 
 master, and belonging to the first occupier, that is, to the first comer 
 stronger than themselves. Want of civilisation can no longer serve 
 as a pretext to ci\'ilised nations to put them under subjection, or to 
 control them by violence. 
 
 The law of nations is a science still imperfectly moulded or stereo- 
 typed, and especially is it a science which ought not to be, and #annot 
 be, formulated a priori. Its fundamental principle is, no doubt, phi- 
 losophy, but it has its positive base in the facts of history and authori- 
 tative doctrine. 
 
 What are the conditions to enable a state to exist, as such, and to 
 qualify it to treat? 
 
 "A certain number of men and families, who, being united, in a 
 country, and having fixed their abode there, associate and submit 
 themselves to a common chief, with the intention of providing for the 
 safety of all, form a state," says Kluber,^ and to the same effect says 
 G. F. Von Marten. 3 
 
 "Sovereignty [continues Kliiber 4] in this extended sense consists in 
 the ensemble of rights belonging to a state, independent as regards its 
 
 'Heffter, par. 7, p. 14: "With respect to non-Christian states, which 
 are not yet regularly admitted into the bosom of the European family, 
 the application of the same law is entirely free, and founded upon 
 a purely conventional reciprocity. Relations with them are formed 
 according to the exigencies of policy and morality." 
 
 ' Droit de gens tnoderne, p'ar. 20. 
 
 3 Einleitung in das positive eiiropaische Volkerrecht, Gottingen, 1796, 
 p. I. 
 
 4 Droit des gens moderne, par. 21.
 
 5i8 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 object. It comprises, first, the entire independence of the state in 
 the face of foreign nations; second, legitimate power of the Govern- 
 ment or of the authority which the purpose of the state demands." 
 
 The same author says ' : 
 
 "Sovereignty is acquired by a state either at its foundation or when it 
 separates itself legitimately from the dependence under which it was. To 
 be valid, it does not need to be recognised or guaranteed by any foreign 
 power whatever, provided its possession is not faulty (vicieuse)." 
 
 It is useless to multiply extracts. The principles summarised by 
 Kluber on the sovereignty, the independence, and the equality of 
 states, from the legal point of view, are equally professed by all au- 
 thors. We will limit ourselves to the following: Heffter, par. 15, 16, 
 pp. 32-34; par. 23, pp. 42, 43; par. 26, 27, pp. 47-49. Wheaton, 
 vol. i., pp. 32, 43. Vattel, lib. i., chap, i., sec. 4. W. E. Hall, Inter- 
 national Law, par. 2, 4, pp. 16-20; par. 6-8, pp. 34-37; par. 9, 10, pp. 
 39-42. Calvo, Droit international, par. 39-41, pp. 143-147. 
 
 Tribes inhabiting determined territory, represented by their chiefs, 
 form, therefore, independent states. 
 
 From this the first consequence is that the territories which they 
 occupy are not things without masters (res nullius), and cannot be 
 occupied by other states. It is only territories without master, that 
 is to say, upon which no sovereign power is yet established, that can 
 be the object of occupation. 
 
 As regards the right of occupation, see the following authors : 
 
 "Christian people cannot rightfully take possession of lands which 
 savages already really occupy," says George Frederick von Marten. 2 
 
 Kluber 3 says : "A state can acquire things which belong to no one 
 {res nullius) by occupation {original) , and the goods of others by means 
 of conventions (derivative occupation) ... In order that the 
 occupation may be legitimate, the thing itself should be susceptible of 
 exclusive property and belong to no one. (A) The state should have 
 the intention of acquiring the property thereof." 
 
 In the note (A) the author says: "Property thus is acquired right- 
 fully by an occupation without flaw; it is preserved by continuous 
 possession. In consequence no nation is authorised, no matter what 
 its pretensions, especially if of a higher degree of culture, to seize upon 
 the property of another nation. It cannot even take it from savages 
 or nomads." 
 
 The author cites in support of this, Gunther, Vdlkerrecht, vol. ii., p. 
 lo et seq. See also the beautiful and energetic passage from Heffter, 
 Le droit international public, vol. i., par. 70, pp. 141, 142: "Droit 
 d'Occupation. " 
 
 ^ Droit des gens moderne, par. 23. 
 
 ^ Einleitung in das positive europaische Volkerrecht, par. 31. 
 
 3 Droit des gens moderne de V Europe, par. 25.
 
 Appendix 519 
 
 To give validity of occupation it is necessary that the property should 
 be without master, and that the intention to acquire the domain 
 should be joined to the fact of an effective taking possession. Let us 
 examine each of the three conditions: 
 
 I. Occupation is only to be applied to property which, although 
 susceptible of being possessed, has no master. It does not extend to 
 persons, who can only be the object of a submission, whether voluntary 
 or forced. Occupation is to be applied notably to countries and 
 islands uninhabited or not entirely occupied; but no power on earth 
 has the right to impose its laws upon wandering or even savage peoples. 
 Its subjects can seek to establish commercial relations with these 
 latter, can remain among them, in case of necessity can demand of 
 them indispensable articles of provisions, and even negotiate with 
 them the voluntary cession of a portion of the territory, with the 
 object of colonising it. Nature, it is true, does not forbid nations to 
 extend their empire upon the earth; but it does not give the right to 
 a single one among them to establish its dominion anywhere wherever 
 it chooses to do it. The propaganda of civilisation, the development of 
 commercial and industrial interests, the putting into activity of un- 
 productive values, do not justify it either. All that can be accorded 
 on the subject is, that in the interest of the preservation of the human 
 kind, it may be permitted to nations to unite in order to open by 
 common accord the ports of a country hermetically sealed to their 
 commerce. 
 
 See, to the same effect, Bluntschli, Droits des gens, codifie, par. 20, 
 
 P- ^3- . . . 
 
 Similar citations could be multiplied. 
 
 Communities of non-civilised tribes, forming according to the law of 
 nations, as to-day admitted, independent states, the first logical con- 
 sequence which follows is that these states cannot be acquired by 
 reason of occupation by other states. A second consequence which 
 necessarily follows from the same premises is, that these states, or their 
 chiefs, can make international treaties of every kind — treaties which 
 have obligatory force for the contracting parties, and which should be 
 respected by all other states, if they do not interfere with existing 
 rights. 
 
 We would remark here, with Calvo,' that "international treaties 
 may be concluded, even with nomadic peoples, having no territory of 
 their own nor fixed domicile, when they have an expressed political 
 organisation and a common council by the intennediary of their chiefs 
 or their assemblies." "In this category [adds the same author] may 
 be classed the Bedouins, scattered over the deserts of Arabia, Syria, 
 
 ' See Charles Calvo, Manuel du droit international public et privi, 
 par. 49, p. 85; also his Droit international theoriqu£ et pratique, vol. i., 
 p. 320.
 
 520 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 Egypt, and barbarous Africa, and the Turcomans, who wander over 
 the plains of Central Asia." 
 
 "There are conglomerated populations which do not compose a 
 state. . . . But the nomads and the savages have, either among 
 themselves or with civilised people, an international law which is ob- 
 served equally with the international law of civilised nations," say 
 Funck, Brentano, and Sorel.' 
 
 By still stronger reasoning the tribes composing states dwelling in 
 determined territory can make international treaties. Savage African 
 tribes, possessing determined territories, can make all kinds of treaties. 
 Their chiefs can therefore cede territory, in whole or in part, to whom, 
 we will see under No. 2. This rule, or rather this consequence, cannot 
 be impeached in theory. 
 
 "Sovereignty of a state, in the sense of international law [says 
 Kliiber, Droits des gens m,oderne de V Europe, p. 22], consists essentially 
 in independence of all foreign control in relation to the exercise of 
 rights of sovereignty; it ought by its nature even to be exercised in- 
 dependently of the antiquity of the state, or the form of its constitu- 
 tion of government, or the order established for the succession to the 
 throne, or the rank, title, or state of its sovereign; of the extent of its 
 territory; of its population, political importance, manners, religion, 
 state of culture in general, the commerce of its inhabitants," etc. 
 
 And the same author, par. 127, says: 
 
 "In regard to public domain, the state has, over the things which 
 form part thereof, all rights of property, not only of exclusive posses- 
 sion and the right to enjoy it as owner, but also that of disposing 
 freely thereof. The conventions or arrangements which it may make 
 in this respect, whether with its subjects or with foreigners, are abso- 
 lutely independent of other Governments. Nothing forbids it alienat- 
 ing its property, its putting it in pledge, or abandoning it. It has the 
 capacity to acquire by accession." ^ 
 
 Without going back to antiquity, modern history, since the seven- 
 teenth century up to our own days, furnishes us numerous examples 
 of treaties, of cessions of territories, etc., concluded between civilised 
 states on the one hand and savage tribes on the other. It is sufficient 
 to recall the most noted cases: 
 
 In 1620 the English Puritans embarked on board the Mayflower, 
 after establishing themselves in the northern part of Virginia, con- 
 cluded with the chief or sachem of the Indians, Massasoit, a treaty of 
 friendship, the most ancient treaty concluded by New England.3 
 
 In 1639 the founders of the colony of New Hampshire concluded 
 
 ^Precis du droit des gens, Paris, 1877, No. X., p. 23. 
 
 2 See on this point. International Law, by Edward W. Hall, M.A., 
 barrister-at-law, Oxford, 1880, par. 35, p. 100. 
 
 3 Bancroft's History of the United States, vol. i. , pjj. 342-350.
 
 Appendix 521 
 
 with the Indians conventions for the purchase of land situated between 
 the Piscataqua and the Merrimac, and there estabUshed the town of 
 Exeter.^ 
 
 Later, William Penn made treaties with chiefs of Indians. It is 
 useless to cite here the numerous treaties between the different States 
 of New England and the chiefs of Indian tribes. 
 
 Wheaton ^ recounts that some of these Indian tribes have recog- 
 nised by conventions that they held their existence entirely at the will 
 of the State within the limits of which they resided, and that others 
 preserved a limited sovereignty and the absolute dominion of the ter- 
 ritory inhabited by them ; and he adds that by two decisions of the 
 Supreme Court of the United States, in 1831 and 1832, the Cherokee 
 Nation, residing within the limits of the State of Georgia, are held to 
 constitute a distinct political society ; that numerous treaties made by 
 this nation with the United States recognise it as a people capable of 
 maintaining relations of peace and war; that the English Government, 
 having preceded the United States, bought their lands by contracts of 
 sale, freely assented to, and never forced them to make sale against 
 their will. 
 
 Let us pass from America to Africa and Asia. In the course of the 
 last fifty years England has concluded with the chiefs of countries 
 adjacent to the Congo thirteen treaties, of which we mention specially 
 two, one concluded the nth of February, 1853, with the King and 
 chiefs of Cabinda, the other concluded the 20th June, 1854, with divers 
 chiefs of the river Congo. 
 
 The treaty concluded by M. Savorgnan de Brazza with the King 
 Makoko is of public notoriety. 
 
 To terminate the series of historical documents in support of the 
 theory that chiefs of savage tribes can validly make treaties and ces- 
 sions of territories in full sovereignty, let us recall further the recent 
 treaties of the 2gth of December, 1877, and the 22nd of January, 1878, 
 by which the Sultans of Brunei and of Sulu, in the island of Borneo, 
 ceded a part of their territory to Mr. Alfred Dent and Baron Overbeck. 
 
 If, from the point of view of international law, it is indisputable that 
 no state, civilised or not, has the right to arbitrarily trouble the chiefs 
 of savage tribes in the possession of their sovereignty, the same pro- 
 liibition applies to those to whom they have conceded, whoever they 
 may be. 
 
 The cessionnaires have the same rights as the ceders. Under what 
 pretext could another state trouble them? Their cession is valid, and 
 thus all motive, or even all pretext for trouble is wanting; or, the ces- 
 sion is null, according to the law of nations, and then the sovereign 
 who made the cession has, in right, preserved all his sovereignty, and 
 
 ^ Carlicr, History of the American People, vol i., p. 300. 
 ? Elements of Intcrnalioual Law (Fr. tr.), vol. i., p. 50.
 
 522 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 no other state has the right to trouble it, or even to interA-ene to make 
 good the nullity of the cession, 
 
 II 
 
 Let us take the second question. Can a cession be made to a private 
 citizen ? 
 
 We are happy to be able to abridge this part of our work by referring 
 to the article, "The Free Navigation of the Congo," published by our 
 eminent colleague of the Institute, Sir Travers Twiss, in the sixth 
 number of the Revue du droit international for 1883. 
 
 It is true that Sir Travers Twiss occupies himself with the question 
 whether those associations which are not organised as States can exer- 
 cise sovereign rights, rather than whether these rights of sovereignty 
 can be conceded to private individuals; but the argument which he 
 invokes in support of his thesis applies in great part to cessions made 
 to individuals. 
 
 When writers establish their point of departure to arrive at a demon- 
 stration they commence often by saying : 
 
 "It is an established principle," etc. Or, "It is a principle of law," 
 etc. And they employ this form when their principles are the most 
 contestable. In the article we have just cited, Sir Travers Twiss men- 
 tions an article in the Revue de geographie of Paris,' in which Mr. Dela- 
 vand says: "It is a principle of law that states alone can exercise 
 sovereign rights, and that no private company can have them." He 
 (Sir Travers Twiss) adds, with reason, that this proposition is affirmed 
 in too absolute a manner, and he proves conclusively by historical 
 facts that his criticism is just. 
 
 Doubtless an individual, as such, and a private society, in that 
 capacity, are not sovereigns, and exercise no act of sovereignty. This 
 needs no demonstration. But, in virtue of what principle of inter- 
 national law is it sought to be shown that one who is a private citizen 
 to-day cannot become a sovereign to-morrow, and be in possession of 
 the plenitude of sovereignty? Such a principle does not exist. No 
 author of international law has ever sustained it, and all the history of 
 humanity, from the earliest down to modem times, denies it. 
 
 Individuals can become sovereigns, and exercise the rights of sovereigns, 
 in two ways: 
 
 First. By creating themselves into a state — that is to say, by 
 establishing themselves upon a territory which belongs to them, and 
 forming themselves into a community with a regular government, and 
 legal organs of public power — in a word, with all the constituent ele- 
 ments of a state. 
 
 Most of the states of antiquity, according to legends and tradi- 
 
 ' Vol. xii., p. 12.
 
 Appendix 52; 
 
 tions, or positive historical information, have been created in no other 
 way. 
 
 The states of the Middle Ages had the same origin. The Franks, 
 the Visigoths, the Ostrogoths, the Burgundians, and others, were only 
 nomadic peoples, composed of chiefs who, in the eyes of international 
 law, were only individuals, but who founded states. 
 
 The Italian republics of the Middle Ages were only municipalities 
 without international sovereignty, and they have become sovereign 
 states. Simple individuals, poor fishermen, caused the republic of 
 Venice to rise from the waves of the Adriatic and to become its 
 queen. 
 
 Almost all the States of New England, in America, have been 
 founded by individuals.^ 
 
 States, to exist, have no need to be recognised by other states. 
 Those who have founded them are the sovereigns, and therefore have 
 the right to exercise the rights of sovereignty in so far as this exercise 
 has not been delegated to an authority instituted mider the constitu- 
 tion of the state. 
 
 And a revolution which has for result the detaching from a state of 
 one of its parts, is it not at the commencement the work of individuals? 
 And those individuals, if they unite themselves in their enterprise, can 
 erect a simple province or provinces into a new and sovereign state, 
 and exercise then sovereign rights. 
 
 And if to-day, simple individuals should establish themselves on a 
 desert island, or on territory unoccupied by another state, they can 
 establish a new state, with all the rights of sovereignty. We have 
 seen Texas thus formed. 
 
 Second. An individual can become sovereign by succeeding to an- 
 other sovereign in the exercise of the sovereignty of a state. From a 
 private individual he becomes a sovereign. 
 
 The question whether a private individual can accept a sovereignty 
 when the interior laws of his state forbid him is outside of our subject, 
 and we do not treat of it. 
 
 Philip, Duke of Anjou, great-grandson of Louis XIV., was, from the 
 point of view of international law, a simple individual. After the 
 death of Charles II., by the treaty of Utrecht the states belonging to 
 the Crown of Spain were dismembered, and Philip V. was recognised 
 as the King of Spain, and acquired part of the states of the Spanish 
 monarchy. Other examples might be cited. 
 
 When a prince was elected King of Germany he became a sovereign 
 from a private individual that he was. 
 
 Or, again, when a chief of an African tribe, forming a sovereign 
 state, cedes to an individual in full sovereignty a part of his state, does 
 he do other than to call another person to the exercise of rights of 
 
 ' See the histories of Bancroft and Carlier.
 
 524 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 sovereignty over one part of his state, erected into a new state? What 
 difference is there between the case of a European prince who is called 
 as sovereign to a state, or part of a state, and that where an African 
 chief calls upon an individual to exercise sovereign powers over part 
 of his state? In the fact undovibtedly there is much difiference, but in 
 law there is none; and that is the qttestion. It is a question of law 
 {droit) we have to study here. 
 
 It is even possible that an individual may remain a subject of the 
 state to which he belongs, and may be the sovereign of another country. 
 The sovereign, therefore, can have a double personality. Thus, 
 Ernest Augustus, and George V., Dukes of Cumberland, were subjects 
 of Queen Victoria and peers of England and at the same time Kings of 
 Hanover. In 1787 the sovereign bishop of the principality of Osna- 
 bruck, the Duke of York, sat as a peer of England in the House of 
 Lords.' 
 
 The question which has been laid down at the head of this opinion 
 is a novel one. It has not been foreseen or treated in works of inter- 
 national law. Many authors treat a question which touches upon 
 this one, but which differs from it a good deal. They ask if an indi- 
 vidual can make in his own name an act of occupation of a territory 
 newly discovered without a master. They reply negatively to this 
 question, and, in their line of ideas, they are right; for those who dis- 
 cover new territories are almost always navigators, travelling in a 
 public ship, often public officers or individuals commissioned by their 
 governments — agents of the government — and they cannot occupy 
 in their own name. 
 
 A recent event furnishes a powerful support to the theory that 
 rights of sovereignty can be ceded to individuals, namely, the treaty 
 between the Sultans of Borneo and Sulu and Mr. Dent and Baron 
 Overbeck, who, in their turn, have ceded their rights to a private 
 British company, the "British North Borneo Company." This 
 fact has importance in itself, as a new event which enlarges 
 juridical science; but what especially gives strong support to our 
 thesis is the manner in which this event has been appreciated, be 
 it inferentially or explicitly, by several governments, by jurisconsults, 
 and by eminent statesmen whose opinions can be invoked as having 
 authority. 
 
 The opinions of jurisconsults and publicists are ranged among the 
 sources of international law.^ 
 
 In the first place, the Governments of Holland and of Spain, who 
 believed themselves most directly affected by the concessions, ac- 
 corded by the two Sultans of Borneo, did not den}'' the principle of the 
 capacity of individuals or of associations to have ceded to them rights 
 
 * Heffter, Le droit international piihlique, par. 52, p. 104. 
 
 * Wheaton, vol. i., par. 12, p. 25; Heffter, par. 8, p. 16.
 
 Appendix 525 
 
 of sovereignty, but they raised reclamations against these treaties by 
 invoking rights previously acquired. 
 
 Let us reproduce here the passage written by M. de Lave le ye upon 
 the discussion to which the giving of a charter of incorporation to the 
 British North Borneo Company gave rise in the English Parlia- 
 ment ^ : 
 
 "Certain members of the left, adversaries of what is called in Eng- 
 land the imperial policy, that is to say of the policy which seeks ex- 
 tension of territory and of influence, criticised the measure because 
 it created a new responsibility for the country; but no one contested 
 the right of individuals or of the company — rights resulting from 
 treaties concluded with indigenous chiefs. In the reply made in the 
 House of Commons by the attorney-general, Sir Henry James, we 
 read: 
 
 "' These rights were conceded to the company and became legally its 
 property. The Government of Her Majesty had no power to enter 
 into a general examination of the propriety of the occupation of 
 Borneo by a commercial company. It would have been an act of con- 
 fiscation if, after what had happened, the Government had interfered, 
 and had endeavoured to take from it the rights which it had acquired. 
 The only thing the Government had to decide was whether or 
 not it was necessary to leave the company to act without impediment 
 and entirely without control.' 
 
 "Mr. Gladstone was not less affirmative. Said he, at the same 
 sitting: 
 
 " 'The charter has not conferred upon the company a single privilege 
 above and beyond what it had already acquired by virtue of a title 
 sufficient to enable it to exercise all these powers.' 
 
 "From the explanations given by Lord Granville in the House of 
 Lords, the 13th March, 1882, it appears that if Holland and Spain 
 have protested against the rights invoked by the Overbeck-Dent Com- 
 pany, it was because of anterior rights which these states pretend to 
 have over the northern part of Borneo; but, no more than Germany, 
 formally consulted in the matter by the British Government, have 
 they raised any doubt as to the capacity of indi\-iduals and companies 
 to obtain from non-civilised sovereigns the cession of rights implying 
 the exercise of sovereignty. This capacity also was not denied by the 
 members on the opposition side of the House of Commons." 
 
 Thus, the opinion of four Governments, the opinion of two English 
 ministers, Lord Granville and Mr. Gladstone, and of the attorney- 
 general, Sir Henry James, that of Sir Travers Twiss, and of M. de 
 Lavelcye, to which we would add the considerations developed in the 
 
 ■ Revue de droit international, vol. xi., pp. 258, 259.
 
 526 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 open letter addressed, the 23d April, 1883, by a member of the African 
 International Association to the Courrier des Etats-Unis, form an 
 assemblage of authorities of a nature to fortify us in our conviction if 
 we had any doubts. 
 
 We conclude with these observations: 
 
 1. It is evident that if some powers have raised against similar 
 concessions, made by chiefs of savage tribes to individuals and associa- 
 tions, reclamations founded upon rights previously acquired, there 
 would be ground to submit these pretensions to serious examination, 
 or perhaps they might be submitted to arbitration, as Great Britain 
 and Portugal, in 1875, submitted to the arbitration of the President of 
 the French Republic, M. MacMahon, the contest in regard to certain 
 lands situated on the bay of Delagoa. 
 
 2. New sovereignties, at the head of which are individuals or associa- 
 tions, the concessionaries of the chiefs of savage tribes, exist of them- 
 selves, of their own right and their own strength, without having need of 
 the recognition of other States. (See Kliiber, par. 24; Hefifter, par. 23, 
 p. 42, and par. 51, p. 104; Bluntschli, pars. 28 and 38; and all the 
 authors.) 
 
 It depends upon the convenance of other States to recognise or not 
 to recognise these new sovereignties. But whatever may be their 
 determination in this respect, the want of recognition does not give 
 them the right to act as if these sovereignties did not exist, and to 
 consider their territories susceptible of occupation. 
 
 3. According to the practice of international law, at this day, the 
 recognition of one to whom sovereignty has been conceded, as a sover- 
 eign, can even follow of itself, in certain cases. Almost all govern- 
 ments, especially Great Britain and the United States of America ^ 
 have adopted the rule of considering de facto governments as legitimate, 
 as far as they themselves are concerned. (See Heffter, pars. 51, 53, 
 pp. 101-105.) 
 
 Let us suppose a European nation had concluded a treaty of friend- 
 ship or commerce with the chief of a savage tribe, inhabiting a fixed 
 territory. This treaty is supposed to be concluded, and is effectively 
 concluded with the State which the chief represents. The chief had 
 ceded his rights of sovereignty to a European individual or a European 
 association, who are put in real possession of the sovereignty. Could 
 the European nation deny the legitimacy of this new Government if it 
 was a government de facto, according to international usages? No. 
 At least, Great Britain and the United States would recognise it, and 
 probably other States also. And if the preceding chief had been dis- 
 placed by internal revolution — which can break out among blacks as 
 among whites — and if the black chief had ceded his sovereignty to 
 another Negro, a relation or even a stranger to his family, would that 
 
 * See manifesto of President Monroe, of December 2, 1823.
 
 Appendix 527 
 
 be a reason for refusing recognition to the new sovereign? And if the 
 chief of the tribe had ceded his sovereignty to a white man, in place of 
 choosing for his successor a black man, or an association composed of 
 whites, certainly the difference of colour could not be a reason for refus- 
 ing recognition to the new sovereign. 
 
 Thus it is seen that in wandering away from true and simple prin- 
 ciples difficulties of every kind are encountered. 
 
 Therefore I am of opinion that independent chiefs of savage tribes 
 can validly cede to a private individual the whole or part of their 
 State, with the sovereign rights which belong to them, and conformably 
 to the traditional customs of the country. 
 
 Brussels, December 15, 1S83. 
 
 OTHER AUTHORITIES CITED 
 
 (Extract from the Droit international codifie, by M. Bluntschli.) 
 
 (Page 68, paragraph 35) : A new State has the right to enter into the 
 international association of States, and to be recognised by other 
 powers when its existence cannot be put in doubt and is assvired. It 
 has the right because it exists, because international law unites existing 
 States by common laws and principles based upon justice and humanity. 
 
 Recognition by other sovereign States is a voluntary act on a part 
 of these latter. It is not, nevertheless, an absolutely arbitrary act, 
 because international law unites, even against their will, diverse 
 existing States, and makes of them a kind of political association. 
 
 The opinion is frequently advanced by the older publicists that it 
 depends upon the good pleasure of each State to recognise or not to 
 recognise another, outside of the necessary and absolute line of inter- 
 national law. If this law rested solely upon the arbitrary will of 
 States, it would not be just that it should be simply a conventional law. 
 
 (Page 164): A State has evidently the right to constitute itself 
 without the ratification of another State. This would be the case 
 when emigrants, for example, found a State upon an uninhabited 
 island, as did the Norwegians in Iceland in the middle ages. A num- 
 ber of new States of North America were founded by individuals; 
 it was only later that they were recognised by England, and to this 
 day they proceed in the same manner in the United States. If new 
 states can in this way constitute themselves, by still stronger rea- 
 soning analogous extensions of territory already existing should be 
 recognised. 
 
 ANOTHER MANNER OF ACQUIRING THE SOVEREIGNTY 
 OF A FREE COUNTRY 
 
 (From Vattcl, Le droit des gens, vol. i., page 489, par. 206.) 
 
 If free families, scattered over an independent country, unite to 
 form themselves into a nation or a State, they acquire the sovereignty
 
 528 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 over the whole State which they inhabit, for they possess already the 
 domain; and since they wish to form a political society and to estab- 
 lish a public authority to which all will owe obedience, it is quite mani- 
 fest that their intention is to confer upon this public authority the 
 right of sovereignty of the whole country. 
 
 (From Heffter, Le droit international publique de V Europe.) 
 (Pages 32 and 33): The existence of a state supposes the following 
 conditions, to wit: 
 
 I. A society capable of existing by itself and independently. 
 
 II. A collective will regularly organised, or a public authority 
 charged with the direction of society for the end which we have just 
 indicated. 
 
 III. A permanent status of society, the natural base of a free and 
 permanent development, and which depends essentially on the fixity 
 of the tenure of real estate and the intellectual and moral tendencies 
 of its members. 
 
 We regard as idle the questions discussed by the schools, such as, 
 What is the number of persons necessary to form a state ? or, If one or 
 three persons are sufficient? The distinctive characteristics of a state 
 which we have just indicated sufficiently answer these questions. 
 
 (Page 42) : A state exists de facto so soon as it unites the necessary 
 elements indicated above; that is to say, will, imited to the indis- 
 pensable means and strength to defend its independence. 
 
 (Page 43) : The entry of a new state upon the political scene depends 
 in no wise upon an express preliminary recognition by foreign powers. 
 It is fully accomplished the day when it commences to exist. On the 
 other hand, political reasons alone may decide foreign powers to 
 recognise or enter into direct relations with it. Recognition only con- 
 firms what legally exists by admitting the new member into the grand 
 European family. 
 
 (From the Cornmentary upon the Elements of International Law, and 
 History of the Progress of International Law, by William Beach 
 Lawrence.) 
 (Page 162): It is not necessary that there should be a determined 
 number of persons to form a state. 
 
 (Page 197): Texas was recognised by England in 1839, when its 
 population was not more than 60,000 souls. Lord Palmerston said on 
 that occasion to Mr. O'Connell that "the principle of the Government 
 was to recognise every state which had a de facto independence." 
 
 (Chamber of Commerce of the State of New York. Founded A.D. 
 
 1768.) 
 
 At an adjourned meeting of the Chamber of Commerce, held January 
 10, 1884, the following resolutions, presented by Mr. A. A. Low, were 
 adopted:
 
 Appendix 529 
 
 Whereas, the President of the United States has, in his recent 
 message, called attention to the fact that the rich and populous valley 
 of the Congo is now being opened to commerce by the International 
 African Association, and has especially dwelt upon the interest, for the 
 purposes of trade and commerce, that we have, as a people, in the neu- 
 trality of that valley, free from the interference or political control of 
 any one nation: Therefore, 
 
 Be it resolved, As the opinion of this Chamber that it is incumbent 
 upon the Government of the United States, through its accredited 
 representative, to apprise the Portuguese Government that it will not 
 recognise, but denies the right of the latter to interfere with the free 
 navigation of the Congo; that the discovery of this great waterway 
 into the interior of Central Africa is not due to Portugal, but was the 
 discovery of an explorer in the interest of no one nationality; and 
 that the entry, 400 years ago, into the mouth of the Congo, by the 
 Portuguese, not having been followed up by actual and continued 
 occupation, can give that nation no territorial right to the river, or to 
 the countries upon its banks. 
 
 Resolved, That the recognition by the Government of the United 
 States of the flag of the International African Association, now extend- 
 ing over twenty-two settlements, in the heart of Africa, will be but an 
 acknowledgment of the fact that that organisation, under rights ceded 
 to it by African chiefs of independent territories, is exercising rule and 
 authority over a large part of Africa in the protection of life and pro- 
 perty, the extinguishment of the slave trade, the facilitating of com- 
 mercial intercourse, and other attributes of sovereignty; and that it 
 be recommended to the President to send an accredited agent of the 
 Government to the Congo, to confer with that association in the 
 adopting of such measures as may secure to American citizens free 
 commercial intercotirse along the course of that river, and through the 
 various settlements or stations established by the association. 
 
 A true copy. 
 
 Jas. M. Brown, 
 
 President. 
 George Wilson, 
 
 Secretary. 
 
 (From copy of correspondence of the Manchester Chamber of Com- 
 merce and the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs.) 
 
 His Majesty the King of the Belgians has, during the last two years, 
 incurred considerable expense in an expedition to the Upper Congo 
 for the purposes of opening roads, establishing stations for trade, and 
 for communication with the vast tribes inhabiting the interior of 
 Africa. For the result of this expedition merchants are watching with
 
 530 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 interest, believing that this river will ultimately become one of the 
 great highways for trade in the heart of Africa. 
 
 It is, therefore, both manifest and notorious that the 
 African tribes who inhabit the coast-line claimed by Portugal, between 
 5° 12', and 8th degree south latitude, are in reality independent, and 
 that the right acquired by Portugal from priority of discovery at the 
 end of the fifteenth century has for a long time been suffered to lapse, 
 owing to the Portuguese Government not having occupied the country 
 so discovered. In the presence of these facts the undersigned must re- 
 peat the declaration of Her Majesty's Government that the interests of 
 commerce imperatively required it to maintain the right of unrestricted 
 intercourse with that part of the coast of Western Africa extending 
 between 5°, 12', and the 8th degree of south latitude. 
 
 I have the honour to be, my lord, your lordship's obedient, very 
 humble servant, 
 
 John Slagg, 
 
 President. 
 
 (From Earl Granville's reply to Lord Mount Temple in the House of 
 Lords, March 0, 1883.) 
 
 . The labours of men like Livingstone, Stanley, and others 
 have given us a knowledge of the physical character of Central Africa, 
 and of the populations which inhabit it, showing that there are great 
 capabilities for the development of trade, and of the civilising effects 
 which are the result of commerce. The work of the philanthropic 
 International Association, in which the King of the Belgians takes a 
 great interest, the mission of M. de Brazza, the increasing trade in 
 different degrees, of the English, the Portuguese, the French, the 
 Germans, the Dutch, and the Belgians, on the Congo and its banks, 
 are acting as a stimulus and afford grounds why no reasonable en- 
 deavours should be neglected to insure freedom of commerce and 
 navigation, and to anticipate possible jealousies, which so easily check 
 trade, and which, under the pretence of securing peculiar advantages 
 to some, are really injurious to all. 
 
 GENERAL ACT OF THE BERLIN CONFERENCE 
 
 In the name of Almighty God, — 
 
 His Majesty the German Emperor, King of Prussia; His Majesty 
 the Emperor of Austria, King of Bohemia, etc., and Apostolic King of 
 Hungary; His Majesty the King of the Belgians; His Majesty the 
 King of Denmark; His Majesty the King of Spain; the President of 
 the United States of America ; the President of the French Republic ; 
 Her Majesty the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and
 
 Appendix 53^ 
 
 Ireland, Empress of India; His Majesty the King of Italy; His Maj- 
 esty the King of the Netherlands, Grand Duke of Ltixembourg, etc. ; 
 His Majesty the King of Portugal and the Algarves, etc. ; His Majesty 
 the Emperor of All the Russias; His Majesty the King of Sweden and 
 Norway, etc. ; and His Majesty the Emperor of the Ottomans, 
 
 Wishing, in a spirit of good and mutual accord, to regulate the 
 conditions most favourable to the development of trade and civilisa- 
 tion in certain regions of Africa, and to assure to all nations the advan- 
 tages of free navigation on the two chief rivers of Africa flowing into 
 the Atlantic Ocean; being desirous, on the other hand, to obviate the 
 misunderstandings and disputes which might in future arise from new 
 acts of occupation (prises de possession) on the coast of Africa; and 
 concerned, at the same time, as to the means of furthering the moral 
 and material well-being of the native populations : Have resolved, on 
 the invitation addressed to them by the Imperial Government of Ger- 
 many, in agreement with the Government of the French Republic, to 
 meet for those purposes in Conference at Berlin, and have appointed 
 as their Plenipotentiaries, to wit: — 
 
 His Majesty the German Emperor, King of Prussia, Otho, Prince 
 von Bismarck, his President of the Prussian Council of Ministers, 
 Chancellor of the Empire; Paul, Count von Hatzfeldt, his Minister of 
 State and Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs; Auguste Busch, his 
 Acting Privy Councillor of Legation and Under-Secretary of State for 
 Foreign Affairs ; and Henri von Kusserow, Privy Councillor of Legation 
 in the Department for Foreign Affairs; 
 
 His Majesty the Emperor of Austria, King of Bohemia, etc., and 
 Apostolic King of Hungary, Emeric, Count Szechenyi de Sarvdri 
 Felso-Vidck, Chamberlain and Acting Privy Councillor, his Ambas- 
 sador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary at the Court of His Majesty 
 the German Emperor, King of Prussia; 
 
 His Majesty the King of the Belgians, Gabriel Auguste Count Van 
 dcr Straten Ponthoz, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipoten- 
 tiary at the Court of His Majesty the German Emperor, King of 
 Prussia; and Auguste, Baron Lambermont, Minister of State, Envoy 
 Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary; 
 
 His Majesty the King of Denmark, Emile de Vind, Chamberlain, 
 his Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary at the Court 
 of His Majesty the German Emperor, King of Prussia; 
 
 His Majesty the King of Spain, Don Francisco Merry y Colom, Count 
 Benomar, his Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary at 
 the Court of His Majesty the German Emperor, King of Prussia; 
 
 The President of the United States of America, John A. Kasson, 
 Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United 
 States of America at the Court of His Majesty the German Emperor, 
 King of Prussia; and Henry S. Sanford, ex-Minister;
 
 532 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 The President of the French Republic, Alphonse, Baron de Courcel, 
 Ambassador Extraordinary and- Plenipotentiary of France at the 
 Court of His Majesty the German Emperor, King of Prussia; 
 
 Her Majesty the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and 
 Ireland, Empress of India, Sir Edward Baldwin Malet, her Ambassador 
 Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary at the Court of His Majesty the 
 German Emperor, King of Prussia; 
 
 His Majesty the King of Italy, Edward, Count de Launay, his Am- 
 bassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary at the Court of His 
 Majesty the German Emperor, King of Prussia; 
 
 His Majesty the King of the Netherlands, Grand Duke of Luxem- 
 bourg, Frederic Philippe, Jonkheer Van der Hoeven, his Envoy Ex- 
 traordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary at the Court of His Majesty 
 the German Emperor, King of Prussia ; 
 
 His Majesty the King of Portugal and the Algarves, etc.. Da Serra 
 Gomes, Marquis de Penafiel, Peer of the Realm, his Envoy Extra- 
 ordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary at the Court of His Majest}' the 
 German Emperor, King of Prussia; and Antoine de Serpa Pimentel, 
 Councillor of State and Peer of the Realm; 
 
 His Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, Pierre, Count Kapnist, 
 Privy Councillor, his Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipoten- 
 tiary at the Court of His Majesty the King of the Netherlands ; 
 
 His Majesty the King of Sweden and Norway, etc., Gillis, Baron 
 Bildt, Lieutenant-General, his Envoy Extraordinary and Minister 
 Plenipotentiary at the Court of His Majesty the German Emperor, 
 King of Prussia; 
 
 His Majesty the Emperor of the Ottomans, Mdhemed Said Pasha, 
 V^zir and High Dignitary, his Envoy Extraordinary and Plenipoten- 
 tiary at the Court of His Majesty the German Emperor, King of 
 Prussia ; 
 
 Who, being provided with full powers, which have been found in 
 good and due form, have successively discussed and adopted: — 
 
 1. A Declaration relative to freedom of trade in the basin of the 
 Congo, its embouchures and circumjacent regions, with other pro- 
 visions connected therewith. 
 
 2. A Declaration relative to the Slave Trade, and the operations by 
 sea or land which furnish slaves to that trade. 
 
 3. A Declaration relative to the neutrality of the territories com- 
 prised in the Conventional Basin of the Congo. 
 
 4. An Act of Navigation for the Congo, which, while having regard 
 to local circumstances, extends to this river, its affluents, and the 
 waters in its system {eaux qui leur sont assimilees) , the general prin- 
 ciples enunciated in Articles CVIII. and CXVI. of the Final Act of the 
 Congress of Vienna, and intended to regulate, as between the Signatory 
 Powers of that Act, the free navigation of the waterways separating or
 
 Appendix 533 
 
 traversing several States — these said principles having since then been 
 applied by agreement to certain rivers of Europe and America, but 
 especially to the Danube, with the modifications stipulated by the 
 Treaties of Paris (1856), of Berlin (1878), and of London (of 1871 and 
 1883). 
 
 5. An Act of Navigation for the Niger, which, while likewise having 
 regard to local circumstances, extends to this river and its affluents 
 the same principles as set forth in Articles CVIII. and CXVI. of the 
 Final Act of the Congress of Vienna. 
 
 6. A Declaration introducing into international relations certain 
 uniform rules with reference to future occupations on the coasts of the 
 African Continent. 
 
 And deeming it expedient that all these several documents should 
 be combined into one single instrument, they (the Signatory Powers) 
 have collected them into one General Act, composed of the following 
 Articles : 
 
 Chapter I. — Declaration relative to Freedom of Trade in the Basin of 
 the Congo, its Mouths, and circutnjacent Regions, with other Provi- 
 sions connected therewith. 
 
 Article i. The trade of all nations shall enjoy complete freedom — ■ 
 
 1 . In all the regions forming the basin of the Congo and its outlets. 
 This basin is bounded by the watersheds (or mountain ridges) of the 
 adjacent basins, namely, in particular, those of the Niara, the Ogowe, 
 the Schari, and the Nile, on the north; by the eastern watershed line 
 of the affluents of Lake Tanganyika, on the east; and by the water- 
 sheds of the basins of the Zambesi and the Loge, on the south. It 
 therefore comprises all the regions watered by the Congo and its 
 affluents, including Tanganyika, with its eastern tributaries. 
 
 2. In the maritime zone extending along the Atlantic Ocean from 
 the parallel situated in 2° 30' of south latitude to the mouth of the Loge. 
 
 The northern boundary will follow the parallel situated in 2° 30' 
 from the coast to the point where it meets the geographical basin of 
 the Congo, avoiding the basin of the Ogowe, to which the provisions of 
 the present Act do not apply. 
 
 The southern boundary will follow the course of the Loge to its 
 source, and thence pass eastwards till it joins the geographical basin 
 of the Congo. 
 
 3. In the zone stretching eastwards from the Congo Basin, as above 
 defined, to the Indian Ocean from the 5° of north latitude to the mouth 
 of the Zambesi in the south, from which point the line of demarcation 
 will ascend the Zambesi to five miles above its confluence with the 
 Shire, and then follow the watershed between the affluents of Lake 
 Nyassa and those of the Zambesi, till at last it reaches the watershed 
 between the waters of the Zambesi and the Congo.
 
 534 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 It is expressly recognised that in extending the principle of free 
 trade to this eastern zone the Conference Powers only undertake en- 
 gagements for themselves, and that in the territories belonging to an 
 independent Sovereign State this principle shall only be applicable in 
 so far as it is approved by stich State. But the Powers agree to use 
 their good offices with the Governments established on the African 
 shore of the Indian Ocean for the purpose of obtaining such approval, 
 and in any case of securing the most favourable conditions to the 
 transit (traffic) of all nations. 
 
 Article 2. All flags, without distinction of nationality, shall have 
 free access to the whole of the coast-line of the territories above enu- 
 merated, to the rivers there running into the sea, to all the waters of 
 the Congo and its affluents, including the lakes, and to all the ports 
 situate on the banks of these waters, as well as to all canals which may 
 in future be constructed with intent to unite the watercourses or lakes 
 within the entire area of the territories described in Article i. Those 
 trading under such flags may engage in all sorts of transport, and 
 carry on the coasting trade by sea and river, as well as boat traffic, on 
 the same footing as if they were subjects. 
 
 Article 3. Wares, of whatever origin, imported into those regions, 
 under whatsoever flag, by sea or river, or overland, shall be subject to 
 no other taxes than such as may be levied as fair compensation for 
 expenditure in the interest of trade, and which for this reason must be 
 equally borne by the subjects themselves and by foreigners of all na- 
 tionalities. All differential dues on vessels, as well as on merchandise, 
 are forbidden. 
 
 Article 4. Merchandise imported into those regions shall remain 
 free from import and transit dues. 
 
 The Powers reserve to themselves to determine after the lapse 
 of twenty years whether this freedom of import shall be retained 
 or not. 
 
 Article 5. No Power which exercises or shall exercise sovereign 
 rights in the above-mentioned regions shall be allowed to grant therein 
 a monopoly or favour of any kind in matters of trade. 
 
 Foreigners, without distinction, shall enjoy protection of their per- 
 sons and property, as well as the right of acqtiiring and transferring 
 movable and immovable possessions; and national rights and treat- 
 ment in the exercise of their professions. 
 
 Article 6. Provisions relative to Protection of the Natives, of Mis- 
 sionaries and Travellers, as well as relative to Religious Liberty. — All the 
 Powers exercising sovereign rights or influence in the aforesaid terri- 
 tories bind themselves to watch over the preservation of the native 
 tribes, and to care for the improvement of the conditions of their 
 moral and material well-being, and to help in suppressing slavery, and 
 especially the Slave Trade. They shall, without distinction of creed
 
 Appendix- 535 
 
 or nation, protect and favour all religious, scientific, or charitable in- 
 stitutions, and undertakings created and organised for the above ends, 
 or which aim at instructing the natives and bringing home to them the 
 blessings of civilisation. 
 
 Christian missionaries, scientists, and explorers, with their followers, 
 property, and collections, shall likewise be the objects of especial pro- 
 tection. 
 
 Freedom of conscience and religious toleration are expressly guaran- 
 teed to the natives, no less than to subjects and to foreigners. The 
 free and public exercise of all forms of Divine worship, and the right to 
 build edifices for religious purposes, and to organise religious missions 
 belonging to all creeds, shall not be limited or fettered in any way 
 whatsoever. 
 
 Article 7. Postal Regime. — The Convention of the Universal 
 Postal Union, as revised at Paris the ist June, 1878, shall be applied 
 to the Conventional Basin of the Congo. 
 
 The Powers who therein do or shall exercise rights of sovereignty 
 or protectorate engage, as soon as circumstances permit them, to 
 take the measures necessary for the carrying out of the preceding pro- 
 vision. 
 
 Article 8. Right of Surveillance vested in the International Naviga- 
 tion Commission of the Congo. — In all parts of the territory had in view 
 by the present Declaration, where no Power shall exercise rights of 
 sovereignty or protectorate, the International Navigation Commission 
 of the Congo, instituted in virtue of Article 17, shall be charged with 
 supervising the application of the principles proclaimed and per- 
 petuated {consacres) by this Declaration. 
 
 In all cases of difference arising relative to the application of the 
 principles established by the present Declaration, the Governments 
 concerned may agree to appeal to the good offices of the International 
 Commission, by submitting to it an examination of the facts which 
 shall have occasioned these differences. 
 
 Chapter II. — Declaration relative to the Slave Trade 
 
 Article 9. Seeing that trading in slaves is forbidden in conformity 
 with the principles of international law as recognised by the Signatory 
 Powers, and seeing also that the operations which by sea or land fur- 
 nish slaves to trade ought likewise to be regarded as forbidden, the 
 Powers which do or shall exercise sovereign rights or influence in the 
 territories forming the Conventional Basin of the Congo declare that 
 these territories may not serve as a market or means of transit for the 
 trade in slaves, of whatever race they may be. Each of the Powers 
 binds itself to employ all the means at its disposal for putting an end 
 to this trade and for punishing those who engage in it,
 
 53^ Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 'Chapter III. — Declaration relative to the Neutrality of the Territories 
 comprised in the Conventional Basin of the Congo 
 
 Article io. In order to give a new guarantee of security to trade 
 and industry, and to encourage, by the maintenance of peace, the de- 
 velopment of civihsation mentioned in Article i , and placed under the 
 free trade system, the High Signatory Parties to the present Act, and 
 those who shall hereafter adopt it, bind themselves to respect the neu- 
 trality of the territories, or portions of territories, belonging to the 
 said covintries, comprising therein the territorial waters, so long as the 
 Powers which exercise or shall exercise the rights of sovereignty or 
 protectorate over those territories, using their option of proclaiming 
 themselves neutral, shall fulfil the duties which neutrality requires. 
 
 Article ii. In case a Power exercising rights of sovereignty or 
 protectorate in the countries mentioned in Article i , and placed under 
 the free trade system, shall be involved in a war, then the High Sig- 
 natory Parties to the present Act, and those who shall hereafter adopt 
 it, bind themselves to lend their good offices in order that the terri- 
 tories belonging to this Power and comprised in the Conventional free 
 trade zone shall, by the common consent of this Power and of the 
 other belligerent or belligerents, be placed during the war under the 
 rule of neutrality, and considered as belonging to a non-belligerent 
 State, the belligerents thenceforth abstaining from extending hostilities 
 to the territories thus neutralised, and from using them as a base for 
 warlike operations. 
 
 Article 12. In case a serious disagreement originating on the sub- 
 ject of, or in the limits of, the territories mentioned in Article i and 
 placed under the free trade system, shall arise between any Signatory 
 Powers of the present Act, or the Powers which may become parties 
 to it, these Powers bind themselves, before appealing to arms, to have 
 recourse to the mediation of one or more of the friendly Powers. 
 
 In a similar case the same Powers reserve to themselves the option 
 of having recourse to arbitration. 
 
 Chapter IV. — Act of Navigation for the Congo 
 
 Article 13. The navigation of the Congo, without excepting any 
 of its branches or outlets, is, and shall remain, free for the merchant 
 ships of all nations equally, whether carrying cargo or ballast, for the 
 transport of goods or passengers. It shall be regulated by the pro- 
 visions of this Act of Navigation, and by the rules to be made in 
 pursuance thereof. 
 
 In the exercise of this navigation the subjects and flags of all nations 
 shall in all respects be treated on a footing of perfect equality, not 
 only for the direct navigation from the open sea to the inland ports of
 
 Appendix 537 
 
 the Congo and vice versd, but also for the great and small coasting 
 trade, and for boat traffic on the course of the river. 
 
 Consequently, on all the course and mouths of the Congo there will 
 be no distinction made between the subjects of Riverain States and 
 those of non- Riverain States, and no exclusive privilege of navigation 
 will be conceded to companies, corporations, or private persons what- 
 soever. 
 
 These provisions are recognised by the Signatory Powers as becom- 
 ing henceforth a part of international law. 
 
 Article 14. The navigation of the Congo shall not be subject to 
 any restriction or obligation which is not expressly stipulated by the 
 present Act. It shall not be exposed to any landing dues, to any sta- 
 tion or depot tax, or to any charge for breaking bulk, or for compulsory 
 entry into port. 
 
 In all the extent of the Congo the ships and goods in process of 
 transit on the river shall be submitted to no transit dues, whatever 
 their starting-place or destination. 
 
 There shall be levied no maritime or river toll based on the mere fact 
 of navigation, nor any tax on goods aboard of ships. There shall only 
 be levied taxes or duties having the character of an equivalent for 
 services rendered to navigation itself, to wit: 
 
 1. Harbour dues on certain local establishments, such as wharves, 
 warehouses, etc., if actually used. 
 
 The tariff of such dues shall be framed according to the cost of con- 
 structing and maintaining the said local establishments; and it will be 
 applied without regard to whence vessels come or what they are loaded 
 with. 
 
 2. Pilot dues for those stretches of the river where it may be neces- 
 sary to establish properly qualified pilots. 
 
 The tariff of these dues shall be fixed and calculated in proportion to 
 the service rendered. 
 
 3. Charges raised to cover technical and administrative expenses 
 incurred in the general interest of navigation, including lighthouse, 
 beacon, and buoy duties. 
 
 The last-mentioned dues shall be based on the tonnage of vessels as 
 shown by the ship's papers, and in accordance with the rules adopted 
 on the Lower Danube. 
 
 The tariffs by which the various dues and taxes enumerated in the 
 three preceding paragraphs shall be levied shall not involve any differ- 
 ential treatment, and shall be officially published at each port. 
 
 The Powers reserve to themselves to consider, after the lapse of five 
 years, whether it may be necessary to revise, by common accord, the 
 above-mentioned tariffs. 
 
 Article 15. The affluents of the Congo shall in all respects be sub- 
 ject to the same rules as the river of which they arc tributaries.
 
 538 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 And the same rules shall apply to the streams and river as well as 
 the lakes and canals in the territories defined in paragraphs 2 and 3 of 
 Article i. 
 
 At the same time the powers of the International Commission o^ the 
 Congo will not extend to the said rivers, streams, lakes, and canals 
 unless with the assent of the States under whose sovereignty they are 
 placed. It is well understood, also, that with regard to the territories 
 mentioned in paragraph 3 of Article i, the consent of the Sovereign 
 States owning these territories is reserv^ed. 
 
 Article 16. The roads, railways, or lateral canals which may be 
 constructed with the special object of obviating the innavigability or 
 correcting the imperfection of the river route on certain sections of the 
 course of the Congo, its affluents, and other waterways placed under a 
 similar system, as laid down in Article 15, shall be considered, in their 
 quality of means of communication, as dependencies of this river, and 
 as equally open to the traffic of all nations. 
 
 And as on the river itself, so there shall be collected on these roads, 
 railways, and canals onh^ tolls calculated on the cost of construction, 
 maintenance, and management, and on the profits due to the promoters. 
 
 As regards the tariff of these tolls, strangers and the natives of the 
 respective territories shall be treated on a footing of perfect equality. 
 
 Article 17. There is instituted an International Commission, 
 charged with the execution of the provisions of the present Act of 
 Navigation. 
 
 The Signatory Powers of this Act, as well as those who may subse- 
 quently adhere to it, may always be represented on the said Commis- 
 sion, each by one Delegate. But no Delegate shall have more than 
 one vote at his disposal, even in the case of his representing several 
 Governments. 
 
 This Delegate will be directly paid by his Government. As for the 
 various agents and employees of the International Commission, their 
 remuneration shall be charged to the amount of the dues collected in 
 conformity with paragraphs 2 and 3 of Article 14. 
 
 The particulars of the said remuneration, as well as the number, 
 grade, and powers of the agents and employees, shall be entered in the 
 Returns to be sent yearly to the Governments represented on the In- 
 ternational Commission. 
 
 Article 18. The members of the International Commission, as well 
 as its appointed agents, are invested with the privileges of inviolability 
 in the exercise of their functions. The same guarantee shall apply to 
 the offices and archives of the Commission. 
 
 Article 19. The International Commission for the Navigation of 
 the Congo shall be constituted as soon as five of the Signatory Powers 
 of the present General Act shall have appointed their Delegates. And 
 pending the constitution of the Commission the nomination of these
 
 Appendix 539 
 
 Delegates shall be notified to the Imperial Government of Germany, 
 which will see to it that the necessary steps are taken to summon the 
 meeting of the Commission. 
 
 The Commission will at once draw up Navigation, River Police, Pilot, 
 and Quarantine Rules. 
 
 These Rules, as well as the tariffs to be framed by the Commission, 
 shall, before coming into force, be submitted for approval to the 
 Powers represented on the Commission. The Powers interested will 
 have to communicate their views with as little delay as possible. 
 
 Any infringements of these Rules will be checked by the agents of 
 the International Commission wherever it exercises direct authority, 
 and elsewhere by the Riverain Power. 
 
 In the case of an abuse of power, or an act of injustice, on the part 
 of any agent or employee of the International Commission, the indi- 
 vidual who considers himself to be aggrieved in his person or rights 
 may apply to the Consular Agent of his country. The latter will 
 examine his complaint, and if he finds it primd facie reasonable, 
 he will then be entitled to bring it before the Commission. At his 
 instance then, the Commission, represented by at least three of its 
 members, shall in conjunction with him inquire into the conduct of its 
 agent or employee. Should the Consular Agent look upon the decision 
 of the Commission as raising questions of law (objections de droit), 
 he will report on the subject to his Government, which may then have 
 recourse to the Powers represented on the Commission, and invite 
 them to agree as to the instructions to be given to the Commission. 
 
 Article 20. The International Commission of the Congo, charged 
 in terms of Article 17 with the execution of the present Act of Navi- 
 gation, shall in particular have power — 
 
 1. To decide what works are necessary to assure the navigability of 
 the Congo in accordance with the needs of international trade. 
 
 On those sections of the river where no Power exercises sovereign 
 rights, the International Commission will itself take the necessary 
 measures for assuring the navigability of the river. 
 
 On those sections of the river held by a Sovereign Power, the Inter- 
 national Commission will concert its action (s'entendra) with the 
 riparian authorities. 
 
 2. To fix the pilot tariff and that of the general navigation dues as 
 provided for by paragraphs 2 and 3 of Article 14. 
 
 The tariffs mentioned in the first paragraph of Article 14 shall be 
 framed b}^ the territorial authorities within the limits prescribed in the 
 said Article. 
 
 The levying of the various dues shall be seen to by the international 
 or territorial authorities on whose behalf they are established. 
 
 3. To administer the revenue arising from the application of the 
 preceding paragraph (2).
 
 540 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 4. To superintend the quarantine establishment created in virtue of 
 Article 24. 
 
 5. To appoint officials for the general service of navigation, and also 
 its own proper employees. 
 
 It will be for the territorial authorities to appoint Sub-Inspectors on 
 sections of the river occupied by a Power, and for the International 
 Commission to do so on the other sections. 
 
 The Riverain Power will notify to the International Commission the 
 appointment of Sub- Inspectors, and this Power will undertake the 
 payment of their salaries. 
 
 In the exercise of its functions as above- defined and limited, 
 the International Commission will be independent of the territorial 
 authorities. 
 
 Article 21. In the accomplishment of its task the International 
 Commission may, if need be, have recourse to the war-vessels of the 
 Signatory Powers of this Act, and of those who may in future accede 
 to it, under reserve, however, of the instructions which may be given 
 to the Commanders of their vessels by their respective Governments. 
 
 Article 22. The war vessels of the Signatory Powers of this Act 
 that may enter the Congo are exempt from payment of the navigation 
 dues provided for in paragraph 3 of Article 14; but unless their inter- 
 vention has been called for by the International Commission or its 
 agents, in terms of the preceding Article, they shall be liable to the 
 payment of the pilot or harbour dues which may eventually be 
 established. 
 
 Article 23. With the view of providing for the technical and ad- 
 ministrative expenses which it may incur, the International Commis- 
 sion created by Article 17 may, in its own name, negotiate loans to 
 be exclusively guaranteed by the revenues raised by the said Com- 
 mission. 
 
 The decisions of the Commission dealing with the conclusion of a 
 loan must be come to by a majority of two thirds. It is understood 
 that the Governments represented on the Commission shall not in any 
 case be held as assuming any guarantee, or as contracting any en- 
 gagement or joint liability (solidarite) with respect to the said 
 loans, unless under special Conventions concluded by them to this 
 effect. 
 
 The revenue yielded by the dues specified in paragraph 3 of Article 
 14 shall bear, as a first charge, the payment of the interest and sinking 
 fund of the said loans, according to agreement with the lenders. 
 
 Article 24. At the mouth of the Congo there shall be founded, 
 either on the initiative of the Riverain Powers, or by the intervention 
 of the International Commission, a quarantine establishment for the 
 control of vessels passing out of as well as into the river. 
 
 Later on, the Powers will decide whether and on what conditions a
 
 Appendix 54^ 
 
 sanitary control shall be exercised over vessels engaged in the naviga- 
 tion of the river itself. 
 
 Article 25. The provisions of the present Act of Navigation shall 
 remain in force in time of war. Consequently all nations, whether 
 neutral or belligerent, shall always be free, for the purposes of trade, 
 to navigate the Congo, its branches, affluents, and mouths, as well as 
 the territorial waters fronting the embouchure of the river. 
 
 Traffic will similarly remain free, despite a state of war, on the roads, 
 railways, lakes, and canals mentioned in Articles 15 and 16. 
 
 There will be no exception to this principle except in so far as con- 
 cerns the transport of articles intended for a belligerent and, in virtue 
 of the law of nations, regarded as contraband of war. 
 
 All the works and establishments created in pursuance of the present 
 Act, especially the tax-collecting offices and their treasuries, as well as 
 the permanent service staff of these establishments, shall enjoy the 
 benefits of neutrality (places sous le regime de la neutralite) , and shall 
 therefore be respected and protected by belligerents. 
 
 Chapter V. — Act of Navigation for the Niger 
 
 Article 26. The navigation of the Niger, without excepting any 
 of its branches and outlets, is and shall remain entirely free for the 
 merchant-ships of all nations equally, whether with cargo or ballast, 
 for the transportation of goods and passengers. It shall be regulated 
 by the provisions of this Act of Navigation, and by the rules to be 
 made in pursuance of this Act. 
 
 In the exercise of this navigation the subjects and flags of all nations 
 shall be treated, in all circumstances, on a footing of perfect equality, 
 not only for the direct navigation from the open sea to the inland 
 ports of the Niger and vice versd, but for the great and small coasting 
 trade, and for boat trade on the course of the river. 
 
 Consequently, on all the course and mouths of the Niger there will 
 be no distinction made between the subjects of the Riverain States and 
 those of non-Riverain States; and no exclusive privilege of naviga- 
 tion will be conceded to companies, corporations, or private persons. 
 
 These provisions are recognised by the Signatory Powers as forming 
 licnceforth a part of international law. 
 
 Article 27. The navigation of the Niger shall not be subject to any 
 restriction or obligation based merely on the fact of navigation. 
 
 It shall not be exposed to any obligation in regard to landing, sta- 
 tion, or depot, or for breaking bulk, or for compulsory entry into port. 
 
 In all the extent of the Niger the ships and goods in process of 
 transit on the river shall be submitted to no transit dues, whatever 
 their starting-place or destination. 
 
 No maritime or river toll shall be levied based on the sole fact of
 
 542 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 navigation, nor any tax on goods on board of ships. There shall only 
 be collected taxes or duties which shall be an equivalent for services 
 rendered to navigation itself. The tariff of these taxes or duties shall 
 not warrant any differential treatment. 
 
 Article 28. The affluents of the Niger shall be in all respects sub- 
 ject to the same rules as the river of which they are tributaries. 
 
 Article 29. The roads, railways, or lateral canals which may be 
 constructed with the special object of obviating the innavigability or 
 correcting the imperfections of the river route on certain sections of 
 the course of the Niger, its affluents, branches, and outlets, shall be 
 considered, in their quality of means of communication, as depend- 
 encies of this river and as equally open to the traffic of all nations. 
 
 And as on the river itself, so there shall be collected on these roads, 
 railways, and canals only tolls calculated on the cost of construction, 
 maintenance, and management, and on the profits due to the promoters. 
 
 As regards the tariff of these tolls, strangers and the natives of the 
 respective territories shall be treated on a footing of perfect equality. 
 
 Article 30. Great Britain undertakes to apply the principles of 
 freedom of navigation enunciated in Articles 26, 27, 28, and 29, on so 
 much of the waters of the Niger, its affluents, branches, and outlets, as 
 are or may be under her sovereignty or protection. 
 
 The rules which she may establish for the safety and control of 
 navigation shall be drawn up in a way to facilitate, as far as possible, 
 the circulation of merchant-ships. 
 
 It is understood that nothing in these obligations shall be inter- 
 preted as hindering Great Britain from making any rules of navigation 
 whatever which shall not be contrary to the spirit of these engagements. 
 
 Great Britain undertakes to protect foreign merchants and all the 
 trading nationalities on all those portions of the Niger which are or 
 may be under her sovereignty or protection as if they were her own 
 subjects, provided always that such merchants conform to the rules 
 which are or shall be made in virtue of the foregoing. 
 
 Article 31. France accepts, under the same reservations, and 
 in identical terms, the obHgations undertaken in the preceding 
 Articles in respect of so much of the waters of the Niger, its affluents, 
 branches, and outlets, as are or may be under her sovereignty or pro- 
 tection. 
 
 Article 32. Each of the other Signatory Powers binds itself in the 
 same way, in case it should ever exercise in the future rights of sover- 
 eignty or protection over any portion of the waters of the Niger, its 
 affluents, branches, or outlets. 
 
 Article 33. The arrangements of the present Act of Navigation 
 will remain in force in time of war. Consequently, the navigation of 
 all neutral or belligerent nations will be in all times free for the usages 
 of commerce on the Niger, its branches, its affluents, its mouths, and
 
 Appendix 543 
 
 outlets, as well as on the territorial waters opposite the mouths and 
 outlets of that river. 
 
 The traffic will remain equally free in spite of a state of war on the 
 roads, railways, and canals mentioned in Article 29. 
 
 There will be an exception to this principle only in that which re- 
 lates to the transport of articles destined for a belligerent and con- 
 sidered, in virtue of the law of nations, as articles of contraband of 
 war. 
 
 Chapter VI. — Declaration relative to the essential Conditions to be 
 
 observed in order that new Occupations on the Coasts of the 
 
 African Continent may he held to be effective 
 
 Article 34. Any Power which henceforth takes possession of a 
 tract of land on the coasts of the African Continent outside of its 
 present possessions, or which, being hitherto without such possessions, 
 shall acquire them, as well as the Power which assuines a protectorate 
 there, shall accompany the respective act with a notification thereof, 
 addressed to the other Signatory Powers of the present Act, in order 
 to enable them, if need be, to make good any claims of their own. 
 
 Article 35. The Signatory Powers of the present Act recognise the 
 obligation to ensure the establishment of authority in the regions occu- 
 pied by them on the coasts of the African Continent sufficient to 
 protect existing rights, and, as the case may be, freedom of trade and 
 of transit under the conditions agreed upon. 
 
 Chapter VII. — General Dispositions 
 
 Article 36. The Signatory Powers of the present General Act 
 reserve to themselves to introduce into it subsequently, and by com- 
 mon accord, such modifications and improvements as experience may 
 show to be expedient. 
 
 Article 37. The Powers who have not signed the present General 
 Act shall be free to adhere to its provisions by a separate instru- 
 ment. 
 
 The adhesion of each Power shall be notified in diplomatic form to 
 the Government of the German Empire, and by it in turn to all the 
 other Signatory or adhering Powers. 
 
 Such adhesion shall carry with it full acceptance of all the obliga- 
 tions as well as admission to all the advantages stipulated by the 
 present General Act. 
 
 Article 38. The present General Act shall be ratified with as little 
 delay as possible, the same in no case to exceed a year. 
 
 It will come into force for each Power from the date of its ratifica- 
 tion by that Power.
 
 544 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 Meanwhile, the Signatory Powers of the present General Act bind 
 themselves not to take any steps contrary to its provisions. 
 
 Each Power will address its ratification to the Government of the 
 German Empire, by which notice of the fact will be given to all the 
 other Signatory Powers of the present Act. 
 
 The ratifications of all the Powers will be deposited in the archives 
 of the Government of the German Empire. When all the ratitications 
 shall have been sent in, there will be drawn up a Deposit Act, in the 
 shape of a Protocol, to be signed by the Representatives of all the 
 Powers which have taken part in the Conference of Berlin, and of 
 which a certified copy will be sent to each of those Powers. 
 
 In testimony whereof the several Plenipotentiaries have signed the 
 present General Act and have affixed thereto their seals. 
 
 Done at Berlin the 26th day of February, 1885. 
 
 (Here follow the signatures of the Plenipotentiaries in 
 the order of their names in the preamble.) 
 
 THE TEXT OF THE DECLARATIONS AND TREATIES 
 BETWEEN THE INTERNATIONAL ASSOCIATION 
 OF THE CONGO AND ITS NEIGHBOURS, GER- 
 MANY, GREAT BRITAIN, FRANCE, AND POR- 
 TUGAL. ALSO ITS DECLARATION EXCHANGED 
 WITH BELGIUM. 
 
 On 8th November, 1884, a convention was con- 
 cluded between the German Empire and the Associa- 
 tion. The following are its terms : 
 
 Article i. The International Association of the Congo engages 
 not to levy any duty on articles or merchandise imported directly or 
 in transit into its present or future possessions in the basins of the 
 Congo and the Niadi-Kwilu, or into its possessions situated on the 
 Atlantic Ocean. This exemption from duties especially applies to 
 merchandise and articles of commerce which are carried by the roads 
 made round the cataracts of the Congo 
 
 Article 2. The subjects of the German Empire shall ha\-e the 
 right of sojourning and of establishing themselves on the territories 
 of the Association. They shall be treated on the same footing as the 
 subjects of the most favoured nation, including the inhabitants of the 
 country, so far as concerns the protection of their persons and posses- 
 sions, the free exercise of their religion, the recognition and defence of 
 their rights, as well as in matters of navigation, trade, or manufactures.
 
 Appendix 545 
 
 Especially, they shall have the right of buying, selling, and leasing 
 lands and buildings situated in the territories of the Association, of 
 establishing commercial houses, and carrying on trade or the coasting 
 trade under the German flag. 
 
 Article 3. The Association engages never to grant any privileges 
 whatsoever to the subjects of any other nation without their being 
 immediately extended to German subjects. 
 
 Article 4. In the event of the cession of the present or future 
 territory of the Association, or of any part of it, the obligations con- 
 tracted by the Association towards the German Empire shall be trans- 
 ferred to the occupier. These obligations and the rights granted by 
 the Association to the German Empire and its subjects shall remain 
 in force after every cession as far as regards each new occupier. 
 
 Article 5. The German Empire recognises the flag of the Associa- 
 tion — a blue flag with a golden star in the centre — as that of a friendly 
 State. 
 
 Article 6. The German Empire is ready on its part to recognise 
 the frontiers of the territory of the Association and of the new State 
 which is to be created, as they are shown in the annexed Map. 
 
 Article 7. This Convention shall be ratified and the ratifications 
 shall be exchanged with the least possible delay. 
 
 This Convention shall come into force immediately after the ex- 
 change of the ratifications. 
 
 Done at Berlin the 8th November, 1884. 
 
 (Signed) Count v. Brandenbourg. 
 Strauch. 
 
 On 1 6th December, 1884, Great Britain and the 
 International Association of the Congo exchanged 
 declarations and concluded a Convention. The fol- 
 lowing is the declaration of the Association: 
 
 The International Association of the Congo, founded by His Majesty 
 the King of the Belgians for the purpose of promoting the civilisation 
 and commerce of Africa, and for other humane and benevolent pur- 
 poses, hereby declares as follows: — 
 
 Article i. That by Treaties with the legitimate Sovereigns in the 
 basins of the Congo and of the Niadi-Kwilu, and in adjacent territories 
 upon the Atlantic, there has been ceded to it territory for the use and 
 benefit of Free States established, and being established, in the said 
 basins and adjacent territories. 
 
 Article 2. That by virtue of the said Treaties, the administration 
 of the interests of the said Free States is vested in the Association,
 
 54^ Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 Article 3. That the Association has adopted as its standard, and 
 that of the said Free States, a blue flag with a golden star in the centre. 
 
 Article 4. That with a view of enabling commerce to penetrate 
 into Equatorial Africa, the Association and the said Free States have 
 resolved to levy no customs duties upon goods or articles of merchan- 
 dise imported directly into their territories or brought by the route 
 which has been constructed around the cataracts of the Congo. 
 
 Article 5. That the Association and the said Free States guaran- 
 tee to foreigners established in their territories the free exercise of their 
 religion, the rights of navigation, commerce, and industry, and the 
 right of buying, selling, letting, and hiring lands, buildings, mines, and 
 forests, on the sole condition that they shall obey the laws. 
 
 Article 6. That the Association and the said free States will do 
 all in their power to prevent the Slave Trade and to suppress slavery. 
 
 Done at Berlin, the i6th December, 1884. 
 
 (On behalf of the Association), 
 
 (Signed) Strauch. 
 
 The declaration of the British Government was as 
 follows : 
 
 The Government of Her Britannic Majesty declare their sympathy 
 with, and approval of, the humane and benevolent purposes of the 
 Association, and hereby recognise the flag of the Association, and of 
 the Free States under its administration, as the flag of a friendly 
 
 Government. 
 
 (On behalf of Her Majesty's Government), 
 
 Edward B. Malet. 
 
 The Convention itself was couched in the following 
 terms: 
 
 Whereas the Government of Her Britannic Majesty have recognised 
 the flag of the International Association of the Congo, and of the Free 
 States under its administration, as the flag of a friendly Government; 
 
 And whereas it is expedient to regulate and define the rights of 
 British subjects in the territories of the said Free States, and to provide 
 for the exercise of civil and criminal jurisdiction over them, in manner 
 hereinafter mentioned, until sufficient provision shall have been made 
 by the Association for the administration of justice among foreigners; 
 
 It is hereby agreed as follows : — 
 
 Article i. The International Association of the Congo imdertakes 
 not to levy any duty, import or transit, on articles or merchandise
 
 Appendix 547 
 
 imported by British subjects into the said territories, or into any 
 territory which may hereafter come under its government. This 
 freedom from custom-house duties shall extend to merchandise and 
 articles of commerce which shall be transported along the roads or 
 canals constructed, or to be constructed, around the cataracts of the 
 Congo. 
 
 Article 2. British subjects shall have at all times the right of 
 sojourning and of establishing themselves within the territories which 
 are or shall be under the Government of the said Association. They 
 shall enjoy the same protection which is accorded to the subjects or 
 citizens of the most favoured nation in all matters which regard their 
 persons, their property, the free exercise of their religion, and the 
 rights of navigation, commerce, and industry. Especially they shall 
 have the right of buying, of selling, of letting, and of hiring lands and 
 buildings, mines, and forests, situated within the said territories, and 
 of founding houses of commerce, and of carrying on commerce and a 
 coasting trade under the British flag. 
 
 Article 3. The Association engages itself not to accord any 
 advantages whatsoever to the subjects of any other nation without 
 the same advantages being extended to British subjects. 
 
 Article 4. Her Majesty the Queen of Great Britain and Ireland 
 may appoint Consuls or other Consular Officers to reside at ports or 
 stations within the said territories, and the Association engages itself 
 to protect them. 
 
 Article 5. Every British Consul or Consular Officer within the 
 said territories, who shall be thereunto duly authorised by Her Bri- 
 tannic Majesty's Government, may hold a Consular Court for the dis- 
 trict assigned to him, and shall exercise sole and exclusive jurisdiction, 
 both civil and criminal, over the persons and property of British sub- 
 jects within the same, in accordance with British law. 
 
 Article 6. Nothing in the last preceding Article contained shall 
 be deemed to relieve any British subject from the obligation to ob- 
 serve the laws of the said Free States applicable to foreigners, but any 
 infraction thereof by a British subject shall be justiciable only by a 
 British Consular Court. 
 
 Article 7. Inhabitants of the said territories who are subject to 
 the Government of the Association, if they shall commit any wrong 
 against the person or property of a British subject, shall be arrested 
 and punished by the authorities of the Association according to the 
 laws of the said Free States. 
 
 Justice shall be equitably and impartially administered on both 
 sides. 
 
 Article 8. A British subject, having reason to complain against 
 an inhaV)itant of the said territories, who is subject to the Government 
 of the Association, must proceed to the British Consulate, and there
 
 548 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 state his grievance. The Consul shall inquire into the merits of the 
 case, and do his utmost to arrange it amicably. In like manner, if 
 any such inhabitant of the said territories shall have reason to com- 
 plain against a British subject, the British Consul shall no less listen 
 to his complaint and endeavour to settle it in a friendly manner. If 
 disputes take place of such a nature that the Consul cannot arrange 
 them amicably, then he shall request the assistance of the authorities 
 of the Association to examine into the merits of the case and decide it 
 equitably. 
 
 Article 9. Should any inhabitant of the said territories, who is 
 subject to the Government of the Association, fail to discharge any 
 debt incurred to a British subject, the authorities of the Association 
 will do their utmost to bring him to justice, and to enforce recovery 
 of the said debt; and should any British subject fail to discharge a 
 debt incurred by him to any such inhabitant, the British authorities 
 will in like manner do their utmost to bring him to justice, and to 
 enforce recovery of the debt. No British Consul nor any authority 
 of the Association is to be held responsible for the payment of any 
 debt contracted either by a British subject or, by any inhabitant 
 of the said territories, who is subject to the Government of the Asso- 
 ciation. 
 
 Article 10. In case of the Association being desirous to cede any 
 portion of the territory now or hereafter under its Government, it 
 shall not cede it otherwise than as subject to all the engagements con- 
 tracted by the Association under this Convention. Those engage- 
 ments, and the rights thereby accorded to British subjects, shall con- 
 tinue to be in vigour after every cession made to any new occupant of 
 any portion of the said territory. 
 
 This Convention shall, be ratified, and the ratifications shall be ex- 
 changed with the least possible delay. It shall come into operation 
 immediately upon the exchange of ratifications. 
 
 Done at Berlin the i6th December, 1884. 
 
 (Signed) Edward B. Malet. 
 Strauch. 
 
 On 5th February, 1885, was concluded a Conven- 
 tion with the French Repubhc. 
 
 Article i. The International Association of the Congo hereby 
 declares that it extends to France the privileges it has conceded to 
 the United States of America, the German Empire, England, Italy, 
 Austria- Hungary, the Netherlands, and Spain, in virtue of the Con- 
 ventions which it concluded with those Powers respectively on the 
 22nd April, 8th November, i6th, 19th, 24th, and 29th December,
 
 Appendix 549 
 
 1884, and 7th January, 1885, the text of which is annexed to the 
 present Convention. 
 
 Article 2. The Association engages moreover never to grant any 
 privileges whatever to the subjects of any other nation without their 
 being immediately extended to French citizens. 
 
 Article 3. The Government of the French Repviblic and the As- 
 sociation adopt as frontiers between their possessions : — 
 
 The River Chiloango from the ocean to its northernmost source; 
 
 The water-parting of the waters of the Niadi Quilloo and the Congo 
 as far as beyond the meridian of Manyanga; 
 
 A line to be settled, which, following as far as possible some natural 
 division of the land, shall end between the station of Manyanga and 
 the cataract of the Ntombo Mataka, at a point situated on the naviga- 
 ble portion of the river; 
 
 The Congo up to Stanley Pool; 
 
 The centre of Stanley Pool; 
 
 The Congo up to a point to be settled above- the River Licona- 
 Nkundja; 
 
 A line to be settled from that point to the 17th degree of longitude 
 east of Greenwich, following, as closelj^ as possible, the water-parting 
 of the basin of the Licona-Nkundja, which is part of the French pos- 
 sessions ; 
 
 The 17th degree of longitude east of Greenwich. 
 
 Article 4. A Commission, composed of an equal number on each 
 side of Representatives of the two parties, shall be intrusted with the 
 duty of marking out on the spot a frontier-line in conformity with the 
 preceding stipulations. In case of a difference of opinion, the question 
 shall be settled by Delegates, who shall be named by the International 
 Commission of the Congo. 
 
 Article 5. Subject to the arrangements to be made between the 
 International Association of the Congo and Portugal as to the terri- 
 tories situated to the south of the Chiloango, the Government of the 
 French Republic is disposed to recognise the neutrality of the posses- 
 sions of the International Association comprised within the frontiers 
 marked on the annexed Map, conditionally upon discussing and regu- 
 lating the conditions of such neutrality in common with the other 
 Powers represented at the Berlin Conference. 
 
 Article 6. The Government of the French Republic recognises 
 the flag of the International Association of the Congo — a blue flag 
 with a golden star in the centre — as the flag of a friendly Government. 
 
 In testimony whereof the respective Plenipotentiaries have signed 
 the present Convention and have affixed thereunto their seals. 
 
 Done at Paris the 5th February, 1885. 
 (L. S.) (Signed) Jules Ferry. 
 (L. S.) (Signed) Comte Paul de Borchgrave d'Altena.
 
 550 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 The Convention concluded with Portugal is dated 
 14th February, 1885. 
 
 Article i. The International Association of the Congo hereby 
 declares that it extends to Portugal the privileges it has conceded to 
 the United States of America, the German Empire, England, Italy, 
 Austria-Hungary, the Netherlands, Spain, France, and the United 
 Kingdoms of Sweden and Norway, in virtue of the Conventions which 
 it concluded with the Powers respectively on the 22nd April, 8th No- 
 vember, 1 6th, 19th, 24th, and 29th December, 1884, 7th January and 
 5th and loth February, 1885, certified copies of which the Association 
 engages to transmit to the Government of His Most Faithful Majesty. 
 
 Article 2. The International Association of the Congo engages 
 moreover never to grant any privileges whatsoever to the subjects 
 of any other nation without their being immediately extended to the 
 subjects of His Most Faithful Majesty. 
 
 Article 3. The International Association of the Congo and His 
 Most Faithful Majesty the King of Portugal and the Algarves adopt 
 the following frontiers between their possessions in West Africa, 
 namely : — 
 
 To the north of the River Congo (Zaire) the right frontier joining 
 the mouth of the river which empties itself into the Atlantic Ocean, 
 to the south of the Bay of Kabinda, near Ponta Vermelha, at Cabo- 
 Lombo ; 
 
 The parallel of this latter point prolonged till it intersects the 
 meridian of the junction of the Culacalla with the Luculla; 
 
 The meridian thus fixed until it meets the River Luculla; 
 
 The course of the Luculla to its junction with the Chiloango (Luango 
 Luce) ; 
 
 The course of the Congo (Zaire) from its mouth to its junction with 
 the little River Uango-Uango; 
 
 The meridian which passes by the mouth of the little River Uango- 
 Uango between the Dutch and Portuguese factories, so as to leave the 
 latter in Portuguese territory, till this meridian touches the parallel of 
 Nokki; 
 
 The parallel of Nokki till the point where it intersects the River 
 Kuango (Cuango) ; 
 
 From this point, in a southerly direction, the course of the Kuango 
 (Cuango). 
 
 Article 4. A Commission, composed of an equal number on each 
 side of Representatives of the two sides, shall be intrusted with the 
 duty of marking out on the spot a frontier-line in conformity with the 
 preceding stipulations. In case of a difference of opinion, the ques- 
 tion shall be settled by Delegates who shall be named by the Interna- 
 tional Commission of the Congo.
 
 Appendix 551 
 
 Article 5. His Most Faithful Majesty the King of Portugal and 
 the Algarves is inclined to recognise the neutrality of the possessions 
 of the International Association of the Congo, conditionally upon dis- 
 cussing and regulating the conditions of such neutrality in common 
 with the other Powers represented at the Berlin Conference. 
 
 Article 6. His Most Faithful Majesty the King of Portugal and 
 the Algarves recognises the flag of the International Association of the 
 Congo — a blue flag with a golden star in the centre — as the flag of a 
 friendly Government. 
 
 Article 7. The present Convention shall be ratified, and the rati- 
 fications shall be exchanged at Paris within three months, or a shorter 
 time if possible. 
 
 In testimony of which the Plenipotentiaries of the two Contracting 
 Parties, as well as his Excellency Baron de Courcel, Ambassador 
 Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of France at Berlin, as represent- 
 ing the mediatory Power, have signed and affixed their seal to the 
 present Convention. 
 
 Done in triplicate at Berlin this 14th day of the month of February, 
 1885. 
 
 (Signed) Strauch. 
 
 Marquis de Penafiel. 
 Alph. de Courcel. 
 
 Declarations were exchanged between the Belgian 
 Government and the Association on 25th February, 
 1885. 
 
 The International Association of the Congo declares by these 
 presents that, by Treaties concluded with the legitimate Sovereigns in 
 the basin of the Congo and its tributaries, vast territories have been 
 ceded to it with all the rights of sovereignty, with a view to the crea- 
 tion of a free and independent State ; that Conventions mark off the 
 frontiers of the territories of the Association from those of France and 
 Portugal, and that the frontiers of the Association are shown on the 
 annexed Map; 
 
 That the said Association has adopted as the flag of the State ad- 
 ministered by it a blue flag with a golden star in the centre; 
 
 That the said Association has resolved not to levy any customs 
 duties on goods or products imported into its territories or carried by 
 the road which has been made round the cataracts of the Congo ; this 
 resolution has been adopted to assist commerce to penetrate into 
 Equatorial Africa; 
 
 That it insures foreigners who may establish themselves in its terri-
 
 552 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 tones the right of buying, selHng, or leasing lands and buildings therein 
 situated, of establishing commercial houses, and carrying on trade 
 under the sole condition of obeying tlje law. It engages, moreover, 
 never to grant the citizens of one nation any privilege whatever with- 
 out immediately extending it to the citizens of all other nations, and 
 to do all in its power to prevent the Slave Trade. 
 
 In testimony of which the President of the Association, acting in its 
 behalf, has hereunto affixed his seal and signature. 
 
 Berlin, the 23rd day of February, 1885. 
 
 (Signed) Strauch. 
 
 The Belgian Government takes note of the declarations of the 
 International Association of the Congo, and by these presents recog- 
 nises the Association within the limits indicated by it, and recognises 
 its flag as on an equality with that of a friendly State. 
 
 In testimony of which the Undersigned, being duly authorised 
 thereto, have hereunto affixed their seal and signature. 
 Berlin, the 23rd day of February, 1885. 
 
 (Signed) Comte Auguste van der Straten-Ponthoz. 
 Baron Lambermont. 
 
 DECLARATION OF THE GENERAL ACT OF THE 
 BRUSSELS CONFERENCE, JULY 2, 1890 
 
 The Powers assembled in Conference at Brussels, who have ratified 
 the General Act of Berlin of the 26th February, 1885, or who have 
 acceded thereto. 
 
 After having drawn up and signed in concert, in the General Act of 
 this day, a collection of measures intended to put an end to the Negro 
 Slave Trade by land as well as by sea, and to improve the moral and 
 material conditions of existence of the native races; 
 
 Taking into consideration that the execution of the provisions which 
 they have adopted with this object imposes on some of them who 
 have possessions or Protectorates in the conventional basin of the 
 Congo obligations which absolutely demand new resources to meet 
 them; 
 
 Have agreed to make the following Declaration: — 
 
 The Signatory or adhering Powers who have possessions or Pro- 
 tectorates in the said conventional basin of the Congo are authorised, 
 so far as they require any authority for the purpose, to establish 
 therein dvities upon imported goods, the scale of which shall not ex- 
 ceed a rate equivalent to 10 per cent, "ad valorem" at the port of 
 entry, always excepting spirituous liquors, which are regulated by the 
 provisions of Chapter VI. of the General Act of this day.
 
 Appendix 553 
 
 After the signature of the said General Act, negotiations shall be 
 opened between the Powers who have ratified the General Act of 
 Berlin or who have adhered to it, in order to draw up, within the maxi- 
 mum limit of 10 per cent, "ad valorem" the conditions of the Customs 
 system to be established in the conventional basin of the Congo. 
 
 Nevertheless, it is understood: — 
 
 1. That no differential treatment or transit duty shall be estab- 
 lished ; 
 
 2. That in applying the Customs system which may be agreed 
 upon, each Power will undertake to simplify fonnalities as much as 
 possible, and to facilitate trade operations; 
 
 3. That the arrangement resulting from the proposed negotiations 
 shall remain in force for fifteen years from the signature of the present 
 Declaration. 
 
 At the expiration of this period, and failing a fresh Agreement, the 
 Contracting Powers shall return to the conditions provided for by 
 Article IV. of the General Act of Berlin, retaining the power of im- 
 posing duties up to a maximum of lo per cent, upon goods imported 
 into the conventional basin of the Congo. 
 
 The ratifications of the present Declaration shall be exchanged at 
 the same time as those of the General Act of this day. 
 
 In witness whereof the undersigned Plenipotentiaries have drawn 
 up the present Declaration, and have affixed thereto their seals. 
 
 Done at Brussels, the 2nd day of the month of July, 1890. 
 
 [L. S.] Vivian, John Kirk, Alvensleben, Gohring, R. Khevenhiiller, 
 Lambermont, E. Banning, Schack de Brockdorff , J. G. de Aguera, Edm. 
 van Eetvelde, A. van Malgeghem, A. Bouree, G. Cogordan, F. de Ren- 
 zis, T. Catalani, L. Gericke, Henrique de Macedo, Pereiro Coutinho, 
 L. Ouroussoff , Martens, Burenstam, Et Caratheodory. 
 
 TREATY OF AMITY, COMMERCE, AND NAVIGATION 
 
 His Majesty Leopold II., King of the Belgians, Sovereign of 
 THE Independent State of the Congo, and 
 
 The United States of America, 
 desiring to perpetuate, confirm and encourage the relations of com- 
 merce and of good understanding existing already between the two 
 respective countries, by the conclusion of a treaty of amity, com- 
 merce, navigation and extradition, have for this purpose named as 
 their respective Plenipotentiaries, viz. : 
 
 His Majesty Leopold II., King of the Belgians, Sovereign of 
 the Independent State of the Congo, 
 
 Edm. van Eetvelde, Administrator General of the Department of 
 Foreign Affairs, Otficcr of His Order of Leopold, and
 
 554 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 His Excellency the President of the United States op 
 America, 
 
 Edwin H. Terrell, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipoten- 
 tiary of the United States of America near His Majesty the King of 
 the Belgians, who, after having communicated to each other their full 
 powers, found in good and due form, have agreed upon the following 
 articles : 
 
 Article I. — There shall be full, entire and reciprocal liberty of com- 
 merce, establishment and navigation between the citizens and inhab- 
 itants of the two High contracting Parties. 
 
 The citizens and inhabitants of the Independent State of the Congo 
 in the United States of America and those of the United States of 
 America in the independent State of the Congo shall have reciprocally 
 the right, on conforming to the laws of the country, to enter, travel 
 and reside in all parts of their respective territories ; to carry on busi- 
 ness there; and they shall enjoy in this respect for the protection of 
 their persons and their property the same treatment and the same 
 rights as the natives, or the citizens and inhabitants of the most 
 favoured nation. 
 
 They can freely exercise their industry or their business, as well 
 wholesale as retail, in the whole extent of the territories, without 
 being subjected as to their persons or their property, or by reason of 
 their business, to any taxes, general or local, imposts or conditions 
 whatsoever other or more onerous than those which are imposed or 
 may be imposed upon the natives other than non-civilised aborigines, 
 or upon the citizens and inhabitants of the most favoured nation. 
 
 In like manner, they will enjoy reciprocally the treatment of the 
 most favoured nation in all that relates to rights, privileges, exemp- 
 tions and immunities whatsoever concerning their persons or their 
 property and in the matter of commerce, industry and navigation. 
 
 Article II. — In all that concerns the acquisition, succession, pos- 
 session and alienation of property, real and personal, the citizens and 
 inhabitants of each of the High contracting Parties shall enjoy in the 
 territories of the other all the rights which the respective laws accord 
 or shall accord in those territories to the citizens and inhabitants of 
 the most favoured nation. 
 
 Article III. — The citizens and inhabitants of each of the High 
 contracting Parties shall be exempt in the territories of the other 
 from all personal service in the army, navy, or militia, and from all 
 pecuniary contributions in lieu of such, as well as from all obligatory 
 oflficial functions whatever, except the obligation of sitting, within a 
 radius of one hundred kilometres from the place of their residence, as 
 a juror in judicial proceedings; furthermore, their property shall not 
 be taken for the public service without an ample and sufficient com- 
 pensation.
 
 Appendix 555 
 
 They shall have free access to the courts of the other, on conforming 
 to the laws regulating the matter, as well for the prosecution as for the 
 defence of their rights, in all the degrees of jurisdiction established by 
 law. They can be represented by lawyers, and they shall enjoy, in 
 this respect, and in what concerns domiciliary visits to their houses, 
 manufactories, stores, warehouses, etc., the same rights and the same 
 advantages which are or shall be granted to the citizens and inhabit- 
 ants of the most favoured nation, or to natives. 
 
 Article IV. — The citizens and inhabitants of the two countries 
 shall enjoy, in the territory of the other, a full and entire liberty of 
 conscience. They shall be protected in the free exercise of their 
 worship; they shall have the right to erect religious edifices and to 
 organise and maintain missions. 
 
 Article V. — It will be lawful for the two High contracting Parties 
 to appoint and establish consuls, vice consuls, deputy consuls, consular 
 agents and commercial agents in the territories of the other; but none 
 of these agents can exercise his functions before having received the 
 necessary exequatur from the Government to which he is delegated. 
 
 The said agents of each of the two High contracting Parties shall 
 enjoy, in the territories of the other, upon the footing of a complete 
 reciprocity, all the privileges, immunities and rights which are actually 
 granted to those of the most favoured nation or which may be accorded 
 to them hereafter. 
 
 The said agents, citizens or inhabitants of the State by which they 
 are appointed shall not be subject to preliminary arrest, except in 
 the case of acts qualified as crimes by the local legislation and pun- 
 ished as such. They shall be exempt from military billeting and 
 from service in the army, navy, or militia, as well as from all direct 
 taxes, unless these should be due on account of real estate, or, unless 
 the said agents should exercise a profession or business of any kind. 
 
 The said agents can raise their national flag over their offices. 
 
 The consular offices shall be at all times inviolable. The local au- 
 thorities can not invade them under any pretext. They can not in 
 any case examine or seize the papers which shall be there deposited. 
 The consular offices can not, on the other hand, serve as place of 
 asylum, and if an agent of the consular service is engaged in business, 
 commercial or other, the papers relating to the consulate shall be kept 
 separate. 
 
 The said agents shall have the right to exercise all the functions 
 generally appertaining to consuls, especially in what concerns the 
 legalisation of private and public documents, of invoices and commer- 
 cial contracts, the taking of depositions and the right of authenticat- 
 ing legal acts and documents. 
 
 The said agents shall have the right to address the administrative 
 and judicial authorities of the country in which they exercise their
 
 55^ Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 functions in order to complain of any infraction of the treaties or con- 
 ventions existing between the two Governments, and for the purpose 
 of protecting the rights and interests of the citizens and inhabitants 
 of their country. They shall have also the right to settle all differences 
 arising between the captains or the officers and the sailors of the sea- 
 vessels of their nation. The local authorities shall abstain from 
 interfering in these cases unless the maintenance of the public tran- 
 quillity requires it, or, unless their assistance should be asked by the 
 consular authority in order to assure the execution of its decisions. 
 
 The local authorities will give to the said agents and, on their de- 
 fault, to the captains or their casual representatives, all aid for the 
 search and arrest of sailor deserters, who shall be kept and guarded 
 in the prisons of the State upon the requisition and at the expense of 
 the consuls or of the captains, during a maximum delay of two 
 months. 
 
 Article VI. — The citizens and inhabitants of each of the High 
 contracting Parties shall have reciprocally, according to the same 
 rights and conditions and with the same privileges as those of the 
 most favoured nation, the right to enter with their vessels and cargoes 
 into all the ports and to navigate upon all the rivers and interior 
 waters of the other State. 
 
 The vessels of each of the contracting Parties and of its citizens or 
 inhabitants can freely navigate upon the waters of the territory of the 
 other, without being subject to any other tolls, charges or obligations 
 than those which the vessels belonging to the citizens or inhabitants 
 of the most favoured nation would have to bear. 
 
 There will not be imposed by either of the contracting Parties upon 
 the vessels belonging to the other or to the citizens or inhabitants of 
 the other, in the matter of tonnage, port charges, pilotage, lighthouse 
 and quarantine dues, salvage of vessels and other administrative ex- 
 penses whatsoever concerning navigation, any taxes or charges what- 
 ever, other or higher than those which are or shall be imposed upon 
 the public or private vessels of the most favoured nation. 
 
 It is agreed that every vessel belonging to one of the High contract- 
 ing Parties or to a citizen or inhabitant of one of them, having the 
 right to bear the flag of that country and having the right to its 
 protection, both according to the laws of that country, shall be con- 
 sidered as a vessel of that nationality. 
 
 Article VII. — In what concerns the freight and facilities of trans- 
 portation, and tolls, the merchandise belonging to the citizens or in- 
 habitants of one of the contracting States transported over the roads, 
 railroads and waterways of the other State, shall be treated on the 
 same footing as the merchandise belonging to the citizens or inhabit- 
 ants of the most favoured nation. 
 
 Article VIII. — In the territories of neither of the High contract-
 
 Appendix 557 
 
 ing Parties shall there be established or enforced a prohibition against 
 the importation, exportation or transit of any article of legal com- 
 merce, produced or manufactured in the territories of the other, unless 
 this prohibition shall equally and at once be extended to all other 
 nations. 
 
 Article IX. — Relating to extraction was stricken out by the 
 Senate. 
 
 Article X. — The Republic of the United States of America, recog- 
 nising that it is just and necessary to facilitate to the Independent 
 State of the Congo the accomplishment of the obligations which it has 
 contracted by virtue of the General Act of Brussels of July 2nd, 1890, 
 admits, so far as it is concerned, that import duties may be collected 
 upon merchandise imported into the said State. 
 
 The tariff of these duties cannot go beyond 10 per cent, of the value 
 of the merchandise at the port of importation, during fifteen years to 
 date from July 2nd, 1890, except for spirits, which are regulated by 
 the provisions of Chapter VI. of the General Act of Brussels. 
 
 At the expiration of this term of fifteen years, and in default of a 
 new accord, the Independent State of the Congo will be placed as to 
 the United States of America in the situation which existed prior to 
 July 2nd, 1890; the right to impose import duties to a maximum of 
 10 per cent, upon merchandise imported into the said State remaining 
 acquired to it, on the conditions and within the limitations determined 
 in Articles XL and XII. of this treaty. 
 
 Article XI. — The United States shall enjoy in the Independent 
 State of the Congo, as to the import duties, all the advantages ac- 
 corded to the most favoured nation. 
 
 It has been agreed besides: 
 
 1. That no differential treatment nor transit duty can be estab- 
 lished ; 
 
 2. That in the application of the tariff regime which will be intro- 
 duced, the Congo State will apply itself to simplify, as far as possible, 
 the formalities and to facilitate the operations of commerce. 
 
 Article XII. — Considering the hict that in Article X. of the present 
 treaty, the United States of America have given their assent to the 
 establishment of import duties in the Independent State of the Congo 
 under certain conditions, it is well understood that the said Inde- 
 pendent State of the Congo assures to the flag, to the vessels, to 
 the commerce and to the citizens and inhabitants of the United 
 States of America, in all parts of the territories of that State, all 
 the rights, privileges and immunities concerning import and export 
 duties, tariff regime, interior taxes and charges and, in a general 
 manner, all commercial interests, which are or shall be accorded to 
 the Signatory Powers of the Act of Berlin, or to the most favoured 
 nation.
 
 55^ Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 Article XIII. — In case a difference should arise between the two 
 High contracting Parties as to the validity, interpretation, application 
 or enforcement of any of the provisions contained in the present 
 treaty, and it could not be arranged amicably by diplomatic corre- 
 spondence between the two Governments, these last agree to submit 
 it to the judgment of an arbitration tribunal, the decision of which 
 they bind themselves to respect and execute loyally. 
 
 The tribunal will be composed of three members. Each of the two 
 High contracting Parties will designate one of them, selected out- 
 side of the citizens and the inhabitants of either of the contracting 
 States and of Belgiuin. The High contracting Parties will ask, by 
 common accord, a friendly Government to appoint the third arbi- 
 trator, to be selected equally outside of the two contracting States and 
 of Belgitmi. 
 
 If an arbitrator should be unable to sit by reason of death, resigna- 
 tion, or for any other cause, he shall be replaced by a new arbitrator 
 whose appointment shall be made in the same manner as that of the 
 arbitrator whose place he takes. 
 
 The majority of arbitrators can act in case of the intentional ab- 
 sence or formal withdrawal of the minority. The decision of the 
 majority of the arbitrators will be conclusive upon all questions to be 
 determined. 
 
 The general expenses of the arbitration procedure will be borne, in 
 equal parts, by the two High contracting Parties; but the expenses 
 made by either of the parties for preparing and setting forth its case 
 will be at the cost of that party. 
 
 Article XIV. — It is well understood that if the declaration on the 
 subject of the import duties, signed July 2nd, 1890, by the Signatory 
 Powers of the Act of Berlin, should not enter into force, in that case, 
 the present treaty would be absolutely null and without effect. 
 
 Article XV. — The present treaty shall be subject to the approval 
 and the ratification, on the one hand, of His Majesty the King of the 
 Belgians, Sovereign of the Independent State of the Congo, and on 
 the other hand, of His Excellency the President of the United States, 
 acting by the advice and with the consent of the Senate. 
 
 The ratifications of the present treaty shall be exchanged at the 
 same time as those of the General Act of Brussels of July 2nd, 1890, 
 and it will enter into force at the same date as the latter. 
 
 In faith of which the respective Plenipotentiaries of the High con- 
 tracting Parties have signed the present treaty, in duplicate, in French 
 and in English, and have attached thereto their seals. 
 
 Done at Brussels, the twenty-fourth day of the month of January 
 of the year eighteen hundred and ninety-one. 
 
 [S.] Edm. van Eetvelde. [S.] Edwin H. Terrell.
 
 Appendix 559 
 
 RATIFICATION BY THE UNITED STATES 
 
 And whereas the said Treaty has been duly ratified on both parts, 
 and the ratifications of the two Governments were exchanged in the 
 city of Brussels, on the 2nd day of February, 1892, 
 
 Now, therefore, be it known that I, Benjamin Harrison, President 
 of the United States of America, have caused the said Treaty to be 
 made public as amended, to the end that the same and every article 
 and clause thereof may be observed and fulfilled with good faith by 
 the United States and the citizens thereof. 
 
 In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the 
 seal of the United States to be affixed. 
 
 Done at the city of Washington this second day of April in the year 
 of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and ninety-two, and of the 
 Independence of the United States the one hundred and sixteenth. 
 [seal] Benj. Harrison. 
 
 By the President. 
 
 James G. Blaine, 
 
 Secretary of State. 
 
 PROTOCOL RECORDING THE RATIFICATION BY THE 
 UNITED STATES OF AMERICA OF THE GENERAL 
 ACT OF BRUSSELS OF JULY 2, 1890— SIGNED AT 
 BRUSSELS, FEBRUARY 2, 1892 
 
 On the 2nd February, 1892, in conformity with Article XCIX. of 
 the General Act of the 2nd July, 1890, and with the imanimous de- 
 cision of the Signatory Powers prolonging till the 2nd February, 1892, 
 in favour of the United States, the period fixed by the said Article 
 XCIX., the Undersigned, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipo- 
 tentiary of the United States of America, deposited in the hands of 
 the Belgian Minister for Foreign Affairs the Ratification by the Presi- 
 dent of the United States of the said General Act. 
 
 At His Excellency's request the following Resolution whereby the 
 Senate of the United States consented to the Ratification of the 
 President, was inserted in the present Protocol: — 
 
 "Resolved (two- thirds of the Senators present concurring therein), 
 
 "That the Senate advise and consent to the ratification of the 
 General Act signed at Brussels on the 2nd July, 1890, by the Plenipo- 
 tentiaries of the United States and other Powers, for the suppression 
 of the African Slave Trade, and for other purposes. 
 
 ''Resolved further: That the Senate advise and consent to the ac- 
 ceptance of the partial ratification of the said General Act on the part
 
 560 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 of the French RcpubUc, and to the stipulations relative thereto, as set 
 forth in the Protocol signed at Brussels on the 2nd February, 1892. 
 
 "Resolved further, as a part of this act of ratification. That the 
 United States of America, having neither Possessions nor Protectorates 
 in Africa, hereby disclaims any intention, in ratifying this Treaty, to 
 indicate any interest whatsoever in the Possessions or Protectorates 
 established or claimed on that Continent by the other Powers, or any 
 approval of the wisdom, expediency, or lawfulness thereof, and does 
 not join in any expressions in the said General Act which might be 
 construed as such a declaration or acknowledgment; and, for this 
 reason, that it is desirable that a copy of this Resolution be inserted 
 in the Protocol to be drawn up at the time of the exchange of the 
 ratifications of this Treaty on the part of the United States." 
 
 The above Resolution of the Senate of the United States having 
 been textually communicated in advance by the Government of 
 Belgium to all the Signatory Powers of the General Act, the latter 
 have assented to its insertion in the present Protocol which shall 
 remain annexed to the Protocol of the 2nd February, 1892. 
 
 An official notification to this effect was made to the United States 
 Minister. 
 
 The Ratification of the President of the United States having been 
 found in good and due form, notification of its deposit was made to 
 his Excellency Mr. Edwin H. Terrell. It will be retained in the 
 archives of the Belgian Foreign Office. 
 
 On proceeding to the signature of the present Protocol the Minister 
 for Foreign Affairs of His Majesty the King of the Belgians announced 
 that the Representative of Russia, in his note expressing the assent 
 of his Government, expressed the opinion that it was desirable that, 
 in the Protocol, a French translation should accompany the English 
 text of the Resolution of the Senate of the United States of America, 
 and that, in any case, the absence of such translation should not form 
 a precedent. 
 
 A certified copy of the present Protocol will be sent by the Belgian 
 Government to the Signatory Powers of the General Act. 
 
 Done at Brussels the 2nd February, 1892. 
 The Minister for Foreign Affairs, 
 
 (Signed) Prince de Chimay. 
 The Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the 
 United States of America, 
 
 - (Signed) Edwin H. Terrell.
 
 Appendix 561 
 
 DISPATCH FROM HIS MAJESTY'S MINISTER AT 
 BRUSSELS RESPECTING THE COMMISSION FOR 
 THE PROTECTION OF THE NATIVES, INSTI- 
 TUTED BY THE GOVERNMENT OF THE INDE- 
 PENDENT CONGO STATE UNDER THE DECREE 
 OF SEPTEMBER 18, 1896 
 
 Sir C. Phipps to the Marquess of Lansdowne. — (Received May 19.) 
 
 (Extract.) 
 
 Brussels, May 18, 1903. 
 
 M. De Cuvelier handed to me this morning the documents here- 
 with inclosed on the subject of the working of the Commission for the 
 Protection of the Natives, instituted by the Congo State Government 
 under the Decree of the i8th September, 1896, which had been col- 
 lected and prepared for me in consequence of my request made to 
 that effect the day before yesterday. 
 
 Your Lordship will observe that the Congo Government pxaces at 
 my disposal, without concealment, the whole correspondence whic);! 
 has passed in regard to the Commission under discussion, including 
 dispatches not intended for publication. It undoubtedly leads to the 
 conclusion that, if the operation of the Commission has not been so 
 effective as might have been anticipated, the fault has rather been due 
 to the great extent of territory which it had the duty to watch, and to 
 the considerable distances by which its members were separated, and 
 not to any deficiency of conception or absence of energy on the part 
 of the Central Government. 
 
 SETTLEMENTS FOR NATIVE CHILDREN 
 
 Leopold IL, King of the Belgians, Sovereign of the Independent 
 State of the Congo, 
 
 To all present and to come, greeting: 
 
 Whereas it is expedient to make provision for the protection of 
 those children who have been victims of the Slave Trade ; and 
 
 Whereas it is the general duty of the State to assume the guardian- 
 ship of abandoned children, or of those whose parents do not fulfil 
 their duties ; 
 
 Now, therefore, on the proposal of our Administrator-General of the 
 Foreign Department, we have decreed and do hereby decree : — 
 
 Article i. The State shall assume the guardianship of children 
 liberated in consequence of the arrest and dispersal of a convoy of 
 slaves; of fugitive slaves who demand such protection, of children 
 forsaken, abandoned, or orphans, and of those whose parents do not 
 fulfil their duty with regard to maintaining and educating them.
 
 5^2 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 They shall be provided with the means of livelihood and a practical 
 education, and established in life. 
 
 Art. 2. With this object agricultural and professional settlements 
 shall be established, which shall admit not only such children as come 
 under the definitions of Article i, but, as far as may be, those children 
 who shall ask to be admitted. 
 
 Art. 3. From the day of their admission the children shall be placed 
 exclusively under the guardianship of the State, to which they shall 
 remain subject, and shall be liable to work, at the discretion of the 
 Governor-General, up to the expiration of their twenty-fifth year in 
 return for maintenance, food, lodging, and free medical attendance. 
 
 Art. 4. Rules of administration prescribed by our Governor- 
 General shall decide the mode and conditions of admission to the 
 settlements, the composition of the directing staflE, the programme of 
 manual and intellectijal work, the details of supervision, disciplinary 
 penalties and their -application, and the public services to which the 
 children shall be attached. 
 
 Art<<'-^. The administration of the guardianship of the children 
 . .diuitted tp the settlements shall, as far as their personal rights and 
 property are concerned, be regulated by the Civil Code. 
 
 Art. 6. Our Administrators- General of the Foreign and Home De- 
 partments are charged, each in so far as it concerns him, with the 
 execution of this Decree. 
 
 Done at Brussels this 12th day of July, 1890. 
 
 (Signed) Leopold. 
 
 By the King-Sovereign: 
 The Administrator-General of the Foreign 
 Department, 
 
 (Signed) Edm. van Eetvelde. 
 
 INSTITUTION OF A COMMISSION FOR THE PRO- 
 TECTION OF NATIVES 
 
 Leopold IL, King of the Belgians, Sovereign of the Independent 
 State of the Congo, to all present and to come, greeting: 
 
 On the motion of our Secretary of State, 
 
 We have decreed and do hereby decree: 
 
 A permanent Commission is instituted to watch over the protection 
 of the natives throughout the territories of the State. 
 
 The members of this Commission are nominated by the King- 
 Sovereign for a period of two years from among the representatives of 
 philanthropic and religious Associations. 
 Are named in the first instance: 
 
 Mgr. van Ronsle, Bishop of Thymbrium, Vicar Apostolic of the 
 Congo Independent State, President;
 
 Appendix 563 
 
 Father van Hencxthoven, J., Superior of the Jesuit Mission at 
 Leopold ville-, 
 
 Father de Cleene, of the Congregation of Scheut; 
 
 WilUam Holman Bentley, of the Baptist Missionary Society Cor- 
 poration ; 
 
 Dr. A. Sims, of the American Baptist Missionary Union; 
 
 George Grenfell, of the Baptist Missionary Society Corporation, 
 Secreta^3^ 
 
 The members of the Commission are to inform the Judicial au- 
 thorities of any acts of violence of which the natives may be the 
 victims. 
 
 Each of the members, individually, may exercise this right of pro- 
 tection, and communicate directly with the Governor-General. 
 
 The Commission shall further indicate to the Government the 
 measures to be taken to prevent slave-trading, to render mor^ effective 
 the prohibition or restriction of the trade in spirituous liquors, and 
 gradually to bring about the abolition of barbarous customs, such as 
 cannibalism, human sacrifices, ordeal by poison, etc. 
 
 Our Secretary of State is charged with the execution of the present 
 Decree. 
 
 Done at Brussels, the i8th September, 1896. \ 
 
 (Signed) Leopold, v 
 
 By the King- Sovereign : 
 
 The Secretary of State, 
 
 (Signed) Edm. van Eetvelde. 
 
 LETTER OF INSTRUCTION FROM THE SECRETARY 
 
 OF STATE TO THE GOVERNOR-GENERAL AT 
 
 BOMA IN RE PROTECTION OF NATIVES 
 
 Brussels, October i, 1896. 
 Sir, 
 
 I have the honour to transmit to you herewith a certified copy of a 
 Decree, dated the i8th September, appointing a Commission for the 
 protection of natives. 
 
 It has seemed advisable that selected and impartial men, without 
 oflTicial or administrative connection, should be placed in a position to 
 form a perfectly independent opinion in regard to any acts of violence 
 of which the natives may have to complain. Such is the object of the 
 new Commission which has been appointed to watch over the protec- 
 tion of natives throughout the country. 
 
 Its members are nominated by the King-Sovereign, for a period of 
 two years, from among the representatives of philanthropic and re- 
 ligious Associations. 
 
 By this expression the Decree pointed specially to the missionaries,
 
 5^4 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 who were, indeed, marked out for nomination in virtue of their office. 
 
 The first members nominated are: Mgr. van Ronsle, Fathers van 
 Hencxthoven and De Cleene, the Protestant missionaries William 
 Holman Bentley, Dr. A. Sims, and G. Grenfell. The last mentioned is 
 appointed Secretary; Mgr. van Ronsle is nominated President. 
 
 I have to request you to inform them individually of their selection 
 by the King-Sovereign; the Government are confident that they will 
 not be appealing in vain to the devotion of these gentlemen in re- 
 questing the assistance of their services in a work of humanity and 
 protection. One of the authenticated copies of the Decree hereto 
 annexed is intended for each, and will serve as a letter of appointment. 
 
 The Decree specifies the duty intrusted to them as being that of 
 notifying to the judicial authorities acts of violence of which the 
 natives m9,y be the victims. This right of initiative belongs to each 
 member individually, that is to say, that he can act separately without 
 any co-operation on the part of the other members of the Commission. 
 Each iTiember may of his own accord address direct communications 
 to the Governor-General with regard to any matters which come 
 within the scope of his mission. 
 
 It is the express desire of the Government that the authorities 
 should act upon the information thus given by the members of the 
 Commission, and open an inquiry and institute proceedings either ad- 
 ministrative or, in cases of infractions of the law, judicial, in accordance 
 with the general instructions given to the Department of Criminal 
 Justice {le Parquet). 
 
 It will hardly be necessary to call the attention of the members of 
 the Commission to the fact that, by reason of the great attention 
 which will be paid to any complaint which they may make, it will 
 behove them to act with circumspection, and to give the authority 
 of their support only to those facts of which they may have personal 
 knowledge, and which are based on trustworthy evidence. 
 
 The Decree lastly provides that the Commission may, through the 
 medium of its Secretary, indicate to the Government the measures to 
 be taken to prevent slave-trading, to render more effective the pro- 
 hibition or restriction of the trade in spirituous liquors, and gradually 
 to bring about the disappearance of inhuman practices. The simplest 
 mode of procedure will be for the Secretary of the Commission — and 
 I am sure that Mr. G. Grenfell will be willing to accept the duty— to 
 forward to the Governor-General a half-yearly report on these ques- 
 tions, containing the observations and proposals of the members of 
 the Commission on the subject. This half-yearly report would also 
 deal with the working of the Commission, the acts of violence de- 
 finitely established by the members, the complaints made, and the 
 results achieved.
 
 Appendix 565 
 
 I have to request you to keep me informed of tlie manner in which 
 the new Decree is carried out, and to acquaint me with the definite 
 constitution of the Commission. 
 
 The terms of the Decree seem calculated to afford the natives a 
 real guarantee. In order to strengthen this still more, the Government 
 have decided that all offences against the persons of natives, and all 
 attempts against their liberties committed by Europeans, shall be re- 
 mitted exclusively to the Court of First Instance at Boma, that is to 
 say, before a Court sitting under the fullest conditions of publicity and 
 control. I therefore request that you will instruct the Public Prose- 
 cutors (Parquet) to bring offences of the kind before that Court, 
 instead of sending them to the territorial Courts, reserving of course 
 the special jurisdiction which the law gives to military Courts (Con- 
 seils de Guerre) in the case of soldiers. 
 Believe, etc., 
 
 The Secretary of State, 
 
 (Signed) Edm. van Eetvelde. 
 
 BoLOBO, December 26, 1896. 
 Reverend Sir, 
 
 I have the honour to transmit to you herewith a certified copy of 
 the Decree of the i8th December last appointing a Commission for the 
 protection of natives, and nominating you to fulfil the duties of 
 Secretary to the said Commission. This authenticated copy will 
 serve you as your letter of appointment to the important functions 
 for the performance of which the King-Sov'ereign has selected you. 
 The Government are confident that their appeal for your assistance 
 in a work of humanity and protection will not be in vain. 
 
 Owing to the powers devolving upon you as a member of the Com- 
 mission, you will be in a position to form a perfectly independent 
 opinion in regard to any acts of violence of which the natives may 
 have to complain, and it \vill be your duty to notify to the jtidicial 
 authorities any improper proceedings of which the natives in question 
 may be the victims. This right of initiative belongs to you mdi\'idu- 
 ally, that is to say, you may act separately, without any co-operation 
 on the part of the other members of the Commission. On your in- 
 formation the authorities will open an inquiry, and will institute pro- 
 ceedings, either administrative or, in cases of infractions of the law, 
 judicial. 
 
 In view of the action which will be taken on any complaint emanat- 
 ing from you or from the Commission, it is scarcely necessary to re- 
 mind you that circumspection is called for, and that you should give 
 the authority of your support only to those facts of which you may 
 have a personal knowledge, and which are based on trustworthy 
 evidence.
 
 566 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 The Commissioif will also have the duty of drawing the attention 
 of the Government to the measures to be taken to prevent slave- 
 trading, to render more effective the prohibition or restriction of the 
 trade in spirituous liquors, and gradually to bring about the disappear- 
 ance of inhuman practices. The simplest mode of procedure in this 
 matter would be, in the opinion of the Government, that you, in your 
 capacity as Secretary^and the Government is convinced that you 
 will be willing to accept this duty — -should send in a half-yearly report 
 on these questions, containing the observations and proposals of the 
 members of the Commission on the subject. This half-yearly report 
 might also deal with the working of the Commission, the acts of vio- 
 lence definitely established by its members, the complaints made, and 
 the results achieved. 
 
 But in this matter, as in everything which relates to the working of 
 the Commission, the Government give it full discretion. 
 
 In forwarding to each of the members a copy of the new Decree, and 
 in announcing his nomination to each individually, I am informing 
 them of your appointment as Secretary. You will be good enough 
 to place yourself in communication with them in order, if possible, in 
 spite of distance, to arrange, at Leopoldville, for instance, a meeting 
 of all the members of the Commission, or of a certain number of them, 
 or definitely to constitute the Commission by correspondence, and to 
 settle such measures as should be taken for the execution of the 
 
 Decree. 
 
 Believe, etc., 
 
 The Governor-General, 
 
 (Signed) Wahis. 
 
 To 
 
 The Reverend George Grenfell, 
 
 Baptist Missionary Society, Bolobo. 
 
 CIRCULAR TO ALL THE DISTRICT COMMISSIONERS, 
 HEADS OF ZONES AND OF POSTS, WITH REGARD 
 TO BARBAROUS CUSTOMS PREVAILING AMONG 
 THE NATIVE TRIBES. 
 
 Brussels, February 27, 1897. 
 Gentlemen, 
 
 As you are aware, the Government have had constantly under their 
 consideration the barbarous practices, such as cannibalism, ordeal by 
 poison, and human sacrifices, which prevail among the native tribes, 
 and the best means of bringing about their disappearance. 
 
 In this matter, as in all questions in which allowance must to some 
 extent be made for long-established custom and social conditions 
 which it would be impolitic to attack too directly, the Government
 
 Appendix 567 
 
 have thought it advisable to act at first with prudence and circum- 
 spection, without, however, remaining inactive. 
 
 For this reason the first instruction issued to officers did not, in all 
 cases, prescribe repression by force ; they enjoined the exercise of their 
 influence and authority with a view to deterring the natives by per- 
 suasion from indulging in these inhimaan practices. A fiirther ad- 
 vance has been made: the moment the authority of the State was 
 sufficiently established in the neighbourhood of its posts and stations, 
 the toleration of such customs was formally prohibited within a certain 
 distance round the State stations or European establishments, and 
 the Penal Law made their repression in these places possible by its 
 provisions respecting acts of violence against the person. Outside 
 this limit it lay with the officers of the Department of Criminal Jus- 
 tice {Ministere Public) to prosecute or not, according as the situa- 
 tion of the district and the forces at the disposal of the authorities 
 permitted. 
 
 These measures have not been without result. Not only have cases 
 of cannibaUsm become less frequent in the centres occupied by the 
 officers of the State, but the native himself has learnt, and now knows, 
 the horror felt by Europeans for cannibalism, and is no longer ignorant 
 of the fact that by giving way to it he renders himself liable to punish- 
 ment. As a general rule, indeed, it is only in secret, and ovit of sight 
 of Europeans, that he still indulges in the odious custom, for he has 
 become convinced that, save in exceptional cases in which the white 
 man is powerless to do otherwise, he will not let him go tinptmished. 
 
 The Government considers that an even more decisive step should 
 be taken in the direction of repression. As the State's occupation of 
 these districts becomes more and more complete, as its posts are mul- 
 tiplied all along the Upper Congo, and as regular Courts are gaining 
 a footing in the interior, the moment seems to have come to endeavour 
 to reach the evil once for all, and to seek to extirpate it everywhere 
 where our authority is sufficiently established to enable us to enforce 
 absolute respect for the Penal Law. 
 
 It was with this view that the Decree of the i8th December, 1896, 
 was drawn up, by which more particularly cases of cannibalism and 
 ordeal by poison were made special offences. It is the Government's 
 intention that these provisions shall be strictly enforced, and it is the 
 aim of the present Circular to direct all our officers to bring to justice 
 any oflfences of this kind which may come to their knowledge. It will 
 be the duty of the officers of the Department of Criminal Justice 
 {Ministtre Pitblic) to institute proceedmgs against the delinquents, 
 and in these special cases they will not be at liberty to apply Article 
 84 of the Decree of the 27th April, 1889, and to hand them over to the 
 jurisdiction of the local Chief to be dealt with by native custom. It 
 is, mdeed, evident that such a course is out of the question in dealing
 
 568 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 with a class of offences which are contrary to the principles of our 
 civilisation, and which are the outcome of customs which we are 
 seeking to abolish. 
 
 The Government count on general assistance, with a view to insuring 
 the prompt and certain repression of these offences, and they believe 
 that a few severe examples will have a powerful effect in inducing the 
 native to put an end to these reprehensible practices. The District 
 Commissioners and Heads of Stations are in this connection expected 
 to police the territories under their administration, and to take the 
 necessary measures to obtain exact information. 
 
 The Director of Justice will forward to the Government every 
 quarter a Report on the practice of cannibalism, on the cases prose- 
 cuted, and, if necessary, on the new measures which should be taken 
 in order to check and extirpate this custom. 
 
 MISSIONARY GRENFELL ON ADMINISTRATION OF 
 
 JUSTICE 
 
 Baptist Missionary Society, Bolobo, July 13, 1897. 
 Sir, 
 
 I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your letter dated 
 the 17th May, together with the enclosure, relative to cannibalism, 
 proof by poison, and human sacrifices, dated Brussels, the 27th 
 February, 1897. 
 
 I need hardly say, M. le Gouverneur, that I sympathise most sin- 
 cerely with the Government in its desire to eradicate the evils referred 
 to ; and you may rely upon my best efforts in the long and arduous 
 struggle involved in combating them. 
 
 I am glad to recognise the gradual extension of the zone where 
 justice is administered by regularly constituted Judges, for there is 
 no doubt that where the administration of the State has been suf- 
 ficiently advanced to allow of this, the evils referred to are very 
 markedly on the decrease. It is not possible, of course, to complete 
 at a stroke the organisation of distant territory, or at once to appoint 
 Judges in new districts, but the fact that the State is persistently 
 pushing the regular administration of justice towards the interior en- 
 courages one in confidently looking forward to the reducing of the 
 cases of cannibalism, proof by poison, and human sacrifices in those 
 parts of the Colony that as yet have not benefited by the ameliorat- 
 ing influences that have done so much for its western section. 
 
 I have, etc., 
 (Signed) George Grenfell. 
 
 M. le Gouvemeur-G6n6ral, 
 Boma.
 
 Appendix 569 
 
 CO-ORDINATED TEXT OF VARIOUS INSTRUCTIONS 
 
 RESPECTING RELATIONS BETWEEN CONGO 
 
 STATE OFFICIALS AND NATIVES 
 
 It will be the especial care of Heads of Expeditions and of District 
 Commissioners to see that their subordinates, of whatever degree, 
 act, in their dealings with the natives, with the tact which is necessary 
 to avoid such conflict as might arise from misunderstandings or from 
 proceedings which run too sharply counter to native habits and 
 customs. 
 
 They will recommend their officers to proceed slowly in reforming 
 the native, and will draw their serious attention to the danger of 
 trying to obtain too rapid results. Before using force, they will try 
 to enter into negotiations with the natives, and they must remember 
 that it is better to obtain redress for harm done to the State by pacific 
 means rather than by force of arms. 
 
 The Government are aware that energetic measures of repression 
 are sometimes necessary, but they consider that such measures should 
 be used only in exceptional cases, and after every means of concilia- 
 tion has been exhausted. 
 
 In many cases negotiations skilfully conducted and prolonged will 
 avoid direct hostilities. 
 
 It is, for instance, obviously advisable, with a view to avoid blood- 
 shed, to make use of such Chiefs as are at once devoted to the State 
 and in friendly relations with the tribes in conflict with the authorities. 
 
 In this way the natives, and especially those who are not in con- 
 tinuous relations with Europeans, will not misunderstand the inten- 
 tions and sentiments of the State towards them, a misunderstanding 
 which would certainly arise from a too hasty recourse to extreme 
 measures. 
 
 In any case, whenever resort to force has become inevitable, the 
 Government must receive exact and complete information in regard 
 to the motives which have led to its employment, and operations must, 
 as far as possible, be so carried out that only the guilty suffer. 
 
 No officer is to engage in hostilities with the natives, unless in self- 
 defence, or duly authorised by the Commissioner of his district or 
 the Head of his expedition. 
 
 Moreover, the regular and auxiliary troops engaged in warlike 
 operations must always be commanded by a European. No excep- 
 tion to this rule will be admitted, and officers who transgress it will 
 render themselves liable to dismissal as well as to any judicial pro- 
 ceedings it may be thought advisable to institute against them. 
 
 In case of hostilities, the property of natives is not to be destroyed, 
 and under no pretext may villages be burnt as a means of repression. 
 The European commissioned and non-commissioned officers will take
 
 570 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 especial care that the operations shall be conducted in such a manner 
 as to avoid all cruelty. Wounded rebels are to receive careful at- 
 tention, and the bodies of the dead must be respected. The barbar- 
 ous mutilation of dead bodies, as often practised by the natives among 
 themselves, is to be absolutely forbidden by the Europeans. 
 
 All Europeans at the head of troops engaged in warfare will be held 
 personally responsible for all such cruelties as they may tolerate; all 
 guilty persons will be brought before a military Court and dealt with 
 according to law. 
 
 Prisoners of war and hostages are to be treated humanely, and their 
 ill-usage is strictly forbidden. 
 
 Any women and children found among them shall be placed under 
 the immediate protection of the officer in command of the operations. 
 
 Officers of the State must remember that the disciplinary penalties 
 provided by the Military Regulations are only applicable to such as 
 are military recruits, and then only for offences against discipline and 
 in accordance with the special provisions of the said Regulations. 
 
 The said penalties can, under no pretence, be put into force against 
 non-military servants of the State or against the natives, whether 
 rebels or not. 
 
 Those among them who are accused of offences or crimes must be 
 remitted to the competent Tribunals and tried according to law. 
 
 Should officers of the State infringe the Rules laid down respecting 
 the relations which they are to have with the natives, or tolerate 
 mutilations and cruelties on the part of their soldiers, they will, in 
 case of a specified offence, be remitted to a Court of Justice. They 
 would, in any case, be subjected to disciplinary punishment. More- 
 over, the guilty officers, if already decorated with the Service Star, 
 will lose their right to wear it. 
 
 It is equally indispensable that officers should act justly, and in 
 accordance with the instructions in force, in their dealings with the 
 servants of the State. They are forbidden to act illegally, i. e., to 
 inflict punishments other than those provided for breaches of disci- 
 pline or to disregard legal forms for the purpose of repressing offences 
 of which the servants of the State, and notably soldiers, may be 
 guilty. When sentences have been passed, they must be undergone 
 in accordance with the specified legal conditions. 
 
 Any officer departing from these Rules would be guilty of abuse of 
 authority, and render himself liable to dismissal. 
 
 District Commissioners and Heads of expeditions must exercise the 
 most vigilant control over such detachments of black soldiers as they 
 may be obliged to place among the natives. These detachments must 
 on no account be provided with improved fire-arms. Their task is 
 exclusively one of protection and supervision. 
 
 They are never to intervene in quarrels between natives. They
 
 Appendix 571 
 
 inust confine themselves to informing the nearest station commanded 
 by an European. 
 
 It is the duty of the European officers to make frequent inspections 
 of such detachments, and to see that they do not in any way transgress 
 the limits imposed upon them by their orders. They are to summon 
 the neighbouring native Chiefs on the occasion of these inspections, 
 and will receive their complaints, should they have any to make. 
 
 The Negro officers of the stations are strictly forbidden themselves 
 to take any measures of repression against the natives; the duty of 
 taking measures, when occasion arises, devolves upon the European 
 officers alone. 
 
 The arrangements to be made with the villages must be concluded by 
 a European. 
 
 Any Chief of a Negro station levying exactions on the natives, or 
 ill-treating them, or in any way abusing his authority over them, mustbe 
 prosecuted according to law, and immediately suspended from his duties. 
 
 The Heads of expeditions and Commissioners of Districts are per- 
 sonally responsible for the conduct of any Negro posts under their 
 orders. They would be guilty of a very serious offence if they gave 
 these detachments any duties other than those defined above, and if 
 they did not constantly supervise them and immediately repress all 
 abuses coming under their notice. 
 
 REPORT OF THE FIRST MEETING OF THE COM- 
 MISSION FOR THE PROTECTION OF NATIVES, 
 HELD AT LEOPOLDVILLE ON MAY 17, 1897. 
 PRESENT, THE REVEREND FATHER VAN 
 HENCXTHOVEN, DR. SIMS, AND THE SECRE- 
 TARY, MR. GRENFELL 
 
 In the absence of Mgr. van Ronsl6, the Rev. Father van Hencx- 
 thoven was elected President for the sitting. 
 
 Seeing that the members of the Commission live far apart, and in 
 view of the difficulty of all the members meeting, it was decided that 
 three members should form a quorum. 
 
 The members of the Commission found that from the date of the 
 constitution of the Commission, so far as their personal experience 
 went, the laws of the State had been duly administered with a view 
 to the protection of life and property, as well as to the well-being of 
 the community. They found, fvirther, that every case of injustice 
 brought to the notice of the authorities had been immediately followed 
 by measures of the most energetic description. 
 
 In the absence of Mr. Bentley, his Report was communicated to 
 the Secretary. He writes that the Judge of tlie district where he re-
 
 572 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 sides, had, in each case notified to him, at once taken measures to punish 
 the guilty, some cases having been settled satisfactorily, and the others 
 being before the Court. The Judge informed Mr. Bentley that he 
 would always be ready, on receiving a week's notice, to go to Lutete, 
 and try any case. 
 
 The members of the Commission, recalling the days of native rule, 
 take this opportunity of recording their sincere appreciation of, and 
 their gratitude for, the law and order introduced by the Independ- 
 ent State into the districts where they reside. 
 
 The members of the Commission also record with the deepest 
 satisfaction their opinion that, as far as they know, the laws for- 
 bidding the introduction of alcoholic liquor for natives to the east of 
 the River N'Kissi have been satisfactorily enforced. They consider 
 the restriction of the zone up to the west of the River Kwilu as a 
 really judicious and beneficent measure, and they trust that the 
 Government will be as successful within the new limit as heretofore 
 within the old. 
 
 The members of the Commission deeply regret that ordeal by poison 
 is still practised over so great an extent of the country, and that its 
 suppression is so difficult In those districts which are more com- 
 pletely administered, ordeal by poison is practised in secret, owing 
 to the penalties of the law, and the members hope that the same 
 measures of repression will be taken in the interior districts as soon 
 as the organisation of the Government allows of it. 
 
 The Commission desire to call the attention of the Government to 
 the fact that all its members are chosen from the Stanley Pool dis- 
 trict and below, and that no one has been chosen from the immense 
 districts which are supposed to furnish the reason for the existence 
 of the Commission for the protection of the natives. 
 
 The members of the Commission, also, seeing that it is only possible 
 for them to act within the very narrow scope of their personal experi- 
 ence, ventttre to hope that the Inspector specially nominated by His 
 Majesty the King-Sovereign, will soon arrive, seeing that his powers 
 of observation would be infinitely greater than our own. 
 
 (Signed) George Grenfell, Secretary. 
 
 Leopoldville, May 17, 1897. 
 
 PROTECTION OF NATIVES— COMMISSION 
 
 Leopold II., King of the Belgians, Sovereign of the Independent 
 State of the Congo, to all present and to come, greeting: 
 
 On reconsideration of our Decree of the i8th September, 1896, 
 appointing a Commission for the protection of natives : 
 
 On the suggestion of our Secretary of State, 
 
 We have decreed and do hereby decree :
 
 Appendix 573 
 
 Article i. The following are appointed members of this Commis- 
 sion, for the period of two years mentioned by the said Decree: 
 
 Mgr. van Ronsle, Bishop of Thymbrium, Vicar Apostolic of the 
 Vicariat of Belgian Congo, President. 
 
 The Reverend Father van Hencxthoven, J., of the Society of 
 Jesus. 
 
 The Reverend Father Cambier, of the Congregation of Scheut. 
 
 Mr. William Holman Bentley, of the Baptist Missionary Society 
 Corporation. 
 
 Dr. A. Sims, of the American Baptist Missionary Union. 
 
 Mr. George Grenfell, of the Baptist Missionary Society Corporation, 
 Secretary. 
 
 Art. 2. The members of the Commission shall carry out their 
 mandate in accordance with the terms of the above-mentioned Decree 
 of the 1 8th September, 1896. 
 
 Art. 3. Our Secretary of State is intrusted with the execution of 
 
 the present Decree. 
 
 Done at Brussels, March 23, 1901. 
 
 (Signed) Leopold. 
 
 By the King-Sovereign: 
 In the name of the Secretary of State, 
 
 The Secretaries-General, 
 (Signed) Chevalier de Cuvelier, 
 
 H. Droogmans, 
 
 LlEBRECHTS. 
 
 DISPATCH TO CERTAIN OF HIS MAJESTY'S REPRE- 
 SENTATIVES ABROAD IN REGARD TO ALLEGED 
 CASES OF ILL-TREATMENT OF NATIVES AND TO 
 THE EXISTENCE OF TRADE MONOPOLIES IN 
 THE INDEPENDENT STATE OF THE CONGO 
 
 The Marquess of Lansdownc to His Majesty's Representatives at Parts, 
 Berlin, Rome, St. Petersburg, Vienna, Madrid, Constantinople, 
 Brussels, Lisbon, the Hague, Copenhagen, and Stockholm. 
 
 Foreign Office, August 8, 1903. 
 Sir. 
 
 The attention of His Majesty's Government has during recent years 
 been repeatedly called to alleged cases of ill-treatment of natives and 
 to the existence of trade monopolies in the Independent State of the 
 Congo. Representations to this effect are to be found in memorials 
 from philanthropic societies, in communications from commercial 
 bodies, in the public press, and in dispatches from His Majesty's 
 Consuls.
 
 574 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 The same matters formed the subject of a debate in the House of 
 Commons on the 20th ultimo, when the House passed the Resolution, 
 a copy of which is inclosed. 
 
 In the course of the debate, the official record of which is also in- 
 closed, it was alleged that the object of the Administration was not 
 so much the care and government of the natives as the collection of 
 revenue ; that this object was pvu-sued by means of a system of forced 
 labour, differing only in name from slavery; that the demands upon 
 each village were exacted with a strictness which constantly degen- 
 erated into great cruelty; and that the men composing the armed 
 force of the State were in many cases recruited from the most warlike 
 and savage tribes, who not infrequently terrorised over their own 
 officers and maltreated the natives without regard to discipline or 
 fear of punishment. 
 
 As regards the ill-treatment of natives, a distinction may be drawn 
 between isolated acts of cruelty committed by individuals, whether in 
 the service of the State or not, and a system of administration involv- 
 ing and accompanied by systematic cruelty or oppression. 
 
 The fact that many individual instances of cruelty have taken place 
 in the Congo State is proved beyond possibility of contradiction by 
 the occurrence of cases in which white officials have been convicted of 
 outrages on natives. These white officials must, however, in view of 
 the vast extent of the territory under their administration, in most 
 cases be of necessity isolated the one from the other, with the result 
 that detection becomes additionally difficult. It is therefore not 
 unfair to asstmie that the number of convictions falls considerably 
 short of the number of actual offences committed. 
 
 It is, however, with regard to the system of administration that the 
 most serious allegations are brought against the Independent State. 
 
 It is reported that no efforts are made to fit the native by training 
 for industrial pursiiits; that the method of obtaining men for labour 
 or for military service is often but little different from that formerly 
 employed to obtain slaves; and that force is now as much required 
 to take the native to the place of service as it used to be to convey 
 the captured slave. It is also reported that constant compulsion has 
 to be exercised in order to exact the collection of the amount of forest 
 produce allotted to each village as the equivalent of the number of 
 days' labour due from the inhabitants, and that this compulsion is 
 often exercised by irresponsible native soldiers uncontrolled by any 
 European officer. 
 
 His Majesty's Government do not know^ precisely to what extent 
 these accusations may be true ; but they have been so repeatedly made, 
 and have received such wide credence, that it is no longer possible to 
 ignore them, and the question has now arisen whether the Congo 
 State can be considered to have fulfilled the special pledges, given
 
 Appendix 575 
 
 under the Berlin Act, to watch over the preservation of the native 
 tribes, and to care for their moral and material advancement. 
 
 The graver charges against the State relate almost exclusively to 
 the upper valleys of the Congo and of its affluents. The lands forming 
 these vast territories are held either by the State itself or by Com- 
 panies closely connected with the State, under a system which, what- 
 ever its object, has effectually kept out the independent trader, as 
 opposed to the owner or to the occupier of the soil, and has conse- 
 quently made it difficult to obtain independent testimony. 
 
 His Majesty's Government have further laboured tinder the disad- 
 vantage that British interests have not justified the maintenance of a 
 large Consular staff in the Congo territories. It is true that in 1901 
 His Majesty's Government decided to appoint a Consul of wide African 
 experience to reside permanently in the State, but his time has been 
 principally occupied in the investigation of complaints preferred by 
 British subjects, and he has as yet been unable to travel into the 
 interior and to acquire, by personal inspection, knowledge of the 
 condition of the enormous territory forming his district. 
 
 His reports on the cases of British subjects, which have formed the 
 basis of representations to the Government of the Independent State, 
 afford, however, examples of grave maladministration and ill-treat- 
 ment. These cases do not concern natives of the Congo State, and 
 are therefore in themselves alien to the subject of this dispatch; but 
 as they occurred in the immediate vicinity of Boma, the seat of the 
 central staff, and in regard to British subjects, most of whom were 
 under formal engagements, they undoubtedly lead to the belief that 
 the natives, who have no one in the position of a Constd to whom they 
 can appeal and have no formal engagements, receive even less con- 
 sideration at the hands of the officers of the Government. 
 
 Moreover, information which has reached His Majesty's Govern- 
 ment from British officers in territory adjacent to that of the State 
 tends to show that, notwithstanding the obligations accepted under 
 Article VI. of the Berlin Act, no attempt at any administration of the 
 natives is made, and that the officers of the Government do not ap- 
 parently concern themselves with such work, but devote all their 
 energy to the collection of revenue. The natives are left entirely to 
 themselves, so far as any assistance in their government or in their 
 affairs is concerned. The Congo stations are shunned, the only 
 natives seen being soldiers, prisoners, and men who are brought in to 
 work. The neighbourhood of stations which are known to have been 
 populous a few years ago is now uninhabited, and emigration on a 
 large scale takes place to the territory of neighbouring States, the 
 natives usually averring that they are driven away from their homes 
 by the tyranny and exaction of the soldiers. 
 
 The sentiments which undoubtedly animated the founders of the
 
 57^ Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 Congo State and the representatives of the Powers at Berlin were 
 such as to deserve the cordial sympathy of the British Government, 
 who have been loath to believe either that the beneficent intentions 
 with which the Congo State was constituted, and of which it gave so 
 solemn a pledge at Berlin, have in any way been abandoned, or that 
 every effort has not been made to realise them. 
 
 But the fact remains that there is a feeling of grave suspicion, 
 widely prevalent among the people of this country, in regard to the 
 condition of affairs in the Congo State, and there is a deep conviction 
 that the many charges brought against the State's administration 
 must be founded on a basis of truth. 
 
 In these circumstances, His Majesty's Government are of opinion 
 that it is incumbent upon the Powers parties to the Berlin Act to 
 confer together and to consider whether the obligations undertaken 
 by the Congo State in regard to the natives have been fulfilled; and, 
 if not, whether the Signatory Powers are not bound to make such 
 representations as may secure the due observance of the provisions 
 contained in the Act. 
 
 As indicated at the beginning of this dispatch. His Majesty's Gov- 
 ernment also wish to bring to the notice of the Powers the question 
 which has arisen in regard to rights of trade in the basin of the Congo. 
 
 Article I. of the Berlin Act provides that the trade of all nations 
 shall enjoy complete freedom in the basin of the Congo; and Article 
 V. provides that no Power which exercises sovereign rights in the basin 
 shall be allowed to^grant therein a monopoly or favour of any kind in 
 matters of trade. 
 
 In the opinion of His Majesty's Government, the system of trade 
 now existing in the Independent State of the Congo is not in harmony 
 with these provisions. 
 
 With the exception of a relatively small area on the Lower Congo, 
 and with the further exception of the small plots actually occupied 
 by the huts and cultivation patches of the natives, the whole territory 
 is claimed as the private property either of the State or of holders of 
 land concessions. Within these regions the State or, as the case may 
 be, the concession-holder alone may trade in the natural produce of 
 the soil. The fruits gathered by the natives are accounted the prop- 
 erty of the State, or of the concession-holder, and may not be acquired 
 by others. In such circumstances. His Majesty's Government are 
 unable to see that there exists the complete freedom of trade or ab- 
 sence of monopoly in trade which is required by the Berlin Act. On 
 the contrary, no one other than the agents of the State or of the 
 concession-holder has the opportunity to enter into trade relations 
 with the natives; or, if he does succeed in reaching the natives, he 
 finds that the only material which the natives can give in exchange 
 for his trade goods or his money is claimed as having been the prop-
 
 Appendix 577 
 
 erty of the State or of the concession-holder from the moment it was 
 gathered by the native. 
 
 His Majesty's Government in no way deny either that the State 
 has the right to partition the State lands among bona- fide occupants, 
 or that the natives will, as the land is so divided out among bona-fide 
 occupiers, lose their right of roaming over it and collecting the natural 
 fruits which it produces. But His Majesty's Government maintain 
 Ihat until unoccupied land is reduced into individual occupation, and 
 so long as the produce can only be collected by the native, the native 
 should be free to dispose of that produce as he pleases. 
 
 In these circumstances. His Majesty's Government consider that 
 the time has come when the Powers parties to the Berlin Act should 
 consider whether the system of trade now prevailing in the Inde- 
 pendent State is in harmony with the provisions of the Act; and, in 
 particular, whether the system of making grants of vast areas of 
 territory is permissible under the Act if the effect of stich grants is in 
 jjractice to create a monopoly of trade by excluding all pei^sons other 
 than the concession-holder from trading with the natives in that 
 area. Such a result is inevitable if the grants are made in favour of 
 persons or Companies who cannot themselves use the land or collect 
 its produce, bvit must depend for obtaining it upon the natives, who 
 are allowed to deal only with the grantees. 
 
 His Majesty's Government will be glad to receive any suggestions 
 which the Governments of the Signatory Powers may be disposed to 
 make in reference to this important question, which might perhaps 
 constitute, wholly or in part, the subject of a reference to the Tribunal 
 at the Hague. 
 
 I request that you will read this dispatch to the Minister for Foreign 
 Affairs, and leave a copy of it with his Excellency. 
 
 I am, etc., 
 
 (Signed) Lansdowne. 
 
 REPLY OF THE CONGO STATE GOVERNMENT TO 
 THE BRITISH DISPATCH OF AUGUST Stii, TO 
 THE POWERS SIGNATORY TO THE BERLIN ACT 
 
 Brussels, September 17, 1903. 
 
 The Government of the Independent State of the Congo have 
 examined the dispatch from the Foreign Office, dated the 8th August 
 last, which was communicated to the Signatory Powers of the Berlin 
 Act, and declare themselves in agreement with His Majesty's Govern- 
 ment on two fundamental points, viz., that natives ought to be treated 
 with humanity and gradually led into the paths of civilisation, and 
 that freedom of commerce in the Conventional Basin of the Congo 
 ought to be entire and complete.
 
 57^ Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 They deny, however, that the manner in which the State is ad- 
 ministered involves a systematic regime "of cruelty or oppression," 
 and that the principle of commercial freedom would introduce modi- 
 fications in the rights of property as universally understood, seeing 
 that there is not a word to this effect in the Berlin Act. The Congo 
 State observes that there is in that Act no provision which would 
 sanction restrictions of any kind on the exercise of the rights of prop- 
 erty, or give to one Signatory Power the right of intervention in the 
 interior administration of another. It desires faithfully to observe 
 the Berlin Act, that great International Act which binds all Signatory 
 or Adhering Powers, according to the clear grammatical sense of the 
 text, which none has power either to take from or add to. 
 
 The English note observes that it is within the last few years that a 
 definite shape has been assumed by the campaign conducted in Eng- 
 land against the Congo State, on the two-fold pretext of the ill-treat- 
 ment of natives and the existence of commercial monopolies. 
 
 It is indeed worthy of remark that this campaign dates from the 
 time when the prosperity of the State became assured. The State 
 had been founded for years, and administered in the same way as it 
 is now; its principles in regard to the State-ownership of vacant lands, 
 and the manner in which its armed forces were organised and recruited, 
 were known to the public, without any interest in the matter being 
 shown by the philanthropists and traders to whose opinion the note 
 begins by referring. This was the period during which the State 
 Budget could only be balanced by means of the King-Sovereign's 
 subsidies and Belgian loans, and when the commerce of the Congo 
 did not attract attention. The term "Congo atrocities" was at that 
 time only used in connection with "the alleged ill-treatment of African 
 natives by English and other adventurers in the Congo Free State."' 
 After 1895 the trade of the Congo State developed remarkably, and 
 the amount of its exports shows a progressive increase from ten millions 
 in 1895 to fifty millions in 1902. It is also about this time that the anti- 
 Congo movement took shape. As the State gave increased proof 
 of vitality and progress, the campaign became more active, reliance 
 being placed on a few individual and isolated cases with a view to 
 using the interests of humanity as a pretext and concealing the real 
 object of a covetousness which, in its impatience, has betrayed itself 
 in the writings of pamphleteers and in the speeches of members of the 
 House of Commons, in which the abolition and partition of the Congo 
 State has been clearly put forward. 
 
 Such being the object in view, it became necessary to bring a whole 
 series of charges against the State. So far as the humanitarian side of 
 the question is concerned, the alleged cases of violence offered to 
 natives have once more been brought forward and re-edited ad infini- 
 
 ' Transactions of the Aborigines Protection Society, 1890-1896, p. 155.
 
 Appendix 579 
 
 turn. For in all the meetings, writings, and speeches which have 
 latterly been directed against the State, it is always the same facts 
 which are brought up, and the same evidence which is produced. 
 With regard to the economic side of the question, the State has been 
 accused of having violated the Act of Berlin, notwithstanding the 
 legal opinions of such lawyers as are most qualified to speak to the 
 point, which afford ample legal justification both for its commercial 
 and for its land system. With regard to the political side, a heresy 
 in international law has been imagined, viz., that a State, the inde- 
 pendence and sovereignty of which are absolute, should, at the same 
 time, owe its position to the intervention of Foreign Powers. 
 
 With regard to the cases of ill-treatment of natives, we attach 
 special importance to those which, according to the note, have been 
 reported in the dispatches of His Majesty's Consular Agents. At the 
 sitting of the House of Commons on the nth March, 1903, Lord Cran- 
 bome referred to these official documents, and we have requested 
 through his Excellency Sir C. Phipps that the British Government 
 will make known to us the facts alluded to. We repeat the request. 
 
 The Government of the State have, however, never denied that 
 crimes and offences are committed in the Congo, as in every other 
 country or colony. The note itself recognises that these offences 
 have been brought before the Tribunals, and that the criminals have 
 been ptmished. The conclusion to be drawn from this is that the 
 State fulfils its mission; the conclusion actually drawn is that "many 
 individual instances of cruelty have taken place in the Congo State," 
 and that "the number of convictions falls considerably short of the 
 number of offences actually committed." This deduction does not 
 appear necessarily to follow. It would seem more logical to say that 
 the severe sentences inflicted will serve as a wholesome example, and 
 that a decrease of crime may on that account be looked for. If some 
 offences have indeed, in the extensive territories of the State, escaped 
 the vigilance of the judicial authorities, this is a circumstance which 
 is not peculiar to the Congo State. 
 
 The English note proceeds chiefly on hypotheses and suppositions: 
 "It was alleged . . . It is reported . . . It is also reported ..." 
 and it even says that "His Majesty's Government do not know pre- 
 cisely to what extent these accusations may be true." This is an 
 acknowledgment that, in the eyes of the British Government them- 
 selves, the accusations in question are neither established nor proved. 
 And, indeed, the violence, the passion, and the improbability of many 
 of these accusations must raise doubt in an impartial mind as to their 
 genuineness. To give but one example : — a great deal has been made 
 of the statement that, in a train coming down from Leopoldville to 
 Matadi, three carriages were full of slaves, a dozen of whom were in 
 chains and guarded by soldiers. The Governor-General was asked
 
 580 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 for a report on the case. He replied: "The individuals represented 
 as composing a convoy of slaves were, the great majority of them 
 (125), levies proceeding from the district of Lualaba-Kassai, Lake 
 Leopold IL, and the Bangalas to the camp in the Lower Congo. 
 Annexed you will find lists of these persons. As regards the men in 
 chains, they were certain individuals on whom sentence had been 
 passed by the territorial Tribunal at Basoko, and who were on their 
 way to undergo their sentence at the central prison at Boma. They 
 are Nos. 3642 to 3649 on the prison register at Boma." 
 
 In the same way, quite a recent "interview," in which the usual 
 accusations of cruelty were reproduced, is due to a person formerly 
 in the employ of the State, who was "declared unfit for service," and 
 who has failed to persuade the State to accept his proposal to write 
 for the press articles favourable to the Administration. 
 
 The note ignores the replies, contradictions, and corrections which 
 the attacks on the agents of the State have occasioned at the various 
 times when they have taken place. It ignores the official declara- 
 tions publicly made by the Government of the State in June last, 
 after the debate in the House of Commons on the 20th May, the 
 report of which is annexed to the note. We also annex the text of 
 these declarations which dealt, by anticipation, with the considera- 
 tions set forth in the dispatch of the 8th August. 
 
 The only fresh cause of complaint which the note brings forward — 
 doubtless with the object of explaining the not unimportant fact that 
 the English Consul, who has resided in the Congo since 1901, does not 
 appear to support, by his personal authority, the accusations of 
 private individuals — is that this agent has been "principally occu- 
 pied in the investigation of complaints preferred by British subjects." 
 The impression which one would derive from this is that such com- 
 plaints have been exceptionally numerous. No doubt the Consul has, 
 on different occasions, communicated with the Administration at 
 Boma in the interests of his countrymen, but the subjects of his 
 representations, if one may judge by such of their number as the 
 English Legation has had to bring to the notice of the Central Govern- 
 ment at Brussels, do not appear, either in number or importance, to 
 have been more than matters of everyday administrative routine: 
 some cases in particular concerned the regulation of the succession to 
 property in the Congo left by deceased English subjects; the object 
 in others was to repair errors of judicial procedure, such as occur else- 
 where, and it is not even alleged that the proper action has not been 
 taken upon these representations. The same Consul, who was ap- 
 pointed in 1898, wrote to the Governor-General on the 2nd July, 
 1 90 1, as follows: 
 
 "I pray believe me when I express now, not only for myself, but 
 for my fellow-countrymen in this part of Africa, our very sincere ap-
 
 Appendix 581 
 
 preciation of your eflForts on behalf of the general community — eflEorts 
 to promote goodwill among all and to bring together the various ele- 
 ments of our local life." 
 
 Nor do the predecessors of Mr. R. Casement — for English Consuls 
 with jurisdiction in the Congo were appointed by His Majesty's 
 Government as long ago as 1888 — appear to have been absorbed in 
 the examination of innumerable complaints; at all events, that is 
 not the view taken in the Report (the only one published) by Consul 
 Pickersgill, who, by the mere fact of giving an account of his journey 
 into the interior of the Congo as far as Stanley Falls, disproves the 
 alleged impossibility for the English consular agents to form an 
 opinion de visu in regard to every part of their district. 
 
 With regard to the charges against the administrative system of 
 the State, the note deals with taxes, public armed forces, and what is 
 termed forced labour. 
 
 It is, at bottom, the contributions made by the Congo natives to the 
 public charges which are criticised, as if there existed a single country 
 or colony in which the inhabitants do not, under one form or another, 
 bear a part in such charges. A State without resources is inconceiv- 
 able. On what legitimate grounds could the exemption of natives 
 from all taxes be based, seeing that they are the first to benefit by 
 the material and moral advantages introduced into Africa? As they 
 have no inoney, a contribution in the shape of labour is required from 
 them. It has been said that, if Africa is ever to be redeemed from 
 barbarism, it must be by getting the Negro to understand the meaning 
 of work by the obligation of paying taxes. 
 
 "It is a question [of native labour] which has engaged my most 
 careful attention in connection with West Africa and other Colonies. 
 To listen to the right honourable gentlemen, you would almost think 
 that it would be a good thing for the native to be idle. I think it is 
 a good thing for him to be industrious; and by every means in 
 our power we must teach him to work. . . . No people ever 
 have lived in the world's history who would not work. In the 
 interests of the natives all over Africa, we have to teach them to 
 work." 
 
 Such was the language used by Mr. Chamberlain in the House of 
 Commons on the 6th August, 1901; and still more recently he ex- 
 pressed himself as follows: 
 
 "We are all of us taxed, and taxed heavily. Is that a system of 
 forced labour? . . To say that because we put a tax on the 
 
 native therefore he is reduced to a condition of servitude and of forced 
 labour is, to my mind, absolutely ridiculous. . . It is perfectly 
 
 fair to my mind that the native should contribute something towards 
 the cost of administering the country." — (House of Commons, 9th 
 March, 1903.)
 
 582 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 " If that really is the last word of civilisation, if we arc to proceed on 
 the assumption that the nearer the native or any human being comes 
 to a pig the more desirable is his condition, of course I have nothing 
 to say. ... I must continue to believe that, at all events, the 
 progress of the native in civilisation will not be secured until he has 
 been convinced of the necessity and the dignity of labour. Therefore, 
 I think that anything we reasonably can do to induce the native to 
 labour is a desirable thing." 
 
 And he defended the principle of taxing the native on the ground 
 that "the existence of the tax is an inducement to him to work." — 
 (House of Commons, 24th March, 1903.) 
 
 Moreover, it is to be observed that in nearly every part of Africa the 
 natives are taxed. In the Transvaal every native pays a "head tax" 
 oi £2; in the Orange River Colony he is subject to a "poll tax"; in 
 Southern Rhodesia, Bechuanaland, Basutoland, Uganda, and Natal 
 a "hut-tax" is levied; in Cape Colony we find a "hut-tax" and a 
 "labour tax"; in German East Africa also a tax is levied on huts, 
 payable either in money, in kind, or in labour. This species of tax 
 has also been applied in the Sierra Leone Protectorate, where payment 
 could be made "in kind by rice or palm nuts," and it has been sug- 
 gested that work on roads and useful works should be accepted in lieu 
 of payment in money or produce. 
 
 The legality of a tax is, therefore, not affected by the mode of its 
 payment, whether in money or in kind, so long as the amount is not 
 excessive. It is certainly not so in the Congo, where the work done by 
 the native does not represent more than forty hours' work a inonth. 
 Such work, moreover, is paid for, and the tax in kind thus gives the 
 native as it were some return for his labour. 
 
 Payment of taxes is obligatory everywhere; and non-payment in- 
 volves measures of compulsion. The regulations under which the 
 hut- tax is levied impose on the native, for non-payment, such penalties 
 as imprisonment and forced labour. Nor in the Congo is payment 
 of taxes optional. Repressive measures have occasionally been ren- 
 dered necessary elsewhere by the refusal of natives to conform to the 
 law, c. g., the disturbances at Sierra Leone, in connection with which 
 an English publicist, speaking of the police force, states: 
 
 "Between July, 1894, and February, 1896, no fewer than sixty-two 
 convictions, admittedly representing a small proportion of offences 
 actually committed, were recorded against them for flogging, plunder- 
 ing, and generally maltreating the natives." 
 
 Further instances might be recalled of the opposition encountered 
 among native populations to the institution of governmental regula- 
 tions. Civilisation necessarily comes into collision with their savage 
 instincts and barbarous customs and habits ; and it can be understood 
 that they submit but impatiently to, and even try to escape from, a
 
 Appendix 583 
 
 state of society which seems to them to be restrictive of their licence 
 and excesses. It frequently happens in Africa that an exodus of 
 natives takes place from one territory to another, in the hope of 
 finding beyond the frontier a government less well established or less 
 strong, and of thus freeing themselves from all obligations and re- 
 straints. Natives of the State may quite well, under the influence 
 of considerations of this kind, have crossed into neighbouring terri- 
 tories, although no kind of emigration on a large scale, such as is 
 referred to in the English note, has ever been reported by the com- 
 mandants of the frontier provinces. On the contrary, it is a fact that 
 natives in the Upper Nile region who had settled in British territory 
 have returned to the left bank in consequence of the imposition of new 
 taxes by the English authorities. Besides, if it is these territories 
 which are alluded to, the information contained in the note would 
 seem to be in contradiction with other particulars furnished, for in- 
 stance, by Sir Harry Johnston. 
 
 "This much I can speak of with certainty and emphasis, that from 
 the British frontier near Fort George to the limit of my journeys 
 into the Mbuba country of the Congo Free State, up and down the 
 Semliki, the natives appear to be prosperous and happy. . . . The 
 extent to which they were building their villages and cultivating their 
 plantations within the precincts of Fort Mbeni showed that they had 
 no fear of the Belgians." 
 
 Major H. H. Gibbons, who was for several months on the Upper 
 Nile, writes: 
 
 "Having had occasion to know many officers, and to visit their 
 stations in the Congo State, I am convinced that their behaviour has 
 been much misunderstood by the press. I have quoted as a proof my 
 experience, which is at variance with an article recently published in 
 the English press, in which they are accused of great cruelties." 
 
 The declaration of last June, of which a copy is enclosed, has dis- 
 posed of the criticisms directed against the public forces of the State, 
 by pointing out that recruitment for them is regulated by law, and 
 that it is only one man in every 10,000 who is affected. To say that 
 "the method of obtaining men for military service is often but little 
 different from that formerly employed to obtain slaves" is to mis- 
 understand the' carefully drawn regulations which have, on the con- 
 trary, been issued to check abuses. Levies take place in each 
 district ; the District Commissioners settle the mode of conscription in 
 agreement with the native chiefs. Voluntary enlistment, and numer- 
 ous re-enlistments, easily fill up the ranks, which only reach, all told, 
 the moderate total of 15,000 men. 
 
 Those who allege, as the note says, that "the men composing the 
 armed force of the State were in many cases recruited from the most 
 warlike and savage tribes" must be unaware that the public forces
 
 584 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 are recruited from every province, and from the whole population. 
 It is inconceivable that the authorities of a State, with due regard to 
 its interests, should form an army out of undisciplined and savage 
 elements, and instances are to be found — such as the excesses said to 
 have been perpetrated by irregular levies in Uganda, and the revolts 
 which formerly occurred in the Congo — which, on the contrary, ren- 
 der it necessary that special care should be exercised in raising armed 
 forces. The European establishment, consisting of Belgian, Italian, 
 Swedish, Norwegian, and Danish officers, maintains strict discipline, 
 and it would be vain to seek the actual facts alluded to in the assertion 
 that the soldiers "not infrequently terrorised over their own officers." 
 Such an assertion is as unfounded as the one "that compulsion is 
 often exercised by irresponsible native soldiers uncontrolled by any 
 European officer." For a long time past the authorities have been 
 alive to the danger arising from the existence of stations of Negro 
 soldiers, who inevitably abuse their authority, as recognised in the 
 Report of Sir D. Chalmers on the insurrection in Sierra Leone. In the 
 Congo such stations have been gradually abolished. 
 
 Those who do not refuse to accept patent facts will recognise that, of 
 the reproaches levelled at the State, the most unjust is the statement 
 "that no attempt at any administration for the natives is made, and 
 that the officers of the Government do not apparently concern them- 
 selves with such work." 
 
 It is astonishing to come across such an assertion in a dispatch 
 from a government, one of whose members. Lord Cranborne, Under- 
 Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, stated on the 20th May 
 last: 
 
 "There was no doubt that the administration of the Congo Govem- 
 inent had been marked by a very high degree of a certain kind of ad- 
 ministrative development. There were railways, there were steamers 
 upon the river, hospitals had been established, and all the machinery 
 of elaborate judicial and police systems had been set up." 
 
 Another member of the House of Commons acknowledged : 
 
 "That the Congo State had done good work in excluding alcoholic 
 liquor from the greater part of their domain ; that they had estab- 
 lished a certain number of hospitals, had diminished smallpox by 
 means of vaccination, and had suppressed the Arab Slave Trade." 
 
 However limited these admissions, still they contradict the assertion 
 now made that "the natives are left entirely to themselves, so far as 
 any assistance in their government or in their affairs is concerned." 
 
 Such does not seem to have been the conclusion at which Mr. Pick- 
 ersgill, the English Consul, had arrived as long ago as 1898. 
 
 "Has the welfare of the African," he asks, "been duly cared for 
 in the Congo State?" He answers: "The State has restricted the 
 liquor trade. ... It is scarcely possible to overestimate the
 
 Appendix 585 
 
 service which is being rendered by the Congo Government to its sub- 
 jects in this inatter. . . . Intertribal wars have been suppressed 
 over a wide area, and the imposition of European authority being 
 steadily pursued, the boundaries of peace are constantly extending. 
 The State must be congratulated upon the security it has 
 created for all who live within the shelter of its flag and abide by its 
 laws and regulations. . . . Credit is also due to the Congo Gov- 
 ernment in respect of the diminution of cannibalism. . . . The 
 yoke of the notorious Arab slave-traders has been broken, and traffic 
 in human beings amongst the natives themselves has been diminished 
 to a considerable degree." 
 
 This Report also showed that the labour of the native was remu- 
 nerated, and gave due credit to the State for its efforts to instruct the 
 young natives, and to open schools. 
 
 Since 1898 the general condition of the native has been still further 
 improved. The system of carriers {le portage a dos d'homme), the 
 hardships of which, so far as the native was concerned, were speciallv 
 pointed out by Mr. Pickersgill, has disappeared from those parts of 
 the country where it was most practised, in consequence of the open- 
 ing of railways. Elsewhere motor cars are used as means of trans- 
 port. The "sentry," the station of Negro soldiers which the Consul 
 criticised, not without reason, no longer exists. Cattle have been 
 introduced into every district. Sanitary commissions have been in- 
 stituted. Schools and workshops have multiplied. 
 
 "The native," says the enclosed document,' "is better housed, 
 Ijetter clad, and better fed; he is replacing his huts by better built and 
 healthier dwelling-places; thanks to existing transport facilities, he 
 is able to obtain the produce necessary to satisfy his new wants; 
 workshops have been opened for him, where he learns handicrafts, 
 such as those of the blacksmith, carpenter, mechanic, and mason; he 
 extends his plantations and, taking example by the white man, learns 
 rational modes of agriculture; he is always able to obtain medical 
 assistance ; he sends his children to the State school-colonies and to 
 the missionary schools." 
 
 As stated in the House of Commons, it is only right to recognise 
 that the material and moral regeneration of Central Africa cannot be 
 the work of a day. The results so far obtained have been considerable, 
 and these we shall try to consolidate and develop, in spite of the way 
 in which an effort is being made to hamper the action of the State, 
 which in the real interests of civilisation should rather be promoted. 
 
 The English note does not show that the economic system of the 
 
 State is in opposition to the Berlin Act. It does not meet the points 
 
 of law and fact by means of which the State has demonstrated the 
 
 conformity of its system of land tenure and concessions with the pro- 
 
 'See Annex No. I.
 
 586 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 visions of that Act. It does not explain either how or why freedom 
 of trade — a term used at the Conference of BerUn in its usual, gram- 
 matical, and economic sense — is incomplete in the Congo State be- 
 cause there are landowners there. 
 
 The note confuses the utilisation of his property by the owner with 
 trade. The native who collects on behalf of the owner does not be- 
 come the owner of what is so collected, and naturally cannot dispose 
 of it to a third party, any more than a miner can rob the proprietor 
 of the produce of the mine and dispose of it himself. These rules 
 are in accordance with the principles of justice and are explained in 
 numerous doctunents, such as legal opinions and judicial decisions, 
 some of which are annexed. His Majesty's Government do not deny 
 that the State is justified in allotting domain lands to bona-fide occu- 
 pants, or that the native has no longer any right to the produce of the 
 soil as soon as the "land is reduced into individual occupation." The 
 distinction is without legal foundation. If the State can part with 
 land, it is because the native is not the owner; by what title could he 
 then retain a right to the produce of property which has been lawfully 
 acquired by others? Could it be contended, for instance, that the 
 Lower Congo Railway Company, or the South Cameroons Company, 
 or the Italian Colonial Trading Company are, on the ground that 
 they are not at present in occupation, bound to allow the native 
 to plunder the territories allotted to them? As a matter of fact, 
 moreover, in the Congo State the appropriation of lands worked on 
 Government account or by the Concessionary companies is an ac- 
 complished fact. The State and the companies have devoted large 
 stmis, amounting to many millions of francs, to the development of the 
 lands in question, and more especially to that of the forests. There 
 can, therefore, be no doubt that throughout the territories of the Congo 
 the State really and completely works its property, just as the com- 
 panies really and completely work their concessions. 
 
 The state of affairs then which actually exists, and is established in 
 the Independent State, is such that there is really no need, as far as the 
 State itself is concerned, to dwell longer on the theory set forth in the 
 note which deals in turn with the rights of the State, with those of 
 bona-fide occupiers, and those of the natives. 
 
 Still this theory calls for the attention of the Powers in view of the 
 serious difficulties which would arise were it to be implicitly accepted. 
 
 The note lays down the three following propositions: 
 
 "The State has the right to partition the State lands among bona- 
 fide occupants." 
 
 " The natives will, as the land is so divided out amongst bona-fide 
 occupiers, lose their right of roaming over it and collecting the natural 
 fruits which it produces." 
 
 "Until unoccupied land is reduced into individual occupation, and
 
 Appendix 587 
 
 so long as the produce can only be collected by the native, the native 
 should be free to dispose of that produce as he pleases." 
 
 There is no single one of these propositions but apparently excludes 
 the other two, and, as a matter of fact, such contradictions amount 
 to a denial of the right to grant concessions. 
 
 If bona-fide occupiers ever existed they have become proprietors; 
 occupation, where it can be exercised is, under all legislative codes, 
 one of the methods by which property can be acqmred, and in the 
 Congo State titles of ownership deriving from it have been legally 
 registered. If the land has never been legally occupied, it is without 
 an owner, or, rather the State is the owner; the State can allot it to a 
 third party, for whom such allotment is a complete and absolute title. 
 In either case it is hard to see how the fruits of the soil can be reserved 
 for any but the owner on the pretext that the latter is not able to 
 collect the produce of his property. 
 
 By a curious contradiction it is observed in the note that, as a 
 consequence of the allotment of lands by the State, the natives "lose 
 their right of collecting the natural fruits," and, on the other hand, 
 that they retain the right of disposing of these fruits "until unoccu- 
 pied land is reduced into [sic] individual occupation." It is difficult to 
 understand what is meant by a right which belongs to the natives or 
 not according to the action of a third party. Either they lost their 
 rights on the lands being allotted, and in that case they have lost them 
 entirely and completely, or else they have retained them, and are 
 entitled to retain them, although the "land is reduced into [sic] indi- 
 vidual occupation." 
 
 Again, what are we to understand by the expressions "bona-fide" 
 occupiers and ' ' individual occupation ? " Who is to determine whether 
 the occupier has brought his lands into a state of individual occupa- 
 tion, whether he is able to collect their produce, or whether it is still 
 for the native to do so? In any case, such a question is essentially 
 one to be settled by municipal law. 
 
 The note is, moreover, incomplete in another respect. It states 
 that where the land has not yet been worked by those who have a 
 right to it, the option of working should belong to the native. Rights 
 would thus be given to the natives to the prejudice of the Government 
 or of white concessionaires, but the note does not explain how nor by 
 whom the wrong thus caused would be repaired or made good. Though 
 the system thus advocated cannot be applied in the Congo State, as 
 there are no longer any unappropriated lands there, attention should 
 be called to the statement in the interest of white men established in 
 the Conventional Basin. If it is right to treat the Negro well, it is 
 none the less just not to despoil the white man, who, in the interest of 
 all, must remain the dominant race. 
 
 From an economic point of view, it would be very regrettable if, in
 
 588 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 spite of the rights regularly acqmred by white men, the domain lands 
 were, even temporarily, handed over to the natives. Such a course 
 would involve a return to their former condition of abandonment, 
 when the natives left them unproductive ; for the collection of rubber, 
 the plantation of coffee, cocoa, tobacco, etc., date from the day when 
 the State itself took the initiative : the export trade was insignificant 
 before the impetus it received from Government enterprise. Such a 
 course would furthermore certainly involve the neglect of rational 
 methods of work, of planting and of replanting — measures which the 
 State and the Concessionary companies have assumed as an obligation 
 with a view to securing the preservation of the natural riches of the 
 country. 
 
 Never in the Congo, so far as we know, have requests to buy natural 
 produce been addressed to the rightful owners. Up to now the only 
 attempts made have been to buy the produce which has been stolen, 
 and the State, as was its duty, has had those guilty of these unlawful 
 attempts prosecuted. 
 
 It is not true, as has been asserted, that the policy of the State has 
 killed trade; it has, on the contrary, created the materials which 
 trade deals in and keeps up the supply ; it is thanks to the State that, 
 on the Antwerp market — and soon even in the Congo where the possi- 
 biUty of establishing trade depots is being considered — 5000 tons of 
 rubber collected in the Congo can be annually put on sale to all and 
 sundry without privilege or monopoly, while formerly, in 1887, for 
 instance, the rubber export amounted to hardly 30 tons. It is the 
 State which, after having created, at its own expense, the material of 
 trade, carefully preserves the source of it by means of planting and 
 replanting. 
 
 It must not be forgotten either that the Congo State has been 
 obliged to rely on its own resources. It was forced to utilise its 
 domain in the public interest. All the receipts of the domain go into 
 the Treasury, as also the dividends of the shares which the State holds 
 in exchange for concessions granted. It has only been by utilising 
 its domain lands, and pledging the greater part of their revenues, that 
 it has been able to raise loans, and encourage the construction of rail- 
 ways by guarantees of interest, thus realising one of the means most 
 advocated by the Brussels Conference for promoting civilisation in 
 Central Africa. Nor has it hesitated to mortgage its domain lands 
 with this object. 
 
 The Berlin Act is not opposed to such a course, for it never pre- 
 scribed the rights of property as there is now an ex post facto attempt 
 to make out, an attempt tending, consciously or not, to the ruin of the 
 whole Conventional Basin of the Congo. 
 
 It will not escape the notice of the Powers that the English note, 
 by suggesting a reference to the Court at the Hague, tends to bring
 
 Appendix 589 
 
 into consideration as cases for arbitration questions of sovereigntv 
 and internal administration as questions for arbitration which, ac- 
 cording to prevailing doctrines, are excluded from arbitral decisions. 
 As far as the present case is concerned, it must be assumed that the 
 suggestion of referring the matter to the Court at the Hague has a 
 general meaning, if it is true that, in the opinion of the English 
 Chambers of Commerce, "the principles and practice introduced into 
 the administration of the affairs of the French Congo, the Congo Free 
 State, and other areas in the Conventional Basin of the Congo being 
 [sic] in direct opposition to the Articles of the Act of Berlin, 1885." 
 The Government of the Congo State have never ceased advocating 
 arbitration as a mode of settling questions which are of an interna- 
 tional nature, and can thus be suitably treated, as, for instance, the 
 divergencies of opinion which have arisen in connection with the lease 
 of the territories of the Bahr-el-Ghazal. 
 
 The Government of the Congo State, after careful examination of 
 the English note, remain convinced that, in view of its vagueness, and 
 the complete lack of evidence, which is implicitly admitted, there 
 is no tribunal in the world, supposing there were one possessing 
 competent jurisdiction, which could, far from pronouncing a con- 
 demnation, take any decision other than to refuse action on mere 
 supposition. 
 
 If the Congo State is attacked, England may admit that she, more 
 than any other nation, has been the object of attacks and accusations 
 o{ every kind, and the list would be long of the campaigns which have 
 at various times, and ev'^en quite recently, been directed against her 
 colonial administration. She has certainly not escaped criticism in 
 regard to her numerous and bloody wars against native populations, 
 nor the reproach of oppressing natives and invading their liberty. 
 Has she not been blamed in regard to the long insurrections in Sierra 
 Leone; to the disturbed state of Nigeria, where quite recently, accord- 
 ing to the English newspapers, military measures of repression cost, 
 on one single occasion, the lives of 700 natives, of most of their Chiefs, 
 and of the Sultan; and to the conflict in Somaliland, which is being 
 carried on at the cost of many lives, without, however, exciting ex- 
 pressions of regret in the House of Commons, except on the score of 
 the heavy expense? 
 
 Seeing that these attacks have left England indifferent, it is some 
 what surprising to find her now attaching such importance to those 
 made on the Congo State. 
 
 There is, however, reason to think that the natives of the Congo 
 State prefer the Government of a small and pacific nation, whose aims 
 remain as peaceful as its creation, which was founded on treaties con- 
 cluded with the natives. 
 
 (Signed) Chr. de Cuvelier.
 
 590 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 Annexes ^ 
 
 I. Bulletin Officiel de VEtat Independant du Congo, Juin, 1903. 
 
 II. Judgments delivered by the Tribunals of French Congo. 
 
 III. Opinions of Messrs. van Maldeghem and de Paepe, Van Ber- 
 chem, Barboux, and Nys. 
 
 OFFICIAL CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN THE CONGO 
 FREE STATE AND GREAT BRITAIN 
 
 The Congo Rejoinder to Charges Contained in the 
 Report of Consul Casement 
 
 The Appendices on pages 591 to 611 are taken from the 
 official correspondence ^ sent by Sir Constantino Phipps, his 
 Britannic Majesty's Minister at Brussels, to the Marquess of 
 Lansdovi^ne, His Britannic Majesty's Foreign Secretary, en- 
 closing the reply of the Government of the Congo Free State 
 to the Report of Mr. Roger Casement, British Consul at Boma. 
 Having regard to the voluminous nature of Consul Casement's 
 report, and the fact that the Congo State's Note (reply) cites 
 its principal charges against that Government, it is not printed 
 herewith, to expand a volume already extended beyond prac- 
 tical dimensions. 
 
 No. I 
 Sir C. Phipps to the Marquess of Lansdowne. — {Received March 14) 
 
 Brussels, March 13, 1904. 
 My Lord, 
 
 I have the honour to enclose the rejoinder on the part of the Congo 
 Government to the Report of His Majesty's Consul at Boma on the 
 condition of the Congo. 
 
 In handing these "Notes" to me this afternoon M. de Cuvelier was 
 instructed to call my attention to the passage where his Government 
 expresses a desire to be placed in possession of the fttll Report, in- 
 cluding names, dates, and places referred to. The "Notes" will be 
 communicated to-morrow to the Representatives of the other Powers. 
 
 I have, etc., 
 
 (Signed) Constantine Phipps. 
 
 ^ Copies have been sent to the Library of each House of Parliament. 
 ^See Africa, No. 7, 1904, presented to both Houses of Parliament, 
 Jime, 1904.
 
 Appendix 591 
 
 Enclosure in No. i 
 
 NOTES BY THE GOVERNMENT OF THE CONGO FREE 
 STATE ON THE REPORT OF MR. CASEMENT, 
 CONSUL OF HIS BRITANNIC MAJESTY, OF THE 
 iiTH DECEMBER, 1903. • 
 
 (Translation) 
 
 During the sitting of the House of Commons of the nth March, 
 1903, Lord Cranborne observed: 
 
 "We have no reason to think that slavery is recognised by the 
 authorities of the Congo Free State, but reports of acts of cruelty and 
 oppression have reached us. Such reports have been received from 
 our Consvdar Officers." 
 
 The Government of the Congo State addressed a letter on the 14th 
 March, 1903, to Sir C. Phipps, requesting him to be good enoi:gh to 
 communicate the facts which had formed the subject of any reports 
 from British Consuls. 
 
 No reply was received to this application. 
 
 Lord Lansdowne's dispatch of the 8th August, 1903, contained the 
 following passage: 
 
 "Representations to this effect [alleged cases of ill-treatment of 
 natives and existence of trade monopolies] are to be found . 
 in dispatches from His Majesty's Consuls." 
 
 The impression was thus created that at that date His Majesty's 
 Government were in possession of conclusive evidence furnished by 
 their Consuls; but none the less it seemed clearly necessary that 
 Consul Casement should undertake a journey in the Upper Congo. 
 It would appear, therefore, as if the conclusions contained in the note 
 of the 8th August were at least premature; it equally follows that, 
 contrary to what was said in that note, the British Consul was at 
 liberty to undertake any journey in the interior that he thought fit. 
 In any case it is to be observed that, in spite of the repeated appli- 
 cations of the Congo State, the White Paper [Africa, No. i (1904)] 
 recently presented to Parliament does not contain any of these former 
 Consular Reports, which nevertheless would have been the more in- 
 teresting as dating from a time when the present campaign had not 
 yet been initiated. 
 
 The present Report draws attention to the fact that in certain places 
 visited by the Consul the population is decreasing. Mr. Casement does 
 not give the facts on which he bases his comparative figures for 1887 
 and 1903. The question arises how, during the course of his rapid and 
 hasty visits, he was able to get his figures for this latter year. On 
 what facts, for instance, does he found his assertion that the riverain
 
 592 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 population of Lake Mantumba seems to have diminished from 60 to 
 70 per cent, in the course of the last ten years? He states that at a 
 certain place designated as F the population of all the villages to- 
 gether does not at present amount to more than 500 souls; a few lines 
 farther on these same villages are spoken of as only containing 240 
 inhabitants altogether. These are only details, but they show at 
 once what a lack of precision there is in certain of the deductions 
 made by the Consul. It is, no doubt, unfortunately only too true 
 that the population has diminished ; but the diminution is due to 
 other causes than to the exercise on the native population of a too 
 exacting or oppressive Administration. It is owing chiefly to the 
 sleeping-sickness, which is decimating the population throughout 
 Equatorial Africa. The Report itself observes that "a prominent 
 place must be assigned to this malady," ' and that this malady is 
 "probably one of the principal factors" in the diminution of the 
 population. 2 It is only necessary to read the Rev. John Whitehead's 
 letter, quoted by the Consul (Annex II. to the Report), to obtain an 
 idea of the ravages of the malady, to which this missionary attributes 
 half of the deaths which take place in the riverain parts of the district. 
 In a recent interview Mgr. Van Ronsle, Vicar Apostolic of the Belgian 
 Congo, who speaks with the authority of one who has had a large ex- 
 perience of African matters, and has resided for long periods in many 
 different localities in the Congo, explained the development of this 
 scourge and the inevitable decay of the population it attacks, what- 
 ever the conditions of their social existence ; mentioning among other 
 cases the terrible loss of life caused by this disease in Uganda. If to 
 this principal cause of the depopulation of the Congo are added small- 
 pox epidemics, the inability of the tribes at the present moment to 
 keep up their numbers by the purchase of slaves, and the ease with 
 which the natives can migrate, it can be explained how the Consul 
 and the missionaries may have been struck with the diminution of 
 the number of inhabitants in certain centres without that diminution 
 necessarily being the result of a system of oppression. Annex I. con- 
 tains the declarations on the subject made by Mgr. Van Ronsle. His 
 remarks as to the effect of the suppression of slavery on the numbers 
 of the population are printed elsewhere : 
 
 "The people [slave] are for the most part originally prisoners of 
 war. Since the Decree of emancipation they have simply returned 
 to their own distant homes, knowing their owners have no power to 
 recapture them. This is one reason why some think the population is 
 decreasing, and another reason is the vast exodus up and down river." 3 
 
 "So long as the Slave Trade flourished the Bobangi flourished, but 
 
 ^ Report, p. 21. ^ Idem, p. 26. 
 
 3M. Boudot, missionary of the Congo Balolo Mission. Regions 
 Beyond, December, 1901, p. 337.
 
 Appendix 593 
 
 with its abolition they are tending to disappear, for their towns were 
 replenished by slaves." ' 
 
 The Consvil mentions cases, the causes of which, however, are un- 
 known to him, of an exodus of natives of the Congo to the French 
 bank. It is not quite clear on what grounds he attaches blame to the 
 State on their account, to judge at least from the motives by which 
 some of them have been determined — for instance, the examples of 
 such emigration which are given and explained by the Rev. W. 
 H. Bentley, an English missionary. One relates to the station at 
 Lukolela : 
 
 "The main difficiilty has been the shifting of the population. It 
 appears that the popvdation, when the station was founded in 1886, 
 was between 5,000 and 6,000 in the riverain colonies. About two 
 years later the Chief Mpuki did not agree with his neighbours or they 
 with him. When the tension became acute, Mpuki crossed over with 
 his people to the opposite [French] side of the river. This exodus 
 took away a large number of people. In 1890 or 1891 a chief from 
 one of the lower towns was compelled by the majority of his people 
 to leave the State side, and several went with him. About 1893 the 
 rest of the people at the lower towns either went across to the same 
 place as the deposed chief or took up their residence inland. Towards 
 the end of 1894 a soldier, who had been sent to cut firewood for the 
 State steamers on an island off the towns, left his work to make an 
 evil request in one of the towns. He shot the man who refused him. 
 The rascal of a soldier was properly dealt with by the State officer in 
 charge ; but this outrage combined with other smaller difficulties to 
 produce a panic, and nearly all the people left for the French side, or 
 hid away inland. So the fine township has broken up." ^ 
 
 The other refers to the station at Bolobo: 
 
 "It is rare indeed for Bolobo, with its 30,000 or 40,000 people, 
 divided into some dozen clans, to be at peace for any length of time 
 together. The loss of life from these petty wars, the number of those 
 killed for witchcraft, and of those who are buried alive with the dead, 
 involve, even within our narrow limits here at Bolobo, an almost daily 
 drain upon the vitality of the country, and an incalculable amount of 
 sorrow and suflFering. . . . The Government was not indifferent 
 to these murderous ways. . . . In 1890, the District Commissioner 
 called the people together, and warned them against the burying of 
 slaves alive in the graves of free people, and the reckless killing of 
 slaves which then obtained. The natives did not like the rising power 
 of the State. . . Our own settlement among them was not un- 
 
 attended with difficulty. . . . There was a feeling against white 
 men generally, and especially so against the State. The people 
 
 ' W. H. Bentley, Pioneering on the Congo, ii., p. 229. 
 ^Idcm, p. 243.
 
 594 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 became insolent and haughty. . . . Just at this time ... as 
 a force of soldiers steamed past the Moye towns, the steamers were 
 fired upon. The soldiers landed and burnt and looted the towns. 
 The nativ^es ran away into the grass, and great numbers crossed to 
 the French side of the river. They awoke to the fact that Bula Ma- 
 tadi, the State, was not the helpless thing they had so long thought. 
 This happened early in 1891." ' 
 
 It will be seen that these examples do not attribute the emigration 
 of the natives to any such causes as 
 
 "The methods employed to obtain labour from them by local 
 officials and the exactions levied on them." ^ 
 
 The Report dwells at length on the existence of native taxes. It 
 shows how the natives are subject to forced labour of various kinds, 
 in one district having to furnish the Government posts with "chik- 
 wangues," or fresh provisions, in another being obliged to assist in 
 works of public utility, such as the construction of a jetty at Balolo, 
 
 or the upkeep of the telegraph line at F ; elsewhere being obliged 
 
 to collect the produce of the domain lands. We maintain that such 
 imposts on the natives are legitimate, in agreement on this point with 
 His Majesty's Government, who, in the Memorandum of the nth 
 February last, declare that the industry and development of the Brit- 
 ish Colonies and Protectorates in Africa show that His Majesty's Gov- 
 ernment have always admitted the necessity of making the natives 
 contribute to the public charges and of inducing them to work. We 
 also agree with His Majesty's Government that, if abuses occur in 
 this connection — and undoubtedly some have occurred in all colonies 
 — such abuses call for reform, and that it is the duty of the authorities 
 to put an end to them, and to reconcile as far as may be the require- 
 ments of the Government with the real interests of the natives. 
 
 But in this matter the Congo State intends to exercise freely its 
 rights of sovereignty — as, for instance. His Majesty's Government 
 explain in their last Memorandum that they themselves did at Sierra 
 Leone — without regard to external pressure or foreign interference, 
 which would be an encroachment upon its essential rights. 
 
 The Consul, in his Report, obviously endeavours to create the im- 
 pression that taxes in the Congo are collected in a violent, inhuman, 
 and cruel manner, and we are anxious before all to rebut the accusa- 
 tion, which has so often been brought against the State, that such 
 collection gives rise to odious acts of mutilation. On this point a 
 superficial perusal of the Report is calculated to impress by its easy 
 accumulation not of facts, simple, precise, and verified, but of the 
 declarations and affirmations of natives. 
 
 ^ Pioneering on the Congo, by the Rev. W. Holman Bentley, ii, 
 pp. 235-236. 
 
 '^ Report, p. 29.
 
 Appendix 505 
 
 There is a preliminary remark to be made in regard to the conditions 
 in which the Consul made his journey. 
 
 Whether such was his intention or not, the British Consul appeared 
 to the inhabitants as the redresser of the wrongs, real or imaginary, of 
 the natives, and his presence at La Lulonga, coinciding with the cam- 
 paign which was being directed against the Congo State, in a region 
 where the influence of the Protestant missionaries has long been ex- 
 ercised, necessarily had for the natives a significance which did not 
 escape them. The Consul made his investigations quite independently 
 of the Government officials, quite independently of any action and of 
 any co-operation on the part of the regular authorities ; he was assisted 
 in his proceedings by English Protestant missionaries; he made his 
 inspection on a steamer belonging to a Protestant Mission; he was 
 entertained for the most part in the Protestant Missions; and, in 
 these circumstances, it was inevitable that he should be considered 
 by the native as the antagonist of the established authorities. 
 
 Other proof is not required than the characteristic fact that while 
 the Consul was at Bonginda, the natives crowded down to the bank, 
 as some agents of the La Lulonga Company were going by in a canoe, 
 and cried out: "Your violence is over, it is passing away; only the 
 English remain; may you others die!" There is also this significant 
 admission on the part of a Protestant missionary, who, in alluding to 
 this incident, remarked: 
 
 "The Consul was here at the time, and the people were much ex- 
 cited and evidently thought themselves on top. . . . The people 
 have got this idea [that the rubber work was finished] into their heads 
 of themselves, consequent, I suppose, upon the Consul's visit." 
 
 In these circumstances, in view of the state of mind which they show 
 to exist among the natives, in view of their impressionable character 
 and of their natural desire to escape taxation, it could not be doubted 
 that the conclusions at which the Consul would arrive would not be 
 other than those set forth in his Report. 
 
 To bring out this point, and to show how little value is to be at- 
 tached to his investigations, it will be sufficient to examine one case, 
 that on which Mr. Casement principally relies ; we allude to the Epondo 
 case. It is that of the child II., mentioned on pp. 56, 58, and 78 of the 
 Report. 
 
 It is indispensable to enter somewhat at length into the details of 
 this case, which are significant. 
 
 On the 4th September, 1903, the Consul was at the Bonginda sta- 
 tion of the Congo Balolo Mission, having returned from a journey on 
 the Lopori, during the course of which he had not come across any of 
 those acts of mutilation which it is the custom to attribute to officials 
 in the Congo. 
 
 At Bonginda, the natives of a neighbouring village (Bossunguma)
 
 59^ Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 came to him and informed him, amongst other things, that a "sentry " 
 of the La Lulonga Company, named Kalengo,' had, at Bossunguma, 
 cut ofif the hand of a native called Epondo, whose wounds were still 
 scarcely healed. The Consul proceeded to Bossunguma, accompanied 
 by the Rev. W. D. Armstrong and the Rev. D. J. Danielson, and had 
 the mutilated native brought before him, who, "in answer to the Con- 
 sul's question, charged a sentry named ' Kalengo ' (placed in the town by 
 the local agent of the La Lulonga Society to see that the people work 
 rubber)" with having done it. Such are the Consul's own words: it 
 was necessary to establish a relation of cause and effect between the 
 collection of india-rubber and this alleged case of cruelty. 
 
 The Consul proceeded to question the chief and some of the natives 
 of the village. They replied by accusing Kalengo; most of them 
 asserted that they were eye-witnesses of the deed. The Consul in- 
 quired through his interpreters if there were other witnesses who saw 
 the crime committed and accused Kalengo of it. "Nearly all those 
 present, about forty persons, shouted out with one voice that it was 
 'Kalengo' who did it." 
 
 In order to understand the violence with which the natives accused 
 Kalengo, and the unanimous manner in which the denials of the ac- 
 cused were rejected by his accusers, it is necessary to read the whole of 
 the report of this inquiry, as drawn up by the Consul himself in a kind 
 of proces-verbaux, dated the 7th, 8th, and gth September (Annex IL). 
 From all quarters accusers appeared, and the excited crowd gave vent 
 to all sorts of accusations: he had cut off Epondo 's hand, chained up 
 women, stolen ducks and a dog! The Constil did not allow his sus- 
 picions to be aroused by the passionate character of these accvisations ; 
 without any further guarantee of their sincerity or further examina- 
 tion into their truth, he looked upon his inquiry as conclusive, and as 
 he had taken upon himself the duties of the Public Prosecutor in making 
 preliminary inquiries into the matter, so he anticipated the decision 
 of the responsible authorities by declaring to the assembled people 
 that "Kalengo deserved severe punishment for his illegal and cruel 
 acts." He proceeded to dramatise the incident by carrying off the 
 pretended victim, and exhibiting him on the loth September to the 
 official in command of the station at Coquilhatville, to whom he handed 
 a copy of the record of his inquiry, and on the 1 2th September he ad- 
 dressed a letter to the Governor-General which he marked as " per- 
 sonal and private," and in which he makes the incident in question 
 among others a text for an attack on "the system of general exploita- 
 tion of an entire population which can only be rendered successful by 
 the employment of arbitrary and illegal force." His inquiry ter- 
 minated, he immediately started on his return journey to the Lower 
 Congo. 
 
 * K. K. in Africa, No. i (1904).
 
 Appendix 597 
 
 Even if the circumstances had been correctly reported, the dispro- 
 portion would still have been striking between them and the conclu- 
 sions which the Consul draws when emphasising his general criticisms of 
 the Congo State. But the facts themselves are incorrectly represented. 
 
 As a matter of fact, no sooner did the Consul's denunciation reach 
 the Public Prosecutor's Department than M. Gennaro Bosco, Acting 
 Public Prosecutor, proceeded to the spot and held a judicial inquiry 
 under the usual conditions, free from all outside influences. This in- 
 quiry showed that His Britannic Majesty's Consul had been the 
 object of a plot contrived by the natives, who, in the hope of no longer 
 being obliged to work, had agreed among themselves to represent 
 Epondo as the victim of the inhuman conduct of one of the capitas 
 of a commercial company. In reality, Epondo had been the victim 
 of an accident while out hunting, and had been bitten in the hand by 
 a wild boar; gangrene had set in and caused the loss of the member, 
 and this fact had been cleverly turned to account by the natives when 
 before the Consul. We append (Annex No. III.) extracts from the in- 
 quiry conducted by the Acting Public Prosecutor into the Epondo 
 case. The evidence is typical, uniform, and without discrepancies. 
 It leaves no doubt as to the cause of the accident, makes it clear that 
 the natives lied to the Consul, and reveals the object which actuated 
 them, namely, the hope that the Consul's intervention would relieve 
 them from the necessity of paying taxes. The inquiry shows how 
 Epondo, at last brought to account, retracted what he had in the 
 first instance said to the Consul, and confessed that he had been in- 
 fluenced by the people of his village. He was questioned as follows: 
 
 Q. ' ' Do you persist in accusing Kalengo of having cut off your left 
 hand? " 
 
 A. " No. I told a lie." 
 
 Q. "State, then, how and when you lost your hand." 
 
 A. "I was a slave of Monkckola's at Malele, in the Bangala district. 
 One day I went out boar-hunting with him. He wounded one with 
 a spear, and thereupon the animal, enraged, turned on me. I tried 
 to run off with the others, but falling down, the boar was on me in a 
 moment and tore off my left hand and [wotmded me] in the stomach 
 and left thigh." 
 
 [The witness exhibits the scars he carries at the places mentioned, 
 and lying down of his own accord shows the position he was in when 
 the boar attacked and wounded him.] 
 
 Q. " How long ago did this accident happen? " 
 
 A. "I don't remember. It was a long time ago." 
 
 Q. "Why did you accuse Kalengo?" 
 
 A. "Because Momaketa, one of the Bossunguma Chiefs, told me 
 to, and afterwards all the inhabitants of my village did so too."
 
 59^ Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 Q. ' ' Did the English photograph you ? ' ' 
 
 A. "Yes, at Bonginda and Lulonga. They told me to put the 
 stump well forward. There were Nenele, Mongongolo, Torongo, and 
 other whites whose names I don't know. They were whites from 
 Lulonga. Mongongolo took away six photographs."' 
 
 Epondo of his own accord repeated his declarations and retractions 
 to a Protestant missionary, Mr. Paris, who lives at Bolengi. This 
 gentleman has sent the Commissary-General at Coquilhatville the 
 following written declaration : 
 
 "I, E. E. Paris, missionary, residing at Bolengi, Upper Congo, de- 
 clare that I questioned the boy Epondo, of the village of Bosongoma, 
 who was at my house on the loth September, 1903, with Mr. Case- 
 ment, the British Consul, and whom, in accordance with the request 
 made to me by Commandant Stevens, of Coquilhatville, I took to the 
 mission station at Bolengi on the i6th October, 1903; and that the 
 said boy has this day, the 17th October, 1903, told me that he lost his 
 hand through the bite of a wild boar. 
 
 "He told me at the same time that he infonned Mr. Casement that 
 his hand was cut off either by a soldier or, perhaps, by one of those 
 working for the white men {travailleurs de blanc), who have been 
 making war in his village with a view to the collection of rubber, but 
 he asserts that the account which he has given me to-day is the truth. 
 
 "(Signed) E. E. Paris. 
 
 "Bolengi, October 17, 1903." 
 
 The inquiry resulted in the discharge of the prisoner, which, so far 
 as it concerned the Epondo question, was in the following terms: 
 
 " We, Acting Public Prosecutor of the Court of Coquilhatville: 
 
 " Having regard to the notes made by His Britannic Majesty's Con- 
 sul, on the occasion of his visit to the villages of Ikandja and Bossun- 
 guma in the territory of the Ngombe, from which it would appear that 
 a certain Kalengo, a forest guard in the ser\-ice of the La Lulonga 
 Company, 
 
 " (o) Cut off the left hand of a certain Epondo; 
 
 "(ft) . - . .; 
 
 "W . . . .; 
 
 " Having regard to the inquiry instituted by Lieutenant Braeck- 
 man, which partly confirms the restilt of the inquiry instituted by His 
 Britannic Majesty's Consul, but also partly contradicts it, and to the 
 charges already brought against Kalengo adds that of having killed a 
 native of the name of Baluwa; 
 
 "Having regard to the conclusions arrived at by the police employee 
 in question, which tend to raise grave doubts as to the truth of all 
 these charges; 
 
 » See Annex No. IIL
 
 Appendix 599 
 
 " In view of the fact that all the natives who brought these charges 
 against Kalengo, whether before His Britannic Majesty's Consul or 
 Lieutenant Braeckman, on being summoned by us, the Acting Public 
 Prosecutor, took to flight, and all efforts to find them have been 
 fruitless ; that this flight obviously throws doubt on the truth of their 
 allegations ; 
 
 " That all the witnesses whom we have questioned during the course 
 of our inquiry declare . . . that Epondo lost his left hand from 
 the bite of a wild boar; 
 
 " That Epondo confirms these statements, and admits that he told 
 a lie at the instigation of the natives of Bossunguma and Ikondja 
 who hoped to escape collecting rubber through the intervention of 
 His Britannic Majesty's Consul, whom they considered to be very 
 powerful ; 
 
 " That the witnesses, almost all inhabitants of the accusing villages, 
 admit that such was the object of their lie ; 
 
 " That this version, apart from the unanimous declaration of the wit- 
 nesses and the injured parties, is also the most plausible, seeing that 
 every one knows that the natives dislike work in general and having 
 to collect rubber, and are, moreover, ready to He and accuse people 
 falsely ; 
 
 " That it is confirmed by the clearly stated opinion of the English 
 missionary Armstrong, who considers the natives to be "capable of 
 any plot to escape work, and especially the labour of collecting rubber " ; 
 
 " That the innocence of Kalengo having been thoroughly estab- 
 lished, there is no reason for proceeding against him; 
 
 " On the above-mentioned grounds, we, the Acting Public Prosecu- 
 tor, declare that there are no grounds for proceeding against Kalengo, a 
 forest guard in the service of the La Lulonga Company, for the offences 
 mentioned in Articles 2, 5, 11, and 19 of the Penal Code. 
 
 " (Signed) Bosco, 
 
 " Acting Public Prosecutor. 
 
 " Mampoko, October 9, 1903." 
 
 We have dealt at length with the above case because it is considered 
 by the Consul himself as being one of the utmost importance, and be- 
 cause he relies upon this single case for accepting as accurate all the 
 other declarations made to him by natives. 
 
 "In the one case I could alone personally investigate," he says,* 
 "that of the boy II., I found this accusation proved on .the spot with- 
 out seemingly a shadow of doubt existing as to the guilt of the accused 
 sentry." 
 
 And further on : 
 
 "I had not time to do more than visit the one village of R , and 
 
 ' Report, p. 58.
 
 6oo Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 in that village I had only time to investigate the charge brought by 
 II." ' 
 
 And elsewhere : 
 
 "It was obviously impossible that I should . . . verify on the 
 spot, as in the case of the boy, the statements they made. In that 
 one case the truth of the charges preferred was amply demonstrated." ^ 
 
 It is also to this case that he alludes in his letter of the 12th Sep- 
 tember, 1903, to the Governoi'-General, where he says: 
 
 "When speaking to M. le Commandant Stevens at Coquilhatville 
 on the 10th instant, when the mutilated boy Epondo stood before us as 
 an evidence of the deplorable state of affairs I reprobated, I said, 'I do 
 not accuse an individual, I accuse a system.'" 
 
 It is only nattiral to conclude that if the rest of the evidence in the 
 Consul's Report is of the same value as that furnished to him in this 
 particular, it cannot possibly be regarded as conclusive. And it is 
 obvious that in those cases in which the Consul, as he himself admits, 
 did not attempt to verify the assertions of the natives, these assertions 
 are worth, if possible, still less. 
 
 It is doubtless true that the Consul deliberately incurred the certain 
 risk of being misled owing to the manner in which he interrogated the 
 natives, which he did, as a matter of fact, through two interpreters — 
 "through Vinda, speaking in Bobangi, and Bateko, repeating his 
 utterances ... in the local dialect 3 ; so that the Consul was at 
 the mercy not only of the truthfulness of the native who was being 
 questioned, but depended also on the correctness of the translations 
 of two other natives, one of whom was a servant of his own, and the 
 other apparently the missionaries' interpreter.4 But any one who has 
 ever been in contact with the native knows how much he is given to 
 lying; the Rev. C. H. Harvey s states that: 
 
 "The natives of the Congo who surrounded us were contemptible, 
 perfidious, and cruel, impudent liars, dishonest, and vile." 
 
 It is also important, if one wishes to get a correct idea of the value 
 of this evidence, to note that while Mr. Casement was questioning 
 the natives, he was accompanied by two local Protestant English mis- 
 sionaries, whose presence must alone have necessarily affected the 
 evidence. 6 
 
 I Report, p. 58. ^ Idem, p. 56. 
 
 3 See Annex No. II. (enclosure No. 6 in III.). 
 
 4 Regions Beyond, 1900, p. 198. 
 
 5 Idem., January-February, 1903, p. 53. 
 
 6 See Annex No. II. "Present: Rev. W. D. Armstrong and Rev. 
 D. J. Danielson of the Congo Balolo Mission of Bonginda, Vinda 
 Bidilou (Consul's head man) and Bateko as interpreters, and His 
 Britannic Majesty's Consul." This passage is omitted in Annex No. 6 
 of the Consul's Report (p. 78).
 
 Appendix 6oi 
 
 We should ourselves be going too far if from all this we were to con- 
 clude that the whole of the native statements reported by the Consul 
 ought to be rejected. But it is clearly shown that his proofs are in- 
 sufficient as a basis for a deliberate judgment, and that the particulars 
 in question require to be carefully and impartially tested. 
 
 On examining the Consul's voluminous Report for other cases which 
 he has seen, and which he sets down as cases of mutilation, it will be 
 observed that he mentions two as having occurred on Lake Man- 
 tumba ' "some years ago."^ He mentions several others, in regard 
 to the number of which the particulars given in the Report do not 
 seem to agree, -5 as having taken place in the neighbourhood of Bon- 
 ginda,4 precisely in the country of the Epondo inquiry, where, as has 
 been seen, the general feeling was excited and prejudiced. It is these 
 cases which, he says, he had not time to inquire into fully, s and which, 
 according to the natives, were due to agents of the La Lulonga Com- 
 pany. Were these instances of victims of the practice of native cus- 
 toms which the natives would have been careful not to admit? Were 
 the injuries which the Consul saw due to some conflict between neigh- 
 bouring villages or tribes? Or were they really due to the black 
 subordinates of the Company? This cannot be determined by a 
 perusal of the Report, as the natives in this instance, as in every other, 
 were the sole source of the Consul's information, and he, for his part, 
 confined himself to taking rapid notes of their numerous statements 
 for a few hours in the morning of the 5th September, being pressed 
 for time, in order to reach K (Bossunguma) at a reasonable hour.6 
 
 Notwithstanding the weight which he attached to the "air of 
 frankness" and the "air of conviction and sincerity"/ on the part of 
 the natives, his own experience shows clearly the necessity for caution, 
 and renders rash his assertion "that it was clear that these men were 
 stating either what they had actually seen with their eyes or firmly 
 believed in their hearts." * 
 
 Now, however, that the Consul has drawn attention to these few 
 cases — whether cases of cruelty or not, and they are all that, as a 
 matter of fact, he has inquired into personally, and even so without 
 being able to prove sufficiently their real cause — the authorities will 
 of course look into the matter and cause inquiries to be made. It is 
 to be regretted that, this being so, all mention of date, place, and 
 name has been systematically omitted in the copy of the Report 
 communicated to the Government of the Independent State of the 
 Congo. It is impossible not to see that these suppressions will place 
 great difficulties in the way of the magistrates who will have to 
 
 * Report, p. 34. 2 Idem, pp. 76 and 77. 
 3Cf. Idem, pp. 54 and 55 and p. 58. 
 
 4 Idem, pyj. 54, 55. s Idem, p. 56. 
 
 ^ Idem, p. 56. 7 Idem, p. 62. ^ Idem, p. 57.
 
 6o2 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 inquire into the facts, and the Government of the Congo trust that, 
 in the interests of truth, they may be placed in possession of the 
 complete text of the Consul's Report. 
 
 It is not to be wondered at if the Government of the Congo State 
 take this opportunity of protesting against the proceedings of their 
 detractors who have thought fit to submit to the public reproductions 
 of photographs of mutilated natives, and have started the odious story 
 of hands being cut off with the knowledge and even at the instiga- 
 tion of Belgians in Africa. The photograph of Epondo, for instance, 
 mutilated in the manner shown, and who has "twice been photo- 
 graphed," is probably one of those which the English pamphlets are 
 circulating as proof of the execrable administration of the Belgians in 
 Africa. One English review reproduced the photograph of a " cannibal 
 surrounded with the skulls of his victims," and underneath was 
 written: "In the original photograph the cannibal was naked. The 
 artist has made him decent by . . . covering his breast with the 
 star of the Congo State. It is now a suggestive emblem of the Chris- 
 tian-veneered cannibalism on the Congo."' At this rate it would 
 suffice to throw discredit on the Uganda Administration if the plates 
 were published illustrating the mutilations which, in a letter dated 
 Uganda, i6th December, 1902, Dr. Castellani says he saw in the 
 neighbourhood of Entebbe itself: "It is not difficult to find there 
 natives without noses or ears, etc." ^ 
 
 The truth is, that in Uganda, as in the Congo, the natives still give 
 way to their savage instincts. This objection has been anticipated 
 by Mr. Casement, who remarks: 
 
 ' ' It was not a native custom prior to the coming of the white man ; 
 it was not the outcome of the primitive instincts of savages in their 
 fights between village and village; it was the deliberate act of the 
 soldiers of a European Administration, and these men themselves 
 never made any concealment that in committing these acts they were 
 but obeying the positive orders of their superiors." 3 
 
 That Mr. Casement should formulate so serious a charge without 
 at the same time supporting it by absolute proof would seem to justify 
 those who consider that his previous employment has not altogether 
 been such as to qualify him for the duties of a Consul. Mr. Casement 
 remained seventeen days on Lake Mantumba, a lake said to be 25 to 
 30 miles long and 12 to 15 broad, surroiuided by a dense forest. 4 He 
 scarcely left its shores at all. In these circumstances it is difficult to 
 see how he could have made any useful researches into the former 
 habits and customs of the inhabitants. On the contrary, from the 
 fact that the tribes in question are still very savage, and addicted to 
 
 ^ Review of Reviews, February 14, 1903. 
 
 2 The Tribuna of Rome. 
 
 3 Report, Annex No. IV., p. 77. ^ Idem, p. 30.
 
 Appendix 603 
 
 cannibalism,* it would seem that they have not abandoned the prac- 
 tice of those cruelties which throughout Africa were the usual accom- 
 paniments of barbarous habits and anthropophagy. In one portion 
 of the districts which the Constil visited, the evidence of the English 
 missionaries on this point is most instructive. The Rev. McKittrick, 
 in describing the sanguinary contests between the natives, mentions 
 the efforts to pacify the country which he formerly made through the 
 chiefs: ". . . . We told them that for the future we should not 
 let any man carrying spears or knives pass through our station. Our 
 God was a God of peace, and we, His children, could not bear to see 
 (mr black brothers cutting and stabbing each other." 2 "While I was 
 jjoing up and down the river," says another missionarj', "they pointed 
 out to me the King's beaches, whence they used to despatch their 
 lighting men to capture canoes and men. It was heartrending to 
 hear them describe the awful massacres that used to take place at a 
 great chief's death. A deep hole was dug in the ground, into which 
 scores of slaves were thrown after having their heads cut off ; and upon 
 that horrible pile they laid the chief's dead body to crown the inde- 
 scribable human carnage." 3 And the missionaries speak of the 
 facility with which even nowadays the natives return to their old 
 customs. It would seem, too, the statement made in the Report, 4 
 that the natives now fly on the approach of a steamer as they never 
 used to do, is hardly in accordance with the reports of travellers and 
 explorers. 
 
 Be this as it may, it is to be observed that nowhere in the territory 
 which is the scene of the operations of the A. B. I. R. Company did the 
 Consul discover any evidence of acts of cruelty for which the commer- 
 cial agents might have been considered responsible. The coincidence 
 is remarkable, since it so happens that the A. B. I. R. Company is a 
 concessionary company, and that it is the system of concessions to 
 which are constantly attributed the most disastrous consequences 
 for the natives. 
 
 What it is important to discover from the immense number of 
 questions touched on by the Consul, and the multiplicity of minor 
 facts which he has collected, is whether the sort of picture he has 
 drawn of the wretched existence led by the natives corresponds to 
 the actual state of affairs. We will take, for instance, the district 
 of the Lulonga and the Lopori, as the head-stations of the missions 
 of the Congo Balolo Mission have been established there for 
 years past. These missions are established in the most distant places 
 ^Report. Annex No. IV., p. 30. 
 
 2 "Ten Years at Bonginda." D. McKittrick, Regions Beyond, 1900, 
 p. 21. 
 
 3 "Congo Contrasts." M. Boudot, Regions Beyond, 1900, p. 197. 
 
 4 Report, p. 34.
 
 6o4 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 in the interior, at Lulonga, Bonginda, Ikau, Bongandanga, and 
 Baringa, all of which are situated in the scene of operations of the La 
 Lulonga and A. B. L R. Companies. They are in constant com- 
 munication with the native populations, and a special monthly review, 
 called Regions Beyond, regularly publishes their letters, notes, and 
 reports. An examination of a set of these publications reveals no 
 trace, at any time previous to April, 1903 — by that date, it is true, 
 Mr. Herbert Samuel's motion had been brought before Parliament — - 
 of anything either to point out or to reveal that the general situation 
 of the native populations was such as ought to be denounced to the 
 civilised world. The missionaries congratulate themselves on the 
 active sympathy shown them by the various official and commercial 
 agents,' on the progress of their work of evangelisation,^ on the facili- 
 ties afforded them by the construction of roads, ^ on the manner in 
 which the natives are becoming civilised, "owing to the mere presence 
 of white men in their midst, both missionaries and traders," 4 on the 
 disappearance of slavery, s on the density of the population ,6 on the 
 growing number of their pupils, "especially since the State has issued 
 orders for all children within reach to attend the mission schools," 7 
 on the gradual disappearance of the primitive customs of the natives,^ 
 and lastly, on the contrast between the present and the past.^ Will 
 it be admitted that these Christian English missionaries, who, during 
 their journeys, visited the various factories, and witnessed markets 
 of rubber being held, would, by keeping silence, make themselves 
 the accomplices of an inhuman or wrongful system of government? 
 Among the conclusions of one of the Annual Reports of the. Congo 
 Balolo Mission is to be found the following: "On the whole, the re- 
 trospect is encouraging. If there has been no great advance, there 
 has been no heavy falling off, and no definite opposition to the work. 
 . There has been much famine and sickness among the 
 natives, especially at Bonginda. . . . Apart from this, there has 
 been no serious hindrance to progress. . . ."'° And speaking in- 
 cidentally of the beneficial effect produced by work on the social cond- 
 tion of the natives, a missionary writes: "The greatest obstacle to 
 conversion is polygamy. Many evils have been put down, e. g., idle- 
 ness, thanks to the State having compelled the men to work; and 
 fighting, through their not having time enough to fight." " These 
 opinions of missionaries appear to us to be more precise than those 
 expressed in a Report on every page of which it may be said one finds 
 such expressions as: "I was told," "it was said," "I was informed," 
 
 ^ Regions Beyond, 1900, p. 150; 1902, p. 209. 
 ^ Idem, passim. ^ Idem, 1900, p. 150. * Idem,, 1901, p. 27. 
 
 5 Idem, 1900, p. 199. ^ Idem, 1900, pp. 243, 297, 306. 
 
 7 Idem, 1901, p. 40; 1902. p. 315. ^ Idem, 1901, p. 40. 
 
 9 Idem., 1900, p. 196. ^° Idem, loor, p. 43. ^^ Idem, 1901, p. 60.
 
 Appendix 605 
 
 "I was assured," "they said," "it was alleged," "I had no means of 
 verifying," "it was impossible for me to verify," "I have no means of 
 ascertaining," etc. Within a space of ten lines, indeed, occur four 
 times the expressions, "appears," "would seem," "do not seem." ' 
 
 The Consul does not appear to have realised that native taxes in 
 the Congo are levied in the shape of labour, and that this form of tax 
 is justified as much by the moral effect which it produces, as by the 
 impossibility of taxing the native in any other way, seeing that, as 
 the Consul admits, the native has no money. It is to this consideration 
 that is due the fact, to give another example, that out of 56,700 huts 
 which are taxed in North-Eastern Rhodesia 19,653 pay that tax "in 
 labour," while 4938 pay it "in produce." ^ Whether such labour is 
 furnished direct to the State or to some private undertaking, and 
 whether it is given in aid of this or that work as local necessities may 
 dictate, one ground of justification is always to be found in what the 
 Memorandum of the nth February last recognises is the "necessity 
 of the natives being induced to work." The Consul shows much 
 anxiety as to how this forced labour should be described; he is sur- 
 prised that if it be a tax it is sometimes paid and recovered by com- 
 mercial agents. Strictly speaking, of course, it cannot be denied that 
 the idea of remunerating a person for paying his taxes is contrary 
 to the ordinary notions of finance; but the difficulty disappears if it 
 is considered that the object in view has been to get the natives 
 to acquire the habit of labour, for which they have always shown a 
 great aversion. And if this notion of work can more easily be incul- 
 cated on the natives under the form of commercial transactions be- 
 tween them and private persons, is it necessary to condemn such a 
 mode of procedure, especially in those parts where the organisation 
 of the Administration is not yet complete? But it is essential that in 
 the relations of this nature which they have with the natives, com- 
 mercial agents, no less than those of the State, should be kind and 
 humane. In so far as it bears on this point the Consul's Report will 
 receive the most careful consideration, and if the result of investigation 
 be to show that there are real aVjuses and that reforms are called for, the 
 heads of the Administration will act as the circumstances may require. 
 
 But no one has ever imagined that the fiscal system in the Congo 
 attained perfection at once, especially in regard to such matters as 
 the assessment of taxes and the means for recovering them. The 
 system of "chieftaincies," which is recommended by the fact that it 
 enables the authorities and the native to communicate through the 
 latter's natural chief, was based on an idea carried into practice 
 elsewhere : 
 
 "The more important Chiefs who helped the Administration have 
 
 ' Report, p. 28. 
 
 'Reports on the Administration 0} Rhodesia, 1900-1902, p. 408.
 
 6o6 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 been paid a certain percentage of the taxes collected in their districts, 
 and I think that if this policy is adhered to each year, the results will 
 continue to be satisfactory and will encourage the Chiefs to work in 
 harmony with the Administration." ' 
 
 The Decree on the subject of these Chieftaincies - laid down the 
 principle of a tax, and its levy in accordance with "a table of contribu- 
 tions to be made every year by each village in produce, forced labour, 
 labourers, or soldiers." The application of this Decree has been pro- 
 vided for by deeds of investiture, tables of statistics, and particulars 
 of contributions, forms of which will be found in Annex IV. In spite 
 of what is stated in the Report, this Decree has been carried out so far 
 as has been found compatible with the social condition of the various 
 tribes; numerous deeds of investiture have been drawn up, and 
 efforts have been made to draw up an equitable assessment of the 
 contributions. The Consul might have found this out at the Com- 
 missioners' offices, especially in the Stanley Pool and Equator districts 
 which he passed through ; but he neglected as a rule all official sources 
 of information. No doubt the application of the Decree was at first 
 necessarily limited, and it is possible that the result has been that for 
 a certain time only such villages as were within a short distance from 
 stations have been required to pay taxes; but this state of things has 
 little by little altered for the better in proportion as the more distant 
 regions have become included in the areas of influence of the Govern- 
 ment posts, the niunber of villages subject to taxation has gradually 
 increased, and it has been found possible to levy taxes on a greater 
 number of persons. The Government aim at making progress in 
 this direction continuous, that is to say, that taxation should be 
 more eqviitably distributed, and should as much as possible be 
 personal ; it was with this object that the Decree of the i8th No- 
 vember, 1903, provided for drawing up "lists of native contributions" 
 in such a way that the obligations of every native should be strictly 
 defined. 
 
 "Article 28 of this Decree lays down that within the limits of Article 
 2 of the present regulations (that is to say, within the limit of forty 
 hours' work per month per native) the District Commissioners shall 
 draw up annual lists of the taxes to be paid, in kind or duration of 
 labour, by each of the natives resident in the territories of their re- 
 spective districts. And Article 55 punishes 'whoever, being charged 
 with the levy of taxes, shall have required of the natives, whether in 
 kind or labour, contributions which shall exceed in value those pre- 
 scribed in the tables of taxes. ' ' ' 
 
 It is matter of common notoriety that the collection of taxes is 
 occasionally met by opposition, and even refusal to pay. The proofs 
 
 ^ Reports on the Administrntion of Rhodesia, 1Q00-1902, p. 408. 
 2 Decree of the 6th October, 1891 {Bulletin Officiel, 1891, p. 259).
 
 Appendix 607 
 
 of this, which are to be fotind in the Report of the Consul for the 
 Congo, are borne out by what has happened, for instance, in Rhodesia: 
 
 "The Ba-Unga (Awemba district), inhabitants of the swamps in 
 the Zambesi delta, gave some trouble on being summoned to pay 
 taxes." ^ 
 
 "Although in many cases whole villages retired into the swamps on 
 being called upon for the hut-tax, the general result was satisfactory 
 for the first year (Luapula district)." ^ 
 
 "Milala's people have succeeded in evading taxes." 3 
 
 "A few natives bordering on the Portuguese territory, who, owing 
 to the great distance they reside from the native Commissioners' 
 Stations, are not under the direct supervision of the Native Com- 
 missioners, have so far evaded paying hut-tax, and refused to submit 
 themselves to the authority of the Government. The rebel Chief, 
 Mapondera, has upon three occasions successfully eluded punitive expe- 
 ditions sent against him. Captain Gilson, of the British South Africa 
 Police, was successful in coming upon him and a large following of 
 natives, and inflicting heavy losses upon them. His kraal and all his 
 crops were destroyed. He is now reported to be in Portuguese terri- 
 tory. Siji M'Kota, another powerful Chief, living in the northern 
 parts of the M'toko district, bordering on Portuguese territory, has 
 also been successful in evading the payment of hut -tax, and generally 
 pursuing the adoption of an attitude which is not acceptable to the 
 Government. I am pleased to report that a patrol is at present on 
 its way to these parts to deal with this Chief, and to endeavour to 
 obtain his submission. It will be noted that the above remarks relate 
 solely to those natives who reside along the borders of our territories, 
 and whose defiant attitude is materially assisted by reason of this 
 proximity to the Portuguese border, across which they are well able 
 to proceed whenever they consider that any meeting or contact with 
 the Native Commissioner will interfere in any way with their indolent 
 and lazy life. They possess no movable property which might be 
 attached with a view of the recovery of hut-tax unpaid for many 
 years, and travel backwards and forwards with considerable freedom, 
 always placing themselves totally beyond the reach of the Native 
 Commissioner." ■* 
 
 The above is an instance of those "punitive expeditions" to which 
 the authorities are occasionally obliged to resort, as also of the native 
 custom, which is not peculiar to the natives of the Congo, of moving 
 into a neighbouring territory when they are seeking to evade the 
 operation of the law. Whether in the process of collecting native taxes 
 there have been cases in the Congo, amongst those mentioned by the 
 
 ' Reports on the Administration of Rhodesia, 1900-1902, p. 409. 
 * Idem, p. 410. 3 Idem, p. 410. 
 
 '^ Idem, 1900-1902, pp. 145, 146.
 
 6o8 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 Consul, in which the limits of a just and reasonable severity have been 
 overstepped is a question of fact which investigation on the spot can 
 alone ascertain, and instructions to this effect will be given to the 
 authorities at Boma. 
 
 We are also unable to accept, on the information at present before 
 us, the conclusions of the Report in regard to the conduct of the 
 forest guards in the employ of the A. B. I. R. and La Lulonga Com- 
 panies. These subordinate officers are represented by the Consul as 
 being exclusively employed in "compelling by force the collection of 
 india-rubber or the supplies which each factory needed. " ' It is true 
 that another explanation has been given — though not, indeed, by a 
 native — according to which the business of these same forest guards 
 is to see that the india-rubber is harvested after a reasonable fashion, 
 and especially to prevent the natives from cutting the plants.- It is, 
 indeed, well known that the law has made rigorous provision for pre- 
 serving the rubber zones, has regulated the manner in which they are 
 to be worked, and has made planting and replanting obligatory, with a 
 view to avoiding the complete exhaustion of the rubber plant, which 
 has occvured, for instance, in North-Eastem and Western Rhodesia. 3 
 A heavy responsibility in this direction lies on the companies and 
 private persons engaged in developing the country, and it is obvious 
 that they are bound to exercise the most careful superintendence over 
 the way in which the harvest is collected. The object for which these 
 forest guards are employed, therefore, may well be quite different 
 from that alleged by the Consul; in any case, the complaints which 
 have been made on this head will form a subject for inquiry in the 
 Congo, as also the other remark of the Report that the manner in 
 which these forest guards are armed is excessive, and liable to abuse. 
 It is here to be observed that in calculating the number of these forest 
 giiards the Consul is obliged to rely on hypothesis,^ and that he him- 
 self admits "I have no means of ascertaining the number of this 
 class of armed men employed by the A. B. I. R. Company." 5 He 
 mentions that the gun of one of these men was marked on the butt 
 "Depot 2 2IO." But it is evident that such a mark can only have the 
 significance which the Consul would like to see in it in so far as it can 
 be proved that it refers to the numbering of the arms used in the Con- 
 cession, and such is not the case, since this particular mark "Depot" 
 is not used either by the officials of the State or those of the Company, 
 and it would seem that it is an old manufactory or store mark. In 
 regard to the manner of arming the capitas, the Consul can hardly be 
 ignorant that the higher authorities have always given great attention 
 to the matter, which is, indeed, one surrounded with difficulties, 
 
 ' Report, p. 44. ^ Annex III., p. 26. 
 
 3 Reports on the Administration of Rhodesia, 1900-1902, pp. 397, etc. 
 
 4 Report, p. 57. s Idem, p. 42.
 
 Appendix 609 
 
 seeing that while on the one hand it is necessary to consider the ques- 
 tion of the personal protection of the capita, on the other the possi- 
 bility of the arms in question being used for improper purposes must 
 not be lost sight of. It is not only in the Circular of the 20th October, 
 1900, which the Consul has reprinted, that this question is dealt with; 
 there is a whole collection of Circulars on the subject, among which 
 may be mentioned those of the 12th March, 1897, 31st May and 28th 
 November, 1900, and 30th April, 1901. Copies of them are annexed 
 as proof of the fixed determination of the Government to see that the 
 law relating to this question is strictly enforced (Annex V.). Yet, in 
 spite of all these precautions, the Consul has ascertained that several 
 capitas were not provided with permits (perhaps they might have 
 been found at the head office), and that two of them were furnished 
 with arms of precision. ^ But these few infractions of the rule are 
 obviously not enough to prove the existence of a sort of vast armed 
 organisation destined to strike terror into the natives. On the con- 
 trary, the Circular of the 7th September, 1903, printed in Annex VII. 
 of the Consul's Report, is a proof of the care taken by the Government 
 that the regular black troops should always be under the control of 
 European officers. ^ 
 
 Such are the preliminary remarks suggested by Mr. Casement's 
 Report, and we reserve to ourselves the right of dealing with it more 
 in detail as soon as the Government shall be in possession of the 
 results of the inquiry which the local authorities are about to make. 
 It will be observed that the Government, in its desire not to seem to 
 wish to avoid the discussion, has not raised a question in regard to 
 the manner, surely unusual, in which His Britannic Majesty's Consul 
 has acted in a foreign country. It is obviously altogether outside the 
 duties of a Consul to take upon himself, as Mr. Casement has done, 
 to institute inquiries, to summon natives, to submit them to interro- 
 gatories as if duly authorised thereto, and to deliver what may be 
 styled judgments in regard to the guilt of the accused. The reserva- 
 tions called for by this mode of procedure must be all the more formal, 
 as the Consul was thus intervening in matters which only concerned 
 subjects of the Congo State, and which were within the exclusive 
 jurisdiction of the territorial authorities. Mr. Casement, indeed,, 
 made it his business himself to point out how little authorised he was 
 to interfere when on the 4th September, 1903, he wrote to the Gov- 
 ernor-General: "I have no right of representation to your Excellency 
 
 ^ Report, p. 43. 
 
 2 The Circular of the 7th September, 1903, has reference to the 
 " prohibition " to despatch armed soldiers in charge of black non-com- 
 missioned officers, and not, as would appear from the incorrect copy 
 produced by the Consul, to the "instruction." — (Annex VII. of the 
 Report, p. 80.)
 
 6io Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 save where the persons or interests of British subjects dwelling in this 
 country are aflfected." It is thus obvious that he was aware that he 
 was exceeding his duties by investigating facts which concerned only 
 the internal administration, and so, contrary to all laws of Consular 
 jurisdiction, encroaching on the province of the territorial authorities. 
 
 "The grievances of the natives have been made known in this 
 
 country by , who brought over a petition addressed to the King, 
 
 praying for rehef from the excessive taxation and oppressive legisla- 
 tion of which they complain." 
 
 These lines are extracted from the Report for 1903 of the British 
 and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, and the natives referred to are the 
 natives of the Fiji Isles. The Report goes on : 
 
 "The case has been brought before the House of Commons. The 
 grievances include forced labour on the roads, and restrictions which 
 practically amount to slavery; natives have been flogged without 
 trial by magistrate's orders, and are constantly subject to imprison- 
 ment for frivolous causes. Petitions lodged with the local Colonial 
 Secretary have been disregarded. Mr. Chamberlain, in reply to the 
 questions asked in Parliament, threw doubt upon the information 
 received, but stated that the recentl}^ appointed Governor is con- 
 ducting an inquiry into the whole situation in the Fiji Islands, in the 
 course of which the matter will be fully investigated." 
 
 Such are also our conclusions in regard to Mr. Casement's Report. 
 
 Chr. de Cuvelier. 
 
 Brussels, March 12, 1904. 
 
 Memorandi{'m 
 
 Lord Lansdowne's dispatch of the 19th April, 1904, a copy of 
 which was handed to the Congo Government on the 27th April by his 
 Excellency Sir Constantine Phipps, calls for certain remarks. 
 
 With regard to the opinion to which this dispatch takes exception, 
 "that the interests of humanity have been used in this country as a 
 pretext to conceal designs for the abolition of the Congo State," it 
 will be well to remember that a Member of the House of Commons 
 declared that he would prefer "to see the Valley of the Congo pass into 
 the hands of a foreign Power," and that some pamphlets described 
 the "disruption of the Congo Free State," the "partition of the 
 Congo Free State among the Powers," as absolute and immediate 
 necessities, and even went so far as to suggest the bases of such a 
 partition ; while the organs of the English press contemplated one of 
 two alternatives, either that "advocated by the more thorough-going 
 critics of the present Administration, namely, the disruption of the 
 Congo Free State," or "the partition of the Congo territory among 
 the great Powers whose possessions in Africa border those of the 
 Congo Free State," or declared that "what Europe ought to do, under
 
 Appendix 6ii 
 
 the leadership of Great Britain, is summarily to sweep the Congo Free 
 State out of existence." The Congo State Note of the 17th Septem- 
 ber has called attention to these suggestions, of which we merely 
 point out the tenor in this instance, and which all aimed at despoiUng 
 the Sovereign- King, and at dispossessing him of the State which was 
 his own creation — suggestions which are entirely incompatible with 
 respect for rights and treaties, and with the motives of a purely hu- 
 manitarian and philanthropic nature by which the enemies of the 
 State allege themselves to be exclusively animated in the passionate 
 campaign which they are conducting against it. 
 
 In reply to the objections raised by His Majesty's Government 
 against the communication of the entire text of Mr. Casement's Re- 
 port, the Government of the Congo State points out that it has asked 
 for the complete Report precisely with a view to transmitting it to 
 the competent judicial and administrative authorities, without which 
 this communication would be purportless. The anxiety to obtain an 
 impartial inquiry and the rights of the defence render it an imperative 
 necessity that the men accused should be informed, in a precise and 
 fully detailed manner, of the acts laid to their charge; the fear that 
 the persons accused might be able, by means of the knowledge they 
 would have of the details, to influence or suppress evidence, does not 
 appear to be justified by the mere fact that the natives, who, in the 
 Epondo case, had given mendacious information to the Consul, sub- 
 sequently avoided presenting themselves before the Magistrate pre- 
 siding over the inquiry; the flight of these witnesses is explained 
 more naturally by the fact that they were conscious of the grave 
 fault they had committed in wittingly deceiving the English Consul. 
 If the Congo Government be permitted to give an assurance, which it 
 does willingly, that any case of suborning witnesses, or any attempt to 
 do so, would form the subject of a prosecution, it is evidently not 
 within its power to prejudice or quash such legal measures as per- 
 sons who might find themselves wrongfully accused might consider 
 it necessary to take, either in the interests of their honour or their 
 dignity. 
 
 The Government of the Congo State regrets that His Majesty's 
 Government does not deem it necessary to communicate to it the 
 other previous Consular Reports to which Lord Lansdowne's dispatch 
 of the 8th August, 1903, alluded. As was stated in the notes of the 
 12th March last, these reports possessed the interest of having been 
 written at a date anterior to the inception of the present discussion. 
 
 A copy of this Memorandum will be addressed to the Powers to 
 whom copies of Lord Lansdowne's dispatch of the 19th April last 
 was transmitted. 
 
 Administration, Congo Free State, Brussels, 
 May 14, 1904.
 
 6i2 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 FEATURES OF THE LAND SYSTEM IN THE AFRI- 
 CAN COLONIES OF GERMANY, GREAT BRITAIN. 
 FRANCE, AND PORTUGAL 
 
 The foUo^v'ing notes are taken from the Bulletin Ofjiciel of June, 
 1903, reporting to the Sovereign the accounts of the Congo Free State 
 for the nineteenth year of its existence. The apt comparisons and 
 pointed remarks upon the land system of the State are the work of M. 
 le Chevalier de Cuvelier, Secretary of State for the Congo Free State, 
 an official of great executive ability, to whose tremendous energy is 
 due much of the later prosperity and progress which the Congo State 
 enjoys to the chagrin of its detractors. Chevalier de Cuvelier has been 
 engaged twenty years in the work of creating and developing the State. 
 His official utterances have the quality of long experience behind 
 them. 
 
 "During the twenty years that the rule of the State possession of 
 vacant lands has been inscribed in the laws of the Congo State, not 
 one of the Powers Signatory of the Berlin Act has pointed it out as 
 being contrary to that International Act, either at the time of the 
 publication in the Official Bulletin of the regulation of 1885, or on the 
 occasion of any of the public applications made by the State on suc- 
 cessive occasions either in exploiting en regie certain lands of the 
 Domain with the object of assuring to the Treasury indispensable re- 
 sources, or in granting concessions to certain societies for the purpose 
 of carrying out works of general utility and contributing towards the 
 public expenses. 
 
 "It can be said on the contrary that the Powers which, together 
 with the Congo State, are in possession of territory in the zone of com- 
 mercial liberty — France, Germany, Great Britain, Portugal — have 
 followed the same principles, and considered, like it, that the Berlin 
 Act no more excluded the right of property on the part of the State 
 than it excluded that of private individuals. 
 
 "In German East Africa the regulation of ist September, 1891, 
 says: 
 
 " ' Article i. — The Government alone has the right to take posses- 
 sion of vacant lands in the limits of the German sphere of influence in 
 East Africa fixed by the Anglo-German Convention of ist July, 1890, 
 excepting for the length of the coast strip which was formerly part 
 of the Zanzibar sultanate, and in the provinces of Usambara, Nguru, 
 Usegua, Ukami, and the island of Mafia.' 
 
 "By the prior arrangement of 20th November, 1890, between the 
 Imperial Government and the Deutsch Ostafrikanische Gesellschaft, the 
 vacant lands of these latter regions were already fotmd to be assigned
 
 Appendix 613 
 
 to that Company. The produce of the exploitation of the forests 
 throughout these territories, in the terms of Article 4 of the contract 
 of 5th February, 1894, was to be shared in equal halves between the 
 [German] Government and the Company. 
 
 "The [German] regulation of the 26th November, 1895, readmits 
 the principle : 
 
 "'Article i. — Under reserve of the rights of property, or of other 
 real rights that individuals or judicial persons, native chiefs or vil- 
 lages, may advance, as well as rights of occupation by third parties re- 
 sulting from contracts effected with the Imperial Government, all 
 vacant land in German East Africa belongs to the Crown.' 
 
 "The circular of the Imperial Governor von Liebert, dated 29th 
 April, 1900, explains that: 
 
 "'By the transference to the Empire of the sovereignty, all preten- 
 sions to landed property derived from the sovereign rights, real or 
 apparent, of chiefs, sultans, etc., have passed to the Empire. All 
 land which has not been proved to be the private property of an indi- 
 vidual, or of a community, is to be considered as the property of the 
 Crown.' 
 
 "Under the powers of the regulations of 1895, concessions have been 
 granted in the terms taken, for example, from the acts of the con- 
 cession for the Urangi Society (1896) and the Gold Syndicate of 
 Usinja (1899) : 
 
 ' ' ' The Society receives the right to acquire under the prescriptions 
 of the land regulation of 26th November, 1895, a superficies of 100 
 square kilometres, either by contract with the natives, or by taking 
 provisional possession of vacant lands.' 
 
 "In the Cameroons, the south-east portion of which forms part of 
 the zone of liberty of commerce, there exists a regulation of the German 
 Emperor of 15th June, 1896, the first article of which is identical with 
 the first article of the regulation of 26th November, 1895, for German 
 East Africa. 
 
 "The Society of the South Cameroons has obtained there, i6th 
 January, 1899, a charter of concession which grants it the property of 
 the domain lands situated between the 12th degree of West longitude, 
 the 4th degree of North latitude, and the political frontiers of the 
 Cameroons to the South and to the East. 
 
 "In the French Congo, Article 19 of the order of the Government 
 Commissioner General of 26th September, 1891, decrees: 
 
 "'Waste lands and abandoned lands, to the ownership of which 
 no one can legitimately lay claim, will be considered as belonging to the 
 State and will form part of the colonial domain. They can under that 
 head be alienated or conceded in the terms of the 5th and follou-ing 
 articles. Lands considered waste are those which are neither legally 
 occupied nor utilised in reality by any one.'
 
 6i4 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 "Decrees passed in 1899 granted a totality of some forty conces- 
 sions embracing almost the whole of the French territory. 
 
 "In British East Africa, the powers given by the Royal Charter, 
 3d September, 1888, to the Imperial British East Africa Company, 
 whilst Article 16 forbids it to grant any commercial monopoly, confer 
 upon it the right to 'concede all lands for a period or in perpetuity, 
 by right of pledging them or otherwise.' 
 
 "After the British Protectorate was substituted for the Company, 
 the question of vacant lands was regulated in the following manner, 
 in accordance with the terms of the report of Mr. (now Sir) H. H. 
 Johnston, Her Britannic Majesty's Special Commissioner, dated 27th 
 April, 1900: 
 
 " 'The land question may now be considered as partially solved over 
 the greater part of the Uganda Protectorate. Over all the more 
 thickly-inhabited countries the waste or vmoccupied lands belong to 
 Her Majesty the Queen, having been transferred to the Crown, in most 
 cases by agreement with the chiefs, after payment of indemnities ; in 
 some other cases, as in Unyoro, as the result of conquest. . . . By 
 Proclamation it has been forbidden to any foreigner to acquire land 
 from the natives in any part of the Uganda Protectorate without the 
 prior assent of the Uganda Administration. ... A large area 
 of the Kingdom of Uganda is guaranteed to the possession of its native 
 occupants. The rest of the land, including the forests, has now been 
 transferred by agreement to the Crown on behalf of, and in trust for, 
 the administration of the Uganda Protectorate.' 
 
 "Finally the land regime in the Portuguese Colonies, especially in 
 Angola, is regulated by the decree of 9th May, 1901, the first article 
 of which stipulates : 
 
 "'The State domain in the countries beyond the sea are all lands 
 which at the date of the publication of this law do not constitute a 
 private property, acquired according to the terms of Portuguese 
 legislation. ' 
 
 "The Congolese law protects the natives in the enjoyment of the 
 lands that they occupy, and in fact not only are they not disturbed in 
 that enjoyment, but it even extends their cultivation and their planta- 
 tions in proportion with their necessities. Manifold are the measures 
 taken by the Congo State in order to safeguard the natives against all 
 spoliation : 
 
 "'No one has the right to dispossess the natives of the lands which 
 they occupy.' (Order of ist July, 1885, Article 2.) 
 
 "'The lands occupied by native populations under the authority of 
 their chiefs shall continue to be governed by local customs and uses.' 
 (Decree of 14th September, 1886, Article 2.) 
 
 "'AH acts or conventions which would tend to expel the natives 
 from the lands that they occupy, or to deprive them, directly or
 
 Appendix 615 
 
 indirectly, of their liberty, or of their means of existence are forbidden.* 
 (Decree of 14th September, 1886, Article 2.) 
 
 "'When native villages are surrotinded by alienated or leased lands, 
 the natives shall be able, as soon as the official measurement has been 
 effected, to extend their cultivation without the consent of the pro- 
 prietor, or the lessee, over the vacant lands which surround their vil- 
 lages.* (Decree of 9th April, 1893, Article 6.) 
 
 "'The members of the Commission of Lands will specially examine 
 whether the lands asked for should not be reserved either for require- 
 ments of public utility, or in \'iew of permitting the development of 
 native cultivation.' (Decree of 2nd February, 1898, Article 2.) 
 
 "The other Powers have not understood otherwise than the Congo 
 State the obligations which are imposed upon them in this require in 
 favovir of the natives. So the decrees of concessions in the French 
 Congo contain in the loth Article the clause that: 
 
 '"The Society having the concession cannot exercise the rights of 
 enjoyment and exploitation which are accorded to it except outside 
 villages occupied by natives, and the lands reserved to them for pur- 
 poses of cultivation, pasturage, or as forest. The surroundings of 
 these lands shall be fixed by the decisions of the Governor of the 
 Colony, which shall equally determine the lands over which the 
 natives shall preserve the rights of hunting and fishing.' 
 
 "In German East Africa, the regulation of the 27th November, 
 1895, Article 2, stipulates: 
 
 '"Article 2. — If on fixed lands, chiefs, villages, or other native com- 
 munities assert rights based upon a pretended sovereignty, or if these 
 rights belong to them, it will be necessary to take them into account 
 so far as possible, and to endeavour before anything to arrive at a 
 friendly arrangement in virtue of which the territory necessary for 
 the existence of the community shall be reserved, and the remainder 
 placed at the disposal of the Government. 
 
 "'If this arrangement is not brought about, the Governor decides.' 
 
 "Commenting upon this arrangement, the circular of 29th April, 
 1900, of the Imperial Governor von Liebert [Germany] gives the 
 following instructions : 
 
 "'In principle there should only be left to the natives the lands of 
 which they have absolute need for their system of exchange, and for 
 the existence of their village communities. Nevertheless, in order not 
 to give rise to political complications, care will be taken provisionally, 
 in the practical execution of this rule, not to show too much rigour, 
 and especially is it recommended not to extend the taking possession 
 of property without an owner except in regions which are under a 
 strong administration.' 
 
 "The Portuguese decree of 9th May, 1901, says: 
 
 " 'Article 2. — The right of natives to lands habitually cultivated by
 
 6i6 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 them, which are comprised in the sphere of the concessions, is recog- 
 nised; a certain extent of land shall be reserved for the habitation and 
 the agricultural work of those residing there.' " 
 
 CONCESSIONAIRES, PRIVATE FIRMS, AND COMMER- 
 CIAL TRADING COMPANIES IN THE 
 CONGO FREE STATE 
 
 There are at present over four htmdred commercial establishments 
 canyrng on trade in the Belgian Congo, among which are the following: 
 
 Societe Anonyme Beige pour le Commerce du Haut-Congo, 31 
 establishments; Abir, 28; Nieuwe Afrikaansche Handels Vennoot- 
 schap, 28; Societe Anversoise du Commerce au Congo, 22; Comite 
 Special du Katanga, 21 ; Hatton & Cookson [Liverpool], 16; Comptoir 
 Commercial Congolais, 13; Valle & Azevedo, 12; Magasins Gener- 
 aux, 12; Compagnie du Congo Portugais, 10; Compagnie du Lomami, 
 9; Freitas & Barreira, 9; Produits Vegetaux du Haut-Kasai, 8; 
 Plantations de la Lukula, 7 ; Credit Commercial Congolais, 7 ; L'Enter- 
 prise Africaine, 7 ; Societe Isangi, 7 ; La Helgika, 6; Shanu, 6; L'Equa- 
 toriale Congolaise, 5; La Congolia, 4; La Loanje, 4; Produits du 
 Mayumbe, 4; La Lulonga, 4; Comptoirs Congolais Velde, 4; Les 
 Produits du Congo, 4 ; Samuel, 4; Shanusi Agbabiaka, 4; Les Planta- 
 tions Lacourt, 3 ; Societe Forestiere et Commerciale du Haut-Congo, 
 3 ; Plantations du Lubefu, 3 ; Ferreira Viegas, 3 ; La Djuma, 3 ; Syn- 
 dicat Commercial et Agricole du Maytmibe, 3 ; Mouture et Panification, 
 2; Ikelemba, 2; Societe d Agriculture et de Plantations au Congo, 2; 
 Compagnie Agricole du Mayumbe, 2; Ferreira Freres, 2; Traffic Con- 
 golais, 2; Societe Africa, 2; Societe Test du Kwango, 2; Dana Ber- 
 nabe, 2 ; Carrico Freres, 2 ; Ribiero, 2 ; Ferreira & Figueiredo, 2 ; 
 Vicoso & Martins, 2 ; A. N. Figueiredo, 2 ; Plantations Coloniales la 
 Luki, I ; Compagnie Sucriere Europeene et Coloniale, i ; La Mayum- 
 bienne, i; L'Urselia, i; La Kassaienne, i; Citas, i; Compagnie Fran- 
 faise du Haut-Congo, i ; Compagnie Brvixelloise pour le Commerce du 
 Haut-Congo, i ; La Centrale Africaine, i ; Harms & Marcus, i ; D'Hey- 
 gere, i ; Lemos et Irmoo, i ; Compagnie Franco-Beige, i ; Rocha 
 Santos et Cie., i; Agme, i; Docteur Villa, i; Messageries Fluviales, 
 I ; Folgosa, i ; Joao da Fonseca, i ; Rebello Ltiiz, i ; Felgueiras, i ; 
 Branca da Giovanni, i ; Gomez, i ; Nogueira, i ; Shanu, i ; Sabai 
 Smith, I ; Thomas, i ; Disu Aremu, i ; Smithe, i ; Adiolo Balawao, 
 I ; John Andrew, i ; Mana, i ; Somano Fayamo, i ; Radji Ibadan, i ; 
 Davidson Williams, i ; Macole, i ; Georges Southey, i ; Lania, i ; 
 Abondu Ramano, i ; Mamadu Adejene, i ; Moses Williams, i ; John
 
 Appendix 
 
 617 
 
 Sani, I ; J. W. Da\'is, i ; John David, i ; John Uriah, i ; Toki, i ; 
 Adekule, i; Mabadu Vango, i; N'chiama Lello, i; Choko Malo, i ; 
 Mafonda N'Baka, i; Simpson, i; Sacra Mancoga, i; Latete Bako, 
 I ; Peto N'Foa, i ; Malenda Longo, i ; Chioma Motindoungou, i ; Sacra 
 Shimbanda, i; Hall Chamberlain, i. 
 
 PRINCIPAL CONGO OFFICIALS IN BRUSSELS, 
 CENTRAL ADMINISTRATION 
 
 Ministers of State: 
 Treasurer-General: 
 Secretaries-General : 
 
 Directors: 
 
 Chief of Division: 
 
 Baron van Eetvelde, Chevalier Descamps. 
 
 M. H. POCHEZ. 
 
 M. le Chevalier A. de Cuvelier, Department of 
 Foreign Affairs and Justice; M. H. Droogmans, 
 Department of Finances; Commandant C. H. 
 LiEBRECHTS, Department of the Interior. 
 
 M. A. Baerts, Chef de Cabinet; M. N. Arnold, 
 Auditor; M. Ed. Kervyn, Director of the De- 
 partment of Foreign Affairs; M. de Keuzer, 
 Director of the Department of Finances; Le 
 Major Lombard, and Commandant F. Lebrun, 
 Directors of the Department of the Interior. 
 
 M. G. Olyff, Chief of Division of the Department 
 of Foreign Affairs. 
 
 OFFICIALS OF THE LOCAL ADMINISTRATION OF 
 THE CONGO FREE STATE 
 
 Governor-General: 
 Vice-Governors-General: 
 Secretary-General: 
 Directors: 
 
 Court of Appeal: 
 
 Court of First Instance: 
 Prosecuting Attorney: 
 Magistrates {Territorial 
 
 General Baron Wahis. 
 
 FucHS, Wangermee, Costermans. 
 
 Van Damme. 
 
 Of Justice: A. Gohr. 
 
 Of Finance: Delhaye. 
 
 Of Agriculture: Brohee. 
 
 Of Public Works: Itten. 
 
 President, Interior Administration : Baron G. 
 
 Nisco. 
 Judges: Horstmans, A. Gohr. 
 Judge: T. Beeckman. 
 F. Waleffe. 
 Judges and Substitutes): See Chapter XXII.
 
 6i8 Story of the Congo Free State 
 
 Public Force: Commander-in-Chief: Major Warnant. 
 
 Chief of the District of Boma, Costermans. 
 
 Banana, Dr. Casse. 
 
 Matadi, Derache. 
 
 The Cataracts, Delhaye. 
 
 Stanley Pool, Mahieu. 
 
 Lake Leopold IL, Storms. 
 
 The Equateur, Stevens. 
 
 The Bangalas, Gerard. 
 
 The Ubanghi, Bertrand, 
 
 The Uelle, Wacquez. 
 
 Chief of the Zone: Rubi Uelle, Pourbaix. 
 
 Uere Bomu, Holm. 
 
 Bomokandi, Sarolea. 
 
 Gurba Dungu, Samaes. 
 
 Enclave of Lado, Seresche. 
 
 Chief of the District of the Aruwimi, Pimpurniaux. 
 
 Lualaba, Chexot. 
 
 Kwango, Duvivier. 
 
 Oriental Prov., De Meulemeester, 
 
 Chief of the Zone of Haut-Ituri, Exgh. 
 
 Ponthierville, Cordella. 
 
 Manyema, Verdick. 
 
 Stanley Falls, Federspiel. 
 
 Ruzizi-Kivu, Tombeur. 
 
 THE BELGIAN MINISTER TO THE UNITED STATES 
 
 Baron Ludovic Moncheur, Belgian Legation, Washington, D. C. 
 
 Baron Moncheur graduated at the University of Louvain (Belgium) 
 in philosophy, letters, and law, with the highest honours. He en- 
 tered the diplomatic service of Belgium at the age of twenty-five, 
 and was successively Attache to the Belgian Legation at The Hague 
 in 1883; Second Secretary, Belgian Legation at Vienna, 1885; First 
 Secretary, Belgian Legation at Berlin, 1887; Counsellor of the Belgian 
 Legation at Rome, 1892; Charge d 'Affaires at Luxembourg, 1897; 
 Minister Resident of Belgium to Mexico, 1898; Envoy Extraordinary 
 and Minister Plenipotentiary of Belgium to the United States, 1901. 
 He is a member of the Geographical Society of Antwerp, and author 
 of La Terre chaude Mexicaine and Front Tampico to the Pacific. 
 
 The Baroness Moncheur is a daughter of the Hon. Powell Clayton, 
 United States Minister to Mexico.
 
 INDEX 
 
 A. B. I. R., 608 
 
 Aborigines' Protection Society, 
 369, 374; damaging estimate 
 of its work and methods, note, 
 376 et seq., 451 et seq., 456, 478 
 
 Africa, formerly called the "Dark 
 Continent," 2; its value un- 
 recognised, ibid.; diamonds in, 
 ibid.; its climate once thought 
 to be fatal to Europeans, ibid.; 
 portioned by Europe in eight- 
 eenth century to facilitate 
 slave trade, 129 
 
 Africa, Central, slavery in, 5 ; 
 creation of International As- 
 sociation for its exploration 
 and ciNdlisation, 12; its health- 
 fulness insisted upon by Liv- 
 ingstone and Stanley, 1 7 ; large 
 sections claimed by England, 
 France, Portugal, and Ger- 
 many, ibid.; review of, 64 et 
 seq.; nomadic habits of its 
 people, 223; their superstition, 
 tbia.; its consequences, 224; the 
 iron horse in, 252; its real 
 curse, 289 
 
 African Exploration Fund, 29; 
 London Geographical Society 
 contributes ^(^250, t6jd.; Belgian 
 Committee collects 500,000 
 francs, ibid. 
 
 African explorers, Gladstone's 
 opinion of, 4 
 
 Albert Edward, Lake, 56, 208 
 
 Albert Nyanza, Lake, 52, 56 
 
 Albert ville, 58 
 
 Alcohol, in Congo Free State, 138; 
 its prohibition, 273; in Lagos, 
 note, 289, 311 
 
 Alvensleben, Count Von, 136; 
 speech at second Brussels Con- 
 ference, 143 
 
 American Baptist Missionary 
 Union, 299, 300; fifteen grants 
 of land to, 387 
 
 American Congo Mission, two 
 grants of land to, 387 
 
 American Indians, Wheaton on 
 their political status, 71 
 
 American Secretary of State (Mr. 
 Fish) on political status of 
 savages, 72 
 
 Amity, Commerce, and Naviga- 
 tion, treaty of, 553 et seq.; its 
 ratification by United States, 
 
 559 
 Anglo- Portuguese Convention, 
 
 21 ; it is quashed, ibid. 
 Anti-slavery meeting at Cologne, 
 
 131 
 Anti-Slavery Society, of Belgium, 
 founded by Cardinal La\'igerie, 
 
 91 
 
 Arab slave-traders, 5 
 
 Armstrong, Rev. W. D. See 
 Epondo. 
 
 Amot, Mr. Frederick Stanley, on 
 native punishments, 426 
 
 Amtz, Prof. Egide, 105 ; argument 
 by, 516 
 
 Aruwimi, 52, 179 
 
 Ascenso, Signor, Italian phy- 
 sician, remarks on Congo Free 
 State, 428 c< seq. 
 
 Askaris, a Congolese tribe em- 
 ployed by Stanley as carriers, 
 
 39 
 Atrocities, Congo, 578, 595 et seq. 
 Austria-Hungary, 68 
 Avakubi, 219, 220, 221 
 Azandes, 158 
 
 B 
 
 Bacon on progress of States, 18 
 Bacteriological Institute, 268 
 Bahr-Djur, 213 
 
 619
 
 620 
 
 Index 
 
 Bahr-el-Ghazal, France objects to 
 Great Britain leasing it to 
 Congo Free State, 208, 210; 
 British scheme to break lease, 
 210, 211, 213; vast mineral 
 wealth discovered there, 214 
 
 Baker, Sir Samuel, employed by 
 Khedive of Egypt, 4; dis- 
 covers Lake Albert, ibid. 
 
 Bakumu, cannibal tribe, 46; 
 Stanley's encounters with, ibid. 
 
 Balolo, the "men of iron," 46 
 
 Bangala, 74 
 
 Bankes, Mr. J. Eldon, K. C, 
 
 341. 
 
 Banning, M. Emile, 136 
 
 Bantu race, 309 
 
 Banzyville, 53 
 
 Baoilis, 153 
 
 Baptist Missionary Society of 
 London, 299, 300 
 
 Baraka, 59 
 
 Barbour, Rev. Thomas S., pre- 
 sents memorial to Congress, 
 387 et seq., 396 
 
 Baron A. Descamps. See Des- 
 camps, Baron A. 
 
 Baron de Courcel. See Courcel. 
 
 Baron Dhanis. See Dhanis. 
 
 Baron Gericke d'Hera'ijen. See 
 D'Herwijen. 
 
 Baron Lambermont. See Lam- 
 bermont. Baron. 
 
 Baron Nisco. See Nisco, Baron. 
 
 Baron Van Eetvelde. See Eet- 
 velde. Baron Van. 
 
 Batetelas, 52; their grievance, 
 216, 218, 220, 221, 222; their 
 revolt crushed, 222 
 
 Baudouinville, 58, 59 
 
 Beemaert, M., Belgian Minister 
 of Finance, speech b3^ 97 
 
 Belgian and French boundary, 
 46 
 
 Belgian Anti-Slavery Society, 
 raises volunteer corps to pro- 
 tect individual liberty, 200; 
 despatches three missionary ex- 
 peditions to Congo, ibid. 
 
 Belgian Society of the Upper 
 Congo, 178 
 
 Belgique, La, twin-screw steamer 
 employed by Stanley, 39 
 
 Bena Kalunga, 194 
 
 Benedetti, M. Antoine, 373; ap- 
 pointed chief commissary of 
 
 Congo State, 376; pretends he 
 is opposed to Congo Govern- 
 ment, 377 
 
 Bergamoyo, ^^ 
 
 Berlin Conference, 23, 26, 94, 308, 
 309 ; the General Act of, its fvill 
 text, 530 ei 5^17. 
 
 Bernard, Montague, on de jure 
 and de facto governments, 69 
 
 Besche, De, 218 
 
 Bia, Lieutenant, 47 
 
 Big^vood, Mr., 353 
 
 Bird, Strode & Bird, Messrs., 
 solicitors, 341 
 
 Bishop Taylor Self-Supporting 
 Mission, 300; seven grants of 
 land to, 387 
 
 Bismarck, Prince, convenes In- 
 ternational Conference at Ber- 
 lin to regulate "African Ques- 
 tion," 23; speech, ibid.; speech, 
 26; speech at close of Berlin 
 Conference, 94 
 
 Black and White comments upon 
 Lord Lansdowne's dispatch of 
 August 8, 1903, 459 
 
 Blood-brotherhood, 160 
 
 Blue Mountains, 52, 53 
 
 Bluntschli, M., on the rights of 
 new States, 527 
 
 Bokala, 50 
 
 Boma, a native fort, 187, 188, 
 note; description of, by Dr. 
 Hinde, 191 
 
 Bosco, M. Gennaro, public prose- 
 cutor. See Epondo. 
 
 Bosoko, 179 
 
 Boston Peace Conference, 389 
 
 Boula Matari, native name for 
 Stanley, 235 
 
 Boulger, Mr. Demetrius C, 165, 
 note, 188 
 
 Bouree, M., 136 
 
 Bourne, Mr. Fox, Secretary Abor- 
 igines' Protection Society, 372, 
 373. 386 
 
 Bowara, 54 
 
 Brabant, Duke of {see Leopold 
 II.), 4, 65 
 
 Brassem, Lieut , 47 
 
 Brazza, De, 262 
 
 Britain, Great, recognises Portu- 
 gal's claims to Congo River, 
 20; declines to aid Stanley, 65; 
 appeals to King Leopold to 
 call conference at Brussels to
 
 Index 
 
 621 
 
 Britain — Continued 
 
 concert measures for suppres- 
 sion of slavery on East Coast 
 of Africa, 132; land system 
 of its African colonies, 612 et 
 seq. 
 
 British and Foreign Anti-Slavery 
 Society, 610 
 
 British Baptist Society Corpora- 
 tion, fifteen grants of land to, 
 
 387 
 
 British colonies, crown lands in, 
 329; system of government at- 
 tacked, 589 
 
 British expedition to Congo, 43 
 
 Brussels, International Confer- 
 ence of Geographers (1876) at, 
 7, 134; Brussels Second Con- 
 ference (1889-90), declaration 
 of General Act of, 552 et seq.; 
 ratification by United States, 
 SS9 et seq. 
 
 Bruyn, De, 181, 183 
 
 Bryon, M., 34 
 
 Bull, John, paints the map red, 
 19; some of his traits, 366 et 
 seq.; his missionaries at work 
 for his merchants, 3 88 
 
 Burdo, M., 36 
 
 Burrows, Captain Guy, is charged 
 by Belgian officers with libel, 340 
 et seq.; claims to have silenced 
 Captain Salusbury, 348; is an- 
 nounced to contribute series of 
 articles on Congo Free State to 
 Wide World Magazine, 351; 
 agrees with R. A. Everett & 
 Co. as to publication of book 
 about Congo, ibid.; his agree- 
 ment with Mr. John George 
 Leigh, 353 
 
 Burton, Sir Richard, discovers 
 Lake Tanganyika, 4, 58 
 
 Busira-Momboya River, 335 
 
 Cambier, Lieut., 32; assumes 
 command of Belgian expedi- 
 tion, 33; reaches Mirambo's 
 territory, ibid.; becomes 
 "blood-brother" of Mirambo, 
 ibid.; founds station on Lake 
 Tanganyika, 34; learns of death 
 of Wautier, ibid.; hands over 
 
 command to Captain Ram- 
 aeckers, 36, 253, 256 
 
 Cameron, Commander Lovett, on 
 native punishments, 425 
 
 Campbell, Mr. John, M.P., de- 
 rides anti-Congo agitation, 370 
 
 Canada, British, concessions in, 
 328 
 
 Canisius, M., 349 
 
 Cannibalism, 161; State circular 
 on repression of, 566 et seq. 
 
 Caoutchouc. See Rubber. 
 
 Cape-to-Cairo Railway, 208 
 
 Cardinal Lavigerie, 90 
 
 Carl34e, Thomas, his philosophy. 
 
 Carriers, their insubordination, 34 
 
 Casement, Mr. Roger, his Brit- 
 annic Majesty's consul, 175, 
 234; Congo Government's reply 
 to his report refused publica- 
 tion by London editors, 369; 
 suppression of parts of his re- 
 port favourable to Congo Free 
 State, 371, 465, 475 et seq., 477; 
 notes by Congo Administration 
 on his report, sgi et seq. 
 
 Cassart, Lieut., 185 
 
 Cataracts of Mokoangi, 54 
 
 Cataracts Railway, 252; cost of 
 travelling upon, 255 
 
 Cataracts of Zongo, 54 
 
 Catholic Herald, 371 et seq. 
 
 Cattle, 269 
 
 Central Africa. See Africa, Cen- 
 tral. 
 
 Chaltin, Commandant, 190; 
 strikes sev^ere blow at Der- 
 vishes, 201, 219; his action for 
 libel against Captain Guy Bur- 
 rows, 340 et seq. 
 
 Charing Cross Hospital, London, 
 267 
 
 Chieftaincies, native, 239 
 
 Chige, battle at, 182, 183 
 
 Chimay, Prince de, 135 
 
 Christian and Missionary Alliance, 
 300 
 
 Christy, Dr., English physician, 
 remarks on Congo Free State, 
 430 et seq. 
 
 Chronique, 461 
 
 Cicatrisation, 156 
 
 Cinnamon, 268 
 
 Clarke, Sir Edward, K. C, 341; 
 his speech in case against Cap-
 
 622 
 
 Index 
 
 Clarke, Sir Edward — Continued 
 tain Guy Burrows and Messrs. 
 R. A. Everett & Co., 342 et 
 seq., 363. 364 
 
 Cloves, 269 
 
 Coal, discovery of, 291 
 
 Cocoa, 268; State reward for na- 
 tive cultivation of, 269 
 
 Coffee, 53, 268; State reward for 
 native cultivation of, 269 
 
 Cologne, anti-slavery meeting at, 
 
 131 
 Colonel Strauch. See Strauch. 
 
 Comite d' Etudes du Haut-Congo 
 formed at Brussels, 29; its 
 name changed to International 
 Association of the Congo, 39; 
 Stanley enters its service, ibid. 
 
 Commerce, Chamber of, of Man- 
 chester (England), correspond- 
 ence with British Secretary for 
 Foreign Affairs re Upper Congo, 
 S2g et seq. 
 
 Commerce, Chamber of, of State 
 of New York, resolution of, 528 
 et seq. 
 
 Concessionary companies, 116; 
 their contracts with the State 
 and their operations, ^22 et seq. 
 
 Congo Bololo Mission, 299; seven 
 grants of land to, 387 
 
 Congo, Conventional Basin of 
 the, its limits, 206 
 
 Congo Free State, its evolution, 
 2 ; conceived by King of the 
 Belgians and Stanley, 22; its 
 flag, 26; extent, 44; boiindary 
 with North-eastern Rhodesia, 
 47 ; its natural wealth, 5 1 ; 
 early legislation in, 66; a prop- 
 erly organised government pre- 
 vious to General Act of Berlin 
 Congress, 67; recognised as 
 such by Powers previous to 
 that Act, ibid.; declaration 
 concerning, by General San- 
 ford, 79; recognised as a 
 friendly government by Amer- 
 ican Secretary of State Freling- 
 huysen, 80 ; makes treaties with 
 United States iii 1884 and 
 1885, 92; freedom of trade es- 
 tablished in, by General Act of 
 Berlin Conference, ibid.; treat- 
 ies with varioiis powers, 93; 
 attacked by Sir Charles Dilke 
 
 in British Parliament, 96; de- 
 velops land, 115; concessionaire 
 companies in, 116; alcohol in, 
 138; import duties, 140; cost 
 of founding the State, 145; 
 bequeathed by Sovereign to 
 Belgiuin, 149; population, 151; 
 origin of races, 152 et seq.; 
 Public Force, 164; prohibits 
 trade in firearms, gunpowder, 
 and other explosives, 200; 
 regulates contracts of service, 
 ibid.; creates voltmteer corps 
 to protect individual Uberty, 
 ibid.; delimitation of its terri- 
 tory, 206; its enemies, 223; 
 displacement of population, 
 225; internal administration, 
 228; nationality of its servants, 
 230; Department of Justice, 23 1, 
 intrigues against, 235 ; its means 
 of communication with Eu- 
 rope, 249; scientific stations in, 
 264; climate, 265; influx of 
 Europeans and Americans, 
 ibid.; trade and revenue, 277; 
 receives from King Leopold 
 annual subsidy of 1,000,000 
 francs, 278; exports and im- 
 ports, 280-286; Herr Eberhard 
 Von Schkopp on trade of, 287; 
 declining trade with England, 
 290; discoveries of gold, coal, 
 and copper in, 291; revenue, 
 292; expenditure, 294 et seq.; 
 monetary system, ibid.; mis- 
 sions in, 299; schools, 301; 
 origin of land system, 313; 
 unappropriated lands declared 
 property of, 314; dealings with 
 foreign sqiiatters upon lands in 
 Congo Basin, 316; adopts Tor- 
 rens Act system of transferring 
 land titles, 317; appoints Land 
 Commission, 318; authorises 
 natives to work mines on 
 own account, 319; recognises 
 certain local customs as valid, 
 320; its various land tenures, 
 322 ; traders' alleged grievances 
 against, 330 et seq.; domain of 
 the crown, its extent, 335 et 
 seq.; its forests finest in the 
 world, 336; its mining laws, 
 ibid, et seq.; campaign against, 
 begun in America, 387 ; its
 
 Index 
 
 62 
 
 Congo Free State — Continued 
 value generally recognised, 447 ; 
 replies to Lord Lansdowne's 
 dispatch of August 8, 1903, 
 458 ; reception of reply by 
 British press, 460; instructions 
 respecting officials and natives, 
 569; text of reply to British 
 dispatch of August 8, 1903, 577 
 et seq.; official correspondence 
 with Great Britain, 590; notes 
 on Mr. Casement's report, 591 
 et seq.; concessionaires, private 
 firms, and trading companies 
 therein, 616 et seq.; principal 
 officials in Brussels, 617; prin- 
 cipal local officials, ibid. 
 
 Congo, Lower, 201; charted by 
 buoys, 250, 252 
 
 Congo, Middle, 46, 201 
 
 Congo Question, 3 
 
 Congo Reform Association (of 
 Liverpool), its specious argu- 
 ments, 315; letter to, from 
 editor of Catholic Herald, note, 
 371, 374, 452; establishes its 
 American headquarters at Bos- 
 ton, 467 
 
 Congo Reform Association, Sec- 
 retary of, 372; enters into 
 correspondence with Mr. Bene- 
 detti, and requests interna ew 
 with him, 378, 379; intro- 
 duces Mr. Benedetti to Mr. John 
 Holt, 380; his agreement with 
 Mr. Benedetti, 381 et seq.; re- 
 ceives letter from Mr. Bene- 
 detti, 383, 384, 386; presents 
 memorial to President Roose- 
 velt, asking for American in- 
 tervention in affairs of Congo 
 Free State, 388; abuses King 
 Leopold at Boston Peace Con- 
 gress, 395; is estimated by 
 Major James Harrison, 409 et 
 seq.; publishes book attacking 
 government of French Congo, 
 447 et seq.; ceases hostility to 
 French Congo, ibid.; the Congo 
 coroner, 468; specimen of his 
 vituperative fanfaronade, 470 
 et seq. 
 
 Congo River, its source, 45; dis- 
 covered by Lixdngstone, ibid.; 
 its harbours and shipping, 250; 
 Sir Travers Tmss on free navi- 
 
 gation of, 502; navigation of, 
 as provided for in General Act 
 of Berlin Conference, 536 et 
 seq. 
 
 Congo, Upper, 44, 187; slavery 
 finally extinguished on, 201, 
 252 
 
 Copal, 272 
 
 Copper, discovery of, 291 
 
 Coquilhat, Captain, 165 
 
 Carrier c Toscano, 463 
 
 Coimt Van der Straeten Ponthoz. 
 See Ponthoz. 
 
 Courcel, Baron de, speech at In- 
 ternational Conference, Berlin, 
 27 
 
 Cranbome, Viscount. See Salis- 
 bury, Marquess of. 
 
 Crespel, Captain, commands first 
 Belgian expedition, 32; arrives 
 at Zanzibar, ibid.; his death, 
 ibid. 
 
 Crispe, Mr., K. C, 341, 357 
 
 Cromer, Lord, reports upon mi- 
 gratory habit of Soudan popu- 
 lation, 226; 454 
 
 Crystal Mountains, 47 
 
 Curse of Central Africa, The, title 
 of book by Captain Guy Bur- 
 rows, 353 
 
 Curzon, Viscount, Viceroy and 
 Governor-General of India, his 
 opinion of the Congo Free State 
 Government, 422 
 
 Cuvelier, Chevalier de. Secretary 
 of State of Congo Free State, 
 293 
 
 Daily Chronicle, letter to, from 
 
 Sir Harry Johnston, 401 et seq. 
 
 Daily News, 369, 371, 372, 373, 
 
 374 
 
 Daily Telegraph (London), Stan- 
 ley's letters to, 38 
 
 D'Arenberg, Prince F., 453 
 
 Davis, Mr. Alexander, his opinion 
 of the Congo Free State Gov- 
 ernment, extracted from his 
 book. The Native Problem in 
 South Africa, 418 et seq. 
 
 Defence of Congo Free State, 577 
 et seq. 
 
 Dekere, 54
 
 624 
 
 Index 
 
 De Kcyser, Captain Henri Joseph 
 Leon, his action for libel against 
 Captain Guy Burrows, 340 et 
 seq.; is awarded £500 damages 
 and costs, 363 
 
 Delcommune, Lieut., 47, 55, 184, 
 
 185 
 
 Delecourt, Lieut., 220 
 
 Derscheid, Lieut., 47 
 
 Descamps, Baron A., his work en- 
 titled New Africa, 74; exposi- 
 tion of international law, 81; 
 on Government Civilisation in 
 New Countries, no; 257, 293; 
 exposition of early Congolese 
 policy, 309; analysis of theory 
 of State ownership of vacant 
 lands, 315 
 
 Dhanis, Lieut, (afterwards Bar- 
 on), 179, 180, 181, 182, 183, 
 184, 185, 186, 187, note 188, 
 189, 190, 191, 192, 193, 194; 
 his final report on Arab cam- 
 paign, 195; 219, 220, 221, 222 
 
 D'Herwijnen, Baron Gericke, 141 
 
 Diego Cam, discoverer of the 
 Congo, 42 
 
 Dilke, Sir Charles, attacks Congo 
 Free State in British Parlia- 
 ment, 96, 370, 447, 455 
 
 Dirfi, 220 
 
 Doorme, Lieut., 187 
 
 Doumergue, M. Gaston (French 
 Colonial Minister), decree con- 
 solidating legislation for French 
 West Africa, 338 ei seq. 
 
 Droeven, 218 
 
 Dubreucq, Commandant, his ac- 
 tion for libel against Captain 
 Guy Burrows, 340 et seq. 
 
 Duchesne, Lieut., 182 
 
 Dufile, railroad to Redjaf, 256 
 
 Dufoumy, A., President of the 
 Federation for the Defence of 
 Belgian Interests Abroad, 395 
 
 Dupont, Professor, assistant at 
 Court of Inquiry, 476 
 
 Dutalis, Lieut., 35 
 
 Dutrieux, Dr., 33 
 
 E 
 
 Edward, King of England, visits 
 
 Paris, 448 
 Eetvelde, Baron Van, 136; report 
 
 on conscription, 168; report on 
 
 civilisation of native races, 202; 
 reviews complete work of Congo 
 Free State, 203 
 
 Egypt, Khedive of, employs Sir 
 Samuel Baker, 4; is coerced 
 by Europe to suppress slave- 
 trading on the Upper Nile, 6; 
 employs Sir Samuel Baker and 
 General Gordon to govern the 
 Soudan, ibid. 
 
 Ekongo, King of, 42; his conver- 
 sion to Christianity, ibid.; old 
 kingdom of, 43 
 
 Elephants, Indian, experiment 
 with, 35; abundant in Kivu 
 forest, 57, 272 
 
 Emin Pasha, 53, 60, 188 
 
 Employees, dismissed, misrepre- 
 sentations by, 580 
 
 En Avant, steamer employed by 
 Stanley, 39 
 
 England, claims large sections of 
 Africa, 17; decreasing trade 
 with Congo Free State, 290; 
 its cause, ibid. 
 
 Epondo case, 595 ^^ seq. 
 
 Equateurville, 46, 50 
 
 Etienne, M. Eugene, dissertation 
 on the French Congo and 
 Congo Free State, 324 et seq. 
 
 Etoile Beige, 346, 355 
 
 Evening Transcript, 463 et seq. 
 
 Everett, Messrs. R. A. & Co., 
 London publishers, legal action 
 against for libel, 340 et seq.; 
 letter from, to Secretary of 
 State of Congo Free State, 351 
 et seq. 
 
 Expedition, British, to Congo, 43 
 
 Exports from Congo Free State, 
 1903 (statistics of), 280; value 
 of, ibid.; comparison with pre- 
 vious years, 281 
 
 Fashoda, 212, 213 
 Favereau, Baron de, 478 
 Federation for the Defence of 
 
 Belgian Interests Abroad, 389; 
 
 address to President Roosevelt, 
 
 390, 479 
 
 Fetish doctor, 223, 224, 225 
 
 Fiji Islands, 610 
 f Force Publique, 216 
 
 Foreign Christian Missionary So- 
 ciety, 300
 
 Index 
 
 625 
 
 Forfeit, Mr. William, remarks on 
 Congo Free State, 427 ei seq. 
 
 Flanders, Count of, becomes 
 President of National Commit- 
 tee of International Association 
 for the Exploration and Civil- 
 isation of Central Africa, 13 
 
 France, war with Germany, 4; 
 claims large sections of Africa, 
 1 7 ; sets up her flag at Brazza- 
 ville, 19; denounces Anglo- 
 Portuguese Convention, 21; 
 recognises International Asso- 
 ciation as a friendly Govern- 
 ment, 22; land system of its 
 African colonies, 612 et seq. 
 
 Franciscans, 301 
 
 Francqui, Lieut., 47, 59, 184 
 
 Fraud, A gross, 157 
 
 Frelinghuysen, F. F., American 
 Secretary of State, recognises 
 Congo Free State as a friendly 
 Government, 80 
 
 French and Belgian boundary, 46 
 
 French Sheldon, Mrs., on atroci- 
 ties in Congo Free State, 445 
 
 Frere, Sir Bartle, becomes Gov- 
 ernor of the Cape, 12 ; letter to, 
 from Mr. H. Nixon, on baneftd 
 influence of Aborigines' Pro- 
 tection Society, 377 
 
 Fuchs, M., reports on Public 
 Force, 170; suggests (in his 
 capacity of Vice - Governor- 
 General) plan to control migra- 
 tion of natives, 226; report of 
 July, 1904, 229; report on 
 routes for motor cars, 263 
 
 Gandu, 181, 217, 218 
 Garenganze Evangelical Mission, 
 
 300 
 General Anzeiger, 461 
 Germaine, Mr., K. C, 341 
 Germany, war with France, 4; 
 claims large sections of Africa, 
 17; wants part of East Africa, 
 19; denounces Anglo- Portu- 
 guese Convention, 21; recog- 
 nises International Association 
 as a friendly Government, 22; 
 invites Powers to confer in 
 Berlin, ibid.; land system of 
 its African colonies, 612 et seq. 
 
 Ghent, Sisters of Charity, 301 
 
 Gibbons, Cardinal, 438; letter to 
 Secretary Congo Reform Asso- 
 ciation, 439 et seq. 
 
 Gibbons, Major H. H., opinion of 
 Congo State, 583 
 
 Gillain, Commandant, 187, 194, 
 217, 218 
 
 Ginger, 268 
 
 Gladstone, his opinion of African 
 explorers, 4 
 
 Globe, The, letter from Lord 
 Mountmorres to, 441 et seq. 
 
 Gois Kapopa, 184 
 
 Gold, discovery of, 291 
 
 Goldsmid, Sir Frederic, his report 
 on Portuguese claims, 21 
 
 Gongo Lutete. See Lutete. 
 
 Gongo MachofEe, 219 
 
 Goodwill, English Baptist mission 
 steamer, 300 
 
 Gordon, General, is employed by 
 Khedive of Egypt to govern 
 Soudan, 6; appointed by King 
 Leopold to chief command on 
 the Congo, 41 ; British Govern- 
 ment claim his ser\'ices, ibid. 
 
 Gortchakoff, Prince, 68 
 
 Grant discovers sources of the 
 Nile and Lake Victoria, 4 
 
 Granville, Lord, 20 ; on develop- 
 ment of trade in Central 
 Africa, 530 
 
 Great Britain. See Britain, Great. 
 
 Gregoire, M., assistant at Court 
 of Inqmry, 476 
 
 Grenfell, Mr. George, English 
 missionary, remarks on Congo 
 Free State, 427; on adminis- 
 tration of justice in, 568 et 
 seq. 
 
 Grey, Mr., English ci\'il engineer, 
 remarks on Congo Free State, 
 435 ('t seq. 
 
 Grison, Rev. Father, missionary 
 in charge of St. Gabriel's, 
 Stanley Falls, 301 ; extracts 
 from his diary, 302; his strenu- 
 ous life, 306, 307 
 
 Guinness, Dr. H. Grattan, lec- 
 tures in Scotland on atrocities 
 in Congo Free State, 424 et seq.; 
 
 Gmnness, Mrs. H. Grattan, her 
 testimony different from that 
 of her husband, 425
 
 626 
 
 Index 
 
 H 
 
 Hamhurgischc Borsen Halle, Neue, 
 its estimate of British opinion 
 of Congo Free State, ;i^^ et seq. 
 
 Hamed-ben-Mohamed, note, 179 
 
 Hanssens, Captain, 40 
 
 Harbey, Rev. C. H., testifies as to 
 lying proclivities of natives, 
 600. See Epondo. 
 
 Harrison, Major James, 369, 374; 
 letter to London Times, 404 et 
 seq.; remarks upon side issue 
 raised by Secretary of Congo 
 Reform Association, 409 et seq. 
 
 Head, Mr. George, M.A., de- 
 molishes arguments of Secre- 
 tary of Congo Reform Associa- 
 .tion at Boston Peace Congress, 
 
 Head tax, m British colonies, 582 
 
 Health committees, 268 
 
 Heffter, his theory of the exist- 
 ence of a State, 528 
 
 Henderson, Mr. John, his com- 
 ments on Consul Casement's 
 report, 466 et seq. 
 
 Henry, Commandant, 220, 221, 
 222 
 
 Heusch, De, Lieut., 194; is killed 
 in battle, ibid. 
 
 Heuval, Dr. Van den, 35 
 
 Heymans, Captain, 54 
 
 Hinde, Dr. Sidney, 179, 183, 
 note, 188; his description of a 
 boma, note, 191 
 
 Hodister, 178 
 
 Holland, Queen of, 143 
 
 Holt, Mr. John, Liverpool mer- 
 chant, 373; pays Mr. Benedetti 
 ;/£4o, 383, 384; his trading com- 
 pany loses its case against the 
 Compagnie Frangaise du Congo 
 Occidental before the Council of 
 Appeal at Libreville, 450 
 
 Horses, 269 
 
 Hospital for Natives, Boma, 268 
 
 Humanitarianism, pretext of, 578 
 
 Hut tax, in British colonies, 582, 
 605 
 
 Hygienic Commission, Boma, 265 
 
 I 
 
 Import duties, 140 
 Imports into Congo Free State, 
 1903, 282, 283, 284, 286; com- 
 
 pared with imports of previous 
 years, 286 
 
 Independance Beige, 352, 353; 374 
 
 Influenza, 187 
 
 International Association for the 
 Exploration and Civilisation of 
 Central Africa, creation of, 12; 
 General Sanford (United States 
 Minister at Brussels) becomes 
 member, 1 3 ; receives influen- 
 tial support, ibid.; receives re- 
 port of Commission of Eight, 
 25; founds station on Lake 
 Tanganyika, 34; stations cre- 
 ated by, 491 ; its recognition by 
 United States as a friendly 
 Government recommended by 
 Senator Morgan, 492; treaties 
 with Germany, Great Britain, 
 France, and Portugal, 544 et 
 seq. ; declaration exchanged 
 with Belgium, ibid. 
 
 International Missionary Alliance, 
 300; eleven grants of land to, 
 
 387 
 Irebu, 56 
 Itembo, 52 
 Itimbiri, 251 
 Ituri, forest of, 52 
 Ivory, tax on, 178, 272; export 
 
 duty on, 278 
 
 Janssen, M. Camille, 165 
 
 Janssens, M., president of Com- 
 mittee of Inquiry, 476 
 
 Japan, domainal system of, 334 
 
 Jesuits, 301 
 
 Johnston, Sir Harry, G. C. M. G., 
 152; quotation from his book. 
 The Uganda Protectorate, 400 et 
 seq. 
 
 Juan II., King of Portugal, 42 
 
 Junker, Dr., German explorer, 53; 
 on native punishments, 425 
 
 Jiirgens, 218 
 
 K 
 
 Kabambari, 191 
 
 Kabinda, 43 ; attacked by Bate- 
 telas, 217, 218 
 
 Kabindas, a Congolese tribe em- 
 ployed by Stanley as carriers, 
 39
 
 Index 
 
 627 
 
 Kakongos, 153 
 
 Kalengvo. See Epondo. 
 
 Karema, 34 
 
 Kassai, 50 
 
 Kassali, Lake, 48 
 
 Kasson, Mr., United States Pleni- 
 potentiary, 107 
 
 Kassongo, 47, 181, 182, 187, 188, 
 189, 191, 193, 221 
 
 Katanga, 48; copper deposits in, 
 ibid.; soon to be reached by 
 railroad, 48; 184 
 
 Katue, 221 
 
 Khartoum, 214 
 
 Khedive of Egypt employs Sir 
 Samuel Baker, 4 
 
 Kibala Mountains, the African 
 Switzerland, 48 
 
 Kiranga-cha-gungo, largest in- 
 land volcano in world, 57 
 
 Kirk, Sir John, 136, 426 
 
 Kipango, 186 
 
 Kivu, Lake of, 57 
 
 Kleine Journal, 462 
 
 Konings, 218 
 
 Kwango, 50 
 
 La Liberie, 460 
 
 La Lul on ga Society. Se^ Epondo; 
 608 
 
 Labour, question of native, 581 
 
 Labudi, 47 
 
 Lado, Enclave of, 210 
 
 Lado territory, 219 
 
 Laeken, Brussels, King Leopold's 
 palace, 248 
 
 Lagos, British colony of, its 
 revenue, 1898-1901, note, 289; 
 sixty-five per cent, of revenue 
 derived from alcoholic liquor, 
 311; wasteful methods of deal- 
 ing with rubber and timber, 
 323; decline of prosperity in, 
 tbid., 374, 468; its revenue re- 
 viewed by the Lagos Standard, 
 469 et seq. 
 
 Lake Albert Edward, 56 
 
 Lake Albert Nyanza, 52, 56 
 
 Lake Kassali, 48 
 
 Lake Kivu, 57 
 
 Lake Leopold IL, discovered by 
 Stanley, 56 
 
 Lake Matumba, 46, 53 
 
 Lake Moero, 49 
 
 Lake Tanganyika. See Tangan- 
 yika. 
 
 Lambermont, Baron, attends 
 Brussels Conference (1876), 8; 
 reports upon safeguards for 
 native races, 26; drafts final 
 act of International Conference, 
 ibid.; on slavery, 89; his defini- 
 tion of free trade, m ; presides 
 over Second Brussels Confer- 
 ence, 136 
 
 Land system, features of the, in 
 the African colonies of Ger- 
 many, Great Britain, France, 
 and Portugal, 612 et seq. {See 
 Congo Free State; 586) 
 
 Lange, De, Belgian officer, 192 
 
 Lansdowne, Marquess of, 450; his 
 dispatch to the Powers Signa- 
 tory to the Berlin Act, 457 et 
 seq.; its reception by British 
 press, 460, 465 ; dispatch to the 
 Powers Signatory of the Gen- 
 eral Act of Berlin respecting 
 alleged cases of ill-treatment of 
 natives and the existence of 
 trade monopolies in Congo 
 State, 573 ^< seq. 
 
 Launay, Count de, 298 
 
 Laveleye, M. Emile, 105 
 
 Lavigerie, Cardinal, 90; fotinds 
 Belgian Anti-Slavery Society, 
 91; visits Belgium, 134, 426 
 
 Lawrence, William Beach, on 
 what constitutes a State, 528 
 
 Le Marinel, Lieut., 178, 179 
 
 Leigh, Mr. John George, his 
 agreement with Captain Guy 
 Burrows, 353 
 
 Leopold n. (King of the Belgians 
 and Sovereign of the Congo 
 Free State), his accession to 
 Belgian throne, 2 ; believes 
 Africa promising outlet for sur- 
 plus European population, 3 ; his 
 magnificent physique and per- 
 sonal accomplishments, ibid.; 
 perceives opportunity to civi- 
 lise Central Africans and found 
 Belgian colony, ibid.; his scheme 
 disregarded, ibid.; speech be- 
 fore Belgian Senate in i860, 4; 
 his philanthropy, 6 ; considers 
 how the slave trade in Africa 
 can be abolished, ibid.; con- 
 venes an international confer-
 
 628 
 
 Index 
 
 Leopold II. — Continued 
 
 encc of geographers in Brus- 
 sels (1876) to discuss the sub- 
 ject, 7 ; his circular letter, ibid.; 
 his speech, 8 ; becomes Presi- 
 dent of International Associa- 
 tion for the Exploration and 
 Civilisation of Central Africa, 
 1 2 ; speech before National 
 Committee, 14; his desire for 
 new markets for Belgian manu- 
 factures, 17; his prescience, 
 ibid.; spends largely of his pri- 
 vate fortime to suppress sla- 
 very, 18 ; appeal to British Gov- 
 ernment, 21; recognised by 
 Powers as Sovereign ruler of 
 Congo Free State, 28; becomes 
 honorary President of the Com- 
 ite d' Etudes du Haut-Congo, 
 29; invites Stanley to Brus- 
 sels, 39; induces him to enter 
 service of International Asso- 
 ciation of the Congo (new name 
 of the Comite d' Etudes du Haut- 
 Congo), ibid.; plans campaign 
 of exploration, 60 ; a true friend 
 to Stanley, 65 ; his early de- 
 claration, ibid.; letter to his 
 ministers, 99; authorised by 
 Belgian Chamber to assume 
 sovereignty of Congo Free 
 State, loi ; his acknowledg- 
 ment, ibid.; receives congratu- 
 lations and is visited by Lord 
 Mayor of London, 10 1, 102; is 
 appealed to by British Govern- 
 ment to call conference at 
 Brussels to concert measures 
 for suppression of slavery on 
 East Coast of Africa, 132; 
 letter to M. Beemaert, 147 ; be- 
 queaths sovereignty of Congo 
 Free State to Belgium, 149; 
 note, 179; confers title of 
 Baron on Captain Dhanis, 195; 
 his plans to suppress slavery 
 excite little interest, 197; de- 
 pletes his fortune to achieve his 
 object, 198; receives scant 
 support outside Belgium, ibid.; 
 his Majesty's mandate, ibid.; 
 his first object realised, 205 ; his 
 political foresight, 210; his 
 energy and industry, 248; 
 
 Laeken, his palace at Brussels, 
 ibid.; his chalet at Ostend, 
 ibid.; his immense expenditure 
 on Congo State, 276; impossible 
 to recover, 277; grants annual 
 subsidy of 1,000,000 francs to 
 Congo State, 278; his. early 
 declarations consistently car- 
 ried out, 320; Captain Guy 
 Burrows dedicates book to, 347 ; 
 is abused by Secretary of Congo 
 Reform Association at Boston 
 Peace Congress, 395; Congo 
 Free State likely to fulfil his 
 expectations, 447 
 
 Leopoldville, 46; fortnightly com- 
 munication with Stanley Falls, 
 251 ; treaty of, 489 
 
 Lcroi, Captain, 219, 220 
 
 Leslie, Rev. W. H., of American 
 Baptist Missionary Union, 411; 
 contributes article on Congo to 
 Missionary Review of the World, 
 414 
 
 Liebrechts, Mr., Secretary-General 
 of Congo Free State, letters to 
 fromCaptain Burrows, 347 etseq. 
 
 Lindi, 221 
 
 Lindt, Van, Lieut., 189 
 
 Lippens, 181, 183 
 
 Livingstone, Dr., enters Congo 
 region, i860, and discovers lakes 
 Moero and Bangweolo, 4; 
 found by Stanley in 187 1, ibid.; 
 says white man can live in Cen- 
 tral Africa, 17, 197 
 
 Livingstone Inland Mission, 299 
 
 Lomami, 49, 50, 51, 181, 182, 183, 
 
 217, 218 
 Lopori, 49 
 
 Lothaire, Commandant, 194, 217, 
 
 218, 219 
 Lua, 54 
 Luahilimta, 57 
 Lualaba, 47, 177, 186, 251 
 Lualaba-Kassai, 201 
 Luapula, 47 
 
 Lubefu, 50, 335 
 Lubuga, 57 
 Lubukine, 194 
 Lufila, 47 
 Lufupa, 47 
 Lukenie River, 335 
 Lulongo, 49, 50 
 
 Luluabourg, 74, 201; outbreak of 
 Batetelas at, 216, 218
 
 Index 
 
 629 
 
 Lumber, 272 
 
 Lunda country, 74 
 
 Lusambo, 179, 201, 217 
 
 Lusana, 183 
 
 Lutete, Gongo, 179 ; his per- 
 sonality, 180, 181, 182, 184; is 
 court-martialled and shot, 190; 
 disastrous consequences of that 
 event, 191, 216 
 
 M 
 
 Mabode, 52 
 
 Maes, Dr., 32; his death, ibid. 
 
 Maguire, Dr., English missionary, 
 remarks on Congo Free State, 
 ^2g et seq. 
 
 Mahagi, 212 
 
 Malet, Sir Edward, attends In- 
 ternational Conference at Ber- 
 lin, 24; speech, 27 
 
 Maloney, Mr. J. A., on native pun- 
 ishments, 426 
 
 Malumba, Batetela mutineer, 
 murdered by one of his follow- 
 ers, 221 
 
 Manning, Cardinal, 131 
 
 Miinycma, collectors of ivory, 59, 
 1S2; country of, 191, 218, 221 
 
 Mares, M. Roland de, 384 
 
 Mamo, M., 32 
 
 Marriage, Christian, among na- 
 tives, 273 
 
 Martens, Prof., 136 
 
 Martin of Bohemia, cosmo- 
 grapher 42 
 
 Matadi, 47, 252, 253; trains from, 
 
 255 
 Matumba, Lake, 46, 53, 56 
 Mayomb^s, 153 
 Mayumbe Railway, 256 
 Mbomu, 54, 208, 209, 210 
 Meshra-er-Rck, 213 
 Mfini, 56 
 
 Mgonda-Mkali, 33 
 Michaux, Captain, 182, 183, 184, 
 
 218 
 Middle Congo, 46, 48 
 Mirambo, 33; his conflict with 
 
 Simba, 36 
 Missionaries, 299, 300, 301, 385, 
 
 387, 411, 424, 425, 427, 429; 
 
 deceived by native witnesses, 
 
 233 
 Missions, Protestant, 299 
 Modes et Robes d. la Congo, 154 
 
 Moero, Lake, 49 ; south-eastern 
 boundary between British ter- 
 ritory and Congo Free State, 
 
 59 
 
 Moharra, Munie, 181, 184, 185, 
 186 
 
 Mohun, Mr., formerly United 
 States Consul at Boma, 411; 
 his opinion of Congo Free State 
 Government, 415 et seq. 
 
 Mokoangi, Cataracts of, 54 
 
 Molieka, 52 
 
 Moltke, Von, 180 
 
 Moncheur, Baron, Belgian Minis- 
 ter to United States, 389; 
 career, 618 
 
 Mongalla, 52 
 
 Moore, English naturalist, 57; 
 discovers zoological remains of 
 a dead sea, 59 
 
 Morgan, Senator, of Alabama,, 
 presents memorial to Congress, 
 38S ; submits Report from Com- 
 mittee on Foreign Relations 
 recommending United States 
 to recognise International Af- 
 rican Association as friendly 
 government, 492 
 
 Morning Advertiser, comments 
 upon Lord Lansdowne's dis- 
 patch of August 8, 1903, 458 et 
 seq.; betrays some British de- 
 sires, 459 
 
 Morning Post, 369; letter to 
 from Major James Harrison, 
 409; from Mr. Grey, 435 et 
 seq. 
 
 Morrison, Rev. Mr. W. M., of 
 Lexington, Va., 385; fails to 
 obtain land concessions and 
 special privileges, 386; his 
 statements compared with 
 facts, 387, 388, 396, 456 
 
 Mountains, Blue, 52, 53 
 
 Mountains, Crystal, 47 
 
 Mountiiins, Kibala, 48 
 
 Mountains, Pallaballa, 252, 253 
 
 Mountnaorres, Lord, 374; starts 
 on journey through Congo Free 
 State, 440; letter from, to Lon- 
 don Globe, 441 et seq. 
 
 Mpala, 37 
 
 Msiri, 48 
 
 Miinster Westphal, 462 
 
 Musseronges, 153 
 
 Mwadi, 184
 
 6.^o 
 
 Index 
 
 Mwana Mkwanga, Arab camp at, 
 191 
 
 N 
 
 Natives, Commission for Protec- 
 tion of, report of first meeting, 
 572 et seq.; alleged to be ill- 
 treated, $12, et seq. 
 
 Nerincx, Professor A., coadjutor 
 of Baron Moncheur, 389 
 
 Netherlands, Prince Henry of, 
 becomes President of the Na- 
 tional Committee of the Inter- 
 national Association for the 
 Exploration and Civilisation of 
 Central Africa, 13 
 
 New York Herald, Stanley's let- 
 ters to, 38 
 
 New York Press, 464 
 
 Neyn, M. De, assistant at Court 
 of Inquiry, 476 
 
 Niadi Kwilu Basin explored, 73 
 
 Niadi, treaty with King of, 490 
 
 Niam-Niam, tribe inhabiting 
 Bahr-el-Ghazal country, 214 
 
 Niangara, 53 
 
 Niger, navigation of the, as pro- 
 vided for in General Act of 
 Berlin Conference, 541 et seq. 
 
 Nisco, Baron, President of Court 
 of Appeal, 232; member of 
 Court of Inquiry, 476 
 
 N6tre Dame, Sisters of, 301 
 
 Nutmegs, 269 
 
 Nyangwe, 45, 52, 59, 181, 182, 
 186, 187, 188, 217, 221 
 
 Nys, M. Ernest, 77 
 
 Nzilo, 47 
 
 O 
 
 Obi, 220 
 
 Omdurman, battle of, 213 
 
 Ordeal by poison, 159; State Cir- 
 cular on repression of, 566 et 
 seq. 
 
 Ostend, King Leopold's chalet at, 
 248 
 
 Our Lady of Perpetual Help, 
 Roman Catholic Mission 
 steamer, 300 
 
 Ourroussof, Prince, 136 
 
 Padrao Foreland, 42 
 Pallaballa Mountains, 252, 253 
 
 Palmerston, Lord, on recognition 
 of States by British Govern- 
 ment, 528 
 
 Panga Falls, 53 
 
 Parliament, British, debate in 
 580 
 
 Partition of Congo State, 578 ^« 
 seq.; 610 
 
 Peace, English Baptist Mission 
 steamer, 300 
 
 Pepper, 268 
 
 Petit Bleu, interview with Stanley 
 published in, 397 
 
 Phare de la Loire, 461 
 
 Philippeville, SS., 477 
 
 Phipps, Sir Constantine, his Brit- 
 annic Majesty's minister at 
 Brussels, dispatch on protec- 
 tion of natives, 561 et seq. 
 
 Photographs, faking of, 371 et 
 seq.; 602 et seq. 
 
 Pigmies, 156 
 
 Poison, ordeal by, 159 
 
 Polidori, Signor, Italian phy- 
 sician, remarks on Congo Free 
 State, 428 ei seq. 
 
 Poll tax, in British colonies, 582 
 
 Polygamy, 163, 273 
 
 Ponthier, Captain, 190, 191, 193 
 
 Ponthoz, Count Van der Straeten, 
 on safeguarding native races, 26 
 
 Pope Leo XIII., encyclical on 
 abolition of slavery in Brazil, 
 90; receives Central African 
 Christian Negroes, ibid.; his 
 speech, ibid. 
 
 Popelin, Captain, commands sec- 
 ond Belgian expedition, 35; 
 death of, 37 
 
 Population, displacement of, 225; 
 diminution of, 591 et seq. 
 
 Portugal, claims large sections of 
 Africa, 17; claims Congo River, 
 19; land system of its African 
 colonies, 612 et seq. 
 
 Postal Service, 244 
 
 Premontr^ Fathers, 301 
 
 Prestation, natives' contribution 
 /of labour towards support of 
 
 / State, 294 
 I'TubHc Force, 164 
 
 Public Ledger, 465 
 
 Puttkamer, Herr Von, Governor 
 of the Cameroons, his opinion 
 of the navigation of the Congo 
 River, 252
 
 Index 
 
 631 
 
 Q 
 
 Queen of Holland, 143 
 R 
 
 Ramaeckers, Captain, commands 
 fourth Belgian expedition, 36; 
 joins his colleagues at Tangan- 
 yika, ibid.; takes over com- 
 mand from Cambier, ibid.; 
 death of, 37 
 
 Rashid, 179, 189, 190, 194 
 
 Redemptionists, 301 
 
 Redjaf, 201; railroad to Dufile, 
 256 
 
 Reed, Henri, American Baptist 
 Mission "steamer, 300 
 
 Rejoinder of Congo State to 
 charges in Consul Casement's 
 Report, 590 et seq. 
 
 Reply of Congo State to British 
 Dispatch, Aug. 8, 1903, deny- 
 ing that Administration in- 
 volves systematic cruelty to 
 natives, 577 ^i seq. 
 
 Revenue, various sources of, 279 
 
 Rhodes, Cecil, 208; prophetic ut- 
 terance by, 454 
 
 Rhodesia, North-eastern, and 
 Congo Free State boundary, 
 47; taxes in, 605 et seq. 
 
 Riba Riba, 178 
 
 Ridley, Mr. Justice, tries suit for 
 libel brought by Belgian officers 
 against Messrs. R. A. Everett 
 & Co. and Captain Guy Bur- 
 rows, in London, 340 et seq.; his 
 charge to jury, 358 
 
 Roger, M., 36 
 
 Roman Catholic Mission, forty- 
 four grants of land to, 387 
 
 Roosevelt, President, 388, 389 
 
 Royal, steamer employed by 
 Stanley, 39 
 
 Rubber (caoutchouc), its cultiva- 
 tion and collection, 270; its 
 varieties, 272; export duty on, 
 278; decrease in export of, 
 from eight British colonies, 324 
 et seq. 
 
 Rubi, 52 
 
 Rudolph, Archduke, of Austria, 
 becomes President of National 
 Committee of International As- 
 sociation for the Exploration 
 
 and Civilisation of Central 
 
 Africa, 13 
 Ruki, 50 
 Rumeliza, chief of Ujiji, 191, 193, 
 
 194 
 Rusisi, 57 
 
 S 
 
 Sacred Heart of Mary, Sisters of 
 the, 301 
 
 Sacred Heart, Priests of the, 301 
 
 Salisbury, Marquess of, his opinion 
 of the Congo Free State Gov- 
 ernment, 423, 456, 584 
 
 Salisbury, Marquess of (the late), 
 his opinion of the Congo Free 
 State Government, 423 
 
 Salusbury, Captain, his allega- 
 tions against Congo Free State 
 denied by Captain Guy Bur- 
 rows, 346 
 
 Sambas Plateau, 50 
 
 Sanford, General (United States 
 Minister at Brussels), becomes 
 member of International Soci- 
 ety for the Exploration and 
 Civilisation of Central Africa, 
 13; declaration by, 79; founds, 
 with M. Georges Brugmann, 
 Exploring Expedition, 276 
 
 Sankuru, 50, 179, 336 
 
 Sannaes, Lieut., 221 
 
 San Salvador, 43 
 
 Scherlink, Lieut., 183 
 
 Scheut Fathers, 301 
 
 Schkopp, Hcrr Eberhard Von, his 
 remarks upon Congolese trade, 
 287 
 
 School of Tropical Medicine, Liv- 
 erpool, 267 
 
 Schumacher, Dr. Dc, member of 
 Court of Inquiry, 476, 478 
 
 Scott, Mr. G. A., 341 
 
 Scfu, 179, 181, 183, 184, 185, 186, 
 187, 189, 190 
 
 Semlika, boundary between Brit- 
 ish and Belgian possessions, 56 
 
 Scmliki, 221 
 
 Seyyid Burghash, Sultan, 32 
 
 Shanu, British subject of Lagos, 
 tries to induce Mr. Bencdetti 
 to join anti-Congo campaign, 
 37y et seq. 
 
 Sierra Leone, convictions for mal- 
 treatment of natives in, 582
 
 6.^2 
 
 Index 
 
 Simba, his conflict with Mirambo, 
 36 
 
 Sir Bartle Frere. See Frere, Sir 
 Bartle. 
 
 Sir Charles Dilke. See Dilke, Sir 
 Charles. 
 
 Sir Frederic Goldsmid. See Gold- 
 smid, Sir Frederic. 
 
 Sir Harry Johnston. See John- 
 ston, Sir Harry. 
 
 Sir John Kirk. See Kirk, Sir 
 John. 
 
 Sir Travers Twiss. See Twiss, 
 Sir Travers. 
 
 Slavery in Central Africa, 5; 
 slavery defined, 83 ; antiquity 
 of, ibid.; Christ the first libera- 
 tionist, 84; first awakening to 
 infamy of slavery, ibid.; Eng- 
 land's traffic in slaves, ibid.; 
 her retribution, 85 ; America's 
 civil war to abolish, ibid.; still 
 extant in some countries, ibid.; 
 England's efforts to suppress, 
 86; horrors of, 87; Baron Lam- 
 bermont on, 89; Pope Leo 
 XIII. 's encyclical on, 90; its 
 strange uses before the found- 
 ing of Congo Free State, 274; 
 Congo State accused of, 294; 
 declaration concerning, in Gen- 
 eral Act of Berlin Conference, 
 535 ^i seq. 
 
 Sleeping sickness, 225; no known 
 cure for, 266 
 
 Smallpox, 187, 221, 225, 266 
 
 Smet de Naeyer, Coimt de, 
 478 
 
 Soudan, migratory habit of its 
 population, 226 
 
 South Africa, British punitive ex- 
 peditions in, for collection of 
 taxes from natives, 607 
 
 Spain, King of, becomes Presi- 
 dent of National Committee of 
 International Association for 
 the Exploration and Civilisa- 
 tion of Central Africa, 13 
 
 Speke, Captain, discovers Lake 
 Tanganyika, and sources of 
 the Nile and Lake Victoria, 4, 
 58 
 
 St. Paul de Loanda, 43 
 
 Standard, The, comments upon 
 Lord Lansdowne's dispatch of 
 August 8, 1903, 459 
 
 Stanley Falls, 46, 52, 179, 181, 
 194, 220, 221; fortnightly com- 
 munication with Leopoldville, 
 
 251 
 
 Stanley, Henry Morton, Sir, dis- 
 covers Dr. Livingstone, 4; says 
 white man can live in Central 
 Africa , 17; visits Congo in in- 
 terest of King Leopold, 20; 
 demonstrates importance of 
 Congo River in letters to New 
 York Herald and London Daily 
 Telegraph, 39 ; founds and forti- 
 fies station at Vivi, 40; con- 
 structs road from Vivi to Isan- 
 ghila, ibid.; founds a station at 
 Manyanga, ibid.;, learns of 
 French founding Brazzaville, 
 and replies by founding Leo- 
 poldville, ibid.; goes to Brussels 
 to report progress, ibid.; re- 
 turns to Central Africa, Febru- 
 ary, 1883 ; his achievements im- 
 possible without King Leo- 
 pold's aid, 65, 197; Boula Ma- 
 tari, native name for, note, 235; 
 insists upon necessity of rail- 
 road round the thirty-two cata- 
 racts, 253, 262, 274, 275; on a 
 common measure of civilisa- 
 tion, 277; writes introduction 
 to book by Captain Guy Bur- 
 rows, 347; the true motive of 
 the anti-Congo campaign, 370; 
 his opinion of Congo Free State 
 Government, 397 et seq.; Congo 
 Free State hkely to fulfil his 
 expectations, 447 
 
 Stanley Pool, 50, 252 
 
 Stanleyville, railroad from, to 
 Great Lakes, 256 
 
 Stephanie ville, treaty of, 490 
 
 Stokes, executed for selling arms 
 to State's enemies in time of 
 war, originally Protestant mis- 
 sionary, 307, 373, 452 
 
 Storm, Lieut., fotinds station at 
 Mpala, 37 
 
 Strauch, Colonel, President of the 
 Contite d' Etudes du Haiit-Congo, 
 29, 67 
 
 Sugar, S3, 272 
 
 Svensson, 218 
 
 S wanton, Mr., 341 
 
 Sv.'edish Missionary Society, 300; 
 nine grants of land to, 387
 
 Index 
 
 633 
 
 Tanganyika, Lake, effort to foiind 
 station at, 34; the first station 
 of the International Associa- 
 tion for the Exploration and 
 Civilisation of Central Africa, 
 ibid.; partitioned equally be- 
 tween Congo Free State and 
 German East Africa, 58; dis- 
 covered in 1858 by Burton and 
 Speke, ibid.; first circumnavi- 
 gated by Stanley, ibid.; 191, 
 194, 200, 208 
 
 Taxation, Mr. Joseph Chamber- 
 lain ridicules native exonera- 
 tion from, 581 ct seq.; defends 
 theory of, 582 
 
 Taxation of natives, 114; their 
 migration to avoid, 224; per- 
 sonal, the bases of, 293 ; reduc- 
 tion of direct, ibid. 
 
 Telegraph, 59 
 
 Telegraph service, 245 
 
 Telephone, 59 
 
 Telephone service, 245 
 
 Terrell, Mr., 136 
 
 Tcrvueren, Brussels, Museum, 
 containing objects illustrating 
 Central African life, 265 
 
 Thomas, Mr. Lewis, 341 
 
 Thys, Lieut., 256 
 
 Times, The, 373, 384; letter from 
 Major James Harrison, 404 et 
 seq.; 459; French criticism of, 
 460 
 
 Tippo Tip, 59, note, 179, 180, 181, 
 183, 189, 194 
 
 Tobacco, 53, 272 
 
 Tobback, M., resident for Congo 
 Free State at Stanley Falls, 189 
 
 To-Day, 466 
 
 Trappistines, 301 
 
 Trappists, 301 
 
 Tuckey, James Kingston, British 
 explorer, 43 
 
 Twiss, Sir Travers, 105; on free 
 navigation of the Congo, 502 
 
 U 
 
 Ubanghi, 53, 208, 251 
 Uelle, 53, 177, 201, 208, 209 
 Uelle Railway, proposed exten- 
 sion, 54 
 Uganda Protectorate. See Har- 
 rison, Major. 
 
 Ujiji, 191 
 
 United States, particulars of their 
 origin recorded, i ; recognises 
 International Association as 
 a friendly Government, 22; 
 makes treaties with Congo Free 
 State in 1884 and 1885, 92, 199 
 
 Upper Congo, 44 ; Belgian Society 
 of the, 178 
 
 Uranga, 49 
 
 Usamba Plateau, 49 
 
 Van Dorpe, Captain, 165 
 
 Van Gele, 53 
 
 Vanilla, 269 
 
 Vattel on manner of acquiring 
 sovereignty of free country, 527 
 
 Vivi, first station foianded by 
 Stanley, 40 ; road from, to Isan- 
 ghila made by Stanley, ibid.; 
 treaty of, 487 
 
 Vivian, Lord, 136; speech at Sec- 
 ond Brussels Conference, 142 
 
 Vohsen, Consul, 453 
 
 Von Bomhaupt, Herr, 453 
 
 Von Gotzen, Count, discoverer of 
 volcano Kiranga-cha-gungo, 57 
 
 Von Moltke. See Moltke, Von. 
 
 W 
 
 Waddas, 53 
 
 Wagenia. a riverain tribe, 186, 
 187 
 
 Wahis, Colonel (afterwards Gen- 
 eral Baron Wahis), 253; speech 
 describing Congolese conditions 
 twenty years ago, 479 et seq. 
 
 Washington, Mr. Booker, 424 
 
 Wauters, A. J., note, 188 
 
 Wautier, Lieut., 33; his death, 34 
 
 West Africa, journal of the Liver- 
 pool Chamber of Commerce, 
 450 et seq. 
 
 Wheaton, on recognition uf 
 States, 69; on political stacus 
 of American Indians, 71 
 
 White Fathers, 301 
 
 Whiteley, Mr. James Gustavus, 
 of Baltimore, his opinion of the 
 Congo Free State Government, 
 411 et seq. 
 
 Widows, strangling, icS 
 
 Wingate, Sir Regmald, 454
 
 634 
 
 Index 
 
 Winton, Sir Francis de (Governor- 
 General of Congo during ab- 
 sence of Sta.iley), formulates 
 land system, 3^3 
 
 Wissmann, 262 
 
 Wissmann Falls, 50 
 
 Wolf, Eugene, admonition from, 
 462 
 
 Wouters, De, Lieut., 185 -"" 
 193, 194; his death, 195 
 
 Wulfers, Rev. Father, c 
 Romee Mission, Yanongh 
 
 extracts 
 305 
 
 from his diary, 303- 
 
 Yambuya, 52 
 
 Young Africa, one-screw bargt 
 employed by Stanley, 39 
 
 •, Englishmen murderec 
 ^ands at, 35 
 ataracts of, 54
 
 lioslioiiia s IS ^ 
 
 BORMAY 4 CO. , N.Y.

 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY 
 
 Los Angeles 
 This book is DUE on the last date stam(^ed below. 
 
 
 
 
 
 #as^^ . 
 
 •RECOLD-Um. 
 
 1 mYo7m& 
 
 DEC 2 7 1985 
 
 
 QL JUN 181973 
 
 loum. 
 ^ APR 9 1S86 
 
 
 B|iLp4«8 2«'9' 
 
 4 
 
 
 JUNI 41974 
 
 
 
 Fcinn Lli-Si'i-i.-.s 444 

 
 x1^- 
 
 3 1158 00273 7178 
 
 DT 
 
 Wlls 
 
 A 000 537 457