G95h
mim
Gunnerson
History of U-Stems in Greek
Tlbe "Clniversitp of Cbtcago
FOUNDED BV JOHN D. ROCKBFELLEK
HISTORY OF U-STEMS IN GREEK
A DISSERTATION
SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF ARTS
AND LITERATURE IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE
OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
(department of SANSKRIT AND INDO-EUROPEAN COMPARATIVE PHILOLOGY)
BY
WILLIAM CYRUS GUNNERSON
CHICAGO
THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS
1 90 5^.
JLbc Tllniversiti? of Cbicaoo
FOUNDED BY JOHN D. ROCKEFELLER
HISTORY OF U-STEMS IN GREEK
A DISSERTATION
SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF ARTS
AND LITERATURE IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE
OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
(department of SANSKRIT AND INDO-EUROPEAN COMPARATIVE PHILOLOGY)
BY
WILLIAM CYRUS GUNNERSON
CHICAGO
THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS
1905
COPYfilGHT 19(K
The UNiVKESiTif of Chicago
AprU, 1905
PA
305"
TABLE OF CONTENTS
PAGE
INTRODUCTION: U-STEMS IN THE OTHER INDO-EURO-
PEAN LANGUAGES - - - - - - - - 5
I. w-Stems ----------9
A. Nouns - 9
Declension --------- 9
Suffixes - - - - 12
B. Adjectives - - 17
Declension - - - 17
Formation of the Feminine - - - - - 18
Suffixes 18
II. w-Stems - - - 20
A. Nouns - - - 20
B. Adjectives -.-- 21
U-STEMS IN GREEK --------- 23
A. Nouns -----------23
I. Nouns in -vs -v, Gen. -eos (Attic -ecus), Representing the
Original Type I (Short w-Stems) 23
Declension 23
vtvs ----------29
yovv and. 86pv -------- So
II. Nouns in -us -v, Gen. -vos 36
Declension --------- 36
Suffixes under both I and II 41
Change of tu to o-u 50
B. Adjectives ----------57
Declension 57
Formation of the Feminine - - - - - 58
Suffixes - - - - - - - - - 60
C. Compounds 61
NOTES IN EXPLANATION OF THE WORpLISTS, ETC. - 66
WORD-LISTS ..---- 69
A. Nouns in -vs -v, -cos (-ews) with Their Compounds - - 69
B. Nouns in -us -v, -vos with Their Compounds - - - 69
C. Adjectives in -vs -v, -eos with Their Compounds - - 71
3
INTRODUCTION: U-STEMS IN THE OTHER INDO-
EUROPEAN LANGUAGES
The evidence of the Indo-European languages points to the
existence in the parent speech of two distinct types of w-stems:
I. Stems in which u interchanges with eu, ou, as in t-stems i
interchanges with ei, oi. Thus nom. sg. -lis, Skt. suwds, L. manus,
Goth, sunus, Lith. suniis, O.B. synu — gen. sg. -eus, -ous, Skt.
sunos, L. manils (Osc. castrous), Goth, sunaus, Lith. sunaus,
O.B. synu. These may be called simply w-stems.
II. Stems in which ii interchanges with uii, as in i-stems I
interchanges with ii. Thus nom. sg. -us, Skt. bhrus, gvagrus,
tanus, Grk. 6<f)pik, L. sus, O.B. svekry — gen. sg. -uuos, -uues,
Skt. hhruvds, (Vedic) tanilas {tanvds), Grk. o^pvo^, O.B.
svekrilve. These may be called w-stems.
It has been held by some (e. g., Bezzenberger, B.B, 7 [1883], 73; Job.
Schmidt, PI or. 54 ff.; Johansson, K.Z. 30 [1890], 403 ff., Gott. gel. Anz.,
1890, 741 ff.; Kretschmer, K.Z. 31 [1891], 382, 449; Reichelt, B.B. 25 [1899],
240) that there is another I.E. type of w-stems in which there is inter-
change of w with ud, parallel to the interchange of i {ia) with id (ie) in
the type represented by Skt. devt, bhdranti, Grk. <f)epovaa, etc. In con-
sidering the Sanskrit evidence, we may, with Lanman (Noim Inflection
in the Veda), let A = the short i (or w) type, B the i- id- {devt) type, C the
i- ii- (or w- ww-, nadis) type. In the Veda the types B and C of i-stems
are distinct in eleven case-forms, while they agree in three. In classical
Sanskrit both types have been merged, and their common declension
follows Vedic B in eight out of the eleven cases where differences existed
between B and C in Vedic. There are some few examples of this transfer
in the Veda (Lanman, p. 373), and numerous examples of the transfer of
A to B (67 forms from 27 stems). In seven of these eight cases the clas-
sical declension of w-stems differs in precisely the same manner from the
Vedic type C, and a very few forms of this kind are also found in Vedic
(Lanman, p. 404). It is on this ground that J. Schmidt assumes the
existence of a type B of w-stems, parallel to the type devi. But whereas
in the case of i-stems, there is in Vedic, aside from all examples of trans-
fer from A or C, a full declensional type B followed by a large class of
words, there is no such independent type of w-stems. The classical
declension of w-stems and the scattering forms of this type in the Veda
5
6 HISTORY OF ?/-STEMS IN GREEK
may perfectly well be attributed to the direct analogy of type B of
«-stems, as already explained by Lanman, p. 401. Add to this that at
no period is there a nom. sg. in -u parallel to that in -I, and there is
every reason for abiding by the judgment of Lanman, Whitney, and
others that there is no evidence in Sanskrit for a type of il-stems parallel
to that of devi. In fact the conditions in the Veda are so difficult to
reconcile with the existence of such a type in the parent speech, that
this can be admitted only on the most cogent evidence from the other
languages.
But while the devi-type of z-stems is represented by important cate-
gories in other languages, especially the feminines of the present parti-
ciple and other consonant stems in Greek, Germanic, and Balto-Slavic,
the advocates of a corresponding type of ii-stems have brought forward
only a few scattered forms, none of which is at all decisive. Most of
these are from the Greek,* where, since we have nom. sg. in -la = Skt. -i,
we should expect nom. sg. -fa for the corresponding tt-stems.
The principal example is npicr^a, derived from *irp(.(TJBpa (or *npeayfa)
by Bezzenberger, B.B. 7 (1883), 73; Johansson, K.Z. 30 (1890, article
written 1888), 403; J. Schmidt, Plur. 57 (1889, written about 1883);
Kretschmer, K.Z. 31 (1891), 382, 449; Schulze, Q.E. 448 (1891); Reichelt,
B.B. 25 (1899), 240, following Johansson. Neisser, B.B. 20 (1894), 52,
gets Trpeafta from *7rpeo-^e/ra. Grassmann, K.Z. 11 (1862), 24, took irpicrjSa
from *7rp€o-/?(.a. Misteli, K.Z. 17 (1868), 171, gave irpicrfia as equal to *7rpco--
/Se'^ia. Misteli's view, also held by some of the ancient grammarians
(Etym. Mag. 687, 3; Bekker, A.G. 2, 391, 519), is out of the question.
There is no phonetic difficulty in Grassmann's suggestion, but Trpea/Sa
could come equally well from *7rp£o-/3/ria, and be thus counted a fem. to
TTpea-fivs of the type of Skt. dt^iu. J. Schmidt objects to this on the ground
that Skt. adjectives with more than one consonant before the u have
their fem. in -u and not in -vi. But this is not universal in Sanskrit,
where, e. g., phalgii- has both phalgu and phalgvt as fem. (Whit. 344, b).
And even if mainly true, it is obvious that the type -vi was of unrestricted
application in Greek, since its representative -e/r«a is the only type of fem.
adj. known. He obj«^cts further that the form *7rp£a-/9/ria ought to have
been displac<,'d by *7rp£o-^€ui as *d8pia = Skt. .svddri was displaced by
rjStia, etc. But irpeafia is found only in Homer, and there in a sense
("august" not "old") which shows that it was isolated from TrpcCT/Svs,
which is itself use<l only as a substantive and is indeed not used at all in
Homer. There was no such feeling of relation as between ordinary adj.
forms such as 1781k and rjdcla. Moreover, for an undoubted example of
I For example, ono of the chief advocates of the type (.Johansson, K.Z. 30 [1890], 428)
says: "Ansser f- ifi-stftmmen sind von dor klasse H nur spftrlich rcste und eigentlich nur im
gr. bewahrt." .\nd J. Schmidt, Plur. Vt, snys: " . . . . ausserhalb dcs indischen und griechi-
schen lassen sich die in Ictzterem am tchflrfsten axueinander gehulteten sUimme . . . • "
INTRODUCTION i
-put not replaced by -e/rta, even where there was no isolation in meaning,
cf. TToXX-Q from *7roXfia according to the explanation of Schulze, Q.E. 82,
now universally accepted. Another example is vekXa derived by Johans-
son from *TreXfa, but this must rather come from *7reAf la as suggested by
J. Schmidt, Plur. 48, footnote. So also from *7r€A./rta, Schulze, Q.E. 82 ff.;
Brug., Gr. Gr.^ 45. Under no circumstances does Xp give XX. An example
on which Johansson, 406, lays much stress is i'yvua, Hom. lyvvr] beside
lyvvs. He supposes that tywa is the original form and that lyvvrj got its 77
from the oblique cases. Yet here the short jBnal rests on the testimony
of grammarians (e. g., Bekker, A.G. 1382), while lyvm] is in good use.
Johansson, 404, gives the Hom. fem. adjs. wKm, /SaOia and the regular
Ionic l^paxia, Taxc'a, as from -eud {-u), Grk. -€pa, and not from -epia. He
has the same explanation for 'Pea beside 'Petia. But -ea for -eia, though
not so common as in Attic (Meisterhans*, 40, 12), is well known in Ionic,
both from inscriptional and manuscript evidence (Hoffmann, G.D. 3,
528 ff.; Smyth, Ionic 197 ff.), and it is altogether unlikely that wxea, etc.,
in spite of their antiquity, are anything different. (See below, p. 59.) J.
Schmidt, Plur. 58, takes the Hom. ace. sg. fem. anr-^v as the fem. to aiTrv?,
for *at7rav from *ai7r/rav, with rj from the gen., dat. Sg. So also, p. 47, he
takes Hom. aiTra from *alTrpa a neuter pi. to atTrus. Schulze, Q.E. 442,
agrees with Schmidt on aiVa, but would read with Nauck ttoXlv anrvv for
TToXtv a'nrrjv. A neuter pi. atTra from ^anrpa, which does not prove the
existence of a corresponding fem, form (see below, p. 8), may as an
apparent o-stem form have given rise to aln-^v, if we retain this reading,
but there is also the possibility that both are simply isolated forms of an
inherited aiTrds beside aiViJs. aKovda is said by J. Schmidt, p. 58, to be
from *aKav6pa. So also Johansson, Gott. gel. Anz., 1890, 751. It may be
an instance of the neuter pi. used as a fem. with Grk. -a from original -a;
cf. aKav9o<;, 6. Johansson, K.Z. 30 (1890), 424, did not put it under
instances of -^a, though he was in doubt as to its explanation. The his-
tory of 0-suffixes in general is too obsciu'e (cf. Brug., Gr. Gr.^ 204) to
allow the use of aKavda as evidence for the suffix, idwv is given by
Schmidt, p. 58, as a gen. pi. of eus with the same suffix that he assumes
for Trpia-^a. The form is isolated as a fem., no other cases than the gen.
pi. being found. It occurs a few times in Epic poetry, always in a sub-
stantive use, in the sense of "good things." The word eifs c^os is
anomalous and the history of the form idiov eawv is involved in doubt.
Cf. K.B. § 103, 9. Johansson, Gott. gel. Anz., 1890, 744, pronounces the
example entirely vmcertain. Schmidt gives Upaa (Hdn. 2. 87, 33) and
depcrav • rrjv Spoaov Kp^res (Hesych.) as probably from *ap€pa-pav, saying
that ieparjv cannot be taken as equivalent. The short final rests on the
testimony of Herodian and Hesychius, except that Pindar, Nem. 3, 78,
has iepcr' d/A<^e7r€c. The Thesaurus prints dipaav without comment, citing
only Hesychius. Johansson, K.Z. 30 (1890), 418, takes this word with
8 HISTORY OF ?t-STEMS IN GREEK
short final as an s-stem with the suffix -u, which he sets up as the fern,
formation for various stems. In Gott. gel. Anz., 1890, 744, he calls it an
entirely uncertain example of the -pa sufBx. Both Schmidt and Johans-
son assume the identity of the neuter pi. with the fem. sg. in the nomina-
tive, and bring into account forms like yovva, hovpa, SaKpva. The last
may well be simply the regular plural of SaKpvov. In the case of yovva
and Sovpa the -a is undoubtedly the same as the -a (Skt. -i, orig. -a) of
consonant stems, no matter whether *yovpa, etc., arose in Greek after the
analogy of consonant stems, as assumed by Brugmann, Gr. Gr.^ 235, or
whether they have simply retained an ending -U9 or -ud in an uncontracted
foi-m in contrast to Sanskrit -u. (Cf. Kretschmer, K.Z. 31 [1892], 382.)
But of all the neuter pliural endings, -a is the one for which there is least
proof of identity with a nom. sg. fem. And forms in -pa, even if inherited,
no more prove the existence of a nom. sg. fem. in -pa, than do forms of
n-stems in -va (Skt. -ni) prove the existence of a fem. type in -va, Skt.
-ni, etc.
J. Schmidt, Plur. 46, 47, also considers adverbs like Ta^a, wKa, Atya,
Kapra as evidence for the suffix -pa. These adverbs clearly must stand
or fall together, and, as Schulze, Q.E. 82, points out, the form Kapra
cannot come from *KapTpa, as shown by forms like rcWa/aes, aXeto-ov, o-eiw,
(Topo^ with cru, cr from Tp. He takes such adverbs rather as closely con-
nected with neuters like Ta;(os, Kapro^, *wko<; (in ttoScokt;?), etc. Johansson,
K.Z. 30 (1890), 407-409, attempts to show that cKvpd, dSeXc^T?, olavi, piria,
TTTcAt'd originally had the suffix -pa. It should be evident that such words
as these do not constitute evidence in favor of a suflBx -pa. In Johans-
son's review of Schmidt's Pluralbildungen, Gott. gel. Anz., 1890, 741 ff.,
the few additional examples cited are too uncertain to aflfect the result.
He gives, for example, aZa as a fem. to Skt. dyu-, p. 751, and L. silva as a
fem. to a w-stem *sulu-, p. 752.
Schmidt, Plur. 61-75, seeks to trace the type also in other languages
than Greek and Sanskrit, but has no convincing examples. For instance,
in Latin he gives angnilla to €y;(tAvs, lingua to O.B.j^,zy-ku as examples
of this suffix. These are also given independently by Johansson, K.Z.
30 (1890), 425. There is nothing to prevent taking these words, however,
as original a-stems. Here, as in the Greek, the possibility of deriving
at least some of t\u' examples given from a suffix -pa, if such a suffix were
otherwise; provtKi, is admitted, l)ut in the absence of outside proof, the
necessity of such derivation is denied.
With ro«^ard to the Proto-Indo-European conditions out of
which the I.E. typ4'8 I and II arose, see especially Hirt, Akzent,
§§ 229 ff., 233 ff. ; Kretschmer, K.Z. 31 (1892), 325 ff., especially
331 ff. Whatever their origin, it is obvious that the types as
INTRODUCTION 9
given were fully established in the I.E. period, and form the only
safe starting point for a historical study.
It is not intended to include in the scope of this dissertation the
history of Greek diphthongal it-stems, like Zew?, /Sows, rjp(i)<i, and the
large class in -eu9. It is true that among the numerous explana-
tions of nouns in -eu? there are some which treat them as histor-
ically connected with the simple i*-stems of Type I. Thus
Kretschmer in his earlier explanation, K.Z. 31 (1892), 330 f.
and 466, regarded the diphthongal stems as a second class of
tt-stems with the nom. and ace, sg. also in the strong grade, com-
paring Greek nouns in -eu<? with the O. Pers. dahydus, etc. This
is also the view of Bartholomae, Ar. Forsch. I, 34; Iran. Grd. I,
190, 1. In his later explanation, Zeitschrift f. ost. Gym. 53
(1902), 711 ff., Kretschmer suggests that the substantives in -ey?
are partly derivatives from verbs in -evco, partly (names of persons)
original it-stems with vocative in -ev and nominative in -ew after
the vocative. Reichelt, B.B. 25 (1899), 238 ff., thinks there was
originally one type of w-stem with strong grade of suffix in nom.
and loc. sg. as in n- and ?'-stems, and that in the parent speech,
through differences in accent, there arose by leveling the two
classes of diphthongal and simple it-stems. Other explanations do
not connect so closely with simple w-stems. Brugmann, I.F. 9
(1898), 365 ff., holds that nouns like (fyopevf arose from participles
(verbal adjs.) in -77-/^(0)- which belonged to verbs in -eco. Ehr-
lich, K.Z. 38 (1902), 53 ff., considers the suffix -rjf- a combination
of two elements: the lengthened final of a nominal o-stem (tTTTr?;- :
iTTTTo-) and the secondary suffix -lies- -iios- in its weakest form.
But, whatever their true origin, they form a distinct class in
Greek, the history of which is a subject by itself and need not
necessarily be combined with the history of it-stems in the more
limited sense.
I. U- STEMS
A. NOUNS
I. AS A DECLENSIONAL TYPE
The It-declension of nouns is preserved in Sanskrit, Avestan
(in O. Pers. some forms of the plural are wanting), Greek, Latin
(in Osc.-Umbr. some forms are wanting), Gothic, Lithuanian, and
10 HISTORY OF l<-STEMS IN GREEK
Old Bulgarian, and to a certain extent in a more or less disguised
form in Armenian and Celtic. It is largely preserved in Old
Norse, and more limitedly, in words with short stem-syllable, in
West G-ermanic. (Cf. Braune, Althochdeutsche Gram., § 228.)
II. TRANSFER OP W-STEMS TO OTHER DECLENSIONS
In Latin the identity of the nom. sg. of m- and o-stems led to
the gradual transfer of w-stems to o-stems in Late Latin, and in the
Romance languages this change has become complete. (Meyer-
Liibke, 2, 4; Grober, Grd. 1, 369.) An early example of this
change in classical Latin is seen in domus.
So in O. Bulg. the identity of the nom., ace. sg., and ace. pi. of
o- and M-stems led to the frequent transfer to o-stem forms in
other case-endings (see Scholvin, Archiv f. slav. Phil. 2 [1877],
506 ff., for statistics), and in the modern Slavic languages the
o- and M-stems are completely merged. See below, IV. (Oblak,
Arch. f. si. Phil. 13 [1891], 25; 11 [1888], 408.)
For Germanic no general statement can be made. In West
Germanic w-stems with long stem-syllable lost their identity as
?<-stems and went over to other declensions, e. g., in O.H.G.
mostly to the i-stems, but in part also to the o-stems, in O.E.
mostly to the o-stems. Isolated instances of transfer to consonant
stems perhaps occur. (Cf. Kluge, Paul's Grd. 1, 458.)
A partial transfer is that of jw-stems in Lithuanian, which have
only Jo-stem forms in the dual and plural, except that in the instr.
pi. the ju-stem form sometimes occurs ; jo-stem forms also appear
in the nom. sg. dialectically, and in the ace. sg. in Old Lithuanian.
Leskien (Nomina 327) gives as the reason the identity of form in
several case-endings of the dual and plural of the jo- and j?<-stems,
and the parallelism of function between the suffixes -jo- and -ju-.
III. TBANSKKK IN WHOLE OR IN PART TO tt-STEMS OP WORDS BELONGING
ORIGINALLY TO OTHER STEMS
Kluge (Paul's Grd. 1, 458) gives Goth. /o^its, handus, tiin/ms,
winfrus, O.N. orn, l>joni, O.E. durii, nosu as original consonant
stems. The starting point for the transfer was given by the iden-
tity of the ftcc. 8g., ace. pi., and dat. pi. of cons, stems and it-stems.
But the special occasion was, in some at least, semasiological kin-
INTRODUCTION 11
ship with inherited if-stems. (See Bloomfield, A.J. P. 12 [1891],
13.) Gothic hropar, dauhtar, swistar, fadar have the tt-decl. in
all cases of the plural except the genitive. Here sunus was no
doubt a factor. Greek masculines in -o? are declined as it-stems
in the singular in Gothic, but in the plural mainly as i-stems.
IV. INSTANCES OP M-STEM FORMS WITHIN OTHER DECLENSIONS
The most striking example is in the Slavic. Even in O. Bulg.
within the o-decl. it-stem forms were common, being found, beside
the true o-stem forms, in all the cases where u- and o-stems dif-
fered, except the voc. sg., nom.-acc, and gen.-loc. dual. The
most frequent (in their order) are: dat. sg. -ovi, gen, pi. -ovu,
instr. sg. -umi, and nom. pi. -ove. (See Scholvin, Arch. f. si.
Phil. 2 [1877], 491 ff., for statistics.) In modern Slavic the
o- and if-declensions are completely merged in a single type with
various proportions of o-stem and ?t-stem forms in the several
languages, but always with a strong admixture of the latter. Thus
the M-stem form is well-nigh universal in the gen. pi. (Arch. 8
[1885], 239; 12 [1890], 83, 35 ff.), and is widespread in the dat.
sg. (except in Slovenian, where it is rare, Oblak, Arch. 11 [1888],
524), and nom. pi. (Arch. 12 [1890], 14 f.; 8 [1885], 235). In
the gen. and loc. sg. the u- and o-stem forms appear side by side
in most Slavic languages, sometimes with a distinction in use
between animate and inanimate objects. In Slovenian especially
there has been an extension of the -ov- to the dat. and loc. pi.
(Arch. 12 [1890], 368, 397; 8 [1885], 244). w-stem forms are
also found to a much more limited extent in other stems than
o-stems. The reason for the extension is to be sought in the
clear and distinctive character of those ?i-stem "^dings which
most prevailed. For example, the gen. pi. of o-stems was like the
nom. sg. and it was natural that it should be displaced by the far
more distinctive -ovu.
Lithuanian agent-nouns in -tojis (j o-stems) have it-stem voc.
sg. in -au, and occasionally gen. sg. in -ausr Brolis, a jo-stem,
has voc. hrolau, probably after the analogy of siinau (Bruckner,
Arch. f. SI. Phil. 3 [1879], 255). So in O. Bulg. the voc. sg. of
Jo-stems is a w-stem form. Umbrian cons, stems have the w-stem
endings in the dat.-abl. pi. (Buck, Osc.-Umbr. Gr. 126) . Umbrian
12 HISTORY OF M-STEMS IN GEEEK
Treho, Fiso show a transfer from the o-stem to the w-stem form
(Buck, loc. cit, 117). The loc. sg. of Skt. ?'-stems has the
ending -ciu apparently from the it-stems. (Cf. Meringer, B.B. 16
[1890], 224; Hirt, I.R 1 [1892], 226; Bartholomae, LF. 10
[1899], 12; Keichelt, B.B. 25 [1899], 244.) Compare Latin
nodu after diu (Bartholomae, I.F. 10 [1899], 13).
V. SUFFIXES
Suffix^ -u- substantives. — This suflBx forms nouns in all the
eight I.E. branches, except, perhaps, Albanian. Its formations
are not numerous in any language except Sanskrit, where there
is a fairly large number. Less than twenty are cited for Lithua-
nian (Leskien, Nomina 239), still fewer for O. Bulg. (Scholvin,
Arch. f. si. Phil. 2 [1877], 508 f.; Leskien, Hdbch. 67), very
few for Celtic (Stokes, B.B. 11 [1886], 76 f.), and in Latin and
Gothic there is no considerable number. In Sanskrit the accent
of neuters is regularly on the root-syllable, and the evidence of
the Greek (70W, 86pv, etc.) shows that this was the I.E. accent
for neuter i<-8tems. Masculines and feminines in Sanskrit are
accented either on the root-syllable or suffix. The Lithuanian
examples have prevailingly suffix accent. Gothic haidus (Skt.
ketil-), sidus point to suffix accent. All grades of the root are
found. The formations are of all genders in Sanskrit, Avestan,
and Latin, masculine in Germanic, Lithuanian, and Slavic. (In
the last two all it-stem nouns of whatever suffix are masculine.)
No specific meaning attaches to the suffix -u-, but its formations
rarely, if ever, have the force of nomina actionis.
The only case where there seems to be any possibility of connecting
the suflBx with a distinct semasiological category is that of words for
parts of the body. There is a considerable number of such, and possibly
u partial "adaptation," such as noted in Gothic (see p. 10) is also to be
rt'cogniz«'<l for the I.E. period. Examples are: Skt. Jdnw- n. "knee," etc.;
Skt. bdhu- m. f. "ann," etc.; Skt. hdmc- f. "chin," etc. (see below); Skt.
sdnu- m. n. "back." Cf. also L. manus f.
1 Horo and elsijwhoro tho tnrni siiHix is usod without any implication that the formative
eletiionts so dosiffnatod nro in nil casos roally additions to the root. In some cases the same
element appears in verb-forms, and may ho regarded as a part of the root or base. But
when such an element has once become productive it is impossible to draw any sharp line
betwoou forms in wliich it bolouRs to the root and those in which it does not. As a matter
of fact in the great majority of words these elements, whatever their origin, are actually
suffixes in the older sense of the term. But certain obvious cases like Skt. bhii-s are com-
monly designated as root-oonns.
INTRODUCTION 13
Examples:' Skt. clyii- n. "life," dyil- m. "living being," Av.
dyu- n. "duration," Grk, auov, L. aevum, Goth, aiws "time;"
Skt. jdnu- n. "knee," Av. zanva,^ pi. "knees," Grk. 70W, L. genu
n., Goth, kniu n. "knee," Eng. knee; Skt. ddru- n. "piece of
wood," dril- n. "wood," Av. da^ru- n. "piece of wood," dm- n.
"wood," Grk. So'/oi; n., O. Ir. daur n. "oak," Goth, triu n. "tree,"
Lith. dervd f. "resinous wood," O.B. drevo n. "tree;" Skt. pdgu-
n. pagil- m. "cattle," Av. pasit- m. "cattle," Jj. pecus pecu, Umbr.
pequo "pecua," Goth, faihu n. "money," Eng. /ee, O. Lith.peA:?*s
m. "cattle" (with k) ; Skt. hdhil- m. f. "arm," Av. bdzu- m. "arm"
(nom. hdzdus), Grk. Trrj^v?, O.H.G. 6mo(/ "bend," O.N. bogr
"bend;" Skt. mddhii- n. (Ved.) "mead," (class.) "honey," Av.
mahi- n. "honey," Grk. fieOv n., O. Ir. mid n. "mead," O.H.G.
meto "mead," Eng. mead, Lith. medus m. "honey," O.B. medu m.
"honey;" Skt. hdnn- f. "chin," Grk. 7eVy? f., L. genu-inus, O. Ir.
^mw m. "mouth," Goth, kinnus f. "chin," Eng, chin.
Suffix -tu- suhstmitives. — This suflBx, like -u-, appears in all
the eight I.E. branches, except, perhaps, Albanian. It forms
chiefly or perhaps entirely nomina actionis. The few words with
the force of nomina agentis like Skt. mdntii- "counsellor," Goth.
hliftus "thief," no doubt originally had the force of nomina
actionis. Compare Skt. mdntu- "counsel" with the developed
meaning seen in mdntu- "counsellor." An important division of
the nomina actionis in -tu- is that of the verbal abstracts (infini-
tives and supines). In Sanskrit the infinitives of this formation
constitute the great mass of words with the suffix -tu-, being
formed at will from any root. This is true of the supines in
Latin, Lithuanian, and Slavic, and, in Celtic, infinitives formed
with original suffix -tu- are not infrequent. In this use in verbal
abstracts the suffix -tu- is not found in Iranian or Germanic. In
the formation of substantives other than infinitives or supines,
1 In the citation of examples no attempt is made to show the relative number of existing
forms in the different languages. Preference is given to words with cognate tt-stems in
other languages, and to those whose derivation seems clear, ^nskrit and Avestan words
are given in the stem form. The precise phonetic equivalence of words cited as cognates is
not assumed.
2 Brugmann, Grd. I2, 555, and others cite an Av. zanu-, but the only form extant is the
ace. pi. zanva, Yt. 1, 27, which as a w-stem form would be isolated in Avestan (cf. Jackson,
Av. Gr. §268), but would be regular if from a wo-stem. Hence it is hardly safe to assign to
Avestan the «-stem form zanu-. Mod. Pers., however, has zanu "knee."
14 HISTORY OF M-STEMS IN GREEK
-tu- is used to form a fair number of words in Sanskrit, several in
Avestan, a few in Celtic, less than half a dozen in Lithuanian
(Leskien, Nomina 564), perhaps but one in O. Bulgarian, many
in Latin, and many in Germanic, especially in extensions of the
suffix -tu-. (See below.)
In Sanskrit the accent of infinitives, when simple, is on the
root-syllable, and this holds good also for most of the other San-
skrit stems in -tu-. In Lithuanian the accent varies, but the
material is too scanty to permit generalization. Lithuanian
supines have the accent on the root-syllable. In Germanic,
Gothic daupus, frij)us, wulpus with others point to root accent,
and the words in -opu- to accent not on the suffix, while Goth.
Jloclus with others, and the words in -odu- point to suffix accent.
Greek nouns in -ru? are mainly oxytone. In Sanskrit the strong
(guna) grade of root is regular, but the weak and strengthened
grades appear (Whit., § 1161). Latin has both strong and weak
grades (Stolz, Hist. Gr. 548). In Germanic, Goth, puhtus m.
"conscience" to piigkjan, kustus m. "proof" to kiusan among
others show a weak grade of root. The strong grade appears in
leipu n. "cider," I.E. root lei. In Lithuanian supines the strong
grade was original, but the weak has often entered through the
influence of the infinitives (Wiedemann, Hdbch. 123). O. Bul-
garian supines have the infinitive stem, and this varies, being
both strong and weak. In Sanskrit the words are of all genders,
but chiefly masculine, masculine in Latin, masculine in Gothic
with perhaps a few exceptions, while in West Germanic there has
been a movement to the feminine of other abstracts. Greek
nouns in -tu? are fem. with one exception.
Examples: Skt. pitil- m. "food, drink," Av. pitii- m. "food,"
Grk. TTiTu? f. "pine," O. Ir. ith m. "grain," Lith. petus pi. "noon,
midday meal;" Skt. siltiL- f. "birth, pregnancy," O. Ir. suih n.
"fetus;" Av. pi)su- m. "ford," \j. partus m., O.B..G. furt, "ford,"
Eng. ford; L. gustus m., Skt. i^jus "enjoy," Goth, kustus m.
"test, proof;" L. vultus m., Goth. wuJpus m. "glory;" O. Ir.
recht n. "right," O.N. rf'ttr m. "right;" Goth, leipu n. "cider,"
Lith. lijtiis m. "rain," i/lei "pour."
In Latin the suffix is very productive, there being 99 sub-
INTRODUCTION 15
stantives in -tus or -sus in Plautus, and nearly 700 in all
writers up to the time of Hadrian. In the form -dtu- the suffix
becomes productive in words denoting offices and official bodies,
as consuldtus, magistrdhis, sendtus, etc. (see Stolz, Hist. Gr. 548,
and for -dtu- also Bloomfield, A.J.P. 12 [1891], 26). In Ger-
manic the widest inifluence of the tu-Guf^x is seen in the form
(Goth.) -assus, -inassus, (Eng.) -ness, starting from verbs in
(Goth.) -atjcm. (Of. Grk. -a^tw.) This suffix is very frequent
in Germanic, Old Norse alone being without it. Possibly in its
later forms outside of Gothic other suffixes than -tu- played a
part (Wilmanns, Deutsche Gr. 2, 355), but the Gothic forms
show that at least in the beginning the suffix was a ^?f-suffix.
(For the suffix as a whole see von Bahder, Verbalabstrakta 109 ff.)
Suffix -m- substantives. — This forms nouns in Sanskrit,
Iranian, Greek, Germanic, and Lithuanian. It is rare except in
Lithuanian, where its numerous formations include primary
nomina actionis and both primary and secondary nomina agent is.
In Sanskrit and Avestan there are both nomina actionis and
nomina agentis. In Sanskrit the accent varies, in Lithuanian it
is never on the suffix. The gender is masculine in Sanskrit and
Lithuanian, masc. and fem. in Avestan and Germanic. The suffix
is clearly Indo-Iranian, and probably Indo-European, though
there is no conclusive evidence for the latter.
Examples: Skt. ddsyu- m. a demon, Av. dahyu- f. "country,
nation," O.P. dahyu- f. (nom. dahydus) "province, district;"
Skt. manyu- m. "mind," Av. mahiyu- m. "spirit;" Skt. mrtyii-
m. "death," Av. mQv^dyu- m. "death," perhaps Armen. mark
mah "death," Htibschmann, Armen. Gr. 472; Lith. gyrius m.
"renown," girti "celebrate;" Lith. st^gius m. "roofer," stegti
"cover;" Lith. basins m. "barefooted one," bdsas "barefooted."
For the numerous Lithuanian examples see Leskien, Nomina.
Suffix -nu- substantives. — This is rare in any language. It
forms nouns in Sanskrit, Avestan, Greek, Latin, Celtic, Germanic,
Lithuanian (one example), and Old Bulgarian. The gender
varies. In Sanskrit the accent is usually on the ending (except
neuters, which have root-accent), and the root has the weak
grade as a rule. The Avestan suffix -snu- (Jackson, Av. Gr.,
16 HISTORY OF W-STEMS IN GREEK
§ 807) is simply an extension of -nu-, originating without doubt
in words where s was part of the original stem.
Examples: Skt. ddnn- n. "drop, dew," Av. ddnu- n. "river;"
Skt. dhenil- f. "cow," Av. daenii- f. "cow," Skt. -\/dhd "suck;"
Skt. hhdniX- m. "light," Av. hdnu- m. "light, ray;" Skt. siinil- m.
"son," Av. hunu- m, "son," Goth, sunus m. "son," Lith. sunus m.
"son," O.B. syml m. "son;" Goth, pailrniis m. "thorn," O.B.
triniX m. "thorn," Skt. trna- m. "blade of grass." Latin examples
are: sinus m., pinus f. (also o-stem), cornu n., and perhaps
manus f.
Suffix -ru- suhsiantives. — This is very rare in any language.
It forms nouns in Sanskrit, Avestan, Greek, Germanic, and
Lithuanian. It is doubtful in Latin (except in lacruma) and
Old Bulgarian. Its forms are neuter in Sanskrit (except gdtru-
" enemy") and Avestan, masculine in Germanic and Lithuanian.
Examples: Skt. cigru- n. "tear," Av. asru- "tear": Grk. Sdupv
n., L. lacruma dacruma; Skt. gdtrii- m. "enemy": Grk. Korof,
but the suffix may be -tru- not -ru-.
In Latin the suffix is possibly seen in tonitrus, and is certain
only in the extended lacru-ma. In Lithuanian (Leskien, Nomina
440) the suffix is perhaps only a variant beside -ra-. In Old
Bulgarian Miklosich, 2, 53, gives daru "gift," and mirii "peace,
world," but neither is given by Leskien, Hdbcli. 67, or Scholvin,
Arch. f. Slav. Phil. 2 (1877), 508 f.
Suffix -gu- substantives. — This is apparently the suffix of
Lithuanian zmogiis "man" (Leskien, Nomina 524), and with it
has been compared the -^v- in Cretan, irpelyvt;, etc. (cf. Brug.,
Grd. 2, 261). Another possible example is Av. driyu- "poor,"
perhaps related to Skt. ddridra- m. "beggar, stroller," i/ drd
"run." Giles, Proc. Cambridge Phil. Soc. 25-27 (1891), 14 f.,
takes L. augur from au- (= avi-) and the same suffix as in
7r/3eo--/8u-9, Hkt.vanargu- "wandering in the forest," Lith. zmogiis;
so also Stolz, Hist. Gr. 156. Otherwise Zimmermann, Rh.M. 55
(1000), 486.
Other, rare, suffixes containing n are: -dku- (Skt., Whit.,
§1181, d); -mu- (Av. gar'mu- m. "heat"); -su- (Skt., Lindner,
Nominalbildung, §97); -tha- (Skt. and Av., Whit. §1164;,
INTRODUCTION 17
Jackson, Av. Gr., §794); -tru- (Skt., Whit., § 1185, g); -vanu-
(Skt., Whit., § 1170, c) ; Lith. -isziiis-, -orius- borrowed from
Slavic (Leskien, Nomina 599, 447); -szu- variant of -sza- in
Lithuanian (Leskien, 598); -hi- only in Lithuanian (Leskien,
470).
B. ADJECTIVES
I. AS A DECLENSIONAL TYPE
The It-declension of adjectives is preserved in Sanskrit, Aves-
tan, and Greek. Old Persian has one it-stem adjective with a
few forms. Gothic has the nom. sg. masc. and fem. and the
nom.-acc. neuter. The genitive is represented by filaus. Lith-
uanian w-stem adjectives have the it-stem forms always in the
nom.-acc. sg., and nom. pi., but in the definite adjectives only
in the nom.-acc, sg.
II. TRANSFER TO OTHER DECLENSIONS
In Latin the it-stem adjectives have gone over to the i-stems,
Skt. tcmil-, L. tenuis. A very few may have become o-stems,
Skt. cdru-, L. earns (cf. Stolz, Hist. Gr. 456). The only relics
of w-stem adjectives seem to be acu-, in acu-pedius (Festus), and
Idils. There are no it-stem adjectives in Oscan-Umbrian.
In Gothic all cases except those named above have gone over
to the Jo-stems. The transfer in Germanic outside of Gothic
has also been in the main to the o-, jo-stems.
In Lithuanian, except in the cases named above, the jo-stem.
forms are used, save that in the instr. sg. (dialectically and in
Old Lithuanian), gen. sg., and instr. pi., it-stem forms are also
found. In the definite adjectives all cases except the nom.-acc.
sg. are of the jo-stem form.
In Slavic it-stem adjectives have been transferred to the o-stems
or have been extended by added suffixes.
III. TRANSFER IN WHOLE OR IN PART TO tt-STEMS OF WORDS BELONGING
ORIGINALLY TO OTHER STEMS
• .-
Brugmann, Grd. 2, 724, gives Skt. peril-m to perils "passing
through," jigyilbhis to jigytls "victorious," Av. jngdiirum to
jagdurus "watchful" as instances of transfer from the perfect
active participle (weak stem -its) to it-stems.
18 HISTORY OF M-STEMS IN GREEK
In Lithuanian there is frequent transfer of o-stem adjectives to
M-stems, the forms in -as and -us often appearing side by side in
the same word.
IV. FORMATION OP THE FEMININE
The fem. of 2(-stem adjectives is formed in Sanskrit, Avestan,
Greek, Germanic, and Lithuanian by the addition of the suffix -I
-id. In Sanskrit, however, it could also be formed with ii by
transfer to the w-declension, and, less often, the same form was
used for the fem. as for the masc. In Gothic also the nom. sg. fem.
was always the same as the nom. sg. masc, while the other cases
were formed with the I-suffix. The use of -i is Indo-European,
and it exerted great influence on the M-stems as a whole, being a
chief factor in the complete transfer to i-stems in Latin, and in
the partial transfer to jo-stem forms in the masc. and neuter in
Lithuanian and Gothic.
V. SUFFIXES
Suffix -u- adjectives. — This forms adjectives in Sanskrit,
Avestan, Old Persian (one example), Greek, Celtic, Germanic,
and Lithuanian. They are numerous in Sanskrit, far outnumber-
ing the substantives with it-suffix, much less common in Avestan,
far more numerous in Greek than the substantives in -u? or -v not
belonging to the -i^ -uo? type, infrequent in Celtic or Germanic,
but very numerous in Lithuanian, here again far outnumbering
the substantives with suffix -ii-. The accent of adjectives in -u
(of whatever w-suffix) was shown by Bezzenberger, B.B. 2 (1878),
123 ff., to have been originally on the suffix. His list of Vedic
examples is about in the proportion of five to one in favor of this
rule. He also cites a long list of Lithuanian adjectives that follow
the rule and only a few that do not. Greek adjectives in -v<; are
regularly oxytone, there being less than half a dozen exceptions.
Goth, hardus to Grk. Kparv<i and O.H.G. durri, O.N. f)urr also point
to accent on the suffix. Goth. Jxulrsns as an exception is weak-
ened by O.H.G. durri, etc. (cf. Kluge, Nom. Stammbildungslehre,
§ 182). The root appears in different grades, and there seems to
be no special significance attaching to -u- as an adjective suffix.
For the suffix in Sanskrit see especially Whitney, Skt. Gr., § 1178.
In Lithuanian the suffix is primary and secondary. In the first use
it has a general adjectival force, in the second it forms derivatives
INTRODUCTION 19
from substantives and has the force of L. -osus, Grk. -et?, being
especially frequent in this use (Leskien, Nomina 244 and 259).
Examples: Skt. cigil- "swift," Av. dsu- "swift," Grk. w/cw, L.
ocior, acii-pedium (Festus), perhaps accipUer for *acu-peter
(Lindsay, L.L. 259; J. Schmidt, Plur. 174); Skt. uril- "wide,"
Av, vo^ru- "broad," Grk. evpv<i -, Skt. guril- "heavy," Av. go^ru-
(in a compound) "opposing," Grk. jSapv^, Goth. kaUrus "heavy"
(cf. Skt. dgru- "unmarried," Av. ayrii- "non gravida"); Skt.
tanil- "thin," Grk. ravv-yXcoacro'i, L. tenuis, O. Ir. tana, O.H.G.
dunni, O.B. tinu-ku "thin;" Skt. trsil- "eager, desirous," Goth.
pailrsus "dry," O.H.G. durri "dry;" Skt. puril- "much," Av.
po^ru- "full," O.P. paru- "much," Grk. ttoXw, O. Ir. il "much,"
Goth, filu n. "much;" Skt. prthil- "broad," Av. pdr^du- "broad,"
Grk. 7r\arv<i, Lith. platus "broad;" Skt. raghil- "fleet, Grk.
iXaxv^, Av. r9vt- f. "the swift one;" Skt. svddil- "sweet," Grk.
r}hv<i, L. sudvis, Eng. sweet; Skt. vdsu- "good," Av. vohu- "good,"
O.P. vahu- (in nomen propr. compound), O. It. fiu "worthy."
Suffix -tu- adjectives. — This forms a very few adjectives in
Sanskrit, as dhdtu- "drinkable," tapyatiX- "glowing, hot" (Whit.,
§1161). It is probable that these are transfers to w-stems of
-ata forms [pacata, etc., Whit., §1176, e). So in Lithuanian
the suffixes -tu-, -stu-, -sztu- appear along with -ta-, -sta-, -szta-
in the formation of a few adjectives (Leskien, Nomina 556-59).
The suffix in Lithuanian is no doubt simply a by-form of -ta-, and
in no sense an inherited suffix.
Suffix -iu- adjectives. — This forms a few adjectives in Sanskrit
(see Whitney, § 1165, 6). For "secondary yu" in forming adjec-
tives from nominal and pronominal stems see Whitney, § 1178,
h, i. In this use it generally has the force of "desiring or seek-
ing after," and is fairly common.
In Lithuanian, adjectives in -iu- are very doubtful (Leskien,
Nomina 326). It may be said that outside of Sanskrit the suffix
-iu- does not form adjectives.
Suffix -nu- adjectives. — This forms a very few adjectives in
Sanskrit, in the forms -nu- and -anu- (Whit,, § 1162, 6, c), a very
few in Avestan, and a few in Lithuanian, which, however, are
closely associated with those in -na- (Leskien, 355 ff.). The
20 HISTORY OF ?(-STEMS IN GREEK
suffix -snu- found in Sanskrit is an extension of the suffix -nu-,
originating no doubt in words where s was part of the stem. Cf.
Whitney, § 1194. So also Skt. -tnii-, Whit., § 1196.
Examples: Skt. grdJmil- "hasty," j/grdh "be eager;" Skt.
tapnil- "burning," y'tap "warm;" Av. zoisnu- "unclean," Bar-
tholomae, Z.D.M.G. 50 (1896), 689; Jackson, A.J.R 12 (1891), 68.
Suffix -ru- adjectives. — This apparently forms a few adjectives
in Sanskrit, and one or two in Avestan, but in the absence of
cognates from other languages it cannot be determined whether
the suffix is -ru- or -lit-. No certain examples of rw-adjectives
are found in Germanic (Kluge, Nominalstammbildungslehre^ 94,
197) . In Lithuanian the suffix forms a fair number of adjectives.
These outnumber those in -ra-., with which they are closely
associated (Leskien, Nomina 440 ff.).
Examples: Skt. 'patdru- "flying," ^/jKit "fly;" Skt. vanddru-
"praising," Av, vandru- "desiring," Skt. y/vand "greet;" Lith.
gaidriis, gedriis, and ghlras "bright, clear" (of weather) : <^aLhp6<i.
Suffix -lu- adjectives. — This forms a few adjectives in Sanskrit
and Greek, one or two in Germanic, and a small number in Lith-
uanian, where they outnumber those in -la-.
Examples: Skt. dhdril- "sucking," Grk. Oi^Xvi, Skt. \/dhd
"suck;" Skt. hluril- "timid," Lith. hailiis "fearful;" Kluge
(Nom. 193) cites only Goth, aglus "heavy" as certain. For
Lithuanian see Leskien, Nomina 468. For Skt. -dlu- see Whit-
ney, § 1227, h.
Other, rare, suffixes containing u are: -dku- (Skt., Whit.,
§1181, f/); -ku- in Lith. (Leskien, 507); -mu- in Skt. stdmil-
"thundering" to \/stan "thunder" (Lindner, Altindische Stamm-
bildung, §75; Wackernagel, Ai. Gr. 14); -su- in Skt. according
to Lindner, § 97, but doubtful. In Lith. -su- forms a few adjec-
tives, but is merely a by-form of -sa-. (Cf. Leskien, 597.)
II. tJ-STEMS
A. NOUNS
I. AS A DECLENSIONAL TYPE
The ?7-declension is preserved in Sanskrit, Avestan, Greek, and
Old Bulgarian. Latin has it only in the root-nouns sus and grus.
INTRODUCTION 21
These have the ace. sg. suem, gruem like Grk. 6(f>pva, etc., and in
the nom. pi. the 2-stem ending -es, not differing in this respect
from other stems in Latin which follow the cons, declension. The
dat.-abl. pi. subus is the u-stem. form, while suibus, gruibus are
after the i-stems. Leskien, Nomina 241 ff., sees the type also in
four Lettic feminines, pluralia tantum.
Some of the forms are clearly root-stems in which the w is a
part of the root, e. g., L. sils, etc., but the type is not limited to
such, as shown by Skt. Qvagru-, O.B. svekry, etc. Nouns in u
are all feminine except a very few somewhat doubtful masculines
in Sanskrit, and a masculine or two in Greek. In Sanskrit they
are all oxytone (Whitney, 355, c), and in Greek the accent is
on the ultima almost without exception.
II. TRANSFER TO OTHER STEMS
In Latin it would seem from socrus that w-stems (other than
root-stems) became w-stems. The shortening before the m in the
ace. sg. socrum would make that form identical with the ace. sg.
of short w-stems, and leveling probably caused the transfer of the
remaining cases. In the modern Slavic languages il-stems have
been lost, going over mainly to the a-stems. Isolated instances
of transfer elsewhere are: Goth, swaihrd (dn-stem), O.B. *kry
kruvi (I'-stem), Lith. zuvis (i-stem).
Examples: Skt. gvagru- "mother-in-law," O.B. svekry, L.
socrus (it-stem), Goth, swaihro, with same meaning; Skt. tanii- f.
"body," Av. tanu- f. "body;" Skt. 7irtil- m. "dancer," nrtyati
"dance;" O.B. liuby f. "love," L. lubet, etc.; O.B. oely f. "heal-
ing, cure," Goth, hails "well," Eng. hale, whole; Skt. bhii- f.
"earth," Skt. 7/6M "become;" Skt. bhril- "brow," Grk. oc^pO?,
Lith. bruvis "brow," Eng. brow; Skt. vadhu-^ f. "bride," Lith.
vedii, O.B. vedq "I lead." For further examples see Whitney,
Skt. Gr. 355, c.
B. ADJECTIVES
Sanskrit alone has the w-declension of adjectives. Here the
suffix -u- is used in forming feminines to masculine adjectives in
-u. They constitute the bulk of Sanskrit iZ-stems.
1 Uhlenbeck, ai. etym. WOrterbuch, s. v. vadhus, cites Av. vaSu-, wnich I have not been
able to find.
22 HISTORY OF M-STEMS IN GREEK
No other form of w-sviffix than the simple -u- seems to appear. (For
Grk. -TV- see p. 46). Evidence for it-stems from other derivative suflBxes
is scanty. The suffix -uko-, which forms a few adjectives in Sanskrit
and Latin and a noun or two in Greek and Old Bulgarian (Brug., Grd. 2,
256; Whit., §1180/.), probably arose by the addition of the svilfix -ko-
to a tt-stem. So the suffix -tuti-, which forms a few nouns in Latin,
Celtic, and Gothic, as well as the Latin -tudo-, may point to a suffix -tu-
(Cf. Pokrowskij, KZ. 35 [1899], 247; Kretschmer, K.Z. 31 [1892], 333).
U-STEMS IN GREEK
A. NOUNS
i. nouns in -l^j -v, gen. -€0s (attic -ewj), representing the original type i
(short w-stems)
The stem-suffix appears in the three forms -v-, -e/r-, and -f-. The
last two are followed by the case-endings of the consonant stems.
In its declension of this type, Greek differs from the related lan-
guages chiefly in its extension of the strong form -ef- to cases
which have the weak form in other languages. The form -f-, that
is, -U-, is confined to certain cases of vw, jovv, and 86pv. As
normal representatives of the declension of this type may . be
taken 6 irrj'yv'i and to darv.
The nom. sg. in -t"? and -v is parallel to the forms in related
languages and calls for no remark.
In all dialects except Attic, so far as there is any evidence, the
gen. sg. has -eo<? from -e/r-09. Greek stands alone in this form,
Skt. -OS, Goth, -mis, Lith. -dus pointing to an I.E. gen. -eus or
-ous for ?t-sterns. The Attic -ew? is explained as due to the influ-
ence of 7roA,ea)9 from Homeric tto'Xt/o? by change of quantity, this
with 7) after the loc. (dat.) sg. iroXijL (So, for example, Brug.,
Gr. Gr.'* 224). It is possible that the -eW of nouns in -ew had a
share in making -eayj the regular Attic gen. for w-stems. The
form ao-reo)? occurs without exception on Attic inscriptions, e. g.,
C.I.A. 2, 584 (318-307 B. C), C.I.A. 2, 379 (229 B. C), etc.,
{a](rT€o^, Ditt.' 541, 5, of 421 B. C. in Attic alphabet = aVreftx?).
Phrynichus (Lobeck, 245; Rutherford, 318) wrongly gives the
gen. sg. as irrj'xeo^ (cf. K.B., § 126, anm. 7), but Photius, 429, 7,
p. 316, bids us say 7r77%e&)9 not 7r?7%ou9. Etym. Mag. 687, 11, gives
Trpetr^eft)?, ir-qx^^'^i 'n-eXeKeco'i as Attic, citing 7rpea^vo<i apparently
as non-Attic. The usage of later Atticists was not always in
accordance with the evidence of the inscriptions, Philostratus and
Strabo, for example, having forms in -eo9 (Schmid, Atticismus IV,
20, 586, III, 25). In Aesch. Suppl. 490 at the close of an iambic
line, most MSS. read acrreof;. In Soph. O.R. 762, also at the end
23
24 HISTORY OF li-STEMS IN GREEK
of a line, ao-reo)? is read. But Euripides has undoubted instances
where the long vowel is demanded, e. g., El. 246, Ph. 842. (K.B.,
§126, anra. 2). The non-Attic literary dialects, Epic, Ionic,
Doric, show the gen. sg. -eo?. ^olic happens not to have the
gen. sg., but has other forms of the same declension. The evi-
dence from inscriptions is scanty but decisive for the -eo? form,
e. g., Boeotian [F]daTLo^ S.G.D.I. 491, 3 = C.I.G.S. 3170, 3,
with t for € before a vowel ; cf . Boeotian 0io<i ; Cretan ft'eo?,
L.G. VI, 8.
The dat. sg. is a loc. sg. in origin and has -el (-et) from -e/r-t,
parallel to Vedic -avi in simdvi.
The ace. sg. has -vv -v, parallel to the forms in related lan-
guages, I.E. -tim -u. For vlea, etc., see below under vlv<;.
The voc. sg. in -v has a parallel in Goth, -w, Av. -u, but Skt.
-o, Lith. cm, O.B. -ii show forms going back to I.E. -eu or -ou.
The nom. pi. in -ee? (-et?) from -ef-e? shows the normal form
parallel to Skt. -avas, etc. The uncontracted form -ee? seems to
have prevailed everywhere except in Attic. For the literary evi-
dence see K.B., § 127. The only inscriptional forms are: ^Eolic
irpea/See^, S.G.D.I. 281, A33 (333 B. C); Acragas irpea^ee^,
S.G.D.I. 4254, 11; Cretan vlee^, L.G. VII, 25, 22; Delphian
7rp€cr]/3et<i, S.G.D.I. 2506, 37 (277 B. C), probably the kolvi]
form. There is no inscriptional evidence for adjectives, so far as
I have noted.
The gen. pi. in -ecov from -ep-wv is, like the gen. sg., an example
of the extension of the strong form of the suffix to weak cases.
Herodian I, 428, gives irrj-xewv and ireXeKecov as Attic. Photius
316 says Tr-qx^f*^^ not irrjx^v, as also 7n]-)(^e(iy; not 7r?;;^;oL'<?. C.I. A.
II add. 834, C. 15 (324 B. C.) has -mjx^eov bis. The contracted
form 7rT]X(t>v is late (cf. K.B., § 126, anm. 7). A Pergamene
inscription of the time of Trajan shows tttjx^p.
The dat. [A. in -eac is n loc. pi. in origin, but with -ea-t instead
of -va-L after the analogy of the nom. -gen. pi. (so Brugmann, Gr.
Gr.' 237). Homer has TreXe'/cecrcrt (also Corinna) with the ending
which is so widespread in the third declension, especially in the
.<Eolic dialects, and is usually explained as an extension from
s-stems (Brug., Gr. Gr.\ §§ 271 and 273, 1; G. Meyer, Gr. Gr.",
tt-STEMS IN GREEK 25
§ 376; Smyth, Ionic 378; otherwise, K.B., § 118, 10, anm. 9, and
Wackernagel, I.F. 14 [1903], 373-375).
In the ace. pi. Cretan alone shows the original ending -vvi,
L.G. IV, 40, vLvv<; (of. Goth, sununs). Schulze, Com. Phil.
Gryph. (1887) 17, holds that Homer had an ace. pi. in -i)? from
-vv<;. In Homer TroXeo?, TroXee?, TroXecov are found forty-two times,
never sufPering contraction or synizesis except in two instances,
in one of which emendation is easy, while in the other the line is
considered spurious. This being true of the gen. sg. and nom.-
gen. pi., it is surprising that in eighteen occurrences of the ace.
pi. of TToXu? no less than eight must be read as dissyllables. This
dissyllabic form appears in the MSS. sometimes as iroXeaf (II. 1,
559; II. 2, 4; Od. 3, 262), sometimes as TroXet? (II. 15, 66, etc.),
and sometimes with variation between the two. It is unlikely
that ea would contract more readily than eo or ee. Homer does
not have the nom. pi. TroXet?, and Schulze first pointed out that it
is unlikely that a nom. form -ei? would be employed as an ace.
before it was in use as a nom. We are not justified in assuming
that TToXea? contracted while TroXee? did not, nor that TroXet? is to
be taken as the correct form of the dissyllabic accusatives, and as
a nom. pi. form used in the accusative.
Schulze therefore concluded that Homer used a form in -w
from -vv<;. This view is borne out by the evidence of the related
languages and by Cretan vlvv<;, as well as by the reading ttoXv?
ascribed to Zenodotus by the scholiast on II. 2, 4, and now
accepted by Fick and Christ. Against this view may be urged
the direct statement of the scholiast [loc. cit.) that the ace. pl. in
-v<i is confined to nouns in -w -vo?, and the fact that the sole tradi-
tional support for -i>9 is this reading of Zenodotus.
Wackernagel, I.F. 14 (1903), 369 f., seeks to show that the
ace. pl. forms in -ei<; are from -ew, which has displaced the original
-fw under the influence of other cases with e, just as -eat arose
for -vaL in the dat. pl. (Brugmann, Kurze Gr. 392, accepts Wacker-
nagel's view as probable.) His theory has the advantage of retain-
ing the form -et?, which has traditional support, but the weight of
this is lessened by the fact that -et? can perfectly well be due to
the Attic form familiar to the editor, while -w in short f-stems
26 HIvSTORY OF M-STEMS IN GREEK
would get no such support. On the other hand it is reasonably
certain that the gen. sg. -ef o<? for -ei"? or -f 09 and the gen. pi. -ef cdu
for -f(ov arose in proethnic Greek, probably also the dat. pi. -eo-t
(unfortunately here the Cretan has only the analogical vldai), yet
these left the accusative forms unaffected, as the -vv of all dialects
and the Cretan vlvv^ show. The -ew could not therefore belong
to this stratum, and the later dialectic encroachment of e/r in the
accusative forms was accompanied by the consonantal endings,
i. e., -e(/r)a, -€(f)a?. A dialectic substitution of -ev^; for -vv<i is
only a degree more plausible than would be an ace. sg. -ev for -vv.
So far as the Attic accusative in -€i9 is concerned, there is no
question of priority to forbid its being a nominative form used as
an accusative, for, as far as we know, Attic had nom. pi. -et? from
the earliest historical period. There are parallels to this usage
elsewhere, e. g., the nom. pi. of the Latin fourth declension in -lis
is best taken as an accusative form (so Lindsay, L.L. 398; Brug.,
Kurze Gr. 391), and the "contracted" nom. pi. of the -y?, -uo?
declension is an accusative form (Brug., Gr. Gr.^ 266), and the
fact that Attic does not have -e? for -a? (see Wackernagel) is not
a serious objection.
The forms in -ea? in use in Homer and Herodotus are further
examples of the extension of the strong form of the suffix -e/r- and
the consequent adding of the consonant ending -a?.
The nom. -ace. pi. neuter in -ea, from -ef-a, has the a of the
cons, stems (see above, p. 8). The Attic -77 is after the analogy
of the s-stems, Wackernagel, K.Z. 25 (1881), 272. Pindar,
Nem. 10, 5, has aa-Tr), Bacchylides 13, 155, darea. C.I.G. Ins.
I, 3, 202 (metrical, third or fourth century B. C.) has da-Tea.
The peculiar form aiaTea occurs B.C.H. 24 (1900), 71, in a
metrical inscription from Boeotia of the third century B. C. For
the t see Solmsen, Rh.M. 58 (1903), 614.
The dual nom. -ace. in -ee (Attic -ei) from -ef-e, has the usual
-€ of the Greek nom. -ace. dual. On this -e see Brug., Gr, Gr.^
231; Kretschmer, K.Z. 31 (1892), 381; J. Schmidt, K.Z. 27
(1885), 292. Herodian II, 324, says that the nominative of the
dual in the orators is rtu irpea-^r], from Trpea^vi, TrpeV/Seo?, but
that tbe form irpea^r] in Aristophanes (Fr. 495, Dd.) is from
W-STEMS IN GREEK 27
Trpea^ev^, tov irpea^eo^. The dual rtw irpia^et occurs on an inscrip-
tion of Carpathus, Ditt/ 69, 45 and 56 = C.I.G. Ins. I, 977 (fourth
century B.C. ) , &> and r) are on the stone, but e is used for a. So
the Attic vlel (written hvce) occurs on an inscription, C.I.A. iv,
418, 9 (before 418 B. C). Kirchhoff transcribes utr), but cf.
Meisterhans^ footnote, 1205.
The dual gen.-dat. -eoLv from -ep-ocv has the usual ending
added to the strong form of the suffix. For the -oiv see Brug.,
Gr. Gr.' 232, with the literature cited.
So far as there is any evidence, it has been shown that the
type -1/9 -V, -eo? extends throughout the dialects. This is in strik-
ing contrast to the i-stems, which, outside of Attic-Ionic, and in
Ionic also in large measure, have the declension of the t- lY-stems,
gen. -to9, nom. pi. -te9. Most short M-stems have gone over to the
declension of the long iZ-stems in Greek, but in the few substan-
tives where the short it-declension has been preserved it is found
not merely in Attic or Attic-Ionic, but also in other dialects.
The only nouns in Greek declined according to this type are:
rj e7%eXi;9, o 7reXe/cu9, 6 Trrfx^^i, 6 irpea-^vi, 6 vlv<i, and the neuters
aarv, ttwu, aSypv, and perhaps /xicri/. Like these are declined the
adjective compounds with TreXe/cw, ttt/^w, or TrpeV/Sw as final
member. See below, p. 62. Wackernagel, K.Z. 25 (1881), 272,
assumes a form *8€v8pv- to account for SevSprj, etc., but there
seems to be no reason why these should not be from SevSpo^; as
usually taken. For 70^1; and Sopv. which belong more closely
with this type than with any other, but which do not conform to
it as a whole, see below, pp. 35 f. Homer has a pi. K(oea^ Kcoeai
from which Schmidt, editor of Hesychius, s. v. tcvvvinafia^ infers
a sg. icSiv like irSiv to pi. 7r<wea, but the sg. /ca)a9 is found in Homer,
and from this the /ctoea is usually taken.
e7%e\i;9 varies in declension, having forms of the -w -f09 type,
especially in the plural. Homer has only the pi. e7%eXue9.
Archilochus has e7%eXua9. According to gryphon in Athenseus
7, 299, chap. 54, Attic declined the singular like tttJ^w -eft)9, but
the plural like nouns in -w -vo^. So also ^lius Dionys. ap.
Eustath. 1231, 35 = ed. Schwabe 72 and 150, 15. Aristophanes
has e7%eXei9, e7%eXea)v, and eV^eXeo-ti'. According to Bonitz'
28 HISTORY OF if-STEMS IN GREEK
Index, Aristotle uses the nom. sg. eyx^^v;, the gen. sg, e7%eA,6a)9
and e7;^e\i;o9, nom. pi. e7%eXi;9, e7;;^eX,ue9, iyx^Xei,<i (once v. 1. -iSe?),
gen. pi. -vMv, -icov, -ewv^ dat. pi. -ucri, -eo-t. The grammarians are
inclined to take the forms lyxiXew^ ey")(i\e(iiv from a nom. sg.
e7;T^eXt9. So Bekker, A.G. 1366. For the usage in other writers
see especially Thesaurus, s. v., and also K.B., § 126, anm. 3, 441.
ireXeKVi has the dat. pi. ireXeKvaL in ^lian H.A. xvii, 44, but
in xiv, 29 the regular ireXeKeat. Hesychius, s. v. 'EretXeTj has
TreXmvo^ (cf. Lobeck, Phryn. 246).
The grammarians mention forms in -uo? from 7rpecr^v<; and take
the gen. TrpecrySetu? from irpea-^i,';. So Etym. Mag. 687, 11, irpea-
/St? .... CLTTO Tov TTpda^L'i TTpeo-ySio?, 7rpea^e€<; irpea^ei'i ....
KXiveraL ro Trpecr^v^ irpea^vo'i koI 7rp€a^€co<i 'ATTLK(o<i' koI ecrri
rpiTOv fiera joiv 'jrrj-)(eo}^ koX ireXeKew^i crearjfieKOfxeviov. Choero-
boscus 234, 23 = Bekker, A.G. 1413 = Gram. Gr^ci, iv, 1, 233, 6,
says the feminine is 17 Trpea^v; t^? irpea^vo'^ and the masculine in
Doric is irpecryv; irpea-yvo'i, and that irpea^L^i irpea^ea^ means
"ambassador," while irpea/Bvi means yepcov. Cf. also schol. Arist.
Ach. 93. ChcEroboscus ap. Hdn. ii, 707, cites a voc. TrpeajBu^ and
an ace. irpea^iv.
The gen. sg. of vlv^ is given as utVo? not vteW. See below,
p. 32.
Of the neuters, aaTu is the only one in frequent use.
TTOiv is found only in Homer and Hesiod, in Homer only in the
forms TTWu, 7r(i)ea, ircoeat, in Hesiod only Trcoea. The grammarian
in Cramer, Anecd. Ox. 3, 255, says to ttmv is declined like neOv,
TTcov TTcouo? TTcovc, and that the poet (Homer) made the pi. Trcoea
from another sg. ttcoo? just as he had Accoa? and pi. Kotea.
The word aojpv has the gen. crcopeco^ in Diosc. 5, 119, and in
the Hii)piatrica (an anonymous work of the Middle Ages on
medicine), but Pliny 34, 29, has soryos. The Thesaurus says
the genitive should be corrected to acopvo'i (which Pliny has), or
the nominative should be taken as a-copi. The gen. soreos is
found in Celsus 6, 9. aMpt is found in Democritus. Galen has
the word frequently, but always in the form a-topv.
L. and S. s. v., and K.B., § 126, give /J-ia-v as belonging to the
same declension as daTv, thoujjh also with the sren. -1/09. The
M-STEMS IN GREEK 29
Thesaurus does not give the genitive in -ea)? at all, but thinks on
the basis of the Latin use of the word that it may have been used
as an indeclinable, when not declined in -v -uo?. None of the
references in L. and S. or in the Thesaurus, so far as I know, has
the genitive in -e&)9, and K.B. give no references. Lobeck, Phryn.
288, in commenting on crivrjTn (nvrjireu)'; and crivairv crLvdirvo^ says:
"sic Tov ^pddvo<i Jul. Afric. Cest. 16, 294. rov /xiavo<i et rov fiiaeax^
apud materiae medicae scriptores, itemque (rep€(o<i et o-topecD?." In
his index Lobeck gives the reference to fiiaeo)'; under fiCai not iilav.
Certain it is that such words (mostly of foreign origin) for plants,
metals, and medicines were greatly confused among the late writers.
So Phrynichus, loo. cit. supra, tells us not to say aivain, but vuttv,
and the declension varied as given above. At any rate, the gen.
Hi(rvo<; is by far the most frequent, if that in -eox? occurs at all. I
have found the form in -vo? in the following:: Diosc. 5, 117 ; Celsus
5, 19, §8; Galen (ed. Kuhn), Vol. XIX, p. 736 bis; Hippocrates
(ed. Littr6) vi, 422, in two MSS., others having fiva-LO'i, vii, 354,
with no V. 1., vii, 414, § 98, one MS. having fxiav, viii, 170, § 76,
with no V. 1.
In modern Greek no distinction exists between the declensions of
original short tt-stems and original long w-stems, both having been
merged with stems the vowel of whose final syllable, rj or t, had become
identical in pronunciation with v. See Hatzidakis, Neugr. Gram. 380;
Jannaris, Hist. Grk. Gr., §§ 389, 390, 398, 399; Thumb, Neugi-. Volks-
sprache 36, § 70, 2.
y/v?.' Exclusive of the o-stem forms, viv<; presents the follow-
ing: Nom. sg.: vlw Lac. S.G.D.I. 4402 = Cauer 4 = I.G.A. 54,
the only example of the stem viv- in Laconian (Boisacq, Dial.
Dor. 145), Cretan L.G. ix, 40, vlvi'i mistake for vlv^ L.G. xii, 17;
vihw Attic vase, Klein, Gr. Vasen 72 = C.I.G. 8202, and vlh<;
Klein, 72 = C.I.G. 8203, mistake for vlhv'; ; uu?, Attic, C.I. A. iv,
1 Miller, M61anges (1868) 291; Baunack, Curt. Stud. 10 (1878), 88 f. ; Nauck, M61anges
(1875-1880) iv, 102; Hartel, Zeitsch. f. Ost. G. 27 (1876), 628; Wackernagel, K.Z. 25 (1881), 291;
Osthoff, M.U. iv (1881), 185 adn. 2; Bergk, Poetae Melici (1882) 534; Baunack, Inschr. v. Gort.
71 (1885); Schulze, Com. Phil. Gryph. 20 ff. (1887); Kretschme?!-, K.Z. 29 (1888), 470 f., Vasen
Inschr. 187 (1894) ; Allen, Papers of Am. School at Athens iv (1888), 71 f. ; Delbruck, Die Indo-
germ.Verwandtschaftsnamen 455(1889); Kahner-Blass,Gr.Gr. (1890) 138; La Roche, BeitrSge
zur gr. Gram. 1 (1893), 22211., especially valuable for review of forms, Homerische Unters.
46; Brugmann, Grd. 2, 299 f., 12 182, 270 f.. Gr. Gr.3, §§ 14, 29, 183; Meisterhans, Att. Inschr.3 144
(1900); Herwerden, Lexicon suppl. et dial. s. v. (1902); Ehrlich, K.Z. 38 (1902), 89. In the
following pages on uiu? the abbreviation loc. cit. will refer to the works here cited.
30 HISTORY OF tt-STEMS IN GREEK
1, h, 373, 107, metrical sixth century B. C. (C.I. A. i, 398, is
usually taken as metrical, and if so seems to have the first syllable
short, Usener, altgr. Versbau 30. But cf. Baunack, Inschr. v.
Gort. 71; Allen, loc. cit., 55, 71; Ehrlich, loc. cit., who read it
vv^ as one long syllable. Meisterhans, loc. cit., suggests that it
may be a prose inscription) ; y? Attic, C.I. A. iv, 1, b, 373, 94,
metrical sixth century B. C. ; m<; hypothetical form, a figment
of the grammarian, Etym. Mag. 553, 15; cf. 775, 20; m? or vh
attributed to Simonides, see Bergk, loc. cit., Miller, loc. cit.
Gen. sg. : vlo<i Homer. Whether Thessalian HYIO^ of the
Sotairos inscription belongs here (/ii/to?) or is to be understood
as hvto<;, gen. sg. of vt<f, is still uncertain. See Solmsen, Inscr.
Graecae ad inlustr. Dialectos sel. 21, footnote 10, with literature
cited; mVo? Homer, Cretan, L.G. vi, 3, Attic MSS., see La Roche,
loc. cit., 223; ueo? Attic, C.I. A. ii, 1513 (400-350 B. C); vlem
called pseudattic by Phrynichus (Lobeck, 68; Ruth. 141), see
La Roche, loc. cit., 223; utr)o9 Attic metrical, time of Empire,
C.I.A. iii, 914, 1.
Dat. sg. : vli Homer, Hesiod ; vlel Homer, Hesiod ; viet Homeric
doubtful (see K.B., §435), Argive, S.G.D.L 3297, 2, prose, time
of Empire, Attic, S. G.D.I. 1597, 4, from Dodona, but in Attic
dialect, stone has NIEI, Attic MSS., La Roche, loc. cit., 224,
Elatea, metrical, third or fourth century B. C. in B.C.H. 10 (1886),
367 ; virjt late Epic.
Ace. sg.: vivv Arcad. S.G.D.I. 1183, Cretan, L.G. vi, 12, x, 15;
via Homer, iEnianian, S.G.D.I. 1438,6, metrical, Locrian, S.G.D.I.
1500, time of ^Etolian League, Bithynian, B.C.H. 24 (1900), 381,
8, metrical, third century B. C, Thasos, Chios, etc., metrical
inscriptions; viea Homer, only II. 13, 350, various later poets, see
La Roche, loc. cit., 223, C.I.G. Ins. i, 3, 819, metrical, second
century B. C, Inschr. v. Olymp., footnote 184, third century B. C.
Rev. t.t. Grecq. 15 (1902), 331, metrical from Pontus, B.C.H. 24
(1900), 381, 16, metrical from Bithynia, third century B. C,
same inscription has via, Phrynichus (Lobeck 68) and Thomas
Magister, 367, disapprove the form, though Dio Chrys. uses it,
i, 261, 28 (Schmid, Attic, i, 8()) ; viija late Epic (Nicander
Frag. 110).
W-STEMS IN GREEK 31
Nom. pi.: vte<? Homer; vi€€<; Homer, Hesiod, Pindar Is. 7, 25,
Cretan, L.Q. vii, 25, 22; vlel^ Homer, Od. 15, 248, 24, 497 (here
vlee<i Naiick), Hesiod Frag. 70, 3 (130 K), 136 (68 K) (mVe?
Nauck), Attic MSS., La Roche, loc. cit, 224; vel^ Attic, C.I. A.
i, 61, 14 (409 B. C), Corpus (Kohler) transcribes vrj<;, Meister-
hans, loc. cit., uet? ; vlrj€<; late Epic.
Voc. pi.: vlek Homer, II. 5, 464 (ute? Nauck).
Gen. pl. : vlwv Homer (Plato, Demosthenes, Pindar, Quintus
of Smyrna; see La Roche, loc. cit, 225). This form could, of
course, belong either with vie? or vtoi, but is preferably taken
with vi€<i. Cf. Wackernagel, loc. cit, 290, who makes vipatv
parallel to Av. j^f^t-^vdm; vlemv Pindar, Attic MSS., La Roche,
loc. cit., 225, Protagoras, Smyth, Ionic 398; vlr^wv, Anth. Pal.
viii, 118, 5.
Dat. pl. : vldai Homer, Cretan, L.G. iv, 37, Soph. Antig. 571,
V. 1. vlidL', vlecTi Attic MSS., La Roche, loc. cit, 225; veeaat, prose
inscription from Syracuse, Inscr. Sic. et It. 10 =:S. G.D.I. 3235,
where Blass reads (T)e(Xe)o-t; vl^eaaiv late Epic, La Roche,
loc. cit., 226.
Ace. pl.: vlvv^ Cretan, L.G. iv, 40, Argive, J.H.S. 13 (1892-
93), 128, n. 61, on a fragment from the Acropolis (Meyer, Gr.
Gr.^^ 461) ; via? Homer; met? Attic C.I. A. iii, 167, 5 (143 A. D.),
archaizing incription, Attic MSS., La Roche, loc. cit., 225; vek
Attic, C.LA., ii, 51, 11, 19, 27, 30 (369 B. C.) = Ditt.' 89, C.LA.
ii, add. i, b, 37, 393 = Ditt.' 57, YE^ (403 B. C); mVa? Homer,
Hesiod, Herodotus, C.I.G. Ins. i, 3, 1189, 4, metrical; ui^a?
late Epic.
Nom.-acc. dual: ule Homer, Hesiod; mVe Attic MSS., La Roche,
loc. cit., 224; vlel Attic, C.LA. iv, 418, 9 (before 418 B. C), stone
HYIE. Kirchhoff transcribes vli], but cf. Meisterhans^ footnote
1205.
Of the nom. sg, forms given, f/t? is a fiction of the grammarian,
and vk attributed to Simonides by the Florentine Etym. Mag. is
rejected by Herodian. The other forms are from the w-stem
proper.
In the gen. sg. vlo<i^ is without doubt from *vlfo^ parallel to
1 The analogy of other words and other languages points to the accent uios v'U in the
gen.-dat. sg. as suggested by Wackernagel, loc. cit., 290. Schulze adopts Wackernagel's
32 HISTORY OF H-STEMS IN GREEK
yovvo^ Sovp6<i, from *'yovp6^ *Sopp6^. The forms fiVo?, veo^ are
like Trr}')(eo^. The form uteW is branded as pseudattic by Phryni-
chiis, and Thomas Magister, 367 (ed. Ritschl), bids us write ytVo?
with an omicron. Further Etym. Mag. 775, 20 says the Athen-
ians wrote vleo^ with o not w. The evidence of Attic inscriptions
is confined to one example, C.I.A. ii, 1513, with mVo?. The date
is fixed between 400 and 850 B. C, so that it would have had
uiVft)?, had this been the Attic form. The spelling vteo)? is, how-
ever, fairly frequent in the MSS. of Attic writers (cf. Lobeck,
Phryn. 68 fP.). vlrjoi; is a late metrical form developed no doubt
through confusion with nouns in -ev?.
Of the other forms cited all agree with the corresponding forms
of the regular declension as given above except the following:
(1) Forms with the sufiix grade -f - and the consonantal endings,
like the gen. ylo?, discussed above; dat. sg. fit, ace. sg. vla^ nom,
pi. wle?, gen. pi. vlwv (see above under forms), ace. pi. via?, nom.-
acc. dual vh.
Kiihner-Blass, § 138, 507, give the dat. pi. viao-t as parallel to the
gen. sg. vTos, nom. pi. vies, etc. (so also La Roche, loc. cit., 223), but in
that case the dat. pi. Trrjx^at should be explained in the same way. The
form vldcTL has been explained from the time of Eustathius (1348, 27) to
the present (Wackernagel, K.Z. 25 [1881], 289; Bloomfield, A.J.P. 12
[1891 J, 24; Kretschmer, K.Z. 29 [1888], 470) as having its a from the
analogy of other uouus of relation.ship iraTpdai, etc. vidai is for vUa-i,
and this for *ulucri as exi)lained above under the dat. pi. Ktihner-Blass,
§ 118, 417, miss the point of the syllabic liquid in iraTpdcn, etc.
(2) A series of late epic forms made mainly after the analogy
of nouns in -ew, like the gen. sg. ut'r}o9 cited above; dat. sg. vlrjl,
ace. sg. uf'rya, nom. |>1. ft^e?, dat. pi. vi-qea-cnv, ace. pi. i/if/a? (cf.
La Roche, loc. at., 225 f.).
(3) The ace. sg. vle'a, an extension of the strong grade -e/r-
with the consequent use of consonantal -a. Homer has such a
form also in the ace. sg. of the adjective, e. g., evpea irovrov. The
ace. pi. vlvi^ has been sufficiently discussed above under the
ace. pi.
sngRestion and writes ut<k, vii. Cf. DanielssoD, Eranos 1 (1896), 1.39, footnote. But it is hard
to Kct around the direct statomont of Hcrodinn ii, fil I, 315, that the gen. vlos is proporispom-
enon, though he is, to bo sure, in error in regiirding it as from a nom. ulis (not extant).
Cf. Ktym. MaK. 77.">, 20. It would seem that the coexistence of a nom. uio? and gen. uids would
prove so c<»nfusing as to h-ad to a difference in accent for the sake of distinctness.
?t-STEMS IN GREEK 33
In Homer the o-stem forms, nom. eg. vi6<;, ace. sg. vlov, voc.
sg. vie, are frequent. The gen. sg. viov occurs once, Od. 22, 238,
the dat. pi. vlolai once, Od. 19, 418, while vlov<;, II. 5, 159, is
universally rejected as a false reading. K.-B. give vlcov as from
the stem ulo-, but this is an unnecessary assumption; see above
under forms. The passages with vlov and violai are suspected of
being late additions, cf. Schulze, loc. cit., 25. If these are set
aside we have left in Homer only the nom., ace, and voc. sg. of
the o-stem, these having in distinction from other forms of viv<;
the initial syllable as syllaba anceps. Even these are rejected
by Nauck, loc. cit. Cf. also Hartel, loc. cit. Judging from
Homeric conditions just expressed, o-stem forms were substituted
for w-stem forms in just those cases which have vlv-. This can
hardly be accidental, though a purely phonetic dissimilation
(OsthofP, loc. cit) is altogether unlikely. The evidence of
inscriptions, especially Cretan and Attic, makes it plain that the
M-stem form of the word was earlier than the o-stem. (Cf.
Meisterhans^ 144; Schulze, loc. cit., 25; Kretschmer, K.Z. 29
[1888J, 471; Baunack, Inschr. v. Gort. 71; otherwise Ehrlich,
loc. cit., 90.) Just how the o-stem form arose is not determined.
Schulze, loc. cit., takes the gen. pi. vImv as the starting-point
since this form has the appearance of a gen. pi. to vl6<i. (For an
ancient view see Etym. Mag. 775, 20 and 558, 15.) In Attic the
o-stem form completely displaced the w-stem form by about
350 B. C.
The suffix is clearly -iu-, and the root the same as in Skt.
SU7111-, etc., p. 16. The only question is as to the precise form of
the root. Kretschmer, Vaseninschriften 187, suggested that vlik
was from *avp-Lv-^, and Ehrlich, loc. cit., gives an elaborate explana-
tion of all the case-forms on the basis of nom. *suuii(s, gen.
*suuiuos. But such a formation as *suu-i-u- is in itself improb-
able, and it is safe to assert that no one will accept it, unless it is
impossible to derive the Greek form from a *su-iu- or *sii-iu-.
But this is not the case. How the forms can be derived from
*suiu- has been shown, in the main convincingly, by Schulze, loc.
cit., 20 ff. He rightly assumes (since t between v and a following
vowel was lost in all dialects but Lesbian) that, e. g., nom. sg.
34 HISTORY OF Zt-STEMS IN GREEK
*su-iii-s became vv<;, while gen. sg. *su-iu-os became vip6<; yto?
(for accent see above, p. 31, footnote), nom. pi. *su-ieues became
vef€<i, ue'e?, while gen. pi. *sii-iu-dm became vlfcov, vloiv. He
accounts for the extant forms of the developed paradigm by
assuming leveling, strong forms passing, e. g., from the nom. pi.
to the gen. sg. and, vice versa, weak forms entering strong cases
as fte? in nom. pi., while the vi strictly belonging by phonetic
development to the gen.-dat. sg., etc., displaced the v- of the
nom. -ace. sg., etc., so that vlis, vivv, arose beside gen. sg. uto?,
etc. For such forms as gen. sg. utVo? we must assume not only
the influence of strong forms like nom. pi, wtVe? as given by
Schulze, but also, as I think, that of the regular endings -co? -et
of the ordinary ?t-stems.
Brugmann still holds (Gr. Gr.', §14; Kurze Gr. 92) that t
after v and before a vowel is regularly preserved. But vlw would
be the only example of the retention of an original intervocalic i,
except in Lesbian, and Schulze's explanation of the vi- in viv<i as
due to leveling from cases where vi- came before -f- is much to
be preferred.
On the assumption that vlv'i owes its t to restoration, Schulze
explains the short initial syllable of Homeric nom. sg. vl6<i, ace.
sg. vlov, voc. sg. vie by supposing that these forms stand in the
place of original Homeric vlv<;, vivv, vlv, and that the latter have
r t r
retained the quantity of the still earlier uu<>, vvv, ijv from sii-iil-s,
etc. At any rate, it is clear that the situation is different in I'tu?,
with no consonant after the ut-, from that in vlo'?, vlfo<i (cf. Brug.,
Gr. Gr.*, §14). On the other hand, Attic has y(t)o9, nom. sg.
(Allen, loc. cit., 71) from a form with restored t and secondary
loss, like -va ivom -via in the participle (Meisterhans*, 59).
Leaving out of account the question of quantity, the belief that
such forms as vlis owe their c to the analogy of other cases
receives confirmation from the situation in Attic, where, when
the forms of the cons. decl. vlo';, etc., were no longer in use, the t
did drop out just as we should have expected it to do earlier, had
it not been for the "Systemzwang" of the other forms.
Inasmuch as -iu- is not found as the suflBx for this word in any other
language, and is rare anywhere, the view of Bezzeuberger cited with
M-STEMS IN GREEK 35
approval by Delbnick, loc. cit., is not without attractiveness. It is that
vtvs utos was a "Koseform" to *vvus like fuita to fjiyjrrjp and Lith. seja
to sesli " sister." There are no parallels, so far as I know, for such short-
forms with suffix -m-, but the suffix -to- is fairly frequent in Greek in
" Kosenamen." Cf . Fick-BechteP, 24 f .
In what precedes there has been no attempt to explain why
vlvf should have forms in -f- with consonant endings, while other
M-stems (except ^yovu and 86pv) should not. Wackernagel, loc. cit.,
290, suggests that gen, pi. vlfwv (cf. Av. pasvdm, etc.) kept its
form against the encroachment of -efwv through its similarity to
TTUTpMv, and that after Ovyarpo^, etc., were formed vlfof, vlfL, etc.
Weight is added to this view by the fact that vldaL is plainly
after Trarpdat, etc.
jovv and 86pv.^ Homer has the gen. sg. 'yovv6<;, Bovp6<; from
''^yovfo'i *So/3/ro<? like the gen. sg. vlo<i. That this gen. sg. in -uos
is an I.E. type (beside -ens) is apparent from Vedic pagvds, Av.
Xradwo, and the Greek forms. It is entirely distinct from the
gen. in -uuos as in yevvo<i, which is properly the ending of iZ-stems.
Cf. Kretschmer, K.Z. 31 (1892), 465; Brugmann, Grd. 2, 577.
The form 8op6<; of Attic tragedy represents the Attic development
of *So/Ofo'?. Beside *8opf6'i arose *B6pfaT0<; under the influence
of the extensive neuter type in -a, -aro'i (originally 7i-stem ; see
Brug., Gr. Gr.^ § 212, 3, 4), whence SovpuTO'; and 86paTo<; accord-
ing to the dialectic treatment of -pp-, -vp-. In the same way arose
yovvaro^ and j6vaT0<i. Herodian, ii, 940, 15, cites also a gen. sg.
86p€o<;.
Other forms which show the suffix grade -f- are: nom.-acc. pi.
TFaoWc, yovva, yova, Hom. yovva, Hom. 8ovpa ; Hom. dual nom.-
acc. 8ovpe ; gen. pi. yovtov for yovvcov ^olic (Sappho 44), Hom.
8ovpcov; dat. sg. Hom., Pindar 8ovp{, Pindar, Tragedy 8opi; the
last form is also used in prose in military expressions.
The dat. sg. 86pet, in the Tragedians, and the nom.-acc. pi. 86pr}
in Eurip. Rhes. 274 are forms of the acrru declension. Cf. the
gen. 86p€o<i given by Herodian. *■
Inscriptional forms are: gen. sg. 86paT0<; Argive (Epidaurus),
S.G.D.I. 3340 (third century B. C.) = Ditt.'"' 803, 64, 8o>aT[o9]
Delphian, S.G.D.I. 2501, 30 (380 B. C.) = Cauer 204, 30, 8op6^
1 For a citation of forms see K.B., § 130, 457 f.
36 HISTORY OF W-STEMS IN GREEK
Thebes, metrical, C.I.G.S. 4247; dat. sg. Soparc Kern, Inschr. v.
Magn. 105, 106, Sopart Late Cretan, Ditt.' 929, 134 = Mus. Ital.
iii, 570, n. 3, Sopart, Ditt.' 368, 10 = Inscr. Cos 223, n. 345, 86paTt
^tolian, Ditt.' 333, 3 = S.G.D.I. 1418, Sopt Locrian, metrical,
S.G.D.I. 1501; gen. pi. yovdrcov Epidaurus, S.G.D.I. 3340, 111
= Ditt.' 803, 111 (third century B. C?) ; dat. pi. ryovdreaat Kaibel
Ep. Gr. 782, Sopdreaaiv Boeotian, metrical, B.C.H. 24 (1900) , 70.
For a list of cognates see above, p. 13. For further etymo-
logical connections with Sopv see H. L. Ahrens, "SpO? und seine
Sippe" (1866), and especially Osthoff, Etymologische Parerga
(1901) 100 fiP., who embodies Ahrens' suggestions with many
additions. He arranges the material under eight stem-forms:
(1) *derii- *deru-, (2) *doru- *doru-, (3) *dreii-, (4) *drou-,
(5) *druu-, (6) *dru-, (7) *dru-, (8) *dru- or *dru-.
For the Ablaut relation between Skt. ddru- jdnu- and Grk. 86pv yoVv,
etc., see Brug., Grd. i, 70 f., ii, 1205, note, i'^, 139, and xliii, Kmze Gr.
74, 75, with literature cited in last two. Of. also Meringer, Sitzungsber.
d. kais. Akad. d. Wiss. (Wien, 1892), bd. 125, 2, 21 ff.; J. Schmidt, K.Z.
32 (1893), 338; Hirt, Akz. 220, Ablaut 522, 772.
II. NOUNS IN -VS -V, GEN. -VOS
This class includes (1) nouns belonging to Type II (long
il-stems), (2) nouns in -V9, -i/, belonging originally to Type I
(short M-stems).
Exclusive of the small number of hypocoristics (see below,
p. 64), and the nouns given under I above, all ?t-stem nouns in
Greek, so far as their declension can be determined, belong to
Class II. *
There are about two hundred and forty Greek nouns with
nom. in -u? or -u, which belong, so far as there is any evidence, to
this declension. As a matter of fact only about seventy or eighty
of the two hundred and forty present enough forms to determine
the declension. For the remainder the evidence is simply nega-
tive. About one hundred of the two hundred and forty have the
suffix -///- and are mostly feminine oxy tones with long final. See
the suffix -In- below. Of the remaining one hundred and forty
about half are known only from glosses, mainly in Hesychius,
and hence as a rule these furnish no evidence for declension.
W-STEMS IN GREEK 37
gender, or quantity of the final syllable. In the matter of accent
the ratio of barytones to oxytones is about two to one, for these
glosses. The figures given do not include proper names, for
which no complete list was attempted, but of which about fifty
examples were noted. So far as the proper nouns show any
declension at all, it is that of Class II.
The remaining seventy,' i. e., excluding those known only from
glosses, and those with suffix -tu-, furnish evidence for declension
in about forty instances, about half determine the quantity of the
final syllable, and all but half a dozen determine the gender.
About forty-five of the seventy are barytones, almost equally
divided into masculines, feminines, and neuters. The remaining
twenty-five are oxytones and perispomena, and are all feminine
except 6 t'x^y?, 6 /xw (an original s-stem), o (but also ?;) crv<i.
The perispomenon to ypv has the gen. sg. rod <ypv in Lucian,
Lexiphanes c. 19, and hence may be classed as an indeclinable.
Of the twenty-five oxytones and perispomena about fifteen
furnish evidence for quantity, either from the usage of the poets
or the statements of grammarians. In no instance is the quantity
shown to be short only, most have the long final, while a few
show the syllable as both short and long. These are : Ix^vv Hdn.
i, 416; la-xvv Pindar Nem. 11, 31; vr]86v Hdn. i, 527, Callim.,
Dian. 160, Boeotian metrical inscription C.I.G.S. 2544 and 2545.
vrjSv^ has long final in Anth. Pal. 9, 519, 2 and elsewhere.
Homer has it in nom.-acc. sg., but only at end of line.
On the other hand of the forty-five barytones, only about
fifteen furnish evidence for quantity. Here the final is usually
short, but there are some cases of variation. In no instance is it
long only. (The cry Kokkv, being indeclinable, does not consti-
tute an exception.) Examples of variation are: jevvv Eurip. El.
1215, but jevv^ Phoen. 63, yevv Andr. 1181; z/e/cu? II. 4, 492, 18,
180, etc., but v€Kv<: Eurip. Suppl. 70, etc., metrical inscription
from Mysia B.C.H. 25 (1901), 327, veKvv Boeotian, C.I.G.S.
2544; xeXw Hom. Hymn Merc. 33, 153, 242, ^eXiJ? Callim.
Hymn Apoll. 16, Oppian 5, 404, Aratus 268 ; ardxv'i Eurip. H,
Fur. 5, elsewhere ardxv<i ; l36Tpv<i, fiuKpw XttlkoC, ^pax^oxi
1 It must be understood that all numbers are approximate.
38 HISTOEY OF W-STEMS IN GREEK
"EWT^m, Moiris, 193, 10, quoted by Kretschmer, K.Z. 31 (1892),
336, iSoTpvv metrical inscription C.I.G. Ins. i, 1, 781.
Exclusive of glosses and proper names, there are about one
hundred and fifteen oxy tones (ninety of these being nouns in
-TU9), mainly feminine, and with long final, presumably belonging
to Class II, and about fifty-five barytones, of all genders, and with
short final, also belonging, so far as there is any evidence, to this
class. It seems, therefore, safe to assert that the connection
between accent and vowel-quantity is too marked to be accidental,
and must reflect in some measure I.E. conditions. As noticed
above, p. 21, M-stems were prevailingly oxytone, while the tt-type
was probably originally barytone in the nom.-acc. sg. The
relation in Greek, to be sure, may have become more uniform
than it actually was in Indo-European. In general oxytones in
-w are based on I.E. Type II, and barytones in -w on I.E. Type I,
with a transfer to Type II in the cases other than the nom.-acc.
Bg., yet the forms in -v? are disproportionately frequent, as com-
pared with it-stems elsewhere, and must be due in part also to
transfer from Type I. The reason why the transfer in Greek of
Type I to Type II arose, or why, since it did become so general,
the few examples of Type I were retained at all, is yet to be found.
It is worthy of remark that of the small number given under I only
vtu9, ao-Tu, and 'yovv do not have byforms of the -w -fo? declension
either in actual use or in the statements of the grammarians.
For the general problem of the ultimate origin of the two types
and the relation of accent to quantity see the references on p. 8.
The nom. sg. ends in -O9, -w, masc. or fem., -u, neuter. The
ace. sg. has correspondingly -vv^ -w, -v. (The forms with short
vowel properly belong to Class I.)
Besides the more usual ace. sg. in -vv is found that in -va from
-uu-m, as in Skt. hhrilvam, L. sneni, or -va may simply be a new
formation after the ace. pi. in -ua? (Brug., Grd. 2, 550, Gr. Gr.^
§254; Kretschmer, K.Z. 31 [1892], 4:m). Such are: Ix^va,
Theocr. 21, 45 and 26, 17, rpiKTva- rpidSa (Heysch.), oi^va,
Quint. Smyrna, V7]8va, 6(f)pva, Spva cited by Hdn. ii, 763 as rare
forms, ^oTpva ascribed to Euphorion by Choeroboscus 235, 20 ff.
= Gram. Graeci iv, 1, 234, 1 = Hdn. ii, 711, 6.
It-STEMS IN GREEK 39
The gen. sg. ends in -yo? from -unos, alike from nominatives
in -0?, m, and v, and for all dialects so far as there is evidence.
So Bpv6^ Ditt' 588, 7, 100, Delos (180 B. C); KSpOvo^ nomen
propr., Late Cretan, Mus. Ital. iii, 648, n. 61 = B.C.H. 13 (1889),
57; KoVuo? nomen propr., J.H.S. 22 (1902), 128, Cyzicus; tt)?
U09 Ditt.^ 615, 14, Myconos (third century B. C.) ; IT o'Xyo? nomen
propr., S. G.D.I. 2580, Fg. D. 174, Delphian; Bl6vo<; nomen propr.,
Thess., Hoffmann G.D. ii, 543, n. 18, 6; Fepy/ro? nomen propr.,
Cyprian, Meister G.D. ii, 269, Hoff. i, 246. The ending -uo?
properly has the v short as in other cases before a vowel, but rare
instances of -vo? occur, as 8pv6<i Hes, Op. 436, i\,vo<i II. 21, 318.
The dat. sg., a loc. sg. in origin, ends in -vl from -uiii, as in
Skt. bhruvi. K6p0'\vt nomen propr., S.G.D.I. 5032, Cretan;
ApvL nomen propr., S.G.D.I. 3758, 106, Rhodes; AepfivL nomen
propr., dissyllabic, end of hexameter, C.I.G.S. 579 = S.G.D.I. 875,
Boeotian (Tanagra) ; vdirvi Ditt.^ 804, 17, 21, Epidaurus (late) ;
6a(f}vt Ditt.^ 602, 2 (third or fourth century B. C), of lasus, cf.
Schweizer, Pergam. Inschr. 146, 147. For Homeric diphthong,
Attic -vl, see K.B., § 125, anm. 4. Herodian ii, 347 asserts that
the VI diphthong is never found at the end of a word, and explains
II. 16, 565 veKvi (dissyllabic) as a case of synizesis like that in II.
1, 15 XP^^^V ^^^ crKYjinpu). Arcadian TrXr^Ol, S.G.D.I. 1222, 20, is
not 7r\7}6vl as Hoffman, G.D. 246, Herwerden, and G. Meyer, Gr.
Gr.^ § 348, take it, but is rather the dat. sg. of 7rA,7}^o9, perhaps
with -t by mistake for -ec.
The nom. pi. regularly ends in -i^e?, from -uues. There are
some examples of a so-called contracted nom. pi. in -v<i, properly
an accusative form used as a nominative (Brug., Gr. Gr.^, § 266;
G. Meyer, Gr. Gr.', § 355). According to ^lius Dionysius 182
(Schwabe) = Eustath. 1835, 43, al Kdxpvf was Attic. See K.B.,
§ 125, anm. 3, for further examples.
In good Attic the ace. pi. ends in -v<;. This is also the usual
form in New Ionic, and it is found in Homer along with the other
ending -vwi. The ending -i/a? is found in late'^Attic, in New Ionic
beside -w, and frequently in Homer. Inscriptions present: t]%^09
Ditt.^ 584, 1, Smyrna; araxva^ C.I.G. Ins. i, 3, 1188, metrical,
Melos; v<i Ditt.^ 615, 13, Myconos, third century B. C.
40 HISTORY OF «t-STEMS IN GREEK
The form in -va? is the one to be expected in original w-stems
from comparison with Skt. hhrilvas, etc., from uuns. That in -u?
presents more difficulty. Brugmann formerly (Grd. 2, 678)
explained -u? as an extension of the ending which was regular in
the case of words which were originally it-stems (cf. Cretan vlvv<;),
but now (Kurze Gr. 391, 392) assumes that while this ending
was retained in case of original w-stems ['yevv'i), forms like o^/jO?
are due to the influence of the ace. sg. ot^pvv, etc. (Cf. also Gr,
Gr.^ § 267, 2). But it is altogether unlikely that the history of
7ei/09 and o^pi"? is to be separated in this way. According to all
evidence the type -w, -uo? was, except for quantity in nom.-acc.
sg., a unit in all dialects, and we may safely assume that any
dialect that preserved *jevvv<i would also have *6(f>pvv<;, making
the supposition that 6(f)pv<i was due to an ace. sg. 6(f)pvv super-
fluous. That the -yw, -0? was preserved in this class, while it was
largely given up in the original w-stems which remained in Class I,
is of course not strange, since only in the latter were there forms
in -ef- to influence the ending.
The gen. pi. ends in -vcov, from -iiu-dm, Skt. hhruvdm. ^orpvcov
C.I.G. Ins. 476, 4 = S.G.D.L 297, metrical, Mytilene; IxOvcov Mon.
Ant. vi, 302, 6 = Ditt.' 427, 6, Late Cretan, Ditt.' 584, 9, Smyrna,
Ditt.' 615, 10, Myconos; vwi; Ditt.' 566, 14 = Michel 730,
Pergamum.
To judge from the Skt. bhriisil-, etc., the Greek dat. pi. (a loc.
pi. in origin) should end in -vai. This seems to be retained in
Homeric forms like jevvaat TrLTvaai, which can stand for <yevv(ri,
TTLTva-L, but aside from forms like this there is no trace of an
original -vai. It has been replaced instead by -vai, usually
explained as having the short vowel after the other cases where
the V is rightly short before a vowel ending as in the gen. sg. and
pi. It is possible, however, that here again, as in the ace. pi., we
may recognize the influence of the dat. pi. of the original short
?A-Btems, this being retained in declension II, though lost in
declension I, where it strictly belonged. Forms like veKveaai,
(TveaaL, (TTaxvecrcrc, etc., are due to the extension of the generalized
dat. pi. ending -eaa-i,, for which see above under Class I.
The nom.-acc. dual has -v€, from -vf-e. For this e see above
2*-STEMS IN GREEK 41
*
Tinder Class I. For the dual IxOv see G. Meyer, Gr. Gr.*, § 381;
K.B., §125, anm. 3. The gen.-dat. dual in -volv calls for no
remark.
The nom.-acc. pi. neuter in -va from -vp-a has the usual con-
sonant ending -a.
In all the forms of this declension where the suffix has the
form -uu- the case-endings are those of the cons, stems, and this
is true also of the dat. pi.'
Like the nouns of Class II are declined the adjectives repv? and
<^o\u?, and the adjective compounds with words belonging under
II as final member. For the latter see below under Compounds.
Tepvi is known only from Hesychius, who has the following glosses:
repv aa-deve'i, Xeirrov, and T€pva<i iTrTroi*?* ovtco Xeyovrai ocroc clSSt}-
4>dyoL ela-i. evioi Toi/'i aadevei<;. Of 4>6Xv<i we have only the follow-
ing statements: <fi6\v€<i Kvve<i- ol irvppol 6vt&: fieXava o-rofiaTa
el-xov ol Se <f)vXaKa<;, Hesychius, and <^o\i/9' ^o'Xve? /cvve^ irapa
Tw 'AvTLfidxq), Hdn. ii, 938, 14, and i, 236, 26. It is probable
that these two words repvi and </)o'Xu9 are substantives in origin.
Suffix -u-^ substantives. — The suflix -u- is shown to be inherited
in several words and is to be assumed for many more in which
there is the short final -w or -v. Its formations are regularly
barytone, and have usually the strong grade of root. In declen-
sion they would belong historically under Class I, but most of
them have been transferred to the declensional type of long
M-stems.
Examples of words with this suffix which follow the declen-
sion of Class I are: yovv. Skt. Jdnw-n. ; 86pv: Skt. ddru- n. (for
both see p. 13); tt^^i;? : Skt. bdhU- m. f. (see p. 13); ttmv:
Skt. pdyil- m. "herdsman," Skt. \/pd "protect;" ireXeKv^: Skt.
paragil- m. pdrgu- m. "axe."
Wheeler, Gr. Nom. Accent 110, considers the accent of Tre'AeKvs second-
ary in comparison with paraQu-. Cf. Kretschmer, Einleitung 106, on
etymology. Hesychius, s. v. rjixLTriXtKov has the gloss to yap SeKtifjivovv
TreXeKV (ire'AcKvs Musurus) KaXelrai irapa Ila^tois. On the Cyprian inscrip-
tion from Idalium, S.G.D.I. 60, 15, we have ttc as an abbreviation of
1 For M-stems in modern Greek, see above, p. 29.
2 But including some words in which the u obviously belongs to the root. See foot-
note, p. 12.
42 HISTORY OF It-STEMS IN GREEK
a word used as a measure of value. There is nothing to show declen-
sion in either case, and from Hesychius we should take the form to be
neuter. It is usual, however, to supply the word in the Idalian inscrip-
tion as 7re[X€Ve/ras, SO, e. g., Deecke, S.G.D.I. 60, Hoffmann, G.D. i, 72,
and this is without doubt correct, as shown by Ahrens, Philologus 35
(1876), 67, citing Hesychius, s. v. TreAtKus, and Eustathius, 1878, 56, under
the form ircXeKcwv, though of course TreAeKewv might equally well be
neuter. Hesychius has TrcXexus .... (rradixtov e^a/xvtaiov ap)(aXov • ot Se
htKa^VLoiov (MSS. SojSck-).
Instances of transfer to Class II are : 'yew; precisely equivalent
to Skt. lidnu- (p. 13) ; fiedv precisely equivalent to Skt. mddhu-
(p. 13). Another instance of such transfer is, I believe (with
Kretschmer, K.Z. 31 [1892J, 336), v€Kv<i, which has the long final
in Homer, but the short in Euripides and later Epic (see above,
p. 37). To v€Kv<i the Av. nasu- f, "corpse" is exactly equivalent,
and there seems little doubt that this has the short -u. The Av.
ace. sg. nasum is of no weight because of the frequent presence
of u for ti before final m, a graphic matter merely (Jackson, Av.
Gr., § 23; Bartholomae, Ir. Grd. i, § 268, 1). Brugmann, Gr. Gr.^
§ 180, places veuv; tentatively under the suffix -u- -mi-. For an
absurd etymology of the ancients (derivation from KLKv<i) see
Cramer, Anecd. Ox. i, 296, 27.
Further examples of words with this suffix belonging to Class
II are: aKv<; : aXvco, etc.; cf. Hirt, Ablaut 510; a/J/cu?, connected
by Curtius, Grdz.'' 341 with apd'xy'q, etc., from a y^ark "weave;"
apirv^, attributed by Etym. Mag. 148, 33, to Parthenius, and
given as ^olic for epoa^ by Hesychius, is thought by Hoffmann,
G.D. ii, 231, possibly to be connected with L. arcus, O.E. earh,
"arrow;" yt}pv<; : O. Ir. r/a'r "cry," L. (jarrid, etc., Brug., Grd.
i^, 575; yXdcjjv: y\d(f)co, connected by Bezzenberger, B.B. 27
(1902), 153, with Bulg. r/lob "hollow;" koiXv: Goth, hails,
O.H.G. heil "whole, sound," O.E. hael, O.N. heill "omen," O.B.
ceU "sound," Hoffmann, B.B. 16 (1890), 240, Brug., Grd. i^
576; Kopdv^ : Kopdvo), Kopyj, K6po<i ; pdirv; : L. rCipa, O.H.G. ruoba,
Germ. Riihe "rape;" <ndxv<i : O.H.G. stanga = Gferm. Stange,
cf. Eng. sting; kIkv^ seems to be a reduplicated form from the
root kud ku "swell," Clrk. «uea), etc., with v as part of the root,
not as suffix. See Brug., Gr. Gr.', § 166, and Hirt, Ablaut 386.
i*-STEMS IN GREEK 43
Suffix -tu-^ siibstaniives. — The formations in Greek with this
suffix fall into two groups, one a so-called primary, with nouns
like ayoprjTV'i, ^poaris, etc., and a so-called secondary, with
numerals like e/caroo-TW, ^tXiocrrw, etc. All the latter and a
great majority of the former are nomina actionis. See the list
for Homer below, all of which are of this kind. Exceptions, real
or apparent, are: acrrv, ^Xervi, Siktv, Slktv^, trw, /caTTW, kXltv<;,
fjudpirrvi, /JbiTVi, fx6TTV<;, TrtVu?, (filrv, ^Ztu?. Without doubt the
suffix -tu- was not consciously felt in any of these, and SUtv,
SiKTVi, /caTTW, /AITU9 do uot in all probability contain the suffix -tu-
at all. SiKTv is given only by Etym. Mag. 275, 25, as from hUrvov
"net," but is probably only a figment of the grammarian. Slktv;
is some sort of animal mentioned only in Hdt. 4, 192, and by
Hesychius. With /caxTu? "a piece of leather" (Aristophanes) cf.
KaTTvco Kaa-avoo from *icaT-(7ivi(o. fxCrvi "bees-wax" is found (/er)
in one passage in Aristotle, H.A. 9, 40, 10. Its etymology is
uncertain, /ao'ttu? is known only from Hesychius, who has fi6rTV€<i'
ol e[7]«:\i;T0t Kal Trapecfievoi.
Of the others, /SXeTi"? "leech," known only from the Hesychian
gloss /SXeVfe?- al ^SeWai, i&- taken by Lobeck, B-hematicon 14,
from a verb /3\ea) (cf. ySXet- /SXiWei, ctfieXyei, Hesych.), with mis-
taken accent for /SXerw. It may have had the same development
of meaning from "a sucking" to "sucker" seen in Skt. mdntu-
" counsel" and "counsellor." So also /xapirTVi, known only from
the Hesychian gloss fidpTrTv; - v/3pto-T?7?, probably with mistaken
accent for /^apTTTW, from meaning "insolence" could come to
mean "an insolent person." This word has been read in ^sch.
Suppl. 826, where, however, the MSS. readings are corrupt and
jxdp'jni'i is now commonly given.
Connected with the root hheu "be, become," are ^Irv, found
for (f>iTv/jia in Aristophanes and Eupolis, and ^Itv<;, used by Lyco-
phron and frequently mentioned by grammarians. Brugmann,
Ber. sachs. G. d. W., 1901, 96, suggests that (j)lrv<; "begetter,"
and ^iTu "the thing begotten," both rest on an abstract *<^itu9
"the begetting."
1 For the suffix cf. Lobeck, Paralipomena 439 S. ; Kretschmer, K.Z. 31 (1892), .333 ff. ; K.B.,
§329, 28, 272; Brugmann, Grd. 2, 304, 308, Gr. Gr.3, §220, Ber. sachs. G. d. W., 1901, 95.
44 HISTORY OF M-STEMS IN GREEK
aaru^ try?, ttitv? are almost the only words with this suffix for
which direct cognates are found in other languages (see below,
p. 50), and these with K\nv<i are the only words, except numerals,
in use through a wide range of authors, yet these are just the
words for which there was in Greek no consciousness of suffixal
-TV-. aa-Tv from the root lies, "dwell," no doubt originally meant
"dwelling" in the abstract. (See below, p. 50.) So irv? (p. 50)
"circle" can easily have developed from "a rounding." k\itv9
from the root klei, "lean," can have developed the meaning "hill"
from "a sloping, leaning." irirvi "pine" (p. 50) is not so easy
and constitutes, perhaps, the sole exception to the rule.
There are not quite one hundred Greek nouns in -tv<; and
only darv, (f)lTv, and Siktv in -tv. Of the latter, aaTv is neuter,
and so presumably are (f)lTv and Blktv, though there is no specific
evidence to that effect.
For the nouns in -ru? I have found evidence for feminine
gender in twenty and for masculine in only one, 6 (f)lTV'; (Eusta-
thius) . For the remainder there is no evidence, but except Siktv^
(doubtful at the best, see above) in all of them the -tv? has the
same function that it has in those undoubtedly feminine, and
hence there is every reason to assign to these also the feminine
gender. Liddell and Scott give Siktv^, Hdt. 4, 192, and KTia-rvf,
Hdt. 9, 97, as masculine, but there is nothing in Herodotus to
show the gender, and the meaning and formation of ktkttv^
justify Schweighauser (Lex. Hdt.) in taking it as feminine.
Some, like fidpiTrv<i , for which there is no evidence, may, however,
have been masculine because of special use with reference to a
person (cf. <f>lTv<;). So Pape, Etym. Worterbuch, without evi-
dence gives fidp7rTV<; as masculine.
The accent of the neuters darv, (f)iTv, Si'/cti>(?) is barytone, in
agreement with what appears to be the I.E. rule for w-stem
neuters (above, p. 12).
The accent of the nouns in -Ttk is oxytone except in the fol-
lowing in.stancos: /SXeVu?, Siktv<;, itu?, fidpTrrvi, /Lttry?, fMorrv},
TTiTis, TrXaTu?, (f)lTv<i, iEolic x^'XXt/ctti/? not constituting a real
exception.
7rXaTi/9 is found only in Hesychius and is probably a mistake
It-STEMS IN GREEK 45
for 7r\aTi9. For the others see above, p. 43. BCktv^ and fiirv^
do not count, since they hardly contain the suffix -tu-.
In declension, so far as known, nouns in -tv<; -tu follow Class
II except ao-Tu, which belongs to Class I. As a matter of fact,
over thirty of the total are known only from glosses and hence
declension, etc., cannot as a rule be determined, and of the
remainder only about thirty have any evidence for declension.
On the other hand, there is no evidence that any substantive in
-TU? -TV, except da-rv, belongs to Class I.
For the quantity of the final syllable in the nom. and ace. sg.
we have the statements of the grammarians and the usage of the
poets. There is evidence from the latter source for the quantity
in only a few words. Homer has the long vowel in aKovTtaTv^ II.
23, 622; /S/jwtv? II. 19, 205, Od. 18, 407; /cXtrw Od. 5, 470, but
in Attic this word has a short final (cf. K.B., § 125, anm. 2) ;
fiv'qcTTv'i Od. 16, 294, Od. 19, 13; 6pxv<rrv^ H 13, 731, a line
bracketed by Dindorf. Callimachus has the long vowel in oiarev-
Tw, read by Scaliger in Hymn to Apollo 42, where Schneider
retains the MSS. -ttjv. Homer has a short vowel in tVv? II. 5, 724,
Lycophron shows a short vowel in ^Ztw 462, 486, and Apollonius
Rhodius has dekKTvv with short vowel, i, 515, but Lobeck, Paral.
440, would read deXKTtv because the final is short and the MSS.
vary in accent. Liddell and Scott give eTnjrv'i with short u, and
orpvvTv^ with long v, but there is no evidence for either. There
is nothing in Homer to show that any oxytone in -Txk has a short
final. The testimony of the grammarians is to the effect that
feminine oxytones have the long v in the final syllable. Cf.
Lentz' edition of Herodian i, 527 and footnote. The short final
in /cXeiTu? in Sophocles and Euripides is explained as an extension
of the short vowel from the oblique cases. So Kretschmer, K.Z.
31 (1892), 333, and Brugmann, I.F. 11 (1900), 273, Gr. Gt.'
178. Such instances of shortening by analogy are not confined
to nouns in -tw ; cf. K.B., § 125, anm. 2. With the exception of
KXeirm in Attic, and the isolated and doubtful ^eX/cru?, it may be
said that, so far as we have evidence, oxytones in -n/? had long 0,
while barytones in -tu? had short v.
Nouns with the suffix -tu- in the related languages (pp. 13 f.)
46 HISTORY OF Zf-STEMS IN GREEK
are mainly masculine barytones with short final. The Greek
presents a striking contrast with its preponderance of feminine
oxytones with long final.
So far as I know, Kretschmer, K.Z. 31 (1892), 333, is the
only one who definitely sets up the suffix -tu- for these Greek
oxytones, in contrast to the -tu- seen in tVv?, ^trw, etc., and in
the formations (chiefly masculine barytones) of other languages.
By his view the suffix -in- does not appear outside of Greek
except in extensions such as Lettic -tiw-d-, L. -tut-, -tuti-, and
-tudon-. Others who have spoken of the suffix in Greek have
given it as parallel to that found in Sanskrit, Latin, Germanic,
etc. So for example, Von Bahder, Verbalabstrakta 94; Hirt,
Akzent 221 ; and especially Brugmann, Grd. 2, 308, Gr. Gr.', §220.
Of course no one will deny that the suffix of the Greek
oxytones has a long vowel. The question is whether Greek
inherited from the parent speech two different suffixes -til- and
-til-, or the quantity of the Greek -rv- is secondary. I am
inclined to the latter opinion. In formation these nouns in -tw
bore an at least apparently close relation to verbals in -to9,
accented on the final; cf. /3o7;ti/? : /3od(o, ayopi]Tv<; : ayopdo/xai
with ayaTrr]T6<i : ayaTrdo), Kocrfir]T6<; : Koafieo). Hence the oxytone
accent, even if itself secondary, must have been of early origin.
Then their gender is feminine either from the influence of other
abstracts, like those in -o-t?, -Tt9, which were feminine (so Brug-
mann, Grd. 2, 304; cf. Von Bahder, loc. cit. supra, on orig.
gender), cf. the case in West Germanic, above, p. 14, or were
themselves originally feminine (Delbruck, Grd. 3, 118; cf. Brug.,
Gr. Gr.^ §220). In either case the feminine gender must have
been of early origin. With this agreement in accent and gender
it was most natural that there should be agreement also in the
quantity of the final with those nouns which formed the basis of I.E.
Type II as represented in the Greek Class II (above, pp. 20 f., 36).
Futhermore the suffix performs the same function as is performed
by -tu- in related languages. Hence I do not consider it neces-
sary to assume an I.E. suffix -tn-.
It is frequently stated that the suffix belongs particularly to
the Ionic dialect. Eustathius 1180, 6 gives it as Ionic, but
M-STEMS IN GREEK 47
Didymus on II. 2, 600 calls it JEolic. The statement that it is
Attic, made by the scholiast on II. 19, 233, is clearly an error,
and there is a v. 1., 'Ai/Tt/ia;j^eio9 for 'Arrt/c^. Pape, Etym. Wor-
terbuch 291, and L. and S. (passim) give it as an Ionic suffix.
Brugmann, Gr. Gr.^, § 220, says it is especially productive in
Ionic; cf. his Grd. 2, 308. In K.B., §329, it is said to be
"poetic and dialectic," while Herwerden. Lex. Graecum suppl. et
dial., s. V. eTria-fivKTVP, ^aXXrjrv'i, uTraaTik, asserts that it is a
favorite suffix in Ionic and Cretan. An analysis of the material
gives the following results.^
There are thirteen found in Homer only, or in Homer and
glosses in Hesychius, Eustathius, etc., viz., ayopT]Tv<; (1), ukov-
Ti(TTV9 (1), aXacoTV<; (1), ^o-qrv^ (1), Sairvf (1), i8r]TV<i jidssim,
4\€7)Tv<i (2), i'irr)Tv<i (1), /xvr]arv<i (3, also in Anacreon?), 6api(rTv<;
(3), orpvvrv'i {bis, same passage), pvaraKrv^; (1), Tavv<TTV<i (1).
There are seven in Homer that are also found in other authors,
viz., ^pa)Tv<; Homer (2), Anth, Pal., and Philoxenus ap. Athenseus,
jpa7rTv<i Homer (1), Apoll, Rh., and grammarians, Kidapt(TTv<i
Homer (1), Phanocles ap. Stobseus, o/3%7;o-tu? Homer, Eurip. (1),
Lucian (1), tTW (p. 44) Hom., Hdt., Eurip., Xen., Galen, etc.,
k\€(i)tv<; (p. 44) Hom., Eurip., Soph., Lycophron, Nicander,
TTiTu? (p. 44) Horn., Hdt., Plutarch.
Callimachus has the following: dpTraKTik (1), acnraarv^ ap.
Suidas (1), 7e\ao-TU9 (1), StcoKTm (1), p,aaTv<i ap. schol. (1),
[oicTTeuTw] (1). Callimachus and Manetho have aXrjrrk.
Homeric Hymn to Apollo 162 has [^KpefjL^aXtao-rv'i ].
Herodotus has: [/caTaTrXacrTw] (1), KTLaTv<i (1), X-qlarv^ (1),
SiKTV<; (p. 43), try? (p. 44), TrtVu? (p. 44).
Hippocrates has ^Xe^ixavTv<i as a v. 1., viii, 96, and no others.
The usage of other writers is as follows: Soph. kXgltis (p. 44);
Eurip. op')(r}(nv<; ., try? (p. 44), /cXetTU9 ; Aristophanes KaTTv<i (p.
43), 4)tTv ap. Eustath. (p. 43); Thuc. TrevTrjKoarTik ; Philoxenes
-ap. Athenseus /3pQ)rv<i ; Plato cr(o(^povLcrrv<i ; Aristotle /LtiVy? (p. 43) ;
Xen. tTU? (p. 43), e/caroo-ry?, /JbvpiO(TTv<;, TrevfrjKoarv^, x^XiocrTV<; ;
Antimachus ap. schol. irwpj^Tv^ ; ^Eschines and Demosthenes
1 Figures in parentheses after a word refer to the number of occurrences. Reference is
made to pp. 43 f. for words listed there as not consciously having the suffix -tu-. Words due
to emendation are bracketed.
48 HISTORY OF It-STEMS IN GREEK
rpLTTv^ ; Lycophron <f>iTv<i (p. 43), kXcltis (p. 44); Eratosthenes
ap. schol. avTtfiaxv'^T^'; ; Apoll. Rh. dekKrm (a doubtful word),
<ypa7rTv<; ; Phanocles ap. Stobseus KLdapicrTv^ ; Anth. Pal. /S/xwrv?,
[dXaXT^Tu?] ; Manetho akr]Tv<; ; Nicander /cXeixu? ; Plutarch Trtry?
(p. 44), e/caToa-TV'i ; Lucian o/);Y^crTi;9, TerpaKrix; ; Galen tru? ;
Oppian irodrjTV';.
Cretan inscriptions have afjL(f)avTv<i (written afiiravris), 67rvcrTv<i,
Lex Gort. sixth century B. C. (see Searles, Lex. Stud.), and the
possible ep6Tv<i, Mon. Ant., iii, 67, n. 127.
The following are found in Hesychius only: [aeiearv^;'], airecr-
Tik, [airoSaarw^, apTv<i., fiXervi (p. 43), SenrvrjcrriKiy Sw/XT^ry?,
[e77TV9], iXevTiif a mistake for iXerjrv^;, [eTret/cri)?], Oarv'?^ [t'ari;?],
fidpTTTV^ (p. 43), |t</)to-TU9, [6pyr)Tv<i^, opeKTv^, TrXdrv^ (p. 44),
TTOTrjTV^, [T/3t/CTw], (f)paaTV'i, ;^aX,e7rTU9, 'x^pafi/SaXLaarv';, wp-qrvf,
Hesychius has ^wem- rj ^wtu?- datpa^. This has been corrected
to ^(oyv^ rj ^(otik; from Cyrillus, who has ^(or^vv 6a)paKa. Perhaps
^(OTv<i is a mistake for *^(ocrTv<;.
To be found in the Etym. Mag. only are: airaa-rvf;, Blktv
(p. 43), TrpaKTm. Suidas alone has cKfypaarv'i and Boorm. Bekker
A.G. has d^oXr]rv<; and this is restored in Hesychius. Hesychius
and Athenseus have ^aXXrjrv^. Theognostus in Anecd. Cram, ii,
16, 1 has Iktv<;.
Brugmann, Gr. Gr.^ § 220, cites a form aTTOKovTiaTV'i not
known to me from other sources, and probably a mistake for
aKovTLcnis. He also has a form tuktik; in Ber. sachs. G. d. W.,
1901, 95 not known to me from other sources. Pape, Etym.
Worterbuch, cites a/ceo-ru?, which I do not find elsewhere. Her-
werden. Lex. suppl., etc., emends Hesychius and reads iTria-fjLVKTvv.
A complete list of the numerals in -tu? ' is as follows : eKaToaTV'i
Xen., Plutarch, Inscriptions; ixvptoa-Tv^ Xen. (1); 7r€VTaKovTv<i
doubtful word, schol. on Od. 3, 7; TrevTaKoaLoarixi Etym. Mag.;
7revTr)KoaTv<; Thuc, Xen.; rer paKTV'i Pythagoreans and Lucian;
XiXiaarix; Bechtel, Ion, Inschr. 221 and 147, 20; %tXiocrTU9 Xen.;
X€XXr)(TTv<; JRo\. inscr. S.G.D.I. 276; irevrexi^XLoa-TV^ Eccl., and
finally the various forms rptTVf, rpnrvf;, rpiKTv<i, Tpc7rTv<;.
The form rpLirrv'i on an inscription from Ceos of the second
iFor the numerals in -tu« soo K.-B., §330, 12, K 283, Brug., Gr. Gr.3, §248, 2 with the
literature cited.
t*-STEMS IN GREEK 49
century B. C, Ditt.^ 934, 6, is an error for rpmv<i or rpiKTixi.
This rpiKTv^ is an emendation for rpLKTrji? in Hesychius demanded
by the alphabetical order and borne out by Delphian rpucrevav,
Cauer^, 204, 34, and by Delian rpLKTvap'^^ovvro'; of the second cen-
tury B. C, Ditt/ 588, 19. Hence Dittenberger, loo. cit., for
T/siTTTv? is inclined to read rpLKTix;. Hesychius has rptrik' rpia?,
and TpiTTv<i is found in j3Eschines, Demosthenes, C.I.A. ii, 871,
1053, 500, 502, 517, 518, C.I.G. Sic. et It. 1363, 10, and perhaps
elsewhere. rpiKTis from rpCxct is probably the original form and
TpcTTix; arose under the influence of tpitt6<; = *TpixiO';, rptrix; under
that of rpirS^. (So Brug., Gr. Gr.^ §248, 2; cf. Schulze, KZ.
33 [1895], 395.)
It is clear from the above that numerals form a class by them-
selves and appear to have been made as freely in Attic and other
dialects as in Ionic. Excluding, therefore, the numerals and the
words listed on p. 43, since in the latter there was no conscious-
ness of the presence of a suffix -tu-f the situation for the remainder
may be summarized as follows:
The suffix is found (1) in poetry: Homer twenty examples,
Callimachus six or seven, and scatteringly in others; (2) in prose:
(a) Ionic, Herodotus three, and one of these an emendation, Hip-
pocrates one; (6) Non-Ionic, Lucian 6pxn<^rv^ (Timon c. 55) also
found in Homer and Euripides ; Plato (T(o(^povL(nv<i ; Athenaeus
(Ulpian) ^aWr]rv<; (406, d, 407, c) ; (3) in Cretan inscription of
the sixth century B. C two words, and the Hesychian gloss
duTik ' de(op{a, which may be Cretan as Herwerden suggests, and
is at any rate not Ionic.
There is no indication of dialect in the numerous glosses,
except in Eustathius as given above, p. 46. Considering the
relative infrequency of the suffix in Ionic prose,' or indeed in any
prose, one is led to wonder whether the use of it is not after all
an indication not of dialect but of antiquity. The Cretan examples
belong to the sixth century B. C, and among the poets Homer
1 1 cannot understand the statement made by Smyth, Ionic Dialect 396: "Noteworthy
is the considerable number of nouns in -tus in Ionic prose, which in Attic are poetical. Cf,
iSpuiTvf, (cTio-Tus, eJTjTus, oTpuvTus . . , ." lu Ms llst of clght oxamples one (vriSvi) does not con-
tain the suflSx at all, apru's is known only from Hesychius, /Spcoru's, eSjyTus, orpui/Tu's are Homeric,
not Attic, while ktio-tus, \ji<TTVi, and 4>\eyfj.auTvi constitute the only examples of this suffix in
Ionic prose, except the emendation KaTanKaa-rvi in Herodotus.
50 HISTORY OF n-STEMS IN GREEK
uses the suffix most freely. The few instances of its use among
prose writers might be due to poetical reminiscence. If, however,
its use in Homer be taken as Ionic, it must be said that the suffix
was not confined to that dialect, but belonged to Cretan as well,
and possibly to Doric in general.
Very few Greek nouns with this suffix have cognates in the
related languages, and those which do are the very ones in which
the presence of the suffix was no longer felt in the Greek word,
6. g., iTV<; : L. Vitus m., ^/uei "wind;" 7rn-u9 : Skt. pitil- m. "juice,
food, drink," above, p. 14; aarv. Skt. vdstu- n. "abode," i/ues
"dwell." The vowel relation is obscure (Hiibschmann, Vocal-
system 166), perhaps U9s, ues, strengthened grade, by influence
of the heavy series. Cf. Buck, A.J.P. 17 (1896), 285, and
Reichelt, K.Z. 39 (1903), 47, sed original strengthened grade of
sed, but from it sdd[ ?).
Aside from the numerals, words of this formation are mostly
directly related to Greek verbs. For example, Homer has: ayoprj-
Tv<; to ayopdofiai, aKovTicmk to a/covTi^oo, a\acoTv<i to aXaoco, ^oijTV'i
to ^odco^ etc. ; cf. the list for Homer above.
Change of rv to av (^^fXLa-v<;) . — The question of the change of
TV to (TV has been treated most recently by Lagerkrantz, Zur gr.
Lautgeschichte (Upsala, 1898) 121 ff., and, more fully, by Brug-
mann, Ber. sachs. G. d. W., 1901, 89 ff. Brugmann had formerly
(Gr. Gr.' 42) rejected the change of tv to av as a phonetic devel-
opment, but now accepts it as phonetic except initially and after
consonants. He ascribes the frequent presence of tv after vowels
in words in -tv<; to the influence of words like fivrja-Tik, etc., where
TV coming after a consonant did not change. He does not, like
Lagerkrantz, limit the phenomenon to tv, but admits it for both
TV and TV. His general conclusions are accepted by Kretschmer,
Berlin. Phil. Woch., 1902, 1492-95.
The most certain example of cru in the suffix is TJ/xtav^. In
view of Cretan ■^fMiTv-eKTco and Epidaurian rf/xiTeiav, few will ques-
tion the accuracy of Brugmann's statement [loc. cit., 91) that the
suffix in rjfiL(Tv<i is identical with that in TpLKTv<;, rer/aa^Ti;?, Tremr)-
KocTTik, etc., that the word was originally a substanfive, early
became neuter after to o\oi/, and thereupon became an adjective,
W-STEMS IN GREEK 51
rjixKrv; and '^fj.ta-v being already in use. That the suffix was -rv-
had been suggested as early as 1886 by Bechtel in his review of
the first edition of Brugmann's grammar, Philologischer Anzeiger
xvi, 16. That the feeling for the suffix should be soon lost, and
hence that the treatment should be different from that of other
numerals in -Tv<i is not surprising in view of the special meaning
of rj^iiav^i.
The forms of the different dialects present two types: (a) those
in -TV- or -av-, (h) those in -aao- or -ao-. In Brugmann's list the
most important citations for the former are: Cretan [^J/Atru-e/cTO),
Mus. Ital. ii, 166, n. 8, 1. 3, in the sense of rjfMieKTov; Epidaurian
otvov r}ixLT€Lav, E</). Apx; 1899, 1, n. 1 = Ditt.' 938, 9, 27; Phocian
TO '^fiiav, S.G.D.I. 1547, 7, called "vorrSmisch" in the Sammlung,
loc. cit.; and for the latter: Cretan to, TJfita-aa, Mus. Ital. iii,
601 ff., 7; Epid. to vfitaaov, S.G.D.I. 3325, 15. In addition to
the forms cited by Brugmann I may add for a: Paros tj/jllo-v,
Ditt.' 569, 6 (300-250? B. C); Magnesia vf^iaei, Ditt.^' 552,
84 = Kern, Magn. n. 100 (second century B. C), Ditt.' 554, 15
= Kern, n. 99 (second century B. C); Lebadea rj/Mia-eayv, Ditt.*
540, 44 = I.G. Sept. i, 3073 (175-171 B. C); Teos ^J/xtcreta? tu^,
Ditt.' 177, 8 (306-301 B. C); Megara v/^vav, C.I.G. Sept. i, 43
(third century B. C); Oropus v/^vav, C.I.G. Sept. i, 3498 (200
B. C.) ; Halicarnassus ^f^vav, Bechtel, Ion. 241, ijfiicrv, C.I.G. Ins.
i, 3, 1119, 7 (Koman period) ; Thera to, rif^iari, C.I.G. Ins. i, 3,
330, 197 (210-195 B. C); and for h: Cretan to jj/xtaaov, Mon.
Ant. vi, 302, 7 = Michel 440, 7 (fourth century B. C, Michel);
Cos ^fxiaao), Ditt.' 598, 58 = S.G.D.I. 3627 (late) ; ^/ito-o?, C.I.G.
Sic. et It. 2030 (Roman period); Astypalea 57/*to-a), Ditt.' 493, 11
= C.I.G. Ins. i, 3, 168, 12 (first century B. C.) ; Megara vH^ktov,
S.G.D.I. 3052, a (late).
The two forms with t, Cretan ['^'\fiLTv-€KTQ) and Epidaurian
^fiiTeiav are both early, before the close of the fifth century B. C.
The earliest examples of rjiiiaao- are Delphian, Epidaurian, and
Cretan, all of the fourth century B. C, one occurrence of each.
The examples of ^fitao- are all later than the second century B. C.
Because of the forms in t, Brugmann rightly rejects the view
of G. Meyer and Meillet that ijfii-aao- arose from I.E. *semi-siio-,
52 HISTORY OF l«-STEMS IN GREEK
and also the view of J. A. Smith, I.F. 12 (1901), 4, that ^/ito-u?
is formed from the old loc. pi. of the stem semi- {*semissu "in
halves"). But Brugmann continues:
Aber, wie bei *semi-suo-, gerat man auch bei der Zuriickfuhrung von
-(To-o- auf uridg. -tuo- (C. A. Mliller, De litera % pp. 62, 68) mit den
Lautgesetzen in Konflict wegen kret. ■^fiiaa-a, fur das *rjfiLTTa zu erwarten
ware (G. Meyer, Gr. Gr.'* 350, K.B. i, 640). Nur mit der Annahme ist
durchzukommen, dass *-^fxiTv- in urgriechischer Zeit zu rjfjiLa-v- geworden
war. Dieses wurde in die o-Deklination ubergefiihrt. Dabei oder
darauf wurde v (ti) konsonantisch, und solches *yfjiL(rfo-v {*rjfn.<Tyo-v) ergab
weiterhin ■^ixta-a-ov (cf. lesb. tcro-os — kret. ^tcr/ros). In analoger Weise
entstand yXu/cKov, alter *y\vKfov, aus yXvKv. Hiernaeh hat epid. ^fXLTeiav
sein altes lautgesetzliches t bewahrt, wahrend die Formen homer.
■^IXL(T€€<: u.s.w. ihr a von tj/juctv^ -av bezogen haben ; umgekehrt kret.
[i7]/i,tTv- fill' rifjLKTv- nach den auf der Stammgestalt *rjfxirif- beruhenden
Formen.
The Cretan inscription cited by Brugmann (Mus. Ital. iii, 610)
for the form rjixtaaa is datable by the name of the king somewhere
between 277 and 239 B. C. It contains the non-Cretan gen. sg.
TToXeo)?, and the more significant form Trpdaaiv, 1. 14. The still
earlier Cretan inscription, not cited by Brugmann (Mon. Ant. vi,
302), is dated by Michel in the fourth century B. C. But this
has TToXeo)?, the ace. pi. in -ov<; not -01/9, and the form rav ddXaa-a-a^v
1. 18. So far as evidence is at hand it is known that those dialects
which have tt from -ki-, etc., have also tt from -tii-, and that the
treatment is exactly parallel. In other words we should expect
TT from -ill- wherever we find TrpaTrecv, etc. In accordance with
this, Meyer, Blass, and Brugmann are manifestly correct in
assuming that in Cretan we should expect *riiiLTra. The fact
that in the Cretan inscriptions that do have -qfii-a-ao- we also find
crcr iu irpdcraco and OaXaaaa is conclusive proof that the Cretan
forms ^/xtaaov and rjfitcrcra show nothing as to the actual condition
in early Cretan, and hence cannot be taken as evidence for a
proethnic Greek change of tj^iitv- to rjiMiav-.
So far, therefore, as the forms of ij/xtavi are concerned, the
change may or may not have taken place in prehistorical Greek.
It is entirely possible that the change of rv to av took place in
historical Greek times and that forms like rip.Laaov (Cretan and
M-STEMS IN GKEEK 53
BcBotian *r)iJLirTov) arose from *rjiJLiTFov before the change. In
that case the most natural supposition is that the relation of rv to
a-v is dialectic, and on this assumption we should expect tv in
those dialects which have SlScoti, etc., and av in those which have
BiSoio-i,, etc. Against this assumption are the forms: Phocian
■^jjiLav (S. G.D.I. 1547, 7), with a 3d sg. in -rt, Theran ■qfiCarj
(C.I.G. Ins. i, 3, 330, 197), with 3d pi. \d/3ovTi, and Megarian
Vfivav (C.I.G. Sept. i, 43). The Tean inscription (Ditt.' 177, 8)
with 'qfjLLaetaf has also exova-L. Other forms with (tv in Doric
dialects are so late as hardly to count. And the two most impor-
tant forms (Phocian ^/xtav and Theran ■^/xiar)) are also so late
that in spite of the presence of true Doric characteristics in the
inscriptions the forms in o-v may be due to the Koivrj.
Suffix -iu- substantives. — This is seen only in utw, and per-
haps also in ot^u? (with change to long v under influence of
feminine gender and oxytone accent), if Bezzenberger's etymol-
ogy, B.B. 26 (1902), 1(58, is correct. He takes oii^v<i from *6i;SiLH?,
*6-fi8iv-<;, in Ablaut with Lett. waicUt "complain, lament," waidi
"complaint, lament," and hence belonging to Lett, wai "ah, woe,"
Goth, vm, O.H.G. wB, L. vae.
Suffix -nu- substantives. — This is found in 6pi)vv^ ; 9pa-vo<i,
Skt. \/dlir "hold." Xtyvv'i (y Tryphiodorus), hence with transfer
to V under influence of gender and accent, is uncertain etymo-
logically and can be placed here only with reservation.
Suffix -ru- substantives. — The most certain example is BaKpv :
L. dacruma, lacruma, O. Welsh dacr, Corn, dagr, Goth, tagr,
O.H.G. zahar, Eng. tear, all in sense of "tear;" cf. above, p. 16.
Another, less certain, is ixdarpv<i : /ida-rpoTro^ , naarevco, etc. The
words ^6Tpv<;, Ka^pv^, and oa-rpw, a sort of tree, are too uncertain
etymologically to admit decision as to suffix.
Suffix -lu- substantives. — This suffix is probable in a;^\y<?.
Berneker, Die Preussische Sprache 278, connects O. Prussian
agio "rain" (for aghi), and suggests on the basis of akh: ak the
possible connection also of Lith. ciklas "blind," L. aquilo "north-
wind." Cf. Fick i', 474. On the other hand Fick i*, 3-48 separates
ax-Xu? from Lith. Ziklas, L. aquilus "dark," and says it probably
belongs with vvx-- Even in that case the suffix would be -lu-.
54 HISTORY OP i<-STEMS IN GREEK
See also G. Meyer, Alban. Worterbuch s. v. akul "ice." The
suffix is also probable in e7%eX,u9. Cf. e%i?, L. anguis, etc.,
though the vowel relation is not clear, and direct connection is
improbable.
Suffix -gu- substantives. — Cf. above, p. 16. This suffix is
frequently assigned to irpea^vi. Brugmann, Ber. sachs. G. d. W.
1889, 53, compared the suffix in i'yyv<i, /j.eaaij'yrk , Lith. zmogus
"man," Skt. vanargil- "roaming in the forest," pu7'o-gavd-
"leader." Cf. his article in K.Z. 24 (1879), 62. Bezzenberger,
B.B. 4 (1878), 345, compared Skt. adhrigu- "irresistibly
advancing" and vanargil-, and gave to the gu the meaning
"going." For a less plausible meaning see Curtius, Grdz.^ 479.
Though Brugmann, Grd. i^, 595, says that only uncertain guesses
have been made about the latter part of the word, he tacitly
accepts in his Kurze Gr. 473 the meaning "going" by translating
TT/oecT/Sy? "im Alter vorausgehend." Cf. also his Gr. Gr.^ 127,
and Grd. i^ 754.
As regards the distribution of the forms /Su- and yu- the latter
is seen in, or to be inferred from, most of the forms outside of
Attic-Ionic. Thus Cretan: irpelyvi S. G.D.I. 4992, irprjytaTO'i,
etc., S.G.D.I. 5034; irpeiayevrav gen. pi. S.G.D.I. 5167, 11,
from which the frequently cited irpelcryvi is inferred. Boeotian:
TrpKryeta S.G.D.I. 705, 6 {7rpLay€€<i, on stone) = C.I.G. Sept.
2418; 7rpc<xy€l[€^ B.C.H. 25 (1901), 137; 7rpcay€l[a^ C.I.G.S.
1720. Choeroboscus 234, 23 = Bekker, A.G. 1413, = Gram. Grgeci
iv, 1, p. 233, 7 gives irpeayvi Trpeajvof as Doric. Hesychius and
Etym. Mag. 723, 17, have a-7r€pyv<i- irpea^vi.
The Attic-Ionic regularly has the forms with ySu, and so far as
I know this appears elsewhere only in Thessalian S.G.D.I. 345,
12, and Lesbian; cf. Hoffmann, G.D. ii, 500.
The forms with 7 would be phonetic in those cases where ^~ came
before u, those with /3 in cases where gV: was not followed by u.
Then we must assume leveling in one direction in some dialects
and in the opposite direction in others. Cf. Brugmann, Ber.
sachs. G. d. W., 1889, 53. Schulze's assumption of dissimilation
(Gott. gel. Anz., 1896, 249), Doric 7r/)ecr7e[f Je? from *7rp€ayf:€fe<i,
is less plausible.
It-STEMS IN GREEK 55
For the first part of the word see Brugmann, Kurze Gr. 473, I.F. 13
(1902), 164, Grd. 2, 402, 406, Bar. sachs. G. d. W., 1889, 53, K.Z. 24 (1879),
62; Per Persson, Studia Etym. 95; Baunack, Inschr. v. Gort. 30; G.
Meyer, Gr. Gr.^ 184; J. Schmidt, K.Z. 26 (1883), 381. Cf. also on the
word Etym. Mag. 687, 11; Herodian ii, 324.
The word a-TXeyyixi, name of a plant, found only in Theophras-
tus, H, PI. 8, 4, 3, may contain this suffix, but the etymology is
uncertain.
Suffix -u- substantives. — Words with this suffix in Greek are
prevailingly feminine and with the accent on the final syllable.
It is probable that Greek inherited the use of u under the accent
to represent feminines, as the same use is found in Sanskrit, but
there is no Greek word with this suffix which has been shown
to have cognates with long u in other languages, unless it be
)(^eXu<i, see below. The root-nouns in long u may have been the
starting-point for the use of the ii as a suffix in both Sanskrit and
Greek. Of these root-nouns Greek has some which show the
inherited u. These are given here, although it is understood,
of course, that in them the u is not a suffix.
Examples of such root-nouns' are: 5? (Tv<i: L. sus, Umbr. sim;
lrXOv<i m. : Lith. gen. pi. zuv-u "fish," Arm. jukn "fish;" 64>pv<i :
Skt. hhru; etc., above, p. 21, is usually classed as a root-noun (e.g.,
by Brugmann, Grd. 2, 455), but Osthoff, M.U. iv, 217, and
Kretschmer, K.Z. 31 (1892), 336, take it as a dissyllabic stem,
which in Sanskrit, etc., lost its root- vowel through suffixal accent.
Kretschmer, loc. cit., 332, also gives as a root-noun Z\u9 from
i-(T\v<i with prothetic l as in Ix^^'^^ comparing L. lutum, polluo,
Grk. XvfjLa, Xv/xr) from *(j\v-fia. Otherwise Thurneysen, K.Z. 32
(1893), 352.
Brugmann, I.F. 11 (1900), 271 if., connects vr^hv^ with L.
abdomen, taking it as a compound of vrj- "down, below," and hv
a root-noun belonging with Svofiai "I enter." It has a short final
in Callimachus, and on two Boeotian metrical inscriptions, C.I.G.
Sept. 2544 and 2545.
8pv<; bears the same relation to 86pv, Bpv- as Skt. asita-jfld- f .,
"with dark knees," does to Skt. jcinu- jflu-. See Osthoff, Parerga
1 |xus is an original s-stem, but has in Greek some forms like the u-stems, e. g., ace. sg.
iJLvv, gen. sg. (xO'os after the analogy of b<^pvv cx^puo?, etc. Cf. Schulze, Q.E. 133 f.
56 HISTORY OF It-STEMS IN GREEK
148 ff. otherwise J. Schmidt, K.Z. 25 (1881), 52. The feminine
gender may be secondary, Osthoff, loc. cit., 152. The masculine
is found on an inscription from Acarnania in E^. A/3%., 1893, 32.
For the word in general cf. Hirt, Ablaut, § 772, 151.
The word lyvv<; f, "poples" presumably has the long final,
although no metrical proof is at hand. It is evidently to be con-
nected with jovv (J. Schmidt, loc. cit. supra 53) and is exactly
parallel to Skt. asita-jM,-. The t is prothetic, and the -71^0? bears
the same relation to 70W as SpO? to hopv.
The feminine oxytone Be\(f>v<i has presumably the long v, and
the cognates make it clear that we have here the suffix -u-,
although no other language shows the word with this suffix.
SeX(/)U9: Skt. gdrbha- "fetus," Goth, kalbd, O.H.G. kalba "female
calf," O.E. cealf, Eng. calf.
Idis with long final in Homer is an example of the long u in
an oxytone feminine beside the oxytone masculine and neuter
adjective with short u.
7r\r)dv<; ; 7rX?}^09, irX^do), has long v in Homer, and examples
of short final among later writers are doubtful. It is found
S.G.D.I. 1479, 18, ttXtjOvv Locrian, Lex Gort. vi, 52, TrXidvv
Cretan.
%e\i»9 presents difficulty. It has a long final in Homeric Hymn
to Merc. 33, 153, 242, but a short final in Callim. Hymn to
Apollo 16, Oppian H. 5, 404, Aratus 268. It is given as a bary-
tone feminine in short v by Hdn. i, 237, 20. There would be no
difficulty in Greek in explaining the long final in the Homeric
hymn as due to the same sort of metrical lengthening as seen in
a few examples in Homer of a long final in masculine oxytone
adjectives in -v9. But it has been plausibly connected (e. g., by
Hirt, Ablaut 473; Kretschmer, K.Z. 31 [1892], 335; Wiedemann,
B.B. 27 [1902], 249 fF.) with O.B. zely or zily with the same
meaning. Kretschmer, loc. cit., 386, attempts to explain the as
due to contraction of a long root-vowel (a, e, or 6) with u, com-
paring %e\a)y7;. If this connection with zily is accepted, the word
constitutes the sole exception to the statement made above that
no Greek noun except the root-nouns can be shown to have an
inherited 0.
W-STEMS IN GREEK 57
B. ADJECTIVES
The adjectives in -u? -eta -v represent the same type (I) that
is seen in other languages, but with change in some case-forms,
as in the substantives of Class I. While most substantive u-stems
have been transferred to the long w-declension in Greek, and the
declensional Type I of the short ?<-stems is found in only a few
substantives, the M-stem adjectives retain in Greek this type of
declension. The only w-stem adjectives (not compounds) not
declined after this type are re/ow and (f)6\v<i, and these are known
only from glosses and might well be substantives used appositively.
(See p. 41.) Liddell and Scott give fJLOjXm gen. -vo<i, but this is
simply a mistake. There is nothing to show its declension.
Adjective compounds with substantives in -w -v as final member
are declined like the simplex. Those with adjectives as final
member are declined like the simplex, and consequently belong
to the type here under discussion. (See under Compounds,
pp. 61 f.)
The masculine and neuter of these adjectives in -v<i are declined
exactly like the substantives of Class I except in the following
particulars: (1) The gen. sg. in good Attic ends in -eo9 not -eco?,
though -eft)9 is found in late writers. (2) The nom.-acc. pi. neuter
has the open form -ea in Attic, and not the close form -r) of the
substantives. Attic inscriptions show the gen. i^/xiaeo'i, C.I. A. ii,
794, d, 6 (356 B. C), and the nom.-acc. pi. neuter in -ea or -€ia.
Contracted forms in -rj appear in the second half of the fourth
century B. C. beside the forms in -ea -eta (Meisterhans^ 150).
For the late gen, sg. in -eo)? see Lobeck, Phrynichus 247. The
correct reason why the Attic adjective had -eo? while the substan-
tive had -eta? is given by Choeroboscus, Gram. Grseci iv, 1, 222
(221, g). It is that the presence of the adverb in -€(o<; to the
same adjective led to a desire to keep the gen. sg. of the adjective
and the adverbial form distinct. Another explanation is also
offered by Choeroboscus, but it is not so plausi.ble.
Inscriptional evidence for the dialects is not very plentiful,
^olic has the gen. sg. yXvfceo^, S.G.D.I. 272 = C.I.G. Ins. 68,
10, 13 = Hoffmann, ii, 166, time of the Antonines. Herodian, ii,
710, 9 = Choeroboscus, Diet. 228, 15 declares that the Boeotian
58 HISTORY OF it-STEMS IN GREEK
gen. of Taxi"? /3pa8v<i was not raxio'i ^paSio'i (as we should expect
from Boeotian t before a vowel), but he fails to tell us what it was.
Arcadian has the nom. pi. neuter OTjXea, Ditt." 939, 19. Thera
has TO, dqXeia, Cauer'^ 148 C 27. Laconia has to, /3pa8eia, Le
Bas et Wad. 194 C. Troezen has ^apea (nevd'xpvTe'; B.C.H. 24
(1900), 179.
The ace. sg. in -ea instead of -vv is occasionally found. Homer,
II. 6, 291; 9, 72, has €vpea irovrov, and €vpea koXttov, II, 18, 140;
21, 125. Theocr. 20, 8, 44, has dSea. This is simply an exten-
sion of the strong grade -e/r- to a case elsewhere treated as weak.
The adjective form is like the Homeric mVa, p. 32.
All simple (i. e., not compounded) adjectives in -f? are oxytone
in the masculine and neuter and properispomenon in the feminine
except the following: ^/iicru?, OrjXvi, fjuayXvi, irpea-^vi, repvi, (f>6Xv<;,
and the Epic forms iXd')(eLa^ Xtyeia, OdXeta, dafxeiai, Tap(f)eiai.
TjixLcrvi is in origin a substantive, though, it must be said, of a
class usually oxytone (above, pp. 50 f.) ; fiioXv^ is known only
from glosses. Hesychius has fxcoXv^ ; Etym. Mag. s. v. a/i/SXu?
has fioyXm. Gottling, Accentlehre 310, considers the barytone
accent wrong. irpeajSv^ is not an adjective in the positive, re/ju?
and 4>6Xv^ belong in declension to Class II and are probably sub-
stantives in origin (above, p. 57). The positive iXax^^ is not in
use but is given by grammarians, e. g., Hdn. i, 237, 12, who
remarks on the Homeric iXd^eca. The positive Xiyu'i is in use,
e. g., by Pindar, and the feminine Xiyeia (not Xiyela) is prescribed
by Arcadius 95, 2. The masculine daXv; to OdXeia is not extant.
The masculine rap^v<i is first found in ^sch. Sept. 585. The
masculine dafiik does not occur except in the grammarians, e. g.,
Bekker, A.G. 563, 8, and Etym. Mag. 75, 15. Aristarchus gives
6afi€iai and Tap(f)€taL, but Pamphilus gives the forms that would
conform to the rule, dafielai and Tapcfiecai. So K.B., § 145, ii.
On the accent of OijXvi see J. Vendryes, M6m. Soc. Ling. 13
(1904), 143.
The Greek adjectives in -i/9 agree in their oxytone accent with
the It-stem adjectives of the related languages (above, p. 18).
The feminine of adjectives in -V9 is regularly made in -eia and
follows the Greek first (a) declension. The Ionic regularly has
tt-STEMS IN GREEK 59
-ea ; so almost universally in Herodotus ; and this is found beside
the other form -eta also on Attic inscriptions especially of the
fourth century B. C. (Meisterhans^ 40). In Homer the form -ea
is rare, -eia being the regular ending. For the forms in Homer
see KB., § 127, 2, anm. 1; for the Ionic see K.B., § 127, 3, and
Smyth, Ionic, §§ 506, 219, 419.
The ending -em is from -epiP") i- e., from the strong form of the
suffix -e/r- + the feminine-forming suffix -ta-, I.E. -i- [id). See
above, p. 18, and Brug., Gr. Gr.^ § 174. The forms in -ea are
from -eta with loss of the second element of the diphthong.
Johansson, K.Z. 30 (1890), 404, takes -ea as from -e/ra and not
from -efux ; but see above, p. 7. Of. also Smyth, Ionic 198, and
Meisterhans* 40.
The precise process by which -e/rta became -eta is a matter of
dispute. Brugmann, Gr. Gr.^, § 15, 2, and § 51, 1, calls it
doubtful, but in his Kurze Gr. § 151, 3, a, and 318, 2, he puts
it under epenthesis (i. e., epiay eipay eua) . He is doubtless led
to this position by his view of Elean (f)vjaSeico, etc., which he
derives from -VFk^y through -^tfto, thus explaining the shortening
of rjL to et (Gr. Gr.^ Nachtrage 573) . That epenthesis is the
regular process in afi and oft, just as in avi, ovi, apt, opt. [^aCvco,
etc.) has been generally assumed on the basis of Corinthian
ctfioifdv, AiSacfcov, though now contested by Danielsson, I.F. 14
(1903), 375 ff. But even if true, this would prove nothing for
efi, since in the case of evt, epi in contrast to avi, etc., there is no
epenthesis, but vowel lengthening {^Oeipoi, (f)di]pQ), etc.). For the
reason of this difference, see Goidanich, Le Sorti dei gruppi I.E.
-nj-, -mj-, -rj-, -Ij- nell' ellenismo. On the other hand -eta cannot
come by the same process as (f>6etp(o for *(f)d€pico, since ei is a
genuine diphthong. There is no difficulty in assuming that -efia
remained unchanged until the dropping of f , thus becoming eta
without any intervening stage. This is made reasonably certain
by Boeotian KapvKefto, occurring twice, E</). Af %. 1896, 243, and
1900, 107. The only escape from this conclusion would be to
assume that the Boeotian form is from -epto- not -epio-. This is
altogether unlikely. As for Elean <})vyaSet(o, etc., this type need
not be for -VFk^^ but can be from -eF-ico, with the grade e/r, which
60 HISTORY OF W-STEMS IN GREEK
must in any event be admitted (see Schulze, Q.E. 457 ff. and
Solmsen, Untersuchungen 72).
A still different view is advanced by Prellwitz, Gott. gel. Anz.,
1886, 762, who thinks that the regular phonetic development for
the nom. sg. fem. of adjectives in -i"? would have been *a-fa8eva
as TraiBevco from ^Traihepixo^ and cites Delphian rpcKrevav KJjvav,
Cauer' 204, 34 = C.I. A. ii, 545, of the year 380 B. C, as an
example of this development. The form rpiKrevav is certainly
puzzling, but the great mass of evidence is against Prellwitz'
view. rpiKTevav seems to be a feminine to a masc. rpUTevo^,
perhaps from a form *T/3i«;Tey? (?).
This class of adjectives is much more largely preserved in modern
Greek than are the substantives in -vs, -v. The reason is not far to seek.
They constituted in classical Greek an important element in the body of
adjectives, and there was beside them no large class in i or yj to cause
confusion as in the case of substantives. There has been, however, in
modern Greek frequent interchange with adjectives in -os, and on the
other hand many oxytone adjectives in -os have gone over to those in -vs,
perhaps originating in the comparative -vrepos, which had gained a wide
use, and after which positives in -vs could be formed. See Hatzidakis,
Neugr. Gr. 381; Januaris Hist. Grk. Gr., §§402, 496, 503; Thumb,
Neugr. Volkssprache 47, §§ 94, 95.
Suffix -u- adjectives. — With this suffix are formed most of the
M-stem adjectives in Greek. For the accent see above, p. 58.
Cognates in the related languages are frequent. For ySapu? : Skt.
guril- ; eXa%u9 : Skt. 7'aghil- ; eupw : Skt. uril- ; rihv<i : Skt. svddil- ;
irXarix; : Skt. prthil- ; 7roXu9 : Skt. piiril- (on the vowel of the
root see Brug., Grd. i\ 272; J. Schmidt, K.Z. 32 [1893], 382 f.);
tt)/cv9 : Skt. CiQil- ; see above, p. 19.
Other examples are: iraxv^ : Skt. hahil- "abundant," Lith.
hingiis "spirited" (of horses) (cf. Brug., Grd. i'', 545; Prellwitz,
B.B. 21 [1896J, 286); Kparix; : Goth, hardvs "hard," O.H.G.
h(irt "hard," Lith. kartiis "bitter;" irpav'; ^*7rpdL-v-<; : Skt. pritd-
"beloved," j;r??/d- "dear," Goth, frijon "love;" irk has been
variously connected with Skt. vasil- "good," Skt. prefix su-
"good," and Skt. dyd- "living." The last is given by Collitz,
K.Z. 27 (1885), 183, who cites the literature for other views. Cf.
also Schulze, Q.E. 33 ff. The etymology of €vdv<i Wv<i is uncer-
M-STEMS IN GREEK 61
tain. For various views, none convincing, see Bezzenberger, B.B.
4 (1878), 343 ff.; Meringer, Beitrage (Wiener Akad. 125, 1891)
3 ; Osthoff, Perf. 534; Thurneysen, K.Z. 30 (1890), 352. Wacker-
nagel, K.Z. 30 (1890), 301 f., takes afi^Xis as "without strength"
from a privative and */3X}k */i.aXu<? connected with fidXa fidXiara.
For an ancient view see Etym. Mag. 79, 5, where it is derived
from TO /xmXo<;. 8aav<i with its intervocalic o- has presented diffi-
culty, and called forth a variety of explanations. Brugmann,
Grd. i^, 748, was inclined to accept G. Meyer's view (Alb. Worter-
buch 65) that Sacru? was from *dntsu-s, *8aTav- because of
Albanian dent- "make compact, close." In his Gr. Gr.^ 122 he
goes back to J. Schmidt's view (Kritik 51 f.) that *8ahv<i was
changed back to 8aam in proethnic Greek after *8evao'i (cf.
jSevOo'; : /Sa^u?) and that afterward ^aav'i came in for *8evao<i.
See the literature cited in Gr, Gr.* 122 for other views. In the
Ber. sachs. G. d. W., 1901, 92 ff. Brugmann rejects all former
explanations and suggests that haav<i is from *8arv'i = *dntn-s
with the change of tv to <tv for which he argues. See above, pp.
50 f. The t in this case is a "root-determinative" and the suffix
is -u- not -tu-. This is clear both from the L. denseo to Alb. dent,
and from the great infrequency of the suffix -tu- in adjectives.
Suffix -mu- adjectives. — This is probable in Spl/xixi. For the
etymology see Osthoff, Etym. Parerga 164, who derives from
*Sptcr/Mv<i and compares with L. trls-tis.
Suffix -lu- adjectives. — This is seen in ^r)\u<? : Skt. dhdril-
"sucking," Skt. i/dhd "suck," Grk. OtjXt]. It is not shown for
any other Greek adjectives.
Suffix -tu- adjectives. — This is not found except in '^fita-vi, and
this is without doubt a substantive in origin. See above, pp. 50 ff .
Suffix -gu- adjectives. — For Brugmann's view of iyyix; /xecrarr}-
7W see above, p. 54. Breal, M6m. Soc. Ling. 12 (1902), 242,
sees in the -yv^ of iyyv^ an old loc. pi. yvai, from the root yv seen
in yvlov "limb," but this is not probable.
C. COMPOUNDS
In compounds where the first member is a noun or adjective
in -v?, -u, gen. -co? (-eo)?), the first member always ends in u, but
62 HISTORY OF It-STEMS IN GREEK
in those where the first member is a noun in -w, -vo<; the first
member sometimes ends in v, but more often in vo, as lx0v-^6\o<;
and lxOv6-^p(OTo<i, etc. See K.B., § 340, 7 C, a, 330.
Nearly all compounds in which the final member is a noun or
adjective in -y? are adjectives. Some few are nouns, and a few
are substantivized adjectives. The accent of the compound adjec-
tive is proparoxytone, no matter what the accent or quantity of
the final of the simplex. Herodian i, 237, 8, simply says that all
compound adjectives in -u? are barytone, citing eirrjXvi, verjXv;,
7roXvBaKpv<i, /xeXdvoSpv;. Cf. Etym. Mag. 246, 11, Eustath. 833,
and Schol. Ven. ad Catal. v. 271, quoted by Lobeck, Phryn. 533.
According to Lobeck, Paral. 252, substantives are generally par-
oxytone. He cites eTVfioBpvi, r^fxepohpvi, \i.v68pv<i, (f)e\\68pv'i,
XctfiaiSpui;, and %a/iai7rn-u9. The last is more probably proparoxy-
tone, and he himself cites irpoTrjOvi and vapBoaraxvi as substantives.
Further, ylrevSafid/xa^vi and -^^evharpdc^a^vi are not paroxytone.
Of the nouns belonging to Class I, only TreXeKVf, Trrj^vi, and
Trpea^vi are found as the final member in compounds. From
TreXe/cw we have only e^aTreXe/cw, frequent in Polybius, from
irrixyi over thirty compounds, and from irpea^vi only lo-oirpea^vi,
^sch. Ag. 78. and a-vixirpea-^vi. These compounds, when adjec-
tives, have the masculine and feminine in -i"? and the neuter in -u/
and are declined like the nouns of Class I.^ Substantive com-
pounds under this head are rare, A probable example is avfi-
•n-pea-^vi. The declension is like that of the simplex.
Compounds with nouns in -w -u, -vo<i as final member are
formed from a/xd/xa^vi, dpKv;, drpd^a^vi, /BoTpv;, y€vv<;, 7>}/3W,
Bdxpv, Spi)9, t'cr^u?, IxPv^, KCKV<i, veKVi, ol^v^, 6(f)pv^, ttitvs, crra^i;?,
1 This and similar statements below do not imply that every word has both forms and
all (genders. Some appear only as masculine, some as feminine, and many do not show the
neuter form, but the type is us represented.
2 K.B., g 149, xi, and § 126, anm. 9, give the genitive in -cos, and say that they are declined
like ordinary adjoctivos in -u?, except that in the nom.-acc. pi. uoutor they have the close
form in -i), not the open form in -ea. But since in this neuter jilural form they agree with the
nouns of Class I rather than with the adjectives like vAukus, the presumption is that the
gen. sg. also had the substantive form -ems in Attic, unless there is evidence to the contrary,
and such I have not been able to find. (Tiie compounds of Class II are declined like nouns
of II, not like adjectives; see below.) Hdt. 2, 149, has TeTpanr)xeo<;, Polybius 5, 89, 6, has airo
iKKaiStKanrixovi; .... oKTdTrrjxous, but neither shows what Attic usage would be. L. and S.
give /caAAiVijxus, AuKoirijxus, efoneAeiciit, TeTpdmjxvi, and perhaps othors, as having the gen. -€w?
They give ayXaonrixvt, Trei'ToTrrjxv?, eKKatie/caTrrjxus as having the gen. -eos — on what grounds,
I do not know.
M-STEMS IN GREEK 63
Tr)0v<i, (f)pa(Trik, X^^^' Their declension is like that of the sim-
plex. The adjective compounds have the masculine and feminine
in -f?, the neuter in -v. See footnote 1, p. (')2.
Compounds with adjectives in -w as final member are them-
selves adjectives, and follow the usual declension of adjectives in
-V9 -eta -V, except that the feminine in -eia is rare and the form in
-u? often does duty both as masculine and feminine. Eustathius
1017, 35 and 833, quoted by Lobeck, Phryn. 538, takes such
forms as aijL(f)iBdaeLa, iirTroSdcreLa^ 'x^a'Xjco^dpeca (all in use in
Homer) as the feminine to adjectives in -w, and explains the
accent by saying that they agree in this with compound adjectives
in the masculine, as T/oa%u9 but drpaxv^. o|w but kuto^is, di']\v<i
but dOr)\v<i. Theophrastus, H. PI. 3, 13, 6, has eiri^apdav where
the Thesaurus would read iTn^dpeiav, and for o^vyXvKela poa^
Pollux 6, 80, the Thesaurus would read o^vyXvKeia. The mascu-
line forms in -v<? for anc^thdaeia and ItnTohdaeia do not occur (K.B.,
§ 145, ii), and Lobeck, Phryn. 538, takes these feminine forms
rather as parallel to fiovvoyeveia, decnneTreta and similar feminine
forms to masculines in -779. At any rate undoubted instances of
the use of the form in -v<t as feminine are found, e. g., Theoph.
H. PI. 1, 6, 8, avvo^v<t as feminine.
The following adjectives in -u? are found as the final member
of compound adjectives in -w : ctfi^Xv^, ^a0is, ^apix;, ^pax^k,
yXvKv^, 8a<7V^, SpLfiix;, ev6v<i, 9781/9, dijXw, {Opaavs?), o^ik, iraxrk,
TrXarw, 770X1/9, rpaxtxi, ^Ktk. Eustathius 3-40, 21, says that oxytone
(adjectives) in -v<; when compounded give up their accent if they
keep the ending -w, as Spcfiis d8pLfiv<i, rpaxis drpaxv^, but if
they keep the accent they change the ending, as v^i^ ciyjSi]^,
^apv<i a^apri^;, ^adii'i a^a6r]<i. This is also the statement of Schol.
Ven. ad Catal. v. 271, quoted by Lobeck, Phryn. 533. Lobeck,
loc. cit, 539, adds that when adjectives in -i;9 are compounded with
prepositions the ending is retained. Lobeck, loc. cit., 536, sug-
gests as the reason for the use now of -u9 now of -779 as the ending
the following: "Ego sic judico et statuo, firaecos sub hac con-
ditione terminationem mutasse, si nomen substantivum subjaceret
aptum fingendo adjective; sin, adjectivi simplicis exitum reli-
quisse." Lobeck's examples make it plain that he means a
64 HISTOEY OF W-STEMS IN GREEK
substantive s-stem. This is the opinion also of K.B., § 342, b, 7,
340. The facts bear out Lobeck's view in the main. Aside from
the compounds with prepositions, the instances of compounds in
-f? where nouns in -09 (-e?) of the same period were well established
are of doubtful character.
It is evident from the foregoing that a rather close relation
between adjectives in -u9 and noun stems in -e? exists in Greek.
This apparent relation was noticed by the ancients. Thus the
writer of Etym. Mag. 210 couples ^dpo'; and (3apv<; ; 213, 15, 16,
Tcixo'i ra'xy'i, 0pi6o^ /3pc6v'; ; 233, 53, 54, Bdao<; Sacry?, ttcixo^
ira'x^v'i, y\d(f)0<i yXa(f>v<i ; 396, 17, eu/oo? evpv'i, dpdao'i 6paaik, KOTO^i
Korv<;, tTTTTO? tTTTTW ; 535, 41, Kpdro<i Kparvf, TrXdro'i irXarv^.
Of. Fick, B.B. 1 (1877), 245 ff., who gives a list of some twenty-
five instances of parallel s- and w-stems. Th. Aufrecht, K.Z. 34
(1897), 458, has a few examples of the same parallelism in
Sanskrit.
Compounds with a dental stem as final member and nom. sg.
in -w? are adjectives or substantivized adjectives. They have the
declension of the simplex. Most of them have only the one form
in -v? for the masculine and feminine and no neuter form. Where
the neuter does occur, it is late. They are: opOoKopvi -v6o<;,
rpUopvi -v9o<i, e7n)\v<;, v -uSo?, KdrrjXvi -vho<i^ fjberrjXvi -vSo9, v€r)Xv<;
-uSo9, o/MTjXvi -v8o<i, avv7}Xv<; -1/809, crvjKXvi -v8o<i. For the com-
pounds in -7;\i;9 no simplex is extant, but the nature of the
compound is clear.
The isolated compounds avro/xaprvi, l€p6/jiapTv<;, ^jrevBofiaprvi
are, like the simplex, only apparent w-stems and would follow the
simplex in declension.
Hypocoristics in -v9.' — There is a considerable class of proper
names in -i'9 belonging, so far as they are not foreign names,
to the hypocoristic type (Kosenamen). See Fick-BechteP 26;
Kretschmer, Vaseninschriften 193, 67, 239; Lobeck, Phryn. 436.
The grammarians report a peculiar type of hypocoristics in
-09, gen. -u, dat. 0. See Bekker, A.G. 1195; 857, 7; Herodian ii,
707, 615, 625, 665, i, 236; K.B., § 136, 4, d. A gen. -iiho^ is
I Kait^;?, •v&o';, f. proper name, Hdn. i, 2.37, probably belongs under hypocoristics. In
Strabo Kocmfs r\ has the gen. -wo«. So also UaXy-vt, -uSot, Hippouaz 15, 4, ace; UoiA/iui', ibid.,
30 B. Cf. Hdn. i, 237; Chosroboscus, Bekker, A.G. 1408.
W-STEMS IN GREEK 65
found beside -0, e. g., AeowSo? I.G.A. 494 from Erythrae, beside
the form cited by the grammarians. According to the evidence
of the inscriptions this type with -v -OSo? is late, Meisterhans^ 139.
In earlier times were found only forms of the usual declension
as Boeotian Aepfivi, S.G.D.I. 875.
Dental stems with nom. sg. in -u?."'^ — A list of such names is
here presented on the ground that this type may have absorbed
some u- or t7-stems, parallel to the absorption of i-stems by nouns
in -tS, though there is much less evidence for such absorption
here, and further because of the occasional interchange with
u-stem forms, as Kopvv, etc. For the compounds see above.
aj\v<i, -v6o<i, Hdn. i, 238, feminine oxytone in long u, but
probably a mistake for a'yvv^ ; of. Lentz, ad loc, and Coceroboscus
359 g — Gram. Graeci iv, 1, p. 232; ayvvde^, Hdn. ii, 763, oxytone
in long V declined in -^09 ; Sayvf, -v8o<i Theocr, 2, 110, v. 1. Saris ;
efiv<i, -v8o<;, 7) see Bonitz, Index Arist., Lexicon de spiritibus 217
has e/xu?, others e/iw, e. g., Theognost. Cramer, Anecd. Ox. ii, 6, 4;
KaTi]pv8e<i, Hesychius only; kXvSu, Nicander Al. 170; KOKpvScov
XrjcnSiv • KXeiTTcov, Hesych. only; K6pv<;, -vdo<i. rj Homer; KpoKVf;,
-v8o<i feminine in short -v Hdn. i, 237; k(o/jlv<;, -v6o<i^ ibid., TrrjXafiik,
-uSo9, ihid., feminine in short -v ; afjLLvv8a<; Pollux x, 173, on the
basis of this form and Hesychian afiLvvT) ■ SiKeWav and (Tfxivvr]f; •
a/MLvvr], Lobeck, Phryn. 302, and the Thesaurus give the form
aixLvv<i, -vBo^ ; 'x^rjpafMv';, -v8o<i v. 1. in Hippocr. and Strabo for
j^7//9a/i.i9, -t8o9, ■^ ; %\a/Lty9, -v8o<;, feminine in short -v, Hdn. i, 237.
Instances of interchange between it-stems and dental stems are:
Kopvv for Kopvda, II. 13, 132; 16, 215; 'xXdp.vv for x^^H-^^",, Sappho
64; afia/xd^v8e<i for afiafid^ve^, Sappho (Etym. Mag. 77, 1).
Other stems (not dental) with forms similar to «-stem forms
are: kCv8vvl, dat. sg. Sappho, Fr. 161 (cf. Etym. Mag. 574, 42), as
if from Kiv8v<i ; MoWi^, nomen propr., pi. MoVo-vve9 and MoWuw,
see Lobeck, Paral. 138; <f)6pKv<;, 6pKv<; and the nomen propr.
T6pTV<; have the gen. sg. in -wot ; the nom. sg. Tipvt for the more
usual Tipvv<i has the gen. sg. TipvvOot ; HesyChius has (SpeKvv rov
^pcKvvra ; fidprvt has gen. sg. fidpTvpot.
1 ipyoTpvi, Heysch. only, is placed by Lobeck, Paral. 254, alongside imtKvt, etc. ; on what
grounds I do not know.
2 t/Svs, Hesych. only, is thought to have the gen. -vSot because of the Hesychian gloss,
ifiv&rivai • Tovs ev<i>riiJ.ovvTai, i/Sus yap ii ev<f>rip.ia.
NOTES IN EXPLANATION OF THE WOKD-LISTS, ETC.
The lists of w-stems here presented will no doubt require
addition and correction, but are believed as they stand to be
reasonably complete. They do not include:
(1) Foreign words, E. g., Hesychius gives a^apv and ap<i>v% as
Macedonian, ayXv and Kapapve^i as Scythian {Kapapve^' ol ^kvOikoI oTkol
....), l^v and /Awvs as Lydian, XtXv as Libyan ; Plutarch gives AayS/ous
as Lydian for Tre'AcKvs, and Clem. Alex, gives (SiBv as Phrygian for vSmp.
The Thesaurus gives /MOKpus as a forma graecobarbara for fiaKp6<i.
(2) Obvious figments. E. g., d^us is set up by Etym. Mag. 182, 1, as
an intermediate form between axos and d^vT^. The scholiast on II. 13,
521 coins rj-n-v^ and (3pirjTrv<s to account for /SpL-qirvo^, an o-stem. But cf,
Schulze, Q.E. 337, on ^ttvs, and see his list for other possible it-stems.
Etym, Mag, 430, 20 coins tVus to go with i^/xicrus, and 626, 51 |ous in
explaining o|vs. The grammarians also cite /xikus and /xivu's. Bekker,
A,G. 1096, has <^vs to explain oo-^us. Cramer, Anecd, Ox. has vc'kikvs as
the form from which vckus is derived. Perhaps 8lktv (p, 43) should be
classed here, as well as yXa^vs adj, Etym. Mag, 233, 54,
(3) Mere dialectic variants like yLcrxvv • Icrxvv, Hesych., ^Lcrxw or
f^Laxvv ' l(Txvv Hesych, and Bekker, A,G,; (idSxk, Elean for iJSus in
Pausanias ; /3poSo7ra;(vs, Sappho 65,
(4) Forms set up without good reason. Such are : Sc'vSpv- (see p, 27),
yew cited by Passow but not found (see Lobeck, Paral, 254), oto-v's o-ittus
and perhaps crfjuvik (but see p. 65, a dental stem) set up by Lobeck,
Phryn. 302, and kwu, see p, 27,
(5) Indeclinable exclamations, cries, etc. Such are : iv, p-v or p.v,
KOKKv, Kvv ■ TO cXa^to'Tov, Hcsych,, cf. Danielsson, Studien i, 54; ypv, 6 viro
Tw ovv^t puVos, rjhrj h\ koX to €Xa;(iorTov, Hesych,, cf, Danielsson, loc. cit.,
Kretschraer, K.Z. 31 (1892), 342, Meringer, Beitrage (Wiener Akad. 125)
16 ; dppv ' ltTt<^d(.ypxi KWTrrjXaTLKov, Hesych.
(6) Mere errors. Some probable errors are given in the lists, but the
following are not there cited : TpiTTTu's, p. 48; avTo-qBv, v, 1. in Aristotle,
Top, 6, 8, 7, but not now read; iX^vrvv tXaiov, Hesych,, for eXerjrvv
iXeov ; SopaToiraxv'i, kTf.poiraxy'i, veu/307ra;(us, SopvOpa(Tv<;, €vOapav<i, the last
in Etym. Mag., s. x\ dTpcKr;?, are shown to be wrong forms for BopaTOTraxrj':,
etc., by Lobeck, Phryn. 535 ; cf. above, p. 63.
(7) Proper names. Here 'Epivvs is an exception, and there are some
other words cited only by grammarians about which I am in doubt.
These are included in the lists.
66
NOTES IN EXPLANATION OF THE WOBD-LISTS, ETC. 67
(8) Adverbs. iyyv<i and its compounds were admitted to the lists as
having adjectival forms outside the positive. Other adverbs which are
probable evidence for it-stems are : npoxw to yoVu (cf. Brug., Gr. Gr.*
571, 108); dvTiKpv (dvTiKpv's) (Attic inscriptions avavrpoKv and KaravrpoKv,
Meisterhans* 81) connected by Meringer, Beitrage (Wiener Akad. 125)
16, and Br6al, M^m. Soc. Ling. 12 (1902), 243, with the words for " horn,
head," Grk. Kcpas, L. cornu, etc.
There are other adverbs in -vs or -v or -vt, but these are either from
original pronominal stems in v like Rhod. ottus, Bmg., Gr. Gr.^ 49, Gi-d. i-,
183, or are after the analogy of such stems, or else have a particle v added
as in irdvv irdyxv, Brug., Gr. Gr.^ 257. See lists in Hdn. i, 506, 18; Bekker,
A.G. 1341; Brugmann, loc. cit., and cf. also d/Avs • 6/xov (tvv avrw, Hesych.,
TVTvl Cretan, Mon. Ant. iii, n. 13 (an uncertain word, Searles, Lex.
Stud.), and ttXlvi L.G. xi, 23. For .lEolic forms in -vt see Hoffmann,
G.D. ii, 426.
With the exceptions above noted and allowing for possible
oversight, this collection includes all the it-stems cited in Liddell
and Scott,' in numerous indices, and in Hesychius. It also aims
to include the dialectic and epigraphical material up to 1904. All
words in the Collitz Sammlung, including the recent Cretan
number, have been collected, and this material has been supple-
mented from the indices of the various volumes of the Corpus, the
indices of Dittenberger Sylloge^, Kern Inschr. v. Magn., from
reading the inscriptions published in the chief epigraphical jour-
nals of recent years, from Miss Searles' Lexicographical Study of
Greek Inscriptions, and from Herwerden's Lexicon Gi-aecum
Suppl. et Dialecticum 1902. I also consulted the chief papyrus
publications, but the results here were barren. Gradenwitz, Eiu-
filhrung in die Papyruskunde (Leipzig, 1900), cites a form
oyfris from the Berlin papyri, but it is not to be found in the
place cited.
In general no attempt is made to give the author or period,
but for rare words (except compounds), especially aira^ Xeyofieva,
the source is given. The use of a name after a word with no
remark implies that the word is found only in that writer. (I have
relied on the Thesaurus for citations, and T,^here it has erred, I
have erred with it.) Words which rest solely on emendation are
1 For the words in Liddell and Scott I have had access to the lists according to suffix
prepared by the late Dr. W. A. Stratton for his projected history of Grook nouu-formntion.
These lists have, by the courtesy of Mrs. Stratton, been left in the care of Professor Buck.
68 HISTORY OF W-STEMS IN GREEK
underlined. Words not found in the Thesaurus are marked with
a dagger. Where glosses indicate dialect, this is given.
The order of arrangement is by suffix, i. e., in alphabetical
order according to the ending, except that compounds under a
simplex are in the usual alphabetical order. Figures immediately
after a word refer to pages of this dissertation. Only those places
considered most important are thus referred to, and the index is
not intended to be complete in this respect.
WORD -LISTS
A. NOUNS IN -1
jTpeo-^us 54, 27 f .
io-OTrpeo-pus ^Sch. Ag. 78
(rii^ijrpciT^us
uiv's 29-35
tn-t'Aeicu 41, Hesych.
irdXeKVi 41, 27 f.
«fajreAe<cus
e7X«^"S 27, 54
yovv 35 f. gen. -fos, not -eos
6opu 35 f. gen. -fos, not -eov
ciopv 28
M'Vv 28, more probably xinder
-us -VOi
ao-Tv 44, 50
oyAaoTTTJXUS
apyvp6nri\vi
6t7r>)xus
VJ -U, -eos (-€WS) WITH THEIB
5voicatc(Koo'iin)xut
SotSeKam)xvi or SuoiSeicdinjxvt
eiico<n7rT)xus
tivaTnjxvs = ivvfdnrixvi
«(tin/xus = ef aTTTJXUS
«Ae(^oi'Td»r>jxus
ei'ScKaTTTjxus
ei'enjKOfTdmjxvs
€»'»'e<i7ri)xv9 = eivdmixvi
i^dTrrixvi = eit>nix«S
i^riKOVTa.irr)xvi
errinrixvi
«i7Tdinjxv9
«vjrr)xu«
i<roir>)xus
KaAAiTTTjx"?
AeuKOffTjxv?
oySoTjKOiTdjrrixus
COMPOUNDS
oxTuKaiieicdinjxvf
OKTiuiTTjxus or oicTaTi-rixus
n-apdn-TJXi' • inaTiov HeSych.,
Pollux
iropdiTTJXus
ireiToiTTjxus
irei'rjjKOVToiTTjxus
TTOAUTTTJXU?
poioTTTJXVS
T€<7<7apa<coi'Tdir>)xvs
TfTpdrrijxvt
TpioKOi'TaB'ei'Tdmixvv
TptOXOl'TdTrTJX^^
TpiTJ/litTTJXVS
Tpin-ijx"*
TpL(TKaiS€Ka.irrt\v^
f Xpvo-oiroxv? Bacchyl. V, 40
iriii 28, 41
B. NOUNS IN -US -V, -DOS WITH THEIR COMPOUNDS 1
i^vs • fv4>r)p.La, trTt-yp-r) Hesych.
Perhaps gen. -uSo9 65,
footnote 2
Ai/3ues • rCiV 6(f)eu>v Ttves ....
Hesych. et al.
<j)6pPv ■ TO. ouAa. 'HAetot Hesych.
(TTAeyvOs 55, Theophr. H. Pi. 8,
4,3
t ArjYiis Cram. An. Ox. II, 303, 11.
dySvs • ayyoi. KprjTLKOv Hesych.
vrjSvi 55
fotSiis Cram. An. Ox. II, 303, 11
yotSues • puT^pcs Hesych. Same
as preceding? Cf . yi.<T\vf
idxvv
KavSv; 6
KovBv
KopSv^ • Trai-oupyos Hesych.
ol'^vs 53 (ui^u's Hesych.)
jrdi'oi^us ^sch. Cho. 49
fTpio-oi^u? Etym. Mag. and
Etym. Gud.
/SpdSv
^6flu 42, 13
yjjflu ^ ■yjjSuoi'
ttAtjSus 56
iflus 56, Homer
fflptflus • o i^x^pos Cram. An.
Ox. II, 303, 11.
Kopdvi Theocr.
ix^Os 6 55
avixBvi;
cLTTLxdv^ {a^r^xOvi)
(cdAAix^us
TTo\vi\9vt
i^iAix^us
|3e'A«itv{ • oaitpiov Ti . . . Hesych.
ve'icus 42
ictKu? 42
dxiKVt
<riKii9 • 6 yvai^fv^ Hesych.
KOKKvi; • Ao(^of Hesych.
apKV<; 42
rroAuopitus Oppian Cyn. 4, 10
jui/uopKu? Aristoph. Athen.,etc.
KepKv unintelligible gloss,
Hesych.
dAvs
avap\vei • Trijyoi Hesych.
Xe'Avs .56
XpucrdXfAwt C.I.G. 5039, 1
«yX<Au? 27 (of. -uSf -«os)
iAiis (etAvs) 55
KotAv ■ TO KaAd>> 42, Hesych.
tAAufs • ^<oa ei* . . . . iroTajio!
Hesych.
{TKoAAvs o
oAoAvt 6
fioAus Hdn. II, 938, 17
fdiroAv * 6aifjt.u}v rj Ovaia, ^uvTf^
6ji(<>o««s Hesych., but out
of alphabetical orderand
very doubtful
dxAu9 58
/xuAv
Kpep.vi Aristotle ap. Athen.
3a5(i
Xpefivi • 6 ovivKOi ix^v? Hesych.
/cA«»ifiiis Anton. Lib., c. 32
odvvtt • ivt&pai Hesych., mis-
take for Bpayvtt • iSpai
Schmidt
iyviit .56
Aiyi-vs .53
ytwi 42
dfi^tyo'i't • d{in| Hesych.
fioKpoytwi Adamant. Phys.
396
liiKpoytwi Adamant. Phys.
2,17
^ ofuyen;? Pollux 2, 97
XoAxdyo'vt Pind. Pyth. 4
<Aii/u<t Etym. Mag. and Poly-
bius
'Epivvi; nomen propr.
Bpriwt o 53
1 iivi original s-stem, 55, footnote.
69
70
HISTORY OF M-STEMS IN GREEK
rpiivv Cram. An. Ox. II, 120, 34
\kvw nietrfjia, to ano <TT€fi<j>v\u)V
TTOTov. KuTTpioi Hesych.
a.xvv<; • T) XvTtT) Etym. Mag. 182, 1
aii.diJ.a^v'; t)
i//ei;6a/iiaju.a|us 6 Arist. Vesp.
326
dTpa<J)afus
i|/eu6aTpa<^aJus Arist. Eq. 630
(cojru? • nvivixa., ic^iros Hesych.
vaitv = aivrinv
paTTv? (poinds), see Athen. 3696
apnvv • epwTa. AioAeis 42, He-
sych., Etym. Mag. 148, 33
(Parthenius)
fiapv • dv/uia/tiaTiof Ti eiiiSes Bek-
ker, A.G. 225, 16
/Sopves • SevSpa Hesych.
fipOs 55
a6pv; Pindar, Fr. 23, 126
\yepa.vSpve^ • ai naKaial Spues
.... Hesych.
fvdXiSpv;, seeLobeck, Paral.
252
6Tu;uo6p«s Theophr. H. PI. 3,
8, 2, and Hesych.
rifiepoSpv^ • elSos Spvoi; Hesych.
^LvoSpv: '
(^eAAdSpu?
Xa-fiaiSpvi
XtSpu • ofofxa SetAof Hesych.
f<.eAai>5pvs 6
ye'pus • yipuiv Hesych,
p^pus • ix0Os Hesych.
yrtpv^, 42
PpoToyrjpvi Anth. Pal. 9, 562
e'piyTjpus • iJieya\6^(ovo<; He-
sych.
euyrjpus
/caAdyijput Suidas S. t;. Kp^-
yuoi"
/ieiAixdyrjpus Tyrt. 3, 8
/xeAi'yijpu?
noiKiKoyapv; Find. 01. 3,12
Terpoytjpuv
TovBpv'! ■ ij>uiviQ Hesych.
oBpvv. Kp^Tcs TO opos Hesych.
5a«pu 53 f .
aSaKpvt
aKpLToSaKpv^
dfayKO&aKpv^
air«ipd£aKpu« iEsch. Snppl. 75
api'SaKpu?
apriSaxpvi
^apvSaKpv^
yAuKiiSaicpus
cj'5aKpu9
eTriSaxpus Suidasand Hesych.
eTOt/moSafcpus
t iepdSoKpus Athen. 14, 651 f.
■napdSaKpv DioSC. 4, 124
TTfpl'fioKpVS
TTOlKL^oSaKpV^
TTo\vBaKpvi;
(TvvSaKpv^
fo-ui'To/otdSa/cpi/sTzetz. (L.&S.)
TaxvSaxpv^ Lucian, Navig.,
c. 2
iinoSaKpvi Hesych.s. V. yAajiu-
pdi'
<tii\6SaKpvg
a/Li^aKpv • TO dnapxTj'; — Hesych.
opus Hdt. 4, 192
^dpu! Hdt. 4, 192
Kapopus • i!6pa. Kp^Te(s)Hesych.
^opv; ■ SaicTiiAios 6 Kara Trjv kSpav
Hesych.
/Sdrpu? 6 53
(iyAad^oTpus Nonn. Dion. 18, 4
eAi^oTpus • afiffcAds Tis fJisKaLva
Hesych.
eu/3orpus
<caAAi|3oTpus Soph. Oed. Col.
682
ixiKpofioTpvi Hesych. s. v. m'-
Kpdp(p)<o^
TTotKtAdjSoTpus Nonn. Dion. 5,
279
iroAujSoTpuj
<()epe^oTpus Nonn. Dion. 19, 53
(i>iAd^0Tpus
epyoTpus • (caTd<Tico7ro9 epyutv He-
sych.
^ipTpvf • 3i9Kov. ©oupioi Hesych.
/xa<TTpus Photiuss.V. niTpuAeioc
oo-Tpu? 1 Theophr. and Pliny
6</)pus 55
avT6<t)pvi • ^oTai'Tjs elSoi He-
sych.
5dcro(^pus Adamant. Phys.
€VO(t>pV^
Kardi^pv;
Kvdfoc^pvf Theocr.
A€l/(C0<tpUS
\vKoi{>pvi Diosc. Noth. 3, 117
/u-eAavoc^pi;? Hesych. et al.
tii^o<(>pvi
<TVl'0(l>pVt
iinepo(f>pVi
Xpv<TO<t)pvf
( Kaxpvi 53
tjutpv (see -V, -eos)
fj-icrv (cf. also -u, -eo?)
(tOs (us)
(ricrus
Sarus • Beiapia 49, Hesych.
taTiis • Oepairfia Hesych.
rrAciTus Hesych., error for wAd-
TtS?
^Ae'TU€s • ot pSeWai, Hesych.
tep6Tus 48 (1) Mon. Ant. Ill, 67
6pyi;TU9 • opy^ Hesych.
e6i7Tu?
€T)Tus • dyaSoTr/s Hesych.
eAej/Tus
TToflrjTus Oppian C. 2, 609
dA7)Tu's
dAaArjTii?
^aAA»)Tus Hesych. and Athen.
d/3oA7,Tus Bekker, A.G. 322, 9
6a)p.r)Tus • KaTa<TKevri Hesych.
Por,Tv<; Od. 1, 369
eTrrjTus Homer, Suidas
dyoprjTus Od. 8, 168
wprjTus ■ 7r>;ptt)<Tis Hesych.
niopiQTv^
■j'TroTrjTui' ■ TO niveiv Hesych.
di'Tt/j.ax'JTUs (di'Ti/utax'IO'Tuj)
Eratosth.
iTus .50
SaiTus Homer
(cAiTvs (icAetTus) 44
p,tTus 43, Aristotle, H.A.9, 40, 10
TTITUS 44
rj/xepdjTiTUS HeSych. S. V. fJ-ri-
Kuive';, acct. -TTiTU?
;^ajiLat7rtTus
(^iTu 43
(J>iTus 43
dpTraKTu's Callim. Apoll, 94
TrpaKTu? Etym. Mag. 316, 34
TeTpaKTU9
fTaicTus 2
pu<rTaKTus Homer, Eustath.
■f-dpe/cTu! • (opeji?) Hesych.
iKTus • ci(C(uv Cram. An. Ox. II,
16,2
SiKTu 43, Etym. Mag. 275, 25
SUtvi 43, Hdt. 4, 192
tireiicTus • . , . . (T-rrovS^ Hesych.
TplKTUS '-= TpiTTli? 49
fleAKTOs 48, Apoll. Rh. I, 575
■\ inKTflVKTVV • inifLVKTripi<Tii.6v 48
Hesych.
£iioKTut Callim. Dian, 194
1 oio-TpuT Lobeck, Phryn. .302, a mistake for oo-Tpu^ 1
2 Quoted by Brugmann, Ber. sftchs. Q. d. W., 1901, 95, but I have not been able to find
occurrence.
WORD-LISTS
^^\eyiJiavTv^ V. 1. ia Hippocr.
8,96
f a.iJ.4>avTvi 48, Lex Qort. XI,
21, 22
nevTaKovTV'! (?) Schol. Od. 3, 7
oTpvvTv^ Homer and glosses
xaAtTTTiis • xf^fToTTis Hesych.
tidpTTTv; • uppi<rTi)s Hesych.
apTiis • (Tvi'Tafts. c^iAia ....
Hesych.
affoSaaTu? • a7ro/u€pc<7/u.dt Hesj'Ch.
Xpa/i/3aAiao-Tus • yeA<i>s 6 fierd
jraiSia? Hesych. (<cp- L.
& S.)
KpeftgaAtagni; Homeric Hyma
Apoll. 162
XtAlOCTTUS 48 (= X'^IOCTTU?)
ytAao-Tv? Callim. Del. 329
KaTanKacTTvi; Hdt. 4, 75
fiaarOs Callim. Fr. 277
oirao'Tus • (i7ra<7Tia Etym. Mag.
118, .50
io-jrao-nis Callim. Fr. 427
<^pa(rTu5 • <rKei/fi9, ct'i^oia ....
Hesych.
ai^pao-Tvs poet ap. Suidas
aeieo'Tvv • ■nji' aiuii'tot' oi/ciav
.... Hesych.
aire(rTU5 " awoxupicis Hesych.
Ai>'>)<rni? Homer
6et7ri'7)<TTvi' • TTiv TOv 6<iirvou upai<
Hesych.
OpXICTTUT
Aiji'trn,'? Hdt. 5, 6
c(x>(t>povLcrTv<; Plato, Legg. 933, c
KlSapttTTV^
bapKTTiii Homer, Hesych.
(cTiariv Hdt. 9, 97
aKOl'TI.<TTVf II. 23, 622
fan0K0VTl(7TV^ -
fi(^itrTU? • iiaxaipoii.a\ia ....
Hesych.
XiAioffTvs 48
iTfVTex'-^i'0<Trv^ Eccl.
fivpioarv^ 48
ireiraicoaiocTTv? 48, Etym. Mag.
irei'T>)<<o(TTis 48
exaTOOTUs 48
Tavuo-Tut Od. 21, 112
tiTTvffTJs 48, S.G.D.I. 4971
(CttTTUS 43
TplTTUS 49
>ioTTue? • oi e[y]»cAuTOt (cal irapec-
/oieVo4 43, Hesych.
toi'o-Tei/Tus Callim. .\poll. 42
a.\cuoTvi Homer, Hesych.
SuiTvi Suidas
^cuTus • fliopof 48, Hesych., per-
haps for *^a><rTv's T
^poirvt
yAd<^u Hesiod. Op. 533, He-
sych.
Aa[i]^i/f ■ Sanavoi i) ^opot Ho-
sych.
va4>v (see vawv)
£<A(^Of .56
6\64>v<; • olKTot. <A«o« .... He-
sych.
tTv.<)vv ("ram. An. Ox. II, 264, 6,
nomen propr.7
o-Tpoxu? late for trraxv:
(TTd\v<; 6, and a<7Ta\vt 6
dyonjraxv^
euo'Taxvs
KaK\i<rraxvi
KoKoPomaxv^ DiosC.
fjiiKp6tTTaxv<; (7)
fjiVpi.6<TTaxv<!
vapSoiTTaxv;
jroAiicrTaxu?
<Jiepe<rToxu?
Koxu • TToAu. nKr)9of Hesych.,
subst.(7)
<I<7xu Hdt. 4, 23, Cram. An.Oz.
II, 79, 120
io-xus
avKTXVi
oCiToi<Txu5
liuii) • TO iiSujp Hesych., prob-
ably foreign
C. ADJECTIVES IN -ys -i;, -COS WITH THEIE COMPOUNDS
7rpoi5s 60
Taus • fieya?. ttoAu? Hesych.,
from Hnsu-s, V ten
"stretch"?
Trpea-pvi not adj. in positive.
See nouns in -us, -eos
4yyui adv. 61
Trapeyyu? adv.
(Ti/i'eYyv? adv.
Atyu? .58
jSpaSv's
cus 60
i)Sv<; 60, 19
U7rep7)6us
apadvi; error for <i/3a9^t, see
Lobeck, Phryn. 534
jrpo/Saflu's
ifliis see eirflus
^piSus
euSus 60 f.
Ij.e(7ev6vi Clem. Alex.
ykvKi<: <<)iA69>)Au5
tn-iyAvieus Theophr. H. PI. 3, eiAiJ •/litAai' Hesych.
18,10
ofuyAuKU
wepiyAuKus iBlian N. A. 13, 7
i/iroyAuicus Athen. 14, 625a
<^iAdyAuicu9
<i»cu'? 60, 19
t'urirwKv? Bacchyl. 11, 101
firoSuKUt = TToSuiifrjs
a^^Al,'s 61
i/ira^^Aut, see Lobeck, Phryn.
.539
eijXv^ 61
a0j]\v<! Plutarch
acSpodtjAvf
op(T«i'6flijAu?
TjnifltjAu? Carm. Anacr. 13, 2
/xifoOijAus
ira.v8r)\v^ Etym. Mag.
irapd8r)\vf (7)''
vir66ri\vf Aristoph. Frag.
no\v<; 60, 19
airoAus
ira/xTToAvs
UTTipTTOAuS
<<)6Au? 41, 57, docl. in -vot
/.idiAvt • 6 ajuoflrjs 57, Hosych.
/^u>At!f Etym. Mag., s. v.
a^^Aut
a^ioAiJt Etym. Mag., loc. cit.
6ap.v'; .58
iptfLivt 61
a5pifxvs Eustath. 276, 2
virc'pjpifivf Schol. Luc. D. D.
7,3
iiirdjpiMVf Galen
fiat'U ■ n^Kp6v, '\6anavti Hosych.
evyvv • iiTTtpTifLivov Hosych.,
r. prob. error for eui'ii'
'Hoiluug," but 1 have not found
1 Cited by Pape, Etym. WOrterbuch, as poetic and
its occurrence.
2 Given by Brugmann, Gr. Gr.3, § 220, a mistake for ixoKrio-n;? 7
3 Thesaurus s. v. nav8ri\vt cites »rapd9i)Av« from Hesychius, but I do not find it.
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