G95h 
 
 mim 
 
 Gunnerson 
 
 History of U-Stems in Greek
 
 Tlbe "Clniversitp of Cbtcago 
 
 FOUNDED BV JOHN D. ROCKBFELLEK 
 
 HISTORY OF U-STEMS IN GREEK 
 
 A DISSERTATION 
 
 SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF ARTS 
 
 AND LITERATURE IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE 
 
 OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY 
 
 (department of SANSKRIT AND INDO-EUROPEAN COMPARATIVE PHILOLOGY) 
 
 BY 
 
 WILLIAM CYRUS GUNNERSON 
 
 CHICAGO 
 THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS 
 1 90 5^.
 
 JLbc Tllniversiti? of Cbicaoo 
 
 FOUNDED BY JOHN D. ROCKEFELLER 
 
 HISTORY OF U-STEMS IN GREEK 
 
 A DISSERTATION 
 
 SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF ARTS 
 
 AND LITERATURE IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE 
 
 OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY 
 
 (department of SANSKRIT AND INDO-EUROPEAN COMPARATIVE PHILOLOGY) 
 
 BY 
 
 WILLIAM CYRUS GUNNERSON 
 
 CHICAGO 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS 
 
 1905
 
 COPYfilGHT 19(K 
 
 The UNiVKESiTif of Chicago 
 
 AprU, 1905
 
 PA 
 305" 
 
 TABLE OF CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 INTRODUCTION: U-STEMS IN THE OTHER INDO-EURO- 
 PEAN LANGUAGES - - - - - - - - 5 
 
 I. w-Stems ----------9 
 
 A. Nouns - 9 
 
 Declension --------- 9 
 
 Suffixes - - - - 12 
 
 B. Adjectives - - 17 
 
 Declension - - - 17 
 
 Formation of the Feminine - - - - - 18 
 
 Suffixes 18 
 
 II. w-Stems - - - 20 
 
 A. Nouns - - - 20 
 
 B. Adjectives -.-- 21 
 
 U-STEMS IN GREEK --------- 23 
 
 A. Nouns -----------23 
 
 I. Nouns in -vs -v, Gen. -eos (Attic -ecus), Representing the 
 
 Original Type I (Short w-Stems) 23 
 
 Declension 23 
 
 vtvs ----------29 
 
 yovv and. 86pv -------- So 
 
 II. Nouns in -us -v, Gen. -vos 36 
 
 Declension --------- 36 
 
 Suffixes under both I and II 41 
 
 Change of tu to o-u 50 
 
 B. Adjectives ----------57 
 
 Declension 57 
 
 Formation of the Feminine - - - - - 58 
 
 Suffixes - - - - - - - - - 60 
 
 C. Compounds 61 
 
 NOTES IN EXPLANATION OF THE WORpLISTS, ETC. - 66 
 
 WORD-LISTS ..---- 69 
 
 A. Nouns in -vs -v, -cos (-ews) with Their Compounds - - 69 
 
 B. Nouns in -us -v, -vos with Their Compounds - - - 69 
 
 C. Adjectives in -vs -v, -eos with Their Compounds - - 71 
 
 3
 
 INTRODUCTION: U-STEMS IN THE OTHER INDO- 
 EUROPEAN LANGUAGES 
 
 The evidence of the Indo-European languages points to the 
 existence in the parent speech of two distinct types of w-stems: 
 
 I. Stems in which u interchanges with eu, ou, as in t-stems i 
 interchanges with ei, oi. Thus nom. sg. -lis, Skt. suwds, L. manus, 
 Goth, sunus, Lith. suniis, O.B. synu — gen. sg. -eus, -ous, Skt. 
 sunos, L. manils (Osc. castrous), Goth, sunaus, Lith. sunaus, 
 O.B. synu. These may be called simply w-stems. 
 
 II. Stems in which ii interchanges with uii, as in i-stems I 
 interchanges with ii. Thus nom. sg. -us, Skt. bhrus, gvagrus, 
 tanus, Grk. 6<f)pik, L. sus, O.B. svekry — gen. sg. -uuos, -uues, 
 Skt. hhruvds, (Vedic) tanilas {tanvds), Grk. o^pvo^, O.B. 
 svekrilve. These may be called w-stems. 
 
 It has been held by some (e. g., Bezzenberger, B.B, 7 [1883], 73; Job. 
 Schmidt, PI or. 54 ff.; Johansson, K.Z. 30 [1890], 403 ff., Gott. gel. Anz., 
 1890, 741 ff.; Kretschmer, K.Z. 31 [1891], 382, 449; Reichelt, B.B. 25 [1899], 
 240) that there is another I.E. type of w-stems in which there is inter- 
 change of w with ud, parallel to the interchange of i {ia) with id (ie) in 
 the type represented by Skt. devt, bhdranti, Grk. <f)epovaa, etc. In con- 
 sidering the Sanskrit evidence, we may, with Lanman (Noim Inflection 
 in the Veda), let A = the short i (or w) type, B the i- id- {devt) type, C the 
 i- ii- (or w- ww-, nadis) type. In the Veda the types B and C of i-stems 
 are distinct in eleven case-forms, while they agree in three. In classical 
 Sanskrit both types have been merged, and their common declension 
 follows Vedic B in eight out of the eleven cases where differences existed 
 between B and C in Vedic. There are some few examples of this transfer 
 in the Veda (Lanman, p. 373), and numerous examples of the transfer of 
 A to B (67 forms from 27 stems). In seven of these eight cases the clas- 
 sical declension of w-stems differs in precisely the same manner from the 
 Vedic type C, and a very few forms of this kind are also found in Vedic 
 (Lanman, p. 404). It is on this ground that J. Schmidt assumes the 
 existence of a type B of w-stems, parallel to the type devi. But whereas 
 in the case of i-stems, there is in Vedic, aside from all examples of trans- 
 fer from A or C, a full declensional type B followed by a large class of 
 words, there is no such independent type of w-stems. The classical 
 declension of w-stems and the scattering forms of this type in the Veda 
 
 5
 
 6 HISTORY OF ?/-STEMS IN GREEK 
 
 may perfectly well be attributed to the direct analogy of type B of 
 «-stems, as already explained by Lanman, p. 401. Add to this that at 
 no period is there a nom. sg. in -u parallel to that in -I, and there is 
 every reason for abiding by the judgment of Lanman, Whitney, and 
 others that there is no evidence in Sanskrit for a type of il-stems parallel 
 to that of devi. In fact the conditions in the Veda are so difficult to 
 reconcile with the existence of such a type in the parent speech, that 
 this can be admitted only on the most cogent evidence from the other 
 languages. 
 
 But while the devi-type of z-stems is represented by important cate- 
 gories in other languages, especially the feminines of the present parti- 
 ciple and other consonant stems in Greek, Germanic, and Balto-Slavic, 
 the advocates of a corresponding type of ii-stems have brought forward 
 only a few scattered forms, none of which is at all decisive. Most of 
 these are from the Greek,* where, since we have nom. sg. in -la = Skt. -i, 
 we should expect nom. sg. -fa for the corresponding tt-stems. 
 
 The principal example is npicr^a, derived from *irp(.(TJBpa (or *npeayfa) 
 by Bezzenberger, B.B. 7 (1883), 73; Johansson, K.Z. 30 (1890, article 
 written 1888), 403; J. Schmidt, Plur. 57 (1889, written about 1883); 
 Kretschmer, K.Z. 31 (1891), 382, 449; Schulze, Q.E. 448 (1891); Reichelt, 
 B.B. 25 (1899), 240, following Johansson. Neisser, B.B. 20 (1894), 52, 
 gets Trpeafta from *7rpeo-^e/ra. Grassmann, K.Z. 11 (1862), 24, took irpicrjSa 
 from *7rp€o-/?(.a. Misteli, K.Z. 17 (1868), 171, gave irpicrfia as equal to *7rpco-- 
 /Se'^ia. Misteli's view, also held by some of the ancient grammarians 
 (Etym. Mag. 687, 3; Bekker, A.G. 2, 391, 519), is out of the question. 
 There is no phonetic difficulty in Grassmann's suggestion, but Trpea/Sa 
 could come equally well from *7rp£o-/3/ria, and be thus counted a fem. to 
 TTpea-fivs of the type of Skt. dt^iu. J. Schmidt objects to this on the ground 
 that Skt. adjectives with more than one consonant before the u have 
 their fem. in -u and not in -vi. But this is not universal in Sanskrit, 
 where, e. g., phalgii- has both phalgu and phalgvt as fem. (Whit. 344, b). 
 And even if mainly true, it is obvious that the type -vi was of unrestricted 
 application in Greek, since its representative -e/r«a is the only type of fem. 
 adj. known. He obj«^cts further that the form *7rp£a-/9/ria ought to have 
 been displac<,'d by *7rp£o-^€ui as *d8pia = Skt. .svddri was displaced by 
 rjStia, etc. But irpeafia is found only in Homer, and there in a sense 
 ("august" not "old") which shows that it was isolated from TrpcCT/Svs, 
 which is itself use<l only as a substantive and is indeed not used at all in 
 Homer. There was no such feeling of relation as between ordinary adj. 
 forms such as 1781k and rjdcla. Moreover, for an undoubted example of 
 
 I For example, ono of the chief advocates of the type (.Johansson, K.Z. 30 [1890], 428) 
 says: "Ansser f- ifi-stftmmen sind von dor klasse H nur spftrlich rcste und eigentlich nur im 
 gr. bewahrt." .\nd J. Schmidt, Plur. Vt, snys: " . . . . ausserhalb dcs indischen und griechi- 
 schen lassen sich die in Ictzterem am tchflrfsten axueinander gehulteten sUimme . . . • "
 
 INTRODUCTION i 
 
 -put not replaced by -e/rta, even where there was no isolation in meaning, 
 cf. TToXX-Q from *7roXfia according to the explanation of Schulze, Q.E. 82, 
 now universally accepted. Another example is vekXa derived by Johans- 
 son from *TreXfa, but this must rather come from *7reAf la as suggested by 
 J. Schmidt, Plur. 48, footnote. So also from *7r€A./rta, Schulze, Q.E. 82 ff.; 
 Brug., Gr. Gr.^ 45. Under no circumstances does Xp give XX. An example 
 on which Johansson, 406, lays much stress is i'yvua, Hom. lyvvr] beside 
 lyvvs. He supposes that tywa is the original form and that lyvvrj got its 77 
 from the oblique cases. Yet here the short jBnal rests on the testimony 
 of grammarians (e. g., Bekker, A.G. 1382), while lyvm] is in good use. 
 Johansson, 404, gives the Hom. fem. adjs. wKm, /SaOia and the regular 
 Ionic l^paxia, Taxc'a, as from -eud {-u), Grk. -€pa, and not from -epia. He 
 has the same explanation for 'Pea beside 'Petia. But -ea for -eia, though 
 not so common as in Attic (Meisterhans*, 40, 12), is well known in Ionic, 
 both from inscriptional and manuscript evidence (Hoffmann, G.D. 3, 
 528 ff.; Smyth, Ionic 197 ff.), and it is altogether unlikely that wxea, etc., 
 in spite of their antiquity, are anything different. (See below, p. 59.) J. 
 Schmidt, Plur. 58, takes the Hom. ace. sg. fem. anr-^v as the fem. to aiTrv?, 
 for *at7rav from *ai7r/rav, with rj from the gen., dat. Sg. So also, p. 47, he 
 takes Hom. aiTra from *alTrpa a neuter pi. to atTrus. Schulze, Q.E. 442, 
 agrees with Schmidt on aiVa, but would read with Nauck ttoXlv anrvv for 
 TToXtv a'nrrjv. A neuter pi. atTra from ^anrpa, which does not prove the 
 existence of a corresponding fem, form (see below, p. 8), may as an 
 apparent o-stem form have given rise to aln-^v, if we retain this reading, 
 but there is also the possibility that both are simply isolated forms of an 
 inherited aiTrds beside aiViJs. aKovda is said by J. Schmidt, p. 58, to be 
 from *aKav6pa. So also Johansson, Gott. gel. Anz., 1890, 751. It may be 
 an instance of the neuter pi. used as a fem. with Grk. -a from original -a; 
 cf. aKav9o<;, 6. Johansson, K.Z. 30 (1890), 424, did not put it under 
 instances of -^a, though he was in doubt as to its explanation. The his- 
 tory of 0-suffixes in general is too obsciu'e (cf. Brug., Gr. Gr.^ 204) to 
 allow the use of aKavda as evidence for the suffix, idwv is given by 
 Schmidt, p. 58, as a gen. pi. of eus with the same suffix that he assumes 
 for Trpia-^a. The form is isolated as a fem., no other cases than the gen. 
 pi. being found. It occurs a few times in Epic poetry, always in a sub- 
 stantive use, in the sense of "good things." The word eifs c^os is 
 anomalous and the history of the form idiov eawv is involved in doubt. 
 Cf. K.B. § 103, 9. Johansson, Gott. gel. Anz., 1890, 744, pronounces the 
 example entirely vmcertain. Schmidt gives Upaa (Hdn. 2. 87, 33) and 
 depcrav • rrjv Spoaov Kp^res (Hesych.) as probably from *ap€pa-pav, saying 
 that ieparjv cannot be taken as equivalent. The short final rests on the 
 testimony of Herodian and Hesychius, except that Pindar, Nem. 3, 78, 
 has iepcr' d/A<^e7r€c. The Thesaurus prints dipaav without comment, citing 
 only Hesychius. Johansson, K.Z. 30 (1890), 418, takes this word with
 
 8 HISTORY OF ?t-STEMS IN GREEK 
 
 short final as an s-stem with the suffix -u, which he sets up as the fern, 
 formation for various stems. In Gott. gel. Anz., 1890, 744, he calls it an 
 entirely uncertain example of the -pa sufBx. Both Schmidt and Johans- 
 son assume the identity of the neuter pi. with the fem. sg. in the nomina- 
 tive, and bring into account forms like yovva, hovpa, SaKpva. The last 
 may well be simply the regular plural of SaKpvov. In the case of yovva 
 and Sovpa the -a is undoubtedly the same as the -a (Skt. -i, orig. -a) of 
 consonant stems, no matter whether *yovpa, etc., arose in Greek after the 
 analogy of consonant stems, as assumed by Brugmann, Gr. Gr.^ 235, or 
 whether they have simply retained an ending -U9 or -ud in an uncontracted 
 foi-m in contrast to Sanskrit -u. (Cf. Kretschmer, K.Z. 31 [1892], 382.) 
 But of all the neuter pliural endings, -a is the one for which there is least 
 proof of identity with a nom. sg. fem. And forms in -pa, even if inherited, 
 no more prove the existence of a nom. sg. fem. in -pa, than do forms of 
 n-stems in -va (Skt. -ni) prove the existence of a fem. type in -va, Skt. 
 -ni, etc. 
 
 J. Schmidt, Plur. 46, 47, also considers adverbs like Ta^a, wKa, Atya, 
 Kapra as evidence for the suffix -pa. These adverbs clearly must stand 
 or fall together, and, as Schulze, Q.E. 82, points out, the form Kapra 
 cannot come from *KapTpa, as shown by forms like rcWa/aes, aXeto-ov, o-eiw, 
 (Topo^ with cru, cr from Tp. He takes such adverbs rather as closely con- 
 nected with neuters like Ta;(os, Kapro^, *wko<; (in ttoScokt;?), etc. Johansson, 
 K.Z. 30 (1890), 407-409, attempts to show that cKvpd, dSeXc^T?, olavi, piria, 
 TTTcAt'd originally had the suffix -pa. It should be evident that such words 
 as these do not constitute evidence in favor of a suflBx -pa. In Johans- 
 son's review of Schmidt's Pluralbildungen, Gott. gel. Anz., 1890, 741 ff., 
 the few additional examples cited are too uncertain to aflfect the result. 
 He gives, for example, aZa as a fem. to Skt. dyu-, p. 751, and L. silva as a 
 fem. to a w-stem *sulu-, p. 752. 
 
 Schmidt, Plur. 61-75, seeks to trace the type also in other languages 
 than Greek and Sanskrit, but has no convincing examples. For instance, 
 in Latin he gives angnilla to €y;(tAvs, lingua to O.B.j^,zy-ku as examples 
 of this suffix. These are also given independently by Johansson, K.Z. 
 30 (1890), 425. There is nothing to prevent taking these words, however, 
 as original a-stems. Here, as in the Greek, the possibility of deriving 
 at least some of t\u' examples given from a suffix -pa, if such a suffix were 
 otherwise; provtKi, is admitted, l)ut in the absence of outside proof, the 
 necessity of such derivation is denied. 
 
 With ro«^ard to the Proto-Indo-European conditions out of 
 which the I.E. typ4'8 I and II arose, see especially Hirt, Akzent, 
 §§ 229 ff., 233 ff. ; Kretschmer, K.Z. 31 (1892), 325 ff., especially 
 331 ff. Whatever their origin, it is obvious that the types as
 
 INTRODUCTION 9 
 
 given were fully established in the I.E. period, and form the only 
 safe starting point for a historical study. 
 
 It is not intended to include in the scope of this dissertation the 
 history of Greek diphthongal it-stems, like Zew?, /Sows, rjp(i)<i, and the 
 large class in -eu9. It is true that among the numerous explana- 
 tions of nouns in -eu? there are some which treat them as histor- 
 ically connected with the simple i*-stems of Type I. Thus 
 Kretschmer in his earlier explanation, K.Z. 31 (1892), 330 f. 
 and 466, regarded the diphthongal stems as a second class of 
 tt-stems with the nom. and ace, sg. also in the strong grade, com- 
 paring Greek nouns in -eu<? with the O. Pers. dahydus, etc. This 
 is also the view of Bartholomae, Ar. Forsch. I, 34; Iran. Grd. I, 
 190, 1. In his later explanation, Zeitschrift f. ost. Gym. 53 
 (1902), 711 ff., Kretschmer suggests that the substantives in -ey? 
 are partly derivatives from verbs in -evco, partly (names of persons) 
 original it-stems with vocative in -ev and nominative in -ew after 
 the vocative. Reichelt, B.B. 25 (1899), 238 ff., thinks there was 
 originally one type of w-stem with strong grade of suffix in nom. 
 and loc. sg. as in n- and ?'-stems, and that in the parent speech, 
 through differences in accent, there arose by leveling the two 
 classes of diphthongal and simple it-stems. Other explanations do 
 not connect so closely with simple w-stems. Brugmann, I.F. 9 
 (1898), 365 ff., holds that nouns like (fyopevf arose from participles 
 (verbal adjs.) in -77-/^(0)- which belonged to verbs in -eco. Ehr- 
 lich, K.Z. 38 (1902), 53 ff., considers the suffix -rjf- a combination 
 of two elements: the lengthened final of a nominal o-stem (tTTTr?;- : 
 iTTTTo-) and the secondary suffix -lies- -iios- in its weakest form. 
 But, whatever their true origin, they form a distinct class in 
 Greek, the history of which is a subject by itself and need not 
 necessarily be combined with the history of it-stems in the more 
 
 limited sense. 
 
 I. U- STEMS 
 
 A. NOUNS 
 
 I. AS A DECLENSIONAL TYPE 
 
 The It-declension of nouns is preserved in Sanskrit, Avestan 
 (in O. Pers. some forms of the plural are wanting), Greek, Latin 
 (in Osc.-Umbr. some forms are wanting), Gothic, Lithuanian, and
 
 10 HISTORY OF l<-STEMS IN GREEK 
 
 Old Bulgarian, and to a certain extent in a more or less disguised 
 form in Armenian and Celtic. It is largely preserved in Old 
 Norse, and more limitedly, in words with short stem-syllable, in 
 West G-ermanic. (Cf. Braune, Althochdeutsche Gram., § 228.) 
 
 II. TRANSFER OP W-STEMS TO OTHER DECLENSIONS 
 
 In Latin the identity of the nom. sg. of m- and o-stems led to 
 the gradual transfer of w-stems to o-stems in Late Latin, and in the 
 Romance languages this change has become complete. (Meyer- 
 Liibke, 2, 4; Grober, Grd. 1, 369.) An early example of this 
 change in classical Latin is seen in domus. 
 
 So in O. Bulg. the identity of the nom., ace. sg., and ace. pi. of 
 o- and M-stems led to the frequent transfer to o-stem forms in 
 other case-endings (see Scholvin, Archiv f. slav. Phil. 2 [1877], 
 506 ff., for statistics), and in the modern Slavic languages the 
 o- and M-stems are completely merged. See below, IV. (Oblak, 
 Arch. f. si. Phil. 13 [1891], 25; 11 [1888], 408.) 
 
 For Germanic no general statement can be made. In West 
 Germanic w-stems with long stem-syllable lost their identity as 
 ?<-stems and went over to other declensions, e. g., in O.H.G. 
 mostly to the i-stems, but in part also to the o-stems, in O.E. 
 mostly to the o-stems. Isolated instances of transfer to consonant 
 stems perhaps occur. (Cf. Kluge, Paul's Grd. 1, 458.) 
 
 A partial transfer is that of jw-stems in Lithuanian, which have 
 only Jo-stem forms in the dual and plural, except that in the instr. 
 pi. the ju-stem form sometimes occurs ; jo-stem forms also appear 
 in the nom. sg. dialectically, and in the ace. sg. in Old Lithuanian. 
 Leskien (Nomina 327) gives as the reason the identity of form in 
 several case-endings of the dual and plural of the jo- and j?<-stems, 
 and the parallelism of function between the suffixes -jo- and -ju-. 
 
 III. TBANSKKK IN WHOLE OR IN PART TO tt-STEMS OP WORDS BELONGING 
 
 ORIGINALLY TO OTHER STEMS 
 
 Kluge (Paul's Grd. 1, 458) gives Goth. /o^its, handus, tiin/ms, 
 winfrus, O.N. orn, l>joni, O.E. durii, nosu as original consonant 
 stems. The starting point for the transfer was given by the iden- 
 tity of the ftcc. 8g., ace. pi., and dat. pi. of cons, stems and it-stems. 
 But the special occasion was, in some at least, semasiological kin-
 
 INTRODUCTION 11 
 
 ship with inherited if-stems. (See Bloomfield, A.J. P. 12 [1891], 
 13.) Gothic hropar, dauhtar, swistar, fadar have the tt-decl. in 
 all cases of the plural except the genitive. Here sunus was no 
 doubt a factor. Greek masculines in -o? are declined as it-stems 
 in the singular in Gothic, but in the plural mainly as i-stems. 
 
 IV. INSTANCES OP M-STEM FORMS WITHIN OTHER DECLENSIONS 
 
 The most striking example is in the Slavic. Even in O. Bulg. 
 within the o-decl. it-stem forms were common, being found, beside 
 the true o-stem forms, in all the cases where u- and o-stems dif- 
 fered, except the voc. sg., nom.-acc, and gen.-loc. dual. The 
 most frequent (in their order) are: dat. sg. -ovi, gen, pi. -ovu, 
 instr. sg. -umi, and nom. pi. -ove. (See Scholvin, Arch. f. si. 
 Phil. 2 [1877], 491 ff., for statistics.) In modern Slavic the 
 o- and if-declensions are completely merged in a single type with 
 various proportions of o-stem and ?t-stem forms in the several 
 languages, but always with a strong admixture of the latter. Thus 
 the M-stem form is well-nigh universal in the gen. pi. (Arch. 8 
 [1885], 239; 12 [1890], 83, 35 ff.), and is widespread in the dat. 
 sg. (except in Slovenian, where it is rare, Oblak, Arch. 11 [1888], 
 524), and nom. pi. (Arch. 12 [1890], 14 f.; 8 [1885], 235). In 
 the gen. and loc. sg. the u- and o-stem forms appear side by side 
 in most Slavic languages, sometimes with a distinction in use 
 between animate and inanimate objects. In Slovenian especially 
 there has been an extension of the -ov- to the dat. and loc. pi. 
 (Arch. 12 [1890], 368, 397; 8 [1885], 244). w-stem forms are 
 also found to a much more limited extent in other stems than 
 o-stems. The reason for the extension is to be sought in the 
 clear and distinctive character of those ?i-stem "^dings which 
 most prevailed. For example, the gen. pi. of o-stems was like the 
 nom. sg. and it was natural that it should be displaced by the far 
 more distinctive -ovu. 
 
 Lithuanian agent-nouns in -tojis (j o-stems) have it-stem voc. 
 sg. in -au, and occasionally gen. sg. in -ausr Brolis, a jo-stem, 
 has voc. hrolau, probably after the analogy of siinau (Bruckner, 
 Arch. f. SI. Phil. 3 [1879], 255). So in O. Bulg. the voc. sg. of 
 Jo-stems is a w-stem form. Umbrian cons, stems have the w-stem 
 endings in the dat.-abl. pi. (Buck, Osc.-Umbr. Gr. 126) . Umbrian
 
 12 HISTORY OF M-STEMS IN GEEEK 
 
 Treho, Fiso show a transfer from the o-stem to the w-stem form 
 (Buck, loc. cit, 117). The loc. sg. of Skt. ?'-stems has the 
 ending -ciu apparently from the it-stems. (Cf. Meringer, B.B. 16 
 [1890], 224; Hirt, I.R 1 [1892], 226; Bartholomae, LF. 10 
 [1899], 12; Keichelt, B.B. 25 [1899], 244.) Compare Latin 
 nodu after diu (Bartholomae, I.F. 10 [1899], 13). 
 
 V. SUFFIXES 
 
 Suffix^ -u- substantives. — This suflBx forms nouns in all the 
 eight I.E. branches, except, perhaps, Albanian. Its formations 
 are not numerous in any language except Sanskrit, where there 
 is a fairly large number. Less than twenty are cited for Lithua- 
 nian (Leskien, Nomina 239), still fewer for O. Bulg. (Scholvin, 
 Arch. f. si. Phil. 2 [1877], 508 f.; Leskien, Hdbch. 67), very 
 few for Celtic (Stokes, B.B. 11 [1886], 76 f.), and in Latin and 
 Gothic there is no considerable number. In Sanskrit the accent 
 of neuters is regularly on the root-syllable, and the evidence of 
 the Greek (70W, 86pv, etc.) shows that this was the I.E. accent 
 for neuter i<-8tems. Masculines and feminines in Sanskrit are 
 accented either on the root-syllable or suffix. The Lithuanian 
 examples have prevailingly suffix accent. Gothic haidus (Skt. 
 ketil-), sidus point to suffix accent. All grades of the root are 
 found. The formations are of all genders in Sanskrit, Avestan, 
 and Latin, masculine in Germanic, Lithuanian, and Slavic. (In 
 the last two all it-stem nouns of whatever suffix are masculine.) 
 No specific meaning attaches to the suffix -u-, but its formations 
 rarely, if ever, have the force of nomina actionis. 
 
 The only case where there seems to be any possibility of connecting 
 the suflBx with a distinct semasiological category is that of words for 
 parts of the body. There is a considerable number of such, and possibly 
 u partial "adaptation," such as noted in Gothic (see p. 10) is also to be 
 rt'cogniz«'<l for the I.E. period. Examples are: Skt. Jdnw- n. "knee," etc.; 
 Skt. bdhu- m. f. "ann," etc.; Skt. hdmc- f. "chin," etc. (see below); Skt. 
 sdnu- m. n. "back." Cf. also L. manus f. 
 
 1 Horo and elsijwhoro tho tnrni siiHix is usod without any implication that the formative 
 eletiionts so dosiffnatod nro in nil casos roally additions to the root. In some cases the same 
 element appears in verb-forms, and may ho regarded as a part of the root or base. But 
 when such an element has once become productive it is impossible to draw any sharp line 
 betwoou forms in wliich it bolouRs to the root and those in which it does not. As a matter 
 of fact in the great majority of words these elements, whatever their origin, are actually 
 suffixes in the older sense of the term. But certain obvious cases like Skt. bhii-s are com- 
 monly designated as root-oonns.
 
 INTRODUCTION 13 
 
 Examples:' Skt. clyii- n. "life," dyil- m. "living being," Av. 
 dyu- n. "duration," Grk, auov, L. aevum, Goth, aiws "time;" 
 Skt. jdnu- n. "knee," Av. zanva,^ pi. "knees," Grk. 70W, L. genu 
 n., Goth, kniu n. "knee," Eng. knee; Skt. ddru- n. "piece of 
 wood," dril- n. "wood," Av. da^ru- n. "piece of wood," dm- n. 
 "wood," Grk. So'/oi; n., O. Ir. daur n. "oak," Goth, triu n. "tree," 
 Lith. dervd f. "resinous wood," O.B. drevo n. "tree;" Skt. pdgu- 
 n. pagil- m. "cattle," Av. pasit- m. "cattle," Jj. pecus pecu, Umbr. 
 pequo "pecua," Goth, faihu n. "money," Eng. /ee, O. Lith.peA:?*s 
 m. "cattle" (with k) ; Skt. hdhil- m. f. "arm," Av. bdzu- m. "arm" 
 (nom. hdzdus), Grk. Trrj^v?, O.H.G. 6mo(/ "bend," O.N. bogr 
 "bend;" Skt. mddhii- n. (Ved.) "mead," (class.) "honey," Av. 
 mahi- n. "honey," Grk. fieOv n., O. Ir. mid n. "mead," O.H.G. 
 meto "mead," Eng. mead, Lith. medus m. "honey," O.B. medu m. 
 "honey;" Skt. hdnn- f. "chin," Grk. 7eVy? f., L. genu-inus, O. Ir. 
 ^mw m. "mouth," Goth, kinnus f. "chin," Eng, chin. 
 
 Suffix -tu- suhstmitives. — This suflBx, like -u-, appears in all 
 the eight I.E. branches, except, perhaps, Albanian. It forms 
 chiefly or perhaps entirely nomina actionis. The few words with 
 the force of nomina agentis like Skt. mdntii- "counsellor," Goth. 
 hliftus "thief," no doubt originally had the force of nomina 
 actionis. Compare Skt. mdntu- "counsel" with the developed 
 meaning seen in mdntu- "counsellor." An important division of 
 the nomina actionis in -tu- is that of the verbal abstracts (infini- 
 tives and supines). In Sanskrit the infinitives of this formation 
 constitute the great mass of words with the suffix -tu-, being 
 formed at will from any root. This is true of the supines in 
 Latin, Lithuanian, and Slavic, and, in Celtic, infinitives formed 
 with original suffix -tu- are not infrequent. In this use in verbal 
 abstracts the suffix -tu- is not found in Iranian or Germanic. In 
 the formation of substantives other than infinitives or supines, 
 
 1 In the citation of examples no attempt is made to show the relative number of existing 
 forms in the different languages. Preference is given to words with cognate tt-stems in 
 other languages, and to those whose derivation seems clear, ^nskrit and Avestan words 
 are given in the stem form. The precise phonetic equivalence of words cited as cognates is 
 not assumed. 
 
 2 Brugmann, Grd. I2, 555, and others cite an Av. zanu-, but the only form extant is the 
 ace. pi. zanva, Yt. 1, 27, which as a w-stem form would be isolated in Avestan (cf. Jackson, 
 Av. Gr. §268), but would be regular if from a wo-stem. Hence it is hardly safe to assign to 
 Avestan the «-stem form zanu-. Mod. Pers., however, has zanu "knee."
 
 14 HISTORY OF M-STEMS IN GREEK 
 
 -tu- is used to form a fair number of words in Sanskrit, several in 
 Avestan, a few in Celtic, less than half a dozen in Lithuanian 
 (Leskien, Nomina 564), perhaps but one in O. Bulgarian, many 
 in Latin, and many in Germanic, especially in extensions of the 
 suffix -tu-. (See below.) 
 
 In Sanskrit the accent of infinitives, when simple, is on the 
 root-syllable, and this holds good also for most of the other San- 
 skrit stems in -tu-. In Lithuanian the accent varies, but the 
 material is too scanty to permit generalization. Lithuanian 
 supines have the accent on the root-syllable. In Germanic, 
 Gothic daupus, frij)us, wulpus with others point to root accent, 
 and the words in -opu- to accent not on the suffix, while Goth. 
 Jloclus with others, and the words in -odu- point to suffix accent. 
 Greek nouns in -ru? are mainly oxytone. In Sanskrit the strong 
 (guna) grade of root is regular, but the weak and strengthened 
 grades appear (Whit., § 1161). Latin has both strong and weak 
 grades (Stolz, Hist. Gr. 548). In Germanic, Goth, puhtus m. 
 "conscience" to piigkjan, kustus m. "proof" to kiusan among 
 others show a weak grade of root. The strong grade appears in 
 leipu n. "cider," I.E. root lei. In Lithuanian supines the strong 
 grade was original, but the weak has often entered through the 
 influence of the infinitives (Wiedemann, Hdbch. 123). O. Bul- 
 garian supines have the infinitive stem, and this varies, being 
 both strong and weak. In Sanskrit the words are of all genders, 
 but chiefly masculine, masculine in Latin, masculine in Gothic 
 with perhaps a few exceptions, while in West Germanic there has 
 been a movement to the feminine of other abstracts. Greek 
 nouns in -tu? are fem. with one exception. 
 
 Examples: Skt. pitil- m. "food, drink," Av. pitii- m. "food," 
 Grk. TTiTu? f. "pine," O. Ir. ith m. "grain," Lith. petus pi. "noon, 
 midday meal;" Skt. siltiL- f. "birth, pregnancy," O. Ir. suih n. 
 "fetus;" Av. pi)su- m. "ford," \j. partus m., O.B..G. furt, "ford," 
 Eng. ford; L. gustus m., Skt. i^jus "enjoy," Goth, kustus m. 
 "test, proof;" L. vultus m., Goth. wuJpus m. "glory;" O. Ir. 
 recht n. "right," O.N. rf'ttr m. "right;" Goth, leipu n. "cider," 
 Lith. lijtiis m. "rain," i/lei "pour." 
 
 In Latin the suffix is very productive, there being 99 sub-
 
 INTRODUCTION 15 
 
 stantives in -tus or -sus in Plautus, and nearly 700 in all 
 writers up to the time of Hadrian. In the form -dtu- the suffix 
 becomes productive in words denoting offices and official bodies, 
 as consuldtus, magistrdhis, sendtus, etc. (see Stolz, Hist. Gr. 548, 
 and for -dtu- also Bloomfield, A.J.P. 12 [1891], 26). In Ger- 
 manic the widest inifluence of the tu-Guf^x is seen in the form 
 (Goth.) -assus, -inassus, (Eng.) -ness, starting from verbs in 
 (Goth.) -atjcm. (Of. Grk. -a^tw.) This suffix is very frequent 
 in Germanic, Old Norse alone being without it. Possibly in its 
 later forms outside of Gothic other suffixes than -tu- played a 
 part (Wilmanns, Deutsche Gr. 2, 355), but the Gothic forms 
 show that at least in the beginning the suffix was a ^?f-suffix. 
 (For the suffix as a whole see von Bahder, Verbalabstrakta 109 ff.) 
 
 Suffix -m- substantives. — This forms nouns in Sanskrit, 
 Iranian, Greek, Germanic, and Lithuanian. It is rare except in 
 Lithuanian, where its numerous formations include primary 
 nomina actionis and both primary and secondary nomina agent is. 
 In Sanskrit and Avestan there are both nomina actionis and 
 nomina agentis. In Sanskrit the accent varies, in Lithuanian it 
 is never on the suffix. The gender is masculine in Sanskrit and 
 Lithuanian, masc. and fem. in Avestan and Germanic. The suffix 
 is clearly Indo-Iranian, and probably Indo-European, though 
 there is no conclusive evidence for the latter. 
 
 Examples: Skt. ddsyu- m. a demon, Av. dahyu- f. "country, 
 nation," O.P. dahyu- f. (nom. dahydus) "province, district;" 
 Skt. manyu- m. "mind," Av. mahiyu- m. "spirit;" Skt. mrtyii- 
 m. "death," Av. mQv^dyu- m. "death," perhaps Armen. mark 
 mah "death," Htibschmann, Armen. Gr. 472; Lith. gyrius m. 
 "renown," girti "celebrate;" Lith. st^gius m. "roofer," stegti 
 "cover;" Lith. basins m. "barefooted one," bdsas "barefooted." 
 For the numerous Lithuanian examples see Leskien, Nomina. 
 
 Suffix -nu- substantives. — This is rare in any language. It 
 forms nouns in Sanskrit, Avestan, Greek, Latin, Celtic, Germanic, 
 Lithuanian (one example), and Old Bulgarian. The gender 
 varies. In Sanskrit the accent is usually on the ending (except 
 neuters, which have root-accent), and the root has the weak 
 grade as a rule. The Avestan suffix -snu- (Jackson, Av. Gr.,
 
 16 HISTORY OF W-STEMS IN GREEK 
 
 § 807) is simply an extension of -nu-, originating without doubt 
 in words where s was part of the original stem. 
 
 Examples: Skt. ddnn- n. "drop, dew," Av. ddnu- n. "river;" 
 Skt. dhenil- f. "cow," Av. daenii- f. "cow," Skt. -\/dhd "suck;" 
 Skt. hhdniX- m. "light," Av. hdnu- m. "light, ray;" Skt. siinil- m. 
 "son," Av. hunu- m, "son," Goth, sunus m. "son," Lith. sunus m. 
 "son," O.B. syml m. "son;" Goth, pailrniis m. "thorn," O.B. 
 triniX m. "thorn," Skt. trna- m. "blade of grass." Latin examples 
 are: sinus m., pinus f. (also o-stem), cornu n., and perhaps 
 manus f. 
 
 Suffix -ru- suhsiantives. — This is very rare in any language. 
 It forms nouns in Sanskrit, Avestan, Greek, Germanic, and 
 Lithuanian. It is doubtful in Latin (except in lacruma) and 
 Old Bulgarian. Its forms are neuter in Sanskrit (except gdtru- 
 " enemy") and Avestan, masculine in Germanic and Lithuanian. 
 
 Examples: Skt. cigru- n. "tear," Av. asru- "tear": Grk. Sdupv 
 n., L. lacruma dacruma; Skt. gdtrii- m. "enemy": Grk. Korof, 
 but the suffix may be -tru- not -ru-. 
 
 In Latin the suffix is possibly seen in tonitrus, and is certain 
 only in the extended lacru-ma. In Lithuanian (Leskien, Nomina 
 440) the suffix is perhaps only a variant beside -ra-. In Old 
 Bulgarian Miklosich, 2, 53, gives daru "gift," and mirii "peace, 
 world," but neither is given by Leskien, Hdbcli. 67, or Scholvin, 
 Arch. f. Slav. Phil. 2 (1877), 508 f. 
 
 Suffix -gu- substantives. — This is apparently the suffix of 
 Lithuanian zmogiis "man" (Leskien, Nomina 524), and with it 
 has been compared the -^v- in Cretan, irpelyvt;, etc. (cf. Brug., 
 Grd. 2, 261). Another possible example is Av. driyu- "poor," 
 perhaps related to Skt. ddridra- m. "beggar, stroller," i/ drd 
 "run." Giles, Proc. Cambridge Phil. Soc. 25-27 (1891), 14 f., 
 takes L. augur from au- (= avi-) and the same suffix as in 
 7r/3eo--/8u-9, Hkt.vanargu- "wandering in the forest," Lith. zmogiis; 
 so also Stolz, Hist. Gr. 156. Otherwise Zimmermann, Rh.M. 55 
 (1000), 486. 
 
 Other, rare, suffixes containing n are: -dku- (Skt., Whit., 
 §1181, d); -mu- (Av. gar'mu- m. "heat"); -su- (Skt., Lindner, 
 Nominalbildung, §97); -tha- (Skt. and Av., Whit. §1164;,
 
 INTRODUCTION 17 
 
 Jackson, Av. Gr., §794); -tru- (Skt., Whit., § 1185, g); -vanu- 
 (Skt., Whit., § 1170, c) ; Lith. -isziiis-, -orius- borrowed from 
 Slavic (Leskien, Nomina 599, 447); -szu- variant of -sza- in 
 Lithuanian (Leskien, 598); -hi- only in Lithuanian (Leskien, 
 470). 
 
 B. ADJECTIVES 
 I. AS A DECLENSIONAL TYPE 
 
 The It-declension of adjectives is preserved in Sanskrit, Aves- 
 tan, and Greek. Old Persian has one it-stem adjective with a 
 few forms. Gothic has the nom. sg. masc. and fem. and the 
 nom.-acc. neuter. The genitive is represented by filaus. Lith- 
 uanian w-stem adjectives have the it-stem forms always in the 
 nom.-acc. sg., and nom. pi., but in the definite adjectives only 
 in the nom.-acc, sg. 
 
 II. TRANSFER TO OTHER DECLENSIONS 
 
 In Latin the it-stem adjectives have gone over to the i-stems, 
 Skt. tcmil-, L. tenuis. A very few may have become o-stems, 
 Skt. cdru-, L. earns (cf. Stolz, Hist. Gr. 456). The only relics 
 of w-stem adjectives seem to be acu-, in acu-pedius (Festus), and 
 Idils. There are no it-stem adjectives in Oscan-Umbrian. 
 
 In Gothic all cases except those named above have gone over 
 to the Jo-stems. The transfer in Germanic outside of Gothic 
 has also been in the main to the o-, jo-stems. 
 
 In Lithuanian, except in the cases named above, the jo-stem. 
 forms are used, save that in the instr. sg. (dialectically and in 
 Old Lithuanian), gen. sg., and instr. pi., it-stem forms are also 
 found. In the definite adjectives all cases except the nom.-acc. 
 sg. are of the jo-stem form. 
 
 In Slavic it-stem adjectives have been transferred to the o-stems 
 or have been extended by added suffixes. 
 
 III. TRANSFER IN WHOLE OR IN PART TO tt-STEMS OF WORDS BELONGING 
 
 ORIGINALLY TO OTHER STEMS 
 
 • .- 
 
 Brugmann, Grd. 2, 724, gives Skt. peril-m to perils "passing 
 through," jigyilbhis to jigytls "victorious," Av. jngdiirum to 
 jagdurus "watchful" as instances of transfer from the perfect 
 active participle (weak stem -its) to it-stems.
 
 18 HISTORY OF M-STEMS IN GREEK 
 
 In Lithuanian there is frequent transfer of o-stem adjectives to 
 M-stems, the forms in -as and -us often appearing side by side in 
 the same word. 
 
 IV. FORMATION OP THE FEMININE 
 
 The fem. of 2(-stem adjectives is formed in Sanskrit, Avestan, 
 Greek, Germanic, and Lithuanian by the addition of the suffix -I 
 -id. In Sanskrit, however, it could also be formed with ii by 
 transfer to the w-declension, and, less often, the same form was 
 used for the fem. as for the masc. In Gothic also the nom. sg. fem. 
 was always the same as the nom. sg. masc, while the other cases 
 were formed with the I-suffix. The use of -i is Indo-European, 
 and it exerted great influence on the M-stems as a whole, being a 
 chief factor in the complete transfer to i-stems in Latin, and in 
 the partial transfer to jo-stem forms in the masc. and neuter in 
 Lithuanian and Gothic. 
 
 V. SUFFIXES 
 
 Suffix -u- adjectives. — This forms adjectives in Sanskrit, 
 Avestan, Old Persian (one example), Greek, Celtic, Germanic, 
 and Lithuanian. They are numerous in Sanskrit, far outnumber- 
 ing the substantives with it-suffix, much less common in Avestan, 
 far more numerous in Greek than the substantives in -u? or -v not 
 belonging to the -i^ -uo? type, infrequent in Celtic or Germanic, 
 but very numerous in Lithuanian, here again far outnumbering 
 the substantives with suffix -ii-. The accent of adjectives in -u 
 (of whatever w-suffix) was shown by Bezzenberger, B.B. 2 (1878), 
 123 ff., to have been originally on the suffix. His list of Vedic 
 examples is about in the proportion of five to one in favor of this 
 rule. He also cites a long list of Lithuanian adjectives that follow 
 the rule and only a few that do not. Greek adjectives in -v<; are 
 regularly oxytone, there being less than half a dozen exceptions. 
 Goth, hardus to Grk. Kparv<i and O.H.G. durri, O.N. f)urr also point 
 to accent on the suffix. Goth. Jxulrsns as an exception is weak- 
 ened by O.H.G. durri, etc. (cf. Kluge, Nom. Stammbildungslehre, 
 § 182). The root appears in different grades, and there seems to 
 be no special significance attaching to -u- as an adjective suffix. 
 For the suffix in Sanskrit see especially Whitney, Skt. Gr., § 1178. 
 In Lithuanian the suffix is primary and secondary. In the first use 
 it has a general adjectival force, in the second it forms derivatives
 
 INTRODUCTION 19 
 
 from substantives and has the force of L. -osus, Grk. -et?, being 
 especially frequent in this use (Leskien, Nomina 244 and 259). 
 
 Examples: Skt. cigil- "swift," Av. dsu- "swift," Grk. w/cw, L. 
 ocior, acii-pedium (Festus), perhaps accipUer for *acu-peter 
 (Lindsay, L.L. 259; J. Schmidt, Plur. 174); Skt. uril- "wide," 
 Av, vo^ru- "broad," Grk. evpv<i -, Skt. guril- "heavy," Av. go^ru- 
 (in a compound) "opposing," Grk. jSapv^, Goth. kaUrus "heavy" 
 (cf. Skt. dgru- "unmarried," Av. ayrii- "non gravida"); Skt. 
 tanil- "thin," Grk. ravv-yXcoacro'i, L. tenuis, O. Ir. tana, O.H.G. 
 dunni, O.B. tinu-ku "thin;" Skt. trsil- "eager, desirous," Goth. 
 pailrsus "dry," O.H.G. durri "dry;" Skt. puril- "much," Av. 
 po^ru- "full," O.P. paru- "much," Grk. ttoXw, O. Ir. il "much," 
 Goth, filu n. "much;" Skt. prthil- "broad," Av. pdr^du- "broad," 
 Grk. 7r\arv<i, Lith. platus "broad;" Skt. raghil- "fleet, Grk. 
 iXaxv^, Av. r9vt- f. "the swift one;" Skt. svddil- "sweet," Grk. 
 r}hv<i, L. sudvis, Eng. sweet; Skt. vdsu- "good," Av. vohu- "good," 
 O.P. vahu- (in nomen propr. compound), O. It. fiu "worthy." 
 
 Suffix -tu- adjectives. — This forms a very few adjectives in 
 Sanskrit, as dhdtu- "drinkable," tapyatiX- "glowing, hot" (Whit., 
 §1161). It is probable that these are transfers to w-stems of 
 -ata forms [pacata, etc., Whit., §1176, e). So in Lithuanian 
 the suffixes -tu-, -stu-, -sztu- appear along with -ta-, -sta-, -szta- 
 in the formation of a few adjectives (Leskien, Nomina 556-59). 
 The suffix in Lithuanian is no doubt simply a by-form of -ta-, and 
 in no sense an inherited suffix. 
 
 Suffix -iu- adjectives. — This forms a few adjectives in Sanskrit 
 (see Whitney, § 1165, 6). For "secondary yu" in forming adjec- 
 tives from nominal and pronominal stems see Whitney, § 1178, 
 h, i. In this use it generally has the force of "desiring or seek- 
 ing after," and is fairly common. 
 
 In Lithuanian, adjectives in -iu- are very doubtful (Leskien, 
 Nomina 326). It may be said that outside of Sanskrit the suffix 
 -iu- does not form adjectives. 
 
 Suffix -nu- adjectives. — This forms a very few adjectives in 
 Sanskrit, in the forms -nu- and -anu- (Whit,, § 1162, 6, c), a very 
 few in Avestan, and a few in Lithuanian, which, however, are 
 closely associated with those in -na- (Leskien, 355 ff.). The
 
 20 HISTORY OF ?(-STEMS IN GREEK 
 
 suffix -snu- found in Sanskrit is an extension of the suffix -nu-, 
 originating no doubt in words where s was part of the stem. Cf. 
 Whitney, § 1194. So also Skt. -tnii-, Whit., § 1196. 
 
 Examples: Skt. grdJmil- "hasty," j/grdh "be eager;" Skt. 
 tapnil- "burning," y'tap "warm;" Av. zoisnu- "unclean," Bar- 
 tholomae, Z.D.M.G. 50 (1896), 689; Jackson, A.J.R 12 (1891), 68. 
 
 Suffix -ru- adjectives. — This apparently forms a few adjectives 
 in Sanskrit, and one or two in Avestan, but in the absence of 
 cognates from other languages it cannot be determined whether 
 the suffix is -ru- or -lit-. No certain examples of rw-adjectives 
 are found in Germanic (Kluge, Nominalstammbildungslehre^ 94, 
 197) . In Lithuanian the suffix forms a fair number of adjectives. 
 These outnumber those in -ra-., with which they are closely 
 associated (Leskien, Nomina 440 ff.). 
 
 Examples: Skt. 'patdru- "flying," ^/jKit "fly;" Skt. vanddru- 
 "praising," Av, vandru- "desiring," Skt. y/vand "greet;" Lith. 
 gaidriis, gedriis, and ghlras "bright, clear" (of weather) : <^aLhp6<i. 
 
 Suffix -lu- adjectives. — This forms a few adjectives in Sanskrit 
 and Greek, one or two in Germanic, and a small number in Lith- 
 uanian, where they outnumber those in -la-. 
 
 Examples: Skt. dhdril- "sucking," Grk. Oi^Xvi, Skt. \/dhd 
 "suck;" Skt. hluril- "timid," Lith. hailiis "fearful;" Kluge 
 (Nom. 193) cites only Goth, aglus "heavy" as certain. For 
 Lithuanian see Leskien, Nomina 468. For Skt. -dlu- see Whit- 
 ney, § 1227, h. 
 
 Other, rare, suffixes containing u are: -dku- (Skt., Whit., 
 §1181, f/); -ku- in Lith. (Leskien, 507); -mu- in Skt. stdmil- 
 "thundering" to \/stan "thunder" (Lindner, Altindische Stamm- 
 bildung, §75; Wackernagel, Ai. Gr. 14); -su- in Skt. according 
 to Lindner, § 97, but doubtful. In Lith. -su- forms a few adjec- 
 tives, but is merely a by-form of -sa-. (Cf. Leskien, 597.) 
 
 II. tJ-STEMS 
 
 A. NOUNS 
 
 I. AS A DECLENSIONAL TYPE 
 
 The ?7-declension is preserved in Sanskrit, Avestan, Greek, and 
 Old Bulgarian. Latin has it only in the root-nouns sus and grus.
 
 INTRODUCTION 21 
 
 These have the ace. sg. suem, gruem like Grk. 6(f>pva, etc., and in 
 the nom. pi. the 2-stem ending -es, not differing in this respect 
 from other stems in Latin which follow the cons, declension. The 
 dat.-abl. pi. subus is the u-stem. form, while suibus, gruibus are 
 after the i-stems. Leskien, Nomina 241 ff., sees the type also in 
 four Lettic feminines, pluralia tantum. 
 
 Some of the forms are clearly root-stems in which the w is a 
 part of the root, e. g., L. sils, etc., but the type is not limited to 
 such, as shown by Skt. Qvagru-, O.B. svekry, etc. Nouns in u 
 are all feminine except a very few somewhat doubtful masculines 
 in Sanskrit, and a masculine or two in Greek. In Sanskrit they 
 are all oxytone (Whitney, 355, c), and in Greek the accent is 
 on the ultima almost without exception. 
 
 II. TRANSFER TO OTHER STEMS 
 
 In Latin it would seem from socrus that w-stems (other than 
 root-stems) became w-stems. The shortening before the m in the 
 ace. sg. socrum would make that form identical with the ace. sg. 
 of short w-stems, and leveling probably caused the transfer of the 
 remaining cases. In the modern Slavic languages il-stems have 
 been lost, going over mainly to the a-stems. Isolated instances 
 of transfer elsewhere are: Goth, swaihrd (dn-stem), O.B. *kry 
 kruvi (I'-stem), Lith. zuvis (i-stem). 
 
 Examples: Skt. gvagru- "mother-in-law," O.B. svekry, L. 
 socrus (it-stem), Goth, swaihro, with same meaning; Skt. tanii- f. 
 "body," Av. tanu- f. "body;" Skt. 7irtil- m. "dancer," nrtyati 
 "dance;" O.B. liuby f. "love," L. lubet, etc.; O.B. oely f. "heal- 
 ing, cure," Goth, hails "well," Eng. hale, whole; Skt. bhii- f. 
 "earth," Skt. 7/6M "become;" Skt. bhril- "brow," Grk. oc^pO?, 
 Lith. bruvis "brow," Eng. brow; Skt. vadhu-^ f. "bride," Lith. 
 vedii, O.B. vedq "I lead." For further examples see Whitney, 
 Skt. Gr. 355, c. 
 
 B. ADJECTIVES 
 
 Sanskrit alone has the w-declension of adjectives. Here the 
 suffix -u- is used in forming feminines to masculine adjectives in 
 -u. They constitute the bulk of Sanskrit iZ-stems. 
 
 1 Uhlenbeck, ai. etym. WOrterbuch, s. v. vadhus, cites Av. vaSu-, wnich I have not been 
 able to find.
 
 22 HISTORY OF M-STEMS IN GREEK 
 
 No other form of w-sviffix than the simple -u- seems to appear. (For 
 Grk. -TV- see p. 46). Evidence for it-stems from other derivative suflBxes 
 is scanty. The suffix -uko-, which forms a few adjectives in Sanskrit 
 and Latin and a noun or two in Greek and Old Bulgarian (Brug., Grd. 2, 
 256; Whit., §1180/.), probably arose by the addition of the svilfix -ko- 
 to a tt-stem. So the suffix -tuti-, which forms a few nouns in Latin, 
 Celtic, and Gothic, as well as the Latin -tudo-, may point to a suffix -tu- 
 (Cf. Pokrowskij, KZ. 35 [1899], 247; Kretschmer, K.Z. 31 [1892], 333).
 
 U-STEMS IN GREEK 
 
 A. NOUNS 
 
 i. nouns in -l^j -v, gen. -€0s (attic -ewj), representing the original type i 
 
 (short w-stems) 
 
 The stem-suffix appears in the three forms -v-, -e/r-, and -f-. The 
 last two are followed by the case-endings of the consonant stems. 
 In its declension of this type, Greek differs from the related lan- 
 guages chiefly in its extension of the strong form -ef- to cases 
 which have the weak form in other languages. The form -f-, that 
 is, -U-, is confined to certain cases of vw, jovv, and 86pv. As 
 normal representatives of the declension of this type may . be 
 taken 6 irrj'yv'i and to darv. 
 
 The nom. sg. in -t"? and -v is parallel to the forms in related 
 languages and calls for no remark. 
 
 In all dialects except Attic, so far as there is any evidence, the 
 gen. sg. has -eo<? from -e/r-09. Greek stands alone in this form, 
 Skt. -OS, Goth, -mis, Lith. -dus pointing to an I.E. gen. -eus or 
 -ous for ?t-sterns. The Attic -ew? is explained as due to the influ- 
 ence of 7roA,ea)9 from Homeric tto'Xt/o? by change of quantity, this 
 with 7) after the loc. (dat.) sg. iroXijL (So, for example, Brug., 
 Gr. Gr.'* 224). It is possible that the -eW of nouns in -ew had a 
 share in making -eayj the regular Attic gen. for w-stems. The 
 form ao-reo)? occurs without exception on Attic inscriptions, e. g., 
 C.I.A. 2, 584 (318-307 B. C), C.I.A. 2, 379 (229 B. C), etc., 
 {a](rT€o^, Ditt.' 541, 5, of 421 B. C. in Attic alphabet = aVreftx?). 
 Phrynichus (Lobeck, 245; Rutherford, 318) wrongly gives the 
 gen. sg. as irrj'xeo^ (cf. K.B., § 126, anm. 7), but Photius, 429, 7, 
 p. 316, bids us say 7r77%e&)9 not 7r?7%ou9. Etym. Mag. 687, 11, gives 
 Trpetr^eft)?, ir-qx^^'^i 'n-eXeKeco'i as Attic, citing 7rpea^vo<i apparently 
 as non-Attic. The usage of later Atticists was not always in 
 accordance with the evidence of the inscriptions, Philostratus and 
 Strabo, for example, having forms in -eo9 (Schmid, Atticismus IV, 
 20, 586, III, 25). In Aesch. Suppl. 490 at the close of an iambic 
 line, most MSS. read acrreof;. In Soph. O.R. 762, also at the end 
 
 23
 
 24 HISTORY OF li-STEMS IN GREEK 
 
 of a line, ao-reo)? is read. But Euripides has undoubted instances 
 where the long vowel is demanded, e. g., El. 246, Ph. 842. (K.B., 
 §126, anra. 2). The non-Attic literary dialects, Epic, Ionic, 
 Doric, show the gen. sg. -eo?. ^olic happens not to have the 
 gen. sg., but has other forms of the same declension. The evi- 
 dence from inscriptions is scanty but decisive for the -eo? form, 
 e. g., Boeotian [F]daTLo^ S.G.D.I. 491, 3 = C.I.G.S. 3170, 3, 
 with t for € before a vowel ; cf . Boeotian 0io<i ; Cretan ft'eo?, 
 L.G. VI, 8. 
 
 The dat. sg. is a loc. sg. in origin and has -el (-et) from -e/r-t, 
 parallel to Vedic -avi in simdvi. 
 
 The ace. sg. has -vv -v, parallel to the forms in related lan- 
 guages, I.E. -tim -u. For vlea, etc., see below under vlv<;. 
 
 The voc. sg. in -v has a parallel in Goth, -w, Av. -u, but Skt. 
 -o, Lith. cm, O.B. -ii show forms going back to I.E. -eu or -ou. 
 
 The nom. pi. in -ee? (-et?) from -ef-e? shows the normal form 
 parallel to Skt. -avas, etc. The uncontracted form -ee? seems to 
 have prevailed everywhere except in Attic. For the literary evi- 
 dence see K.B., § 127. The only inscriptional forms are: ^Eolic 
 irpea/See^, S.G.D.I. 281, A33 (333 B. C); Acragas irpea^ee^, 
 S.G.D.I. 4254, 11; Cretan vlee^, L.G. VII, 25, 22; Delphian 
 7rp€cr]/3et<i, S.G.D.I. 2506, 37 (277 B. C), probably the kolvi] 
 form. There is no inscriptional evidence for adjectives, so far as 
 
 I have noted. 
 
 The gen. pi. in -ecov from -ep-wv is, like the gen. sg., an example 
 of the extension of the strong form of the suffix to weak cases. 
 Herodian I, 428, gives irrj-xewv and ireXeKecov as Attic. Photius 
 316 says Tr-qx^f*^^ not irrjx^v, as also 7n]-)(^e(iy; not 7r?;;^;oL'<?. C.I. A. 
 
 II add. 834, C. 15 (324 B. C.) has -mjx^eov bis. The contracted 
 form 7rT]X(t>v is late (cf. K.B., § 126, anm. 7). A Pergamene 
 inscription of the time of Trajan shows tttjx^p. 
 
 The dat. [A. in -eac is n loc. pi. in origin, but with -ea-t instead 
 of -va-L after the analogy of the nom. -gen. pi. (so Brugmann, Gr. 
 Gr.' 237). Homer has TreXe'/cecrcrt (also Corinna) with the ending 
 which is so widespread in the third declension, especially in the 
 .<Eolic dialects, and is usually explained as an extension from 
 s-stems (Brug., Gr. Gr.\ §§ 271 and 273, 1; G. Meyer, Gr. Gr.",
 
 tt-STEMS IN GREEK 25 
 
 § 376; Smyth, Ionic 378; otherwise, K.B., § 118, 10, anm. 9, and 
 Wackernagel, I.F. 14 [1903], 373-375). 
 
 In the ace. pi. Cretan alone shows the original ending -vvi, 
 L.G. IV, 40, vLvv<; (of. Goth, sununs). Schulze, Com. Phil. 
 Gryph. (1887) 17, holds that Homer had an ace. pi. in -i)? from 
 -vv<;. In Homer TroXeo?, TroXee?, TroXecov are found forty-two times, 
 never sufPering contraction or synizesis except in two instances, 
 in one of which emendation is easy, while in the other the line is 
 considered spurious. This being true of the gen. sg. and nom.- 
 gen. pi., it is surprising that in eighteen occurrences of the ace. 
 pi. of TToXu? no less than eight must be read as dissyllables. This 
 dissyllabic form appears in the MSS. sometimes as iroXeaf (II. 1, 
 559; II. 2, 4; Od. 3, 262), sometimes as TroXet? (II. 15, 66, etc.), 
 and sometimes with variation between the two. It is unlikely 
 that ea would contract more readily than eo or ee. Homer does 
 not have the nom. pi. TroXet?, and Schulze first pointed out that it 
 is unlikely that a nom. form -ei? would be employed as an ace. 
 before it was in use as a nom. We are not justified in assuming 
 that TToXea? contracted while TroXee? did not, nor that TroXet? is to 
 be taken as the correct form of the dissyllabic accusatives, and as 
 a nom. pi. form used in the accusative. 
 
 Schulze therefore concluded that Homer used a form in -w 
 from -vv<;. This view is borne out by the evidence of the related 
 languages and by Cretan vlvv<;, as well as by the reading ttoXv? 
 ascribed to Zenodotus by the scholiast on II. 2, 4, and now 
 accepted by Fick and Christ. Against this view may be urged 
 the direct statement of the scholiast [loc. cit.) that the ace. pl. in 
 -v<i is confined to nouns in -w -vo?, and the fact that the sole tradi- 
 tional support for -i>9 is this reading of Zenodotus. 
 
 Wackernagel, I.F. 14 (1903), 369 f., seeks to show that the 
 ace. pl. forms in -ei<; are from -ew, which has displaced the original 
 -fw under the influence of other cases with e, just as -eat arose 
 for -vaL in the dat. pl. (Brugmann, Kurze Gr. 392, accepts Wacker- 
 nagel's view as probable.) His theory has the advantage of retain- 
 ing the form -et?, which has traditional support, but the weight of 
 this is lessened by the fact that -et? can perfectly well be due to 
 the Attic form familiar to the editor, while -w in short f-stems
 
 26 HIvSTORY OF M-STEMS IN GREEK 
 
 would get no such support. On the other hand it is reasonably 
 certain that the gen. sg. -ef o<? for -ei"? or -f 09 and the gen. pi. -ef cdu 
 for -f(ov arose in proethnic Greek, probably also the dat. pi. -eo-t 
 (unfortunately here the Cretan has only the analogical vldai), yet 
 these left the accusative forms unaffected, as the -vv of all dialects 
 and the Cretan vlvv^ show. The -ew could not therefore belong 
 to this stratum, and the later dialectic encroachment of e/r in the 
 accusative forms was accompanied by the consonantal endings, 
 i. e., -e(/r)a, -€(f)a?. A dialectic substitution of -ev^; for -vv<i is 
 only a degree more plausible than would be an ace. sg. -ev for -vv. 
 
 So far as the Attic accusative in -€i9 is concerned, there is no 
 question of priority to forbid its being a nominative form used as 
 an accusative, for, as far as we know, Attic had nom. pi. -et? from 
 the earliest historical period. There are parallels to this usage 
 elsewhere, e. g., the nom. pi. of the Latin fourth declension in -lis 
 is best taken as an accusative form (so Lindsay, L.L. 398; Brug., 
 Kurze Gr. 391), and the "contracted" nom. pi. of the -y?, -uo? 
 declension is an accusative form (Brug., Gr. Gr.^ 266), and the 
 fact that Attic does not have -e? for -a? (see Wackernagel) is not 
 a serious objection. 
 
 The forms in -ea? in use in Homer and Herodotus are further 
 examples of the extension of the strong form of the suffix -e/r- and 
 the consequent adding of the consonant ending -a?. 
 
 The nom. -ace. pi. neuter in -ea, from -ef-a, has the a of the 
 cons, stems (see above, p. 8). The Attic -77 is after the analogy 
 of the s-stems, Wackernagel, K.Z. 25 (1881), 272. Pindar, 
 Nem. 10, 5, has aa-Tr), Bacchylides 13, 155, darea. C.I.G. Ins. 
 I, 3, 202 (metrical, third or fourth century B. C.) has da-Tea. 
 The peculiar form aiaTea occurs B.C.H. 24 (1900), 71, in a 
 metrical inscription from Boeotia of the third century B. C. For 
 the t see Solmsen, Rh.M. 58 (1903), 614. 
 
 The dual nom. -ace. in -ee (Attic -ei) from -ef-e, has the usual 
 -€ of the Greek nom. -ace. dual. On this -e see Brug., Gr, Gr.^ 
 231; Kretschmer, K.Z. 31 (1892), 381; J. Schmidt, K.Z. 27 
 (1885), 292. Herodian II, 324, says that the nominative of the 
 dual in the orators is rtu irpea-^r], from Trpea^vi, TrpeV/Seo?, but 
 that tbe form irpea^r] in Aristophanes (Fr. 495, Dd.) is from
 
 W-STEMS IN GREEK 27 
 
 Trpea^ev^, tov irpea^eo^. The dual rtw irpia^et occurs on an inscrip- 
 tion of Carpathus, Ditt/ 69, 45 and 56 = C.I.G. Ins. I, 977 (fourth 
 century B.C. ) , &> and r) are on the stone, but e is used for a. So 
 the Attic vlel (written hvce) occurs on an inscription, C.I.A. iv, 
 418, 9 (before 418 B. C). Kirchhoff transcribes utr), but cf. 
 Meisterhans^ footnote, 1205. 
 
 The dual gen.-dat. -eoLv from -ep-ocv has the usual ending 
 added to the strong form of the suffix. For the -oiv see Brug., 
 Gr. Gr.' 232, with the literature cited. 
 
 So far as there is any evidence, it has been shown that the 
 type -1/9 -V, -eo? extends throughout the dialects. This is in strik- 
 ing contrast to the i-stems, which, outside of Attic-Ionic, and in 
 Ionic also in large measure, have the declension of the t- lY-stems, 
 gen. -to9, nom. pi. -te9. Most short M-stems have gone over to the 
 declension of the long iZ-stems in Greek, but in the few substan- 
 tives where the short it-declension has been preserved it is found 
 not merely in Attic or Attic-Ionic, but also in other dialects. 
 
 The only nouns in Greek declined according to this type are: 
 rj e7%eXi;9, o 7reXe/cu9, 6 Trrfx^^i, 6 irpea-^vi, 6 vlv<i, and the neuters 
 aarv, ttwu, aSypv, and perhaps /xicri/. Like these are declined the 
 adjective compounds with TreXe/cw, ttt/^w, or TrpeV/Sw as final 
 member. See below, p. 62. Wackernagel, K.Z. 25 (1881), 272, 
 assumes a form *8€v8pv- to account for SevSprj, etc., but there 
 seems to be no reason why these should not be from SevSpo^; as 
 usually taken. For 70^1; and Sopv. which belong more closely 
 with this type than with any other, but which do not conform to 
 it as a whole, see below, pp. 35 f. Homer has a pi. K(oea^ Kcoeai 
 from which Schmidt, editor of Hesychius, s. v. tcvvvinafia^ infers 
 a sg. icSiv like irSiv to pi. 7r<wea, but the sg. /ca)a9 is found in Homer, 
 and from this the /ctoea is usually taken. 
 
 e7%e\i;9 varies in declension, having forms of the -w -f09 type, 
 especially in the plural. Homer has only the pi. e7%eXue9. 
 Archilochus has e7%eXua9. According to gryphon in Athenseus 
 7, 299, chap. 54, Attic declined the singular like tttJ^w -eft)9, but 
 the plural like nouns in -w -vo^. So also ^lius Dionys. ap. 
 Eustath. 1231, 35 = ed. Schwabe 72 and 150, 15. Aristophanes 
 has e7%eXei9, e7%eXea)v, and eV^eXeo-ti'. According to Bonitz'
 
 28 HISTORY OF if-STEMS IN GREEK 
 
 Index, Aristotle uses the nom. sg. eyx^^v;, the gen. sg, e7%eA,6a)9 
 and e7;^e\i;o9, nom. pi. e7%eXi;9, e7;;^eX,ue9, iyx^Xei,<i (once v. 1. -iSe?), 
 gen. pi. -vMv, -icov, -ewv^ dat. pi. -ucri, -eo-t. The grammarians are 
 inclined to take the forms lyxiXew^ ey")(i\e(iiv from a nom. sg. 
 e7;T^eXt9. So Bekker, A.G. 1366. For the usage in other writers 
 see especially Thesaurus, s. v., and also K.B., § 126, anm. 3, 441. 
 
 ireXeKVi has the dat. pi. ireXeKvaL in ^lian H.A. xvii, 44, but 
 in xiv, 29 the regular ireXeKeat. Hesychius, s. v. 'EretXeTj has 
 TreXmvo^ (cf. Lobeck, Phryn. 246). 
 
 The grammarians mention forms in -uo? from 7rpecr^v<; and take 
 the gen. TrpecrySetu? from irpea-^i,';. So Etym. Mag. 687, 11, irpea- 
 /St? .... CLTTO Tov TTpda^L'i TTpeo-ySio?, 7rpea^e€<; irpea^ei'i .... 
 KXiveraL ro Trpecr^v^ irpea^vo'i koI 7rp€a^€co<i 'ATTLK(o<i' koI ecrri 
 rpiTOv fiera joiv 'jrrj-)(eo}^ koX ireXeKew^i crearjfieKOfxeviov. Choero- 
 boscus 234, 23 = Bekker, A.G. 1413 = Gram. Gr^ci, iv, 1, 233, 6, 
 says the feminine is 17 Trpea^v; t^? irpea^vo'^ and the masculine in 
 Doric is irpecryv; irpea-yvo'i, and that irpea^L^i irpea^ea^ means 
 "ambassador," while irpea/Bvi means yepcov. Cf. also schol. Arist. 
 Ach. 93. ChcEroboscus ap. Hdn. ii, 707, cites a voc. TrpeajBu^ and 
 an ace. irpea^iv. 
 
 The gen. sg. of vlv^ is given as utVo? not vteW. See below, 
 p. 32. 
 
 Of the neuters, aaTu is the only one in frequent use. 
 
 TTOiv is found only in Homer and Hesiod, in Homer only in the 
 forms TTWu, 7r(i)ea, ircoeat, in Hesiod only Trcoea. The grammarian 
 in Cramer, Anecd. Ox. 3, 255, says to ttmv is declined like neOv, 
 TTcov TTcouo? TTcovc, and that the poet (Homer) made the pi. Trcoea 
 from another sg. ttcoo? just as he had Accoa? and pi. Kotea. 
 
 The word aojpv has the gen. crcopeco^ in Diosc. 5, 119, and in 
 the Hii)piatrica (an anonymous work of the Middle Ages on 
 medicine), but Pliny 34, 29, has soryos. The Thesaurus says 
 the genitive should be corrected to acopvo'i (which Pliny has), or 
 the nominative should be taken as a-copi. The gen. soreos is 
 found in Celsus 6, 9. aMpt is found in Democritus. Galen has 
 the word frequently, but always in the form a-topv. 
 
 L. and S. s. v., and K.B., § 126, give /J-ia-v as belonging to the 
 same declension as daTv, thoujjh also with the sren. -1/09. The
 
 M-STEMS IN GREEK 29 
 
 Thesaurus does not give the genitive in -ea)? at all, but thinks on 
 the basis of the Latin use of the word that it may have been used 
 as an indeclinable, when not declined in -v -uo?. None of the 
 references in L. and S. or in the Thesaurus, so far as I know, has 
 the genitive in -e&)9, and K.B. give no references. Lobeck, Phryn. 
 288, in commenting on crivrjTn (nvrjireu)'; and crivairv crLvdirvo^ says: 
 "sic Tov ^pddvo<i Jul. Afric. Cest. 16, 294. rov /xiavo<i et rov fiiaeax^ 
 apud materiae medicae scriptores, itemque (rep€(o<i et o-topecD?." In 
 his index Lobeck gives the reference to fiiaeo)'; under fiCai not iilav. 
 Certain it is that such words (mostly of foreign origin) for plants, 
 metals, and medicines were greatly confused among the late writers. 
 So Phrynichus, loo. cit. supra, tells us not to say aivain, but vuttv, 
 and the declension varied as given above. At any rate, the gen. 
 Hi(rvo<; is by far the most frequent, if that in -eox? occurs at all. I 
 have found the form in -vo? in the following:: Diosc. 5, 117 ; Celsus 
 5, 19, §8; Galen (ed. Kuhn), Vol. XIX, p. 736 bis; Hippocrates 
 (ed. Littr6) vi, 422, in two MSS., others having fiva-LO'i, vii, 354, 
 with no V. 1., vii, 414, § 98, one MS. having fxiav, viii, 170, § 76, 
 with no V. 1. 
 
 In modern Greek no distinction exists between the declensions of 
 original short tt-stems and original long w-stems, both having been 
 merged with stems the vowel of whose final syllable, rj or t, had become 
 identical in pronunciation with v. See Hatzidakis, Neugr. Gram. 380; 
 Jannaris, Hist. Grk. Gr., §§ 389, 390, 398, 399; Thumb, Neugi-. Volks- 
 sprache 36, § 70, 2. 
 
 y/v?.' Exclusive of the o-stem forms, viv<; presents the follow- 
 ing: Nom. sg.: vlw Lac. S.G.D.I. 4402 = Cauer 4 = I.G.A. 54, 
 the only example of the stem viv- in Laconian (Boisacq, Dial. 
 Dor. 145), Cretan L.G. ix, 40, vlvi'i mistake for vlv^ L.G. xii, 17; 
 vihw Attic vase, Klein, Gr. Vasen 72 = C.I.G. 8202, and vlh<; 
 Klein, 72 = C.I.G. 8203, mistake for vlhv'; ; uu?, Attic, C.I. A. iv, 
 
 1 Miller, M61anges (1868) 291; Baunack, Curt. Stud. 10 (1878), 88 f. ; Nauck, M61anges 
 (1875-1880) iv, 102; Hartel, Zeitsch. f. Ost. G. 27 (1876), 628; Wackernagel, K.Z. 25 (1881), 291; 
 Osthoff, M.U. iv (1881), 185 adn. 2; Bergk, Poetae Melici (1882) 534; Baunack, Inschr. v. Gort. 
 71 (1885); Schulze, Com. Phil. Gryph. 20 ff. (1887); Kretschme?!-, K.Z. 29 (1888), 470 f., Vasen 
 Inschr. 187 (1894) ; Allen, Papers of Am. School at Athens iv (1888), 71 f. ; Delbruck, Die Indo- 
 germ.Verwandtschaftsnamen 455(1889); Kahner-Blass,Gr.Gr. (1890) 138; La Roche, BeitrSge 
 zur gr. Gram. 1 (1893), 22211., especially valuable for review of forms, Homerische Unters. 
 46; Brugmann, Grd. 2, 299 f., 12 182, 270 f.. Gr. Gr.3, §§ 14, 29, 183; Meisterhans, Att. Inschr.3 144 
 (1900); Herwerden, Lexicon suppl. et dial. s. v. (1902); Ehrlich, K.Z. 38 (1902), 89. In the 
 following pages on uiu? the abbreviation loc. cit. will refer to the works here cited.
 
 30 HISTORY OF tt-STEMS IN GREEK 
 
 1, h, 373, 107, metrical sixth century B. C. (C.I. A. i, 398, is 
 usually taken as metrical, and if so seems to have the first syllable 
 short, Usener, altgr. Versbau 30. But cf. Baunack, Inschr. v. 
 Gort. 71; Allen, loc. cit., 55, 71; Ehrlich, loc. cit., who read it 
 vv^ as one long syllable. Meisterhans, loc. cit., suggests that it 
 may be a prose inscription) ; y? Attic, C.I. A. iv, 1, b, 373, 94, 
 metrical sixth century B. C. ; m<; hypothetical form, a figment 
 of the grammarian, Etym. Mag. 553, 15; cf. 775, 20; m? or vh 
 attributed to Simonides, see Bergk, loc. cit., Miller, loc. cit. 
 
 Gen. sg. : vlo<i Homer. Whether Thessalian HYIO^ of the 
 Sotairos inscription belongs here (/ii/to?) or is to be understood 
 as hvto<;, gen. sg. of vt<f, is still uncertain. See Solmsen, Inscr. 
 Graecae ad inlustr. Dialectos sel. 21, footnote 10, with literature 
 cited; mVo? Homer, Cretan, L.G. vi, 3, Attic MSS., see La Roche, 
 loc. cit., 223; ueo? Attic, C.I. A. ii, 1513 (400-350 B. C); vlem 
 called pseudattic by Phrynichus (Lobeck, 68; Ruth. 141), see 
 La Roche, loc. cit., 223; utr)o9 Attic metrical, time of Empire, 
 C.I.A. iii, 914, 1. 
 
 Dat. sg. : vli Homer, Hesiod ; vlel Homer, Hesiod ; viet Homeric 
 doubtful (see K.B., §435), Argive, S.G.D.L 3297, 2, prose, time 
 of Empire, Attic, S. G.D.I. 1597, 4, from Dodona, but in Attic 
 dialect, stone has NIEI, Attic MSS., La Roche, loc. cit., 224, 
 Elatea, metrical, third or fourth century B. C. in B.C.H. 10 (1886), 
 367 ; virjt late Epic. 
 
 Ace. sg.: vivv Arcad. S.G.D.I. 1183, Cretan, L.G. vi, 12, x, 15; 
 via Homer, iEnianian, S.G.D.I. 1438,6, metrical, Locrian, S.G.D.I. 
 1500, time of ^Etolian League, Bithynian, B.C.H. 24 (1900), 381, 
 8, metrical, third century B. C, Thasos, Chios, etc., metrical 
 inscriptions; viea Homer, only II. 13, 350, various later poets, see 
 La Roche, loc. cit., 223, C.I.G. Ins. i, 3, 819, metrical, second 
 century B. C, Inschr. v. Olymp., footnote 184, third century B. C. 
 Rev. t.t. Grecq. 15 (1902), 331, metrical from Pontus, B.C.H. 24 
 (1900), 381, 16, metrical from Bithynia, third century B. C, 
 same inscription has via, Phrynichus (Lobeck 68) and Thomas 
 Magister, 367, disapprove the form, though Dio Chrys. uses it, 
 i, 261, 28 (Schmid, Attic, i, 8()) ; viija late Epic (Nicander 
 Frag. 110).
 
 W-STEMS IN GREEK 31 
 
 Nom. pi.: vte<? Homer; vi€€<; Homer, Hesiod, Pindar Is. 7, 25, 
 Cretan, L.Q. vii, 25, 22; vlel^ Homer, Od. 15, 248, 24, 497 (here 
 vlee<i Naiick), Hesiod Frag. 70, 3 (130 K), 136 (68 K) (mVe? 
 Nauck), Attic MSS., La Roche, loc. cit, 224; vel^ Attic, C.I. A. 
 i, 61, 14 (409 B. C), Corpus (Kohler) transcribes vrj<;, Meister- 
 hans, loc. cit., uet? ; vlrj€<; late Epic. 
 
 Voc. pi.: vlek Homer, II. 5, 464 (ute? Nauck). 
 
 Gen. pl. : vlwv Homer (Plato, Demosthenes, Pindar, Quintus 
 of Smyrna; see La Roche, loc. cit, 225). This form could, of 
 course, belong either with vie? or vtoi, but is preferably taken 
 with vi€<i. Cf. Wackernagel, loc. cit, 290, who makes vipatv 
 parallel to Av. j^f^t-^vdm; vlemv Pindar, Attic MSS., La Roche, 
 loc. cit., 225, Protagoras, Smyth, Ionic 398; vlr^wv, Anth. Pal. 
 viii, 118, 5. 
 
 Dat. pl. : vldai Homer, Cretan, L.G. iv, 37, Soph. Antig. 571, 
 V. 1. vlidL', vlecTi Attic MSS., La Roche, loc. cit, 225; veeaat, prose 
 inscription from Syracuse, Inscr. Sic. et It. 10 =:S. G.D.I. 3235, 
 where Blass reads (T)e(Xe)o-t; vl^eaaiv late Epic, La Roche, 
 loc. cit., 226. 
 
 Ace. pl.: vlvv^ Cretan, L.G. iv, 40, Argive, J.H.S. 13 (1892- 
 93), 128, n. 61, on a fragment from the Acropolis (Meyer, Gr. 
 Gr.^^ 461) ; via? Homer; met? Attic C.I. A. iii, 167, 5 (143 A. D.), 
 archaizing incription, Attic MSS., La Roche, loc. cit., 225; vek 
 Attic, C.LA., ii, 51, 11, 19, 27, 30 (369 B. C.) = Ditt.' 89, C.LA. 
 ii, add. i, b, 37, 393 = Ditt.' 57, YE^ (403 B. C); mVa? Homer, 
 Hesiod, Herodotus, C.I.G. Ins. i, 3, 1189, 4, metrical; ui^a? 
 late Epic. 
 
 Nom.-acc. dual: ule Homer, Hesiod; mVe Attic MSS., La Roche, 
 loc. cit., 224; vlel Attic, C.LA. iv, 418, 9 (before 418 B. C), stone 
 HYIE. Kirchhoff transcribes vli], but cf. Meisterhans^ footnote 
 1205. 
 
 Of the nom. sg, forms given, f/t? is a fiction of the grammarian, 
 and vk attributed to Simonides by the Florentine Etym. Mag. is 
 rejected by Herodian. The other forms are from the w-stem 
 proper. 
 
 In the gen. sg. vlo<i^ is without doubt from *vlfo^ parallel to 
 
 1 The analogy of other words and other languages points to the accent uios v'U in the 
 gen.-dat. sg. as suggested by Wackernagel, loc. cit., 290. Schulze adopts Wackernagel's
 
 32 HISTORY OF H-STEMS IN GREEK 
 
 yovvo^ Sovp6<i, from *'yovp6^ *Sopp6^. The forms fiVo?, veo^ are 
 like Trr}')(eo^. The form uteW is branded as pseudattic by Phryni- 
 chiis, and Thomas Magister, 367 (ed. Ritschl), bids us write ytVo? 
 with an omicron. Further Etym. Mag. 775, 20 says the Athen- 
 ians wrote vleo^ with o not w. The evidence of Attic inscriptions 
 is confined to one example, C.I.A. ii, 1513, with mVo?. The date 
 is fixed between 400 and 850 B. C, so that it would have had 
 uiVft)?, had this been the Attic form. The spelling vteo)? is, how- 
 ever, fairly frequent in the MSS. of Attic writers (cf. Lobeck, 
 Phryn. 68 fP.). vlrjoi; is a late metrical form developed no doubt 
 through confusion with nouns in -ev?. 
 
 Of the other forms cited all agree with the corresponding forms 
 of the regular declension as given above except the following: 
 
 (1) Forms with the sufiix grade -f - and the consonantal endings, 
 like the gen. ylo?, discussed above; dat. sg. fit, ace. sg. vla^ nom, 
 pi. wle?, gen. pi. vlwv (see above under forms), ace. pi. via?, nom.- 
 acc. dual vh. 
 
 Kiihner-Blass, § 138, 507, give the dat. pi. viao-t as parallel to the 
 gen. sg. vTos, nom. pi. vies, etc. (so also La Roche, loc. cit., 223), but in 
 that case the dat. pi. Trrjx^at should be explained in the same way. The 
 form vldcTL has been explained from the time of Eustathius (1348, 27) to 
 the present (Wackernagel, K.Z. 25 [1881], 289; Bloomfield, A.J.P. 12 
 [1891 J, 24; Kretschmer, K.Z. 29 [1888], 470) as having its a from the 
 analogy of other uouus of relation.ship iraTpdai, etc. vidai is for vUa-i, 
 and this for *ulucri as exi)lained above under the dat. pi. Ktihner-Blass, 
 § 118, 417, miss the point of the syllabic liquid in iraTpdcn, etc. 
 
 (2) A series of late epic forms made mainly after the analogy 
 of nouns in -ew, like the gen. sg. ut'r}o9 cited above; dat. sg. vlrjl, 
 ace. sg. uf'rya, nom. |>1. ft^e?, dat. pi. vi-qea-cnv, ace. pi. i/if/a? (cf. 
 La Roche, loc. at., 225 f.). 
 
 (3) The ace. sg. vle'a, an extension of the strong grade -e/r- 
 with the consequent use of consonantal -a. Homer has such a 
 form also in the ace. sg. of the adjective, e. g., evpea irovrov. The 
 ace. pi. vlvi^ has been sufficiently discussed above under the 
 ace. pi. 
 
 sngRestion and writes ut<k, vii. Cf. DanielssoD, Eranos 1 (1896), 1.39, footnote. But it is hard 
 to Kct around the direct statomont of Hcrodinn ii, fil I, 315, that the gen. vlos is proporispom- 
 enon, though he is, to bo sure, in error in regiirding it as from a nom. ulis (not extant). 
 Cf. Ktym. MaK. 77.">, 20. It would seem that the coexistence of a nom. uio? and gen. uids would 
 prove so c<»nfusing as to h-ad to a difference in accent for the sake of distinctness.
 
 ?t-STEMS IN GREEK 33 
 
 In Homer the o-stem forms, nom. eg. vi6<;, ace. sg. vlov, voc. 
 sg. vie, are frequent. The gen. sg. viov occurs once, Od. 22, 238, 
 the dat. pi. vlolai once, Od. 19, 418, while vlov<;, II. 5, 159, is 
 universally rejected as a false reading. K.-B. give vlcov as from 
 the stem ulo-, but this is an unnecessary assumption; see above 
 under forms. The passages with vlov and violai are suspected of 
 being late additions, cf. Schulze, loc. cit., 25. If these are set 
 aside we have left in Homer only the nom., ace, and voc. sg. of 
 the o-stem, these having in distinction from other forms of viv<; 
 the initial syllable as syllaba anceps. Even these are rejected 
 by Nauck, loc. cit. Cf. also Hartel, loc. cit. Judging from 
 Homeric conditions just expressed, o-stem forms were substituted 
 for w-stem forms in just those cases which have vlv-. This can 
 hardly be accidental, though a purely phonetic dissimilation 
 (OsthofP, loc. cit) is altogether unlikely. The evidence of 
 inscriptions, especially Cretan and Attic, makes it plain that the 
 M-stem form of the word was earlier than the o-stem. (Cf. 
 Meisterhans^ 144; Schulze, loc. cit., 25; Kretschmer, K.Z. 29 
 [1888J, 471; Baunack, Inschr. v. Gort. 71; otherwise Ehrlich, 
 loc. cit., 90.) Just how the o-stem form arose is not determined. 
 Schulze, loc. cit., takes the gen. pi. vImv as the starting-point 
 since this form has the appearance of a gen. pi. to vl6<i. (For an 
 ancient view see Etym. Mag. 775, 20 and 558, 15.) In Attic the 
 o-stem form completely displaced the w-stem form by about 
 350 B. C. 
 
 The suffix is clearly -iu-, and the root the same as in Skt. 
 SU7111-, etc., p. 16. The only question is as to the precise form of 
 the root. Kretschmer, Vaseninschriften 187, suggested that vlik 
 was from *avp-Lv-^, and Ehrlich, loc. cit., gives an elaborate explana- 
 tion of all the case-forms on the basis of nom. *suuii(s, gen. 
 *suuiuos. But such a formation as *suu-i-u- is in itself improb- 
 able, and it is safe to assert that no one will accept it, unless it is 
 impossible to derive the Greek form from a *su-iu- or *sii-iu-. 
 But this is not the case. How the forms can be derived from 
 *suiu- has been shown, in the main convincingly, by Schulze, loc. 
 cit., 20 ff. He rightly assumes (since t between v and a following 
 vowel was lost in all dialects but Lesbian) that, e. g., nom. sg.
 
 34 HISTORY OF Zt-STEMS IN GREEK 
 
 *su-iii-s became vv<;, while gen. sg. *su-iu-os became vip6<; yto? 
 (for accent see above, p. 31, footnote), nom. pi. *su-ieues became 
 vef€<i, ue'e?, while gen. pi. *sii-iu-dm became vlfcov, vloiv. He 
 accounts for the extant forms of the developed paradigm by 
 assuming leveling, strong forms passing, e. g., from the nom. pi. 
 to the gen. sg. and, vice versa, weak forms entering strong cases 
 as fte? in nom. pi., while the vi strictly belonging by phonetic 
 development to the gen.-dat. sg., etc., displaced the v- of the 
 nom. -ace. sg., etc., so that vlis, vivv, arose beside gen. sg. uto?, 
 etc. For such forms as gen. sg. utVo? we must assume not only 
 the influence of strong forms like nom. pi, wtVe? as given by 
 Schulze, but also, as I think, that of the regular endings -co? -et 
 of the ordinary ?t-stems. 
 
 Brugmann still holds (Gr. Gr.', §14; Kurze Gr. 92) that t 
 after v and before a vowel is regularly preserved. But vlw would 
 be the only example of the retention of an original intervocalic i, 
 except in Lesbian, and Schulze's explanation of the vi- in viv<i as 
 due to leveling from cases where vi- came before -f- is much to 
 be preferred. 
 
 On the assumption that vlv'i owes its t to restoration, Schulze 
 explains the short initial syllable of Homeric nom. sg. vl6<i, ace. 
 sg. vlov, voc. sg. vie by supposing that these forms stand in the 
 place of original Homeric vlv<;, vivv, vlv, and that the latter have 
 
 r t r 
 
 retained the quantity of the still earlier uu<>, vvv, ijv from sii-iil-s, 
 etc. At any rate, it is clear that the situation is different in I'tu?, 
 with no consonant after the ut-, from that in vlo'?, vlfo<i (cf. Brug., 
 Gr. Gr.*, §14). On the other hand, Attic has y(t)o9, nom. sg. 
 (Allen, loc. cit., 71) from a form with restored t and secondary 
 loss, like -va ivom -via in the participle (Meisterhans*, 59). 
 Leaving out of account the question of quantity, the belief that 
 such forms as vlis owe their c to the analogy of other cases 
 receives confirmation from the situation in Attic, where, when 
 the forms of the cons. decl. vlo';, etc., were no longer in use, the t 
 did drop out just as we should have expected it to do earlier, had 
 it not been for the "Systemzwang" of the other forms. 
 
 Inasmuch as -iu- is not found as the suflBx for this word in any other 
 language, and is rare anywhere, the view of Bezzeuberger cited with
 
 M-STEMS IN GREEK 35 
 
 approval by Delbnick, loc. cit., is not without attractiveness. It is that 
 vtvs utos was a "Koseform" to *vvus like fuita to fjiyjrrjp and Lith. seja 
 to sesli " sister." There are no parallels, so far as I know, for such short- 
 forms with suffix -m-, but the suffix -to- is fairly frequent in Greek in 
 " Kosenamen." Cf . Fick-BechteP, 24 f . 
 
 In what precedes there has been no attempt to explain why 
 vlvf should have forms in -f- with consonant endings, while other 
 M-stems (except ^yovu and 86pv) should not. Wackernagel, loc. cit., 
 290, suggests that gen, pi. vlfwv (cf. Av. pasvdm, etc.) kept its 
 form against the encroachment of -efwv through its similarity to 
 TTUTpMv, and that after Ovyarpo^, etc., were formed vlfof, vlfL, etc. 
 Weight is added to this view by the fact that vldaL is plainly 
 after Trarpdat, etc. 
 
 jovv and 86pv.^ Homer has the gen. sg. 'yovv6<;, Bovp6<; from 
 ''^yovfo'i *So/3/ro<? like the gen. sg. vlo<i. That this gen. sg. in -uos 
 is an I.E. type (beside -ens) is apparent from Vedic pagvds, Av. 
 Xradwo, and the Greek forms. It is entirely distinct from the 
 gen. in -uuos as in yevvo<i, which is properly the ending of iZ-stems. 
 Cf. Kretschmer, K.Z. 31 (1892), 465; Brugmann, Grd. 2, 577. 
 The form 8op6<; of Attic tragedy represents the Attic development 
 of *So/Ofo'?. Beside *8opf6'i arose *B6pfaT0<; under the influence 
 of the extensive neuter type in -a, -aro'i (originally 7i-stem ; see 
 Brug., Gr. Gr.^ § 212, 3, 4), whence SovpuTO'; and 86paTo<; accord- 
 ing to the dialectic treatment of -pp-, -vp-. In the same way arose 
 yovvaro^ and j6vaT0<i. Herodian, ii, 940, 15, cites also a gen. sg. 
 86p€o<;. 
 
 Other forms which show the suffix grade -f- are: nom.-acc. pi. 
 TFaoWc, yovva, yova, Hom. yovva, Hom. 8ovpa ; Hom. dual nom.- 
 acc. 8ovpe ; gen. pi. yovtov for yovvcov ^olic (Sappho 44), Hom. 
 8ovpcov; dat. sg. Hom., Pindar 8ovp{, Pindar, Tragedy 8opi; the 
 last form is also used in prose in military expressions. 
 
 The dat. sg. 86pet, in the Tragedians, and the nom.-acc. pi. 86pr} 
 in Eurip. Rhes. 274 are forms of the acrru declension. Cf. the 
 gen. 86p€o<i given by Herodian. *■ 
 
 Inscriptional forms are: gen. sg. 86paT0<; Argive (Epidaurus), 
 S.G.D.I. 3340 (third century B. C.) = Ditt.'"' 803, 64, 8o>aT[o9] 
 Delphian, S.G.D.I. 2501, 30 (380 B. C.) = Cauer 204, 30, 8op6^ 
 
 1 For a citation of forms see K.B., § 130, 457 f.
 
 36 HISTORY OF W-STEMS IN GREEK 
 
 Thebes, metrical, C.I.G.S. 4247; dat. sg. Soparc Kern, Inschr. v. 
 Magn. 105, 106, Sopart Late Cretan, Ditt.' 929, 134 = Mus. Ital. 
 iii, 570, n. 3, Sopart, Ditt.' 368, 10 = Inscr. Cos 223, n. 345, 86paTt 
 ^tolian, Ditt.' 333, 3 = S.G.D.I. 1418, Sopt Locrian, metrical, 
 S.G.D.I. 1501; gen. pi. yovdrcov Epidaurus, S.G.D.I. 3340, 111 
 = Ditt.' 803, 111 (third century B. C?) ; dat. pi. ryovdreaat Kaibel 
 Ep. Gr. 782, Sopdreaaiv Boeotian, metrical, B.C.H. 24 (1900) , 70. 
 For a list of cognates see above, p. 13. For further etymo- 
 logical connections with Sopv see H. L. Ahrens, "SpO? und seine 
 Sippe" (1866), and especially Osthoff, Etymologische Parerga 
 (1901) 100 fiP., who embodies Ahrens' suggestions with many 
 additions. He arranges the material under eight stem-forms: 
 (1) *derii- *deru-, (2) *doru- *doru-, (3) *dreii-, (4) *drou-, 
 (5) *druu-, (6) *dru-, (7) *dru-, (8) *dru- or *dru-. 
 
 For the Ablaut relation between Skt. ddru- jdnu- and Grk. 86pv yoVv, 
 etc., see Brug., Grd. i, 70 f., ii, 1205, note, i'^, 139, and xliii, Kmze Gr. 
 74, 75, with literature cited in last two. Of. also Meringer, Sitzungsber. 
 d. kais. Akad. d. Wiss. (Wien, 1892), bd. 125, 2, 21 ff.; J. Schmidt, K.Z. 
 32 (1893), 338; Hirt, Akz. 220, Ablaut 522, 772. 
 
 II. NOUNS IN -VS -V, GEN. -VOS 
 
 This class includes (1) nouns belonging to Type II (long 
 il-stems), (2) nouns in -V9, -i/, belonging originally to Type I 
 (short M-stems). 
 
 Exclusive of the small number of hypocoristics (see below, 
 p. 64), and the nouns given under I above, all ?t-stem nouns in 
 Greek, so far as their declension can be determined, belong to 
 Class II. * 
 
 There are about two hundred and forty Greek nouns with 
 nom. in -u? or -u, which belong, so far as there is any evidence, to 
 this declension. As a matter of fact only about seventy or eighty 
 of the two hundred and forty present enough forms to determine 
 the declension. For the remainder the evidence is simply nega- 
 tive. About one hundred of the two hundred and forty have the 
 suffix -///- and are mostly feminine oxy tones with long final. See 
 the suffix -In- below. Of the remaining one hundred and forty 
 about half are known only from glosses, mainly in Hesychius, 
 and hence as a rule these furnish no evidence for declension.
 
 W-STEMS IN GREEK 37 
 
 gender, or quantity of the final syllable. In the matter of accent 
 the ratio of barytones to oxytones is about two to one, for these 
 glosses. The figures given do not include proper names, for 
 which no complete list was attempted, but of which about fifty 
 examples were noted. So far as the proper nouns show any 
 declension at all, it is that of Class II. 
 
 The remaining seventy,' i. e., excluding those known only from 
 glosses, and those with suffix -tu-, furnish evidence for declension 
 in about forty instances, about half determine the quantity of the 
 final syllable, and all but half a dozen determine the gender. 
 About forty-five of the seventy are barytones, almost equally 
 divided into masculines, feminines, and neuters. The remaining 
 twenty-five are oxytones and perispomena, and are all feminine 
 except 6 t'x^y?, 6 /xw (an original s-stem), o (but also ?;) crv<i. 
 The perispomenon to ypv has the gen. sg. rod <ypv in Lucian, 
 Lexiphanes c. 19, and hence may be classed as an indeclinable. 
 
 Of the twenty-five oxytones and perispomena about fifteen 
 furnish evidence for quantity, either from the usage of the poets 
 or the statements of grammarians. In no instance is the quantity 
 shown to be short only, most have the long final, while a few 
 show the syllable as both short and long. These are : Ix^vv Hdn. 
 i, 416; la-xvv Pindar Nem. 11, 31; vr]86v Hdn. i, 527, Callim., 
 Dian. 160, Boeotian metrical inscription C.I.G.S. 2544 and 2545. 
 vrjSv^ has long final in Anth. Pal. 9, 519, 2 and elsewhere. 
 Homer has it in nom.-acc. sg., but only at end of line. 
 
 On the other hand of the forty-five barytones, only about 
 fifteen furnish evidence for quantity. Here the final is usually 
 short, but there are some cases of variation. In no instance is it 
 long only. (The cry Kokkv, being indeclinable, does not consti- 
 tute an exception.) Examples of variation are: jevvv Eurip. El. 
 1215, but jevv^ Phoen. 63, yevv Andr. 1181; z/e/cu? II. 4, 492, 18, 
 180, etc., but v€Kv<: Eurip. Suppl. 70, etc., metrical inscription 
 from Mysia B.C.H. 25 (1901), 327, veKvv Boeotian, C.I.G.S. 
 2544; xeXw Hom. Hymn Merc. 33, 153, 242, ^eXiJ? Callim. 
 Hymn Apoll. 16, Oppian 5, 404, Aratus 268 ; ardxv'i Eurip. H, 
 Fur. 5, elsewhere ardxv<i ; l36Tpv<i, fiuKpw XttlkoC, ^pax^oxi 
 
 1 It must be understood that all numbers are approximate.
 
 38 HISTOEY OF W-STEMS IN GREEK 
 
 "EWT^m, Moiris, 193, 10, quoted by Kretschmer, K.Z. 31 (1892), 
 336, iSoTpvv metrical inscription C.I.G. Ins. i, 1, 781. 
 
 Exclusive of glosses and proper names, there are about one 
 hundred and fifteen oxy tones (ninety of these being nouns in 
 -TU9), mainly feminine, and with long final, presumably belonging 
 to Class II, and about fifty-five barytones, of all genders, and with 
 short final, also belonging, so far as there is any evidence, to this 
 class. It seems, therefore, safe to assert that the connection 
 between accent and vowel-quantity is too marked to be accidental, 
 and must reflect in some measure I.E. conditions. As noticed 
 above, p. 21, M-stems were prevailingly oxytone, while the tt-type 
 was probably originally barytone in the nom.-acc. sg. The 
 relation in Greek, to be sure, may have become more uniform 
 than it actually was in Indo-European. In general oxytones in 
 -w are based on I.E. Type II, and barytones in -w on I.E. Type I, 
 with a transfer to Type II in the cases other than the nom.-acc. 
 Bg., yet the forms in -v? are disproportionately frequent, as com- 
 pared with it-stems elsewhere, and must be due in part also to 
 transfer from Type I. The reason why the transfer in Greek of 
 Type I to Type II arose, or why, since it did become so general, 
 the few examples of Type I were retained at all, is yet to be found. 
 It is worthy of remark that of the small number given under I only 
 vtu9, ao-Tu, and 'yovv do not have byforms of the -w -fo? declension 
 either in actual use or in the statements of the grammarians. 
 For the general problem of the ultimate origin of the two types 
 and the relation of accent to quantity see the references on p. 8. 
 
 The nom. sg. ends in -O9, -w, masc. or fem., -u, neuter. The 
 ace. sg. has correspondingly -vv^ -w, -v. (The forms with short 
 vowel properly belong to Class I.) 
 
 Besides the more usual ace. sg. in -vv is found that in -va from 
 -uu-m, as in Skt. hhrilvam, L. sneni, or -va may simply be a new 
 formation after the ace. pi. in -ua? (Brug., Grd. 2, 550, Gr. Gr.^ 
 §254; Kretschmer, K.Z. 31 [1892], 4:m). Such are: Ix^va, 
 Theocr. 21, 45 and 26, 17, rpiKTva- rpidSa (Heysch.), oi^va, 
 Quint. Smyrna, V7]8va, 6(f)pva, Spva cited by Hdn. ii, 763 as rare 
 forms, ^oTpva ascribed to Euphorion by Choeroboscus 235, 20 ff. 
 = Gram. Graeci iv, 1, 234, 1 = Hdn. ii, 711, 6.
 
 It-STEMS IN GREEK 39 
 
 The gen. sg. ends in -yo? from -unos, alike from nominatives 
 in -0?, m, and v, and for all dialects so far as there is evidence. 
 So Bpv6^ Ditt' 588, 7, 100, Delos (180 B. C); KSpOvo^ nomen 
 propr., Late Cretan, Mus. Ital. iii, 648, n. 61 = B.C.H. 13 (1889), 
 57; KoVuo? nomen propr., J.H.S. 22 (1902), 128, Cyzicus; tt)? 
 U09 Ditt.^ 615, 14, Myconos (third century B. C.) ; IT o'Xyo? nomen 
 propr., S. G.D.I. 2580, Fg. D. 174, Delphian; Bl6vo<; nomen propr., 
 Thess., Hoffmann G.D. ii, 543, n. 18, 6; Fepy/ro? nomen propr., 
 Cyprian, Meister G.D. ii, 269, Hoff. i, 246. The ending -uo? 
 properly has the v short as in other cases before a vowel, but rare 
 instances of -vo? occur, as 8pv6<i Hes, Op. 436, i\,vo<i II. 21, 318. 
 
 The dat. sg., a loc. sg. in origin, ends in -vl from -uiii, as in 
 Skt. bhruvi. K6p0'\vt nomen propr., S.G.D.I. 5032, Cretan; 
 ApvL nomen propr., S.G.D.I. 3758, 106, Rhodes; AepfivL nomen 
 propr., dissyllabic, end of hexameter, C.I.G.S. 579 = S.G.D.I. 875, 
 Boeotian (Tanagra) ; vdirvi Ditt.^ 804, 17, 21, Epidaurus (late) ; 
 6a(f}vt Ditt.^ 602, 2 (third or fourth century B. C), of lasus, cf. 
 Schweizer, Pergam. Inschr. 146, 147. For Homeric diphthong, 
 Attic -vl, see K.B., § 125, anm. 4. Herodian ii, 347 asserts that 
 the VI diphthong is never found at the end of a word, and explains 
 II. 16, 565 veKvi (dissyllabic) as a case of synizesis like that in II. 
 1, 15 XP^^^V ^^^ crKYjinpu). Arcadian TrXr^Ol, S.G.D.I. 1222, 20, is 
 not 7r\7}6vl as Hoffman, G.D. 246, Herwerden, and G. Meyer, Gr. 
 Gr.^ § 348, take it, but is rather the dat. sg. of 7rA,7}^o9, perhaps 
 with -t by mistake for -ec. 
 
 The nom. pi. regularly ends in -i^e?, from -uues. There are 
 some examples of a so-called contracted nom. pi. in -v<i, properly 
 an accusative form used as a nominative (Brug., Gr. Gr.^, § 266; 
 G. Meyer, Gr. Gr.', § 355). According to ^lius Dionysius 182 
 (Schwabe) = Eustath. 1835, 43, al Kdxpvf was Attic. See K.B., 
 § 125, anm. 3, for further examples. 
 
 In good Attic the ace. pi. ends in -v<;. This is also the usual 
 form in New Ionic, and it is found in Homer along with the other 
 ending -vwi. The ending -i/a? is found in late'^Attic, in New Ionic 
 beside -w, and frequently in Homer. Inscriptions present: t]%^09 
 Ditt.^ 584, 1, Smyrna; araxva^ C.I.G. Ins. i, 3, 1188, metrical, 
 Melos; v<i Ditt.^ 615, 13, Myconos, third century B. C.
 
 40 HISTORY OF «t-STEMS IN GREEK 
 
 The form in -va? is the one to be expected in original w-stems 
 from comparison with Skt. hhrilvas, etc., from uuns. That in -u? 
 presents more difficulty. Brugmann formerly (Grd. 2, 678) 
 explained -u? as an extension of the ending which was regular in 
 the case of words which were originally it-stems (cf. Cretan vlvv<;), 
 but now (Kurze Gr. 391, 392) assumes that while this ending 
 was retained in case of original w-stems ['yevv'i), forms like o^/jO? 
 are due to the influence of the ace. sg. ot^pvv, etc. (Cf. also Gr, 
 Gr.^ § 267, 2). But it is altogether unlikely that the history of 
 7ei/09 and o^pi"? is to be separated in this way. According to all 
 evidence the type -w, -uo? was, except for quantity in nom.-acc. 
 sg., a unit in all dialects, and we may safely assume that any 
 dialect that preserved *jevvv<i would also have *6(f>pvv<;, making 
 the supposition that 6(f)pv<i was due to an ace. sg. 6(f)pvv super- 
 fluous. That the -yw, -0? was preserved in this class, while it was 
 largely given up in the original w-stems which remained in Class I, 
 is of course not strange, since only in the latter were there forms 
 in -ef- to influence the ending. 
 
 The gen. pi. ends in -vcov, from -iiu-dm, Skt. hhruvdm. ^orpvcov 
 C.I.G. Ins. 476, 4 = S.G.D.L 297, metrical, Mytilene; IxOvcov Mon. 
 Ant. vi, 302, 6 = Ditt.' 427, 6, Late Cretan, Ditt.' 584, 9, Smyrna, 
 Ditt.' 615, 10, Myconos; vwi; Ditt.' 566, 14 = Michel 730, 
 Pergamum. 
 
 To judge from the Skt. bhriisil-, etc., the Greek dat. pi. (a loc. 
 pi. in origin) should end in -vai. This seems to be retained in 
 Homeric forms like jevvaat TrLTvaai, which can stand for <yevv(ri, 
 TTLTva-L, but aside from forms like this there is no trace of an 
 original -vai. It has been replaced instead by -vai, usually 
 explained as having the short vowel after the other cases where 
 the V is rightly short before a vowel ending as in the gen. sg. and 
 pi. It is possible, however, that here again, as in the ace. pi., we 
 may recognize the influence of the dat. pi. of the original short 
 ?A-Btems, this being retained in declension II, though lost in 
 declension I, where it strictly belonged. Forms like veKveaai, 
 (TveaaL, (TTaxvecrcrc, etc., are due to the extension of the generalized 
 dat. pi. ending -eaa-i,, for which see above under Class I. 
 
 The nom.-acc. dual has -v€, from -vf-e. For this e see above
 
 2*-STEMS IN GREEK 41 
 
 * 
 
 Tinder Class I. For the dual IxOv see G. Meyer, Gr. Gr.*, § 381; 
 K.B., §125, anm. 3. The gen.-dat. dual in -volv calls for no 
 remark. 
 
 The nom.-acc. pi. neuter in -va from -vp-a has the usual con- 
 sonant ending -a. 
 
 In all the forms of this declension where the suffix has the 
 form -uu- the case-endings are those of the cons, stems, and this 
 is true also of the dat. pi.' 
 
 Like the nouns of Class II are declined the adjectives repv? and 
 <^o\u?, and the adjective compounds with words belonging under 
 II as final member. For the latter see below under Compounds. 
 Tepvi is known only from Hesychius, who has the following glosses: 
 repv aa-deve'i, Xeirrov, and T€pva<i iTrTroi*?* ovtco Xeyovrai ocroc clSSt}- 
 4>dyoL ela-i. evioi Toi/'i aadevei<;. Of 4>6Xv<i we have only the follow- 
 ing statements: <fi6\v€<i Kvve<i- ol irvppol 6vt&: fieXava o-rofiaTa 
 el-xov ol Se <f)vXaKa<;, Hesychius, and <^o\i/9' ^o'Xve? /cvve^ irapa 
 Tw 'AvTLfidxq), Hdn. ii, 938, 14, and i, 236, 26. It is probable 
 that these two words repvi and </)o'Xu9 are substantives in origin. 
 
 Suffix -u-^ substantives. — The suflix -u- is shown to be inherited 
 in several words and is to be assumed for many more in which 
 there is the short final -w or -v. Its formations are regularly 
 barytone, and have usually the strong grade of root. In declen- 
 sion they would belong historically under Class I, but most of 
 them have been transferred to the declensional type of long 
 M-stems. 
 
 Examples of words with this suffix which follow the declen- 
 sion of Class I are: yovv. Skt. Jdnw-n. ; 86pv: Skt. ddru- n. (for 
 both see p. 13); tt^^i;? : Skt. bdhU- m. f. (see p. 13); ttmv: 
 Skt. pdyil- m. "herdsman," Skt. \/pd "protect;" ireXeKv^: Skt. 
 paragil- m. pdrgu- m. "axe." 
 
 Wheeler, Gr. Nom. Accent 110, considers the accent of Tre'AeKvs second- 
 ary in comparison with paraQu-. Cf. Kretschmer, Einleitung 106, on 
 etymology. Hesychius, s. v. rjixLTriXtKov has the gloss to yap SeKtifjivovv 
 TreXeKV (ire'AcKvs Musurus) KaXelrai irapa Ila^tois. On the Cyprian inscrip- 
 tion from Idalium, S.G.D.I. 60, 15, we have ttc as an abbreviation of 
 
 1 For M-stems in modern Greek, see above, p. 29. 
 
 2 But including some words in which the u obviously belongs to the root. See foot- 
 note, p. 12.
 
 42 HISTORY OF It-STEMS IN GREEK 
 
 a word used as a measure of value. There is nothing to show declen- 
 sion in either case, and from Hesychius we should take the form to be 
 neuter. It is usual, however, to supply the word in the Idalian inscrip- 
 tion as 7re[X€Ve/ras, SO, e. g., Deecke, S.G.D.I. 60, Hoffmann, G.D. i, 72, 
 and this is without doubt correct, as shown by Ahrens, Philologus 35 
 (1876), 67, citing Hesychius, s. v. TreAtKus, and Eustathius, 1878, 56, under 
 the form ircXeKcwv, though of course TreAeKewv might equally well be 
 neuter. Hesychius has TrcXexus .... (rradixtov e^a/xvtaiov ap)(aXov • ot Se 
 htKa^VLoiov (MSS. SojSck-). 
 
 Instances of transfer to Class II are : 'yew; precisely equivalent 
 to Skt. lidnu- (p. 13) ; fiedv precisely equivalent to Skt. mddhu- 
 (p. 13). Another instance of such transfer is, I believe (with 
 Kretschmer, K.Z. 31 [1892J, 336), v€Kv<i, which has the long final 
 in Homer, but the short in Euripides and later Epic (see above, 
 p. 37). To v€Kv<i the Av. nasu- f, "corpse" is exactly equivalent, 
 and there seems little doubt that this has the short -u. The Av. 
 ace. sg. nasum is of no weight because of the frequent presence 
 of u for ti before final m, a graphic matter merely (Jackson, Av. 
 Gr., § 23; Bartholomae, Ir. Grd. i, § 268, 1). Brugmann, Gr. Gr.^ 
 § 180, places veuv; tentatively under the suffix -u- -mi-. For an 
 absurd etymology of the ancients (derivation from KLKv<i) see 
 Cramer, Anecd. Ox. i, 296, 27. 
 
 Further examples of words with this suffix belonging to Class 
 II are: aKv<; : aXvco, etc.; cf. Hirt, Ablaut 510; a/J/cu?, connected 
 by Curtius, Grdz.'' 341 with apd'xy'q, etc., from a y^ark "weave;" 
 apirv^, attributed by Etym. Mag. 148, 33, to Parthenius, and 
 given as ^olic for epoa^ by Hesychius, is thought by Hoffmann, 
 G.D. ii, 231, possibly to be connected with L. arcus, O.E. earh, 
 "arrow;" yt}pv<; : O. Ir. r/a'r "cry," L. (jarrid, etc., Brug., Grd. 
 i^, 575; yXdcjjv: y\d(f)co, connected by Bezzenberger, B.B. 27 
 (1902), 153, with Bulg. r/lob "hollow;" koiXv: Goth, hails, 
 O.H.G. heil "whole, sound," O.E. hael, O.N. heill "omen," O.B. 
 ceU "sound," Hoffmann, B.B. 16 (1890), 240, Brug., Grd. i^ 
 576; Kopdv^ : Kopdvo), Kopyj, K6po<i ; pdirv; : L. rCipa, O.H.G. ruoba, 
 Germ. Riihe "rape;" <ndxv<i : O.H.G. stanga = Gferm. Stange, 
 cf. Eng. sting; kIkv^ seems to be a reduplicated form from the 
 root kud ku "swell," Clrk. «uea), etc., with v as part of the root, 
 not as suffix. See Brug., Gr. Gr.', § 166, and Hirt, Ablaut 386.
 
 i*-STEMS IN GREEK 43 
 
 Suffix -tu-^ siibstaniives. — The formations in Greek with this 
 suffix fall into two groups, one a so-called primary, with nouns 
 like ayoprjTV'i, ^poaris, etc., and a so-called secondary, with 
 numerals like e/caroo-TW, ^tXiocrrw, etc. All the latter and a 
 great majority of the former are nomina actionis. See the list 
 for Homer below, all of which are of this kind. Exceptions, real 
 or apparent, are: acrrv, ^Xervi, Siktv, Slktv^, trw, /caTTW, kXltv<;, 
 fjudpirrvi, /JbiTVi, fx6TTV<;, TrtVu?, (filrv, ^Ztu?. Without doubt the 
 suffix -tu- was not consciously felt in any of these, and SUtv, 
 SiKTVi, /caTTW, /AITU9 do uot in all probability contain the suffix -tu- 
 at all. SiKTv is given only by Etym. Mag. 275, 25, as from hUrvov 
 "net," but is probably only a figment of the grammarian. Slktv; 
 is some sort of animal mentioned only in Hdt. 4, 192, and by 
 Hesychius. With /caxTu? "a piece of leather" (Aristophanes) cf. 
 KaTTvco Kaa-avoo from *icaT-(7ivi(o. fxCrvi "bees-wax" is found (/er) 
 in one passage in Aristotle, H.A. 9, 40, 10. Its etymology is 
 uncertain, /ao'ttu? is known only from Hesychius, who has fi6rTV€<i' 
 ol e[7]«:\i;T0t Kal Trapecfievoi. 
 
 Of the others, /SXeTi"? "leech," known only from the Hesychian 
 gloss /SXeVfe?- al ^SeWai, i&- taken by Lobeck, B-hematicon 14, 
 from a verb /3\ea) (cf. ySXet- /SXiWei, ctfieXyei, Hesych.), with mis- 
 taken accent for /SXerw. It may have had the same development 
 of meaning from "a sucking" to "sucker" seen in Skt. mdntu- 
 " counsel" and "counsellor." So also /xapirTVi, known only from 
 the Hesychian gloss fidpTrTv; - v/3pto-T?7?, probably with mistaken 
 accent for /^apTTTW, from meaning "insolence" could come to 
 mean "an insolent person." This word has been read in ^sch. 
 Suppl. 826, where, however, the MSS. readings are corrupt and 
 jxdp'jni'i is now commonly given. 
 
 Connected with the root hheu "be, become," are ^Irv, found 
 for (f>iTv/jia in Aristophanes and Eupolis, and ^Itv<;, used by Lyco- 
 phron and frequently mentioned by grammarians. Brugmann, 
 Ber. sachs. G. d. W., 1901, 96, suggests that (j)lrv<; "begetter," 
 and ^iTu "the thing begotten," both rest on an abstract *<^itu9 
 "the begetting." 
 
 1 For the suffix cf. Lobeck, Paralipomena 439 S. ; Kretschmer, K.Z. 31 (1892), .333 ff. ; K.B., 
 §329, 28, 272; Brugmann, Grd. 2, 304, 308, Gr. Gr.3, §220, Ber. sachs. G. d. W., 1901, 95.
 
 44 HISTORY OF M-STEMS IN GREEK 
 
 aaru^ try?, ttitv? are almost the only words with this suffix for 
 which direct cognates are found in other languages (see below, 
 p. 50), and these with K\nv<i are the only words, except numerals, 
 in use through a wide range of authors, yet these are just the 
 words for which there was in Greek no consciousness of suffixal 
 -TV-. aa-Tv from the root lies, "dwell," no doubt originally meant 
 "dwelling" in the abstract. (See below, p. 50.) So irv? (p. 50) 
 "circle" can easily have developed from "a rounding." k\itv9 
 from the root klei, "lean," can have developed the meaning "hill" 
 from "a sloping, leaning." irirvi "pine" (p. 50) is not so easy 
 and constitutes, perhaps, the sole exception to the rule. 
 
 There are not quite one hundred Greek nouns in -tv<; and 
 only darv, (f)lTv, and Siktv in -tv. Of the latter, aaTv is neuter, 
 and so presumably are (f)lTv and Blktv, though there is no specific 
 evidence to that effect. 
 
 For the nouns in -ru? I have found evidence for feminine 
 gender in twenty and for masculine in only one, 6 (f)lTV'; (Eusta- 
 thius) . For the remainder there is no evidence, but except Siktv^ 
 (doubtful at the best, see above) in all of them the -tv? has the 
 same function that it has in those undoubtedly feminine, and 
 hence there is every reason to assign to these also the feminine 
 gender. Liddell and Scott give Siktv^, Hdt. 4, 192, and KTia-rvf, 
 Hdt. 9, 97, as masculine, but there is nothing in Herodotus to 
 show the gender, and the meaning and formation of ktkttv^ 
 justify Schweighauser (Lex. Hdt.) in taking it as feminine. 
 Some, like fidpiTrv<i , for which there is no evidence, may, however, 
 have been masculine because of special use with reference to a 
 person (cf. <f>lTv<;). So Pape, Etym. Worterbuch, without evi- 
 dence gives fidp7rTV<; as masculine. 
 
 The accent of the neuters darv, (f)iTv, Si'/cti>(?) is barytone, in 
 agreement with what appears to be the I.E. rule for w-stem 
 neuters (above, p. 12). 
 
 The accent of the nouns in -Ttk is oxytone except in the fol- 
 lowing in.stancos: /SXeVu?, Siktv<;, itu?, fidpTrrvi, /Lttry?, fMorrv}, 
 TTiTis, TrXaTu?, (f)lTv<i, iEolic x^'XXt/ctti/? not constituting a real 
 exception. 
 
 7rXaTi/9 is found only in Hesychius and is probably a mistake
 
 It-STEMS IN GREEK 45 
 
 for 7r\aTi9. For the others see above, p. 43. BCktv^ and fiirv^ 
 do not count, since they hardly contain the suffix -tu-. 
 
 In declension, so far as known, nouns in -tv<; -tu follow Class 
 II except ao-Tu, which belongs to Class I. As a matter of fact, 
 over thirty of the total are known only from glosses and hence 
 declension, etc., cannot as a rule be determined, and of the 
 remainder only about thirty have any evidence for declension. 
 On the other hand, there is no evidence that any substantive in 
 -TU? -TV, except da-rv, belongs to Class I. 
 
 For the quantity of the final syllable in the nom. and ace. sg. 
 we have the statements of the grammarians and the usage of the 
 poets. There is evidence from the latter source for the quantity 
 in only a few words. Homer has the long vowel in aKovTtaTv^ II. 
 23, 622; /S/jwtv? II. 19, 205, Od. 18, 407; /cXtrw Od. 5, 470, but 
 in Attic this word has a short final (cf. K.B., § 125, anm. 2) ; 
 fiv'qcTTv'i Od. 16, 294, Od. 19, 13; 6pxv<rrv^ H 13, 731, a line 
 bracketed by Dindorf. Callimachus has the long vowel in oiarev- 
 Tw, read by Scaliger in Hymn to Apollo 42, where Schneider 
 retains the MSS. -ttjv. Homer has a short vowel in tVv? II. 5, 724, 
 Lycophron shows a short vowel in ^Ztw 462, 486, and Apollonius 
 Rhodius has dekKTvv with short vowel, i, 515, but Lobeck, Paral. 
 440, would read deXKTtv because the final is short and the MSS. 
 vary in accent. Liddell and Scott give eTnjrv'i with short u, and 
 orpvvTv^ with long v, but there is no evidence for either. There 
 is nothing in Homer to show that any oxytone in -Txk has a short 
 final. The testimony of the grammarians is to the effect that 
 feminine oxytones have the long v in the final syllable. Cf. 
 Lentz' edition of Herodian i, 527 and footnote. The short final 
 in /cXeiTu? in Sophocles and Euripides is explained as an extension 
 of the short vowel from the oblique cases. So Kretschmer, K.Z. 
 31 (1892), 333, and Brugmann, I.F. 11 (1900), 273, Gr. Gt.' 
 178. Such instances of shortening by analogy are not confined 
 to nouns in -tw ; cf. K.B., § 125, anm. 2. With the exception of 
 KXeirm in Attic, and the isolated and doubtful ^eX/cru?, it may be 
 said that, so far as we have evidence, oxytones in -n/? had long 0, 
 while barytones in -tu? had short v. 
 
 Nouns with the suffix -tu- in the related languages (pp. 13 f.)
 
 46 HISTORY OF Zf-STEMS IN GREEK 
 
 are mainly masculine barytones with short final. The Greek 
 presents a striking contrast with its preponderance of feminine 
 oxytones with long final. 
 
 So far as I know, Kretschmer, K.Z. 31 (1892), 333, is the 
 only one who definitely sets up the suffix -tu- for these Greek 
 oxytones, in contrast to the -tu- seen in tVv?, ^trw, etc., and in 
 the formations (chiefly masculine barytones) of other languages. 
 By his view the suffix -in- does not appear outside of Greek 
 except in extensions such as Lettic -tiw-d-, L. -tut-, -tuti-, and 
 -tudon-. Others who have spoken of the suffix in Greek have 
 given it as parallel to that found in Sanskrit, Latin, Germanic, 
 etc. So for example, Von Bahder, Verbalabstrakta 94; Hirt, 
 Akzent 221 ; and especially Brugmann, Grd. 2, 308, Gr. Gr.', §220. 
 
 Of course no one will deny that the suffix of the Greek 
 oxytones has a long vowel. The question is whether Greek 
 inherited from the parent speech two different suffixes -til- and 
 -til-, or the quantity of the Greek -rv- is secondary. I am 
 inclined to the latter opinion. In formation these nouns in -tw 
 bore an at least apparently close relation to verbals in -to9, 
 accented on the final; cf. /3o7;ti/? : /3od(o, ayopi]Tv<; : ayopdo/xai 
 with ayaTrr]T6<i : ayaTrdo), Kocrfir]T6<; : Koafieo). Hence the oxytone 
 accent, even if itself secondary, must have been of early origin. 
 Then their gender is feminine either from the influence of other 
 abstracts, like those in -o-t?, -Tt9, which were feminine (so Brug- 
 mann, Grd. 2, 304; cf. Von Bahder, loc. cit. supra, on orig. 
 gender), cf. the case in West Germanic, above, p. 14, or were 
 themselves originally feminine (Delbruck, Grd. 3, 118; cf. Brug., 
 Gr. Gr.^ §220). In either case the feminine gender must have 
 been of early origin. With this agreement in accent and gender 
 it was most natural that there should be agreement also in the 
 quantity of the final with those nouns which formed the basis of I.E. 
 Type II as represented in the Greek Class II (above, pp. 20 f., 36). 
 Futhermore the suffix performs the same function as is performed 
 by -tu- in related languages. Hence I do not consider it neces- 
 sary to assume an I.E. suffix -tn-. 
 
 It is frequently stated that the suffix belongs particularly to 
 the Ionic dialect. Eustathius 1180, 6 gives it as Ionic, but
 
 M-STEMS IN GREEK 47 
 
 Didymus on II. 2, 600 calls it JEolic. The statement that it is 
 Attic, made by the scholiast on II. 19, 233, is clearly an error, 
 and there is a v. 1., 'Ai/Tt/ia;j^eio9 for 'Arrt/c^. Pape, Etym. Wor- 
 terbuch 291, and L. and S. (passim) give it as an Ionic suffix. 
 Brugmann, Gr. Gr.^, § 220, says it is especially productive in 
 Ionic; cf. his Grd. 2, 308. In K.B., §329, it is said to be 
 "poetic and dialectic," while Herwerden. Lex. Graecum suppl. et 
 dial., s. V. eTria-fivKTVP, ^aXXrjrv'i, uTraaTik, asserts that it is a 
 favorite suffix in Ionic and Cretan. An analysis of the material 
 gives the following results.^ 
 
 There are thirteen found in Homer only, or in Homer and 
 glosses in Hesychius, Eustathius, etc., viz., ayopT]Tv<; (1), ukov- 
 Ti(TTV9 (1), aXacoTV<; (1), ^o-qrv^ (1), Sairvf (1), i8r]TV<i jidssim, 
 4\€7)Tv<i (2), i'irr)Tv<i (1), /xvr]arv<i (3, also in Anacreon?), 6api(rTv<; 
 (3), orpvvrv'i {bis, same passage), pvaraKrv^; (1), Tavv<TTV<i (1). 
 
 There are seven in Homer that are also found in other authors, 
 viz., ^pa)Tv<; Homer (2), Anth, Pal., and Philoxenus ap. Athenseus, 
 jpa7rTv<i Homer (1), Apoll, Rh., and grammarians, Kidapt(TTv<i 
 Homer (1), Phanocles ap. Stobseus, o/3%7;o-tu? Homer, Eurip. (1), 
 Lucian (1), tTW (p. 44) Hom., Hdt., Eurip., Xen., Galen, etc., 
 k\€(i)tv<; (p. 44) Hom., Eurip., Soph., Lycophron, Nicander, 
 TTiTu? (p. 44) Horn., Hdt., Plutarch. 
 
 Callimachus has the following: dpTraKTik (1), acnraarv^ ap. 
 Suidas (1), 7e\ao-TU9 (1), StcoKTm (1), p,aaTv<i ap. schol. (1), 
 [oicTTeuTw] (1). Callimachus and Manetho have aXrjrrk. 
 
 Homeric Hymn to Apollo 162 has [^KpefjL^aXtao-rv'i ]. 
 
 Herodotus has: [/caTaTrXacrTw] (1), KTLaTv<i (1), X-qlarv^ (1), 
 SiKTV<; (p. 43), try? (p. 44), TrtVu? (p. 44). 
 
 Hippocrates has ^Xe^ixavTv<i as a v. 1., viii, 96, and no others. 
 
 The usage of other writers is as follows: Soph. kXgltis (p. 44); 
 Eurip. op')(r}(nv<; ., try? (p. 44), /cXetTU9 ; Aristophanes KaTTv<i (p. 
 43), 4)tTv ap. Eustath. (p. 43); Thuc. TrevTrjKoarTik ; Philoxenes 
 -ap. Athenseus /3pQ)rv<i ; Plato cr(o(^povLcrrv<i ; Aristotle /LtiVy? (p. 43) ; 
 Xen. tTU? (p. 43), e/caroo-ry?, /JbvpiO(TTv<;, TrevfrjKoarv^, x^XiocrTV<; ; 
 Antimachus ap. schol. irwpj^Tv^ ; ^Eschines and Demosthenes 
 
 1 Figures in parentheses after a word refer to the number of occurrences. Reference is 
 made to pp. 43 f. for words listed there as not consciously having the suffix -tu-. Words due 
 to emendation are bracketed.
 
 48 HISTORY OF It-STEMS IN GREEK 
 
 rpLTTv^ ; Lycophron <f>iTv<i (p. 43), kXcltis (p. 44); Eratosthenes 
 ap. schol. avTtfiaxv'^T^'; ; Apoll. Rh. dekKrm (a doubtful word), 
 <ypa7rTv<; ; Phanocles ap. Stobseus KLdapicrTv^ ; Anth. Pal. /S/xwrv?, 
 [dXaXT^Tu?] ; Manetho akr]Tv<; ; Nicander /cXeixu? ; Plutarch Trtry? 
 (p. 44), e/caToa-TV'i ; Lucian o/);Y^crTi;9, TerpaKrix; ; Galen tru? ; 
 Oppian irodrjTV';. 
 
 Cretan inscriptions have afjL(f)avTv<i (written afiiravris), 67rvcrTv<i, 
 Lex Gort. sixth century B. C. (see Searles, Lex. Stud.), and the 
 possible ep6Tv<i, Mon. Ant., iii, 67, n. 127. 
 
 The following are found in Hesychius only: [aeiearv^;'], airecr- 
 Tik, [airoSaarw^, apTv<i., fiXervi (p. 43), SenrvrjcrriKiy Sw/XT^ry?, 
 [e77TV9], iXevTiif a mistake for iXerjrv^;, [eTret/cri)?], Oarv'?^ [t'ari;?], 
 fidpTTTV^ (p. 43), |t</)to-TU9, [6pyr)Tv<i^, opeKTv^, TrXdrv^ (p. 44), 
 TTOTrjTV^, [T/3t/CTw], (f)paaTV'i, ;^aX,e7rTU9, 'x^pafi/SaXLaarv';, wp-qrvf, 
 Hesychius has ^wem- rj ^wtu?- datpa^. This has been corrected 
 to ^(oyv^ rj ^(otik; from Cyrillus, who has ^(or^vv 6a)paKa. Perhaps 
 ^(OTv<i is a mistake for *^(ocrTv<;. 
 
 To be found in the Etym. Mag. only are: airaa-rvf;, Blktv 
 (p. 43), TrpaKTm. Suidas alone has cKfypaarv'i and Boorm. Bekker 
 A.G. has d^oXr]rv<; and this is restored in Hesychius. Hesychius 
 and Athenseus have ^aXXrjrv^. Theognostus in Anecd. Cram, ii, 
 16, 1 has Iktv<;. 
 
 Brugmann, Gr. Gr.^ § 220, cites a form aTTOKovTiaTV'i not 
 known to me from other sources, and probably a mistake for 
 aKovTLcnis. He also has a form tuktik; in Ber. sachs. G. d. W., 
 1901, 95 not known to me from other sources. Pape, Etym. 
 Worterbuch, cites a/ceo-ru?, which I do not find elsewhere. Her- 
 werden. Lex. suppl., etc., emends Hesychius and reads iTria-fjLVKTvv. 
 
 A complete list of the numerals in -tu? ' is as follows : eKaToaTV'i 
 Xen., Plutarch, Inscriptions; ixvptoa-Tv^ Xen. (1); 7r€VTaKovTv<i 
 doubtful word, schol. on Od. 3, 7; TrevTaKoaLoarixi Etym. Mag.; 
 7revTr)KoaTv<; Thuc, Xen.; rer paKTV'i Pythagoreans and Lucian; 
 XiXiaarix; Bechtel, Ion, Inschr. 221 and 147, 20; %tXiocrTU9 Xen.; 
 X€XXr)(TTv<; JRo\. inscr. S.G.D.I. 276; irevrexi^XLoa-TV^ Eccl., and 
 finally the various forms rptTVf, rpnrvf;, rpiKTv<i, Tpc7rTv<;. 
 
 The form rpLirrv'i on an inscription from Ceos of the second 
 
 iFor the numerals in -tu« soo K.-B., §330, 12, K 283, Brug., Gr. Gr.3, §248, 2 with the 
 literature cited.
 
 t*-STEMS IN GREEK 49 
 
 century B. C, Ditt.^ 934, 6, is an error for rpmv<i or rpiKTixi. 
 This rpiKTv^ is an emendation for rpLKTrji? in Hesychius demanded 
 by the alphabetical order and borne out by Delphian rpucrevav, 
 Cauer^, 204, 34, and by Delian rpLKTvap'^^ovvro'; of the second cen- 
 tury B. C, Ditt/ 588, 19. Hence Dittenberger, loo. cit., for 
 T/siTTTv? is inclined to read rpLKTix;. Hesychius has rptrik' rpia?, 
 and TpiTTv<i is found in j3Eschines, Demosthenes, C.I.A. ii, 871, 
 1053, 500, 502, 517, 518, C.I.G. Sic. et It. 1363, 10, and perhaps 
 elsewhere. rpiKTis from rpCxct is probably the original form and 
 TpcTTix; arose under the influence of tpitt6<; = *TpixiO';, rptrix; under 
 that of rpirS^. (So Brug., Gr. Gr.^ §248, 2; cf. Schulze, KZ. 
 33 [1895], 395.) 
 
 It is clear from the above that numerals form a class by them- 
 selves and appear to have been made as freely in Attic and other 
 dialects as in Ionic. Excluding, therefore, the numerals and the 
 words listed on p. 43, since in the latter there was no conscious- 
 ness of the presence of a suffix -tu-f the situation for the remainder 
 may be summarized as follows: 
 
 The suffix is found (1) in poetry: Homer twenty examples, 
 Callimachus six or seven, and scatteringly in others; (2) in prose: 
 (a) Ionic, Herodotus three, and one of these an emendation, Hip- 
 pocrates one; (6) Non-Ionic, Lucian 6pxn<^rv^ (Timon c. 55) also 
 found in Homer and Euripides ; Plato (T(o(^povL(nv<i ; Athenaeus 
 (Ulpian) ^aWr]rv<; (406, d, 407, c) ; (3) in Cretan inscription of 
 the sixth century B. C two words, and the Hesychian gloss 
 duTik ' de(op{a, which may be Cretan as Herwerden suggests, and 
 is at any rate not Ionic. 
 
 There is no indication of dialect in the numerous glosses, 
 except in Eustathius as given above, p. 46. Considering the 
 relative infrequency of the suffix in Ionic prose,' or indeed in any 
 prose, one is led to wonder whether the use of it is not after all 
 an indication not of dialect but of antiquity. The Cretan examples 
 belong to the sixth century B. C, and among the poets Homer 
 
 1 1 cannot understand the statement made by Smyth, Ionic Dialect 396: "Noteworthy 
 is the considerable number of nouns in -tus in Ionic prose, which in Attic are poetical. Cf, 
 iSpuiTvf, (cTio-Tus, eJTjTus, oTpuvTus . . , ." lu Ms llst of clght oxamples one (vriSvi) does not con- 
 tain the suflSx at all, apru's is known only from Hesychius, /Spcoru's, eSjyTus, orpui/Tu's are Homeric, 
 not Attic, while ktio-tus, \ji<TTVi, and 4>\eyfj.auTvi constitute the only examples of this suffix in 
 Ionic prose, except the emendation KaTanKaa-rvi in Herodotus.
 
 50 HISTORY OF n-STEMS IN GREEK 
 
 uses the suffix most freely. The few instances of its use among 
 prose writers might be due to poetical reminiscence. If, however, 
 its use in Homer be taken as Ionic, it must be said that the suffix 
 was not confined to that dialect, but belonged to Cretan as well, 
 and possibly to Doric in general. 
 
 Very few Greek nouns with this suffix have cognates in the 
 related languages, and those which do are the very ones in which 
 the presence of the suffix was no longer felt in the Greek word, 
 6. g., iTV<; : L. Vitus m., ^/uei "wind;" 7rn-u9 : Skt. pitil- m. "juice, 
 food, drink," above, p. 14; aarv. Skt. vdstu- n. "abode," i/ues 
 "dwell." The vowel relation is obscure (Hiibschmann, Vocal- 
 system 166), perhaps U9s, ues, strengthened grade, by influence 
 of the heavy series. Cf. Buck, A.J.P. 17 (1896), 285, and 
 Reichelt, K.Z. 39 (1903), 47, sed original strengthened grade of 
 sed, but from it sdd[ ?). 
 
 Aside from the numerals, words of this formation are mostly 
 directly related to Greek verbs. For example, Homer has: ayoprj- 
 Tv<; to ayopdofiai, aKovTicmk to a/covTi^oo, a\acoTv<i to aXaoco, ^oijTV'i 
 to ^odco^ etc. ; cf. the list for Homer above. 
 
 Change of rv to av (^^fXLa-v<;) . — The question of the change of 
 TV to (TV has been treated most recently by Lagerkrantz, Zur gr. 
 Lautgeschichte (Upsala, 1898) 121 ff., and, more fully, by Brug- 
 mann, Ber. sachs. G. d. W., 1901, 89 ff. Brugmann had formerly 
 (Gr. Gr.' 42) rejected the change of tv to av as a phonetic devel- 
 opment, but now accepts it as phonetic except initially and after 
 consonants. He ascribes the frequent presence of tv after vowels 
 in words in -tv<; to the influence of words like fivrja-Tik, etc., where 
 TV coming after a consonant did not change. He does not, like 
 Lagerkrantz, limit the phenomenon to tv, but admits it for both 
 TV and TV. His general conclusions are accepted by Kretschmer, 
 Berlin. Phil. Woch., 1902, 1492-95. 
 
 The most certain example of cru in the suffix is TJ/xtav^. In 
 view of Cretan ■^fMiTv-eKTco and Epidaurian rf/xiTeiav, few will ques- 
 tion the accuracy of Brugmann's statement [loc. cit., 91) that the 
 suffix in rjfiL(Tv<i is identical with that in TpLKTv<;, rer/aa^Ti;?, Tremr)- 
 KocTTik, etc., that the word was originally a substanfive, early 
 became neuter after to o\oi/, and thereupon became an adjective,
 
 W-STEMS IN GREEK 51 
 
 rjixKrv; and '^fj.ta-v being already in use. That the suffix was -rv- 
 had been suggested as early as 1886 by Bechtel in his review of 
 the first edition of Brugmann's grammar, Philologischer Anzeiger 
 xvi, 16. That the feeling for the suffix should be soon lost, and 
 hence that the treatment should be different from that of other 
 numerals in -Tv<i is not surprising in view of the special meaning 
 of rj^iiav^i. 
 
 The forms of the different dialects present two types: (a) those 
 in -TV- or -av-, (h) those in -aao- or -ao-. In Brugmann's list the 
 most important citations for the former are: Cretan [^J/Atru-e/cTO), 
 Mus. Ital. ii, 166, n. 8, 1. 3, in the sense of rjfMieKTov; Epidaurian 
 otvov r}ixLT€Lav, E</). Apx; 1899, 1, n. 1 = Ditt.' 938, 9, 27; Phocian 
 TO '^fiiav, S.G.D.I. 1547, 7, called "vorrSmisch" in the Sammlung, 
 loc. cit.; and for the latter: Cretan to, TJfita-aa, Mus. Ital. iii, 
 601 ff., 7; Epid. to vfitaaov, S.G.D.I. 3325, 15. In addition to 
 the forms cited by Brugmann I may add for a: Paros tj/jllo-v, 
 Ditt.' 569, 6 (300-250? B. C); Magnesia vf^iaei, Ditt.^' 552, 
 84 = Kern, Magn. n. 100 (second century B. C), Ditt.' 554, 15 
 = Kern, n. 99 (second century B. C); Lebadea rj/Mia-eayv, Ditt.* 
 540, 44 = I.G. Sept. i, 3073 (175-171 B. C); Teos ^J/xtcreta? tu^, 
 Ditt.' 177, 8 (306-301 B. C); Megara v/^vav, C.I.G. Sept. i, 43 
 (third century B. C); Oropus v/^vav, C.I.G. Sept. i, 3498 (200 
 B. C.) ; Halicarnassus ^f^vav, Bechtel, Ion. 241, ijfiicrv, C.I.G. Ins. 
 i, 3, 1119, 7 (Koman period) ; Thera to, rif^iari, C.I.G. Ins. i, 3, 
 330, 197 (210-195 B. C); and for h: Cretan to jj/xtaaov, Mon. 
 Ant. vi, 302, 7 = Michel 440, 7 (fourth century B. C, Michel); 
 Cos ^fxiaao), Ditt.' 598, 58 = S.G.D.I. 3627 (late) ; ^/ito-o?, C.I.G. 
 Sic. et It. 2030 (Roman period); Astypalea 57/*to-a), Ditt.' 493, 11 
 = C.I.G. Ins. i, 3, 168, 12 (first century B. C.) ; Megara vH^ktov, 
 S.G.D.I. 3052, a (late). 
 
 The two forms with t, Cretan ['^'\fiLTv-€KTQ) and Epidaurian 
 ^fiiTeiav are both early, before the close of the fifth century B. C. 
 The earliest examples of rjiiiaao- are Delphian, Epidaurian, and 
 Cretan, all of the fourth century B. C, one occurrence of each. 
 The examples of ^fitao- are all later than the second century B. C. 
 
 Because of the forms in t, Brugmann rightly rejects the view 
 of G. Meyer and Meillet that ijfii-aao- arose from I.E. *semi-siio-,
 
 52 HISTORY OF l«-STEMS IN GREEK 
 
 and also the view of J. A. Smith, I.F. 12 (1901), 4, that ^/ito-u? 
 is formed from the old loc. pi. of the stem semi- {*semissu "in 
 halves"). But Brugmann continues: 
 
 Aber, wie bei *semi-suo-, gerat man auch bei der Zuriickfuhrung von 
 -(To-o- auf uridg. -tuo- (C. A. Mliller, De litera % pp. 62, 68) mit den 
 Lautgesetzen in Konflict wegen kret. ■^fiiaa-a, fur das *rjfiLTTa zu erwarten 
 ware (G. Meyer, Gr. Gr.'* 350, K.B. i, 640). Nur mit der Annahme ist 
 durchzukommen, dass *-^fxiTv- in urgriechischer Zeit zu rjfjiLa-v- geworden 
 war. Dieses wurde in die o-Deklination ubergefiihrt. Dabei oder 
 darauf wurde v (ti) konsonantisch, und solches *yfjiL(rfo-v {*rjfn.<Tyo-v) ergab 
 weiterhin ■^ixta-a-ov (cf. lesb. tcro-os — kret. ^tcr/ros). In analoger Weise 
 entstand yXu/cKov, alter *y\vKfov, aus yXvKv. Hiernaeh hat epid. ^fXLTeiav 
 sein altes lautgesetzliches t bewahrt, wahrend die Formen homer. 
 ■^IXL(T€€<: u.s.w. ihr a von tj/juctv^ -av bezogen haben ; umgekehrt kret. 
 [i7]/i,tTv- fill' rifjLKTv- nach den auf der Stammgestalt *rjfxirif- beruhenden 
 Formen. 
 
 The Cretan inscription cited by Brugmann (Mus. Ital. iii, 610) 
 for the form rjixtaaa is datable by the name of the king somewhere 
 between 277 and 239 B. C. It contains the non-Cretan gen. sg. 
 TToXeo)?, and the more significant form Trpdaaiv, 1. 14. The still 
 earlier Cretan inscription, not cited by Brugmann (Mon. Ant. vi, 
 302), is dated by Michel in the fourth century B. C. But this 
 has TToXeo)?, the ace. pi. in -ov<; not -01/9, and the form rav ddXaa-a-a^v 
 1. 18. So far as evidence is at hand it is known that those dialects 
 which have tt from -ki-, etc., have also tt from -tii-, and that the 
 treatment is exactly parallel. In other words we should expect 
 TT from -ill- wherever we find TrpaTrecv, etc. In accordance with 
 this, Meyer, Blass, and Brugmann are manifestly correct in 
 assuming that in Cretan we should expect *riiiLTra. The fact 
 that in the Cretan inscriptions that do have -qfii-a-ao- we also find 
 crcr iu irpdcraco and OaXaaaa is conclusive proof that the Cretan 
 forms ^/xtaaov and rjfitcrcra show nothing as to the actual condition 
 in early Cretan, and hence cannot be taken as evidence for a 
 proethnic Greek change of tj^iitv- to rjiMiav-. 
 
 So far, therefore, as the forms of ij/xtavi are concerned, the 
 change may or may not have taken place in prehistorical Greek. 
 It is entirely possible that the change of rv to av took place in 
 historical Greek times and that forms like rip.Laaov (Cretan and
 
 M-STEMS IN GKEEK 53 
 
 BcBotian *r)iJLirTov) arose from *rjiJLiTFov before the change. In 
 that case the most natural supposition is that the relation of rv to 
 a-v is dialectic, and on this assumption we should expect tv in 
 those dialects which have SlScoti, etc., and av in those which have 
 BiSoio-i,, etc. Against this assumption are the forms: Phocian 
 ■^jjiLav (S. G.D.I. 1547, 7), with a 3d sg. in -rt, Theran ■qfiCarj 
 (C.I.G. Ins. i, 3, 330, 197), with 3d pi. \d/3ovTi, and Megarian 
 Vfivav (C.I.G. Sept. i, 43). The Tean inscription (Ditt.' 177, 8) 
 with 'qfjLLaetaf has also exova-L. Other forms with (tv in Doric 
 dialects are so late as hardly to count. And the two most impor- 
 tant forms (Phocian ^/xtav and Theran ■^/xiar)) are also so late 
 that in spite of the presence of true Doric characteristics in the 
 inscriptions the forms in o-v may be due to the Koivrj. 
 
 Suffix -iu- substantives. — This is seen only in utw, and per- 
 haps also in ot^u? (with change to long v under influence of 
 feminine gender and oxytone accent), if Bezzenberger's etymol- 
 ogy, B.B. 26 (1902), 1(58, is correct. He takes oii^v<i from *6i;SiLH?, 
 *6-fi8iv-<;, in Ablaut with Lett. waicUt "complain, lament," waidi 
 "complaint, lament," and hence belonging to Lett, wai "ah, woe," 
 Goth, vm, O.H.G. wB, L. vae. 
 
 Suffix -nu- substantives. — This is found in 6pi)vv^ ; 9pa-vo<i, 
 Skt. \/dlir "hold." Xtyvv'i (y Tryphiodorus), hence with transfer 
 to V under influence of gender and accent, is uncertain etymo- 
 logically and can be placed here only with reservation. 
 
 Suffix -ru- substantives. — The most certain example is BaKpv : 
 L. dacruma, lacruma, O. Welsh dacr, Corn, dagr, Goth, tagr, 
 O.H.G. zahar, Eng. tear, all in sense of "tear;" cf. above, p. 16. 
 Another, less certain, is ixdarpv<i : /ida-rpoTro^ , naarevco, etc. The 
 words ^6Tpv<;, Ka^pv^, and oa-rpw, a sort of tree, are too uncertain 
 etymologically to admit decision as to suffix. 
 
 Suffix -lu- substantives. — This suffix is probable in a;^\y<?. 
 Berneker, Die Preussische Sprache 278, connects O. Prussian 
 agio "rain" (for aghi), and suggests on the basis of akh: ak the 
 possible connection also of Lith. ciklas "blind," L. aquilo "north- 
 wind." Cf. Fick i', 474. On the other hand Fick i*, 3-48 separates 
 ax-Xu? from Lith. Ziklas, L. aquilus "dark," and says it probably 
 belongs with vvx-- Even in that case the suffix would be -lu-.
 
 54 HISTORY OP i<-STEMS IN GREEK 
 
 See also G. Meyer, Alban. Worterbuch s. v. akul "ice." The 
 suffix is also probable in e7%eX,u9. Cf. e%i?, L. anguis, etc., 
 though the vowel relation is not clear, and direct connection is 
 improbable. 
 
 Suffix -gu- substantives. — Cf. above, p. 16. This suffix is 
 frequently assigned to irpea^vi. Brugmann, Ber. sachs. G. d. W. 
 1889, 53, compared the suffix in i'yyv<i, /j.eaaij'yrk , Lith. zmogus 
 "man," Skt. vanargil- "roaming in the forest," pu7'o-gavd- 
 "leader." Cf. his article in K.Z. 24 (1879), 62. Bezzenberger, 
 B.B. 4 (1878), 345, compared Skt. adhrigu- "irresistibly 
 advancing" and vanargil-, and gave to the gu the meaning 
 "going." For a less plausible meaning see Curtius, Grdz.^ 479. 
 Though Brugmann, Grd. i^, 595, says that only uncertain guesses 
 have been made about the latter part of the word, he tacitly 
 accepts in his Kurze Gr. 473 the meaning "going" by translating 
 TT/oecT/Sy? "im Alter vorausgehend." Cf. also his Gr. Gr.^ 127, 
 and Grd. i^ 754. 
 
 As regards the distribution of the forms /Su- and yu- the latter 
 is seen in, or to be inferred from, most of the forms outside of 
 Attic-Ionic. Thus Cretan: irpelyvi S. G.D.I. 4992, irprjytaTO'i, 
 etc., S.G.D.I. 5034; irpeiayevrav gen. pi. S.G.D.I. 5167, 11, 
 from which the frequently cited irpelcryvi is inferred. Boeotian: 
 TrpKryeta S.G.D.I. 705, 6 {7rpLay€€<i, on stone) = C.I.G. Sept. 
 2418; 7rpc<xy€l[€^ B.C.H. 25 (1901), 137; 7rpcay€l[a^ C.I.G.S. 
 1720. Choeroboscus 234, 23 = Bekker, A.G. 1413, = Gram. Grgeci 
 iv, 1, p. 233, 7 gives irpeayvi Trpeajvof as Doric. Hesychius and 
 Etym. Mag. 723, 17, have a-7r€pyv<i- irpea^vi. 
 
 The Attic-Ionic regularly has the forms with ySu, and so far as 
 I know this appears elsewhere only in Thessalian S.G.D.I. 345, 
 12, and Lesbian; cf. Hoffmann, G.D. ii, 500. 
 
 The forms with 7 would be phonetic in those cases where ^~ came 
 before u, those with /3 in cases where gV: was not followed by u. 
 Then we must assume leveling in one direction in some dialects 
 and in the opposite direction in others. Cf. Brugmann, Ber. 
 sachs. G. d. W., 1889, 53. Schulze's assumption of dissimilation 
 (Gott. gel. Anz., 1896, 249), Doric 7r/)ecr7e[f Je? from *7rp€ayf:€fe<i, 
 is less plausible.
 
 It-STEMS IN GREEK 55 
 
 For the first part of the word see Brugmann, Kurze Gr. 473, I.F. 13 
 (1902), 164, Grd. 2, 402, 406, Bar. sachs. G. d. W., 1889, 53, K.Z. 24 (1879), 
 62; Per Persson, Studia Etym. 95; Baunack, Inschr. v. Gort. 30; G. 
 Meyer, Gr. Gr.^ 184; J. Schmidt, K.Z. 26 (1883), 381. Cf. also on the 
 word Etym. Mag. 687, 11; Herodian ii, 324. 
 
 The word a-TXeyyixi, name of a plant, found only in Theophras- 
 tus, H, PI. 8, 4, 3, may contain this suffix, but the etymology is 
 uncertain. 
 
 Suffix -u- substantives. — Words with this suffix in Greek are 
 prevailingly feminine and with the accent on the final syllable. 
 It is probable that Greek inherited the use of u under the accent 
 to represent feminines, as the same use is found in Sanskrit, but 
 there is no Greek word with this suffix which has been shown 
 to have cognates with long u in other languages, unless it be 
 )(^eXu<i, see below. The root-nouns in long u may have been the 
 starting-point for the use of the ii as a suffix in both Sanskrit and 
 Greek. Of these root-nouns Greek has some which show the 
 inherited u. These are given here, although it is understood, 
 of course, that in them the u is not a suffix. 
 
 Examples of such root-nouns' are: 5? (Tv<i: L. sus, Umbr. sim; 
 lrXOv<i m. : Lith. gen. pi. zuv-u "fish," Arm. jukn "fish;" 64>pv<i : 
 Skt. hhru; etc., above, p. 21, is usually classed as a root-noun (e.g., 
 by Brugmann, Grd. 2, 455), but Osthoff, M.U. iv, 217, and 
 Kretschmer, K.Z. 31 (1892), 336, take it as a dissyllabic stem, 
 which in Sanskrit, etc., lost its root- vowel through suffixal accent. 
 Kretschmer, loc. cit., 332, also gives as a root-noun Z\u9 from 
 i-(T\v<i with prothetic l as in Ix^^'^^ comparing L. lutum, polluo, 
 Grk. XvfjLa, Xv/xr) from *(j\v-fia. Otherwise Thurneysen, K.Z. 32 
 (1893), 352. 
 
 Brugmann, I.F. 11 (1900), 271 if., connects vr^hv^ with L. 
 abdomen, taking it as a compound of vrj- "down, below," and hv 
 a root-noun belonging with Svofiai "I enter." It has a short final 
 in Callimachus, and on two Boeotian metrical inscriptions, C.I.G. 
 Sept. 2544 and 2545. 
 
 8pv<; bears the same relation to 86pv, Bpv- as Skt. asita-jfld- f ., 
 "with dark knees," does to Skt. jcinu- jflu-. See Osthoff, Parerga 
 
 1 |xus is an original s-stem, but has in Greek some forms like the u-stems, e. g., ace. sg. 
 iJLvv, gen. sg. (xO'os after the analogy of b<^pvv cx^puo?, etc. Cf. Schulze, Q.E. 133 f.
 
 56 HISTORY OF It-STEMS IN GREEK 
 
 148 ff. otherwise J. Schmidt, K.Z. 25 (1881), 52. The feminine 
 gender may be secondary, Osthoff, loc. cit., 152. The masculine 
 is found on an inscription from Acarnania in E^. A/3%., 1893, 32. 
 For the word in general cf. Hirt, Ablaut, § 772, 151. 
 
 The word lyvv<; f, "poples" presumably has the long final, 
 although no metrical proof is at hand. It is evidently to be con- 
 nected with jovv (J. Schmidt, loc. cit. supra 53) and is exactly 
 parallel to Skt. asita-jM,-. The t is prothetic, and the -71^0? bears 
 the same relation to 70W as SpO? to hopv. 
 
 The feminine oxytone Be\(f>v<i has presumably the long v, and 
 the cognates make it clear that we have here the suffix -u-, 
 although no other language shows the word with this suffix. 
 SeX(/)U9: Skt. gdrbha- "fetus," Goth, kalbd, O.H.G. kalba "female 
 calf," O.E. cealf, Eng. calf. 
 
 Idis with long final in Homer is an example of the long u in 
 an oxytone feminine beside the oxytone masculine and neuter 
 adjective with short u. 
 
 7r\r)dv<; ; 7rX?}^09, irX^do), has long v in Homer, and examples 
 of short final among later writers are doubtful. It is found 
 S.G.D.I. 1479, 18, ttXtjOvv Locrian, Lex Gort. vi, 52, TrXidvv 
 Cretan. 
 
 %e\i»9 presents difficulty. It has a long final in Homeric Hymn 
 to Merc. 33, 153, 242, but a short final in Callim. Hymn to 
 Apollo 16, Oppian H. 5, 404, Aratus 268. It is given as a bary- 
 tone feminine in short v by Hdn. i, 237, 20. There would be no 
 difficulty in Greek in explaining the long final in the Homeric 
 hymn as due to the same sort of metrical lengthening as seen in 
 a few examples in Homer of a long final in masculine oxytone 
 adjectives in -v9. But it has been plausibly connected (e. g., by 
 Hirt, Ablaut 473; Kretschmer, K.Z. 31 [1892], 335; Wiedemann, 
 B.B. 27 [1902], 249 fF.) with O.B. zely or zily with the same 
 meaning. Kretschmer, loc. cit., 386, attempts to explain the as 
 due to contraction of a long root-vowel (a, e, or 6) with u, com- 
 paring %e\a)y7;. If this connection with zily is accepted, the word 
 constitutes the sole exception to the statement made above that 
 no Greek noun except the root-nouns can be shown to have an 
 inherited 0.
 
 W-STEMS IN GREEK 57 
 
 B. ADJECTIVES 
 
 The adjectives in -u? -eta -v represent the same type (I) that 
 is seen in other languages, but with change in some case-forms, 
 as in the substantives of Class I. While most substantive u-stems 
 have been transferred to the long w-declension in Greek, and the 
 declensional Type I of the short ?<-stems is found in only a few 
 substantives, the M-stem adjectives retain in Greek this type of 
 declension. The only w-stem adjectives (not compounds) not 
 declined after this type are re/ow and (f)6\v<i, and these are known 
 only from glosses and might well be substantives used appositively. 
 (See p. 41.) Liddell and Scott give fJLOjXm gen. -vo<i, but this is 
 simply a mistake. There is nothing to show its declension. 
 Adjective compounds with substantives in -w -v as final member 
 are declined like the simplex. Those with adjectives as final 
 member are declined like the simplex, and consequently belong 
 to the type here under discussion. (See under Compounds, 
 pp. 61 f.) 
 
 The masculine and neuter of these adjectives in -v<i are declined 
 exactly like the substantives of Class I except in the following 
 particulars: (1) The gen. sg. in good Attic ends in -eo9 not -eco?, 
 though -eft)9 is found in late writers. (2) The nom.-acc. pi. neuter 
 has the open form -ea in Attic, and not the close form -r) of the 
 substantives. Attic inscriptions show the gen. i^/xiaeo'i, C.I. A. ii, 
 794, d, 6 (356 B. C), and the nom.-acc. pi. neuter in -ea or -€ia. 
 Contracted forms in -rj appear in the second half of the fourth 
 century B. C. beside the forms in -ea -eta (Meisterhans^ 150). 
 For the late gen, sg. in -eo)? see Lobeck, Phrynichus 247. The 
 correct reason why the Attic adjective had -eo? while the substan- 
 tive had -eta? is given by Choeroboscus, Gram. Grseci iv, 1, 222 
 (221, g). It is that the presence of the adverb in -€(o<; to the 
 same adjective led to a desire to keep the gen. sg. of the adjective 
 and the adverbial form distinct. Another explanation is also 
 offered by Choeroboscus, but it is not so plausi.ble. 
 
 Inscriptional evidence for the dialects is not very plentiful, 
 ^olic has the gen. sg. yXvfceo^, S.G.D.I. 272 = C.I.G. Ins. 68, 
 10, 13 = Hoffmann, ii, 166, time of the Antonines. Herodian, ii, 
 710, 9 = Choeroboscus, Diet. 228, 15 declares that the Boeotian
 
 58 HISTORY OF it-STEMS IN GREEK 
 
 gen. of Taxi"? /3pa8v<i was not raxio'i ^paSio'i (as we should expect 
 from Boeotian t before a vowel), but he fails to tell us what it was. 
 Arcadian has the nom. pi. neuter OTjXea, Ditt." 939, 19. Thera 
 has TO, dqXeia, Cauer'^ 148 C 27. Laconia has to, /3pa8eia, Le 
 Bas et Wad. 194 C. Troezen has ^apea (nevd'xpvTe'; B.C.H. 24 
 (1900), 179. 
 
 The ace. sg. in -ea instead of -vv is occasionally found. Homer, 
 II. 6, 291; 9, 72, has €vpea irovrov, and €vpea koXttov, II, 18, 140; 
 21, 125. Theocr. 20, 8, 44, has dSea. This is simply an exten- 
 sion of the strong grade -e/r- to a case elsewhere treated as weak. 
 The adjective form is like the Homeric mVa, p. 32. 
 
 All simple (i. e., not compounded) adjectives in -f? are oxytone 
 in the masculine and neuter and properispomenon in the feminine 
 except the following: ^/iicru?, OrjXvi, fjuayXvi, irpea-^vi, repvi, (f>6Xv<;, 
 and the Epic forms iXd')(eLa^ Xtyeia, OdXeta, dafxeiai, Tap(f)eiai. 
 
 TjixLcrvi is in origin a substantive, though, it must be said, of a 
 class usually oxytone (above, pp. 50 f.) ; fiioXv^ is known only 
 from glosses. Hesychius has fxcoXv^ ; Etym. Mag. s. v. a/i/SXu? 
 has fioyXm. Gottling, Accentlehre 310, considers the barytone 
 accent wrong. irpeajSv^ is not an adjective in the positive, re/ju? 
 and 4>6Xv^ belong in declension to Class II and are probably sub- 
 stantives in origin (above, p. 57). The positive iXax^^ is not in 
 use but is given by grammarians, e. g., Hdn. i, 237, 12, who 
 remarks on the Homeric iXd^eca. The positive Xiyu'i is in use, 
 e. g., by Pindar, and the feminine Xiyeia (not Xiyela) is prescribed 
 by Arcadius 95, 2. The masculine daXv; to OdXeia is not extant. 
 The masculine rap^v<i is first found in ^sch. Sept. 585. The 
 masculine dafiik does not occur except in the grammarians, e. g., 
 Bekker, A.G. 563, 8, and Etym. Mag. 75, 15. Aristarchus gives 
 6afi€iai and Tap(f)€taL, but Pamphilus gives the forms that would 
 conform to the rule, dafielai and Tapcfiecai. So K.B., § 145, ii. 
 On the accent of OijXvi see J. Vendryes, M6m. Soc. Ling. 13 
 (1904), 143. 
 
 The Greek adjectives in -i/9 agree in their oxytone accent with 
 the It-stem adjectives of the related languages (above, p. 18). 
 
 The feminine of adjectives in -V9 is regularly made in -eia and 
 follows the Greek first (a) declension. The Ionic regularly has
 
 tt-STEMS IN GREEK 59 
 
 -ea ; so almost universally in Herodotus ; and this is found beside 
 the other form -eta also on Attic inscriptions especially of the 
 fourth century B. C. (Meisterhans^ 40). In Homer the form -ea 
 is rare, -eia being the regular ending. For the forms in Homer 
 see KB., § 127, 2, anm. 1; for the Ionic see K.B., § 127, 3, and 
 Smyth, Ionic, §§ 506, 219, 419. 
 
 The ending -em is from -epiP") i- e., from the strong form of the 
 suffix -e/r- + the feminine-forming suffix -ta-, I.E. -i- [id). See 
 above, p. 18, and Brug., Gr. Gr.^ § 174. The forms in -ea are 
 from -eta with loss of the second element of the diphthong. 
 Johansson, K.Z. 30 (1890), 404, takes -ea as from -e/ra and not 
 from -efux ; but see above, p. 7. Of. also Smyth, Ionic 198, and 
 Meisterhans* 40. 
 
 The precise process by which -e/rta became -eta is a matter of 
 dispute. Brugmann, Gr. Gr.^, § 15, 2, and § 51, 1, calls it 
 doubtful, but in his Kurze Gr. § 151, 3, a, and 318, 2, he puts 
 it under epenthesis (i. e., epiay eipay eua) . He is doubtless led 
 to this position by his view of Elean (f)vjaSeico, etc., which he 
 derives from -VFk^y through -^tfto, thus explaining the shortening 
 of rjL to et (Gr. Gr.^ Nachtrage 573) . That epenthesis is the 
 regular process in afi and oft, just as in avi, ovi, apt, opt. [^aCvco, 
 etc.) has been generally assumed on the basis of Corinthian 
 ctfioifdv, AiSacfcov, though now contested by Danielsson, I.F. 14 
 (1903), 375 ff. But even if true, this would prove nothing for 
 efi, since in the case of evt, epi in contrast to avi, etc., there is no 
 epenthesis, but vowel lengthening {^Oeipoi, (f)di]pQ), etc.). For the 
 reason of this difference, see Goidanich, Le Sorti dei gruppi I.E. 
 -nj-, -mj-, -rj-, -Ij- nell' ellenismo. On the other hand -eta cannot 
 come by the same process as (f>6etp(o for *(f)d€pico, since ei is a 
 genuine diphthong. There is no difficulty in assuming that -efia 
 remained unchanged until the dropping of f , thus becoming eta 
 without any intervening stage. This is made reasonably certain 
 by Boeotian KapvKefto, occurring twice, E</). Af %. 1896, 243, and 
 1900, 107. The only escape from this conclusion would be to 
 assume that the Boeotian form is from -epto- not -epio-. This is 
 altogether unlikely. As for Elean <})vyaSet(o, etc., this type need 
 not be for -VFk^^ but can be from -eF-ico, with the grade e/r, which
 
 60 HISTORY OF W-STEMS IN GREEK 
 
 must in any event be admitted (see Schulze, Q.E. 457 ff. and 
 Solmsen, Untersuchungen 72). 
 
 A still different view is advanced by Prellwitz, Gott. gel. Anz., 
 1886, 762, who thinks that the regular phonetic development for 
 the nom. sg. fem. of adjectives in -i"? would have been *a-fa8eva 
 as TraiBevco from ^Traihepixo^ and cites Delphian rpcKrevav KJjvav, 
 Cauer' 204, 34 = C.I. A. ii, 545, of the year 380 B. C, as an 
 example of this development. The form rpiKrevav is certainly 
 puzzling, but the great mass of evidence is against Prellwitz' 
 view. rpiKTevav seems to be a feminine to a masc. rpUTevo^, 
 perhaps from a form *T/3i«;Tey? (?). 
 
 This class of adjectives is much more largely preserved in modern 
 Greek than are the substantives in -vs, -v. The reason is not far to seek. 
 They constituted in classical Greek an important element in the body of 
 adjectives, and there was beside them no large class in i or yj to cause 
 confusion as in the case of substantives. There has been, however, in 
 modern Greek frequent interchange with adjectives in -os, and on the 
 other hand many oxytone adjectives in -os have gone over to those in -vs, 
 perhaps originating in the comparative -vrepos, which had gained a wide 
 use, and after which positives in -vs could be formed. See Hatzidakis, 
 Neugr. Gr. 381; Januaris Hist. Grk. Gr., §§402, 496, 503; Thumb, 
 Neugr. Volkssprache 47, §§ 94, 95. 
 
 Suffix -u- adjectives. — With this suffix are formed most of the 
 M-stem adjectives in Greek. For the accent see above, p. 58. 
 Cognates in the related languages are frequent. For ySapu? : Skt. 
 guril- ; eXa%u9 : Skt. 7'aghil- ; eupw : Skt. uril- ; rihv<i : Skt. svddil- ; 
 irXarix; : Skt. prthil- ; 7roXu9 : Skt. piiril- (on the vowel of the 
 root see Brug., Grd. i\ 272; J. Schmidt, K.Z. 32 [1893], 382 f.); 
 tt)/cv9 : Skt. CiQil- ; see above, p. 19. 
 
 Other examples are: iraxv^ : Skt. hahil- "abundant," Lith. 
 hingiis "spirited" (of horses) (cf. Brug., Grd. i'', 545; Prellwitz, 
 B.B. 21 [1896J, 286); Kparix; : Goth, hardvs "hard," O.H.G. 
 h(irt "hard," Lith. kartiis "bitter;" irpav'; ^*7rpdL-v-<; : Skt. pritd- 
 "beloved," j;r??/d- "dear," Goth, frijon "love;" irk has been 
 variously connected with Skt. vasil- "good," Skt. prefix su- 
 "good," and Skt. dyd- "living." The last is given by Collitz, 
 K.Z. 27 (1885), 183, who cites the literature for other views. Cf. 
 also Schulze, Q.E. 33 ff. The etymology of €vdv<i Wv<i is uncer-
 
 M-STEMS IN GREEK 61 
 
 tain. For various views, none convincing, see Bezzenberger, B.B. 
 4 (1878), 343 ff.; Meringer, Beitrage (Wiener Akad. 125, 1891) 
 3 ; Osthoff, Perf. 534; Thurneysen, K.Z. 30 (1890), 352. Wacker- 
 nagel, K.Z. 30 (1890), 301 f., takes afi^Xis as "without strength" 
 from a privative and */3X}k */i.aXu<? connected with fidXa fidXiara. 
 For an ancient view see Etym. Mag. 79, 5, where it is derived 
 from TO /xmXo<;. 8aav<i with its intervocalic o- has presented diffi- 
 culty, and called forth a variety of explanations. Brugmann, 
 Grd. i^, 748, was inclined to accept G. Meyer's view (Alb. Worter- 
 buch 65) that Sacru? was from *dntsu-s, *8aTav- because of 
 Albanian dent- "make compact, close." In his Gr. Gr.^ 122 he 
 goes back to J. Schmidt's view (Kritik 51 f.) that *8ahv<i was 
 changed back to 8aam in proethnic Greek after *8evao'i (cf. 
 jSevOo'; : /Sa^u?) and that afterward ^aav'i came in for *8evao<i. 
 See the literature cited in Gr, Gr.* 122 for other views. In the 
 Ber. sachs. G. d. W., 1901, 92 ff. Brugmann rejects all former 
 explanations and suggests that haav<i is from *8arv'i = *dntn-s 
 with the change of tv to <tv for which he argues. See above, pp. 
 50 f. The t in this case is a "root-determinative" and the suffix 
 is -u- not -tu-. This is clear both from the L. denseo to Alb. dent, 
 and from the great infrequency of the suffix -tu- in adjectives. 
 
 Suffix -mu- adjectives. — This is probable in Spl/xixi. For the 
 etymology see Osthoff, Etym. Parerga 164, who derives from 
 *Sptcr/Mv<i and compares with L. trls-tis. 
 
 Suffix -lu- adjectives. — This is seen in ^r)\u<? : Skt. dhdril- 
 "sucking," Skt. i/dhd "suck," Grk. OtjXt]. It is not shown for 
 any other Greek adjectives. 
 
 Suffix -tu- adjectives. — This is not found except in '^fita-vi, and 
 this is without doubt a substantive in origin. See above, pp. 50 ff . 
 
 Suffix -gu- adjectives. — For Brugmann's view of iyyix; /xecrarr}- 
 7W see above, p. 54. Breal, M6m. Soc. Ling. 12 (1902), 242, 
 sees in the -yv^ of iyyv^ an old loc. pi. yvai, from the root yv seen 
 in yvlov "limb," but this is not probable. 
 
 C. COMPOUNDS 
 
 In compounds where the first member is a noun or adjective 
 in -v?, -u, gen. -co? (-eo)?), the first member always ends in u, but
 
 62 HISTORY OF It-STEMS IN GREEK 
 
 in those where the first member is a noun in -w, -vo<; the first 
 member sometimes ends in v, but more often in vo, as lx0v-^6\o<; 
 and lxOv6-^p(OTo<i, etc. See K.B., § 340, 7 C, a, 330. 
 
 Nearly all compounds in which the final member is a noun or 
 adjective in -y? are adjectives. Some few are nouns, and a few 
 are substantivized adjectives. The accent of the compound adjec- 
 tive is proparoxytone, no matter what the accent or quantity of 
 the final of the simplex. Herodian i, 237, 8, simply says that all 
 compound adjectives in -u? are barytone, citing eirrjXvi, verjXv;, 
 7roXvBaKpv<i, /xeXdvoSpv;. Cf. Etym. Mag. 246, 11, Eustath. 833, 
 and Schol. Ven. ad Catal. v. 271, quoted by Lobeck, Phryn. 533. 
 According to Lobeck, Paral. 252, substantives are generally par- 
 oxytone. He cites eTVfioBpvi, r^fxepohpvi, \i.v68pv<i, (f)e\\68pv'i, 
 XctfiaiSpui;, and %a/iai7rn-u9. The last is more probably proparoxy- 
 tone, and he himself cites irpoTrjOvi and vapBoaraxvi as substantives. 
 Further, ylrevSafid/xa^vi and -^^evharpdc^a^vi are not paroxytone. 
 
 Of the nouns belonging to Class I, only TreXeKVf, Trrj^vi, and 
 Trpea^vi are found as the final member in compounds. From 
 TreXe/cw we have only e^aTreXe/cw, frequent in Polybius, from 
 irrixyi over thirty compounds, and from irpea^vi only lo-oirpea^vi, 
 ^sch. Ag. 78. and a-vixirpea-^vi. These compounds, when adjec- 
 tives, have the masculine and feminine in -i"? and the neuter in -u/ 
 and are declined like the nouns of Class I.^ Substantive com- 
 pounds under this head are rare, A probable example is avfi- 
 •n-pea-^vi. The declension is like that of the simplex. 
 
 Compounds with nouns in -w -u, -vo<i as final member are 
 formed from a/xd/xa^vi, dpKv;, drpd^a^vi, /BoTpv;, y€vv<;, 7>}/3W, 
 Bdxpv, Spi)9, t'cr^u?, IxPv^, KCKV<i, veKVi, ol^v^, 6(f)pv^, ttitvs, crra^i;?, 
 
 1 This and similar statements below do not imply that every word has both forms and 
 all (genders. Some appear only as masculine, some as feminine, and many do not show the 
 neuter form, but the type is us represented. 
 
 2 K.B., g 149, xi, and § 126, anm. 9, give the genitive in -cos, and say that they are declined 
 like ordinary adjoctivos in -u?, except that in the nom.-acc. pi. uoutor they have the close 
 form in -i), not the open form in -ea. But since in this neuter jilural form they agree with the 
 nouns of Class I rather than with the adjectives like vAukus, the presumption is that the 
 gen. sg. also had the substantive form -ems in Attic, unless there is evidence to the contrary, 
 and such I have not been able to find. (Tiie compounds of Class II are declined like nouns 
 of II, not like adjectives; see below.) Hdt. 2, 149, has TeTpanr)xeo<;, Polybius 5, 89, 6, has airo 
 iKKaiStKanrixovi; .... oKTdTrrjxous, but neither shows what Attic usage would be. L. and S. 
 give /caAAiVijxus, AuKoirijxus, efoneAeiciit, TeTpdmjxvi, and perhaps othors, as having the gen. -€w? 
 They give ayXaonrixvt, Trei'ToTrrjxv?, eKKatie/caTrrjxus as having the gen. -eos — on what grounds, 
 I do not know.
 
 M-STEMS IN GREEK 63 
 
 Tr)0v<i, (f)pa(Trik, X^^^' Their declension is like that of the sim- 
 plex. The adjective compounds have the masculine and feminine 
 in -f?, the neuter in -v. See footnote 1, p. (')2. 
 
 Compounds with adjectives in -w as final member are them- 
 selves adjectives, and follow the usual declension of adjectives in 
 -V9 -eta -V, except that the feminine in -eia is rare and the form in 
 -u? often does duty both as masculine and feminine. Eustathius 
 1017, 35 and 833, quoted by Lobeck, Phryn. 538, takes such 
 forms as aijL(f)iBdaeLa, iirTroSdcreLa^ 'x^a'Xjco^dpeca (all in use in 
 Homer) as the feminine to adjectives in -w, and explains the 
 accent by saying that they agree in this with compound adjectives 
 in the masculine, as T/oa%u9 but drpaxv^. o|w but kuto^is, di']\v<i 
 but dOr)\v<i. Theophrastus, H. PI. 3, 13, 6, has eiri^apdav where 
 the Thesaurus would read iTn^dpeiav, and for o^vyXvKela poa^ 
 Pollux 6, 80, the Thesaurus would read o^vyXvKeia. The mascu- 
 line forms in -v<? for anc^thdaeia and ItnTohdaeia do not occur (K.B., 
 § 145, ii), and Lobeck, Phryn. 538, takes these feminine forms 
 rather as parallel to fiovvoyeveia, decnneTreta and similar feminine 
 forms to masculines in -779. At any rate undoubted instances of 
 the use of the form in -v<t as feminine are found, e. g., Theoph. 
 H. PI. 1, 6, 8, avvo^v<t as feminine. 
 
 The following adjectives in -u? are found as the final member 
 of compound adjectives in -w : ctfi^Xv^, ^a0is, ^apix;, ^pax^k, 
 yXvKv^, 8a<7V^, SpLfiix;, ev6v<i, 9781/9, dijXw, {Opaavs?), o^ik, iraxrk, 
 TrXarw, 770X1/9, rpaxtxi, ^Ktk. Eustathius 3-40, 21, says that oxytone 
 (adjectives) in -v<; when compounded give up their accent if they 
 keep the ending -w, as Spcfiis d8pLfiv<i, rpaxis drpaxv^, but if 
 they keep the accent they change the ending, as v^i^ ciyjSi]^, 
 ^apv<i a^apri^;, ^adii'i a^a6r]<i. This is also the statement of Schol. 
 Ven. ad Catal. v. 271, quoted by Lobeck, Phryn. 533. Lobeck, 
 loc. cit, 539, adds that when adjectives in -i;9 are compounded with 
 prepositions the ending is retained. Lobeck, loc. cit., 536, sug- 
 gests as the reason for the use now of -u9 now of -779 as the ending 
 the following: "Ego sic judico et statuo, firaecos sub hac con- 
 ditione terminationem mutasse, si nomen substantivum subjaceret 
 aptum fingendo adjective; sin, adjectivi simplicis exitum reli- 
 quisse." Lobeck's examples make it plain that he means a
 
 64 HISTOEY OF W-STEMS IN GREEK 
 
 substantive s-stem. This is the opinion also of K.B., § 342, b, 7, 
 340. The facts bear out Lobeck's view in the main. Aside from 
 the compounds with prepositions, the instances of compounds in 
 -f? where nouns in -09 (-e?) of the same period were well established 
 are of doubtful character. 
 
 It is evident from the foregoing that a rather close relation 
 between adjectives in -u9 and noun stems in -e? exists in Greek. 
 This apparent relation was noticed by the ancients. Thus the 
 writer of Etym. Mag. 210 couples ^dpo'; and (3apv<; ; 213, 15, 16, 
 Tcixo'i ra'xy'i, 0pi6o^ /3pc6v'; ; 233, 53, 54, Bdao<; Sacry?, ttcixo^ 
 ira'x^v'i, y\d(f)0<i yXa(f>v<i ; 396, 17, eu/oo? evpv'i, dpdao'i 6paaik, KOTO^i 
 Korv<;, tTTTTO? tTTTTW ; 535, 41, Kpdro<i Kparvf, TrXdro'i irXarv^. 
 Of. Fick, B.B. 1 (1877), 245 ff., who gives a list of some twenty- 
 five instances of parallel s- and w-stems. Th. Aufrecht, K.Z. 34 
 (1897), 458, has a few examples of the same parallelism in 
 Sanskrit. 
 
 Compounds with a dental stem as final member and nom. sg. 
 in -w? are adjectives or substantivized adjectives. They have the 
 declension of the simplex. Most of them have only the one form 
 in -v? for the masculine and feminine and no neuter form. Where 
 the neuter does occur, it is late. They are: opOoKopvi -v6o<;, 
 rpUopvi -v9o<i, e7n)\v<;, v -uSo?, KdrrjXvi -vho<i^ fjberrjXvi -vSo9, v€r)Xv<; 
 -uSo9, o/MTjXvi -v8o<i, avv7}Xv<; -1/809, crvjKXvi -v8o<i. For the com- 
 pounds in -7;\i;9 no simplex is extant, but the nature of the 
 compound is clear. 
 
 The isolated compounds avro/xaprvi, l€p6/jiapTv<;, ^jrevBofiaprvi 
 are, like the simplex, only apparent w-stems and would follow the 
 simplex in declension. 
 
 Hypocoristics in -v9.' — There is a considerable class of proper 
 names in -i'9 belonging, so far as they are not foreign names, 
 to the hypocoristic type (Kosenamen). See Fick-BechteP 26; 
 Kretschmer, Vaseninschriften 193, 67, 239; Lobeck, Phryn. 436. 
 
 The grammarians report a peculiar type of hypocoristics in 
 -09, gen. -u, dat. 0. See Bekker, A.G. 1195; 857, 7; Herodian ii, 
 707, 615, 625, 665, i, 236; K.B., § 136, 4, d. A gen. -iiho^ is 
 
 I Kait^;?, •v&o';, f. proper name, Hdn. i, 2.37, probably belongs under hypocoristics. In 
 Strabo Kocmfs r\ has the gen. -wo«. So also UaXy-vt, -uSot, Hippouaz 15, 4, ace; UoiA/iui', ibid., 
 30 B. Cf. Hdn. i, 237; Chosroboscus, Bekker, A.G. 1408.
 
 W-STEMS IN GREEK 65 
 
 found beside -0, e. g., AeowSo? I.G.A. 494 from Erythrae, beside 
 the form cited by the grammarians. According to the evidence 
 of the inscriptions this type with -v -OSo? is late, Meisterhans^ 139. 
 In earlier times were found only forms of the usual declension 
 as Boeotian Aepfivi, S.G.D.I. 875. 
 
 Dental stems with nom. sg. in -u?."'^ — A list of such names is 
 here presented on the ground that this type may have absorbed 
 some u- or t7-stems, parallel to the absorption of i-stems by nouns 
 in -tS, though there is much less evidence for such absorption 
 here, and further because of the occasional interchange with 
 u-stem forms, as Kopvv, etc. For the compounds see above. 
 
 aj\v<i, -v6o<i, Hdn. i, 238, feminine oxytone in long u, but 
 probably a mistake for a'yvv^ ; of. Lentz, ad loc, and Coceroboscus 
 359 g — Gram. Graeci iv, 1, p. 232; ayvvde^, Hdn. ii, 763, oxytone 
 in long V declined in -^09 ; Sayvf, -v8o<i Theocr, 2, 110, v. 1. Saris ; 
 efiv<i, -v8o<;, 7) see Bonitz, Index Arist., Lexicon de spiritibus 217 
 has e/xu?, others e/iw, e. g., Theognost. Cramer, Anecd. Ox. ii, 6, 4; 
 KaTi]pv8e<i, Hesychius only; kXvSu, Nicander Al. 170; KOKpvScov 
 XrjcnSiv • KXeiTTcov, Hesych. only; K6pv<;, -vdo<i. rj Homer; KpoKVf;, 
 -v8o<i feminine in short -v Hdn. i, 237; k(o/jlv<;, -v6o<i^ ibid., TrrjXafiik, 
 -uSo9, ihid., feminine in short -v ; afjLLvv8a<; Pollux x, 173, on the 
 basis of this form and Hesychian afiLvvT) ■ SiKeWav and (Tfxivvr]f; • 
 a/MLvvr], Lobeck, Phryn. 302, and the Thesaurus give the form 
 aixLvv<i, -vBo^ ; 'x^rjpafMv';, -v8o<i v. 1. in Hippocr. and Strabo for 
 j^7//9a/i.i9, -t8o9, ■^ ; %\a/Lty9, -v8o<;, feminine in short -v, Hdn. i, 237. 
 
 Instances of interchange between it-stems and dental stems are: 
 Kopvv for Kopvda, II. 13, 132; 16, 215; 'xXdp.vv for x^^H-^^",, Sappho 
 64; afia/xd^v8e<i for afiafid^ve^, Sappho (Etym. Mag. 77, 1). 
 
 Other stems (not dental) with forms similar to «-stem forms 
 are: kCv8vvl, dat. sg. Sappho, Fr. 161 (cf. Etym. Mag. 574, 42), as 
 if from Kiv8v<i ; MoWi^, nomen propr., pi. MoVo-vve9 and MoWuw, 
 see Lobeck, Paral. 138; <f)6pKv<;, 6pKv<; and the nomen propr. 
 T6pTV<; have the gen. sg. in -wot ; the nom. sg. Tipvt for the more 
 usual Tipvv<i has the gen. sg. TipvvOot ; HesyChius has (SpeKvv rov 
 ^pcKvvra ; fidprvt has gen. sg. fidpTvpot. 
 
 1 ipyoTpvi, Heysch. only, is placed by Lobeck, Paral. 254, alongside imtKvt, etc. ; on what 
 grounds I do not know. 
 
 2 t/Svs, Hesych. only, is thought to have the gen. -vSot because of the Hesychian gloss, 
 
 ifiv&rivai • Tovs ev<i>riiJ.ovvTai, i/Sus yap ii ev<f>rip.ia.
 
 NOTES IN EXPLANATION OF THE WOKD-LISTS, ETC. 
 
 The lists of w-stems here presented will no doubt require 
 addition and correction, but are believed as they stand to be 
 reasonably complete. They do not include: 
 
 (1) Foreign words, E. g., Hesychius gives a^apv and ap<i>v% as 
 Macedonian, ayXv and Kapapve^i as Scythian {Kapapve^' ol ^kvOikoI oTkol 
 ....), l^v and /Awvs as Lydian, XtXv as Libyan ; Plutarch gives AayS/ous 
 as Lydian for Tre'AcKvs, and Clem. Alex, gives (SiBv as Phrygian for vSmp. 
 The Thesaurus gives /MOKpus as a forma graecobarbara for fiaKp6<i. 
 
 (2) Obvious figments. E. g., d^us is set up by Etym. Mag. 182, 1, as 
 an intermediate form between axos and d^vT^. The scholiast on II. 13, 
 521 coins rj-n-v^ and (3pirjTrv<s to account for /SpL-qirvo^, an o-stem. But cf, 
 Schulze, Q.E. 337, on ^ttvs, and see his list for other possible it-stems. 
 Etym, Mag, 430, 20 coins tVus to go with i^/xicrus, and 626, 51 |ous in 
 explaining o|vs. The grammarians also cite /xikus and /xivu's. Bekker, 
 A,G. 1096, has <^vs to explain oo-^us. Cramer, Anecd, Ox. has vc'kikvs as 
 the form from which vckus is derived. Perhaps 8lktv (p, 43) should be 
 classed here, as well as yXa^vs adj, Etym. Mag, 233, 54, 
 
 (3) Mere dialectic variants like yLcrxvv • Icrxvv, Hesych., ^Lcrxw or 
 f^Laxvv ' l(Txvv Hesych, and Bekker, A,G,; (idSxk, Elean for iJSus in 
 Pausanias ; /3poSo7ra;(vs, Sappho 65, 
 
 (4) Forms set up without good reason. Such are : Sc'vSpv- (see p, 27), 
 yew cited by Passow but not found (see Lobeck, Paral, 254), oto-v's o-ittus 
 and perhaps crfjuvik (but see p. 65, a dental stem) set up by Lobeck, 
 Phryn. 302, and kwu, see p, 27, 
 
 (5) Indeclinable exclamations, cries, etc. Such are : iv, p-v or p.v, 
 KOKKv, Kvv ■ TO cXa^to'Tov, Hcsych,, cf. Danielsson, Studien i, 54; ypv, 6 viro 
 Tw ovv^t puVos, rjhrj h\ koX to €Xa;(iorTov, Hesych,, cf, Danielsson, loc. cit., 
 Kretschraer, K.Z. 31 (1892), 342, Meringer, Beitrage (Wiener Akad. 125) 
 16 ; dppv ' ltTt<^d(.ypxi KWTrrjXaTLKov, Hesych. 
 
 (6) Mere errors. Some probable errors are given in the lists, but the 
 following are not there cited : TpiTTTu's, p. 48; avTo-qBv, v, 1. in Aristotle, 
 Top, 6, 8, 7, but not now read; iX^vrvv tXaiov, Hesych,, for eXerjrvv 
 iXeov ; SopaToiraxv'i, kTf.poiraxy'i, veu/307ra;(us, SopvOpa(Tv<;, €vOapav<i, the last 
 in Etym. Mag., s. x\ dTpcKr;?, are shown to be wrong forms for BopaTOTraxrj':, 
 etc., by Lobeck, Phryn. 535 ; cf. above, p. 63. 
 
 (7) Proper names. Here 'Epivvs is an exception, and there are some 
 other words cited only by grammarians about which I am in doubt. 
 These are included in the lists. 
 
 66
 
 NOTES IN EXPLANATION OF THE WOBD-LISTS, ETC. 67 
 
 (8) Adverbs. iyyv<i and its compounds were admitted to the lists as 
 having adjectival forms outside the positive. Other adverbs which are 
 probable evidence for it-stems are : npoxw to yoVu (cf. Brug., Gr. Gr.* 
 571, 108); dvTiKpv (dvTiKpv's) (Attic inscriptions avavrpoKv and KaravrpoKv, 
 Meisterhans* 81) connected by Meringer, Beitrage (Wiener Akad. 125) 
 16, and Br6al, M^m. Soc. Ling. 12 (1902), 243, with the words for " horn, 
 head," Grk. Kcpas, L. cornu, etc. 
 
 There are other adverbs in -vs or -v or -vt, but these are either from 
 original pronominal stems in v like Rhod. ottus, Bmg., Gr. Gr.^ 49, Gi-d. i-, 
 183, or are after the analogy of such stems, or else have a particle v added 
 as in irdvv irdyxv, Brug., Gr. Gr.^ 257. See lists in Hdn. i, 506, 18; Bekker, 
 A.G. 1341; Brugmann, loc. cit., and cf. also d/Avs • 6/xov (tvv avrw, Hesych., 
 TVTvl Cretan, Mon. Ant. iii, n. 13 (an uncertain word, Searles, Lex. 
 Stud.), and ttXlvi L.G. xi, 23. For .lEolic forms in -vt see Hoffmann, 
 G.D. ii, 426. 
 
 With the exceptions above noted and allowing for possible 
 oversight, this collection includes all the it-stems cited in Liddell 
 and Scott,' in numerous indices, and in Hesychius. It also aims 
 to include the dialectic and epigraphical material up to 1904. All 
 words in the Collitz Sammlung, including the recent Cretan 
 number, have been collected, and this material has been supple- 
 mented from the indices of the various volumes of the Corpus, the 
 indices of Dittenberger Sylloge^, Kern Inschr. v. Magn., from 
 reading the inscriptions published in the chief epigraphical jour- 
 nals of recent years, from Miss Searles' Lexicographical Study of 
 Greek Inscriptions, and from Herwerden's Lexicon Gi-aecum 
 Suppl. et Dialecticum 1902. I also consulted the chief papyrus 
 publications, but the results here were barren. Gradenwitz, Eiu- 
 filhrung in die Papyruskunde (Leipzig, 1900), cites a form 
 oyfris from the Berlin papyri, but it is not to be found in the 
 place cited. 
 
 In general no attempt is made to give the author or period, 
 but for rare words (except compounds), especially aira^ Xeyofieva, 
 the source is given. The use of a name after a word with no 
 remark implies that the word is found only in that writer. (I have 
 relied on the Thesaurus for citations, and T,^here it has erred, I 
 have erred with it.) Words which rest solely on emendation are 
 
 1 For the words in Liddell and Scott I have had access to the lists according to suffix 
 prepared by the late Dr. W. A. Stratton for his projected history of Grook nouu-formntion. 
 These lists have, by the courtesy of Mrs. Stratton, been left in the care of Professor Buck.
 
 68 HISTORY OF W-STEMS IN GREEK 
 
 underlined. Words not found in the Thesaurus are marked with 
 a dagger. Where glosses indicate dialect, this is given. 
 
 The order of arrangement is by suffix, i. e., in alphabetical 
 order according to the ending, except that compounds under a 
 simplex are in the usual alphabetical order. Figures immediately 
 after a word refer to pages of this dissertation. Only those places 
 considered most important are thus referred to, and the index is 
 not intended to be complete in this respect.
 
 WORD -LISTS 
 
 A. NOUNS IN -1 
 jTpeo-^us 54, 27 f . 
 
 io-OTrpeo-pus ^Sch. Ag. 78 
 
 (rii^ijrpciT^us 
 uiv's 29-35 
 
 tn-t'Aeicu 41, Hesych. 
 irdXeKVi 41, 27 f. 
 
 «fajreAe<cus 
 e7X«^"S 27, 54 
 
 yovv 35 f. gen. -fos, not -eos 
 6opu 35 f. gen. -fos, not -eov 
 ciopv 28 
 M'Vv 28, more probably xinder 
 
 -us -VOi 
 
 ao-Tv 44, 50 
 
 oyAaoTTTJXUS 
 apyvp6nri\vi 
 
 6t7r>)xus 
 
 VJ -U, -eos (-€WS) WITH THEIB 
 
 5voicatc(Koo'iin)xut 
 
 SotSeKam)xvi or SuoiSeicdinjxvt 
 
 eiico<n7rT)xus 
 
 tivaTnjxvs = ivvfdnrixvi 
 
 «(tin/xus = ef aTTTJXUS 
 
 «Ae(^oi'Td»r>jxus 
 
 ei'ScKaTTTjxus 
 
 ei'enjKOfTdmjxvs 
 
 €»'»'e<i7ri)xv9 = eivdmixvi 
 
 i^dTrrixvi = eit>nix«S 
 
 i^riKOVTa.irr)xvi 
 
 errinrixvi 
 
 «i7Tdinjxv9 
 
 «vjrr)xu« 
 
 i<roir>)xus 
 
 KaAAiTTTjx"? 
 
 AeuKOffTjxv? 
 
 oySoTjKOiTdjrrixus 
 
 COMPOUNDS 
 
 oxTuKaiieicdinjxvf 
 OKTiuiTTjxus or oicTaTi-rixus 
 n-apdn-TJXi' • inaTiov HeSych., 
 
 Pollux 
 iropdiTTJXus 
 ireiToiTTjxus 
 
 irei'rjjKOVToiTTjxus 
 
 TTOAUTTTJXU? 
 poioTTTJXVS 
 
 T€<7<7apa<coi'Tdir>)xvs 
 
 TfTpdrrijxvt 
 
 TpioKOi'TaB'ei'Tdmixvv 
 
 TptOXOl'TdTrTJX^^ 
 TpiTJ/litTTJXVS 
 
 Tpin-ijx"* 
 TpL(TKaiS€Ka.irrt\v^ 
 
 f Xpvo-oiroxv? Bacchyl. V, 40 
 iriii 28, 41 
 
 B. NOUNS IN -US -V, -DOS WITH THEIR COMPOUNDS 1 
 
 i^vs • fv4>r)p.La, trTt-yp-r) Hesych. 
 
 Perhaps gen. -uSo9 65, 
 footnote 2 
 
 Ai/3ues • rCiV 6(f)eu>v Ttves .... 
 
 Hesych. et al. 
 <j)6pPv ■ TO. ouAa. 'HAetot Hesych. 
 (TTAeyvOs 55, Theophr. H. Pi. 8, 
 
 4,3 
 t ArjYiis Cram. An. Ox. II, 303, 11. 
 dySvs • ayyoi. KprjTLKOv Hesych. 
 vrjSvi 55 
 
 fotSiis Cram. An. Ox. II, 303, 11 
 yotSues • puT^pcs Hesych. Same 
 
 as preceding? Cf . yi.<T\vf 
 
 idxvv 
 KavSv; 6 
 KovBv 
 
 KopSv^ • Trai-oupyos Hesych. 
 ol'^vs 53 (ui^u's Hesych.) 
 jrdi'oi^us ^sch. Cho. 49 
 fTpio-oi^u? Etym. Mag. and 
 
 Etym. Gud. 
 
 /SpdSv 
 ^6flu 42, 13 
 yjjflu ^ ■yjjSuoi' 
 ttAtjSus 56 
 iflus 56, Homer 
 
 fflptflus • o i^x^pos Cram. An. 
 Ox. II, 303, 11. 
 
 Kopdvi Theocr. 
 ix^Os 6 55 
 
 avixBvi; 
 
 cLTTLxdv^ {a^r^xOvi) 
 
 (cdAAix^us 
 TTo\vi\9vt 
 i^iAix^us 
 
 |3e'A«itv{ • oaitpiov Ti . . . Hesych. 
 ve'icus 42 
 ictKu? 42 
 dxiKVt 
 
 <riKii9 • 6 yvai^fv^ Hesych. 
 KOKKvi; • Ao(^of Hesych. 
 
 apKV<; 42 
 
 rroAuopitus Oppian Cyn. 4, 10 
 
 jui/uopKu? Aristoph. Athen.,etc. 
 KepKv unintelligible gloss, 
 Hesych. 
 
 dAvs 
 
 avap\vei • Trijyoi Hesych. 
 
 Xe'Avs .56 
 
 XpucrdXfAwt C.I.G. 5039, 1 
 «yX<Au? 27 (of. -uSf -«os) 
 iAiis (etAvs) 55 
 
 KotAv ■ TO KaAd>> 42, Hesych. 
 
 tAAufs • ^<oa ei* . . . . iroTajio! 
 
 Hesych. 
 
 {TKoAAvs o 
 
 oAoAvt 6 
 
 fioAus Hdn. II, 938, 17 
 
 fdiroAv * 6aifjt.u}v rj Ovaia, ^uvTf^ 
 6ji(<>o««s Hesych., but out 
 of alphabetical orderand 
 very doubtful 
 
 dxAu9 58 
 
 /xuAv 
 
 Kpep.vi Aristotle ap. Athen. 
 
 3a5(i 
 Xpefivi • 6 ovivKOi ix^v? Hesych. 
 /cA«»ifiiis Anton. Lib., c. 32 
 odvvtt • ivt&pai Hesych., mis- 
 take for Bpayvtt • iSpai 
 Schmidt 
 
 iyviit .56 
 Aiyi-vs .53 
 ytwi 42 
 
 dfi^tyo'i't • d{in| Hesych. 
 fioKpoytwi Adamant. Phys. 
 
 396 
 liiKpoytwi Adamant. Phys. 
 2,17 
 ^ ofuyen;? Pollux 2, 97 
 
 XoAxdyo'vt Pind. Pyth. 4 
 <Aii/u<t Etym. Mag. and Poly- 
 
 bius 
 'Epivvi; nomen propr. 
 Bpriwt o 53 
 
 1 iivi original s-stem, 55, footnote. 
 
 69
 
 70 
 
 HISTORY OF M-STEMS IN GREEK 
 
 rpiivv Cram. An. Ox. II, 120, 34 
 \kvw nietrfjia, to ano <TT€fi<j>v\u)V 
 
 TTOTov. KuTTpioi Hesych. 
 a.xvv<; • T) XvTtT) Etym. Mag. 182, 1 
 aii.diJ.a^v'; t) 
 
 i//ei;6a/iiaju.a|us 6 Arist. Vesp. 
 
 326 
 
 dTpa<J)afus 
 
 i|/eu6aTpa<^aJus Arist. Eq. 630 
 
 (cojru? • nvivixa., ic^iros Hesych. 
 vaitv = aivrinv 
 
 paTTv? (poinds), see Athen. 3696 
 
 apnvv • epwTa. AioAeis 42, He- 
 sych., Etym. Mag. 148, 33 
 (Parthenius) 
 fiapv • dv/uia/tiaTiof Ti eiiiSes Bek- 
 
 ker, A.G. 225, 16 
 /Sopves • SevSpa Hesych. 
 fipOs 55 
 a6pv; Pindar, Fr. 23, 126 
 \yepa.vSpve^ • ai naKaial Spues 
 
 .... Hesych. 
 fvdXiSpv;, seeLobeck, Paral. 
 
 252 
 6Tu;uo6p«s Theophr. H. PI. 3, 
 
 8, 2, and Hesych. 
 rifiepoSpv^ • elSos Spvoi; Hesych. 
 ^LvoSpv: ' 
 (^eAAdSpu? 
 Xa-fiaiSpvi 
 
 XtSpu • ofofxa SetAof Hesych. 
 
 f<.eAai>5pvs 6 
 
 ye'pus • yipuiv Hesych, 
 p^pus • ix0Os Hesych. 
 yrtpv^, 42 
 
 PpoToyrjpvi Anth. Pal. 9, 562 
 
 e'piyTjpus • iJieya\6^(ovo<; He- 
 sych. 
 
 euyrjpus 
 
 /caAdyijput Suidas S. t;. Kp^- 
 yuoi" 
 
 /ieiAixdyrjpus Tyrt. 3, 8 
 
 /xeAi'yijpu? 
 
 noiKiKoyapv; Find. 01. 3,12 
 
 Terpoytjpuv 
 
 TovBpv'! ■ ij>uiviQ Hesych. 
 
 oBpvv. Kp^Tcs TO opos Hesych. 
 
 5a«pu 53 f . 
 
 aSaKpvt 
 
 aKpLToSaKpv^ 
 
 dfayKO&aKpv^ 
 
 air«ipd£aKpu« iEsch. Snppl. 75 
 
 api'SaKpu? 
 
 apriSaxpvi 
 
 ^apvSaKpv^ 
 
 yAuKiiSaicpus 
 
 cj'5aKpu9 
 
 eTriSaxpus Suidasand Hesych. 
 
 eTOt/moSafcpus 
 
 t iepdSoKpus Athen. 14, 651 f. 
 ■napdSaKpv DioSC. 4, 124 
 
 TTfpl'fioKpVS 
 TTOlKL^oSaKpV^ 
 
 TTo\vBaKpvi; 
 (TvvSaKpv^ 
 
 fo-ui'To/otdSa/cpi/sTzetz. (L.&S.) 
 TaxvSaxpv^ Lucian, Navig., 
 
 c. 2 
 iinoSaKpvi Hesych.s. V. yAajiu- 
 
 pdi' 
 <tii\6SaKpvg 
 a/Li^aKpv • TO dnapxTj'; — Hesych. 
 
 opus Hdt. 4, 192 
 
 ^dpu! Hdt. 4, 192 
 
 Kapopus • i!6pa. Kp^Te(s)Hesych. 
 
 ^opv; ■ SaicTiiAios 6 Kara Trjv kSpav 
 
 Hesych. 
 
 /Sdrpu? 6 53 
 (iyAad^oTpus Nonn. Dion. 18, 4 
 
 eAi^oTpus • afiffcAds Tis fJisKaLva 
 
 Hesych. 
 
 eu/3orpus 
 
 <caAAi|3oTpus Soph. Oed. Col. 
 
 682 
 ixiKpofioTpvi Hesych. s. v. m'- 
 
 Kpdp(p)<o^ 
 
 TTotKtAdjSoTpus Nonn. Dion. 5, 
 279 
 
 iroAujSoTpuj 
 
 <()epe^oTpus Nonn. Dion. 19, 53 
 (i>iAd^0Tpus 
 epyoTpus • (caTd<Tico7ro9 epyutv He- 
 
 sych. 
 ^ipTpvf • 3i9Kov. ©oupioi Hesych. 
 /xa<TTpus Photiuss.V. niTpuAeioc 
 oo-Tpu? 1 Theophr. and Pliny 
 6</)pus 55 
 avT6<t)pvi • ^oTai'Tjs elSoi He- 
 sych. 
 5dcro(^pus Adamant. Phys. 
 
 €VO(t>pV^ 
 
 Kardi^pv; 
 
 Kvdfoc^pvf Theocr. 
 
 A€l/(C0<tpUS 
 
 \vKoi{>pvi Diosc. Noth. 3, 117 
 /u-eAavoc^pi;? Hesych. et al. 
 
 tii^o<(>pvi 
 
 <TVl'0(l>pVt 
 
 iinepo(f>pVi 
 Xpv<TO<t)pvf 
 
 ( Kaxpvi 53 
 
 tjutpv (see -V, -eos) 
 
 fj-icrv (cf. also -u, -eo?) 
 
 (tOs (us) 
 
 (ricrus 
 
 Sarus • Beiapia 49, Hesych. 
 
 taTiis • Oepairfia Hesych. 
 
 rrAciTus Hesych., error for wAd- 
 
 TtS? 
 
 ^Ae'TU€s • ot pSeWai, Hesych. 
 tep6Tus 48 (1) Mon. Ant. Ill, 67 
 6pyi;TU9 • opy^ Hesych. 
 
 e6i7Tu? 
 
 €T)Tus • dyaSoTr/s Hesych. 
 
 eAej/Tus 
 
 TToflrjTus Oppian C. 2, 609 
 
 dA7)Tu's 
 
 dAaArjTii? 
 
 ^aAA»)Tus Hesych. and Athen. 
 
 d/3oA7,Tus Bekker, A.G. 322, 9 
 
 6a)p.r)Tus • KaTa<TKevri Hesych. 
 Por,Tv<; Od. 1, 369 
 
 eTrrjTus Homer, Suidas 
 
 dyoprjTus Od. 8, 168 
 
 wprjTus ■ 7r>;ptt)<Tis Hesych. 
 
 niopiQTv^ 
 
 ■j'TroTrjTui' ■ TO niveiv Hesych. 
 
 di'Tt/j.ax'JTUs (di'Ti/utax'IO'Tuj) 
 
 Eratosth. 
 
 iTus .50 
 
 SaiTus Homer 
 
 (cAiTvs (icAetTus) 44 
 
 p,tTus 43, Aristotle, H.A.9, 40, 10 
 
 TTITUS 44 
 
 rj/xepdjTiTUS HeSych. S. V. fJ-ri- 
 
 Kuive';, acct. -TTiTU? 
 ;^ajiLat7rtTus 
 
 (^iTu 43 
 
 (J>iTus 43 
 
 dpTraKTu's Callim. Apoll, 94 
 
 TrpaKTu? Etym. Mag. 316, 34 
 
 TeTpaKTU9 
 
 fTaicTus 2 
 
 pu<rTaKTus Homer, Eustath. 
 
 ■f-dpe/cTu! • (opeji?) Hesych. 
 
 iKTus • ci(C(uv Cram. An. Ox. II, 
 
 16,2 
 SiKTu 43, Etym. Mag. 275, 25 
 SUtvi 43, Hdt. 4, 192 
 tireiicTus • . , . . (T-rrovS^ Hesych. 
 
 TplKTUS '-= TpiTTli? 49 
 
 fleAKTOs 48, Apoll. Rh. I, 575 
 
 ■\ inKTflVKTVV • inifLVKTripi<Tii.6v 48 
 
 Hesych. 
 £iioKTut Callim. Dian, 194 
 
 1 oio-TpuT Lobeck, Phryn. .302, a mistake for oo-Tpu^ 1 
 
 2 Quoted by Brugmann, Ber. sftchs. Q. d. W., 1901, 95, but I have not been able to find 
 occurrence.
 
 WORD-LISTS 
 
 ^^\eyiJiavTv^ V. 1. ia Hippocr. 
 
 8,96 
 f a.iJ.4>avTvi 48, Lex Qort. XI, 
 
 21, 22 
 nevTaKovTV'! (?) Schol. Od. 3, 7 
 oTpvvTv^ Homer and glosses 
 
 xaAtTTTiis • xf^fToTTis Hesych. 
 
 tidpTTTv; • uppi<rTi)s Hesych. 
 
 apTiis • (Tvi'Tafts. c^iAia .... 
 
 Hesych. 
 
 affoSaaTu? • a7ro/u€pc<7/u.dt Hesj'Ch. 
 Xpa/i/3aAiao-Tus • yeA<i>s 6 fierd 
 
 jraiSia? Hesych. (<cp- L. 
 
 & S.) 
 KpeftgaAtagni; Homeric Hyma 
 
 Apoll. 162 
 
 XtAlOCTTUS 48 (= X'^IOCTTU?) 
 
 ytAao-Tv? Callim. Del. 329 
 
 KaTanKacTTvi; Hdt. 4, 75 
 fiaarOs Callim. Fr. 277 
 oirao'Tus • (i7ra<7Tia Etym. Mag. 
 
 118, .50 
 io-jrao-nis Callim. Fr. 427 
 <^pa(rTu5 • <rKei/fi9, ct'i^oia .... 
 
 Hesych. 
 ai^pao-Tvs poet ap. Suidas 
 
 aeieo'Tvv • ■nji' aiuii'tot' oi/ciav 
 
 .... Hesych. 
 aire(rTU5 " awoxupicis Hesych. 
 
 Ai>'>)<rni? Homer 
 6et7ri'7)<TTvi' • TTiv TOv 6<iirvou upai< 
 Hesych. 
 
 OpXICTTUT 
 
 Aiji'trn,'? Hdt. 5, 6 
 
 c(x>(t>povLcrTv<; Plato, Legg. 933, c 
 
 KlSapttTTV^ 
 
 bapKTTiii Homer, Hesych. 
 (cTiariv Hdt. 9, 97 
 aKOl'TI.<TTVf II. 23, 622 
 
 fan0K0VTl(7TV^ - 
 
 fi(^itrTU? • iiaxaipoii.a\ia .... 
 
 Hesych. 
 XiAioffTvs 48 
 
 iTfVTex'-^i'0<Trv^ Eccl. 
 fivpioarv^ 48 
 
 ireiraicoaiocTTv? 48, Etym. Mag. 
 irei'T>)<<o(TTis 48 
 exaTOOTUs 48 
 Tavuo-Tut Od. 21, 112 
 
 tiTTvffTJs 48, S.G.D.I. 4971 
 
 (CttTTUS 43 
 TplTTUS 49 
 
 >ioTTue? • oi e[y]»cAuTOt (cal irapec- 
 /oieVo4 43, Hesych. 
 
 toi'o-Tei/Tus Callim. .\poll. 42 
 
 a.\cuoTvi Homer, Hesych. 
 
 SuiTvi Suidas 
 
 ^cuTus • fliopof 48, Hesych., per- 
 haps for *^a><rTv's T 
 
 ^poirvt 
 
 yAd<^u Hesiod. Op. 533, He- 
 sych. 
 
 Aa[i]^i/f ■ Sanavoi i) ^opot Ho- 
 
 sych. 
 
 va4>v (see vawv) 
 £<A(^Of .56 
 
 6\64>v<; • olKTot. <A«o« .... He- 
 sych. 
 
 tTv.<)vv ("ram. An. Ox. II, 264, 6, 
 
 nomen propr.7 
 o-Tpoxu? late for trraxv: 
 (TTd\v<; 6, and a<7Ta\vt 6 
 
 dyonjraxv^ 
 
 euo'Taxvs 
 
 KaK\i<rraxvi 
 
 KoKoPomaxv^ DiosC. 
 
 fjiiKp6tTTaxv<; (7) 
 
 fjiVpi.6<TTaxv<! 
 
 vapSoiTTaxv; 
 
 jroAiicrTaxu? 
 
 <Jiepe<rToxu? 
 
 Koxu • TToAu. nKr)9of Hesych., 
 
 subst.(7) 
 <I<7xu Hdt. 4, 23, Cram. An.Oz. 
 
 II, 79, 120 
 io-xus 
 avKTXVi 
 oCiToi<Txu5 
 
 liuii) • TO iiSujp Hesych., prob- 
 ably foreign 
 
 C. ADJECTIVES IN -ys -i;, -COS WITH THEIE COMPOUNDS 
 
 7rpoi5s 60 
 
 Taus • fieya?. ttoAu? Hesych., 
 from Hnsu-s, V ten 
 "stretch"? 
 Trpea-pvi not adj. in positive. 
 
 See nouns in -us, -eos 
 4yyui adv. 61 
 Trapeyyu? adv. 
 (Ti/i'eYyv? adv. 
 Atyu? .58 
 jSpaSv's 
 cus 60 
 i)Sv<; 60, 19 
 U7rep7)6us 
 
 apadvi; error for <i/3a9^t, see 
 Lobeck, Phryn. 534 
 
 jrpo/Saflu's 
 ifliis see eirflus 
 ^piSus 
 euSus 60 f. 
 
 Ij.e(7ev6vi Clem. Alex. 
 
 ykvKi<: <<)iA69>)Au5 
 
 tn-iyAvieus Theophr. H. PI. 3, eiAiJ •/litAai' Hesych. 
 
 18,10 
 
 ofuyAuKU 
 
 wepiyAuKus iBlian N. A. 13, 7 
 i/iroyAuicus Athen. 14, 625a 
 
 <^iAdyAuicu9 
 <i»cu'? 60, 19 
 
 t'urirwKv? Bacchyl. 11, 101 
 
 firoSuKUt = TToSuiifrjs 
 a^^Al,'s 61 
 
 i/ira^^Aut, see Lobeck, Phryn. 
 .539 
 eijXv^ 61 
 a0j]\v<! Plutarch 
 
 acSpodtjAvf 
 op(T«i'6flijAu? 
 
 TjnifltjAu? Carm. Anacr. 13, 2 
 
 /xifoOijAus 
 
 ira.v8r)\v^ Etym. Mag. 
 
 irapd8r)\vf (7)'' 
 
 vir66ri\vf Aristoph. Frag. 
 
 no\v<; 60, 19 
 airoAus 
 ira/xTToAvs 
 
 UTTipTTOAuS 
 
 <<)6Au? 41, 57, docl. in -vot 
 /.idiAvt • 6 ajuoflrjs 57, Hosych. 
 /^u>At!f Etym. Mag., s. v. 
 
 a^^Aut 
 
 a^ioAiJt Etym. Mag., loc. cit. 
 6ap.v'; .58 
 iptfLivt 61 
 
 a5pifxvs Eustath. 276, 2 
 
 virc'pjpifivf Schol. Luc. D. D. 
 7,3 
 
 iiirdjpiMVf Galen 
 
 fiat'U ■ n^Kp6v, '\6anavti Hosych. 
 evyvv • iiTTtpTifLivov Hosych., 
 r. prob. error for eui'ii' 
 
 'Hoiluug," but 1 have not found 
 
 1 Cited by Pape, Etym. WOrterbuch, as poetic and 
 its occurrence. 
 
 2 Given by Brugmann, Gr. Gr.3, § 220, a mistake for ixoKrio-n;? 7 
 
 3 Thesaurus s. v. nav8ri\vt cites »rapd9i)Av« from Hesychius, but I do not find it.
 
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