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 THE FLIGHT TO VAKENNES 
 Bn& otber Essays
 
 THE FLIGHT TO VAEENNES 
 
 Hut) otber 1l3istoncal ]£s6a\?s 
 
 BY 
 
 OSCAR BROWNING 
 
 Hontian 
 SWAN SONNENSCHEIN & CO. 
 
 PATERNOSTER SQUARE 
 1892 
 
 0_ 
 
 (V\
 
 BuTLEE & Tanner, 
 
 The Selwood Printins Works, 
 
 Frome, and London.
 
 ABVEB TISEMENT. 
 
 The greater fart of these essays have been reprinted from 
 various periodicals, with the kind permission of the Editors..
 
 HENRY SIDaWICK 
 
 THIS BOOK IS DEDICATED BY 
 HIS AFFECTIONATE FRIEND 
 
 THE AUTHOR.
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 ■BXGB 
 I. 
 
 The Flight to Varenjjes 
 
 II. 
 A Criticism ox Caulyle's Account of the Flight 
 
 TO Varennes 52 
 
 III. 
 
 The Foreign Policy of William Pitt .... 77 
 
 IV. 
 
 The Commercial Treaty of 1786 , . . . , 1.32 
 
 V. 
 
 The Triple Alliance of 1788 148 
 
 VI. 
 England and France in 1793. . . . , .170 
 
 VIT. 
 Hugh Elliot at Naples ....... 202 
 
 VIII. 
 Hugh Elliot at Berlin ....... 237 
 
 IX. 
 
 Queen Caroline of Naples 260 
 
 X. 
 
 Republican Government 325
 
 I. 
 
 THE FLIGHT TO VARENNE8. 
 
 TT is now many years ago since tlie late Mr. Croker 
 -*- published in the Quarterly Review Eis well- 
 known account of the journey of King Louis XVI. to 
 Varennes, and of the Comte de Provence, afterwards 
 Louis XVIII. to Brussels. 1 His narrative was 
 founded mainly upon the "' Memoires sur TAffaire de 
 Varennes," then lately published in Brussels, which 
 contained the relations of Comte Louis de Bouille^ of 
 MM. de Raigecourt andDe Damas, and of Captain 
 Deslon, to wliicli was added the evidence of the 
 courier Talory. The apoTogres o£ the Marquis de 
 Bouille, and of the Due de Choiseul, with the accom- 
 panying documents, had been printed the year 
 before. Fourteen years later, Carlyle published his 
 history of til's — F'rench Revolution. The second 
 volume of this work contains some chapters upon the 
 Flight to Varennes, which are the most exciting 
 portions of the whole work. Carlyle's narrative, 
 which has been accepted as the standard English 
 account of this momentous occurrence, is unfortu- 
 
 ' This article was reprinted, with additions, in Mr. Croker's 
 " Essays on the Early Period of the French Revolution," pp. 
 105, foil. London, 1857. 
 
 B
 
 -2 THE FLIGHT TO VARENNES. 
 
 nafcely both inaccurate and untrustworthy from be- 
 .ginning to end.^ Had Carlyle read Croker's article 
 in the Qaarterlij Review, he could not have possibly 
 made the gross mistakes into which he falls. For 
 instance, he reckons the distance from Varennes to 
 Paris at sixty^^mne miles, which Croker had already 
 placed accurately at a hundred and fifty; he conse- 
 quezitly makes the Royal travellers travel at a snail's 
 pace instead of going as they actually did at a very 
 rejasonable rate. He relies implicitly upon the 
 narrative of Choiseul, which Croker had already 
 shown to be an a'pology for misbehaviour, and conse- 
 quently untrustworthy. He applies no criticism to 
 the narrative of Bouille, who was equally anxious to 
 excuse himself, and to throw the blame on others, 
 and he accepts without question the foolish gossip of 
 Madame Campan. He does not even take the pains 
 to read with accuracy the authorities with which he 
 was acquainted. It is not, however, our present 
 purpose to criticise Carlyle, but to gather from the 
 new authoTities, which have been published since the 
 appearance of his work, a trustworthy account of one 
 of the most thrilling episodes in all history, whether 
 it be regarded in its incidents or its results. This 
 episode, which is fortunately known in all its details, 
 is far more impressive in its naked truth than it ever 
 could be in the most imaginative fiction. 
 
 After the arrest of the Royal family, the chief 
 actors in the flight were sent for trial to Orleans, 
 
 ^ An examination of Carlyle's narrative in detail is appended 
 to the present essay.
 
 THE FLIGHT TO VARENNES. 
 
 where they undervveut a searching examination. A 
 full account of this evidence was published with fac- 
 similes by M. Bimbenet in 1843^ and republished by 
 him in 18G8. In 1866 M. Ancelon published ^' La 
 Verite sur la fuite et I'arrestation de Louis XVI. u 
 VarenneSj d'apres des documents inedits." This 
 work contains portions of the diary of Madame de 
 Tourzel, who accompanied the Royal family. In the 
 fifth volume of " Revue des Questions Historiques " 
 (1868), M. Victor Fournel submitted the evidence 
 available at that time to a searching analysis.^ In 
 1874 the Abbe Grabriel published at Verdun, '^ Louis 
 XVI., le Marquis de Bouille et Varennes," the best 
 narrative of the occurrences which had appeared 
 up to that date. Before this, the '^ Proces verbaux " 
 of the principal towns concerned in the matter, of 
 Chalons, St. Menehould, Clermont, and Varennes, 
 had been published either sepai'ately, or as appen- 
 dices to other histories. These accounts, written at 
 the very time of the occurrences, are of the highest 
 value as irrefragable evidence. Lastly, the Memoirs 
 of Madame de Tourzel were published in extenso in 
 1883, while the diary and letters of Count Fersen, 
 published in 1877, although dealing but little with 
 the subject, throw unexpected gleams of light on 
 some of its darkest places. Almost every particular 
 of the event is now discoverable, and it only remains 
 for us to combine these scattered lights into a true 
 and consistent narrative. 
 
 ^ These articles have recently been republished under the 
 title, " L'Evenement de Varennes," with few additions.
 
 'I HE FLIGHT TO VARENNES. 
 
 The flight to Yaremies was not merely a pictur- 
 esque and thrilling episode in the French Revolution, 
 it was also a great crisis in European history. 
 Europe at this time was trembling at the approach 
 of Jacobinism, The emigres were beseeching every 
 court, not only to deliver their Sovei-eign from the 
 durance in which he was placed, but to stamp out 
 a fire which endangered their own security. The 
 Comte d^Ai'tois had formed a plan by which France 
 was to be invaded from several sides, from the south 
 by Spain, from the east by Savoy, from the north by 
 the Austrians. The centre of this combination was 
 the Emperor, Leopold IT., who had recently suc- 
 ceeded after the death of his brother Joseph. His 
 position was a difficult one. He had found himself 
 on coming to the throne in alliance with Russia, and 
 at war with Turkey. His Belgian provinces were in 
 revolt, his Hungarian provinces were disturbed. 
 Prussia had concluded an alliance with Turkey, and 
 was threatening war against the Emperor, in which 
 she was not unlikely to have the assistance of 
 England and Holland. To move prematurely in 
 defence of France, or to risk a defeat, might have 
 led to the breaking up of the Austrian dominions. 
 Leopold was uncertain of the attitude of the mari- 
 time powers towards the Revolution. If Austria 
 exposed her flank, they might assist Prussia in the 
 attack which she was always ready to make upon 
 her rival. But the king once out of Paris and at the 
 head of an army, the situation would be changed. 
 Louis would then become a nucleus round which the 
 forces of order might rally. By his successful escape
 
 THE FLIGHT TO VARENNES. 
 
 from duress lie would have won tlie sympathies of 
 Europe. To espouse his cause warmly would be the 
 path both of honour and of safety. A false report 
 reached Leopold at Padua that the king had been 
 rescued by Bouille, and was safe at Luxemburg. He 
 wrote immediately to his sister^ " The king, the y,- •^^■■ 
 country, France and all other monarchies will owe '• 
 their deliverance to your courage, your firmness, and 
 prudence. Everything that I have is yours, money, I 
 troops, everything, dispose of it freely." He sent ' 
 necessary orders to the Low Countries, he called upon 
 Sardinia, Spain, Switzerland, Prussia, to take 
 measures for assisting the King of France. Five | 
 days afterwards the terrible truth was known. r 
 
 Thus, on the success or failure of the flight, the 
 action of Austria, and through her of Europe, de- 
 pended.^ The king was to go to Montmedy, but he 
 was not to stop there. A camp was to be formed 
 round the old chateau of Thonelle in the neighbour- 
 hood. Bouille's faithful German regiments were to 
 be joined l)y a number of emigres, but above all 
 10,000 Austrian troops were to be massed upon the 
 frontier near Virton, a few miles off. This was the 
 kernel of the plan. Unless the Emperor sent his 
 troops, Bouille could not be certain of the fidelity of 
 his soldiers, and he could have no excuse for moving 
 the regiments which were to serve as a guard to 
 the king^s flight. Once out of Paris the king was a 
 free agent, he would dissolve the assembly, restore 
 the clergy to their possessions, and, by thus destroy- 
 
 * Albert Sorel in B.evue des Deux Mondes, May 15, 1836.
 
 THE FLIGHT TO VARENNES. 
 
 ing the basis on which the vahie of assignats rested, 
 would cause a bankruptcy in France, and deprive his 
 rebellious subjects of their sources of credit.^ Escape 
 would be the potent engine of a counter revolution. 
 
 Tlie'"flight of the king from Paris had long been 
 planned and discussed, but it did not assume a 
 definite shape until after April 18, 1791. On that 
 day the king and his family, precisely the same party 
 who started for Yarennes, determined to go to St. 
 Cloud, in order that they might perform their 
 Easter devotions with a nonjuring priest. The Royal 
 carriages were not allowed to enter the Cour des 
 Princes ; the berline, in which the Royal family were 
 seated, was detained two hours and a quarter in the 
 inner court by the national guard. When the Royal 
 family came back to the Palace, and the soldiers 
 pressed round, declaring their fidelity, the queen an- 
 swered them haughtily, '^ Yes, we trust you, but you 
 must allow, at present, that we are not free." The 
 king wished at first to go away in the latiEer part of 
 May, He could not start before, because he was wait- 
 ing for a fuller assurance of assistance from Spain, 
 who had not as yet joined the other Powers. Money, 
 however, was urgently necessary. The Emperor had 
 been asked, not only to send his troops to the 
 frontier, but to advance 15 millions of francs for the 
 enterprise. This last demand he refused, and it be- 
 came necessary to obtain supplies from every avail- 
 
 * Klinckowstrom's " Comte de Fersen," i. 128. Fersen a 
 Breteuil [wrongly headed Breteuil a Fersen], and Breteuil's 
 Answer, i. 130.
 
 THE FLIGHT TO VARENNES. 
 
 able source. The king was allowed by the Assembly 
 25 millions of francs, paid by monthly instalments; 
 Two millions of this was due in the first week- in 
 June; and, considering the constant demands of 
 Bouille for supplies, the money could not be dis- 
 pensed with. So, on May 29, the date of departure 
 was fixed for June 12; the two millions would be 
 paid on the 7tli or 8th, but a democratic waiting- 
 maid of the Dauphin did not leave her service till 
 the 11th. Before this proposal could have reached 
 Bouille, he had already begged that the journey 
 might be put off till the 15th or 20th, in order to give 
 time for the arrival of the Austrian troops at Luxem- 
 burg.^ Sunday evening, June 10, was then agreed 
 upon, but, ^t the last-moment, another waiting-maid 
 of the Dauphin, who could not be trusted, caused the 
 delay of another day. There is no reason for sup- 
 posing that this change of plan made any difference. 
 Bouille was still at Metz ; ^ ho had only to alter the 
 orders already given to the troops, and the sole 
 effect produced was, that Choiseul's horses remained 
 two days at Varennes instead of one. 
 
 The most active agent in the preparation for the 
 flicfht was Count Axel Ferscn, commander of the 
 Royal Swedisli' Eegiment in the king's service, and 
 an intimate friend of the king and queen. On the 
 afternoon of Monday he paid a last visit to the Royal 
 
 ' Fersen, i. 132. 
 
 ^ Bouille says in his Memoirs that the news of the delay 
 reached him at Longwy, but the facsimile of his order making 
 the necessary change is given by Bimbenet, and is dated 
 Metz, June 15. He did not leave Metz till June 16.
 
 THE FLIGHT TO VARENNES. 
 
 family in tlie Tuileries. He found tliem resolved on 
 departure^ notwithstanding the prevalent rumour 
 that their plans for flight had been discovered. 
 They were both deeply affected. The king said^ in 
 taking leave of them, that he could never forget all 
 that he had done for him. The queen wept bitterly. 
 To avoid suspicion, she drove out with her children 
 to the gardens called Tivoli, and told her daughter 
 while there that she must practise discretion, and not 
 be surprised at anything she might see or hear.^ 
 Fersen then returned to his own house to make his 
 final preparations : he visited the hotel of Mr. 
 Quentin Craufurd in the Rue de Clichy, then occu- 
 pied by Craufurd's mistress, Mrs. Sullivan, to see 
 whether the new coach built for the king's journey 
 had arrived from the coach-makers. At eight o'clock, 
 having come home again, he wrote to the queen to 
 alter the arrangements he had made for meeting the 
 two servants who were to accompany the flight. As 
 he took the letter to the Tuileries he found everything 
 quiet. At a quarter to nine, the three body-guards 
 ' who were to act as outriders to the royal party, came 
 to Fersen for instructions. Once more he came back 
 to his house, sent oif a chaise which was to convey 
 the two waiting-maids to Claye, gave his last orders 
 to his coachman, Balthasar Sapel, and then mounted 
 the box of the hackney-coach which was to convey 
 the Royal family to the barrier.^ 
 
 The queen returned from her drive at seven 
 
 ^ Eelation de la Duchesse d'Angouleme, p. 4. 
 - See Fersen's diary in his Life, 1. 2.
 
 THE FLIGHT TO VARENNES. 
 
 o'clock. She then submitted herself to one of those 
 elaborate feats of hair-dressing which excite our 
 wonder in the portraits of the time. This process 
 lasted more than an hour, after which she had an 
 interview with the three body-guards, who were to 
 accompany her flight. Passing to her drawing-room, 
 she found the Comte de Pro,vence, who had just 
 taken an affecting" leave of his sister Elizabeth. He 
 had come with his wife to supper, according to his 
 custom every evening, from his residence in his 
 palace of the Luxemburg. The supper was served 
 at nine, and lasted nearly two hours. Monsieur and 
 his wife were to leave Paris that night by different 
 roads. They did not know whether they should join 
 the king at Montmedy, or should ever see him again. 
 The brothers, indeed, then met for the last time. Mon- 
 sieurleft the Tuileries never again to enter it, except 
 as Louis XVIII., in 1814. After supper the queen 
 dismissed her servants as soon as possible. She 
 went to bed, or appeared to do so, and the attendant 
 shut the door of the passage leading to her room. 
 
 The Dauphin, on returning from Tivoli, had eaten 
 his supper and had been put to bed at nine o'clock. 
 Madame retired an hour later, after having given 
 orders to be called at eight the next morning. About 
 eleven o'clock the queen knocked at the door of 
 her son's room. He was fast asleep, but when she 
 told him he was to go to a fortress, where he would 
 command his regiment, he threw himself out of bed, 
 and cried, " Quick ! quick ! give me a sword and my 
 boots, and let me be off." He was dressed like a 
 little girl, in a costume which Madame de Tourzcl
 
 lo THE FLIGHT TO VARENNES. 
 
 had already provided. His sister, wlio had been 
 awakened earlier, wore a cheap dress of mnslin, 
 which had been bought a few days before for about 
 three-and-sixpence. A piece of it still exists at 
 Orleans, and M. Bimbenet has given a coloured 
 drawing of it. The two children, with their gover- 
 ness and the two waiting-maids, who were to accom- 
 pany the royal party, met in one of the queen's 
 apartments. The queen looked out into the court- 
 yard, and saw that everything was quiet. The 
 hackney-coach was standing close by the door, in the 
 farthest corner, by which it had been arranged that 
 the Eoyal family should escape. Fersen, who had 
 made every preparation with skill and rapidity, sat 
 dressed like a coachman on the box. This door led 
 to the apartments of the Due de Villequier ; since he 
 had emigrated to Brussels, it was but little used, and 
 had been left unguarded. The queen solemnly 
 entrusted her children to Madame de Tourzel. They 
 passed through unknown passages to the unlocked 
 door, and then out into the court. Fersen lifted the 
 children into the coach, gave his hand to Madame de 
 Tourzel, and drove off. A short time afterwards the 
 two waiting maids Avere told by the queen that they 
 were to drive to Claye. They passed down another 
 staircase, left the courtyard of the Tuileries by the 
 passage Marignan, and found a cabriolet waiting for 
 them at the other end of the Pont Eoyal. There 
 their unknown guide left them. They entered the 
 carriage and drove off to Claye. Fersen, knowing 
 that the rest of his party could not arrive immediately 
 took a turn round the quays, and returned by the
 
 ( 
 
 THE FLIGHT TO VARENNES. ii 
 
 Rue St. Honore to the Petit Carrousel, where he 
 waited near the house formerly occupied by the 
 Duchesse de Yalliere.^ For at least three-quarters of 
 an hour no one came. Lafayette's carriage, guarded 
 by dragoons, drove up with flashing Tights. The 
 Dauphin, alarmed, hid himself in his goveniess's 
 dress. Lafayette was on his way to the coucher of 
 the king. He held him for a long time in conversa- | 
 tion, for grave suspicions had been aroused. On 
 that very afternoon the Royal family had doubted 
 whether it was wise to undertake the enterprise, as 
 the news of their intention had got abroad. The 
 guards had been doubled ; everybody was on the 
 alert. About half-past eleven Lafayette at last drove 
 away. The 'king was seen to bed by the servant who 
 ha^T charge of his rooms. The doors of the great 
 gallery were locked by the porter in attendance, and 
 the keys were placed in his mattress, where they 
 were found the next morning undisturbed. As soon 
 as he was alone the king got up and dressed himself 
 for the flight. 
 
 The hackney coach had been waiting in the Petit 
 Carrousel three-quarters of an hour. At last a lady 
 was seen approaching it. It was Madame Elizabeth 
 alone. Her attendant had left her as soon as she 
 was in sight of the carriage. Not long after came 
 the king. Madame de Tourzel tells us, that the king 
 said that he had left the Tuileries alone by the great 
 gate, and that his shoe-buckle having become loose. 
 
 ^ Madame do Tourzel, i. 300, and Journal and Correspond- 
 ence; of Lord Auckland, iii. 542.
 
 12 THE FLIGHT TO VARENNES. 
 
 he liad stopped to arrange it with all the coolness in 
 the world. ^ The party were now all assembled 
 except the queen. They waited for her some 
 little time, perhaps a quarter of an hour, but prob- 
 ably not more than five minutes, and it may have 
 been during this period of time that Lafayette's 
 carriage passed a second time, and that the king 
 recognising him called out, ''You wretch," loud 
 enough for Fersen to hear,^ The story of the queen 
 losing herself in the Rue de Bac is quite apocryphal, 
 but there are two credible reasons given for a short 
 delay. One, that leaving the palace last, she had 
 unexpectedly found a sentinel on the top of the stair- 
 case by which she was to descend, and the other, 
 which she told Fersen on his visit to Paris in 
 February, 1792, that passing the Great Carrousel her 
 conductor did not know where the Little Carrousel 
 Avas, and at her suggestion, asked one of the horse- 
 guards who was posted near. When she got into the 
 carriage, the king embraced her, and cried, " How 
 glad I am to see you here." 
 
 For some reason, Fersen did not drive straight 
 to the barrier of St. Martin. He went down the 
 Rue St. Honore till he reached the external boule- 
 vard, drove along it to the Rue de Clichy, and so on 
 to the barrier. The guard-house was lighted up. 
 Every one was en fete. A marriage was being cele- 
 
 ^ Madame de Tourzel, i. 307. The well-informed narrator 
 in Auckland, iii. 453 (perhaps Quentin Craufurd), says that 
 the king was " toudwed at some distance by one of the gardes 
 des corps." 
 
 ^ Anckland, loc. cit.
 
 THE FLIGHT TO VARENNES. 13 
 
 brated with dancing and drinking-, but tlie royal 
 party were not recognised. Just beyond the gate 
 they found the berline^ a large travelling-carriage, 
 made to hold six people, which had been specially 
 built for them. It was drawn by four strong Norman 
 horses. Fersen's coachman, Balthasar Sapel, was 
 riding one of the horses, M. de Moustier, a tall body- 
 guard, was on the box. M. de Maiden, a second 
 body-guard, had already conducted the king or 
 queen, or both of them, from the Tuileries to the 
 Petit Carrousel, and had ridden in a dicky behind 
 the hackney coach. M. de Valory, a third body- 
 guard, was spurring on one of Fersen's horses 
 towards Bondy, in order that the relays might be 
 ready when the travellers arrived. The hackney 
 coach was driven up close to the travelling carriag^. 
 The doors of both were open, so that it was possible 
 to step from one to the other. The whole party was 
 transferred, and the hackney coach having served its 
 purpose, was tumbled into a ditch. Fersen mounted 
 the box, and sat by the side of Moustier. He called 
 out to his coachman, " Get along quick, drive as fast 
 as possible." It was now two o'clock in the morning, 
 and the dawn was already breaking in the east. 
 The carriage had been waiting at the barrier for two 
 hours, and valuable time had been lost. Fei'sen 
 appeared conscious of this. He cracked his whip 
 and called out, ^' Quick, Balthasar, your horses are 
 out of breath ; go faster," and the coachman urged 
 his roadsters, thinking that his master might kill his 
 own horses if he pleased. Sapel says that they 
 reached Bondy in half an hour, 3 leagues or 1\ miles
 
 14 THE FLIGHT TO VARENNES. 
 
 distant, At any rate they went a good pace. Here 
 they found Valory with a new relay of six horses 
 standing ready in the road. Fersen, after begging 
 earnestly to be allowed to accompany the royal party, 
 took"^n affectionate farewell. Happy would it have 
 been if the king had granted his request. He leaped 
 upon his horse, from which Valory had just dis- 
 mounted, and rode by a cross road to Le Bourget. 
 He left during- the morning for Mons, where he 
 arrived in safety.^ 
 
 It has been commonly said, that the carriage in 
 which the Royal family travelled was a lumbering 
 coach conspicuous by its form and splendour. This 
 is quite erroneous. It was a solid well-built travel- 
 ling carriage. We possess a full description of it in 
 the bill of Louis, the coachmaker who made it, and 
 with little difficulty every detail of its construction 
 could be recovered.^ The body was painted black 
 and green, the perch under the carriage and the 
 wheels the customary yellow. Madame de Tourzel 
 tells us that there was nothing remarkable about it,^ 
 and the minutes of the town council of Ste. Mene- 
 hould, which give an account of Drouet's exploit, 
 make precisely the same remark. It attracted no 
 attention in itself, and an older carriage would pro- 
 bably have broken down several times on the road. 
 
 At Clajje, the next post, the waiting-maids were 
 overtaken, and the whole party proceeded in the full 
 daylight to Meaux. The king was full of spirits. 
 
 ^ Fersen, i. 2. ^ Bimbenet, " Pieces justificatives," 144. 
 
 ^ Tourzel, i. 311.
 
 THE FLIGHT TO VARENNES. 
 
 IS 
 
 At last he said, '^I have escaped from that town 
 of Paris where I have drunk so much bitterness; be 
 assured that once in the saddle I shall be very 
 different from what you have seen me up to the 
 present moment." He read out loud the long- 
 memoir which he had left behind him to be pre- 
 sented to the assembly. He anticipated the 
 happiness with which he would endow France^ the 
 return of his brothers and of his faithful servants, 
 and the possibility of re-establishing the Catholic 
 religion, and repairing the evils of which he had 
 been the unwilling cause. At about eight o'clock he 
 looked at his watch and said, '' Lafayette is now in 
 a terrible fix." ^ It has been said that the king 
 
 ^ Tonrzel, i. 312. We give in a table the approximate dis- 
 tances between Paris to Varenues, and the probable time at 
 which the Royal family arrived at each place. 
 
 Miles. Arrive at. 
 
 Paris to Bondy 
 
 Bondy to Claye 
 
 Claye to Meaux 
 
 Meaux to La Ferte sous Jonarre 
 
 La Ferte to Montmirail . 
 
 Montmirail to Btoges 
 
 Etoges to Chantrix . 
 
 Chantrix to Chalons. 
 
 Chalons to Pont-Sommevesle 
 Pont-Sommevesle to Ste. Meneliould 
 Ste. Menehould to Clermont 
 Clermont to Yarennes 
 
 . 6 
 
 3 a.m. 
 
 
 . 10 
 
 4.30 a.m. 
 
 . 10 
 
 6 a.m. 
 
 . 12 
 
 7.30 a.m. 
 
 . 20 
 
 10 a.m. 
 
 . 17 
 
 noon. 
 
 . 13 
 
 2 p.m. 
 
 . 13 . 
 
 5 p.m.- 
 
 allowing 
 for the 
 break- 
 
 . down. 
 
 . 14 
 
 6.30 p.m. 
 
 uld 15 
 
 8 p.m. 
 
 . 10 . 
 
 9.30 p.m. 
 
 . 10 
 
 11 p.m 
 
 
 Total 
 
 150 miles 21 hours.
 
 I 
 
 i6 THE FLIGHl TO VARENNES. 
 
 walked up the liillsj " enjoying the blessed sunshine/' 
 and generally conducting himself imprudently. As 
 a fact there was very little sunshine to be enjoyed^ 
 for the day, although the longest in the year^ was 
 a dull one.^ The king only left the berline once 
 during the journey, and then spoke to no one. The 
 travellers were amply supplied with provisions, and 
 took all thev needed in the carriage. The children 
 walked up one or two of the long hills, but caused no 
 delay.^ Between Ohantrix and Chalons the horses 
 twice fell down, and broke the harness. This took 
 an hour to repair, but, as far as we know, the 
 carriage stood well. Chalons was reached at about 
 five o'clock in theMternoon, at least two hours late, 
 an hour or more had been lost in leaving Paris, and 
 an hour by the accident. As it was, the royal party 
 had travelled more than seven miles an hour, includ- 
 ing stoppages, and that was a very good pace. 
 
 Nothing has been more misrepresented than the 
 slowness of the royal journey. Carlyle says that 
 they travelled sixty-nine miles in twenty-two hours, 
 "■ slower than the slowest dray rate." From Paris to 
 Chalons is at least one hundred and fifty miles, and 
 twenty-three hours is the very utmost that can be 
 allowed for the journey, including all accidents and 
 all stoppages. Twenty-one hours would be nearer 
 the mark. This gives the rate of over seven miles 
 
 ^ Comte de Provence's Narrative, p. 70. " The suu which 
 had not before appeared during the whole day, now disjolayed 
 himself." This was quite towards evening. 
 
 2 Tourzel, 310.
 
 THE FLIGHT TO VARENNES. 17 
 
 an hour for the whole journey., whereas travellers of 
 those days often did not exceed three or four miles, 
 and did not consider themselves aggrieved if they 
 were detained several hours by an accident.^ 
 
 At last the town of Chalons-sur-Marne was safely 
 reached. The king believed that this point once 
 passed all danger was at an end. At the first post 
 along the road a detachment of Bouille's army would 
 \)Q met, the precursor of many others, who would 
 envelop the king and protect him safely to his 
 frontier fortress. The horses were changed at the 
 Chalons post-house, at the end of the town near the 
 eastern gate ; and tradition says that, as they were 
 starting off, the team fell badly and again broke the 
 harness : a presage of evil omen for their success. 
 On they fared, passed the triumphal arch which had 
 ■greeted Marie Antoinette on her arrival as Dauphine, 
 past the Pilgrimage Church of our Lady of the Thorn 
 with its miraculous well, past the road leading from 
 Rheims, the city of the coronation, till in a deep and 
 and solitary valley they reached the lonely post-house 
 of Pont-Sommevesle, where the promised succour 
 was to^b»e met". ISTot a soldier was to be seen. Where 
 was Choiseul ? Where were the Lauzun hussars ? The 
 king felt as if an abyss had opened beneath his feet. 
 The horses were quickly changed, and the berline 
 
 * Fersen, i. 130. The diary of Essex, the architect, read 
 before the Cambridge Antiquarian Society, March 15, 1886, 
 says that he travelled between Calais and Dunkirk, August 
 20, 1773, with six horses, at the rate of nearly three miles and 
 a half an hour, baiting the horses every six miles. 
 F. V. C
 
 i8 THE FLIGHT TO VARENNES. 
 
 rattled on ; but a heavy weight was on the travellers' 
 hearts, which foreboded a coming calamity. 
 
 In the correspondence between Bouille and the 
 king there had always been talk of an escort. One 
 reason why Bouille had been made acquainted so 
 early with the king's plans was because his command 
 extended over so large a part of France, and he had 
 so wide a discretion over the movements of troops. 
 Lately, however, his command had been curtailed, 
 and the Minister of War had intimated that troops 
 were not to be moved without his authority. It is a 
 mistake to place the fault of having an escort to the 
 account of the king. Just before the flight we find 
 Bouille writing to Fersen, that he is to take great 
 care about the security of the road as far as Chalons. 
 Fersen replies, that it is not necessary to take any 
 precautions between Paris and Chalons, that the best 
 course is to take none, and that Bouille would be wise 
 to place soldiers nowhere on the Paris side of 
 Varennes unless he can thoroughly trust them, for 
 soldiers will create suspicion, which it is their first 
 object to avoid. Still Bouille is to be credited with 
 the masterly skill, with which he arranged that his 
 troops should be passing through the towns on the 
 king's line of journey, just at the time when they 
 seemed to be preparing for military movements to 
 repulse the Austrians who were approaching the 
 frontier. The means by which this was effected, and 
 the details of the military operations, will require a 
 fuller explanation. 
 
 The regiment of Koyal Allemand, on which 
 Bouille could count better than on any other, was
 
 THE FLIGHT TO VARENNES. 19 
 
 posted at Stenay, a little town on the Meuse, ten 
 miles from Montmedy, and about half-way between 
 Sedan and Verdun. -On the day of the king's flight 
 about fifty troopers of the Royal Allemand were sent 
 in advance to Mouzay, a village a short distance 
 from Stenay on tlfe road to Dun. At the beginning 
 of June two squadrons of the Lauzun hussars, each 
 100 strong, had been despatched from Toul to the 
 frontier of the Meuse. A squadron and a half (150 
 men) were to remain in barracks at Dun, where there 
 was a bridge over the Meuse which the king must 
 pass. The remaining half squadron, fifty strong, 
 were sent to Varennes. But on the pretext of the 
 barracks of Dun being too small, the numbers of 
 soldiers at Varennes were increased to about one hun- 
 dred. Two other regiments appeared to Bouille to be 
 trustworthy ; the Royal Dragoons, commanded by the 
 Due de Choiseul, and the Monsieur dragoons, com- 
 manded by the Comte de Damas. The bulk of these 
 regiments had been removed by order of the Minister 
 of War, against Bouille's wish, into Alsace, but the 
 depots, consisting of some of the best troops, re- 
 mained behind. These Bouille ordered to march to 
 Mouzon, a town on the Meuse between Stenay and 
 Sedan. On the way they were to rest two days at 
 Clermont, and to despatch a squadron of forty men 
 to Ste. Mcnehould, on the pretext of escorting a 
 treasure. Thus, with the specious appearance of 
 guarding the Meuse fortress, Bouille contrived to 
 collect troops in the various towns through which the 
 king's flight was to take place. 
 
 The two squadrons of dragoons, 290 men and 250
 
 20 THE FLIGHT TO VARENNES. 
 
 horses, forming' one column under the command of 
 Monsieur de Damas, the contingent of Royal dra- 
 goons being under the command of Captain d'Andoins, 
 arrived at Clermont on the morning of Monday, June 
 20." They were quartered in the town, with the 
 exception of forty men, under the command of 
 Captain St. Didier, who were lodged at Auzeville, a 
 village a mile and a half distant. Scarcely had the 
 inhabitants of Clermont recovered from the excite- 
 ment of their arrival, when forty Lauzun hussars, 
 wearing bear-skins with red caps, halted in the square 
 of the town. Monsieur de Goguelat, an officer pos- 
 sessing the confidence of the king and queen, had 
 been sent by them to Bouille to help him in making 
 the last arrangements. The choice was unfortunate, 
 because of the blunderers in this affair none was so 
 bad as Goguelat. He disobeyed the most important 
 orders that were given him, and everything left to his 
 discretion was badly done.^ Goguelat, starting fi-om 
 Montmedy, had reached Varennes on Sunday even- 
 ing. On Monday morning he took with him forty 
 oiTt of the 100 Lauzun hussars who were quartered 
 at Varennes. Their orders were to pass through 
 Clermont to Ste. Menehould, to proceed the next 
 morning to Pont-Sommevesle, to await the king's 
 arrival, or, as they were told, to escort an expected 
 treasure. The officer in command of the detachment 
 
 ^ Yet tlie king and queen trusted him and forgave him after 
 the failure of the flight. Bouille specially asked for him, and 
 Fersen writes of him to Bouille : " Cast un homme sur, il ne 
 faut que le moderer." — Fersen, i. 129.
 
 THE FLIGHT TO VARENNES. 21 
 
 was Lieutenant Boudet, but the troops were under 
 the general direction of Goguelat. On arriving at 
 Clermont, Goguelat found Damas and the other 
 otiicers breakfasting in the Hotel St. Nicholas. He 
 delivered the verbal order which he had received 
 from Bouille, that the dragoons were to be saddled 
 the following day at five o'clock in the afternoon. 
 After luncheon, Goguelat rode on to Ste. Menehould, 
 distant about ten miles. His^oldiers were" not to" be 
 billeted upon the population, but were to lodge in 
 public-houses in the town. He therefore saw no 
 need to inform the municipality of his arrival, or to 
 sound his trumpets on entering as was the usual 
 custom. This caused great irritation. Ste. Mene- 
 hould was strongly affected by the patriotic fever. A 
 national guard had been formed there, but it had not 
 been armed. The irregular entry of the troo]3S was 
 resented by the population, and when they left the 
 next morning for Pont-Sommevesle they were hissed. 
 
 At daybreak on Tuesday morning Lagache, a I 
 quarter-master ot the Koyai dragoons, was sent by \ 
 Damas to Ste. Menehould to prepare a lodging for 
 thirty-three men and horses, who were to escort the 
 so-called treasure on its arrival from Pont-Somme- 
 vesle. He found quarters in an inn looking- on the 
 great square and on the magnificent Hotel de Ville 
 built in 1740, not far from the post-house established 
 in 1788, and kept by Drouet.^ At about nine o'clock, 
 just after the departure of the hussars, a sound of 
 trumpets was heard on the side of the forest road. 
 
 * There is a plan of Ste. Menehould hi M. Ancelon's book.
 
 22 THE FLIGHT TO VARENNES. 
 
 Captain d'Andoins, who was in command of the 
 troop, being warned by Lagache, took care to sound 
 his trumpets, and to inform the municipality of his 
 arrival. He drew up his soldiers in the great square, 
 reported himself to the mayor and was well received. 
 This completed the chain of Bouille's guard, which 
 extended in unbroken series from Pont-Sommevesle 
 to Montmedy. What had caused the desertion of 
 the first link in the chain ? how was it that the king 
 on arriving at the post-house, where he felt certain 
 of his escort, had found no one to meet him ? 
 
 The Duke de Choiseul, commander of the Royal 
 dragoons, had been sent by Bouille from Metz, in 
 order to give the king the last information about the 
 preparations for the flight. Fersen expressed at the 
 time a doubt as to whether he was the best instru- 
 ment for the purpose.-^ Although devoted to the 
 cause of the king, he was frivolous and hasty, and 
 had not that spirit of calm patience and decision 
 which was needed in the difficult crisis. However, 
 he was very rich and of high rank, was colonel of a 
 distinguished regiment, and was able to furnish from 
 his own stables the relays which were needed for the 
 royal party at Varennes. It was arranged that 
 Choiseul should leave Paris ten hours before the 
 king. At two in the afternoon the queen sent to 
 him her private hairdresser, Tjonuavd. Choiseul took 
 
 ^ Fersen writes to Bouille : " Tachez, s'il est possible, de ne 
 pas envoyer le Due de Choiseul ici ; personne n'est sans doute 
 plus attache, mais c'est un jeune liomme, un brouillou, je 
 Grains quelque indiscretion . . . Renvoyez plutot Gogue- 
 lat."— Fersen, i. 136.
 
 THE FLIGHT TO VARENNES. 23 
 
 Leonard with liim iu liis carriage without telling him 
 where he was going. They slept at Montmirail, left 
 that town at four the next morning, and arrived at 
 the post-house of Pont-Sommevesle soon after eleven. 
 Choiseul found his orderly there with two horses. 
 He went upstairs to put on his uniform. The hussars 
 had not arrived, bnt they appeared an hour later. 
 Monsieur de Goguelat, who commanded them, found 
 Choiseul still dressing, and delivered to him a large 
 packet of orders, which he had received two days 
 before from Bouille. Choiseul picketed his horses, 
 and gave bread and wine to the hussars. The orders 
 given by Goguelat to Choiseul were very precise. 
 He was placed iu command of all the troops posted 
 along the road, having full liberty to employ force, 
 if he though it best to do so. If he should hear that 
 the king had been arrested at Chalons, he was to at- 
 tack the town and to attempt a rescue. In this case 
 he was to despatch orders along the line, so that he 
 might be supported. When the king arrived at 
 Pont-Sommevesle, Choiseul was to await his orders. 
 If the king desired to be recognised, the hussars 
 were to escort him with drawn swords to Ste. Mene- 
 hould. If the king wished to remain incognito, he 
 was to allow him to pass quietly, but half-an-hour 
 afterwards was to follow him along the road^ and 
 was to post a body of hussars between Ste. Mene- 
 hould and Clermont, who were to remain there for 
 fifteen hours, and intercept every one who came 
 either on horseback or in carriage from the direction 
 of Paris. This would effectually prevent the king 
 being pursued. Further, as soon as he became
 
 24 THE FLIGHT TO VARENNES. 
 
 aware that the king was at hand^ Choiseul was to 
 send M. Goguelat to inform the several detachments^ 
 or^ if this was impossible, he was to carry the news 
 himself. Choiseul did none of the things that were 
 expected of him. By some strange miscalculation, it 
 had been said that the berline was expected to arrive 
 at Pont-Sommevesle at half-past two in the afternoon 
 at latest, supposing that the Royal family left Paris 
 punctually at midnight. This would allow a pace of 
 eight miles an hour, including all stoppages, and 
 without any accidents. A courier, Choiseul says in 
 his defence, was to precede the Royal carriage by an 
 hour ; therefore, when three o'clock and four o'clock 
 arrived, and neither courier nor carriage was to be 
 seen, Choiseul began to be very anxious. He tells 
 us that the peasants of a neighbouring village, which 
 are believed to be those of Courtisols, were assem- 
 bling in a threatening attitude, thinking that the 
 hussars were come to make them pay their rents. 
 At four o'clock, therefore, he sends off Leonard, the 
 hairdresser, in his own post-chaise, telling him to 
 inform the detachments, that he feared the travellers 
 would not pass that day ; in short, that the whole 
 scheme had probably collapsed. He asserts that 
 after this he waited another hour, and finally, at about 
 r half -past five or a quarter to six, retreated with his 
 hussars slowly on the road to Orbeval. Unfortu- 
 nately, the account of the Due de Choiseul, which 
 has been so often followed, is the nature of a personal 
 exculpation, and cannot be received as evidence. 
 Two things we know for certain — that the Royal 
 travellers found the road between Chalons and Pont-
 
 THE FLIGHT TO VARENNES. 25 
 
 Sommevesle absolutely quiet and deserted ; tliey 
 heard no news of any troops, or ot any "disturbance 
 among the peasantry; aad that if Choiseul had really 
 remained at Pont-Sommevesle till a quarter to six, 
 and then marched slowly towards Orbeval, the berline 
 Avliich arrived at Pont-Sommevesle between six and 
 half-past must inevitably have caught him up. We 
 do not know when Choiseul left Pont-Sommevesle, 
 but we do know that he entirely lost his head.' 
 
 It is also certain that Choiseul ought in any case 
 to have waited" for the courier Valory. Yalory had 
 been ordered, in case the king should not reach Boudy 
 before 3.30 a.m., to ride along the road to Montmedy, 
 and to inform the detachments that the enterprise 
 had failed, Choiseul's neglect to wait for Valory in 
 any case, whether preceding the king or not, was 
 quite inexcusable. 
 
 Valory, on arriving at Pont-Sommevesle, found the 
 post deserted, and asked no questions of the post- 
 master. He left money to pay for a glass of brandy 
 forTach of the post-boys, and had the new horses 
 brousrht out into the road. He then mounted a fi-esh 
 steed, and galloped towards Ste. Menehould. What 
 had happened in that town since the morning ? 
 D'Andoins had bccMi there with his thirty-three 
 dragoons since nine o'clock. They were ordered to 
 remaiii saddled all day, ready to march at any 
 moment. At five in the afternoon D'Andoins walked 
 out on the road to Pont-Sommevesle, but saw no- 
 
 ' We know that he was at Neuville-au-Pont at a little be- 
 fore eight.
 
 26 THE FLIGHT TO VARENNES. 
 
 thing. Shortly afterwards Leonard, the hairdresser, 
 arrived with Choiseul's message, that the treasure 
 would probably not pass that day. The dragoons 
 saw their colonel's carriage pass with his servant, 
 whom they recognised. Lagache, who was probably 
 in the secret of the flight, thought it well to test the 
 loyalty of the dragoons by sounding the assembly. 
 Each trooper left his occupation at the call of duty, 
 and stood in due obedience by his charger, D'An- 
 doins, coming up directly afterwards, rebuked 
 Lagache for the rashness of his conduct in collecting 
 the troopers. He was evidently frightened by the 
 responsibility of facing an -irritated democracy, and 
 his chief anxiety was to save his own skin at any 
 cost. He ordered the horses to be unsaddled, in 
 spite of Lagache's remonstrances. Scarcely half an 
 hour after this had been done, Valory galloped up, 
 and twenty minutes later the berline rolled towards 
 the post-house. 
 
 The arrival of a large and luxurious travelling- 
 coach would cause excitement at any time in a town 
 like Ste. Menehould ; but the town was not in its 
 ordinary condition. The passing of Goguelat's 
 hussars had exasperated the citizens, and the arrival 
 of the dragoons, an hour after the hussars had left, 
 increased their excitement. At about half-past ten 
 in the morning, the inhabitants began to assemble in 
 knots in the sti-eets, and at mid-day a formal request 
 was made to the mayor to deliver to the National 
 Guards, who had been already enrolled, the 300 
 I muskets which had been sent for their use from 
 I Chalons. This was immediately done, and it was
 
 THE FLIGHT TO VARENNES. ^ 27 
 
 arranged that the new force should mount guard 
 every evening at eight o'clock. Valory tells us that 
 Ste. Menehould was the first town on the road where 
 he saw the National Guards in uniform. When the 
 larare travellingr-coach arrived with its outriders and 
 post-chaise, although it was not specially remarkable 
 in itself, it naturally attracted attention. The 
 dragoons, unfortunately separated from their horses, 
 drew up in front of the hostelry of the Golden 
 Sun to gaze at it. Some of them saluted the 
 travellers, as a mark of respect, not knowing who 
 they were, and the queen graciously returned their 
 salutation. D'Andoins kept in the background as 
 much as possible, but he had time to whisper to those 
 in the carriage, " Your plans are badly laid ; I will 
 go away to avoid suspicion." He also made a sign 
 to Valory to harness quickly, but Valory interpreted 
 this as a wish to speak to him, and their conversation 
 roused the attention of the crowd. Just as the fresh 
 horses were being harnessed, J. B. Drouet, the post- 
 master, arrived from a field whicTi he had been culti- 
 vatiTt^ in the neighbourhood. The name of it, 
 Malassise, still lives in local tradition. He was a 
 young man of twenty-eight, but had served in the 
 Conde dragoons, and had seen the queen at Ver- 
 sailles. He now thought he recognised her. At 
 this moment the king put his head out of the carriage 
 to speak to Valory or to some one else,^ and Drouet, 
 
 ^ At one time the king thought of taking M. de Saint- 
 Priest with him. Fersen says, "II lui faut en voiture quel- 
 qu'un qui puisse parler, si cela etait necessaire." — Fersen, i. 
 128. 
 
 I
 
 28 THE FLIGHT TO VARENNES. 
 
 by a sudden inspiration, compared the portrait on the 
 assignat, with which Valory had just paid the relays, 
 with the head of the traveller in the berline, He no- 
 ticed the long aquiline nose, the short-sighted look, the 
 spotted complexion; and when a message from the 
 Town Council came to ask his opinion, he had no doubt 
 that the berline contained the king and his family. 
 Indeed, the recognition of the king appears to have 
 been made simultaneously by many of the loiterers. 
 Alexandre Dumas relates in his ''Route de Varennes " 
 that an old inhabitant of Ste. Menehould told him 
 that, as a boy, whilst standing at the door of the 
 " Poste aux lettres," the postmaster (not Drouet), 
 cried at the sight of the berline, " Yoici le roi et sa 
 famille.'^ The suspicion quickly ran from mouth to 
 mouth ; it was increased by the action of the brave 
 Lagache, who, determining that one dragoon at least 
 should do his duty and follow his sovereign, clutched 
 his reins in his teeth, and with a pistol in each hand 
 broke through the opposing crowd, firing a shot as he 
 passed. A man tried to stop him as he rode over 
 the little bridge leaning to the wood, but, on Lagache 
 presenting his second pistol at him, he jumped into 
 the river to save himself. Lagache followed the 
 berline towards Clermont, but with the fatality which 
 \ accompanied every incident in the flight, he went 
 astray in the wood, and did not reach Clermont till 
 eleven in the night, when the king was already at 
 Varennes.^ After the berline had passed, D'Andoins 
 
 1 Lagache afterwards became General Henri in the sei'vice 
 of Napoleon I.
 
 THE FLIGHT TO VARENNES. 
 
 29 
 
 tried to mount his dragoons ; but they were detained 
 by the townspeople, who showed so firm a counten- 
 ance, that, when summoned to disaimi, he was not 
 sorry to surrender to the order of the mayor. 
 
 Drouet always claimed for himself the merit of 
 having recognised the king, and having followed him 
 at his own risk. The minutes of the Town Council 
 of Ste. Menehould leave no doubt that he was de- 
 spatched, together with Guillaume, an ofiicer ot the 
 municTpality, by the orders of the town, and with 
 the general knowledge and consent of the citizens. 
 Drouet once on his road, D'Andoins and his dragoons 
 disarmed. A message arrived from Neuville-au-Pont, 
 a town about three miles from Ste. Menehould, to 
 say that eighty hussars from Pont-Sommevesle (fear 
 had doubled their number) had passed through the 
 town a little before eight o'clock : by so small a dis- 
 tance had Choiseul missed the berline. Fearing lest 
 the hussars should intercept Drouet and Guillaume, 
 three citizens, Legay, Lepointe, and Collet, volun- 
 teered to follow and protect them. However, as they 
 galloped out of the Clermont gate, the National 
 Guard fired upon them. Collet was killed, and Legay 
 was seriously wounded. A cry arose, " To arms7 to 
 arms ; we are betrayed ! All the muskets available 
 at the town hall were distributed to the populace, 
 even to women. The windows were lighted up, and 
 the town was barricaded on the Clermont side. The 
 tocsin was sounded, and bread was baked all night 
 for the National Guards, who were expected to come 
 in. 
 
 In the meantime the king was posting through
 
 30 THE FLIGHT TO VARENNES. 
 
 one of the most pictureque parts of France, towards 
 Clermont. He passed high above the lovely valley 
 of the Biesme, and through the gorge of Les 
 Islettes, one of the five defiles of the Argonne, un- 
 conscious of his fate. At Clermont, Damas did not 
 do his duty much better than Choiseul or D' Andoins. 
 His dragoons had been ordered to mount their torses 
 at five o'clock in the afternoon. He conceived the 
 idea of forming a special corps of thirty troopers to 
 form a guard for the king. From five o'clock in 
 the afternoon these thirty men were drawn up close 
 to the posthouse, ready to start at a moment's notice. 
 With the rest of the troops he intended to follow the 
 king's route, and to stop all travellers from Paris. 
 Two hours passed, and the people began to be uneasy. 
 At half-past seven Leonard, that ill-omened bird of 
 passage, drove by with Choiseul's message, which, 
 however, Damas at first disregarded. Niglit drew 
 on, and Damas's officers begged him to allow the 
 soldiers to retire to their quarters. At nine o'clock 
 he fatally yielded, and, fearing that the enterprise 
 was at an end, ordered the horses to be unsaddled. 
 Half an hour later the berline arrived. Damas was 
 obliged to excuse himself for not having the escort 
 ready. In ten minutes the new horses were hai*- 
 nessed, and the berline rolled on towards the end of 
 its journey. Unfortunately the courier, who rode on 
 the box of the carriage, called out in a loud voice to 
 the postillions, '^ Route de Varennes." This was 
 overheard by the postillions of the previous stage, 
 who were returning to Ste. Menehould. On their 
 way home they met Drouet and Guillaume just out-
 
 THE FUG FIT TO VARENNES. 31 
 
 side Clermont^ and were able to inform them of the 
 direction the berline had taken. Without this know- 
 ledge they would have ridden along the straight road 
 to Verdun. It is painful to think of the number of 
 petty incidents which caused the failure of this 
 momentous enterprise. Damas, being- prevented by 
 the people of Clermont from following with his 
 troops, sent one of his quartermasters, Remy, and a 
 few soldiers to follow the [king. They missed the 
 turning to Varennes, and, after riding hariT for two 
 hours, found tliemselves close to Verdun, making the 
 very mistake which Drouet was saved from making. 
 Charles Boullle, the second son of the marquis, and 
 yoiing Kaigecourt, who were awaiting the king's 
 arrival at Varennes, being impatient at his delay, 
 sent an orderly for news. He passed the berline 
 and its outriders at a short distance from the town, 
 but he did not speak to them nor they to him, yet he 
 was in possession of that very information about the 
 position of the relays which would have saved the 
 monarchy of France. 
 
 The Royal family arrived at the outskirts of 
 Varennes at about eleven o'clock. Varennes is a 
 little town sloping downwards towards the river 
 Aire with one long narrow street.^ The traveller 
 as he passes down it first reaches an open square, 
 the Place du Chateau, where the old seignorial castle 
 once stood. A short distance further will bring him 
 to the Hotel de Ville and to an open space opposite 
 to it. In 1791 this space was occupied by the church 
 
 * There is a plan of Varennes in Ancelou.
 
 32 THE FLIGHT TO VARENNES. 
 
 of St. Gengoult, since destroyed. TJie bell tower of 
 the churcli stands next to the Hotel de Yille^ and 
 was at that time connected with the main building^ 
 by a low arch. As he passes down the steep and 
 narrow street, he finds on the right-hand side next 
 to the bell-tower a house which was once the Bras 
 d'Or tavern. A little further, on the opposite side, 
 is the house of M. Sauce, in which the royal family 
 passed the night after their capture. A very short 
 distance brings him to the river, and to the narrow 
 bridge which crosses it. On the other side of the 
 bridge is a large square with a church in the centre. 
 Facing the church, at the angle nearest the bridge, 
 is the Hotel du Grand Monarque, little changed 
 during the last hundred years. It was here that 
 the relays were stabled, and that Charles Bouille and 
 Raigecourt awaited the arrival of the king. From 
 the door of the Grand Monarque, two roads diverge, 
 one to Yerdun, the other to Stenay. It had been 
 arranged with the king that the relays should be 
 posted at the end of the town nearest to Clermont. 
 As Varennes was not on the post road, no horses 
 were kept there, and even driving there with post 
 horses was a matter of favour. This arrangement 
 had been altered by the unlucky Goguelat, who, 
 counting on the arrival of Choiseul, or Valory some 
 time before the king, had decided to leave the relays 
 where they were. 
 
 The 21st of June had passed very quietly for the 
 inhabitants of the little town. The next day but one 
 was the Fete-Dieu ; and those who could spare the 
 time were engaged in making garlands and ornaments
 
 THE FLIGHT TO VARENNES. 33 
 
 for the procession customary on that day. The hair- 
 dresser^ Leonard, who had caused much mischief along 
 the road, reached Yarennes at half-past nine with his 
 message of despair. He asked for Choiseul's horses 
 to continue his journey. These were denied him, but 
 he procured others. Had he continued on the road to 
 Montmedy, he would have met Bouille, and perhaps 
 have induced him to advance to see what was the 
 matter, but stricken by the common fatality, he took 
 the road to Verdun. Having done all the mischief he 
 could by his journey on the king's route, he now dis- 
 continued it at the very momcut when he might have 
 been of use. 
 
 The travelling coach stopped at the entrance of 
 the town, where the king had been told that the 
 relays would be found. Nothing was to be seen; 
 every house was in profound repose. The king 
 descended from the carriage and knocked at a door. 
 A voice from within cried, " Go along with you, we 
 don't know what you want." The queen got out in her 
 turn, and resting on the arm of M. de Maiden knocked 
 at the door of a large house in the first square. It 
 was inhabited by M. de Prefontaine, a knight of 
 Saint Louis, and agent for the Conde estates in those 
 parts. He was at this time unwell, and knew nothing 
 of what was going on in the town ; he could therefore 
 give the queen no information. Whilst Marie Antoi- 
 nette was in the house, and the two other body- 
 guards, MM. de Valory and de Moustier, were looking 
 for the relays, four men on horseback galloped by, one 
 of them called out to the postillions, '' Go no further ; 
 unharness your horses ; your passenger is the king." 
 
 p. V. D
 
 34 THE FLIGHT TO VARENNES. 
 
 The body-guards^ after examining a wood in the 
 neighbourhood of the town where no horses were 
 likely to be concealed, sauntered down the narrow 
 street, but never once thought of crossing the bridge. 
 When Valory came back to the king, he was met with 
 the words, "Francois, we are betrayed." Shortly after- 
 wards the queen came back to the carriage, handed 
 to it by M. de Prefontaine. She was received with 
 the same terrible news. The only course left was to 
 proceed further, but the postillions positively refused 
 to stir an inch. The body-guards promised money. 
 The postillions answered that their horses were tired, 
 that their master at Clermont had charged them to 
 aro no further than the entrance to Varennes, and 
 that his wife had especially enjoined them under no 
 consideration to make a longer journey, because they 
 were wanted for the hay harvest the next day. It is 
 said that Madame Canitrot, for that was her name, 
 never forgave herself for having thus caused the 
 death of Louis XVI. and Marie Antoinette. At last 
 the body-guards threatened the postillions with their 
 hunting knives ; the carriage moved slowly on ; but 
 thirty-five minutes had been lost, and it was too late. 
 Drouet and Guillaume, after passing the berline, 
 had shopped at the tavern of the Bras d'Or on the 
 other side of the archway.^ The clock had just 
 struck a quarter-past eleven. A few young men of 
 the neighbourhood were engaged in conversation, 
 and were preparing to go home, when they heard 
 
 * The other two horsemen had been sent from Clermont, 
 but they took no part in the arrest of the king.
 
 THE FLIGHT TO VARENNES. 35 
 
 the rattle of horses' hoofs. They Avere Paul Le- 
 "blanc, the brother of the landlord, Jean Leblanc, 
 Joseph Ponsin, Justin G-eorge, son of the mayor, who 
 was then in Paris, Thennevin, bailiff of the neigh- 
 bouring village of Les Islettes, and Delion from 
 Mount Faucon. The door opened, and Drouet 
 entered in haste. " He drew the landlord on one 
 side, and said, " Friend, are you a good patriot ? " 
 " Of course I am," he replied. '' Well, if that is so, 
 go as quickly as you can and tell all trustworthy 
 people that the king is at the entrance of Varennes, 
 that he is coming down the street, and that he must 
 be arrested. The landlord first recruited the men 
 who were in his parlour ; he then went to M. 
 Sauce, who was Procureur of the Commune, called 
 him out of bed, and told him what he had heard. 
 Drouet's first care was to barricade the bridg-e, 
 which united the two parts of the town, using for 
 that purpose a waggon full of furniture which he 
 accidentally found there. The other seven armed 
 themselves with muskets, and prepared to stop the 
 carriage as it passed from under the archway. They 
 arranged that they should first ask for the travellers' 
 passports, and when they were delivered gain as much 
 time as possible that the people might assemble 
 in force. At this momentous crisis Charles Bouille 
 and Raigecourt were sitting at their window doing 
 nothing. They heard a little movement in the town, 
 but paid no attention. Sauce sent his little children 
 to give an alarm of fire through the town. The in- 
 habitants hurried together, believing the bad news, 
 and some of the hussars came out of their barracks
 
 36 THE FLIGHT TO VARENNES. 
 
 to see if they could be of use. One of the gates of 
 the archway was shut^ the seven patriots were rein- 
 forced by three others, making ten in all. The post- 
 chaise, with the two chambermaids, was first stopped 
 by the landlord and his brother. Sauce approached 
 and asked the ladies for their passport. They an- 
 swered that it was in the second carriage. The 
 occupants of the berline replied to their questions 
 that they were on the way to Frankfort. Sauce held 
 up a lantern inside the carriage and gazed at the 
 faces of the travellers. At last the passport was 
 delivered to him. It was signed by Louis himself,^ 
 but Drouet or Sauce remarked, that it did not bear 
 the countersign of the President of the National 
 Assembly. Sauce added, that it was now too late to 
 verify the passport, that it was dangerous for the 
 travellers to continue their journey during the night, 
 that they must get out of the carriage and wait for 
 daybreak. When the postillions attempted to pro- 
 ceed, they were stopped by the armed men, who 
 cried, " If you go a step farther, we fire." Nothing 
 was left for the Eoyal family but to get out. 
 
 Sauce offered the hospitality of his house. It was 
 only a few steps distant on the left-hand side of the 
 sloping street. It has since been altered, and local 
 tradition states that it has been moved back in order 
 to make the street wider, but its main features still 
 remain unchanged. On the ground-floor there was 
 a grocer's shop, with a strong smell of tallow, which 
 the queen could not put up with. The upper storey 
 
 ^ There is a facsimile of the passport in Bimbenet, p. 150.
 
 THE FLIGHT TO VARENNES. 37 
 
 is readied by a narrow corkscrew staircase, wliicli 
 lias apparently remained unaltered till the present 
 day. On the upper floor are two rooms, one looking 
 out into the street, the other into a small courtyard. 
 In the back room, about fifteen feet by twenty, was 
 collected the majesty of France. The king* seated 
 himself in an armchair in the middle of the room, 
 the queen asked for some hot water, wine, and clean 
 sheets, probably all for the children.^ The Dauphin 
 and his sister were placed upon a bed and were soon 
 asleep, the- faithful Madame de Tourzel seated by 
 their side. The body-guards sat on a bench under- 
 neath the window,^ It is incredible that the king 
 should not have been rescued at this moment. Sixty 
 hussars were in their barracks at a short distance 
 from the bridge, with their horses harnessed, ready 
 to sthrt at nny moment. A few of tliem only had 
 beau disturbed by the cry of fire. That they were 
 useless in the crisis was owinsr to Goo-ifelat^s elTOrs. 
 By some sti-ange infatuation he had sent their proper 
 commaiidor, Deslon, off to Bouilk', where he could be 
 of no use, and had left them in the cliai-ge of a young 
 lieutenant of eighteen, Eohrig, who lost his head and 
 did nothing. As soon as he found himself in a 
 difiicultyfhe crossed the river by a ford and galloped 
 off to Bouille. Charles Bouille and Eaigecourt did 
 the same. By this time the whole population of 
 
 ^ The story of the king asking for food is a fable. There 
 were plenty of provisions in the carriage, and a silver-gilt jug 
 was left behind in Sauce's house by the Royal family on their 
 departure next day. 
 
 ^ These details are fi'om a manuscript account by an eye 
 witness, given to me by my friend Mr. Curtis, of Venice.
 
 38 THE FLIGHT TO VARENNES. 
 
 Varennes was on foot. They built barricades at the 
 entrance of all the streets leading to the country. 
 They dragged out two or three pieces of ordnance 
 which were rusting in the stables of the Town-hall, 
 and placed them partly on the bridge, and partly at 
 the entrance of the Clermont Wood. 
 
 When these arrangements were complete, at about 
 one o^clock in the morning, Choiseul and his forty 
 hussars, who, after their departure from Pont-Som- 
 mevesle, had left the high-road a little before reach- 
 ing Ste. Menehould, and had taken five hours to ride 
 from Neuville-au-Pont through the woods, arrived at 
 the entrance of Varennes. They were stopped by 
 the little barricade and the two rusty pieces of 
 cannon, an obstacle which the forty hussars might 
 have brushed aside in a moment. Almost at the 
 same moment a few dragoons, under the command of 
 Damas, came up from Clermont. The two bodies of 
 cavalry passed easily through the barricade, and 
 entered the town. They first halted in the Place du 
 Chateau, where the Royal family had wasted thirty- 
 five minutes two hours before. Here they met 
 Sauce. He had been to rouse the principal judge, 
 bylname Destez, who was acquainted with the king's 
 appearance, and who, he hoped, might recognise 
 him. As he passed by. Sauce took care to speak to 
 the hussars, and to tamper with their allegiance. 
 Choiseul marched straight down the street, not halt- 
 ing at the house in which the Royal family were 
 prisoners, till he reached the convent which served 
 as barracks for the hussars. He found it deserted, 
 and none but the grooms were to be seen. He drew
 
 THE FLIGHT TO VARENNES. 39 
 
 up his soldiers in the courtyard ; told them that the 
 king- and queen were prisoners in the town, and they 
 must rescue them or die. Harsh guttural cries of 
 ^' Der Konig, die Konigin ! " rose from the men, who 
 were mostly Germans. Then, breaking his squadron 
 into fours, he trotted up the street with drawn swords 
 and halted opposite Sauce's house. Damas, in the 
 meantime, had ci-ossed the bridge, notwithstanding 
 the barricade, had learned at the Hotel du Grand | 
 Monarque, that the two officers in charge of the 
 relays had galloped off to Stenay, and had returned 
 to the narrow street where he found M. de Choiseul. 
 At this moment, very slight firmness on the part of 
 the hussars, or their commander, would have saved 
 the king, but there was the usual hesitation and 
 delay. Goguelat mounted the corkscrew staircase 
 into the petty prison of his sovereign, to ask for 
 orders, as if the king, in such a situation, could have 
 any orders to give. 
 
 The travellers had been already recognised. M. 
 Destez had thrown himself at the king's feet; the 
 king had said, " Yes, I am your king ; I cannot re- 
 main any longer at Paris without death to my family 
 and myself." A dispute ensued between Sauce and 
 Louis as to whether it was better for the country that 
 he should go or stay. The queen could bear it no 
 longer, but cried, " If you recognise him as your 
 king, treat him with more respect." At one moment 
 it seemed as if the gaoler would give way. The king 
 embraced all who were standing round and moved 
 them to tears. This emotion soon passed. Drouet 
 was always at hand to keep the patriots to their
 
 40 THE FLIGHT TO VARENNES. 
 
 purpose. Sauce's house, and even the room where 
 the Royal family were imprisoned, were besieged by 
 a surging crowd, Tradition says that when Louis 
 asserted his firm intention of not going beyond the 
 frontier, a little bandy-legged cripple cried out, 
 '' Sire, we do not believe you." For some time Sauce 
 maintained the specious fiction, that the Royal family 
 should set off whither they pleased at daybreak. 
 The queen did her best to touch the heart of Madame 
 Sauce, and Sauce's mother, an old lady of eighty, 
 on coming into the chamber, fell down upon her 
 knees, bursting into tears and kissed the hands of 
 the children. 
 
 When Groguelat entered the room, Louis said to 
 him, '^ Well, when shall we be oS" ? " He answered, 
 " Sire, we await your orders." Damas suggested a 
 plan of carrying off the whole party on seven horses 
 belonging to the hussars, guarded by the remaining 
 thirty-three. Louis feared that a stray ball might 
 kill one of the party. The plan indeed was an in- 
 sane one. It would be far easier to have cleared the 
 road by a charge and driven off" in the berline. At 
 last the fatal decision was taken of waiting for 
 Bouille. Every moment that elapsed made the 
 king's fate more certain, and yet the royal party 
 seemed to clutch at every pretext for delay. By 
 two o'clock in the morning five thousand peasants 
 from the neighbouring villages had reached Varennes, 
 and an hour later their number had doubled. The 
 barricades were strengthened, and the hussars placed 
 before Sauce's house found themselves between two 
 fires. It is a comfort to discover amongst all this
 
 THE FLIGHT TO VARENNES. 41 
 
 pusillanimity one touch of courage. Goguelat at- 
 tempted to disperse the crowd which was collecting 
 round the Royal berline ; Roland^ an officer of the 
 National Gruard, seized his horse by the bridle, 
 Groguelat drew his sword and threatened him. 
 Roland fired his pistol, and the ball was flattened 
 against Goguelat's collar-bone. His horse reared 
 and the rider fell slightly wounded. He was taken 
 into the Bras d'Or tavern, where his hurt was at- 
 tended to. This pistol-shot might have been the 
 signal of a massacre, but the hussars, instead of 
 attacking the crowd, fraternized with them; jars 
 of wine were passed from trooper to trooper. When 
 Remy arrived from Clermont at four o'clock, he 
 found the hussars drinking and calling "^ Vive la 
 Nation.'' 
 
 The fate of Quartermaster Remy was another of 
 those strange fatalities which brought about the final 
 catastrophe. He had left Clermont shortly after the 
 passage of the berline with the few horsemen whom 
 he could find to accompany him. Unfortunately the 
 main road through Clermont leads to Verdun, where- 
 as the road to Vareunes turns off at a sharp angle. 
 Remy and his dragoons galloped on through the 
 night, and when they asked their way found that 
 they were close to Verdun. There was no means of 
 reaching Vareunes, except by passing again through 
 Clermont. Had they taken the right road, they 
 would have been with the berline when it reached 
 the fatal arch, and could easily have cut down the 
 few men who were opposing its passage. 
 
 Just as the sun broke over the lovely valley of the
 
 42 THE FLIGHT TO VARENNES. 
 
 Aire, Sauce asked tlie king to show himself to the 
 crowd from the window, which looked upon the 
 street. Louis saw a dense mass of peasants armed 
 with muskets, scythes, and pitchforks, and some 
 women staggering, half tipsy, among the crowd. 
 As he stood at the window, there was a deep silence, 
 and when he told those who could hear him that he 
 would not leave them, that he was going to Mont- 
 medy, but that he would afterwards return to 
 Varennes, there was a thunder of applause, and re- 
 iterated cries of " Vive le Eoi ! '■" '' Vive la Nation ! '*' 
 A few cries were heard of '^ To Paris ! " " To Ver- 
 dun ! " Whilst the Royal family were anxiously 
 expecting the arrival of Bouille, the Municipality 
 were declaring, that they had no intention of pre- 
 venting the king's journey, but that at dawn of day 
 he might go where he pleased. We cannot believe 
 in the honesty of these professions. As early as 
 two o'clock in the morning the Town Council sent 
 a Varennes doctor, named Mangin, to the Assembly, 
 to tell them that the king was in their town and to 
 ask for instructions. Both parties wished to gain 
 time, the king for the arrival of the general who was 
 to rescue him, the town authorities for the collection 
 of an overwhelming force which would drive the king 
 back to Paris. 
 
 At five o'clock an officer of hussars broke into the 
 room where the Royal family was assembled, with a 
 bare sword; it was Captain d'Eslon, who had com- 
 manded the one hundred hussars at Varennes, but 
 who had been sent off to Bouille by the blundering 
 Goguelat. Posted at Dun, he had heard at three- 
 
 \
 
 THE FLIGHT TO VARENNES. 43 
 
 o'clock iu the morning from Lieutenant Rohrigj that 
 two carriages had been stopped at Varennes, contain- 
 ing a man^ some women, and children. D'Eslon, who 
 was in the secret of the flight, could have no doubt as 
 to the truth. He left thirty men to guard the bridge 
 over the Mouse, and galloped with the other seventy 
 to Varennes in an hour and a half. He found the 
 bridge barricaded and defended by an experienced 
 officer, M. de Signemont, who was taking part against 
 his sovereign, although he wore on his breast the 
 cross of the order of St. Louis. D'Eslon, being badly 
 supplied with ammunition, did not dare to charge. 
 He asked leave to enter the town, which after some 
 delay was granted. He walked on to Sauce's house, 
 where he found thirty hussars drawn up in the street, 
 commanded by a National Guard, and after half-an- 
 hour's delay he was enabled to see the king. Like 
 all the other officers who had an interview with their 
 sovereign, he asked for orders. The king replied 
 that he was a prisoner, and that he had no orders 
 to give. D'Eslon returned to his hussars and sent a 
 message to Captain Boudet, who was in command of 
 the hussars in barracks at Varennes, to make a charge 
 from inside the town which he would support from 
 outside. Boudet was at this time closely watched 
 by National Guards and the message never reached 
 him. Even now a little dash and enterprise might 
 have set the Royal family free from their embarrass- 
 ments. There were at Varennes the sixty hussars 
 who had been left there in barracks, the forty 
 hussars who had returned from Pont-Somme- 
 vesle, the small body of dragoons who had come
 
 44 THE FLIGHT TO VARENNES. 
 
 from Clermont witli the Comte de Damas, the half- 
 dozen troopers who had followed Quartermaster 
 Eemy^ and the sixty or seventy hussars under the 
 command of D'Eslon. They made, in all, a body of 
 one hundred and eighty men. Could they have been 
 combined in united action, they would have dispersed 
 I the crowd, however close or however fearless. 
 
 But the moments, in which decision was possible, 
 were running out. At six o'clock it was full day- 
 light, and the town officials were collected at the 
 town-hall to determine what they should do about 
 the king's departure. At this moment two messengers 
 arrived from Paris, who had been sent to follow the 
 king, and bore the orders of the National Assembly. 
 They were M. Baillon and M. de Eomeuf. The latter 
 I was aide-de-camp to Lafayette, and was intimately 
 I known to the king and the queen. The king and his 
 family were alone, in the small room at the back of the 
 house of which we have spoken above. Baillon was 
 the first to enter, his clothes covered with dust, his face 
 hot with perspiration. He could scarcely give utter- 
 ance to a few hurried words. Eomeuf followed bear- 
 ing a paper in his hands. The queen, when she saw 
 him, cried, "" Sir, is it you ? I never would have 
 believed it." It is indeed possible that, had Eomeuf 
 been alone, he would have given the Eoyal family 
 an opportunity of escape. He now handed to the 
 queen the decree of the Assembly, which ordered 
 the king's return to Paris. Louis read it over her 
 shoulder, and said, '^ There is no longer a king in 
 France." The queen was less calm. '^ What in- 
 solence ! " she cried, and seeing that the paper had
 
 THE FLIGHT TO VARENNES. 45 
 
 fallen on the Dauphin's bed, slie seized it and threw 
 it on the ground, saying that it should not sully the 
 couch of her son. 
 
 After this, the only chance for the king was to gain 
 time for Bouille to arrive. He asked to speak with 
 the deputies alone. Romeuf was willing to grant this 
 request, but Baillon refused. The people below called 
 out, " Let us compel him to go by force, we will drag 
 him into the carriage by his feet.'' The king suppli- 
 cated for a moment's delay ; '■'^ Could they not wait 
 till eleven o'clock ? " A hasty breakfast was served 
 for the Royal family. The two children were still 
 asleep, and the king went to sleep also. As a last 
 resource, one of the waiting-maids (Madame de Neu- 
 ville) declared herself to be seized with a violent 
 attack of illness. The king refused to desert her, and 
 a doctor was sent for. All these stratagems could not 
 procure more than an hour's delay ; the shouts of the 
 impatient mob surged up from the street. The king 
 went once more to the window to quiet them, and 
 then begged to be left alone for a few minutes with 
 his family. The carriages had been harnessed and 
 brought up to Sauce's door. The Royal family slowly 
 and sadly descended the winding staircase. The king 
 walked first, and was followed by Madame de Tourzel 
 and the two children. Choiseul gave his arm to the 
 queen, Damas to Madame Elizabeth. The body- 
 guards were placed on the box-seat in front, guarded 
 by two grenadiers, with bayonets fixed to their 
 muskets. When the Royal family had entered the 
 carriage, Choiseul, who had been the chief cause of 
 their calamity, closed the door. He tells us that he
 
 46 THE FLIGHT TO VARENNES. 
 
 \ then experienced an inexpressible pang of anguish, 
 , that he felt as if he was surrendering Charles I. to 
 1 the tender mercies of the Scotch. Worse even than 
 the fate of the Stuart king was the long agony of 
 those six miserable victims, four of whom perished 
 by a slow and torturing death, while one alone sur- 
 vived to bear through life the gloom and sadness of 
 her darkened youth. 
 I It was now half-past seven in the morning, and 
 I there was no news of Bouille. What had caused his 
 delay ? Not a quarter of an hour after the king had 
 left, a detachment of Eoyal Allemand was seen on 
 the outskirts of the town. It was commanded by 
 young Bouille, and had been posted in a village be- 
 V tween Dun and Stenay. Bouille dashed across the 
 river by a well-known ford, but was stopped by a 
 deep and narrow trench which carried Avater to a 
 mill. There was a ford higher up by which this 
 
 (obstacle could have been turned, and it is strange 
 that D'Eslon should not have used it when he found 
 his passage stopped by the barricade. The Marquis 
 de Bouille had passed the greater part of the night 
 in a ditch by the side of the road leading from Dun 
 to Varennes, his horse by his side, the bridle on his 
 arm. Unfortunately before the news of the king's 
 arrest could reach him, he had left this post and 
 retired to Stenay. He therefore heard nothing of 
 the disaster until four or Eilf-'past foiiFo^cTocR"."" He 
 did not lose an instant in giving his orders, but they 
 were slowly obeyed. Although the regiment had 
 been charged to be in readiness at daybreak, "and 
 although the horses had been saddled all nie-hV, the
 
 THE FLIGHT TO VARENNES. 47 
 
 soldiers did not assemble till the clock had struck 
 five. 'T^ouille placed himself at their lieadj ad^essed 
 to'TE^em a few stirring words announcing the capture 
 of the king, distributed four hundred louis among 
 them, and set off at a quick trot. Th ey reache d 
 Varennes between nine and half-past nine in the 
 morning, when the king was already well on the road 
 to Clermont. Even then Bouille would have charged 
 had there been any hope of success, but, convinced 
 that it was impossible, he turned rein to Stenay and 
 crossed the frontier that night, to die in England nine 
 years afterwards. 
 
 The return-journey to Paris must be described in 
 a few lines. Clermont was reached at ten o'clock. 
 Half-way between that town and Varennes, the muni- 
 cipal officers of the town met the cortege, and found 
 the berline escorted by six thousand National Guards. 
 The heat and dust were terrible. At Clermont a new 
 crowd of six thousand was assembled. Sauce re- 
 turned to Varennes, fearing that the town might be 
 attacked by Bouille, and his place was taken by the 
 mayor of Clermont. The king arrived at Ste. Mene- 
 hould about half-past one. The carriages were 
 stopped at the gate, and the king had to listen to a 
 municipal address. The Royal family lunched at the 
 town-hall. The queen showed herself to the crowd 
 with the Dauphin in her arras ; as the king and queen 
 passed through the chapel, where the prisoners heard 
 Mass, they distributed money to the poor unfortunates, 
 whose fate resembled their own. The procession left 
 Ste. Menehould at three in the afternoon. In the 
 fields beyond the town M. de Dampierre was brutally
 
 48 ■ THE FLIGHT TO VARENNES. 
 
 massacred. He liad assisted one of the waiting- 
 maids into her post-chaise, and had followed the 
 carriages on horseback. He was dragged off his 
 horse and murdered. The assassins returned to the 
 Royal carriage, bearing his head in their blood- 
 stained hands. Chalons was not reached till eleven 
 o^clock. Here the travellers lodged in the 'prefecture, 
 a beautiful building of the later years of Louis XV., 
 where Marie Antoinette had slept on her first arrival 
 in France as Dauphiness. An offer was made to the 
 king to arrange for his escape by a secret staircase. 
 He refused, from fear of the danger it might cause 
 to his wife and children. The next day, Thursday, 
 was the Fete-Dieu, the day on which it had been 
 arranged to celebrate a grand Mass in the camp of 
 Montmedy, and to present Bouille with the baton of 
 a French marshal. The king would gladly have 
 rested a day at Chalons to recover from his fatigue. 
 But the '^ patriots," seeing that the sentiment of the 
 town was in his favour, sent to Rheims for an army 
 of roughs. They arrived at ten in the morning, and, 
 breaking into the palace, interrupted the king's Mass 
 as it had reached the Sanctus, and insisted upon his 
 immediate departure. The Royal family had great 
 difficulty in reaching their carriages, and, in their 
 hurry, left a large sum of money behind them. 
 
 The route which they now took was not the same 
 as that by which they had previously travelled ; it 
 trended to the north, by Epernay, and rejoined the 
 southern road at La Ferte sous Jouarre. There was 
 probably a desire to take the travellei-s through a 
 district which was known to be strongly opposed to
 
 THE FLIGHT TO VA REN IVES. 49 
 
 them. Between Chalons and Epernay the queen 
 offered to a poor hungry wretch a piece of '^ boeuf a 
 la mode/' which Fersen had placed in the carriage. 
 A voice cried, " Do not eat it. Do you not see that 
 they wish to poison you ? " The queen immediately 
 partook of it herself, and gave some of it to the 
 Dauphin.^ At Epernay the keys of the town were 
 presented to the king, accompanied by an insolent 
 speech from the mayor. As they got out of the 
 carriage, a man was heard to say to his neighbour, 
 ''Let me conceal myself and fire on the queen, that 
 no one may know where the shot comes from." They 
 dined there, but no one could eat a mouthful.^ Be- 
 tween Epernay and Dormans, Petion, Barnave, and 
 Latour-Maubourg, met the Koyal party as Com- 
 missioners of the National Assembly. Petion and 
 Barnave took their places in the berline. Latour- 
 Maubourg preferred to travel with the waiting-maids, 
 telling the king that he could depend upon his 
 devotion, but that it was important to gain over the 
 two others. The queen told Fersen, when they met 
 in February, 1792, that Petion's conduct had been 
 indecent. At Dormans, cries of '' Vive la nation et 
 Tassemblee nationale," prevented the travellers from 
 sleeping. The Dauphin dreamed that he was in a 
 forest with wolves, who were attacking the queen, 
 and awoke weeping. There was much discussion in 
 the berline about the policy of the flight, which 
 Madame Elizabeth warmly defended. At Ferte sous 
 Jouarre they were received with respectful attention 
 
 * Fersen, ii. 8. 2 Tourzel, i. 332. 
 
 F. V. E
 
 50 THE FLIGHT TO VARENNES. 
 
 by the mayor, and enjoyed the only quiet and repose 
 which they met with during the journey. They 
 reached Meaux in the evening. The day had been 
 insupportable from dust and heat, and the angry 
 crowd would not allow the blinds to be drawn down, 
 nor the windows closed. Saturday, June 25, was 
 the last day of this prolonged torment. It lasted 
 thirteen hours, from six in the morning to seven in 
 the evening. During the whole day the travellers 
 were exposed to the glare of a midsummer sun, and 
 to the insults of the mob. At the barrier they were 
 met by a dense crowd of citizens. No one raised his 
 hat or spoke a word. They entered the garden of 
 the Tuileries by the swing bridge, and were pro- 
 tected, as they dismounted, by the care of Lafayette. 
 The faithful body-guards were with difficulty rescued 
 from summary slaughter. 
 
 Such is the true story of the flight to Varennes, 
 more touching in its naked simplicity than any device 
 of art could make it. The Royal family had many 
 
 ■ chances in their favour, and they would have es- 
 
 ■ caped, unless every one of these chances turned 
 / ao-ainst them. If Choiseul had waited a short time 
 \ longer at Pont-Sonimeresle ; if he had retired at 
 ; a foot's pace towards Orbeval ; if he had passed 
 
 through Ste. Menehould, or had halted at the part- 
 is ing of the ways, instead of losing himself precipit- 
 ' ately in pathless woods; if Goguelat had remained 
 ' behind at the post-house according to orders ; if 
 
 D'Andoins had not unsaddled his dragoons just be- 
 ' fore^e berline arrived ; if Lagache had not lost his 
 ' way in the woods ; if Damas had kept his men ready 
 
 f
 
 THE FLIGHT TO VARENNES. 51 
 
 for action : if Charles Bouille and Raigecourt had. not 
 shut themselves up m their bed-room ; if their 
 orderly whom they sent out for news had spoken 
 with the berline when he met it outside Yarennes ; 
 if Valory had crossed the bridge to the Grand 
 Monarque ; if Goguelat had not altered the position 
 of the relays; if T^heTiair-dresser Leonard had taken 
 the road to Stenay, instead of losing liimself on that 
 to Verdun; if Quartermaster Remy had not made a 
 similar mistake — if any one of these things had 
 turned out differently^ the Royal lamily might have 
 l)een~saved7 The accidents wo have enumerated f 
 wereTn the hands of fate, the lack of courage and \ 
 decision was due to other causes. Vai-ennes, indeed, | 
 Avas a precursor of Valmy. As the resistance of the 
 French Sans-culottes to the discipline of Prussian 
 troops led to the retreat of the Allies, and eventually 
 to the conquest of Europe, so now the enthusiasm, 
 the energy, the activity, the resource of ignorant 
 and undisciplined peasants, showed itself superior to 
 all the wealth, the rank, the splendour, and the 
 power, of the Ancien Regime.
 
 II. 
 
 THE CRITICISM ON CABLYLW8 
 ACCOUNT 
 
 A S an appendix to the foregoing account of tlie 
 ■^-^ Flight to Varennes, it may be useful to subjoin 
 the following criticism of Carlyle's account of the 
 same event, which was originally read as a paper 
 before the Royal Historical Society in 1886. 
 
 The arrest of Louis XYI. during his flight from Paris 
 to Montmedy was one of the most important events in 
 the history of the French Revolution, and probably one 
 of the most important in the history of France. It also 
 forms one of the best known and most admired portions 
 of Carlyle's History of the Revolution. It occupies a 
 whole book of the second volume, fifty- four pages of the 
 Library edition. It may therefore be taken as a fair 
 specimen of Carlyle's style, both in its strength and in its 
 weakness. A careful examination of his narrative from a 
 purely prosaic standpoint will throw light on his manner 
 of composition. It may be said that it is ungracious to 
 criticise in the petty details of fact a narrative which has 
 stirred so many hearts by its tragic pathos, and which in 
 its broad outlines is consistent M'ith the truth. But herein 
 lies the whole distinction between the historical poem 
 and the historical novel on the one side, and history 
 proper on the other. Carlyle would have said, if he had 
 been asked, that his one object in writing history was to 
 
 o2
 
 THE CRITICISM ON CARLYLE'S ACCOUNT. 53 
 
 tell the trutli. It is for this reason that he multiplies 
 fact upon fact and detail upon detail, until he has brought 
 the scene vividly before the eyes of the reader. His accu- 
 racy can be trusted where he has visited the scenes which 
 he describes, and where he is not carried away by precon- 
 ceived prejudices or ideas. In history truth is always 
 more tragic and more moving than fiction. If it can be 
 shown that in Carlyle's account of the flight to Yarennes, 
 crammed as it is with picturesque details, he has not only 
 failed to read aright the authorities at his disposal, but 
 that he has completely failed to grasp the direction in 
 which truth would reveal itself in the future, he will be 
 held to have forfeited his claim to be a historian of the 
 first rank. If criticism, applied to this episode of Car- 
 lyle's book, shows that almost every statement made by 
 him is either false or exaggerated, we may infer that 
 sirhilar criticisms applied to tlie rest of his work will pro- 
 duce similar results, and that his book has no claim to be 
 considered a serious history of the period to which it 
 refers. In the autumn of last year I was able to carry 
 out a long cherished design of visiting Yarennes. I 
 struck the route of the royal family at Chalons, the point 
 where it becomes most interesting. I rode on a tricycle 
 from Chalons to Ste. Menehould, through Pont Somme- 
 vesle, and from Ste. Menehould to Clermont en Argonne, 
 where I slept. The next day I visited Yarennes, lunched 
 at the " Grand Monarque," where the relays were stabled, 
 which the king never made use of, and visited the house 
 in which the Royal family passed the night. I venture to 
 say that no one who has not carefully and minutely 
 studied the topography of Yarennes can understand the 
 most important and critical features of the incidents 
 which happened there. 
 
 The first chapter of Carlyle's fourth book and second 
 volume contains a graphic but very inaccurate account of 
 the attempt of the king to spend Easter at St. Cloud, and 
 
 i
 
 54 THE CRITICISM ON CARLYLES ACCOUNT. 
 
 his detention bj the populace on April 18, 1791.^ There 
 is no doubt that it was this event which convinced the 
 king that he was a prisoner, and that so long as he re- 
 mained in Paris he could not exercise his free will, or 
 even practise his religion according to the demands of his 
 conscience. It was this detention which matured his 
 determination of flight. Indeed, the flight of the king 
 from Paris had long been under discussion. Mirabeau 
 was always in favour of the removal of the Royal family 
 from Paris, but he wished the king to retire in full day- 
 light, in all the pomp of majesty, either to Compiegne, 
 Fontainebleau, Rouen, or Lyons, and thence to issue 
 orders to which no one could impute compulsion. Louis 
 would not take this advice, but was determined to escape 
 to the frontier; and when, in October, 1790, he consulted 
 Bouille on the subject, that general advised him to choose 
 one of three places — Valenciennes, Besan9on, or Mont- 
 medy. The king chose the last, from its proximity to 
 Austrian territory and to Luxembourg, as this gave him 
 the opportunity of taking refuge in a friendly country if 
 he were compelled to leave Prance, and Bouille a pretext 
 of assembling an army on the frontier to protect the 
 king's flight. 
 
 Montmedy being chosen, by what road should it be 
 reached ? The shortest road was by Rheims, Rethel, and 
 Stenay ; the longer by Chalons, Ste. Menehould, Clermont, 
 and Varennes. It is generally said that the king would 
 not choose the first because he feared to be recognised at 
 Rheims, the town of his coronation ; but from the corres- 
 pondence of Count Fersen - it may be doubted whether 
 
 1 We see by the account of an eyewitness in Klinkowstrom's Comte 
 de Fersen, i. 103, that the Eoyal family never entered the royal car- 
 riage, but only a berline, which was not allowed to leave the Cour 
 des Princes. 
 
 ^ Compare Fersen to Bouille, Fersen, i. 118, and Bouille to Fersen, 
 i. 121.
 
 THE CRITICISM ON CAKLYLE'S ACCOUNT. 55 
 
 the longer route was not preferred by Bouille himself. 
 The main objection to the longer i^oute was that there 
 were no post-horses at Varennes, and that private relays 
 wonld have to be sent there. 
 
 Not being able to go to Paris, Bouille sent his son, 
 Count Louis, to arrange details. He never saw the king 
 or queen, but carried on all negotiations vrith Count 
 Fersen, who had unrestricted access to the queen. Car- 
 lyle is quite justified in calling his third chapter after the 
 name of the Swedish nobleman. Althousrh Breteuil is to 
 be credited with the authorship of the plot, Fersen was 
 the most trusted agent of the king and queen, and the 
 correspondence between the Royal family and Bouille was 
 carried on principally through him. But Carlyle is not 
 justified in attributing so much importance to the queen's 
 arrangements of the clipping of frocks and gowns and the 
 making of a large dressing-case. Montmedy, the fi'ontier 
 town to which the king was to be taken, was composed of 
 a town of 2,000 inhabitants and a lofty citadel. It was a 
 strong place of arms, and could be defended by 700 men. 
 But the king was not to lodge there. If he did, he might 
 be captured. A camp was to be formed in the neighbour- 
 hood, and the king was to live in the Chateau of Thonelle, 
 which was only half a day's journey from the Austrian 
 frontier town of Virton. It is said in Carlyle's defence 
 that, although he might be wrong in details, he seized 
 with unerring grasp the essential features of the story. 
 It is not so in this case. He shows no glimmering of 
 understanding what the king's design really was, and 
 what course he intended to pursue. The emperor, the 
 queen's brother, was to send a force of 10,000 men to the 
 neighbourhood of Luxembourg, which was at once to serve 
 as a pretext for massing troops to protect the king's 
 fiiight, and to be at the disposal of the king for any pur- 
 pose he might desire. A civil war was not only inevitable, 
 but it was to be pressed on. One of the king's plans was
 
 S6 THE CRITICISM ON CARLYLE'S ACCOUNT. 
 
 to restore ecclesiastical property to the clergy, and thus, 
 by taking away the basis on which the assignats i-ested, to 
 cause a national bankruptcy and upset the party of the 
 Revolution.^ All this would take a considerable time, 
 and during it Louis and Mary Antoinette must appear as 
 king and queen. It was not, therefore, remarkable that 
 preparations should be made for clothes and a dressing- 
 case, or that the queen's diamonds and the king's habit of 
 ceremony should be carried to the frontier by Leonard, 
 the queen's coiffeur. Undoubtedly, many people were 
 initiated into the plot — perhaps too many. But that did 
 not prevent the escape from Paris, and the failure of the 
 enterprise was made more certain by those who knew 
 nothing of it beforehand. 
 
 Next to Count Ferseu, Carlyle mentions the Duke de 
 Choiseul. " He and Engineer Goguelat are passing and 
 re-passing between Metz and the Tuiieries." This is 
 inaccurate as far as Choiseul is concerned. The Duke de 
 Choiseul-Stainville, now aged thirty-one, was colonel of a 
 I'egiment of royal dragoons, which was stationed at Com- 
 mercy, a small town on the Meuse. He was summoned 
 from Commercy to Metz at the end of April, and was 
 informed by Bouille of the king's design. He then re- 
 turned to Commercy, where he remained till June 8, when 
 he was summoned to Metz, arriving there in the evening 
 of the same day. It was on this occasion that it took 
 young Bouille seven hours to decipher one of Fersen's 
 letters. 2 Choiseul left Metz at 4 a.m. on June 10, and 
 arrived in twenty-five hours at Paris. He saw the king 
 in- the evening of Tuesday, June 12, and remained at 
 Paris till the day of the king's flight. Therefore, he only 
 made one journey from Metz to Paris, and there was no 
 passing or re-passing in his case. 
 
 ^ Breteuil to Fersen, i. 128. Same to same, i. 131. 
 ' Choiseul, Eelatiou du depart de Louis XVI. 38, foil.
 
 THE CRITICISM ON CARLYLES ACCOUNT. 57 
 
 We next hear of a " stupendous new coach of the kind 
 named ' berline.' " A berline is merely a large posting 
 carriage, very common in those days, roomy both at the 
 front and the back, and usually holding six people. Car- 
 lyle is never tired of making fun of this berline. He 
 dedicates a whole chapter to it. He calls it " a huge 
 leathern vehicle," " a huge Argosy," " an Acapulco ship." 
 " It lumbers along lurchingly with stress at a snail's pace, 
 noted of all the world." Again : " Lumbering along with 
 its mountains of band-boxes and chaise behind, the Korfi 
 berline rolls in — a huge Acapulco ship, with its cockboat 
 — having got so far." There is no proof that there was 
 anything remarkable about the carriage at all. A new 
 coach, built by a first-rate maker, is more likely to be 
 light and handy than heavy and lumbering. A berline 
 was quite an ordinary form of carriage. In the " Life of 
 Count Fersen," vol. i. p. 103, there is an account by an 
 eyewitness of the king's attempt to go to St. Cloud. On 
 April 18, 1791, we are told there that the royal carriage 
 could not enter the Cour des Princes from the Carrousel, 
 and the Royal family, with Madame de Tourzel, the very 
 six who fled to Varennes, on the proposal of the queen, 
 entered the only carriage available, "quoiqu'elle ne fut 
 qu'une berline " (although it was only a berline). Also 
 in the proces-verbal of what happened at Ste. Menehould 
 on the evening of June 21, we are expressly told that the 
 Royal family was in a carriage that was by no means 
 remarkable.^ Madame de Tourzel says (Memoires, i. 311), 
 "Nous voyagions dans une grand berline bien commode 
 mais qui n'avait rien d'extraordinaire comme on s'est plu 
 a le repeter depuis la triste issue de ce malheureux 
 voyage." Besides this, we have a minute account of the 
 
 ' "Un carosse non autremeut remarquable " in Aucelou, La verite 
 sur lafuile ei Varrestation de Louis XVI. a Varennes, p. 180.
 
 58 THE CRITICISM ON CARLYLE'S ACCOUNT. 
 
 berline in the deposition of Jean Louis, who built it.^ It 
 cost £240 ; it was a triumph of elegance and solidity, and, 
 except that it was new and luxurious, it was not very 
 different from any other large posting carriage travelling 
 along the road. 
 
 Carlyle says that the berline was sent to Madame Sulli- 
 van's, in the Rue de Clichy. Other accounts say that it 
 was deposited at the hotel of Mr. Craufurd, an English- 
 man residing at Paris. The truth is that Mr. Craufurd, 
 who was well known in diplomatic and other society, was 
 then residing in Brussels, and his house was occupied in 
 the meantime by Mrs. Sullivan, his mistress, whom he 
 afterwards married."^ 
 
 The next paragraph of Carlyle's narrative describes the 
 hackney coach standing " at the corner of the Rue de 
 I'Echelle, hard by the Carrousel and outgate of the Tui- 
 leries." A hooded dame with two hooded children is 
 made to issue from the Due de Villequier's door into the 
 Cour des Princes, and then into the Carrousel and Rue 
 de I'Echelle, and into the hackney coach. 
 
 This is entirely erroneous. Madame de Tourzel, it is 
 true, passed out of Villequier's door with Madame and 
 the Dauphin. She there found a hackney coach standing 
 close by. The coachman lifted the children himself into 
 the carriage, gave his hand to Madame de Tourzel, lashed 
 his two horses into a gallop, and drove, not to the Rue de 
 I'Echelle, but to the open place called Petit Carrousel, 
 close by.^ " Not long after," says Carlyle, " another 
 dame, hooded or shrouded, leaning on a servant, issues in 
 
 1 Bimbinet, Fuite de Louis XVI., p. 20, and Pieces justicatives, 
 p. 51. 
 
 * Croker's Essays on the French Revolution, p. 125. 
 
 ^ Madame de Tourzel {Memoires, i. 306), says that the carriage 
 stopped opposite the house called " Hotel de Gaillarbois." The 
 account in the Auckland Memoirs, iii. 452, says "near the house 
 which was formerly inhabited by the Duchess de la Valli^re."
 
 THE CRITICISM ON CAHLYLE'S ACCOUNT. 59 
 
 the same manner." So far from the interval not being 
 long, the children and their governess had to wait in the 
 carriage three-quarters of an hour before any one came ; 
 and when Madame Elizabeth did come she was alone, 
 and had no servant with her.^ Carlyle does not mention 
 the fact that while the children were seated in the coach 
 Lafayette's carriage passed by, escorted by servants carry- 
 ing torches. He was probably going to the coucher of 
 the king, where he stayed, much to the inconvenience of 
 his master, till past eleven o'clock. I may mention that 
 Carlyle speaks of couchee, formed after the analogy of 
 levee. This is incorrect ; the proper form is coucher. 
 
 Carlyle says that the queen was disturbed on her way 
 by the passage of Lafayette's carriage as it rolled into 
 the Tuileries and entered the Cour des Princer. There 
 is no doubt Lafayette assisted at the king's coucher this 
 night, and kept him very late. The children in the 
 hackney coach trembled as they saw him pass. If Car- 
 lyle is right, there must have been two visits to the 
 Tuileries — one for the coucher, and the other to see that 
 everything was safe. It is more probable that there was 
 only one visit, and that it was on his return from this 
 that Lafayette was met by the queen. In fact, Fersen 
 says that whilst he was waiting in the Petit Carrousel 
 with the hackney coach Lafayette passed twice. ^ 
 
 Carlyle repeats the old story that the queen lost her 
 way, and went wandering over the Pont Royal and into 
 the Rue du Bac. This is quite improbable, and is not 
 supported by evidence. At that time a part of the 
 present Place du Carrousel was occupied by a number of 
 buildings separated by narrow streets. It is possible that 
 the queen may have lost her way in some of them, turn- 
 ing to the right instead of the left. But she arrived very 
 
 ^ Madame de Tourzel's interrogatory, Bimbenet, P. J. 88. 
 2 Fersen, i. 2. 
 
 I
 
 6o THE CRITICISM ON CARLYLE'S ACCOUNT. 
 
 shortly after the king. We read in Fersen's diary : " At 
 a quarter past ten in the Cour des Princes. At a quarter 
 past eleven the children go out, conveyed without diffi- 
 culty : Lafayette passed twice. At a quarter to twelve 
 Madame Elizabeth, then the king, then the queen. Set 
 off at midnight, joined the carriage at the Barrier of St. 
 Martin, reached Bondy at half-past one." ^ Thus the 
 queen, the king, and his sister all reached the carriage 
 within a quarter of an hour, and there could have been 
 no great delay caused by waiting for the queen. It is 
 indeed possible that the same garde du corps who con- 
 ducted the king to the carriage went back and fetched 
 the queen. Madame de Tourzel tells us that when the 
 queen arrived the king said, with inexpressible joy, " Que 
 je suis content de vous voir arrivee ! " They all kissed 
 each other and thought that their dangers were over. 
 
 Carlyle describes the queen as conducted by a disguised 
 body-guard, who, having led her to the fiacre, jumps up 
 behind as the conductor of the king had done. This 
 could not have been the case. The three body-guards 
 were M. de Maldent, M. de Moustier, and M. de Valory. 
 M. de Maldent conducted the king, M. de Moustier was 
 with the berline at the Barrier of St. Martin, and M. de 
 Valory was hastening on the road to Bondy. It is indeed 
 possible that M. de Maldent may have conducted the 
 queen as well as the king.^ 
 
 Carlyle, following Choiseul, describes Fersen's drive 
 through Paris, and describes it wrong. He makes him 
 go down to the Rue de Grammont, across the boulevard, 
 up the Rue de la Chaussee d'Antin — "the windows, all 
 
 ' Fersen, loc. cit. 
 
 ■ Madame de Tourzel says (Meinoires, i. 307), " Le Eoi nous 
 raconta qu'apres avoir ete debarrassc de MM. Bailly et de la Fayette, 
 il etait sorti seul par la grande porte des Tuilleries avec une grande 
 tranquillitb." This is inconsistent with the other accounts.
 
 THE CRITICISM ON CARLYLES ACCOUNT. 6r 
 
 silent, of No. 42 were Mirabeau's " — to the Rue de Clichy, 
 going, in fact, due north. As the map of Paris then 
 stood, the direction due north at first would probably 
 have been the best way to reacli the Porte St. Martin. 
 But, as a matter of fact, Fersen drove due west down the 
 Rue du Faubourg St. Honore till he arrived at the 
 exterior boulevard, and then to Rue de Clichy. He 
 wished to call at two places, at his own stables in the Rue 
 du Faubourg St. Honore and at Mr. Craufurd's (Madame 
 Sullivan's) in the Rue de Clichy. 
 
 At last they reached the Barrier of St. Martin and 
 found the berline. " This heaven-sent berline he does 
 at length descry drawn up with its six horses, his own 
 German coachman on the box." As a fact, there were 
 only four horses, and the coachman, Balthazar Sapel, was 
 not on the box, but riding on one of the front horses.^ 
 The man on tlie box was the body-guard, M. de Moustier. 
 " Two body-guard couriers behind," says Cai-lyle. Kot 
 so, only one. M. de Maldent jumped up behind, and 
 Fersen got on the box by the side of M. de Moustier. 
 
 Carlyle is right in saying that M. de Valory was at 
 
 Bondy with the post-horses ready, but he is wrong about 
 
 the purchased chaise and the two waiting-maids. They 
 
 were waiting at Claye, some miles beyond Bondy, and 
 
 there is no authority for saying that they had bandboxes. 
 
 Carlyle laughs at the queen for not being able to travel 
 
 without maids. As a matter of fact, the maids belonged 
 
 to the children, and as the queen was going to live in a 
 
 camp for some months, it was only reasonable that she 
 
 should have trustworthy servants to take care of her two 
 
 little children. Besides, the presence of the maids did 
 
 not, as far as we know, cause the slightest danger or 
 
 embarrassment. " Next," says Carlyle, " Fersen dashes 
 
 obliquely northwards through the country towards Bou- 
 
 Deposition of Balthasar Sapel in Bimbenet, p. 59.
 
 62 THE CRITICISM ON CARLYLE'S ACCOUNT. 
 
 gret, and gains Bougret." Where is Bougret ? Who 
 would recognise in this name the familiar village of le 
 Bourget, so well known in the war of 1870. " Finds his 
 German coachman there." How could that be, when the 
 German coachman had driven with him as postillion to 
 Bondj ? As a fact, Fersen, mounted on his own English 
 horse, which had been ridden to Bondy bj Valory, rode 
 by the cross i-oad to le Bourget, and then, according to 
 some accounts, quietly home, after seeing that everything 
 was safe in the Palais Royal and the Hotel de Ville.^ 
 
 We will leave out the next chapter, entitled "Attitude," 
 and go on to the fifth, which bears the name of " The ]S"ew 
 Berline." IsTo names are bad enough for this really 
 beautiful travelling carriage — " miserable berline," " huge 
 leathern vehicle " — but we have dealt with this matter 
 before. 
 
 Carlyle throughout is very contemptuous about the 
 mounted body-guard couriers, who " rocked aimlessly 
 around and ahead of it, to bewilder, not to guide." This 
 is very unfair. MM. Maldent, Moustier, and Valory were 
 men specially chosen for the service of couriers, as faith- 
 ful, strong, and courageous, capable of riding for a long 
 time on horseback. They were of mature age, two of 
 them thirty-seven and one forty. They were of good 
 family, had fought against the mob at Versailles on 
 October 5 and 6, and they were of exceptional stature, as 
 we know from the tailor who made their clothes. They 
 were picked out by M. d'Agoult, the man recommended 
 by Bouille, as the most trustworthy assistant that the king 
 could find to help him. Two of them had distinguished 
 careers after 1791 ; let us therefore dismiss everything 
 that Carlyle says about them. Valory rode in front the 
 
 * Fersen says in his diary, i. 2 : " Moi la traverse au Bourget et 
 parti." His return to Paris is asserted in Weber, ii. 88, but is very 
 doubtful. Fersen arrived at Mens at 6 a.m. on June 22.
 
 THE CRITICISM ON CARLYLES ACCOUNT. 63 
 
 whole distance from Paris to Varennes, 150 miles, to 
 order relays. It was customary to do this when posting, 
 as it is still customary in Norway to order horses by a 
 forhud. Had there been no courier to order horses the 
 delay of the journey would have been much greater. 
 
 " Then," says Carlyle, " It (the berline) lumbers along 
 lurchingly with stress at a snail's pace." The true story 
 of the journey from Bondy to Chalons is imperfectly 
 known. From Chalons to Varennes we know all about 
 the matter. Let us tiy, therefore, to see at what pace 
 the Royal family did travel. The distance from Paris to 
 Varennes is about 235 or 240 kilometres — that is to say, 
 150 miles. It is difficult to ascertain precisely at what 
 time the departure from Paris took place. Fersen says 
 he left the Rue de I'Echelle at midnight and reached 
 Bondy at 1.30. Other accounts say that the Barriere St. 
 Martin was not left till it was 2.30 a.m., when it was 
 already daybreak,^ Bondy was reached in less than half- 
 an-hour, and that when they left Claye it was 3.30, and 
 quite daylight. The Royal family arrived at Chcilons at 
 5 p.m. Twice between Nintre (Chaintrix) and Chalons 
 all the traces broke. This accident, which took more than 
 an hour to repair,^ Carlyle wrongly places at Etoges. 
 Had the king taken an old berline, as Carlyle suggests, 
 there Avould probably have been a worse breakdown. 
 From Claye to Chalons is 134 kilometres. If we subtract 
 an hour and a half for the breakdown, we shall find that 
 the party travelled at the average rate of eleven kilo- 
 metres, or nearly seven miles, an hour, not counting the 
 delays of changing hor-ses and walking up hills. This is 
 not a bad pace, all things considei^ed. Madame de Tour- 
 zel declares that Louis only left the carriage once during 
 the journey, and that the children got out twice as the 
 
 ' IJaltbasar Sapel, in Bimbenet, loc. cit. 
 '^ Madame de Tourzel, Memoires, i. 310.
 
 64 THE CRITICISM ON CARLYLE'S ACCOUNT. 
 
 carriage was ascending hills. ^ As to the "blessed sun- 
 shine," which Carlyle describes Louis as enjoying, we 
 know from the account of Monsieur's journey to Mons 
 that the day Avas a dull one, and that there was no sun- 
 shine to enjoy. 
 
 " Royalty," says Carlyle, " flying for dear life accom- 
 plishes sixty-nine miles in twenty-two hours." This is a 
 statement of almost incredible carelessness. From Paris 
 to Varennes is 150 miles, as Carlyle might have known 
 if he had read Ci-oker's article in the Qnarfprly Re- 
 view,^ published in 1823. The earliest time they could 
 have left Paris was midnight ; the latest time they could 
 have arrived at Varennes was at 11 p.m. Therefore in 
 these twenty-three hours they had travelled at the aver- 
 age rate, including all accidents and stoppages, of more 
 than six and a half miles an hour. 
 
 Carlyle next introduces us to the Duke de Choiseul. 
 He is standing "in the village of Pont de Sommevelle." 
 There is no village, and it is not called Pont de Somme- 
 velle. Pont Sommevesle is a solitary post-house in a 
 deep valley between two hills. There may in 1791 have 
 been a farm besides the post-house as there is now, but 
 there was no village, and there could not be. Choiseul 
 had left Paris at 2 p.m, and had slept at Montmirail. He 
 left Montmirail at 4 a.m. and arrived at Pont Somme- 
 vesle at 11 a.m., doing eighty kilometres in seven hours — 
 that is, travelling at exactly the same pace as the king. 
 " His hussars," says Carlyle, " led by Engineer Goguelat, 
 are here." Not at all. He might have learned from the 
 Duke's own narrative that they did not arrive till an 
 hour afterwards, when Goguelat entered Choiseul's room 
 as he was dressing. Carlyle has a picturesque descrip- 
 
 1 Madame de Tourzel, Memoires, i. 310. 
 
 2 Croker's Essays on the French Revolution, p. 119. The article 
 was first published January, 1823.
 
 THE CRITICISM OIV CARLYLES ACCOUNT. 65 
 
 tion of the troops posted along the line from Chalons to 
 Montmedi, to receive and escort the king. He does not 
 tell ns with what splendid military art Bouille, who was 
 concentrating his troops in his camp near Montmedi, had 
 arranged that they should be passing through these towns 
 just as the king was going by. He is right in saying 
 that this was a danger which had better have been 
 omitted altogether. It is, however, very doubtful if the 
 king was responsible for this. " It was of his Majesty's 
 ordering, this military array and escort," says Carlyle, 
 " a thing solacing the Royal imagination with a look of 
 security and rescue." Yet in a letter written some time 
 towards the end of May, Bouille says to Fersen, through 
 whom he always communicated to the king and queen, 
 that a detachment of hussars would leave Vitry in a fcAv 
 days to take the king to Chalons, and escort him to the 
 Ste. Menehould or Clermont, where there will be other de- 
 tachments ; " you take care of the security of the road 
 as far as Chalons." ^ Fersen replied on May 26 : " There 
 are no precautions to be taken from here to Chalons ; the 
 best of all is to take none. Everything depends on 
 celerity and secrecy, and if you are not very sure of your 
 detachment it would be best not to place any of them, or 
 at least only to place them at Varennes, so as not to 
 excite confusion in the country. The king will pass 
 them quite simply. We cannot assemble the body-guards 
 because we wish to make no disturbances at Chalons."^ 
 Nothing could be more sensible than these last remarks, 
 and it appears as if the author of the escorts were, not 
 the king, but Bouille himself. The two narratives from 
 which Carlyle principally drew his account, Bouille's and 
 ('hoiseul's, were both apologies. Choiseul was deeply 
 responsible for the failui^e of the enterprise ; Bouille, 
 
 ^ Fersen, i. 126. 2 Fersen, i. 1. 
 
 F. V. p
 
 66 THE CRITICISM ON CARLYLE'S ACCOUNT. 
 
 altliough he had done his utmost, had. not succeeded. 
 Both accounts were published after the death of all those 
 who could have corrected them ; and the evidence of 
 letters written at the time must be taken to be of superior 
 weight. A little further on, Carlyle gives currency to 
 the statement that the change of the day of the king's 
 departure from the 19th to the 20th had caused confusion. 
 " The day first appointed, which her Majesty, for some 
 necessity or other, saw good, to alter." There is no evi- 
 dence that this change of date produced the slightest in- 
 convenience whatever, except, perhaps, to Bouille himself. 
 Let us look into the question of dates. Fersen writes on 
 April 28 that the king would be ready to go on at any 
 time after May 15. He could not start before, because he 
 must wait for an answer from Spain. This probably 
 referred to the dispute going on between England and 
 Spain with regard to IS'ootka Sound. On May 26 the 
 departure was put off till the first week in .June, because 
 at that time the King received two millions of bis civil 
 list. His reason for desiring these payments was not, as 
 some have declared, his fondness for money, but the 
 absolute necessity of obtaining funds for the enterprise 
 in one way or another. In almost every letter Bouille 
 presses for money, to form the camp at Montmedy and 
 for extra pay to the troops. The King sent to Bouille 
 nearly a million francs in assignats, and it was necessary 
 under the cii'cumstances to obtain as much, as possible 
 from the civil list. A further delay till June 20 was 
 asked for by Bouille himself, who wished to give time for 
 the Austrian troops promised by the Emperor to assemble 
 on the French frontier. The departure had been fixed 
 for June 12 because a democratic servant of the Dauphin 
 did not leave till June 11. Bouille then wrote that it 
 was necessary to delay till June 15 or 20. The departure 
 was then fixed for the 19th. On June 13 Fersen writes 
 to Bouille that the journey was delayed for a day.
 
 THE CRITICISM ON CARLYLE'S ACCOUNT. 67 
 
 servant of the Dauphin cannot be got rid of without com- 
 promising the secret, and her service does not come to an 
 end till June 19. As far as can be seen, this change had 
 no bad effect whatever. Bouille had not left Metz, and 
 the orders already given were altered without difficulty. 
 There was none of the marching and countermarching 
 spoken of by Carlyle. 
 
 Carlyle's account of the disturbances between the 
 hussars and the people of Ste. Menehould is inaccurate 
 and misleading. He seems to think that the marching 
 and countermarching so exasperated the people of that 
 town that they drove the soldiers out with 300 muskets, 
 taken from the town hall. A hundred hussars were 
 quartered at Varennes. On June 19 Goguelat brought 
 an order from Montmedi that forty of these were to leave 
 Varennes on the 20th, and to go to Pont Sommevesle 
 to escort a treasure from that place to Ste. Menehould. 
 They left Varennes on the morning of the 20th and 
 marched to Clermont, where they found the regiment of 
 dragoons just arrived. After a rest they continued their 
 march to Ste. Menehould, where they were to sleep. 
 Goguelat neglected to sound his trumpets on entering 
 the town, or to inform the municipality of his arrival. 
 This caused great annoyance, and they were badly re- 
 ceived. When they left Ste. Menehould next morning 
 for Pont Sommevesle they were howled at by the mob, 
 but nothing more. On the other hand, Captain Dandoins, 
 Avith his dragoons, who, being properly warned, did 
 sound his trumpets and inform the municipality, was 
 received extremely well. There is no reason to suppose 
 that the Lauzun hussars were specially unpopular with 
 the people, nor were they all foreigners as Carlyle states 
 them to be. The 300 muskets were not delivered to the 
 National Guard until mid-day on the 20th, long after the 
 liussars had left the town. This was done with the 
 iateution that the new-formed corps should mount guard
 
 68 THE CRITICISM ON CARLYLES ACCOUNT. 
 
 day by day fifty at a time.^ In faofc we are told that Ste. 
 Menehould was the only spot on the journey where the 
 royal travellers met National Guards at all. 
 
 Carlyle slurs over the fatal mistake of Choiseul in 
 leaving"Font Sommevesle, and the direct disobedience ^to 
 orders committed by Goguelat in not staying there even 
 after Choiseul had left. It is true that if everything had 
 gone well the berline might have been expected at about 
 half-past two. Fersen told Bouille so on June 14. " On 
 sera au Pont de Sommevesle le mardi a deux heures au 
 plus tard. Vous pouvez compter sur cela." There had 
 been an hour and a half delay at Chaintrix, and as much 
 again elsewhere. Choiseul says that the peasants of 
 Elboeuf, probably of Courtisols, were surrounding the 
 troops with menaces ; that he waited till four o'clock, 
 when he sent on the king's coiffeur, Leonard, in his own 
 carriage, with his servant, Boucher, to Ste. Menehould, 
 Clermont, Varennes, and Stenay, and told him to an- 
 nounce the delay of the king and his own position at 
 Pont Sommevesle. He is also said to have given Leonard 
 a note in which he wrote that the treasure would not 
 pass that day, and that he himself was going to join 
 Bouille. Choiseul, Goguelat, and the dragoons mount 
 their horses and ride away from Pont Sommevesle. It 
 was then, Choiseul says, about a quarter to six. The 
 king reached Chalons at five, and was certainly not 
 longer than an hour and a half reaching Pont Somme- 
 vesle. He, therefore, arrived three-quarters of an hour 
 after Choi^ul's departure, and found the post quite de- 
 sertfed. Carlyle says the hussars rode slowly away. This 
 tKey'could not have done. Had they gone at a walk to 
 Ste. Menehould, twenty-three kilometres distant, they 
 
 ' Carlyle could not have fallen into this error if he had carefully 
 read the narrative of Sieur Lagache, printed in Choiseul, P. J. 128. 
 Choiseul's text is thoroughly loose and untrustworthy.
 
 THE CRITICISM ON CARLYLE'S ACCOUNT. 69 
 
 must have been at least three hours reaching it, and 
 before that time the berline would have caught them up. 
 Besides they might easily have stopped at Orbeval, the 
 next post, but that was found to be deserted like Pont 
 Sommevesle. They must have ridden at a good pace. 
 Choiseul turned off the road apparently about eighteen 
 or nineteen kilometres from Pont Sommevesle. If the 
 hussars had gone at a foot-pace, the berline would either 
 have caught them up or have been in sight. The fact is, 
 that Choiseal's narrative in these points is completely un- 
 trust\vorrfiy7-Trs--Groker saw when lie wrote his article in 
 t\\Q Quarterhj.'^ He probably left the post' long before 
 5.4o, arid exaggerates the excitement of the peasants.^ 
 
 Carlyle says, "Near now is that Ste. Menehould which 
 expelled us in the morning with its 300 national fusils." 
 This, we have seen, is an entire mistake. The National 
 Guard was not armed with muskets until after the depar- 
 ture of the hussars. Carlyle also speaks of the " distant 
 village of Varennes." Varennes, like Ste. Menehould and 
 Clermont, was a town with a complete municipal organi- 
 zation. Had it not been, it could not have behaved as it 
 did. 
 
 In the next paragraph Carlyle repeats the statement 
 that the berline has travelled under the weightiest dray 
 rate, some three miles an hour. We have seen how false 
 this is. Between Chalons and Ste. Menehould the Royal 
 family must have gone at a rate of nearly ten miles an 
 liour. 
 
 It had been originally calculated that the king, leaving 
 Paris at midnight, would reach Chalons about one o'clock, 
 
 ' Croker, p. l:il. 
 
 '■^ Madame de Tourzel says {Me inoi )■<•>:, i. 313), that Choisenl 
 " perdit totalemcnt la tete. L'enterprise t'tait au-dessus de ses 
 forces." Feisen had before protested to Bouille agaiust einplojiug 
 him.
 
 70 THE CRITICISM ON CARLYLE'S ACCOUNT. 
 
 a distance of 161 kilometres, travelling twelve or thirteen 
 kilometres, or between seven and eight miles, an hour. 
 He reached Chalons at five o'clock, four hours later. Of 
 this an hour and a half had been lost by the two acci- 
 dents, an hour and a half in some mysterious manner in 
 setting off, and an hour more on the road. Certainly at 
 no time except when walking up hills had the berline 
 travelled less than seven miles an hour, sometimes a 
 great deal faster. And this is more than double Carlyle's 
 estimate. 
 
 Chapter VI. is entitled " Old Dragoon Drouet." The 
 first paragraph is an eloquent description of a sunset on 
 a hot summer's day — rather out of place for a day in 
 which the sun did not .show itself till late in the after-, 
 noon. " Unnotable hum of sweet human gossip rises 
 from this village of Ste. Menehould." A village, forsooth, 
 with 5,000 inhabitants and 300 National Guards ! We 
 then have a description of Drouet in loose, flowing night- 
 gown. This is a translation of Choiseul's " robe de 
 chambre," which means, of course, dressing-gown.^ 
 Carlyle evidently thinks that Drouet, after his dispute 
 with Goguelat in the morning, had been wandering up 
 and down the street all day in m.ore or less of a huff. 
 " Choleric Drouet steps out and steps in with long flowing 
 nightgown." As a matter of fact, he had just returned 
 from cultivating the field near the town, the very name 
 of which is known — " Malassise." An "old dragoon," 
 Carlyle calls him, "still in the prime of life." As a fact, 
 he was born in 176:^, and therefore was now twenty-eight 
 years old. It is true that he quarrelled with Goguelat 
 about horsing his post-chaise in the morning — "Engineer" 
 Goguelat, not "Hussar" Goguelat, as Carlyle calls him — 
 but after that he had gone out quietly and worked on his 
 plot of land. " The great sun," says Carlyle, " flames 
 
 ' Choiseul, p. 83.
 
 THE CRITICISM ON CARLYLE'S ACCOUNT. 71 
 
 broader towards setting. The yellow blockhead of a 
 courier spurs past the post-house." ISTot at all. On 
 arriving at the great square, he naturally rides on past 
 the Hotel de Ville, not knowing that he has to turn 
 suddenly to the right to reach the post-house. Twelve 
 minutes later comes the Korlf berline, " with its moun- 
 tains of bandboxes," existing only in Carlyle's imagina- 
 tion. The salute of the dragoons to the queen and the 
 recognition of the king by Drouet is well described, but 
 it was probably from the assignat with which the relays 
 were paid, and not from the new one brought by Guil- 
 laume, that Drouet felt certain of his conjecture. 
 
 Carlyle repeats the ordinary story of Drouet recognis- 
 ing the king, and pursuing him with Guillaume on his 
 own responsibility. The official proces-verhal of the 
 commune of Ste. Menehould says that the initiative was 
 taken by the municipality, and that it was by their orders 
 that Drouet and his companion set forth. With regard 
 to the last incident in the chapter, there is no doubt that 
 the " rigorous quartermaster," La Gache, went out alone. 
 Why Carlyle says, " few or even none following him," 
 and " Dandoin's trooper or troopers gallops after them," 
 when it is certain that no one followed La Gache and that 
 La Gache was not a trooper but an officer, who afterwards 
 became a distinguished general, I do not know. 
 
 We now reach the seventh chapter, the " Night of 
 Spurs." In the second paragraph, Carlyle admits that 
 the berline is now " rushing." It did forty-one kilo- 
 metres between Ste. Menehould and Chalons in two hours 
 and a half, which is a very good pace, — about ten miles 
 an hour, including stoppages. The distance from Ste. 
 Menehould to Varennes, twenty-eight kilometres, was 
 done in three houi's, rather slower than the long 
 stretch between Claye and Chalons. So it is now 
 represented as rushing, when it is really going more 
 slowly than when it was said to crawl. Also Carlyle's
 
 1 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 72 THE CRITICISM ON CARLYLE'S ACCOUNT. 
 
 imagination makes him accept too readily Madame 
 Campan's storj about the unknown on horseback 
 who " shrieks earnestly some hoarse whisper inaud- 
 ible into the back window." In the third paragraph 
 Carlyle has no word of blame for Damas, the commander 
 of the troops at Clermont, because he bases his narrative 
 on the authority of Damas' report, and Damas would, not, 
 if he could help it, implicate himself. 
 
 As a matter of fact, Damas mismanaged everything. 
 He unsaddled liTs men half an hour before the king ar- 
 rived. La Gache, coming from Ste. Menehould, was half 
 anTiour before he could find Damas. He did not give 
 the order to his soldiers until two hours after the king 
 had passed, when he ought to have sent a detachment to 
 follow him to Varennes. He did nothing indeed until 
 after the king was arrested, and then, of course, it was 
 too late^ Damas had strict orders, "if the king wished 
 to pass incognito, to allow him to do so, but to follow him 
 at a distance of a mile or so to Varennes." If the fact 
 that his horses were unsaddled prevented him from doing 
 this, he should have made his men mount the moment the 
 carriage had passed, and followed it as soon as possible. 
 As a matter of fact, this culpable delay was used by a 
 relation of his to defend him before the National Assembly 
 as not being in the secret, and he was not ashamed to 
 employ the same argument himself to secure his liberty. 
 
 Let us pass on to Varennes — " a little paltry village," 
 Carlyle calls it. It is in reality, a small town with 1,400 
 inhabitants. Carlyle evidently never saw it nor idealized 
 what it was like. It is true that the carriage halted at 
 the hill-top at the south end of the town nearest to 
 Clermont, because the king had been told that the 
 horses would be there. Goguelat, on his way to Pont 
 Sommevesle, had counlermanded this arrangement, 
 leaving them in the stables on the other side of the 
 bridge in the lower town, which Carlyle erroneously calls
 
 THE CRITICISM ON CARLYLES ACCOUNT. 73 
 
 " the upper town." " Hussars likewise did wait," says 
 Carljle, "but drinking in the taverns." Not so. The 
 hussars were where they ought to have been — in their 
 barracks, commanded, not by the brave D'Eslon, who had 
 been sent oif to Bouille byG'oguelat, but by Lieutenant 
 Rohrig, a young man of eighteen. Indeed, we know that 
 up 1o ll'jp.m. the sixty hussars left at Varennes were 
 ready for instant departure. 
 
 " Six hours late," says Carlyle. If this were true the 
 berline ought to have arrived at 5 p.m., which would 
 have been sixteen kilometres, or ten miles an hour, all 
 the way from Paris, including all stoppages and relays, 
 As a fact, the berline was expected at about 9 or 9.30 
 p.m. Young Bouille, not Louis, but Charles, had not 
 gone to EecT brightened by the disastrous report of 
 Leonard, the coiffeur, who arrived at 9.30, he had reti red 
 to his rodiii with his friend Raigecourt, of whom Carlyle 
 says uoLliing. The unTiappy Leonard, after scattering dis- 
 may at Clermont and Varennes, misses the route to Stenay, 
 where he would have met Bouille at one in the morning, 
 and'dfTves Cowards Verdun instead. Young Bouille had 
 ordl^rs to wait for the berline till four in the morning. 
 
 Carlyle next represents the " tired horses slobbering 
 their meal and water for thirty-five minutes." Tired 
 horses ! why they had only gone fourteen kilometres, or 
 eight and a half miles, in an hour and a half. Meal and 
 water ! why the whole difficulty lay in the fact that 
 every house was closed, and that there was no place to 
 get lodging or refreshments. Of the queen's descent 
 from the carriage, and her entering the house of M. de 
 Prefontaine, Carlyle does not say a word. The thirty-five 
 minutes are right, but the two horsemen vtith "jaded 
 trot " are wrong. There were four horsemen — tw^o from 
 Ste. Menehould and two from Clermont. We are told that 
 they passed " ventre a terre " ; and they cried as they 
 passed, " Postilions, arretez vous ; vous menez le roi."
 
 74 THE CRITICISM ON CARLYLE'S ACCOUNT. 
 
 I 
 
 Carlyle's description of the "Bras d'Or" is most 
 amusing. He is evidently thinking of a country inn in 
 Annandale. It does not look on to the market-place, but 
 on to a narrow street. There were no drovers there, but 
 four people whose names are well known — Poulot 
 Leblanc, the brother of the innkeeper ; Justin Georges, 
 son of the mayor, captain of the guards ; Thennevin, 
 Greffier, of Les Islettes ; and Delion, from Mont Faucon. 
 This last may have been a drover, but there is nothing to 
 show that he was. It is extremely unlikely that " Boni- 
 face Leblanc " wore a white apron. Drouet blocks the 
 bridge as Carlyle describes. They then return to the arch- 
 way which formerly connected the bell tower, which still 
 exists, with the church of St. Gengoult opposite, now 
 destroyed. Some half-dozen in all, says Carlyle. There 
 were really ten — Drouet, Guillaume, Chevallot, Coquillard, 
 two Leblancs, Georges, Ponsin, Thennevin, and Delion. 
 
 The cabriolet is allowed to pass under the archway. 
 The berline is stopped, but I doubt very much whether 
 " two national muskets levelled themselves fore and aft 
 through the coach windows." Passports are not gener- 
 ally demanded in that fashion. It was quite enough to 
 threaten the postilions. As a matter of fact. Sauce (not 
 " Sausse ") asked for the passport with officiaT^rocer 
 politeness, holding up a lantern, as we know from the 
 proces-verbal of Varennes.^ They get out, but there is no 
 authority for Carlyle's description of the order in which 
 they walked. They did not cross the m.arket-place, for 
 there was no market-place to cross. They go a few steps 
 down a narrow street. Also the demand for refreshments 
 is apocryphal. We are told by an eye-witness that the 
 queen asked for hot water, eggs and wine, and sheets for 
 
 1 Bimbenet, P. J. p. 195. Madame de Tourzel says (llAmoirea, i. 
 319), " Un officier s'approcha de la voitiire du roi, lui dit tout bas 
 qu'il y avait un gue et lui offrit de tenter de le faire passer." The 
 king unfortunately refused.
 
 THE CRITICISM ON CARLYIE'S ACCOUNT. 75 
 
 the bed.^ The wine probably came from their own 
 travelling: carria":e. 
 
 I must now hurry to an end. "The clattering of the 
 tocsin, he says, spreads over all the Clermontais, spreads 
 throughout the three bishoprics." This is rather loose. 
 Verdun, less than twenty miles from Yarennes, was un- 
 doubtedly affected, but Toul and Metz were entirely un- 
 disturbed. In some forty minutes, Carlyle says, Goguelat 
 and Choiseul arrived with their wearied hussars from 
 Sommevesle. Forty minutes from what ? As a fact, they | 
 arrived at one o'clock, about an hour and a half after the | 
 king's arrest, two hours "Trfter- his- a-rrival, They then | 
 lost~a quarter of an hour or twenty minutes at the barri- ' 
 cade which had been formed at the entrance of the town, 
 and did not dare to pass it till Damas came up with his 
 handful of dragoons. The account given by Carlyle of 
 the conduct of these hussars is not at all exact. Choiseul 
 leads them down the street past Sauce's house to their 
 barracks. He harangues them in the barrack square, 
 and it is there that they cry, "Der Konig ! Die Konigin! " 
 He then leads them back again to the front of Sauce's 
 house. Damas, on the other hand, with his four or five 
 dragoons, the only men whom he could persuade to 
 follow him from Clermont, crosses the bridge, notwith- 
 standing the barricade, goes to the hotel " Grand Mon- 
 arque," finds that the relays had departed, that Bouille is 
 off to his father, and Raigecourt with him, repasses the 
 bridge and joins Choiseul opposite Sauce's house. 
 
 The indecision of the King and his inability to give an 
 order is not inaccurately portrayed, but there is no word 
 of blame for Choiseul and Damas, who did not act without 
 asking for orders. If Damas could cross the bridge with 
 five dragoons, the king might certainly have been cut 
 out with forty hussars. 
 
 ' Fouch6, in Drspatdifs <•/ Lmd Goiver, p. 374.
 
 76 THE CRITICISM ON CARLYLE'S ACCOUNT. 
 
 In Aubriot's flight we have another touch of exaggera- 
 tive poetry. " Swimming dark rivers," says Carlyle. 
 All that Aubriot did was to ford the Aire, a very paltry 
 stream, and ride across fields till he reached the road. 
 Similarly, brave Deslons with his hussars, " darted to tlie 
 river Aire, swam one branch of it, could not the other." 
 As a fact, he crossed the Aire by a perfectly well-known 
 ford, practicable for carriage horses, and sometimes even 
 for foot-passengers ; he was stopped by the deep, narrow 
 mill-stream which runs in a loop from one part of the 
 Aire to another. Deslons, the real commander of the 
 hussars at Varennes, should have known the country 
 well enough to turn the mill-stream by crossing the 
 Aire above the spot where it leaves the river. 
 
 I have finished a very ungrateful task. I would say, 
 in conclusion, that any one who reads Carlyle's narrative 
 will have before his eyes a very vivid picture of the 
 affair as it occurred in its main outlines. But when he 
 looks minutely into it he will discover that almost every 
 detail is inexact, some of them quite wrong and mislead- 
 ing. This is the danger of the picturesque school of 
 historians. They will be picturesque at any price. 
 
 The historian more than anybody else should take to 
 heart the maxim, " J^ever be certain unless you know." 
 We now know almost every detail of the flight and cap- 
 ture of the king, and I can recall no event more tragic 
 to one who has studied it in all its details. The naked 
 truth is far more impressive and pathetic than Carlyle's 
 fiction. 
 
 "Whether the rest of Carlyle's " French Revolution " is 
 equally untrustworthy, I cannot say. I took this episode 
 almost at random, because I happened to be interested in 
 it, and because Carlyle's fame is largely based upon it. I 
 was quite surprised as I went on to find how careless and 
 inaccurate it was.
 
 III. 
 
 TEE FOREIGN POLICY OF WILLIAM 
 
 PITT. 
 
 IT is even now a matter of dispute between serious 
 and responsible statesmen whether England is 
 or is not a Continental Power. It is said that the 
 " silver streak '' so effectually separates us from the 
 mainland of Europe, that we may treat the intrigues 
 and combinations of our neighbours with indifference, 
 and work out our own destiny after our own manner. 
 Undoubtedly the possession of an ocean frontier is a 
 great advantage. So long as our fleet is in proper 
 order, we have no need of a large standing army to 
 watch the course of a petty river or an ill-defined 
 barrier of arbitrary landmarks. But since the dawn 
 of our annals England has been at all times pro- 
 foundly affected by the course of foreign affairs. 
 Our Constitution may have developed itself in un- 
 broken continuity from its earliest germ, imported 
 from an older England on the shores of the North 
 Sea. But our general history cannot be rightly 
 understood unless England is regarded as part of the 
 European State system. Mommsen tells us in his 
 Roman History that the conquest of Britain by Caesar 
 was rendered necessary by the impossibility of dis- 
 
 77
 
 78 THE FOREIGN POLICY OF V/ILLIAM PITT. 
 
 tinguishing our southern coast from the northern 
 coast of Gaul. To say nothing of our relations with 
 Scandinavia, our later Saxon kings were intimately 
 connected with the Norman dukes. The Conquest 
 made us for a time a part of France. The French 
 wars were only put an end to by the Wars of the 
 Roses. Henry VIII. stands by the side of Charles V. 
 and Francis I., as one of the trinity of monarchs 
 whose feuds and friendships decided the fate of 
 Christendom. Elizabeth was the head of all the 
 Protestants of Europe ; Cromwell held the keys of 
 Europe at his girdle; William III. was more im- 
 portant as the chief of a European coalition than as 
 king of England, qi,nd the same weighty heritage 
 devolved upon the,, shoulders of the passive Anne. 
 The history of the first two Hanoverian kings can- 
 not be written until the archives of Europe disclose 
 their secrets. George III., born and bred a Briton, 
 found his reign disturbed by two great wars, in the 
 first of which a domestic quarrel gradually assumed 
 the dimensions of a world-wide conflict, while in the 
 second the farmer king was forced into the position 
 of Dutch William. The peaceful supremacy which 
 England enjoyed for nearly forty years ' after the 
 Settlement of Vienna, was due to the efforts and 
 sacrifices which she had made during the two pre- 
 ceding decades. Nor is it likely that the rule which 
 has prevailed for two thousand years will be altered 
 in our time. Whether we like it or not, we are still 
 part of the complex European system; and, if we are 
 to bear ourselves wisely, it behoves us to study the 
 history of our foreign relations.
 
 THE FOREIGN POLICY OF IVfLLIAM FITT. 79 
 
 Not that these relations are easy to study. Do- 
 mestic history may be written with tolerable accuracy 
 from contemporary newspapers and Parliamentary 
 debates, but foreign relations are shrouded in mystery. 
 Some of the most important movements do not be- 
 come public at all. A hundred years must generally 
 elapse before the necessary documents become acces- 
 sible. Nor is it sufficient to know the secrets of a 
 single country. We cannot grasp the truth until the 
 relations between all the Powers engaged are present 
 to our mind in a general view. Until Sybel wrote his 
 history of the French Revolution, no one suspected 
 to how great an extent the affiairs of Poland had 
 lamed the activity of the EaH|toan coalition. Fried- 
 mann has thrown new ligl*t^Pi the fate of Anne 
 Boleyn; Noorden is indispensable for our knowledge 
 of the reign of Queen Anne. We are approaching 
 the time whea we may be able to form a judgment 
 as to the attitude of England in the most momentous 
 crisis of her history, when, in the collapse of Govern- 
 ments and the shock of Thrones, she alone, of all the 
 countries of Europe, preserved her Constitution and 
 her independence. 
 
 Some books which have been recently published 
 make a contribution to this knowledge, which may 
 be accepted with gratitude in default of more 
 abundant light. A volume of the Camden Society 
 reprints the memoranda of Francis, fifth Duke of 
 Leeds, from the originals in the British Museum. 
 The Duke of Leeds was the first Foreign Minister of 
 the younger Pitt. His memoranda range, with con- 
 siderable breaks, from 1774 to 1796, that is, from the
 
 8o THE FOREIGN POLICY OF WILLIAM PITT. 
 
 duke's twenty-fourth year to within three years of 
 his death. After 1780 they are set down day by day 
 as the events occurred, and may therefore be accepted 
 as fairly accurate. They deal perhaps too much with 
 domestic incidents and with the conflicts of party, 
 but they contain much that is interesting. There is 
 a good account of the Shelburne Ministry, which 
 intervened between the death of Lord Eockingham 
 and the accession of the coahtion to power. The 
 name of WiUiam Pitt constantly occurs. Perhaps 
 in no memoirs of the time are we admitted with a 
 fuller intimacy into the conversations of the Cabinet 
 and the closet of the Sovereign. The form of the 
 book makes no concessions to popularity ; it is sternly, 
 even repulsively, historical. Lovers of gossip will 
 find nothing to gratify them except the memoranda 
 which refer to the Princess of Wales, which have 
 been partly used by Mr. Fitzgerald, But the careful 
 reader may discover a good deal to supplement his 
 knowledge, while scattered papers drawn from other 
 volumes in the British Museum throw considerable 
 light on foreign affairs. 
 
 The second book is conceived upon a different 
 plan. Sir James Bland Burges was Under Secre- 
 tary for Foreign Affairs from 1789 to 1795, a mo- 
 mentous period in the history of the world. He left 
 behind him a short autobiographical memoir and a 
 mass of official correspondence. Selections from this 
 correspondence, edited by a scholar of competent 
 historical knowledge, would have been invaluable. 
 Mr. Hutton is mistaken in supposing that the facts 
 of this period are '' already known to students of
 
 THE FOREIGN POLICY OF WILLIAM PITT. Si 
 
 modern history." The most important of them are 
 either not known at all, or are matters of ardent 
 controversy. There is abundant proof in the book, 
 that some of the commonest of them are not known 
 to Mr. Hutton. But perhaps the editor is right in 
 thinking that '' for ordinary readers, in quest of 
 sensation and novelty," such information " would 
 bear only a faint interest. Not that those readers 
 will find the book very exciting as it stands. Mr. 
 Hutton has aimed at giving a picture of the man, 
 and Sir James Bland Bui-ges cannot by any effort 
 be made an interesting character. His sole claim to 
 distinction is, that for six eventful years he had 
 access to secrets which many people now living would 
 give their ears to know. When will serious histori- 
 cal study have reached such a standard in England, 
 that unrivalled collections of public documents will 
 be treated from some other point of view than that 
 of a vain attempt to beguile the " ordinary reader " ? 
 The supplemental volumes of the Wellington Cor- 
 respondence are a model rarely imitated in this 
 country. Lord Beaconsfield, the sworn enemy of 
 dulness, who warned precocious children against 
 inquiring too narrowly into the authorship of 
 "Junius," or the identification of the '^ Iron Mask," 
 gave to these bulky volumes his unqualified praise. 
 The three hundred letters of William Pitt, which are 
 said once to have existed in the Auckland papers, 
 would outweigh all the clever gossip of Mr. Storer 
 which is printed in the published correspondence. 
 Mr. Hutton has indeed attempted to give liveliness 
 to his pages by a less legitimate process. He pours 
 
 F. Y. G
 
 82 THE FOREIGN POLICY OF WILLIAM PITT. 
 
 the vials of his scorn on diplomatists to whom Eng- 
 land owes the deepest obligations, and whose cha- 
 racter was never assailed except by those who, being 
 higher in station, were jealous of their abilities and 
 power. At a time when no Cabinet was considered 
 secure without its usual complement of dukes, and 
 when a diplomat in certain Courts was obliged to 
 be a man of rank and fashion, as well as of know- 
 ledge and affairs, our interests would have fared 
 badly indeed, if we had not possessed public servants 
 of such trained capacity as William and Morton 
 Eden, Hugh Elliot, and Daniel Hailes. For three 
 of these Mr. Hutton has very hard words, which we 
 may suppose to be the echo of the '' boldness and 
 finish " with which their characters are sketched 
 by Mr. Burges. The fourth, the most brilliant of 
 all, he does not mention. Yet Lord Auckland was 
 the trusted friend of Pitt, who wished to marry his 
 daughter. He was probably the only man in Eng- 
 land, except Pitt hioaself, who could have negociated 
 the commercial treaty with France and the East 
 Indian Convention. During a public career of nearly 
 fifty years he was acquainted with every important 
 secret of State. He was equally trusted by men 
 so different as Lord Suffolk and Lord Loughborough, 
 Pitt and Grenville, Vergennes and Van de Spiegel. 
 He left behind him a collection of State papers, the 
 best monument of his career, mutilated, alas ! and 
 impaired by the carelessness of posterity, not one 
 line of which need call up a blush on the face of his 
 warmest partisan. Lord Henley was well worthy 
 of the brother who watched tenderly over his edu-
 
 THE FOREIGN POLICY OF WILLIAM PITT. 83 
 
 cation, while the despatches of Hailes are a sti-iking 
 contrast to the frivolous puerilities of the Duke of 
 Dorset. Hailes was one of the very few statesmen 
 in Europe who foresaw the results to which the sum- 
 moning- of the States-General would inevitably lead. 
 Still we are grateful to Mr. Hutton for giving- us 
 what he has thought fit to print. Perhaps at some 
 future time the Burges papers will be made to yield 
 more valuable metal. In the meantime let us sum 
 up the solid results which these two volumes present 
 to us. 
 
 An interesting page of Sir James Burges's recol- 
 lections introduces us for the first time to the Duke 
 of Leeds, then Marquis of Carmarthen, as well as 
 to William Pitt and the historian Gibbon. Gibbon 
 was then forty-three years old, Lord Carmarthen 
 twenty-nine, and Pitt twenty-one. They were dining 
 with Mr. Burges in his rooms in the Temple. Mr. 
 Gibbon, then at the zenith of his fame, was in the 
 habit of taking the lead in the conversation in what- 
 ever company he might find himself : — 
 
 " His conversation was not indeed what Dr. Johnson 
 would have called tall:. There was no interchange of 
 ideas, for no one had a chance of i-eplying. So fugitive, 
 so variable was his mode of discoursing, which consisted 
 of points, anecdotes, and epigrammatic thrusts, all more 
 or less to the purpose, and all pleasantly said with a 
 French air and manner which gave them great piquancy, 
 but which were withal so desultory and unconnected that, 
 though each separately was extremely amusing, the atten- 
 tion of his auditors sometimes flacfC'ed before his own re- 
 sources were exhausted. Mr. Gibbon, nothing loath, took 
 the conversation in his own hands, and very brilliant and
 
 84 THE FOREIGN POLICY OF WILLIAM PIT!. 
 
 pleasant he was during the dinner and for some time after- 
 wards. He had just concluded, however, one of his best 
 foreign anecdotes, in which he had introduced some of the 
 fashionable levities of political doctrine then prevalent, 
 and, with his customary tap on the lid of his snuff-box, 
 was looking round to receive our tribute of applause, 
 when a deep-toned but clear voice was heard from the 
 bottom of the table, very calmly and civilly impugning 
 the correctness of the narrative, and the propriety of the 
 doctrines of which it had been made the vehicle. The 
 historian, turning a disdainful glance towards the quarter 
 whence the voice proceeded, saw, for the first time, a 
 tall, thin, and rather ungainly-looking young man, who 
 now sat quietly and silently eating some fruit. There 
 was nothing very prepossessing or very formidable in his 
 exterior, but, as the few words he had uttered appeared 
 to have made a considerable impression on the company, 
 Mr. Gibbon, I suppose, thought himself bound to main- 
 tain his honour, by suppressing such attempt to dispute 
 his supremacy. He accordingly undertook the defence 
 of the propositions in question, and a very animated 
 debate took place between him and his youthful an- 
 tagonist, Mr. Pitt, and for some time was conducted 
 with great talent and brilliancy on both sides. At length 
 the genius of the young man prevailed over that of Lis 
 senior, who, finding himself driven into a corner from 
 which there was no escape, made some excuse for rising 
 from the table, and walked out of the room. I followed 
 him, and, finding that he was looking for his hat, I tried 
 to persuade him to return to his seat. ' By no means,' 
 said he ; ' that young gentleman is, I have no doubt, 
 extremely ingenious and agreeable, but I must acknow- 
 ledge that his style of conversation is not exactly what 
 I am accustomed to, so you mtist positively excuse me.' 
 And away he went in high dudgeon, notwithstanding 
 that his friend had come to my assistance. When we
 
 THE FOREIGN POLICY OF WILLIAM PITT. 85 
 
 returned into the dining-room we found Mr. Pitt pro- 
 ceeding very tranquilly with the illustration of the sub- 
 ject from which his opponent had fled, and which he dis- 
 cussed with such ability, strength of argument, and 
 eloquence, that his hearers were filled . with profound 
 admiration." 
 
 Francis Godolphin Osborne, fifth Duke of Leeds, 
 was born on January 29, 1751. After receiving the 
 ordinary education of an Englisli nobleman, he went, 
 according to the custom of those days, on the grand 
 tour. The narrative of his three years^ travels, kept 
 with scrupulous accuracy, is still extant. He saw 
 Louis XV. and liis family at Paris, walked about the 
 garden of Ferney with Voltaire, spent a considerable 
 time at Rome and Naples, and visited Kaunitz at 
 Vienna. He learnt languages, dancing, music, and 
 the high school of horsemanship, besides becoming 
 acquainted with the political condition of Europe. 
 He married shortly after his return a lady who after- 
 wards left him to run away with Jack Byron, the 
 father of the poet. Mr. Burges gives a graphic 
 description of him as he appeared at the age of 
 thirty : — 
 
 " PTe appeared then to have united in himself a com- 
 bination of endowments such as have rarely fallen to the 
 lot of the most favoured individual. Descended from 
 noble ancestry, heir to the dukedom of Leeds, in possession 
 of an ample, independent fortune, and looking forward to 
 the not distant accession to one still more considerable, 
 he had in these respects no excuse to envy any man. 
 And not inferior were the advantages which nature had 
 liberally bestowed upon him. His talents were brilliant
 
 86 THE FOREIGN POLICY OF WILLIAM PITT. 
 
 and acute, his memory uncommonly retentive, Ms powers 
 of conception so prompt that he was able at a glance to 
 comprehend whatever was submitted to him, and to 
 decide upon the line of action to be taken ; while his 
 ready wit, and his wonderful faculty of expression, 
 whether by speech or by writing, in prose or in verse, 
 charmed and dazzled all with whom he associated. These 
 rare qualities had received the cultivation derivable from 
 an education at Westminster School and at Oxford, fol- 
 lowed by several yeai-s' residence at foreign Courts. In 
 addition to all this, few men equalled him in personal 
 beauty of face and figure. His countenance was most 
 prepossessing, and seemed to indicate at once the quick- 
 ness of his intellect and the suavity of his disposition. 
 He had the gallant spirit of a noble gentleman with the 
 manner and address of an accomplished courtier." 
 
 Although Lord Carmartlien received strong marks 
 of royal favour at the outset of his career, becoming 
 a member of the king's household and chamberlain 
 to the queen^ this did not prevent him from asserting 
 his independence. In spite of a lecture from Lord 
 North, the Marquis took an active part in the meet- 
 ing, which resulted in the Yorkshire petition, but 
 felt obliged to resign his offices at Court. He told 
 the king that he could no longer give his support to 
 Lord North, Lord George Germaine, and Lord Sand- 
 wich. The kiug said in his nervous manner : " I'm 
 very sorry; I^m very sorry ^' ; but added he was 
 sure that Lord Carmarthen had acted from con- 
 viction, and therefoi'e like a man of honour. Not- 
 withstanding this, ten days later he was summarily 
 dismissed from the Lord Lieutenancy of the East 
 Riding. " My surprise/' he says, " could scarcely
 
 THE FOREIGN POLICY OF WILLIAM PITT. 87 
 
 have been greater had it been a warrant of com- 
 mitment to the Tower.'' Lord Pembroke and the 
 Duke of Richmond were his companions in misfor- 
 tune. His lot was then thrown in with the Oppo- 
 sition, and he took an active part in the attack upon 
 Lord North, which led to his resignation. On the 
 accession of the Rockingham Ministry to office, Lord 
 Carmarthen was restored to his Lord Lieutenancy, 
 and there was a talk of putting him into office, or 
 giving him an embassy. These arrangements were 
 put an end to by Lord Rockingham's death, after he 
 had held office only three months. 
 
 Lord Shelburne's Ministry was strengthened by 
 the accession of the youthful Pitt, and weakened by 
 the refusal of Fox to serve under him. Although 
 Fox and Shelburne may have differed as to the in- 
 dependence of America, yet there is no doubt that 
 personal feeling was an important element in the 
 quarrel. Fox would have served with Shelburne 
 under a neutral ruler ; he would not submit to a 
 subordinate position. With strange inconsistency, he 
 threw himself into the arms of Lord North, who, night 
 after night for many years, had been the object of 
 his assaults in the House of Commons. The coalition 
 was brought about by the shifty and unscrupulous 
 Lord Loughborough, and William Eden was privy to 
 the arrangement. After a second defeat on the terms 
 of peace with France, Lord Shelburne called his 
 friends together at Shelburne House, on Sunday, 
 February 23, and declared his determination to 
 resign. Lord Carmarthen, who had received the 
 high honour of being chosen as the first Ambassador
 
 8S THE FOREIGN POLICY OF WILLIAM PITT. 
 
 to France after the renewal of intercourse with that 
 country, was unwilling to serve under the new 
 Ministry, and would only do so if the king's service 
 imperatively required it. For more than a month 
 the country remained without a Government. The 
 king used every effort to persuade Pitt to take the 
 seals, but with rare self-command he refused. On 
 February 26, on the king's renewed request, he pro- 
 mised to do what he could to obey his commands, 
 and not till March 26 did he tell his Royal master 
 that he saw no probability of a firm support or of 
 a want of union in the coalition. At last, on April 1, 
 at half-past ten at night, Lord North was sent for 
 to produce his Cabinet. " Are these the persons," 
 said the king, ''whom you and the Duke of Portland 
 wish to name ? " " To recommend, sir," answered 
 Lord North. But the king insisted on his phrase, 
 and added, with some malice, '' There are two other 
 important places to be provided for, Ireland and 
 France, for I can inform you that Lord Temple will 
 not stay, and Lord Carmarthen will not go." 
 
 On December 17, Fox's East India Bill was de- 
 feated in the House of Lords by a majority of nine- 
 teen votes. On the next day, at eleven o'clock at 
 night, Nepean, Lord North's Under-Secretary, was 
 sent for by the king to Buckingham House. The 
 king was alone, and ordered the astonished under- 
 ling to demand the seals from the two Secretaries 
 of State, and to bring them to him at once. Accord- 
 ing to Mr. Burges, the two unsuspecting victims 
 were supping at Lord North's, and discussing quietly 
 what should be done after their defeat. Entering
 
 THE FOREIGN POLICY OF WILLIAM PITT. 89 
 
 the supper-room, and refusing to sit down, after a 
 few minutes of embarassing silence, Nepean stated 
 the object of his mission. Fox refused to believe it, 
 and Nepean had to repeat his message. Lord North 
 then said good-humouredly, '' If such be the case, 
 Nepean, you Avill have very little trouble with me. 
 My seals are in your custody; you have only to take 
 them to the king." Fraser, the Under-Secretary of 
 the Foreign Department, was at the table, and had 
 no difficulty in producing Mr. Fox's seals. Nepean 
 took them to Buckingham House, and the king- 
 received them in silence. The next morning Pitt 
 was appointed Prime Minister. Mr. Burges says 
 that the post was first offered to Lord Temple, but 
 for this there is no foundation. On the following 
 evening, Saturday, March 20th, Lord Carmarthen 
 dined at Lord Temple's. The host and his nephew 
 were very glum, and it was evident that something 
 unpleasant had occurred. In fact, Lord Temple had 
 determined to resign because Pitt would not insist 
 npon the king making him a marquis or a duke. 
 This resignation carried dismay into the hearts of 
 the new Ministry, and caused Pitt the only sleepless 
 night which Bishop Tomline remembers him to have 
 spent. After a moment of indecision, Pitt was more 
 resolute than ever to support his Sovereign, who had 
 told him in a letter that he was like a drowning man 
 glad to catch at every twig. Lord Gower was a 
 member of the Administration from the first, and 
 not, as Mr. Burges says, in succession to Lord 
 Camden. On Tuesday Lord Carmarthen was offered 
 and accepted the seals of the Foreign Secretaryship.
 
 90 THE FOREIGN POLICY OF WILLIAM PITT. 
 
 His colleague was Lord Sydney, better known as 
 Tommy Townshend, whom Burke sometimes per- 
 suaded " to lend him a vote." Mr. Burges tells an 
 amusing story of him : — 
 
 " One day, when he did me the houour to take me in 
 his carriage to the House of Lords, he suddenly remarked, 
 ' I can't imagine why they call me Lord Tommy. Can 
 you tell me ? ' I answered as gravely as possible that I 
 could not. ' It's very strange,' said he. ' Lord Tommy ! 
 I should like to know why they call me that. But I'll 
 ask Lord Carmarthen ; he'll be most likely to know — 
 don't you think so ? ' I told him I thought he could not 
 do better, and I could say so honestly, for it happened 
 that it was to Lord Carmarthen that he was indebted for 
 the title that puzzled him." 
 
 The first Cabinet Council of the new Ministers was 
 held at Lord Carmarthen's, on December 28. There 
 was much to be done before Parliament met on 
 January 12. A new East India Bill must be drafted 
 and introduced at the very beginning of the session. 
 An Appropriation Act had to be framed, and the 
 Mutiny Acts, which expired on March 25, must be 
 renewed either in the present Parliament or in a 
 new one. The Ministers were in a considerable 
 minority in the House of Commons, but it was known 
 that the country was with them and with the king. 
 By superhuman efforts the India Bill was prepared 
 in time, but the financial difficulties were so great 
 that Pitt " even hinted at giving the thing up." 
 Mr. Burges takes credit for two valuable pieces 
 of advice given by him to the new Ministers. The 
 first was the introduction to Pitt of the design of the
 
 THE FOREIGN POLICY OF WILLIAM PITT. 91 
 
 sinking fund, which Avas to be provided for by a 
 succession duty ; and the second was the discovery 
 that a Mutiny Bill could be introduced into the 
 House of Lords^ thus turning Fox's flank, and com- 
 pelling him to give in. This second service was 
 strangely forgotten by the Duke of Leeds, who 
 merely remarks : " So strong was the tide without 
 doors against Mr. Fox and his majoi-ity, that they 
 thought prudent to pass the Mutiny Bill in com- 
 pliance with the wishes of the public." On the 
 morning of the very day that Parliament was pro- 
 rogued, the Lord Chancellor's house was broken 
 open and the Great Seal stolen. Some candlesticks, 
 a sword, and some money were taken at the same 
 time ; but it was felt that the theft had in all pro- 
 bability a political significance. However, a new 
 seal was prepared by the following day, and on 
 Thursday evening, March 25, the proclamation for 
 dissolving Parliament was signed and sealed. " Thus," 
 says the Duke of Leeds, " was an end put to one of 
 the most extraordinary Parliaments that had ever 
 existed, and which, from every motive of prudence 
 and sound policy, ought to have been dissolved much 
 sooner." 
 
 Lord Carmarthen assumed the seals of the Foreign 
 Office at a momentous period. England had just 
 emerged, with the loss of her American colonies, 
 from a war which had embroiled her with nearly the 
 whole of Europe. France, Spain, and Holland had 
 successively taken the field against her. Her finances 
 were ruined, and her military prestige stood at a 
 very different level from that which it had reached
 
 92 THE FOREIGN POLICY OF WILLIAM PITT. 
 
 twenty years before, at the end of the Seven Years' 
 War. We were without an ally in Europe. France, 
 governed by Louis XVI. and Yergennes, was in 
 favour of peace and free trade. Her unfortunate 
 Sovereign, who was to reap the ruin which had been 
 sown by others, had no other wish but to develop 
 the commerce, resuscitate the navy, and invigorate 
 the colonies of his country, and to keep, if possible, 
 some shreds of that Indian Empire which, before the 
 epoch of Clive and Hastings, had seemed destined 
 for the French. The alliance between France and 
 Austria, the masterpiece of Kaunitz, formed in 1756 
 for the humiliation of Frederick the Grreat, still 
 subsisted, but it was a drag upon the action of both 
 countries, rather than an assistance to their develop- 
 ment. Joseph II., after sharing his mother's crown 
 and power for fifteen years, had recently succeeded 
 to independent sovereignty. He was, perhaps, the 
 most dangerous influence in Europe. Full of good 
 intentions, with a keen insight into the evils and 
 deficiencies of his age, he failed in all his under- 
 takings, and stirred up bitterness and rebellion, 
 where he desired nothing but prosperity and good- 
 will. He dragged Maria Theresa, against her better 
 judgment, into the '' Potato " War of the Bavarian 
 succession. His own master since 1780, he issued 
 countless edicts against the abuses of his time, against 
 the nobles, the clergy, the system of orders, and the 
 monasteries, which had no eifect but to cause worse 
 confusion. Religious toleration and the abolition of 
 serfdom were the only solid results which he achieved. 
 Learning nothing by experience, he quarrelled with
 
 THE FOREIGN POLICY OF WILLIAM PITT. 93 
 
 the Dutch by abolishing the Barrier Treaty, opening 
 the Scheldt, and laying claim to Maestricht. At the 
 same time, he tried to effect the exchange of Belgium 
 for Bavaria, and gave Prussia the opportunity of 
 placing herself at the head of a league of German 
 princes directed against the power of Austria. In 
 all these projects Joseph was checked by France. 
 She had no sympathy with his reckless stirring of 
 sleeping dogs. His conduct towards Holland inter- 
 fered with her most cherished plans, and she forced 
 a reconciliation upon him by the Treaty of Versailles. 
 Desirous to keep on good terms with Frederick the 
 Great, she resented a course of action which would 
 exasperate that sly old fox, while she had every 
 reason to dread the plans of aggrandizement at the 
 expense of Turkey which occupied the closing years 
 of his reign. 
 
 Catherine II., who ruled Russia wisely for thirty- 
 four years, was, next to Joseph, the power from 
 whom England had most to fear. Although she had 
 not taken sides against us in the American War, she 
 had formed in the darkest part of it the confederacy 
 of the Armed Neutrality, in which a number of 
 mai'itime powers were banded to resist our supre- 
 macy at sea. Whatever care she might bestow on 
 French philosophers and handsome guardsmen, her 
 cool head always kept the solid interests of Russia 
 in view ; and the two Powers at whose expense it 
 could be most conveniently increased, were Poland 
 and Turkey. The first partition of Poland and the 
 Peace of Kutschuk Kainardji had fallen in times 
 when our attention was occupied elsewhere. Frede-
 
 94 THE FOREIGN POLICY OF WILLIAM PITT. 
 
 rick tlie Great, though he kept a watchful eye on 
 every movement in Europe, was occupied in con- 
 solidating his Goverment, and wished for no new 
 war. A statesman, therefore, surveying the con- 
 dition of Europe with the knowledge which we now 
 possess, would have seen that France, with an out- 
 ward appearance of majesty, was rotten to the core, 
 and was hastening to the catastrophe which was in 
 ten years to overwhelm her. He would have per- 
 ceived that the peaceful development of French 
 commerce and industry was the true interest of 
 Europe, and the best means of conquering the 
 tumultuous passions which were soon to carry havoc 
 into every portion of the civilized world. He would 
 have seen that the alliance between France and 
 Austria, however much it might have departed from 
 its original intention, was the best check upon the 
 ambition of both, aud was a safeguard to the peace 
 of Europe. 
 
 The Marquis of Carmarthen, however, and possibly 
 George III., were of a different opinion. In their 
 eyes France was the hereditary enemy of England, 
 and every intrigue and movement in Europe were to 
 be attributed to French influence. They knocked 
 humbly at the door of Kussia, who refused to listen 
 to their blandishments, they strained every nerve to 
 excite the suspicions of Kaunitz ; and his repeated 
 assurances, that France had no hostile designs, and 
 was incapable of dangerous action, only confirmed 
 their suspicion of mischief. When they failed to 
 move the minister, they approached the Sovereign 
 himself, and Sir Robert Murray Keith was ordered
 
 THE FOREIGN POLICY OF WILLIAM PITT. 95 
 
 to assure Joseph tliab we not only had no objection 
 to his opening the navigation of the Scheklt, but 
 that there was no object of his ambition, however ex- 
 travagant, which we should not be disposed to sup- 
 port, if he would only give up his unnatural alliance 
 with the House of Bourbon. It is a comfort to learn 
 that Pitt was not the author of this policy. Lord 
 Carmarthen found that he could not prevail upon 
 the Cabinet to give that attention to foreign affairs 
 which he thought necessary, and consequently after- 
 wards gave them little trouble on the subject. 
 
 " Mr. Pitt, however, for some time applied himself to 
 the correspondence with great assiduity, and during a 
 day I stayed with him at Wimbledon we had a great deal 
 of conversation on the general subject of European 
 politics ; this happened in May, and I was very happy 
 to find our ideas were similar on the great object of 
 separating if possible the House of Austria from France, 
 as likewise a degree of desire to form some system on 
 the Continent in order to counterbalance the House of 
 Bourbon, though at the same time the sti'ongest con- 
 viction of the necessity of avoiding, if possible, the enter- 
 ing into any engagements likely to embroil us in a new 
 war." 
 
 The true Pitt speaks out in the last clause. The 
 objects he had most nearly at heart were peace, 
 I'ctrenchment, and reform. A solvent and united 
 England would bo a tower of strength in a bankrupt 
 and distracted Europe. 
 
 The alliance which England sought in vain from 
 Russia and Austria was to come from another quarter. 
 Holland was at this time the second maritime power
 
 96 THE FOREIGN POLICY OF WILLIAM PITT. 
 
 in Europe^ and from the extent of her navy and her 
 trade, as well as from her assertion and protection 
 of liberty, was almost worthy to rank among the 
 Great Powers. Dutch history, which indeed does 
 not extend over two centuries and a half, exhibits 
 a remarkable example of the strength and weakness 
 of Federal Government. The seven provinces were 
 united by the loosest bond of confederation known 
 to political science. Holland, the largest province, 
 set an example of the whole, but even peace and 
 war were matters of municipal and not of imperial 
 policy. When a foreign enemy in the shape of France 
 threatened their independence, the provinces sought 
 for strength and unity in the protection of a Stadt- 
 h older, who had command of the army and the fleet, 
 and other privileges of a more disputed kind. When 
 the pressure was removed, the instinct of separation 
 reasserted itself, the Stadtholder's power was dimin- 
 ished, and each oligarchy of merchants governed 
 itself with its Pensionary and Greffier, until a new 
 danger revived the desire of a personal Sovereign. 
 As France was the Power most dreaded by Holland, 
 so it was the interest of France to foster the separa- 
 tist feeling and the power of the oligarchies, while 
 since the time of William III. the Stadtholder had 
 looked for the support of England. Thus we see 
 in Holland an ebb and flow of weaker and stronger 
 union, one movement depending on France, the other 
 on England ; one supported by the trading oligarchy, 
 the other by the mass of the people. In the American 
 war Holland had first been caught by the Armed 
 Neutrality, and had then been driven into open
 
 THE FOREIGN POLICY OF WILLIAM PITT. 97 
 
 hostility against England. At the settlement of 
 Versailles she was the last of the belligerents to 
 make peace, and the treaty which secured the cession 
 of Negapatam to England was not concluded until 
 Pitt was in office. A minister had to be sent to the 
 newly regained friend, and a better choice could not 
 have been made than James Harris, afterwards 
 Lord Malmesbury. He came, like Eden, from the 
 ranks of the Opposition, and, unlike Eden, returned 
 to them again ; but Mr. Burges, who has many hard 
 words for the turncoat Eden, has nothing to say 
 against Harris. 
 
 When Harris arrived at the Hague about the end 
 of 1784, he found the party of the Stadtholder 
 in the lowest depths of despair. William V., who 
 then held the office, was not the man to retrieve 
 his position; and his best hope lay in the support 
 of his noble-hearted wife, Frederica Wihelmina, 
 niece of Frederick the Grreat. It was nevertheless 
 in Holland and under these conditions that the battle 
 between English and French supremacy had to be 
 fought. Holland had at that time a powerful navy 
 and large naval experience. She had shown a talent 
 for colonization. The Dutch East India Company 
 was the principal rival to the English Company. 
 In alliance with Holland, France might hope to win 
 back something of her commerce beyond seas, and 
 to check the undisputed predominance of the British 
 flag. It was the business of Harris to thwart these 
 designs, to depose the Dutch patriots, as they were 
 called, to restore the Stadtholder to his ancient rank, 
 and to base his power on the security of English 
 F. v. H
 
 98 THE FOREIGN POLICY OF WILLIAM PITT. 
 
 support. The steps by which Harris effected these 
 objects are most interesting' to trace. There was 
 in the English Cabinet at this time a forward party, 
 who were desirous to press the predominance of 
 England on every opportunity, and a party who 
 desired to avoid European complications, and who 
 sought the aggrandizement of their country in eco- 
 nomy and peace. Carmarthen and Pitt may be 
 regarded as types of the two attitudes, and their 
 diverging views led to a rupture in 1791. Still, 
 strongly as Pitt desired peace, he knew that it was 
 often best secured by energetic language backed 
 by decided action; and many of his despatches might 
 have been written by the imperious Chatham. Harris 
 soon saw that, to secure Holland, it was useless 
 to attempt the severance of Austria from France. 
 Austria was too strongly opposed to the interests 
 of Holland to join us in an alliance with that country, 
 whilst France was of necessity the firm support 
 of the patriots against whom our policy was directed. 
 Russia was inaccessible; therefore the one Power 
 that remained to us was Prussia, closely cemented 
 with the Stadtholder by family ties, and under the 
 influence of a long-standing jealousy with the House 
 of Austria. Harris proposed a triple alliance between 
 England, Holland, and Prussia, a plan which took 
 three years to realize, but which, when completed, 
 was an earnest of peace, and for some time gave 
 the law to Europe. It is unaccountable that Mr., 
 Hutton (p. 145) attributes this great service to 
 Mr. Ewart, who had little or nothing to do with it ; 
 while he turns the Triple Alliance into a quadruple
 
 THE FOREIGN POLICY OF WfLLIAM PITT. 99 
 
 alliance between England, Holland, Prussia, and 
 Turkey. Harris's views were laid before the Cabinet 
 on May 10, 1785. They are contained in a masterly 
 paper, reprinted among the Leeds memoranda (p. 
 111). It is represented that Austria and France are 
 connected together, Russia is connected with Austria, 
 Spain with France. The consequence of this league 
 will fall especially on England and Prussia ; these 
 two courts, therefore, must concert measures for 
 mutual security. We must increase and consolidate 
 the confederacy of princes now taking shape in the 
 Empire : we must separate Russia from the leaguers, 
 preserve Denmark, neutralize Sweden, and, above 
 all, reclaim Holland. The King of Prussia is better 
 able to give us advice, intelligence, and assistance 
 than any prince in Europe. We must enter into 
 definite negociations with him, and settle precisely 
 what amount of aid each Power is to afford to the 
 other, France must on no account have the low 
 countries, and England will do her best to prevent 
 Austria from obtaining Bavaria. 
 
 The first result of this policy was, that the King 
 of England joined the League of Princes as Elector 
 of Hanover, a step which called out strong remons- 
 trances from the Ambassadors of Austria and Russia, 
 but which was gratefully acknowledged by Frederick 
 the Great. Lord Cornwallis was sent on a special 
 mission to Berlin, but Frederick refused to take any 
 active step. He was too old to throw himself into 
 an European war. He counselled his niece to make 
 terms with the patriots and to seek the protection 
 of France. The position of the Stadtholder became
 
 lOO THE FOREIGN POLICY OF WILLIAM PITT. 
 
 worse and worse. At the end of 1785 a treaty 
 of alliance was signed between France and Holland. 
 England protested against it, but was not prepared 
 to go to war without the suppoi't of Prussia. 
 
 On August 1 7j 1786, Frederick the Great died. 
 The new king was of an excitable and adventurous 
 disposition. He wished for an alliance with Eng- 
 land, and was not disposed to overlook any insult 
 to his sister. Count Gorz was sent to the Hague, 
 and both parties in Holland began to arm. Harris 
 pressed hard for the active intervention of England ; 
 but Pitt, who had just concluded the commercial 
 treaty with France, was more desirous of peace than 
 ever. With the connivance of Carmarthen, Harris 
 wrote a letter to Pitt himself. He pointed out that 
 a most important struggle was taking place in Hol- 
 land, that the subjection of Holland to France would 
 isolate England in Europe and be a constant menace 
 to our trade, whereas by alliance with Holland 
 we could best hope to establish ourselves in Europe, 
 and to form useful and permanent connections with 
 other Powers. Pitt's answer was more favourable 
 than the conspirators had dared to hope. Carmarthen 
 wrote in exultation, "Now we have raised his atten- 
 tion to the important object in question we must 
 by all means endeavour to keep it up, and not suffer 
 Holland to be sacrificed either to lawn or cambric. '^ 
 The temper of the Cabinet, however, was very 
 cautious. A letter of Carmarthen's to the king, 
 on January 7, 1787, received a snubbing answer, 
 probably at the instigation of Pitt. Mouths passed, 
 and nothing was done. In May Harris came again
 
 THE FOREIGN POLICY OF WILLIAM PITT. loi 
 
 to England, and succeeded in getting Pitt to agree 
 to advance £20,000 to the Stadtholder, either as a 
 loan or otherwise. Their resolution was quickened 
 by the intelligence that the French were preparing 
 a camp on the Belgian frontier, at Givet. 
 
 This state of tension was suddenly broken by an 
 unexpected step on the part of the lion-hearted 
 Princess. She left Nimeguen, to which she had 
 retired, and joined her husband at the camp which 
 had been formed at Amersfort. From this place she 
 wrote to the Hague to say that she was coming- 
 there to place herself at the head of the Stadtholder's 
 party. On the evening of June 28 she was arrested 
 by some free corps near Gouda, and kept for a day 
 in confinement. She was then released and returned 
 to Nimeguen. This insult offered to his sister was 
 sufficient to decide the wavering character of the 
 King of Prussia. He immediately prepared to march 
 troops into Holland. At the same time Eden, who 
 had just concluded the commercial treaty with 
 France, was instructed to use the most energetic 
 language at Paris. Pitt wrote to him, on September 
 15, that the French must, as things stand, give 
 up their predominant influence in Holland or fight 
 for it. A Cabinet minute of September 19^ states 
 that there is every reason to suppose that the French 
 will oppose the Prussian troops, and orders the fleet 
 to be armed and the army to be increased. War 
 between France and England was within an ace 
 of breaking out. Indeed, some of the French 
 
 ^ " Leeds papers," p. 118.
 
 I02 THE FOREIGN POLICY OF WILLIAM PITT. 
 
 Ministers desired it, as the best escape from domestic 
 troubles. It was prevented by the firmness and 
 decision of Pitt. On the very day of the Cabinet 
 minute the Prussian army entered Holland in three 
 columns. All resistance immediately collapsed. 
 The free corps were broken up; the Stadtholder 
 was restored to the Hague with all the authority 
 which he had ever possessed. The result of this 
 was to place Holland entirely in our hands. Mont- 
 morin, Avho had succeeded Vergennes as Foreign 
 Minister at Versailles, signed a declaration promising 
 to disarm, and declaring that the king had never 
 intended to interfere in the affairs of the United 
 Provinces. Treaties between England and Holland, 
 and England and Prussia, were signed in April, 
 1788, on the same day. Two months later an alliance 
 was concluded with the King of Prussia at Loo, 
 a diplomatic victory achieved by the energy and 
 versatility of Harris, to the dismay of the French 
 party at the Prussian Court. In this manner was 
 consolidated the Triple Alliance of 1788, a connection 
 which gave England a predominant voice in the 
 Councils of Europe, and made her the arbiter of war 
 and peace, until the settlement was swept away, 
 with many others, in the rising flood of the French 
 Revolution. 
 
 Before the conclusion of the Triple Alliance 
 a negociation had taken place with France, which 
 exhibits Pitt's policy in the clearest light. Among 
 the many marvels of Pitt's career — that he should 
 have been Chancellor of the Exchequer at twenty- 
 three. Prime Minister at twenty-four, that he should
 
 IHE FOREIGN POLICY OF WILLIAM PITT. 103 
 
 have been master of liis Cabinet from the very 
 outset, that he should have established a strong' 
 government in the teeth of a majority of the House 
 of Commons, that with scarcely a single adequate 
 supporter he should have defended himself against 
 the eloquence of Burke, Fox, and Sheridan — none 
 perhaps is greater than that he should have been 
 one of the best informed and the most enlightened 
 economists of his time, a true disciple of Adam 
 Smith. The seven years of study at Cambridge 
 must have been well spent. It was this instructed 
 view of finance which enabled him to conclude the 
 commercial treaty with France in 1786. Such 
 a treaty had been among the arrangements of the 
 Peace of Versailles. The French Government were 
 strong free-traders ; they believed that the wealth 
 of a country lay in the products of its soil, and that, 
 as different countries produced different things, it 
 was advantageous for each that its special produce 
 should be freely exchanged with those of all the 
 others. France was anxious to find a market for her 
 wines, oil, and silk ; she had no objection to admit 
 English hardware and cotton in return. She even 
 believed, that with no return free access to the 
 English market would be beneficial in itself. The 
 ancestral jealousy of France was too strong to permit 
 these views to find acceptance in England. The term 
 fixed for the conclusion of the treaty expired at the 
 end of 1785. The time was drawing to an end, and 
 nothing had been done. The French had repeatedly 
 demanded the execution of the treaty. A Mr. 
 Crauford had been sent to Paris with the knowledge
 
 I04 THE FOREIGN POLICY OF WILLIAM PITT. 
 
 that notliing was expected of him. The French had 
 put pressure on us by issuing" edicts prohibiting- 
 the importation of Eughsh manufactures, by declar- 
 ing that the Treaty of Utrecht, which established 
 a certain degree of reciprocity between the two 
 countries, should be allowed to lapse, and finally 
 by concluding an alliance with Holland. This last 
 step roused Pitt to action. The two years which 
 had elapsed since his accession to office had been 
 spent in party conflicts, in legislation for India, 
 in the attempts to retrieve our finances, and in the 
 fruitless effort to establish free trade with Ireland. 
 He wrote to Harris at this time : " The general 
 state of our revenue is improving daily. We are, 
 I believe, in possession of a million surplus beyond 
 our probable annual expenses, and shall, if the same 
 course of prosperity continues, find ourselves very 
 different in the eye of Europe from what we have 
 been for some time." He, therefore, three weeks 
 before the expiration of the allotted period, writes 
 in the name of Carmarthen for an extension of the 
 time. Vergennes replies by granting a delay of six 
 months, which may be extended to twelve. It should 
 be mentioned here that, at least in the earlier portion 
 of Pitt's career, the most important despatches in all 
 departments were composed by him, and were 
 drafted in his handwriting. Even if his style is not 
 always a sufficient proof of authorship in despatches 
 sio"ned by the Secretaries of State, by Carmarthen, 
 Grenville, or Sydney, the original drafts, in his own 
 unmistakable autograph, existing In the Record 
 Office, do not admit of a doubt. A collection of
 
 THE FOREIGN POLICY OF WILLIAM PITT. 105 
 
 these despatches, costly and laborious though the 
 work might be, would be a most valuable contribution 
 to the history of the time. Pitt, in his pregnant 
 and feverish career, scarcely wrote a line which 
 is not worth printing. Indeed, Carmarthen could 
 no more have conducted a commercial negociation 
 with France than the Duke of Dorset. His mind 
 was saturated with jealousy of that country. The 
 grand tour had made him a dilettante, but had taught 
 him no political economy. His private correspond- 
 ence is full of innuendoes against Eden, not always 
 of the most delicate character, and he and Harris 
 laughed heartily at the notion that the French could 
 ever be honest negociators. 
 
 Eden set himself with vigour to the prosecution 
 of his task. He spent all the morning at the Council 
 Board, examining merchants and traders. He 
 reached Paris at the end of March. The French 
 were in favour of free trade ; but, in order that this 
 principle might be adopted to any useful extent, 
 it was necessary to abrogate or to modify the 
 Methuen Treaty with Portugal, which still existed. 
 This treaty had been concluded by John Methuen 
 in Portugal in 1701, as the price for securing the 
 accession of Portugal to the Grand Alliance. Its 
 results were probably mischievous to both countries. 
 By stipulating that the wines of Portugal should 
 always be admitted to England at a third less duty 
 than the wines of any other nation, it drove out the 
 clarets which were then commonly drunk, and 
 drenched our ancestors with fiery port. How much 
 of the obesity of the eighteenth-century Englishman
 
 io6 THE FOREIGN POLICY OF WILLIAM PITT. 
 
 is due to tliis ai'rangement, and how much of the 
 enforced abstemiousness of oui* own days ? In 
 return for this^ Portugal admitted our cottons and 
 linens free of duty. Thus the manufactures of 
 Portugal were crushed, we obtained for our products 
 the petty markets of Lisbon and Oporto rather than 
 the ample fields of France^ while the sunny hillsides 
 of the Duero were over-stocked with vines belonging, 
 not to industrious peasant proprietors, but to over- 
 wealthy seigneurs, who ground the peasants down. 
 Vergennes pressed hard for the abrogation of this 
 treaty ; and Pitt, in a private letter to Eden, declares 
 himself willing to grant it. But the pedants of the 
 Cabinet, of whom Jenkin§Dn was the chief, held back 
 their too impulsive superiors. The more the French 
 conceded, the more exacting were the terms we 
 asked. Eden was in despair at the task imposed 
 upon him. The French Ministers, however, were 
 thoroughly in earnest. Eventually the treaty was 
 signed in September. The duty on French wines 
 and brandies was reduced to the amount then imposed 
 on the wines of Portugal, which were in their turn 
 diminished by a proportionate sum. The Spitalfields 
 weavers absolutely refused to admit French ribbons 
 to the English mai'kets. On the other hand, English 
 hardwares, woollens, and cottons, and the beautiful 
 productions of Wedgwood, were welcomed in France. 
 It is difficult to judge of the effect of a treaty 
 which only continued in force for a few years, and 
 those disturbed by the shadow of imminent convul- 
 sions. But it stands as a monument of the liberality 
 of the last year of the ancien regime, and of the
 
 THE FOREIGN POLICY OF WILLIAM PITT. 107 
 
 enliglitenment and magnanimity of Pitt. Lord 
 Sheffield, who in those days of darkness posed as an 
 authority on economical questions, said that, as far 
 as he could see, the reciprocity was all on one side, 
 that the French had not gained a single advantage, 
 that they had been for once at least taken in, and 
 had exhibited themselves very ignorant and foolish. 
 On the other hand, Rayneval, the French negociator, 
 takes a higher tone. " The balance which will result 
 from the treaty is uncertain ; experience alone will 
 show to which side it leans; but, whatever may 
 happen, Ave shall at least have acquired the inap- 
 preciable advantage of insensibly diminishing the 
 national hatred which has hitherto separated France 
 and England ; of substituting a legitimate for a 
 fraudulent commerce, and of turning the profits 
 of contraband to the advantage of the State. These 
 considerations are more important than the indiscreet 
 clamours which the fraudulent are certain to indulge 
 in, both in France and England." 
 
 We see thus that by May, 1789, when the States- 
 General met at Versailles, the prosperity of England 
 was fixed on a secure basis. Our finances were 
 sound, while those of France were rotten. We were 
 in close alliance with two Powers who could assist 
 us by sea and land, and whose united voice could 
 speak with authority to Europe. France was 
 hampered by her connection with Austria, who was 
 in her turn seeking ai^ alliance of self-aggrandize- 
 ment with Russia. That these results should have 
 been obtained in five years, after the close of a 
 disastrous war, is due to the genius of Pitt and to the
 
 io8 THE FOREIGN POLICY OF WILLIAM PITT. 
 
 ability of such diplomatists as Harris and Eden. 
 The world was about to break up and pass away, 
 but its fallino- masses inspired no terrors as they 
 struck us. Just at this time, in August, 1789, Mr. 
 Burges became Under Secretary for Foreign Affairs. 
 His first care was to provide for a better arrange- 
 ment and preservation of the Foreign Office papers. 
 He writes to his wife : — 
 
 " The immense number of despatches which come from 
 and go to Foreign Courts are piled up in large presses, 
 but no note is taken of them, nor is there even an index 
 to them ; so that, if anything is wanted, the whole year's 
 accumulation must be rummaged over before it can be 
 found, and frequently material aft'airs must be forgotten 
 for want of a memorandum." 
 
 To remedy this, Mr. Burges proposed ^' to enter 
 the purport of every despatch in a volume properly 
 prepared for that purpose." Any one who has had 
 occasion to work at the State papers of this period 
 in the English Record Office must long for the 
 exquisite handwriting, the careful marginal -precis, 
 and the luxurious bindings, of the French archives. 
 His next step was to cross swords with Lord Hawkes- 
 bury, and to wrest from his hands the conduct 
 of a commercial treaty with Naples, and the settle- 
 ment of a dispute with Spain about Honduras. Mr. 
 Hutton attributes Lord Hawkesbury's encroachments 
 to the "indolence of the Duke of Leeds," and his 
 indifference to ordinary business. This we think 
 hardly fair to the Duke. He was an active Foreign 
 Minister — sometimes indeed too active ; but he was
 
 THE FOREIGN POLICY OF WILLIAM PITT. 109 
 
 entirely unfit to negociate a commercial treaty, 
 whereas Pitt, who was perhaps the fittest man in 
 Europe for the purpose, had committed a large share 
 of the negociations with France to Lord Hawkesbury. 
 Mr. Hutton tells 11s nothing about the negociations 
 with Naples and Spain, on the ground that " not the 
 slightest interest now attaches ^' to them. But we 
 should like to know something about the Honduras 
 business, as it might throw light on the conduct 
 of Spain with regard to Nootka Sound, which nearly 
 produced a, Eui^opean war in the following year. 
 Mr. Hutton is also most tantalizing about the re- 
 bellion in the Austrian Netherlands. The B urges 
 papers evidently contain a mass of correspondence 
 on this subject from two agents, named Sundersberg 
 and Sontag. Whatever may be the value of public 
 diplomatic correspondence in these days of Blue- 
 books and Parliamentary questioning, there is no 
 doubt that the international history of a hundred 
 years since can only be written from a close study 
 of diplomatic archives. The private letters addressed 
 to the Under Secretaries are sometimes more valuable 
 for this purpose than the public despatches sent to 
 the Minister. Of this correspondence Mr. Hutton 
 gives us nothing. Still more tantalizing is his 
 reticence about the affair of Nootka Sound, which 
 he says ''has been so often and so thoroughly 
 explained that it would be a waste of tifhe to repeat 
 the well-known incidents." Mr. Hutton has the 
 advantage of us. Although in no crisis did the 
 qualities of Pitt shine forth more pre-eminently, we 
 know of no narrative in the English or in any other
 
 MO THE FOREIGN POLICY OF WILLIAM PITT. 
 
 language which gives a clear account of the essential 
 facts. 
 
 Nootka Sound is on the coast of Britisli Columbia, 
 just north of the eightieth parallel of latitude. It 
 was discovered by Captain Cook in 1774, and that 
 accurate observer gave a glowing account of the 
 trade which might be anticipated with the natives, 
 especially in furs. For the purposes of conduct- 
 ing the trade, some English ships were fitted out 
 from China, and, the venture being profitable, other 
 vessels were despatched from England. The Spanish 
 Government, who based their claim to the whole 
 of this coast on a bull of Pope Alexander YI., 
 confirmed by subsequent treaties, fitted out an expedi- 
 tion from Mexico, entered the bay, pulled down the 
 English factory, seized two English ships and their 
 cargoes, and confiscated them as prizes. The news 
 of this outrage arrived in England through the 
 Spanish Government in February, 1790. We had 
 unfortunately no English minister at Madrid, as Lord 
 Auckland had left in the previous year, and his 
 successor had not been appointed. Pitt took the 
 matter into his own hands and acted with the greatest 
 vigour. The despatches written by him, now extant 
 in the Eecord Ofiice, speak with all the imperious 
 dignity of the son of Chatham. The Spaniards ask 
 that we shall recognise their sovereignty over these 
 coasts. Pitf refuses even to listen to such a demand, 
 until reparation has first been made for the insult 
 to the British flag. When the Spaniards hesitate 
 to submit. Parliament is taken into confidence, the 
 fleet is armed, and the armv inci'eased. There now
 
 THE FOREIGN POLICY OF WILLIAM PJTT. in 
 
 arises a new danger. Spain was closely united with 
 France by the Family Compact of 1761. By this 
 treaty the two Bourbon Powers were bound to assist 
 each other in all enterprises under the most stringent 
 terms. The instrument dates fi'om the last years 
 of the Seven Years' War, when England was at war 
 with France. The first news of it roused Chatham 
 to declare war against Spain and to attack the 
 Spanish colonies in South America. His failure 
 to carry this measure in the Cabinet led to his 
 resignation. Spain now asked for the assistance 
 of France according to treaty, and the French Court, 
 then in the first throes of the Revolution, thought 
 that it might be for their interests to fulfil these 
 engagements. A popular foreign war would be a safe 
 outlet for dangerous spirits at home. The exact 
 means by which this peril was averted is still 
 a mystery. If the Burges papers can solve it, they 
 will be a boon to historians. The most influential 
 person in France at this moment was Mirabeau. He 
 was Chairman of the Comite diplomatique of the 
 National Assembly, and he was confidential adviser 
 of the Court. If he could be gained over, peace 
 might be preserved. But Mirabeau had already 
 pronounced himself in favour of war; what influence 
 could be brought to bear upon him ? 
 
 Just at this time Hugh Elliot had returned from 
 his embassy at Copenhagen. He had beeil at school 
 with Mirabeau as a boy, and they had always main- 
 tained friendly relations Avith each other. He Avas 
 now entrusted with a mission to Mirabeau. Mirabeau 
 held no official position. Lord Gower could not
 
 112 THE FOREIGN POLICY OF WILLIAM PITT. 
 
 communicate with him publicly, and the mission 
 must be secret. Pitt's instructions are not extant, 
 but a letter from him to Elliot is printed by Lord 
 Stanhope and Bishop Tomline. We do not therefore 
 know what arguments he was authorized to use. But 
 we know that his mission was successful. Lord 
 Gower writes to the Duke of Leeds on October 22, 
 that the popular party has signified to him through 
 Mr. Elliot their earnest desire to use their influence 
 with the Court of Madrid, in order to bring it to 
 accede to the just demands of England, and that, 
 if supported by England, they will prefer an English 
 alliance to a Spanish compact. Six days later Mira- 
 beau informs the Court, rather we fear against the 
 facts, that England has no intention of going to war, 
 and that her armaments were inspired rather by the 
 disturbances in the North than by any intention 
 against Spain. Spain, on the other hand, could not 
 fight without France. This danger having been 
 averted, Mr. Fitzherbert, who had been sent to 
 Madrid, was enabled to conclude a convention by 
 which the Spaniards surrendered every point. Thus, 
 twice since his entrance upon ofiice, had Pitt by the 
 energy of his language and conduct saved us from war. 
 The adjustment of our difficulties with Spain and 
 France was perhaps made a little easier by the 
 effects of the Congress of Reichenbach. Mr. Hutton 
 says of it (p. 442) that "peace was then concluded 
 between Austria and the Porte." This was not 
 exactly the case, because Peace was not arranged 
 between these Powers until the treaty of Szistowa, 
 and then with great difficulty and with imminent
 
 THE FOREIGN POLICY OF WILLIAM PITT. 113 
 
 danger of a renewal of the war. Bat it was at 
 Reichenbach that the preliminaries were arranged. 
 The state of Europe was indeed critical. There was 
 still a danger of war between England and Spain, 
 in which France would have been engaged on one 
 side, and Holland on the other. The Emperor was 
 still quarrelling with his Belgian subjects, and, 
 although Joseph II. had been succeeded by Leopold 
 II. in February, 1790, the matters in dispute were 
 of a very delicate nature. Austria and Russia were 
 leagued together for the dismemberment of Turkey, 
 the existence of which was considered then, as now, 
 important to the balance of power in Europe ; 
 Prussia, Austria, and Russia were casting longing 
 eyes on the remaining territory of Poland; and 
 behind all this was the spectre of the French Revolu- 
 tion, threatening all thrones and governments with 
 disaster. As the first partition of Poland had been 
 an expedient of Frederick the Great to divert the 
 hunger of Russia from devouring Turkey, so now 
 Prussia looked for a convenient indemnity in the 
 same quarter. Frederick William proposed to add 
 Ua^ntzic and Thorn to his dominions as accretions 
 long desired by his house, while Austria was to give 
 back the Poles a piece of Galicia which she had 
 taken in 1772, and to indemnify herself by a slice 
 of Turkey. When Austria refused to listen to these 
 terms, Prussia threatened war, and had indeed 
 already concluded a treaty with the Porte against 
 Austria, so that two more Eui-opean wars were in 
 immediate prospect, in addition to the war which 
 was devastating the East, and the civil war in the 
 p. V. I
 
 114 THE FOREIGN POLICY OF WILLIAM PITT. 
 
 Netherlands. The one Power which was disin- 
 terestedly anxious for peace was England, and Pitt 
 could therefore speak with decisive effect in the 
 midst of these surging jealousies. The most weighty 
 exponent of his views was Sir Robert Murray Keith, 
 our ambassador at Vienna, and not Mr, Ewart, as 
 Mr. Hutton erroneously states. An interesting 
 summary of the result of these negociations is given 
 in a letter from Mr. Burges to Mr. Fitzherbert, 
 dated August 9, 1790. 
 
 Peace upon the base of the preliminaries of 
 Reichenbach was finally concluded between Austria 
 and the Porte at the little Bulgarian village of 
 Szistowa. A graphic and amusing account of the 
 lengthy negociations is to be found in the published 
 correspondence of Sir Robert Murray Keith. Russia, 
 however, still refused to make peace ; and an account 
 of the complicated dispute, to which this gave rise 
 is given with considerable fulness both in the Burges 
 Papers, and in the political memoranda of the Duke 
 of Leeds. It was understood at Reichenbach, that 
 Peace between Turkey and the Porte was to be 
 concluded, like that between Austria and the Porte, 
 on the basis of the datiis quo. This would necessi- 
 tate the restoring of Oczakow to the Turks — a 
 fortress at the mouth of the Dnieper, which had been 
 stormed by the Russians with immense loss of life. 
 Russia refused to restore the fortress, probably more 
 from u'lnour propre than from any other cause. The 
 Powers of the Triple Alliance now meditated an 
 armed intervention. England, in conjunction with 
 Holland, was to send a fleet into the Baltic and the
 
 THE FOREIGN POLICY OF WILLIAM PITT. 115 
 
 Black Sea; and Prussia was to march an army of 
 28,000 men on the Russian frontier, ready to invade 
 Livonia, and march upon Riga. These measures 
 were determined upon at Cabinets held on March 21 
 and 22, 1791 ; they were approved of by the king, 
 and a messenger, announcing the determination, was 
 despatched to Berlin on March 27. Two days later 
 the matter was brought before Parliament; and, 
 notwithstanding the vehemence of the Opposition, 
 an address to the king in approval was carried 
 by large majorities in both Houses. No sooner was 
 this step taken, than some members of the Cabinet 
 began to doubt whether the country would support 
 them in entering upon a European war. The Duke 
 of Richmond was the first to declare his hesitation, 
 and he was followed by Lord Strafford, and Lord 
 Grenville ; while the Duke of Leeds, Lord Chancellor 
 Thurlow, and Pitt, were unshaken in their determina- 
 tion. On Thursday Pitt had a long conversation 
 with the Duke of Leeds. He told him that several 
 of the Government majority had voted against them ; 
 that the feeling of the Opposition was rising. The 
 Duke said, that if there were any change of policy 
 he would resign. Pitt replied, that he felt not only 
 for the Duke, but with him ; but dwelt on the conse- 
 quences which breaking up the Government would 
 bring upon the country and the king. The rest of 
 the Cabinet were sent for. Lord Strafford declared 
 that he had not slept all night, but declared himself 
 against action, in which he was followed by the Duke 
 of Richmond and Lord Grenville. The Duke of 
 Leeds does full justice to the uprightness and con-
 
 ii6 THE FOREIGN POLICY OF WILLIAM PITT. 
 
 sistency of Lord Grenville's conduct during- the 
 business. Lord Camden was neutral. At the close 
 of the conversation, the Duke became convinced that 
 a change of policy was inevitable. 
 
 The Cabinet met again on the evening of the same 
 day, and of this the Duke of Leeds gives a graphic 
 account : — ' 
 
 " I went to the Cabinet in the evening ; Lord Chatham 
 and Mr. Pitt were not come ; the rest of the members 
 Avere present ; the Chancellor and Lord Camden in con- 
 ference on one side of the chimney, the Duke of Richmond 
 and Lord Strafford on the other, Lord Grenville walking 
 up and down the room. I went up to the chimney, and 
 stirring the fire, observed that, as it was probably the last 
 time I should have to do the honours of that room, I 
 thought it particularly incumbent upon me to have a 
 good fire for my company. This produced a considerable 
 effect. The Duke of Richmond and Lord Strafford ex- 
 claimed, ' Good God, what d'ye mean ? ' I answered, from 
 what had passed at our late meetings I took for granted 
 it would be determined at the present to act in a ma^nner 
 dii-eetly contrary to what we had comniunicated as our 
 system to Prussia, in which case I should think myself 
 obliged to make my hoiv. A short silence ensued." 
 
 After this the Duke retired with the Duke of 
 Richmond into his own room, and returning to the 
 Cabinet found Mr. Pitt and Lord Chatham arrived. 
 In the discussion which ensued, the Duke, Mr. Pitt, 
 and Lord Chatham, were opposed to the Duke of 
 Richmond, Lord Strafford, and Lord Grenville. Lord 
 Camden said nothing, and the Lord Chancellor went 
 to sleep. At length a despatch was agreed to, which,
 
 THE FOREIGN POLICY OF WILLIAM PITT. 117 
 
 with some modifications, the Duke of Leeds con- 
 sented to sign. It was dated the first of April, and 
 advocated a temporary delay. The Cabinet did not 
 meet again for ten days. In the mean time, the 
 opposition of the country to the war had become 
 more pronounced, and Pitt was in receipt of other 
 information, which made him less averse to accept a 
 compromise. Was Oczakow, after all, of such im- 
 portance that it was worth while to go to war about 
 it ? Lord Auckland was at the time minister at the 
 Hague. He" was the most trusted, and probably the 
 most able of the English diplomatists of his genera- 
 tion, and all the threads of European diplomacy 
 passed through hi« hands. He had all along been 
 opposed to our going to war with Russia. The co- 
 operation of Holland was necessary for this purpose, 
 and it was doubtful whether the Dutch desired war. 
 Kinbergen, a Dutch admiral, was well acquainted 
 with the coasts of the Black Sea, and he declared 
 that Oczakow was of little moment conipared with 
 Sebastopol. Piit, after carefully weighing the ques- 
 tion, concluded that he might give way upon this 
 point ; and Mr. Fawkener was sent to St. Petersburg 
 to propose to Catherine that she should restore Ocza- 
 kow, but that the fortifications should be destroj'^ed. 
 This was accepted, and Oczakow has passed out of 
 the domain of ordinary human knowledge. 
 
 On April 15 the Cabinet met again. Pitt, accord- 
 ing to the custom of that day, had drafted despatches 
 for Berlin, which the Duke of Leeds was expected to 
 sign. The Cabinet Council opened with a lively 
 discussion. The Duke of Bichmond expressed some
 
 ii8 THE FOREIGN POLICY OF WILLIAM PITT. 
 
 doubt as to whether the messenger, who brought 
 the determination of delay, could have arrived in 
 time to stop the previously arranged ultimatum from 
 being despatched to St. Petersburg. The Lord 
 Chancellor (who was for war) said he hoped not, 
 and thought that there was a fortunate east wind, 
 which would prevent the second messenger arriving 
 in time. 
 
 " The Duke seemed nettled at this answer, and replied, 
 ' I suppose then you wish to read Homer, my lord ? ' 
 ' What the devil,' retorted the Chancellor, ' has Homer 
 to do with the business ? ' ' Only,' replied the Duke, ' I 
 suppose your lordship may want to have sufficient leisure 
 to read Homer in comfort, which, from your situation, 
 you have not at present ? ' After a little more snarling 
 on one part, and a great deal of grumbling on the other, 
 the dialogue concluded. The Duke of Richmond then 
 asked me if I recollected the day the second messenger 
 went away. I told him he set out on Friday, April 1. 
 Pitt could not help saying, ' Now, do own, Duke, that 
 you enjoy the date on this occasion.' I told him I really 
 answered the Duke, tout bonnenient, and was sure the date 
 was accurate, however since he mentioned it I could not 
 say I was particularly sorry at such a step being taken 
 on such a day." 
 
 The upshot was, that the Duke of Leeds refused to 
 sign despatches which he did not approve of, and the 
 King gave permission to Lord Granville to sign the 
 despatches of the Foreign Office. Six days later, the 
 Duke formally resigned. Cabinets are Cabinets after 
 all ; and it is some comfort to find that the Cabinets 
 of George III, were not more united than those of
 
 THE FOREIGN POLICY OF WILLIAM PITT. 119 
 
 Victoria. Thus ended the question of the Russian 
 armament. The most serious part of it was our 
 sudden abandonment of Prussia. By this we broke 
 up the Triple Alliance, and prepared the way for the 
 desertion of the coalition by Prussia in 1795. 
 
 The Treaty of Jassy between Russia and the 
 Porte was not concluded till January, 1792, and 
 by that time the intervention of the European 
 Powers in the affairs of France had become an ac- 
 complished act. The arrangement of Pilnitz was 
 made in August, 1791. Mr. Burges gives an entirely 
 erroneous account of this Convention, which is un- 
 fortunately accepted by Mr. Hutton. He describes 
 it as pointing towards a dismemberment of France 
 for the benefit of Austria and Prussia ; whereas the 
 essence of the instrument lay in the condition, that 
 it was to be inoperative unless all the Powers of 
 Europe should accede to it. " Alors et dans ce cas," 
 said the Emperor of Austria, referring to the words 
 of this exception, " it is to me the law and the pro- 
 phets." It did, however, lead to war, which was 
 declared by France against Austria on April 20, 
 1792. Equally unsupported by any evidence known 
 to us, is the statement of Mr. Burges, that the dominant 
 idea of the English Ministry was to excite a counter- 
 revolution in France, under the erroneous impression 
 that the national feeling was decidedly in favour of 
 the restoration of the Bourbons. This statement is 
 made with reference to a letter of Mr. Burges of the 
 date, December 28, 1790; whereas, the clecheance of 
 the king was not proclaimed till after August 10, 
 ■1792. Nothing is more certain than that the attitude
 
 I20 THE FOREIGN POLICY OF WILLIAM PITT. 
 
 of England towards the Revolution was one of scru- 
 pulous neutrality until the late autumn of 1792 ; that 
 the final outbreak of the war in 1 793 was almost acci- 
 dental, and that we were on the point of opening 
 diplomatic relations with the French Provisional 
 Grovernment after the dethronement of the king. 
 
 Before, however, we speak of these matters, it is 
 necessary to refer to a curious circumstance, of which 
 an erroneous account has hitherto been given by 
 English historians, and which is described in some- 
 what different language both by Mr. Burges and the 
 Duke of Leeds. We mean the proposed coalition 
 between Pitt and Fox in the sumnief of 1792, The 
 account generally received is taken from Lord 
 Malmesbury's Correspondence, and is to the eifect, 
 that Pitt actually contemplated a union between 
 himself and the Opposition, and that it fell through 
 in consequence of the unwillingness of the king to 
 admit Fox to his Councils. This story is positively 
 contradicted by the Memoranda of the Duke of 
 Leeds, which may be taken as trustworthy, since 
 they were written down immediately after the events, 
 without anj^ idea of publication, and they are im- 
 plicitly supported by the evidence of Mr. Burges. 
 Mr. Burges's account is given in a letter to his wife, 
 dated October 14, 1794, more than two years after 
 the event which it describes. 
 
 " I have learnt a very curious anecdote of the Duke of 
 Leeds, which does great credit to his modesty and good 
 sense. Before the present ministerial arrangement took 
 place, and when the negociation for that purpose was 
 depending, many difficulties, as you will readily believe^
 
 THE FOREIGN POLICY OF WILLIAM PITT. 121 
 
 arose as to the manner in whicli it was to be adjusted. 
 The Duke having heard of this, and conceiving that a 
 favourable opportunity was thereby afforded to him of 
 again coming into power, devised a plan which he sub- 
 mitted to his Cabinet Council, consisting of the Duchess, 
 Dr. Jackson, Sir Ralph Woodford, Mr. Aust, and Mr. 
 Glover, and which was approved of by them. In conse- 
 quence of this he drove down to Windsor and requested 
 an audience of the king. After the proper preliminaries, 
 and professions of zeal and attachment, he told his Majesty 
 that it appeai-ed to him that however desirable the de- 
 pending coalition of parties might be, he was satisfied it 
 could not be effected unless some means could be found 
 to reconcile the jai'rj|j[^»pretensions of Mr. Pitt and the 
 Duke of Portland, the latter of whom, having formerly 
 been Prime Minister, and expelled by the former, could 
 never submit to the degrading circumstance of coming 
 into administration while Mr. Pitt continued First Lord 
 of the Treasury. To obviate this barrier, and to render 
 everything easy, the Duke said he had determined to come 
 forward and to propose to his Majesty that he should be 
 named First Lord of the Treasury (in plain English, 
 Prime Minister) ; that then Mr. Pitt might continue 
 Chancellor of the Exchequer (in plain English, his 
 deputy), in which case he would be answerable to his 
 Majesty that the Duke of Portland would accept of the 
 Secretaryship of State, as from his (the Duke of Leeds) 
 being the senior Duke, no impediments from etiquette 
 would stand in his way. His Grace assured the king that 
 he had no other reason for making this proposal but the 
 most sincere wish to save his Majesty from embarrassment 
 and to serve his country, etc., etc. My information does 
 not go so far as to enable me to state with clearness the 
 answer which was given to all this ; nor do I know cer- 
 tainly what passed till about five minutes after the audi- 
 ence was over. When the Duke had made his bow he
 
 122 THE FOREIGN POLICY OF WILLIAM PITT. 
 
 came out upon the terrace ; immediately the king did 
 the like. The Duke joined his suite, and before they had 
 advanced many paces Mr. Pitt came up. He had hardly 
 taken off his hat to make his bow before the king called 
 out to hira, ' I am sorry I have bad news for you ; but you 
 are out.' ' Out, sir! ' exclaimed Mr. Pitt, with much sur- 
 prise. ' Yes,' replied the king, ' I am sorry to tell you 
 that you are out ; you are no longer First Lord of the 
 Treasury ; but do you know who succeeds you ? ' 'I 
 really do not, sir,' replied Mr. Pitt. ' That's very 
 strange,' said the king. ' I should have supposed you 
 might at least have been able to form some idea of who 
 it is. Look about you, and try if you can discover him. 
 Mr. Pitt accordingly did so, and then assured his Majesty 
 he had not been able to find him out. ' Why,' said the 
 king, ' if you can't guess I will tell you ; it is the Duke of 
 Leeds, here, who has this moment offered himself to 
 succeed you as First Lord of the Treasury in order to 
 prevent confusion. I am sure you will agree with me 
 that such an arrangement will be very desirable, as you 
 know the Duke so well, and must have so high an opinion 
 of him.' I leave you to figure to yourself what his 
 Grace's feelings and countenance were on this occasion. 
 The consequence, however, was a fit of his stomachic 
 complaint, and his being entirely left out of the arrange- 
 ment. You may depend upon the whole of this being 
 literally true ; for my authorities are indisputable, as you 
 will know when I tell you that they are George Brooks 
 and Lady Holdernesse." 
 
 It is a very pretty story, but it has the misfortune 
 of being in its most striking features absolutely un- 
 true, and it is a warning against using the recollec- 
 tions of memoir writers as serious history. 
 
 The true account is given in the Memoranda of
 
 THE FOREIGN POLICY OF WILLIAM PITT. 123 
 
 the Duke of Leeds. The object of the coalition was 
 not to include Pitt and the Duke of Portland, but 
 Pitt and Fox in the same Ministry. The matter was 
 first opened to the Duke by the circle of flatterers 
 who surrounded him. A meeting took place between 
 the Duke of Leeds and the Duke of Portland. The 
 Duke of Portland was under the impression, that 
 Pitt had no objection himself to act with Fox in the 
 most cordial manner. It was arranged that the 
 Duke of Leeds should communicate personally with 
 the king. The Duke went to the Terrace at Wind- 
 sor on Sunday evening, August 12. " It was ex- 
 tremely crowded. The king was standing in a 
 circle, talking to Mr. Pitt and Mr. Dundas, the 
 former appearing exceedingly grave. He afterwards, 
 however, resumed his usual cheerfulness, and laughed 
 with the Duchess and me in the old style. The king 
 was very gracious to us." Two days later the Duke 
 went to the Terrace again. He walked for some 
 time with the king, and on asking for a conference 
 the king took him through the castle to the library 
 in the Queen's Lodge, where they talked for half an 
 hour. The Duke narrated his interview with the 
 Duke of Portland with reference to the admission of 
 Fox to the Cabinet, and mentioned the interview 
 which had taken place between Lord Loughborough 
 and Mr. Dundas. To the Duke's great surprise the 
 king answered, that he had not heard anything on 
 the subject for a long time. That Mr. Pitt had some 
 months ago mentioned something like an opening on 
 the part of the Duke of Portland and his friends, to 
 which the king had answered, ' Anything compli-
 
 124 THE FOREIGN POLICY OF WILL FA M PITT. 
 
 mentary to them, but no power." The king- asked 
 who was proposed to be First Lord of the Treasury. 
 The Duke answered that he could not tell, but that 
 it was meant that some one should be in that situa- 
 tion who was upon terms of friendship and confidence 
 with both parties. The king* replied that it would 
 be very awkward for Pitt, after having been so long 
 at the head of that Board, to descend to an inferior 
 situation at it, and that whoever was the First Lord 
 must either be a cipher or Mr, Pitt must appear as a 
 commis. 
 
 About a week later, the Duke had an interview 
 with Mr. Pitt. He listened attentively to everything 
 that the Duke had to say, and then answered, that 
 there had been no thought of any alteration in the 
 Grovernment ; that circumstances did not call for it, 
 nor did the people wish it ; and that no new arrange- 
 ment, either by a change or coalition, had ever been 
 in contemplation. He added that the interviews 
 between Dundas and Lord Loughborough, at some 
 of which he had himself been present, had not in 
 vievv any change of Administration, and that if any- 
 thing could be devised to make an union with Fox 
 more difficult than it had been for many years, it was 
 precisely the conduct he had held towards 'the close 
 of the last Session. Pitt also said, that the king 
 had mentioned to him the conversation the Duke 
 had held with him at Windsor and the following day 
 at St. James's. The Duke was evidently taken aback 
 at the sudden downfall of his hopes ; only one con- 
 clusion was possible from the reflection which he 
 makes on the circumstances, that Lord Loughborough
 
 THE FOREIGN POLICY OF WILLIAM PITT. 125 
 
 had given an entirely false account of what had 
 passed between himself and Dundas. That lawyer, 
 Avas, in fact, so eager for the office which he ulti- 
 mately obtained, that he stuck at nothing to gain his 
 end. Historians have hitherto believed the story of 
 Lord Loughborough as related by Lord Malmesbury. 
 They will henceforth have to follow the more prosaic 
 but unimpeachable narrative of the Leeds Memo- 
 randa. It is probable that the Duke of Leeds and 
 the Duke of Portland, each deceived by his own 
 toadies, were/^ smelling at the same nosegay." Each 
 thought that he was the one individual who, by his 
 position and peculiar gifts, could combine the jarring 
 antagonisms of Pitt and Fox into an harmonious 
 unity. 
 
 It is a great misfortune that neither the Leeds 
 Memoranda nor the Burges Papers throw any light 
 on the most important question of the whole of this 
 period — the outbreak of the war with France. In 
 the conversation with Pitt above mentioned it is tan- 
 talizing to read, " He turned the conversation for 
 some time to the affairs of France. I brought him 
 back, however, to the subject of our conference.'" 
 We would rather have one line about Pitt's views as 
 to our relations of France just after the cataclysm of 
 the tenth of August, than ten about back-stairs in- 
 trigues for the shuffling of ministries. The recall of 
 Lord Gower from Paris after the tenth of August 
 was inevitable. He had been accredited to a monarch, 
 and that monarch had been deposed. It was im- 
 possible that he should remain at Paris, nor, as an 
 aristocrat and a personal friend of the royal prisoner,
 
 126 THE FOREIGN POLICY OF WILLIAM PITT. 
 
 would his life have been safe. The French Govern- 
 ment expected his departure, and were not offended 
 at it. The position of Chauvelin in England was 
 different. Nominally commissioned by the king, he 
 was known to possess in some degree the confidenco 
 of his new masters, and how was he to take his 
 leave ? If the Provisional Government sent him 
 letters of recall, would the King of England receive 
 them, and, if he was refused an audience, would it 
 not be likely to lead to the very war which both 
 countries were anxious to avert ? Chauvelin had 
 been sent to England as the nominal head of a mis- 
 sion, of which Talleyrand was the informing spirit, 
 to conclude if possible an alliance with this country, 
 to borrow three millions of money, and to offer St. 
 Domingo in return. These objects were as impor- 
 tant in the new state of things as they had been 
 before. Indeed, as the tide of European insurrection 
 rose, it was most desirable that France should not 
 increase the number of her enemies. Chauvelin 
 thei'efore remained in a dubious position, snubbed 
 alternately by Grenville and by his own G overnment, 
 afraid to move forwards or backwards for fear of 
 making bad worse. He had no relations with the 
 Opposition. Talleyrand, with marvellous insight, 
 had seen at once the suicidal folly of any step in that 
 direction. So matters remained through the recess 
 of 1792. In the autumn the relations of the two 
 Governments became more strained. The unex- 
 pected repulse of the allied armies, the conquest of 
 Belgium which followed closely upon the Battle of 
 Jemappes, which united the Netherlands to France
 
 THE FOREIGN POLICY OF WILLIAM PITT. 127 
 
 and seemed to threaten Holland^ made the peril more 
 urgent for the English Government. This feeling of 
 insecurity was increased by the decree of November 
 19, which, passed in hot haste in an afternoon's 
 debate, though it referred only to countries already 
 invaded by French arms, sounded like an appeal to 
 all nations to throw off their allegiance to their legiti- 
 mate rulers. 
 
 This decree, repeated in stronger terms a month 
 later, and the opening of the Scheldt, together with 
 the invasion of Nice and Savoy, and the execution 
 of the king, have generally been regarded as the 
 causes of the revolutionary war. An examination of 
 English and French State papers does not support 
 this conclusion. The invasion of Nice and Savoy, 
 although it was enumerated by Pitt in 1800 as one 
 of the grievances which led to war, finds no place 
 in the correspondence of the time. The decree of 
 November 19 was abundantly explained by Chau- 
 velin ; and indeed no one, who reads in the Moniteur 
 the debate which preceded it, could attach to it the 
 importance which our Ministry were at first inclined 
 to give it. The opening of the Scheldt was a serious 
 violation of treaties, and, if it had been carried into 
 action, would undoubtedly have put an end to peace- 
 ful relations. But there was a great difference be- 
 tween declaring the Scheldt open because " a river 
 which had its source in a free country should never 
 be enslaved through any portion of its course," and 
 the using it as a menace to English commerce. 
 There is, indeed, the strongest proof, that we should 
 not have gone to war upon this pretext. The Dutch,
 
 I2S THE FOREIGN POLICY OF WILLIAM PITT. 
 
 who were the parties most interested, were not dis- 
 posed to insist upon it. We had ourselves offei'ed 
 the navigation of the Scheldt some years before to 
 Joseph II., under far more dangerous circumstances, 
 as the price of his surrender of the French Alliance. 
 We have authentic records of conversations of Pitt 
 with Maret, in which the position was practically 
 surrendered. The execution of the king was seized 
 by the Ministry as a good opportunity for making 
 the war popular, but not as a casus belli. None of 
 these reasons are sufficient to account for the catas- 
 trophe. The fate of peace and war lay elsewhere — 
 in the security of Holland. We were bound to that 
 country by the closest ties of honour and interest, 
 and its destiny could not be a matter of indifference 
 to us. 
 
 The difficulty of keeping peace lay in the divisions 
 of the two Cabinets of London and Paris. In the 
 English Cabinet there was certainly a war party, to 
 which the king gave his support. Pitt was prepared 
 to make any sacrifice for peace, Grenville probably 
 swerved slowly to the side of war. In Paris, Du- 
 mouriez and Le Brun were in favour of peace with 
 England ; the Jacobins, for their own purposes, 
 wished for an extension of the war. It is painful 
 to think what accidents prevented an understanding. 
 Pitt, in a conversation with Maret, afterwards Duke 
 of Bassano, had pressed for the recall of Chauvelin 
 and the mission of another agent to treat informally 
 with the English Court. Barthelemy, the negociator 
 of the peace of Basle, the ablest diplomatist in the 
 French service except Talleyrand who was not avail-
 
 THE FOREIG!^ POLICY OF WILLIAM PITT. 129 
 
 able, was designated for the post. Le Bruu had 
 actually drawn up the instrument recalling Chauvelin. 
 The Provisional Government rejected it, as deroga- 
 tory to the honour of France, it is believed, by a 
 very small majority. Similarly Fox urged on Parlia- 
 ment the recognition of the French Republic, and 
 the despatch of an envoy to Paris. Instructions for 
 this purpose were drawn up and are still extant, Mr. 
 Lindsay having been chosen for this service. Chau- 
 velin was not recalled, Lindsay was not sent, and 
 both nations drifted into war. One more chance was 
 allowed us. The dismissal of Chauvelin from this 
 country, on the ground that he was a suspected alien, 
 was a high-handed insult, and tantamount to a de- 
 claration of war. It was, as Chauvelin said, 'un coup 
 de canon.' Yet at the very moment when he was 
 dismissed by us, he had been recalled by the French 
 Government, and Maret, a persona grata to Pitt, had 
 been appointed in his room. The courier recalling 
 Chauvelin met him at Blackheath ; Maret and Chau- 
 velin passed each other in the night at Montreuil, 
 and had no conversation, not recognising each other's 
 liveries. On such slight events do the fate of 
 empires hang ! 
 
 February 1793 marks a new era in the career of 
 Pitt and in the foreign policy of England. The 
 fabric which he had laboriously erected, of peace 
 abroad and financial stability at home, was swept 
 away for ever. Sir Robert Murray Keith, on leaving 
 Szistowa in 1791, congratulated himself that he had 
 crowned a long diplomatic career by placing the 
 peace of Europe on a secure basis for at least a 
 
 F. V. K
 
 I30 THE FOREIGN POLICY OF WILLIAM PITT. 
 
 generatiou. We must not be surprised if English- 
 men did not at first realize tlie nature of the struo-o-le 
 into which they had entered. It was some little time 
 before the conflict began in grim earnest. We looked 
 for a speedy victory over the undisciplined hordes of 
 the sans-culottes. We were soon undeceived. The 
 French armies were animated by a spirit which had 
 not yet been taken into account by professors of the 
 art of war. A career opened to ability called into 
 being the genius which it rewarded. The coalition 
 was distracted with conflicting interests. The cari- 
 catures of Gillray depict but too faithfully the ex- 
 cesses of the English army in Flanders. The loss of 
 the 37th Regiment in consequence of a drunken 
 debauch, as told by Surges, is but a type of the 
 whole campaign. The Duke of York was recalled ; 
 Holland was conquered byPichegru; Prussia, com- 
 plaining that her subsidies were not regularly paid 
 by England, retired from the coalition at the peace 
 of Basle, thus avenging our desertion of her in ] 7^1. 
 The Duke of Leeds, now a member of the Opposition, 
 tells us of the efforts made to '^ treat with any 
 Grovernment in France, under whatever form, which 
 should appear capable of maintaining the accustomed 
 relations of peace and amity with other countries," 
 efforts which resulted in the fruitless mission of 
 Lord Malmesbury. 
 
 Here our present materials fail us. The secret 
 history of the next ten years has yet to be written. 
 When the wealth of our archives becomes current 
 coin, we shall be better able to judge whether Pitt 
 should have made peace with France in 1800;
 
 THE FOREIGN POLICY OF WILLIAM PITT. 131 
 
 whether he did right in resigning- in 18ul ; whether 
 England was fully justified in breaking off the peace 
 of Amiens and engaging in the deadly struggle in 
 which Pitt was forced to yield, when the courier, 
 booted and spurred, rattled down the streets of Bath, 
 and, bringing the news of Austerlitz, struck his face 
 with the ashen pallor which it never lost, and his 
 heart with the icy chill which froze it in an early 
 death.
 
 IV. 
 
 THE TREATY OF COMMERCE BETWEEN 
 ENGLAND AND FRANCE IN 1786. 
 
 THE following essays deal more in detail with the 
 Commercial Treaty with France of 1786, and 
 with the Triple AFiance of 1788, described in the 
 preceding essay. They are based in great measure 
 upon unpublished documents. 
 
 The eighteenth article of the Treaty of Versailles 
 between England and France contained a provision that 
 commissioners should be appointed on either side to draw 
 up new arrangements of commerce between the two 
 nations on the basis of reciprocity and of mutual con- 
 venience, and that these arrangements should be completed 
 within the space of two years, dating from January 1, 
 1784. The insertion of this article had not been effected 
 without difficulty. The views of France and England as 
 to foreign trade were divergent. The French were what 
 in modern language would be called free traders. Ver- 
 gennes and his advisers had learnt from the physiocrats 
 that the wealth of a country consists not so much in the 
 amount of gold and silver which happens to be within its 
 borders at any particular time, as in the natural products 
 of the country itself. The English ministers were to a 
 great extent under the dominion of the mercantile system, 
 which taught that the balance for or against the wealth 
 of one country compared with another lay in the larger 
 
 132
 
 COMMERCIAL TREATY OF 1786. 133 
 
 iiraount of cash which one of the countries possessed. 
 Thus, in arranging the conditions of peace, while the 
 French ministers wished for a fresh treaty of commerce 
 with Enghxnd, the EngUsh ministers only desired the 
 renewal of the treaty of commerce of 1713, made at the 
 Peace of Utrecht. This treaty, which never came into 
 complete effect, placed France and England reciprocally 
 on the footing of the most favoured nation, but it was 
 deeply affected by the Methuen treaty between England 
 and Portugal, which gave Portugal a special position 
 towards England superior to that of any nation, however 
 favoured. 
 
 The Peace of Versailles was made by Lord Shelburne, 
 with Pitt as his Chancellor of the Exchequer; but when 
 the coalition ministry came into power under the Duke 
 of Portland, Fox was less favourable to the demands of 
 France. It was only by the persistence of the French 
 minister that the insertion of clause 18 was obtained, and 
 the English ministry intended that it should, if possible, 
 remain a dead letter. The divergence of views was still 
 further shown in the declaration and counter- declaration 
 of the two Governments with regard to the clause. The 
 English declaration pointed to a revision of existing 
 treaties, the French counter-declaration to the drawing 
 up of an entirely new treaty. 
 
 England showed no anxiety to complete her share of 
 the bargain. The Treaty of Utrecht had been complained 
 of as admitting Fi-ench linens too readily to England. 
 They amounted to three times as much as the English 
 wool exported to France. The years previous to the 
 peace had witnessed a large development of manufactures 
 in England. Hargreaves had completed his spinning 
 jenny in 1765 ; Arkwi-ight's first spinning mule worked 
 by water-power dates from 1769; Crompton completed 
 his spinning mule in 1779. There was a natural desire 
 to find a sale for these manufactures in France.
 
 134 COMMERCIAL TREATY OF 1786. 
 
 In Marcli 1784 Mr. Craufurd ivas nominated. English 
 commissioner, and Gerard de Rayneval French commis- 
 sioner. Craufurd, however, stayed in England, making 
 inquiries into smuggling, which was then very prevalent, 
 especially in tea and brandy. The Count d'Adhemar, 
 French ambassador in England, pressed for Craufurd's 
 departure, and he eventually went to Paris at the end of 
 September 1784. Up to January 1785 nothing had been 
 done, and Adhemar remonstrated with the British Govern- 
 ment. Lord Carmarthen, the Foreign Secretary, who, 
 indeed, understood but little of these matters, replied that 
 they had no need of new arrangements, bat that they 
 were quite satisfied with the Treaty of Utrecht. Adhemar, 
 replying with great warmth, threatened to abandon the 
 arrangements of Utrecht if the new treaty were not 
 speedily concluded. Barthelemy, writing from England 
 on April 19, 1785, complains that England imports raw 
 cotton from France and re-exports it manufactured, and 
 was also the means of passing into France Indian and 
 Chinese products which were prohibited in England. In 
 order to put pressure upon England to fulfil the engage- 
 ments which she was so reluctant to conclude, edicts were 
 issued by the French Government in July 1785 forbidding 
 the importation of a number of British manufactures, 
 thus contravening their own principle of free trade. Only 
 raw material was allowed to be imported from England, 
 and shopkeepers were not allowed to exhibit advertise- 
 ments of " marchandises d'Angleterre." 
 
 This strong measure stirred up the English to action. 
 The Duke of Dorset, the ambassador at Paris, reports to 
 Carmarthen that the manner of Vergennes towards him, 
 which was at first cordial, has materially changed. Ver- 
 gennes is vexed because the English have done nothing 
 about the treaty of commerce. He expresses a wish that 
 steps should be taken to establish a more friendly in- 
 tercourse between the two countries. The treaty of
 
 COMMERCIAL TREATY OF 1786. 135 
 
 coniraerce, signed at Utrecht between France and England 
 in 1713, had contained ten articles, the ninth and the 
 tenth of which were not to be valid unless ratified by the 
 English Parliament. Their effect would have been to 
 have re-established the tariff of 1664, placing France in 
 the position of the most favoured nation, and doing awaj 
 with the privileges which the Methuen treaty had given 
 to Portugal in 1703. The Bill to give effect to these 
 articles had been rejected by a small majority, and France 
 was now desirous that these two articles should be put 
 into force. Craufurd explained that England could not 
 admit these ai'ticles as a basis for negotiation, upon which 
 Rayneval said that the French were desirous of reci- 
 procity, and that if the English did not approve of this 
 simple principle, they must suggest some other arrange- 
 ments. " Nous vous offrons tout," he said ; " c'est a vous 
 a juger si cela vous convient, et si vous etes disposes a 
 admettre la reciprocite. Si vous la jugez inadmissible, 
 c'est a vous a indiquer les exceptions." 
 
 On October 6, Hailes, who was Charge d' Affaires at 
 Paris in the Duke of Dorset's place, writes that he had 
 mentioned the treaty of commerce to Vergennes. He was 
 in vei'y ill humour in consequence of our delay. He com- 
 plained that no answer had been returned to Rayneval's 
 proposals ; he would offer a proportionate reduction of 
 duties upon any article of equal magnitude we might 
 prefer to name provided we would receive French wines 
 and brandies upon the same footing with those of other 
 countries. Carmarthen replied on October 27 that he 
 was willing to consider propositions for admitting French 
 wines and brandies on favourable terms to Ensrland if 
 the French would make similar changes with regrard to 
 English products. But he added, " You must protect us 
 from the wrath of the Portuguese." 
 
 It is necessary in this place to give some account of the 
 Methuen treaty, which so long stopped the way to an
 
 136 COMMERCIAL TREATY OF 1786. 
 
 amicable arransrement between France and Enarland. The 
 Metlmen treaty dates from the war of the Spanish suc- 
 cession, and was concluded for the purpose of attaching 
 Portugal to the Grand Alliance. Bj it Portuguese wines 
 were to be introduced into England at one-third less than 
 the duty on French wines, and in return all wool except 
 English was excluded from Portuguese markets. Both 
 parties exulted over the treaty as a victory, but in reality 
 it was a disaster for both. From 1675 to 1696 France 
 had sent an average of 15,000 tuns of wine to England, 
 Portugal only 300 tuns. In 1712 England imported 
 1,161,908 pipes of Portuguese wine and 16,053 pipes of 
 French wine. Intercourse with France was prevented. 
 It would have been better to have had free trade with 
 France in wool than an exclusive command of the Portu- 
 guese market. Bordeaux and Burgundy were the natural 
 exports of France to England. The Methuen treaty pre- 
 vented Enoflish statesmen from makino: advantageous 
 commercial arrangements with France. On the other 
 hand, the wine trade benefited the Portuguese nobles, but 
 not the common people. The production of grapes drove 
 out that of meat and bread, and Portugal became de- 
 pendent upon foreign countries for its food supply. 
 Competition also spoilt the profits of the wine trade, and 
 great fortunes were undermined. The habit of drinking 
 port instead of claret did no good to our ancestors in the 
 last century, while the Portuguese peasant, driven from 
 his holding by a feiidal superior, was not able to recoup 
 himself by manufactures which the monopoly of England 
 prevented from being established. The English exports 
 to Portugal were much larger than the Portuguese ex- 
 ports to England, and the balance of trade did not offer 
 an encouraging prospect to France. 
 
 On October 24 Vergennes announced to Hailes that he 
 should consider the Treaty of Utrecht at an end at the 
 close of the year, and it became known that France,
 
 COMMERCIAL TREATY OF 1786. 137 
 
 despairino- of En,^lish friendship, was beginning to nego- 
 tiate with Holland. The fear of a Franco-Dutch alliance 
 stimulated the English ministry. Craufurd at last sent 
 a reply to Rayneval. He asked what were the articles 
 which France wished should enter England, and promised 
 that England would give similar information, as England 
 was extremely desirous to enter into friendly relations. 
 The news now arrived that France had actually signed a 
 treaty with Holland. This roused into action the master- 
 mind of the Cabinet. Pitt saw that further delay would 
 be dangerous. On December 9, writing in Carmarthen's 
 name, he asked for a further extension of the time, which 
 was just expiring, in order to arrange a commercial 
 system founded on the law of mutual and reciprocal 
 advantage, a system which might form a solid and per- 
 manent connection between the trading part of the two 
 countries. Vergennes replied by granting six months' 
 delay, which might be extended to twelve. William 
 Eden, afterwards Lord Auckland, was sent by Pitt for 
 the especiial purpose of negotiating the treaty, while 
 France was represented by Gerard de Rayneval. 
 
 There is no doubt that it was due to the initiative of 
 Pitt, that anj^ steps were taken to meet the wishes of the 
 French. He showed great discrimination in selecting 
 William Eden as a negotiator. Eden had formerly been 
 attached to the Opposition, and was an intimate friend of 
 Lord North and Lord Loughborough. But he possessed 
 a clear head and great industry, and probably no better 
 instrument could have been selected for the work. In 
 January 1786 Eden tells his brother Morton that he is 
 spending all the morning at the council board examining 
 merchants and manufacturers. At the same time the 
 treaty had many enemies, both in England and in France. 
 Fox said that our commercial prosperity had never been 
 so great as when our relations with France were most 
 strained. Adheraar and Barthelemy, the representatives
 
 138 COMMERCIAL TREATY OF 1786. 
 
 o£ France in England, were both opposed to the treaty. 
 They were keenly alive to the suspicions conduct of the 
 English Government towards France ; they did not see 
 that these feelings were not shared by Pitt. Adheraar 
 warned his country against Anglomanie. Even the suc- 
 cess of Pitt in transferring the duty upon wine from the 
 customs to the excise, which was done to prevent contra- 
 band, and to check the manufacture of British wines, 
 did not open their eyes to his sincerity. A negotiation 
 was set on foot, which has been little noticed by English 
 writers, for transferring the great inventors Watt and 
 Boulton from England to France. This was very nearly 
 carried out, and it is difBcult to say what effect such a 
 transference might have had on the comparative develop- 
 ment of French and English commerce. 
 
 At last, on March 30, 1786, Eden arrived in Paris. He 
 saw the minister Vergennes on the following day. He 
 was introduced to the Royal Family and to M. de Rayne- 
 val. To him Eden communicated some minutes of a 
 treaty, which on April 17 took the form of a project 
 agreed upon by the two negotiators. The chief points of 
 it were as follows : 1. The object of the treaty is to secure 
 friendship and good- will, and an entire liberty of naviga- 
 tion and commerce between France and England and 
 their respective dominions. The hindrances to trade at 
 pi'esent existing only tend to encourage contraband. 2. 
 Each nation is to be placed in the position of the most 
 favoured nation as far as is compatible with existing 
 treaties, or with treaties which may be made in future. 
 8. Any alteration of tariff in the way of abolition is only 
 to take place twelve months after the conclusion of the 
 treaty. Any reduction of tariff is to be made gradually. 
 4. The present treaty is not to affect existing treaties 
 between France and England, and especially the Treaty 
 of Utrecht, 1713. 5. The treaty is to continue in force 
 for ten years. 6. Mutual arrangements are to be made
 
 COMMERCIAL TREATY OF 1786. 139 
 
 on the basis of reciprocity for the benefit of his Majesty's 
 subjects. Pitt criticised this project in a letter dated 
 April 20. He objected to the liberty of future modifica- 
 tion given in the first article, because it would enable 
 either Power to evade the treaty at pleasure, and to 
 render it useless. He also suggested an alteration in the 
 terms of the eighth article, which w^as intended to apply 
 to Ireland. 
 
 On May 5 Pitt proposed in the Commons, and carried 
 his motion with regard to the excise of wine mentioned 
 above. He said in his speech that although the con- 
 sumption of wine had increased, the legal importation of 
 it had diminished in the last thirty-six years. That on 
 the supposition that the importation of wine was the 
 same now as it was thirty-six years before, the revenue 
 was losing to the amount of 280,000Z. a year. This pro- 
 position had once caused the overthrow of Sir Robert 
 Walpole, but it might now be cai-ried without danger. 
 To remove the duty on wine from the customs to the 
 excise would, by checking smuggling and discouraging 
 the manufacture of English wine, stimulate the importa- 
 tion of foreign wines, and improve the revenue. On May 
 10 Pitt made to Eden a still more detailed criticism, on 
 the project agi'eed upon by him and Rayneval. He 
 remarks, in the first place, that the treaty would be of 
 very little use unless it were accompanied by a revocation 
 of the French edicts prohibiting the importation of English 
 manufactures. Secondly, there must be a more complete 
 safeguard that the terms agreed upon by the treaty will 
 not be arbitrarily altered. It is obvious that Pitt did not 
 entirely trust the French on these points. He thinks that 
 if these matters can be satisfactorily arranged, it will be 
 best to make a definite treaty at once. In this case he 
 is willing to waive the Methuen treaty, and to receive 
 French wines and brandies on the terms of the most 
 favoured nation, or even to make an abatement below the
 
 I40 COMMERCIAL TREATY OF 1786. 
 
 lowest rate of duty at present existing. In return for this 
 
 England must demand the admission of her hardware and 
 
 earthenware at moderate duties. France formerly sent 
 
 to England 10,000 or 12,000 tuns of wine; why should she 
 
 not do so again P France might, under these altered 
 
 circumstances, send ns many wines of a worse "-rowth 
 
 than claret. The chief point on which there might- be a 
 
 doubt in the English ministry is Avaiving the Methuen 
 
 treaty. But considering the present state of our Portugal 
 
 trade, the dependence in which Portugal must always be 
 
 upon English markets, and the great advantages to be 
 
 received from France, in return for what England should 
 
 give, Pitt is inclined to think that this point ought not to 
 
 be in the way of the treaty if in other respects desirable. 
 
 We see in this letter that Pitt is far in advance of his age. 
 
 The policy which he was prepared to adopt in 1786 was 
 
 not accepted in England till 1831 or even till 1860. France 
 
 pressed hard for the abrogation of the Methuen treaty, 
 
 but King George and the subordinate ministers were too 
 
 much prejudiced to yield. 
 
 We learn the views of the French ministry on the sub- 
 ject by a paper laid before the Conseil d'iJtat on May 21. 
 The preamble states that England makes more liberal 
 offers than could have been expected : ought the French 
 to accept them ? Let us lay down certain economical 
 principles : 1. The more things a nation produces which 
 it does not require for its own use, the more it should 
 desire to export them. 2. The cultivation of the soil is 
 the solid foundation of prosperity. The exportation of 
 natural products should be encouraged, so as to develop 
 the cultivation. 3. The interest of the cultivators of the 
 soil should always be preferred to that of manufacturers. 
 4. It is a mistake to aim at making all nations produce 
 the same articles. It is also wise to encourage compe- 
 tition with foreign nations, because it stimulates your 
 own production. 5. Manufactures should be protected.
 
 COMMERCIAL TREATY OF 1786. 141 
 
 in those cases where the price is 10 per cent, above contra- 
 band prices. 6. The interest of the consumer should be 
 preferred to that of the manufacturer and the merchant. 
 We see in these abstract principles the influence of that 
 physiocratic school, then powerful in France, which re- 
 garded the produce of the soil as the only source of wealth. 
 The French Government had so strong a belief in these dog- 
 mas, that they were ready to make considerable sacrifices 
 for their maintenance. The French paper proceeds to ap- 
 ply these principles to practice. France, it says, has a large 
 superfluity of products, and therefore it is the interest of 
 France to send their products in exchange for English 
 products. France would send to England her wines, 
 brandies, vinegars, and salt, the produce of the soil which 
 England cannot rival, while England would supply in 
 return cloth, linen, silk, and fashions. The supply of 
 English manufactures w^ould stimulate competition in 
 France, and an over-supply of any commodity could easily 
 be transferred from France to Spain. What reduction of 
 duties, then, is France to ask for? French wines now 
 pay £99 a tun duty, those of Portugal £46, those of Spain, 
 Germany, and Hungary £50. The legitimate importation 
 of Bordeaux wine is from 400 to 500 tuns ; the amount 
 smuggled by way of Jersey and Boulogne about 400 tuns. 
 This does not include either Burgundies or champagnes. 
 Ireland consumes from 1,500 to 2,000 tuns. Formerly 
 8,000 tuns a year was a moderate importation into Eng- 
 land. TheMethuen treaty is not strictly observed. By it 
 French wines need only pay a third more than Portuguese 
 wines, whereas in fact they pay double. French brandies 
 and vinegars are at a similar disadvantage as compared 
 with Portuguese. At present 400 tuns of wine at £100 a 
 tun duty produce only £40,000 revenue, whereas 8,000 tuns 
 at £50 would produce £400,000 revenue. If the Methuen 
 treaty were strictly observed, French wines should be 
 admitted to England at £67 a tun. If this were done,
 
 142 COMMERCIAL TREATY OF 1786. 
 
 French cloths and cambrics should also be admitted free. 
 Brandies and vinegars were not mentioned in the Methuen 
 treaty, and therefore the duties upon them might be 
 subject to any reduction the English Government might 
 wish. 
 
 The paper proceeds to argue that no great danger is 
 to be apprehended from the competition of English cottons 
 and woollens. Fine English woollen cloths, it maintains, 
 are not siiperior to French, but are cheaper ; the best 
 showing a difference of 14 or 15 per cent. This is not 
 from the cheaper price of labour, which is dearer in 
 England, nor from the price of wool, because France and 
 England both import wool from Spain. It comes from 
 the taxes which are laid upon wool in France, and the 
 monopoly of its production. Both these causes could be 
 i-emoved by legislation, and the competition of England 
 would stimulate the French manufacturers to greater 
 exertions. More difficulty would be found from the com- 
 petition of lower-priced woollens. The English cottons 
 are 20 per cent, cheaper than the French, which is the 
 result of English machinery. 
 
 The memoir then concludes with the following pro- 
 positions : 1. France has an interest in procuring facilities 
 for the importation into England of its wines, vinegars, 
 and brandies, and should make sacrifices to obtain it. 
 2. The principal offer it can make in return is the ad- 
 mission of English hardware. 3. Fi-ance also requires 
 admission for artificial flowers, perfumery, fashions, plate 
 glass, and soap, and for these it may admit English cottons 
 in exchange. 4. France may admit English woollens in 
 exchange for its own woollens or other articles. 5. France 
 should ask for its wines to be on the same footina: with 
 those of Portugal. If a larger duty is imposed upon them, 
 it should be less than the third provided for by the 
 Methuen treaty. These jorinciples are subject to modi- 
 fication, but a system of prohibition is essentially vicious
 
 COMMERCIAL TREATY OF 1786. 143 
 
 and vexatious. At any rate, France will have the satis- 
 faction of offei'ing an example of enlightenment and 
 magnanimity which England will do well to imitate. 
 This paper was drawn up in evident ignorance of Pitt's 
 personal willingness to waive the Methuen treaty. 
 
 As the project of treaty agreed upon by Eden and 
 Rayneval had now been criticised on both sides, and had 
 not proved satisfactoi-y, it was determined to proceed 
 by a different method. On June 3 Eden presented a 
 declaration from the King of England, the counter-de- 
 claration of the King of France being dated June 16. The 
 declaration consists of four articles: 1. The navigation 
 and the commerce of the two countries are to be placed 
 upon the footing of the most favoured nation, except 
 where special privileges have been granted to a particular 
 power. 2. Besides this general principle, arrangements 
 are at once to be made for establishing specific duties. 
 3. Each party is to have the right of reviewing the 
 arrangement after ten years. 4. All the stipulations of 
 the Treaty of Utrecht not annulled by the present treaty 
 ai-e to continue in full force. The counter-declaration 
 also consists of four articles, which are nearly identical 
 with those of the English declaration. They do not insist 
 on the abrogation of the Methuen treaty, a concession 
 which was not obtained without great difficulty. The chief 
 difference between them lies in the tone of the preamble, 
 France rather emphasizing the abolition of all duties, 
 England laying stress on France being placed on an equa- 
 lity with other nations. 
 
 After this step had been taken there was a long pause. 
 Eden went regularly to Versailles, and announced in 
 answer to inquiries that he was still Avithout instruc- 
 tions from his court. In the meantime the terms to be 
 conceded by England were in the hands of Jenkinson, 
 afterwards successively created Lord Hawkesbury and 
 Lord Liverpool. He was determined, as Lord Carmarthen
 
 144 COMMRRCTAL TREATY OF 1786. 
 
 said, to see how far the French were in earnest. He 
 lacked the broad and generous ideas of Pitt, and confined 
 himself to driving the best bai-gain for the country. The 
 result of his calculations is contained in a despatch from 
 Carmarthen to Eden dated July 18, 1786. The Methuen 
 treaty is to be continued, but the duty on French wines 
 is to be reduced fi-om £96 5.?. 3(Z. a tun to £61 6s. Aid., 
 that is just one-third more than is paid by the wines of 
 Portugal. Brandies and vinegars were to be placed on 
 the footing of the inost favoured nation, and their supeznor 
 quality would give them aii advantage. In return for this 
 it is hoped that France will admit the hardware, the wool- 
 len and worsted of England on moderate terms. French 
 linens are reduced to the level of those of Holland and Flan- 
 ders, and French cambrics and lawns are to be admitted 
 on a duty of 12 or 15 per cent. In return for this England 
 expects a reciprocity in the matter of cottons. Silks, 
 for which Rayneval had earnestly pleaded, are to be abso- 
 lutely prohibited. George Rose and the more cautious 
 financiers of the day were afi^aid of a rising of the Spital- 
 fields weavers. Amicable arrangements are to be made 
 with reference to plate glass, porcelain, and fashions. It, 
 will be seen that these terms were harder than Pitt was 
 at first inclined to offer. French Avines, brandies, and 
 vinegars were not placed on the footing which they 
 occupied at the beginning of the eighteenth century, and 
 French silks were altogether excluded. 
 
 Eden wrote to Pitt that his heart sunk within him 
 when he read these instructions ; it was not till the third 
 reading that he began to pluck up courage. Rayneval's 
 reply to these new instructions was dated on August 10. 
 He said that as England was not inclined to admit the 
 principle of free trade, France would proceed on the basis 
 of reciprocity ; at the same time it was most essential that 
 the Methuen treaty should be to some extent modified. 
 The duties proposed on wine, brandy and vinegar were
 
 COMMERCIAL TREATY OF 1786. 145 
 
 too large : £61 a tun would act as a prohibition to any- 
 thing like national consumption. Before the treaty with 
 Portugal the duties were only £10 a tun for both coun- 
 tries. France was ready to accept the proposals about 
 hardware, and would admit these goods on a I'eciprocal 
 duty of 10 per cent. As England absolutely refused 
 French silks, they would not insist upon that point, but 
 would arrange for the reciprocal admission of gauzes and 
 silk lace. The necessity for reducing the duty on wines, 
 brandies, and vinegars was again enforced by Rayneval 
 three days later. Vergennes urged that French wines 
 should be admitted on the same footing as those of 
 Portugal. Rayneval suggested in the same letter that 
 silks might be allowed to enter on either -side at a duty of 
 12 per cent. These efforts were unavailing. The Spital- 
 fields weavers refused in the most peremptory way to 
 admit French silks even in the form of ribbons. Jenkin- 
 son, created Lord Hawkesbury on August 21, persuaded 
 his colleagues to maintain the differential duties of the 
 Methuen treaty. The other difficulties, however, were 
 gradually smoothed away, and on September 26 the treaty 
 was signed at Versailles. 
 
 The treaty consists of forty-seven articles. A very 
 short account of its principal features will suffice. The 
 first article provides that there shall be a reciprocal and 
 entirely perfect liberty of navigation and commerce be- 
 tween the subjects of the two countries, as is agi'eed upon 
 in the following articles. The second article allows a 
 year's notice to the subjects of either crown for removing 
 their persons or their effects in case of the breaking out 
 of war, a provision which was not respected by Napoleon 
 at the rupture of the Peace of Amiens. The sixth article 
 is concei-ned with the new tariff which is drawn up on 
 the lines which have already been described. These 
 duties are not to be altered but by mutual consent. Both 
 sovereigns reserve the right of countervailing, by addi- 
 
 F. V. L
 
 146 COMMERCIAL TREATY OF 1786. 
 
 tional duties, the internal duties actually imposed on the 
 manufactures, or the export duties which are charged 
 on the raw materials of certain specified articles. Some 
 of the later articles are concerned with the more general 
 questions of international law : article 22 carefully defines 
 contraband ; articles 24 to 28 regulate the manner in 
 wliich the visitation of ships is to be conducted in time of 
 war ; article 29 provides that the flag does not cover the 
 merchandise, and that the property found on the enemy's 
 ships is fair prize unless it have been embarked before 
 the declaration of war. Other articles refer to the ad- 
 judication of prizes, and by article 46 the duration of the 
 treaty is limited to twelve years. 
 
 The outbreak of the French Revolution so shortly 
 afterwards makes it difficult to calculate the exact effect 
 of the treaty. There is little doubt that it proved to be 
 more favourable to France than to ourselves. The taste 
 of the English in wine was not materially changed, as it 
 has been by the commercial treaty of our own day ; 
 whereas English hardwai'e and linen found an immediate 
 sale in France; at the same time the Portuguese did 
 not like the treaty, and were afraid of its result. Lord 
 Sheffield, a political economist of some repute, and the 
 friend and host of Gibbon, writes a criticism of the treaty 
 to Eden on October 4, which seems to be well founded. 
 He says that it is extravagant to pronounce an opinion on 
 forty-seven articles, a veiy small part of which is known 
 to him, but that as far as he can judge from what he 
 knows the reciprocity is all on one side, and he cannot 
 discover a single advantage the French have gained. He 
 thinks that the French have been for once at least taken 
 in, and have exhibited themselves very ignorant and 
 foolish. The French, he believes, will gain nothing by 
 the importation of cambrics ; the reduction of the daty on 
 brandy is not enough to prevent smuggling ; and the 
 failure to procure the admission of French silk is attri-
 
 COMMERCIAL TREATY OF 1786. 147 
 
 buted to the ignorance and folly of the people, and the 
 timidity of the ministers. An anonymous Glasgow manu- 
 facturer, quoted in "Lord Auckland's Life" (vol. i. p. 
 516), accused the French of infatuation in admitting the 
 four great English staples, woollen, iron, pottery, and 
 cotton ; and he does not believe that French brandies, 
 wines, cambrics, and millineiy will find the market which 
 is expected for them. On the other hand, the hopes of 
 the French negotiators are expressed in a higher tone. 
 Rayneval writes to Barthelemy on the conclusion of the 
 treaty, " The balance which will result from the treaty is 
 uncertain ; experience alone will show to which side it 
 leans ; but whatever may happen, we shall at least have 
 acquired the unappreciable advantage of insensibly di- 
 minishing the natural hatred which has hitherto separated 
 France and England, of instituting a legitimate for a 
 fraudulent commerce, and of turning the profits of contra- 
 band to the advantage of the State. These considerations 
 are more important than the indiscreet clamours which 
 the fraudulent are certain to permit tliem.selves, both in 
 France and England."
 
 y. 
 THE TRIPLE ALLIANCE OF 1788. 
 
 WILLIAM PITT the younger became prime minister 
 in December 1783, just at the moment when a 
 satisfactory peace had concluded a long and disastrous 
 war. The struggle with the American colonies had left 
 England without allies in Europe. The cause of the r-e- 
 volted patriots had been supported first by France, then 
 by Spain, and lastly by Holland, while the armed neu- 
 trality of 1780, originated by Russia, perhaps, at the 
 instigation of Frederick the Great, had been joined by 
 most of the European powers. This was a direct defiance 
 of the naval siipremacy of England, made at a time when 
 the strength of the country was scarcely sufficient to sup- 
 port its claims. When peace was concluded, England 
 swept the field of Europe to find an ally. 
 
 Russia, governed by Catherine II., a vigorous and en- 
 lightened sovereign, was mainly interested in extending 
 her dominions, either to the south at the expense of 
 Turkey, to the north-west at the expense of Sweden, or to 
 the west at the expense of Poland. Catherine found a 
 natural ally in Joseph II. of Austria, a prince who, like 
 herself, penetrated with the ideal views of French philo- 
 sophers, believed that mankind was to be reformed by 
 edicts, and civilization hastened by the imperious orders 
 of an absolute will. Besides a desire to depress the in- 
 fluence of the nobility and the Church, which was shared 
 by many enlightened statesmen of that age, Joseph was 
 anxious to round off the scattered dominions of Austria 
 
 148
 
 THE TRIPLE ALLIANCE OF 1788. 149 
 
 by exchanging the Netherlands for Bavaria, a project to 
 which he clung with remarkable tenacity. This was, 
 undoubtedly, a wise and statesman-like design. Austria 
 had never been able to consolidate her medley of provinces 
 into a well-defined kingdom. Joseph was quite alive to 
 the danger of being driven out of Germany by the growth 
 of Prussia, and succeeding history has justified his pre- 
 science. If Bavaria were added to Austria, the Emperor 
 would be left in his German possessions, the danger of a 
 third German power to hold the balance between the two 
 great rivals would be less, and the kingdom of Burgundy 
 would have anticipated the kingdom of Belgium by fifty 
 years. The plan, however good in itself, could not fail 
 to rouse the jealousy of France, who preferred to see the 
 flat plains of the Netherlands lie open to her as a ready 
 prey, and who dreaded the development of commercial 
 activity in Antwerp. The very excellence of the scheme 
 made it hateful to Frederick, that sly and cynical observer 
 of all political movements. To prevent it he called into 
 existence the League of Princes. 
 
 Besides this great design wider projects were continu- 
 ally springing up in Joseph's seething brain. Conscious 
 of his own rectitude and of the benefits of his rule, he 
 cared little for other considerations. He showed as reck- 
 less a disregard of vested rights, of the sentiment of 
 nationalities or populations, of the accepted public law of 
 Europe, as Frederick had when he invaded Silesia, or as 
 Napoleon was to show when he compensated plundered 
 monarchs by the spoil of monarchs whom he was yet to 
 plunder. A clear-sighted statesman would have seen that 
 Austria and Russia were at this time the main dangers 
 to the peace of Europe. Their common interests drew 
 them together as Napoleon and Alexander were dravni 
 together in the raft on the river Niemen. Bat it was 
 the common interest of Europe to watch them narrowly 
 and to cross their ambitious plans. Frederick the Great
 
 150 THE TRIPLE ALLIANCE OF 1788. 
 
 had insulted Catherine as a woman, and although they 
 had much in common as sovereigns, Catherine never for- 
 got or forgave the insult. The reports of our ambassador 
 at St. Petersburg are full of evidence of her ill-feeling 
 towards him, and tell us how she rejoiced at his death. 
 The diplomacy of Europe had no secrets for Frederick, 
 yet he confined himself to the interests of his country. 
 He was ready to divide Poland with Russia in order to 
 increase his own dominions and to lure Russia from con- 
 quest in the East. He had seen through the character of 
 Joseph II. in his first interview with him ; and while he 
 probably foresaw that ultimate failure of the Emperor's 
 plans which Joseph desired might be wi'itten on his 
 grave, he did not think it worth while to oppose him 
 actively until the Bavarian exchange appeared imminent. 
 While such was the condition of Russia, Austria, and 
 Prussia, France was at this time governed by one of the 
 most peaceful and benevolent sovereigns who ever swayed 
 her sceptre, and by a well-meaning and straightforward 
 minister. History will at some time do justice to the 
 qualities of Louis XVI. and to the industrious honesty of 
 Vergennes. It is true that they had been misled into 
 taking the part of America against us, an action fatal in 
 its results to the French monarchy. But they were now 
 sincerely desirous of peace and of the development of 
 French commerce. In fact, the condition of France was 
 despei'ate. In five years the great Revolution was to 
 burst forth which destroyed constitution, priests, nobles, 
 and king. Little aware of the chasm on which their 
 power was built, the rulers of France still knew that the 
 country required peace, and that material prosperity 
 should be their first care. The French navy had suffered 
 severely during the war, French colonies had been taken 
 by the English and not restored at the peace. An Indian 
 empire, which France regarded with pride and hope as a 
 nucleus of wealth and honour, was destroyed, and the
 
 THE TRIPLE ALLIAiVCE OF 1788. 151 
 
 kernel of a British empire planted in its stead. Could 
 a statesman have foi-eseen what no statesman could then 
 fathom, the utter rottenness of French government and 
 society, he would have left her to her own devices, feel- 
 ing sure that she could not endanger the peace of Europe. 
 It might have been wiser perhaps to have assisted her to 
 develop her strength, in order that she might the better 
 cope with those devastating forces which a few years 
 later menaced the civilized world. 
 
 It was natural that Louis and Vergennes should attach 
 great importance to the French alliance with Holland. 
 The Dutch had fought by their side against the English ; 
 they were close neighbours ; they were the second mari- 
 time power of Europe ; they had the instinct of success- 
 ful trade, and especially of trade with the East. France 
 and Holland could each give something which the other 
 lacked. United they would present the appearance of a 
 maritime commercial power backed by the prestige of a 
 military nation which had once been great. The other 
 ally of France was Austria, joined to France by treaty for 
 nearly thirty years and now joined by marriage. This 
 alliance, which dates from the beginning of the Seven 
 Years' War, was the masterpiece of Kaunitz. It recon- 
 ciled powers which the tradition of Europe had I'egarded 
 as hereditary enemies, to oppose them to Prussia, who 
 had ventured to beard the majesty of the Empire. It 
 was not likely that Kaunitz would, so long as he was 
 minister, consent to the undoing of a work which he re- 
 garded as the glory of his life. Nor was it probable that 
 Marie Antoinette, who had great political influence, would 
 allow a rupture with her tenderest associations. Yet the 
 Franco- Austrian alliance was of little use to France ; it 
 damaged the Court in the eyes of the people and it did 
 not protect or save it in the hour of danger. It was a 
 drag rather than otherwise on the designs of Joseph. His 
 plans for the exchange of Bavaria, for opening the Scheldt,
 
 152 THE TRIPLE ALLIANCE OF 1788. 
 
 were directly opposed to French interests, and his restless 
 and unquiet ambition must have been a constant source 
 of anxiety to his peaceful allies. The interests of France 
 and Austria were as naturally opposed to each other as 
 those of Austria and Russia were united. Thus we see 
 France continually expostulating with the Emperor, 
 employing in turn a more or less decided tone, never 
 sympathetic and often hostile. Joseph was not without 
 suspicion of the internal weakness of France. He cared 
 little for the cumbrous pai-aphernalia and deep-seated 
 abuses of the ancien regime, while the good sense and 
 good government of Englishmen appealed powerfully to 
 his sympathies. 
 
 It follows from this review of the condition of Europe 
 in 1784 that, with the exception of Prussia, there was no 
 power which England had less reason to fear than France. 
 If a French and English alliance was outside the range of 
 practical politics, yet a benevolent neutrality was prac- 
 tical and desirable ; on the other hand, Austria and 
 Russia were the true disturbers of the peace of Europe. 
 The one thing which kept the ambition of Joseph within 
 bounds was his close connection with France ; yet we find 
 that during the first year of Pitt's accession to office the 
 whole of our suspicion is directed against France ; not a 
 movement takes place which we do not attribute to her 
 sinister designs. In vain Catherine and Kaunitz assure 
 us that we are mistaken ; their denial of French conspiracy 
 only suggests doubts of their own sincerity towards us. 
 Not only this, but it is repeated again and again that the 
 main object of British diplomacy should be to dissolve the 
 unnatui'al alliance between France and Austria. If space 
 permitted, I could multiply instances of this unreasonable 
 suspicion drawn from the Foreign Office papers in the 
 Record Office : one will suffice. On September 7, 1784, 
 Lord Carmarthen writes to Sir. R. Murray Keith, ambas- 
 sador at Vienna, that in his opinion nothing is to be
 
 THE TRIPLE ALLIANCE OF 178S. 153 
 
 expected from Kannitz, and that Keith is to seek an 
 interview with Joseph himself. He proceeds : " Were it 
 possible by any means to obtain the confidence of the 
 Emperor on the general state of European politics, much 
 surely might be done. Some assurances of eventual 
 assistance, communicated with caution and observed with 
 secresy, might gratify the natural reserve of his character 
 at the same time they flatter his ambition ; and let the 
 latter passion he as prevalent in Ms mind as the most hitter 
 of his enemies wishes to represent it, I can scarcely conceive 
 a length to which it would carry him in the pursuit of 
 which it would not he our interest to second his views on 
 condition of effectually rendering the House of Austria what 
 she ought to he, the formidable rival of the House of Bourhon^ 
 This extraordinary statement from an English minister 
 was written just after Joseph had declared the Scheldt 
 open to navigation in defiance of treaties and to the 
 amazement and indignation of the rest of Europe. 
 
 In this juncture of affairs a course of diplomatic action 
 was begun which changed Holland from the attitude of a 
 doubtful friend, or even of an enemy, to a close ally, and 
 which built up the fabric of an alliance between these 
 two maritime powers and Prussia, which for a short time 
 gave the law to Europe and checked the ever-swelling 
 ambition of Austria and Russia just as they seemed to 
 have the objects of their desii'e within their grasp. As 
 soon as peace was signed between England and Holland 
 it became necessary that ministers should be exchanged 
 between the two Courts. Sir James Harris, afterwai^ds 
 created Lord Malraesbury, was chosen for this post by 
 Fox and the Duke of Portland, and after their dismissal 
 from power the appointment was confirmed by Pitt and 
 Lord Carmarthen. Sir James Harris accepted the post 
 with the full approbation of his former friends. He was 
 a bright, versatile, and witty man ; he had served with 
 distinction both in Spain and Russia, and he was to con-
 
 154 THE TRIPLE ALLIANCE OF 1788. 
 
 tinue in employments which have handed down his name 
 as one of the most brilliant and successful of English 
 diplomatists. 
 
 In order to make his course of action clear, it will be 
 necessary to give some account of the condition of Hol- 
 land at this time. The seven provinces formed a union 
 of the loosest kind. The province of Holland had the 
 pre-eminence, and in times of danger the other provinces 
 were ready to concede to her a prerogative vote. But 
 there was nothing in the Dutch constitution to make 
 this necessary, nor did occasion for it often occur. Each. 
 State was free to act as it pleased. Confederate govern- 
 ments are only held together by some definite power being 
 reserved for tlie central authority. In most cases the 
 care of posts and telegraphs, of carriage, of the higher 
 justice, and of peace and war, is surrendered by the sub- 
 ordinate States. In Holland no constitution of this kind 
 existed. It was possible for the separate States to enter 
 into alliances entirely independent of the rest. Liberty 
 and diversity of action were valued before unity and 
 efficiency. The States were generally under a govern- 
 ment of an aristocracy of mei'chants ; the main object of 
 their rulers was to preserve their own power and to make 
 as much money as possible by trade. They found that 
 an alliance with France served both these purposes ; 
 France supported them against the English, who were 
 their great rivals in commerce, aided their pretensions to 
 Eastern trade, and by judicious influence kept the pro- 
 vinces back from too close a union. The party who 
 wished for the maintenance of this loose confederacy and 
 of the French alliance called themselves the Patriots, as 
 being depositories of the best traditions of Dutch freedom. 
 Opposed to these was the jtarty of the Stadtholder, a 
 name once given to the viceroy of the king of Spain, and 
 since the revolution to an officer chosen by each separate 
 province and invested with the command of the army and
 
 THE TRIPLE ALLIANCE OF 1788. 155 
 
 the fleet. Since the days of William the Silent the Stadt- 
 holderate had been hereditary in the House of Orange, 
 although for long periods the office had been altogether 
 suspended. The Patriots were strongest in the province 
 of Holland, and especially in the town of Amsterdam. 
 The party of the Prince, as it was called, rested on the 
 attachment of the nobles, the common people, and the 
 provinces of Zealand and Guelderland. As the Patriots 
 were devoted to France, so were the Prince's party to 
 England. But at this time the English party was weak 
 and of no reputation. William V. of Orange was a man 
 of feeble character, not likely to regain what he had lost 
 nor to keep what he had gained. But his high-spirited 
 wife made up for his deficiencies. Frederica Wilhelmina 
 of Prussia, niece of Frederick the Great, had a stout heart 
 to defend the interests of her family, and blue pleading 
 eyes which Harris sometimes confessed to be dangerous. 
 
 When Harris arrived in Holland, the affairs of the 
 country were in a serious crisis. The Emperor Joseph 
 had, as we have seen, determined to open the river Scheldt 
 to commerce, a course to which the Dutch were strongly 
 opposed. He had also demanded the cession of the town 
 of Maestricht, to which he imagined that he had some 
 claim. Harris tells Carmarthen in his first despatch 
 (December 7, 1784) that France is determining to support 
 the country against the Emperor's claims — had offered 
 one of her best generals and had given leave to raise 
 troops in France. Besides verbal orders, Harris had 
 received two other papers for his guidance, one a memo- 
 randum dated in October, the other formal insti'uctions 
 dated November 21. In the first of these he was told 
 what attitude he was to adopt towards the different parties 
 in the Republic. To the Patriots he was to give general 
 assurances of friendship and goodwill from England, but 
 lament their present attitude towards this country. The 
 more moderate men among the Republicans he was to
 
 156 THE TRIPLE ALLIANCE OF 1788. 
 
 warn that French influence would be fatal to their consti- 
 tution and liberties, and their Republic would become 
 little better than a province in the hands of France. The 
 real friends of England, and those entitled to our confi- 
 dence, he was to recommend to cultivate friendship with 
 the King of Prussia, who ought, in conjunction with 
 England, to be the ally of the United Provinces. They 
 were to be pressed also to co-operate with England in 
 destroying the alliance between France and Austria. In 
 his regular instructions Sir James Harris was ordered to 
 assure the Prince of Orange of our esteem, to find out who 
 are friends to England, to urge the country to return to 
 its ancient connection with us, to notice any treaty with 
 the Court of France, to see what assistance Holland is 
 likely to receive from France or Prussia in her dispute 
 with the Emperor. To these were added two secret in- 
 structions. Our ambassador was to discover if there were 
 any who, while supporting the person or the office of the 
 Stadtholder, were still anxious for the French alliance, 
 and to sound well-disposed persons as to the chance of 
 surmounting the present strength of the Patriot party. 
 In no case was the name or authority of the King of 
 England to be placed in jeopardy. 
 
 Harris arrived at the Hague, December 6, I78i. His 
 first impressions are very dismal. He says in a private 
 letter, preserved in the British Museum, that there is no 
 chance of doing any good, or any occasion for doing more 
 harm than they are doing themselves. His mission, there- 
 fore, will be one of little action. The Prince of Orange 
 told him that his happy days were over, and that he 
 looked forward to nothing for himself and his children 
 except misery and disgrace. He finds that the English 
 party is composed of a set of men dejected, oppressed, 
 and divided amongst themselves. Something might be 
 done with a good leader, but the Prince of Orange was 
 unfit for_the post. The princess might do something by
 
 THE TRIPLE ALLIANCE OF 1788. 157 
 
 inducing the emperor to restore the power of the Stadt- 
 holder at the price of opening the Scheldt. If this cannot 
 Toe done, it is better that Holland should sink into a state 
 of entire insignificance. In the meantime the emperor 
 pressed his claims with vigour. Two Austrian ships were 
 ordered to proceed down the Scheldt and to reply if they 
 were fired upon. Joseph demanded a large compensation 
 from the Dutch for the relinquishment of his supposed 
 rights to the town of Maestricht. This produced a schism 
 between the views of France and Prussia. While the 
 French Court urged the Dutch to submit to the emperor's 
 claims, perhaps from desire to avoid a war, Prussia urged 
 them to resist. Frederick was still more eager to with- 
 stand the ambition of Joseph from the news of the con- 
 templated Bavarian exchange, which now became public. 
 These events assisted the views of England in Holland. 
 The peasants, called upon by the Patriots to fight against 
 the Emperor, decked themselves with Orange colours and 
 declared for the Stadtholder. Had the Prince of Orange 
 been less sluggish, the crisis might have been turned to 
 greater advantage. Harris certainly loses no opportunity 
 of effecting his object. He urges Ewart, our representa- 
 tive at Berlin, to take action with the King of Prussia 
 through Herzberg or Gorz, on the ground that, as the 
 ministers at home are engrossed with the House of Com- 
 mons, any good that is ever done on the Continent must 
 be effected by the king's ministers abroad and not by 
 those about his person. He proposes an alliance between 
 England, Prussia, and Holland to check that between 
 France, Austria, and Russia. Frederick suggests in 
 answer that England should in the electorate of Hanover 
 join the Fiirstenbund, a suggestion which was readily 
 adopted. 
 
 During the spring and summer of 1785 Hai'ris was in 
 England, and was able to communicate with the ministers 
 in person. He found them evidently friendly to an
 
 158 THE TRIPLE ALLIANCE OF 1788. 
 
 alliance with Prussia, but Freder-ick was too old and 
 cautious to accept the offer. Daring his absence the 
 French carried on a mediation between the Dutch and 
 the Emperor, which eventually resulted in their paying 
 the Emperor a large sum of money, which the French, in 
 great part, contributed as a loan. Harris used all the 
 arts of obstruction which the Dutch constitution admitted 
 of to prevent a rapprochement between France and Hol- 
 land, but in vain. Harris, on returning to the Hague, 
 found the Prince of Orange absent. He saw a great 
 deal of the princess, and urged her to use all her influence 
 with her uncle, the King of Prussia ; but she could get 
 nothing out of him, and on September 15 the Prince and 
 Princess of Orange left the Hague, the princess for 
 Friesland, the prince for Breda. The night before their 
 departure Harris had a long and affecting interview with 
 the princess. She felt that she was leaving the Hague 
 never to return ; in a few days the prince would be de- 
 pi'ived of every remnant of authority. She scarcely 
 regretted the altered prospects of her children; they were 
 too young to know ambition, and would, she trusted, be 
 happier in a private station. M. de Maillebois, the French 
 general, had suggested that she should give up the Prince 
 and be Stadtholder in his place. This, which her uncle 
 Frederick would have approved of, she rejected with 
 disdain, and declared that she would never desert her 
 husband. " I may," she said, " wish at times that the 
 Prince possessed many qualities which he has not, and 
 that he could be divested of several he has ; but these 
 feelings I conceal in my own heart, and they neither have 
 nor ever shall influence my conduct. I am bound to 
 share his fate, let it be what it may, and I trust in God 
 to be enabled to meet it with firmness and resignation." 
 The princess an-ived in Friesland the following day, and 
 landed amidst the acclamations of the people, who crowded 
 on the shore to receive her.
 
 THE TRIPLE ALLIANCE OF 178S. 159 
 
 There were at this time two parties in the English 
 Cabinet, one in favour of a spirited foreign policy, the 
 other of peace and retrenchment. Whilst Carmarthen 
 was engaged in the useless attempt to detacli Austria 
 from France, Pitt was giving the strength of his mind to 
 the improvement of our finances. He writes to Harris in 
 October 1785: "The general state of our revenue is 
 improving daily. We are, I believe, already in possession 
 of a million surplus beyond all our probable annual ex- 
 penses, and shall, if the same course of prosperity con- 
 tinues, find ourselves very different in the eyes of Europe 
 from what we have been for some time." The end of 
 1785 was marked by the signature of the treaty of alliance 
 between Holland and France. England protested against 
 it, bat was not prepared to go to war without the active 
 support of Prussia. During the first months of 1786 
 France was gaining influence in the States, and the Stadt- 
 holder was subject to renewed insults and attacks. The 
 province of Zealand remained true to England. By the 
 mouth of her pensionary Vandespiegel she offered to de- 
 tach herself from the rest of the confederation and join Eng- 
 land, if England would accept the offer ; but that, of course, 
 could not be done without the risk of war. The Cabinet 
 went so far as to promise the Prince of Orange material 
 support if he would place himself at the head of his party. 
 Vandespiegel was to give his best assistance on his side. 
 A strong memorial was presented to the States- General, 
 informing them that England was anxious for the main- 
 tenance of the ancient constitution of Holland and that 
 she was aware of the ovei^bearing ambition of France. 
 Just as events were in the highest condition of tension 
 they received a new turn by the death of Frederick the 
 Great. Lord Dalrymple writes from Berlin that on 
 August 15 he fell into a kind of lethargy, from which he 
 woke the next day and was able to dictate to his secre- 
 taries. The same torpor came on again, but at night he
 
 i6o THE TRIPLE ALUANCE OF 1788. 
 
 was able to speak distinctly. At midnight he was given 
 over, and early in the morning of the 17th the closed 
 gates of the palace announced that the king was dead. 
 
 The new king was of a very different character. Lord 
 Dalrymple describes him as being a very poor specimen 
 of a king— tall, bnt undignified and ungraceful ; honest, 
 courageous, and sensible, but not refined or elevated in 
 his ideas. His morality was far from good, and he was 
 seriously in debt. At the sarae time he was well disposed 
 towards England, and wished his daughter to marry the 
 Prince of Wales. Prince Henri, on the other hand, 
 Frederick's brother, was in favour of a French alliance. 
 The first step of the new king was to send Count Gorz to 
 the Hague. He avowed to Harris his master's strong 
 desire for an alliance with England, but this had no effect 
 on the conduct of the States of Holland. They favoured 
 the development of fi'ee corps throughout the country — 
 an armed mob, as Harris calls them — and the prince, feel- 
 ing his life insecure, by the advice of Harris, surrounded 
 himself with a guard. In September the States of Hol- 
 land suspended the Stadtholder from his functions and 
 rescinded the Act of 1766, which gave him the power of 
 military nominations. The Patriots held a meeting at 
 the French ambassador's, where they discussed the pro- 
 priety of declaring the Stadtholder an enemy of the 
 Republic, depriving him of his office and declaring it no 
 longer hereditary in his family. To add to the distress 
 of Harris, England refused to accept Count Gorz's pro- 
 posal of a joint intervention ; and the King of Prussia, 
 finding action in favour of his sister harder than he had 
 expected, recalled his ambassador and rebuked him for 
 exceeding his instructions. Harris was reduced to a 
 condition of despair. However erroneous were his ideas 
 about the danger of French ambition, he must deserve 
 credit for the instinct which convinced him that a most 
 important battle was being fought out in Holland, that
 
 THE TRIPLE ALLIANCE OF 178S. 161 
 
 the subjection of that countrj to France would isolate 
 England in Europe and be a constant menace to our 
 trade, whereas by alliance with Holland we could best 
 hope to establish ourselves in Europe and form useful and 
 permanent connections with other powers. As a last 
 resource he wrote to Pitt himself, who had just concluded 
 a commercial treaty with France. Pitt naturally dreaded 
 anything which would plunge England into a war, and 
 shrank from expenditure on objects which were not 
 calculated to increase or develop the material resources 
 of the country. Harris, in his letter to Pitt of November 
 28, gives a retrospect of his mission, points out the 
 danger of the political direction of Holland belonging to 
 the French, and asks that such measures may be taken 
 that the friends which he has succeeded in gaining for 
 England may not be abandoned by him. Pitt replies 
 with great caution, but in language which was more 
 satisfactory than Harris or Carmarthen expected. The 
 latter says, in exultation, " Now we have raised his at- 
 tention to the important object in question, we must by 
 all means endeavour to keep it up and not suffer Holland 
 to be sacrificed either to lawn or cambric." After an- 
 other correspondence Harris was requested to state his 
 views for information of the Cabinet, and did so in a full 
 despatch. He showed that the republic might still be 
 saved if England would provide funds. Months pass, and 
 no step is taken. On May 1, 1787, he writes a more 
 serious remonstrance. He details the efforts he has made 
 to create an English and Stadtholderian party since his 
 arrival in the country. He points out emphatically that 
 foreign assistance is necessary, and that some great power 
 must be found who may not only think it worth while to 
 afford pecuniary supplies, but who may consider them- 
 selves as sufficiently interested in preserving the republic 
 from becoming a French province to declare tliat if 
 France should invade it the step will not be regarded with 
 P. V. H
 
 1 62 THE TRIPLE ALLIANCE OF 1788. 
 
 indifference. England is the only power that can take 
 this position. May he come to London to confer with the 
 Cabinet in person ? His orders of recall were despatched 
 on May 8, and on the same day he informs his Govern- 
 ment that the French are forming a camp of 30,000 men 
 at Givet, and are preparing to interfere in force. 
 
 We have a full record of a Cabinet dinner at which 
 Harris was present, held at Lord Chancellor Thurlow's 
 on May 23. The Chancellor, the Duke of Richmond, and 
 Lord Stafford were in favour of intervention. Pitt was 
 more cautious ; if we did anything, we must be ready for 
 war. Harris urged that Finance did not desire to fight 
 jor Holland, but with Holland against England ; that she 
 had neither an army, revenue, nor ministry ; and that 
 England would never find a more favourable moment for 
 taking a high and becoming line. Pitt in reply lamented 
 any interruption to the growth of affluence and prosperity 
 in the country, and asked whether this was not increasing 
 so fast as not to make her equal to resist any force France 
 could collect for some years hence. The next day Pitt 
 went minutely into the whole matter with Harris, and on 
 the 25th a Cabinet minute was presented to the king 
 advising pecuniary assistance to the Stadtholder to the 
 amount of £20,000, advanced as loan or otherwise. 
 
 On the evening of the day following Harris's return to 
 the Hague he met five of the Stadtholder's friends in a 
 private room in the Old Palace. Each of them came by 
 a different route, muffled up in his cloak. Sir James told 
 them the result of his journey to England. He said (1) 
 that the King of England granted the pecuniary assist- 
 ance asked for, (2) that in case of an invasion from France 
 England must be left to act for herself without giving a 
 direct promise, but (3) if it were necessary for them to 
 seek an asylum one would always be given them in 
 England. A plan of action was agreed upon and M. 
 Nagel communicated what had passed to the Court of
 
 THE TRIPLE ALLIANCE OF 1788. 163 
 
 the Prince at Nimeguen. Nagel returned, saying that 
 the plan of action was adopted by the prince and princess, 
 and that the prince would put himself at the head of Van 
 der Hop's army at Amersfort. This army was soon 
 joined by English officers who volunteered for service, 
 and every day grew in numbers. An event now occurred 
 which changed the whole situation of affairs. The Prin- 
 cess of Orange suddenly left Nimeguen and went to the 
 camp at Amersfort. Soon after her arrival, on June 23, 
 she sent a messenger to inform her friends who had met 
 with such secrecy in the Old Palace that she was deter- 
 mined to come herself to the Hague and to place herself 
 at the head of the Stadtholder's party. The prince had 
 given his consent and letters to the States- General and 
 the States of Holland empowering her to act and negoti- 
 ate as circumstances might demand. " She asked for our 
 advice," Harris says, "and we could not refuse our con- 
 sent, but warned her of the danger she might incur." 
 On June 25 an express arrived, ordering a room to be 
 prepared for her in the palace on the 28th. However on 
 the evening of that day she was stopped in the neigh- 
 bourhood of Gouda by some free corps and carried under 
 a strong guard to Schonhoven. She wrote an indignant 
 letter to protest against her detention, and there was 
 great danger of an outbreak at the Hague. The streets 
 were patrolled by horse and foot soldiers, who dispersed 
 the people. The States of Holland passed a resolution 
 approving of her capture. On the morning of June 30 
 she was released and returned to Nimeguen. I cannot 
 find whether Harris suggested this bold step or not, but 
 it is difficult to believe that she would have acted without 
 his advice, and we may, I think, regard this new depar- 
 ture as part of the 'plan of action suggested by her parti- 
 sans. 
 
 The princess wrote to her brother urging him to avenge 
 the insult offered to her. He prepared immediately to
 
 l64 THE TRIPLE ALLIANCE OF 1788. 
 
 inarch troops into Holland. The English Cabinet made 
 desperate efforts to prevent the French from interfering. 
 No doubt France was pledged by treaty to support Hol- 
 land in case of attack, and could not back out of her 
 engagement without dishonour. But Montmorin, who 
 had succeeded Vergennes, was not only sincerely desirous 
 of peace but could not afford to go to war. There exists 
 in the Record Office a despatch dated July 27, 1787, 
 which, from the erasures and the sentences contributed in 
 autograph by the different ministers, shows the care with 
 which it was drafted. We then contemplated mediation, 
 but mediation to restore the Stadtholder. Meanwhile 
 negotiations were going on with the Court of Potsdam, 
 where there was a strong French party opposing the 
 alliance with England. A letter from Pitt to Eden, 
 dated September 14, 1787, is most warlike in tone, and 
 says that the French must, as things stand, give up their 
 predominant influence in Holland or they must fight for 
 it. A war between France and England was on the 
 point of breaking out. Montmorin declared that there 
 was a strong party in the French Cabinet in favour of 
 intervention, and that many regarded a foreign war as 
 the best remedy for the internal calamities which were 
 advancing with fatal rapidity. A war between France 
 and England in 1787, whatever its result, would cer- 
 tainly have changed the destinies of Europe. War in 
 Holland was so imminent in August that Harris burned 
 his cyphers and sent his impoi'tant papers to England, as 
 the troops levied by Hcjlland were coming very near to 
 the Hague. A convention between England and Prussia 
 provided for a joint intervention in favour of the Stadt- 
 holder. Before this England prepared a fleet for the 
 defence of Zealand and sent an English general to 
 Germany to levy troops. The Cabinet minute for arming 
 the fleet is dated September 15 ; a haughty message is 
 sent to the French Government and a note to the Courts
 
 THE TRIPLE ALLIANCE OF 17S8. 165 
 
 of Europe. On the same day the Prussian army entered 
 Holland in three columns. All resistance immediately col- 
 lapsed. The free corps were broken up ; the States of Hol- 
 land agreed to bring back the Stadtholder to the Hague 
 with all the authority given to him in 1747 and 1766. 
 Harris wrote that he can scarcely believe in the reality of 
 what has occurred ; he had no conception of a success so 
 rapid and so complete. It was now too late for France to 
 intervene ; if the French ambassador came to the Hague, 
 he must enter it with orange-coloured ribands or not at all. 
 Five days later the prince returned to his capital. A mile 
 from the town the horses were taken from his carriage, 
 and when he arrived at the palace he was borne on the 
 shoulders of the mob. He was invested with every 
 privilege that had been taken from him. He ascribes 
 his restoration solely to the friendship and support of 
 England. Within a week he was joined by his noble- 
 hearted wife, who was received with the same enthusiasm 
 and promised every satisfaction. The States of Holland 
 were induced to repudiate the intervention or mediation 
 of France. On October 2 Mr. Grenville, who had been 
 sent on a special mission to Paris, was able to write that 
 France had laid aside all thought of active interference 
 and that he considered the Dutch business to be at an 
 end. On October 28 Montmorin was forced to sign a 
 most humiliating declaration of disarmament, coupled 
 with the statement that the intention of the king was 
 not and never had been to interfere in the affairs of the 
 United Provinces. It may be doubted whether it was 
 sound policy to weaken by this unnecessary degradation 
 a power which was too weak already to withstand the 
 revolutionary flood which was soon to overwhelm Europe. 
 It would be tedious and unnecessary to follow the 
 details of the negotiation of the treaty between England 
 and Holland. Vandcspiegel, the warm friend of England 
 and pensionaiy of Zealand, was now made Grand Pen-
 
 I66 THE TRIPLE ALLIANCE OF 1788. 
 
 sionary of Holland. The Dutch were renowned for 
 haggling about minute points, and the most difficult 
 matter to arrange was the possession of Negapatam, a 
 town on the Coromandel coast with a good harbour, 
 which had been ceded to England at the peace. It how- 
 ever remained in the hands of England, and the definite 
 treaty between England and Holland was signed on 
 April 15, 1788. A treaty between Holland and Prussia 
 was signed at Berlin on the same day and at the same 
 hour. The treaty was communicated to the Court of 
 Versailles, and was naturally not received with satisfac- 
 tion. France declared that she did not intend to allow 
 the treaty to pass unchallenged. She required an ex- 
 planation of its tendency, and was not satisfied with it 
 when given. 
 
 The treaty between England and Prussia still remained 
 to be concluded. The King of Prussia was to stay with 
 his sister, at Loo, on June 11, and Harris was invited to 
 meet him there. In view of this important negotiation 
 he was summoned to England to receive direct instruc- 
 tions from the Ministry. He was the bearer of an auto- 
 graph letter from George III. to the princess saying how 
 much he should desire an alliance with her brother in 
 his capacity as king, similar to that which already existed 
 between them in his capacity as elector. The king men- 
 tioned the peace of Europe, and especially a settlement of 
 the dispute between Russia and Turkey, as an object of 
 the alliance. The history of the negotiation is curious 
 and romantic. There was a strong French party at the 
 Prussian Court, and the king, weak and vacillating, did 
 not know how to make up his mind. The princess told 
 Harris that her brother was afraid of him, from his sup- 
 posed leanings to Austria, and that he had a most difficult 
 part to play ; at the same time she promised her whole 
 support. Among the king's attendants was a Colonel 
 Stein, brother of the famous minister, who was reported
 
 THE TRIPLE ALLIANCE OF 1788. 167 
 
 to be in the interest of France and opposed to the Eno^lish 
 alliance. Harris had determined to see the king alone, 
 and gave a hundred ducats to the servant who stood at 
 the king's door, promising as much more if he would 
 exclude Stein till the next morning. The bribe was 
 successful, as Stein twice presented himself and was 
 not allowed to enter. 
 
 Harris saw the king at seven in the morning on June 
 12. He went over everything which had passed between 
 the two Courts since the signing of the convention of 
 October 2, explaining anything which seemed to show a 
 reluctance to contract an alliance with Prussia. Tlie 
 king said that he had always desired to see the Courts 
 united, and that he did not see why this should not 
 immediately be done. Harris offered the option of 
 immediately signing a provisional treaty or postponing 
 it for the purpose of concluding a general treaty on a 
 broader basis, to which other powers might be invited to 
 accede. The king asked for some hours of calm con- 
 sideration. The rest of the day was passed in every 
 kind of amusement, and it was not till after midnight, 
 while the brilliant company were dancing, that the king 
 asked Harris to walk with him behind the pavilion, in 
 which the ball was being held, and told him that he had 
 decided to conclude a provisional alliance at once, with 
 an act of guarantee for Holland, and to consult other 
 powers as to forming a more extensive connection in the 
 future. Harris and Alvensleben had no secretai'ies. 
 They spent the rest of the night in drawing up the 
 treaty with the secret articles. At nine o'clock the next 
 morning Harris was summoned to the king's closet ; he 
 had already seen the draft, and had only a trifling 
 alteration to propose. The treaty was formally signed 
 by Alvensleben and Harris, in the presence of Vande- 
 spiegel, and entitled the provisional treaty of Loo. 
 Harris had triumphantly removed the king from the
 
 1 68 THE TRIPLE ALLIANCE OF 1788. 
 
 Frencli influence which surrounded him, and left him in 
 a state of complete devotion to the interests of England 
 and under a full conviction of the fairness of our conduct 
 towards him. This is one of the few instances where a 
 minister has made a treaty directly w4th a foreign sove- 
 reign without the intervention of that sovereign's respon- 
 sible advisers. 
 
 Thus was concluded the triple alliance of 1788 — a very 
 important event in the history of Europe, which, lost in 
 the folds of the French Revolution, which broke out in 
 the succeeding year, has received less attention than it 
 deserves. For a time the three allied powers gave the 
 law to Europe. It made peace between Austria and 
 Turkey at Sistowa, between Russia and Poland at 
 Werela, and between Russia and the Porte at Jassy ; it 
 secured the Netherlands to Austria, and causing the 
 dispute about Nootka Sound, prevented a war between 
 Spain and England. So far it tended to quell the dis- 
 orders of Europe, to curb the ambition of some powers, 
 the revolutionary movements of others. It was power- 
 less to conjure the terrible doom which hung over the 
 devoted head of France. The whole course of its in- 
 fluence bears traces of the calm and majestic mind of 
 Pitt. Still the advocates of non-intervention may have 
 something to say on the other side. It bound England 
 closely with Holland, and thus was the final cause of the 
 war with France in 1793. A careful study of the 
 evidence shows us that the quarrel between France and 
 England in that year, which led to a twenty-two years' 
 struggle, was not caused by the opening of the Scheldt, 
 by the conquest of Belgium, by the decree of November 
 19, or by the execution of Louis XVI., but by the 
 threatening attitude of France towards Holland. The 
 moment France menaced the independence of Holland 
 the casus foederis arose. Again, it led us to contemplate 
 the so-called Russian armament of 1791, and the breach
 
 THE TRIPLE ALLIANCE OF 1788. 169 
 
 of faith with Prussia, of which public opinion in England 
 compelled us then to be guilty, paved the way for the 
 desertion of the coalition by Prussia in 1792, when she 
 concluded the separate peace of Bale. The peace of 
 Bale, whether or not it was an example to be imitated by 
 other powers, laid Germany open to the attacks of Napo- 
 leon and kept the north of Europe quiet while its neigh- 
 bours were being pillaged and revolutionised. Thus the 
 triple alliance of 1788, although it is now almost forgotten 
 by historians, may be regarded as the final cause of some 
 of the most momentous events which have influenced the 
 histoiy of England.
 
 VI. 
 ENGLAND AND FRANCE IN 1793. 
 
 PROBABLY no event in the history of England 
 during the last hundred years is so important 
 as the outbreak of war with France in 1793. It led, 
 by a chain of almost necessary consequence, to our 
 long struggle against Napoleon I. It added millions 
 to our debt, it caused the distress and discontent 
 which paved the way for the Reform Bill of 1832, 
 its results placed England at the head of the Euro- 
 pean system. From a narrower point of view, it 
 formed a turning point in the career of Pitt. Up 
 to that time he had pursued a policy of peace, re- 
 trenchment, and reform. The most enlightened 
 minister of his age, he promised fair to anticipate by 
 fifty years some of the most important changes which 
 our own age has witnessed. From that period, he 
 was the minister of war, extravagance and coercion. 
 His name was a synonym for blood, violence, and 
 treachery, not only upon the Continent, but among 
 English Liberals. The war then kindled was not 
 extinguished until it had killed him in its course. 
 His friends saw the "Austerlitz look" on the 
 blanched coantenance of their dying chief. Passing 
 a map of Europe in his last days, he said, ''' Roll up 
 that map, we shall not want it any more." 
 
 17U
 
 ENGLAND AND FRANCE IN 1793. 171 
 
 The character of our conduct in that crisis has 
 long been disputed amongst politicians. War was 
 opposed in 1793 by Fox and the Liberal party who 
 followed him, and he lost no opportunity of urging 
 the desirability of peace. However, when lie became 
 Foreign Minister after the death of Pitt, he did not 
 make peace. In 1853, after the death of the Duke 
 of Wellington, the question was argued by Richard 
 Cobden. In his pamphlet, '^793 and i853," he 
 tries to show that our war with France was neither 
 necessary nor just. His arguments are those of a 
 partisan, and the authorities which he recommends 
 to his reverend correspondent, and on which he 
 probably relied himself, are such ordinary books as 
 the Annual Register, the Pictorial History of England, 
 Alison's History of Europe, and the Parliam.entary 
 Debates. The present writer has had the opportunity 
 of reading nearly all the dispatches in the English 
 Record Office and the French Foreign Office which 
 bear upon the subject; and his aim is to present as 
 clear and impartial an account of the origin of the war 
 as can be done in the limited space at his disposal. 
 
 It is now admitted on all hands that the war was 
 none of our seeking. It was declared by the French 
 Government, and would, perhaps, not have been 
 declared by us. It may be urged that there was 
 such a fundamental antagonism between the prin- 
 ciples of the French Revolution and those of the 
 ■English Government that the outbreak of war was 
 merely a question of time. But we were a grave 
 and serious nation, dealing with a crowd of heated 
 anarchists, unused to govern, intemperate of Ian-
 
 172 ENGLAND AND FRANCE IN 1793. 
 
 guage. Neither their words nor their actions could 
 be interpreted by ordinary rules. Had we exhausted 
 every precaution ; were we guilty of no false step 
 which we might have foreseen would lead us into the 
 path along which we have no desire to move ? 
 
 From the first outbreak of the Revolution the 
 policy of the English Ministry had been to preserve 
 a strict neutrality. Although the contrary has. often 
 been maintained, there should be no doubt of it 
 since the publication of the History of the Politics of 
 Great Britain and France in 1800. This work, written 
 by Herbert Marsh, the celebrated Professor of 
 Divinity and the translator of Mosheim, is an ex- 
 haustive examination of the conduct of the English 
 Government in its relations with France at this 
 period. He proves, as far as could be proved from 
 the materials within his reach : (1) that the British 
 Government knew nothing of the Conference of 
 Piluitz, and that when requested in 1791 to join a 
 coalition against France it absolutely refused to do 
 so ; (2) that we behaved with extreme friendliness 
 to France in the aifairs of San Domingo ; (3) that we 
 were one of the first to recognise the new French 
 Constitution of 1791; (4) that in Januax-y, 1792, we 
 took measures for reducing our armaments by sea 
 and land ; (5) that when France had declared war 
 against Austria on April 20, 1792, the British 
 Government took every pains to assert its neutrality ; 
 (6) that the proclamation of May 21 against sedi- 
 tious writings was a mere act of internal policy, and 
 was not directed against the French. 
 
 Evidences of this position might be easily multi-
 
 ENGLAND AND FRANCE IN 1793. 173 
 
 plied to any extent. On September 20, 1701, Lord 
 Grenville writes from Weymouth that M. de Bintinaye, 
 an emissary of the French emigre princes, is to be 
 told "that his Majesty's resolution extends not only 
 to the taking no part either in supporting or opposing 
 the measures which other powers may adopt, but also 
 to the not influencing in any manner their determin- 
 ation in that respect." " Sir R.. Keith has been 
 authorised to explain to the Emperor [of Germany] 
 bis Majesty's determination to take no part in the 
 business of France unless any new circumstances 
 should arise which might have an influence on the 
 interests of his own subjects. This is all that has 
 passed, and the princes ought to know it." Nor was 
 the disposition of the French Government to us of a 
 less friendly character. Chauvelin's instructions as 
 Minister to England are dated April 19, 1792. He 
 was the ostensible head of the French mission, but 
 the moving spirit of it was Talleyrand, the famous 
 Bishop of Autun, who could not be formally com- 
 missioned to the English court because no member of 
 the Assemblee Nationale of 1789 was allowed to hold 
 public office. He is charged to use every argument 
 to keep England out of the new coalition, and to per- 
 suade her to enter into a defensive alliance with. 
 France for the mutual guarantee of each other's 
 possessions. England might persuade Austria and 
 Prussia to withdraw from the league. If Spain took 
 part against France, France and England with South 
 America might join against her. A defensive alli- 
 ance might include a ratification of the Treaty of 
 Commerce of 1787. But above all he was to try to
 
 174 ENGLAND AND FRANCE IN 1793. 
 
 obtain a loan of three or four millions in England, if 
 possible, with the guarantee of the English Govern- 
 ment. In return for the guarantee he was to offer 
 the cession of the isle of Tobago, almost entirely in- 
 habited by English, of course with the consent of 
 the inhabitants. The English Grovernment were to 
 be told that for their object there was no time like 
 the present. 
 
 On August 4, 1792, Lord Gower writes to Lord 
 Grenville that the Royal family, especially the queen, 
 are in great danger, and he demands instructions for 
 his conduct. Lord Grenville replies on August 9, 
 the very eve of the attack on the Tuileries and the 
 last day of liberty for the monarchy of France, that 
 no instructions could be of any service to their 
 Majesties in the present crisis, that we have been 
 strictly neutral during the last five years, that if we 
 could do any good matters might be different. " The 
 king's feelings might lead him to depart from the 
 line he has chosen. But any measure of the kind 
 could only commit the king's name in a business in 
 which he has hitherto kept himself unengaged with- 
 out any reasonable hope of its producing a good 
 effect; on the contrary, interference might do harm. 
 We are not indifferent to the fate of their most 
 Christian Majesties. Express our sentiments of re- 
 gard, friendship, and goodwill, but make no declara- 
 tion." 
 
 We see that up to the 10th of August, the British 
 Government preserved an attitude of scrupulous 
 neutrality. From that day the face of affairs was 
 changed. The king was a prisoner in the Temple,
 
 ENGLAND AND FRANCE IN 1793. 175 
 
 the Royal authority was in abeyance. The Govern- 
 ment wei'e compelled either to recall their ambassador 
 or to recognise the validity of the Provisional 
 Committee. In recalling Lord Gower they followed 
 the example of other European nations. Indeed the 
 massacres of September followed closely upon August 
 10, and the life of an intimate friend of the Royal 
 family would scarcely have been secure. The Duke 
 of Dorset, Lord Gower's predecessor, had been 
 forced to leave Paris because a letter written to the 
 Comte d'Artois, congratulating the Count on his safe 
 escape from Paris, had been found upon one of the 
 Duke's servants. Mr. Cobden makes a great matter 
 of this recall of Lord Gower, and says that after the 
 deposition of Louis Philippe in 1848 our minister 
 continued to be accredited to the French Republic. 
 Such, however, were not the views held either in 
 France or England at the time. On August 28, 
 Chauvelin wrote to Lebrun that the recall of Lord 
 Gower need not affect the neutrality of England : 
 " Ce rappel tient uniquement a ces raisons d'etiquette 
 et de bienseance.'" Lebrun, on August 29, in his 
 instructions to M. Noel, whom he was sending to 
 England, says that notwithstanding the views of 
 Geox'ge III., who was rightly believed to be anxious 
 for war, the cabinet is composed of enlightened men, 
 and that Dundas's note recalling Lord Gower was 
 very moderate. 
 
 The events of August 10 might well impress the 
 English Government, when we consider the effect 
 they produced upon Chauvelin himself. No sooner 
 had he heard of what had occurred than he writes to
 
 176 ENGLAND AND FRANCE IN 1703. 
 
 Lord Grenville that criminal and disastrous events 
 have taken place in Paris, that the security of the 
 National Assembly has been violated, that men of 
 violent passions have led the multitude astray. He 
 begs the King of England to use all his influence to 
 prevent the armies of the enemy from invading 
 French territory, giving occasion for new excesses, 
 and compromising still further the liberty, the safety, 
 and even the existence of the king and of his family. 
 No sooner has Chauvelin sent this despatch than he 
 discovers his mistake. A cabinet council is called 
 to deliberate upon his letter. Chauvelin receives 
 new intelligence from Paris. He calls Mr. Secretary 
 Dundas and begs that the dispatch may be returned 
 to him and may be considered as non avenue. Dundas 
 writes to one of the clerks of the Foreign Office : 
 " Mr. Aust will not allow any copies of the paper 
 delivered this day by M. Chauvelin to get out of the 
 office, and will inform (by circulating this note) 
 H.M.'s confidential servants who attended the cabinet 
 this day that M. Chauvelin having in the most earnest 
 manner requested the paper to be returned to him, 
 Mr. Dundas, after consulting with Mr. Pitt, thought 
 the reasons stated impossible to be resisted." The 
 paper was therefore returned to Chauvelin, but a 
 copy had been taken of it which is now in the Record 
 Office. Although Lord Gower was recalled from 
 Paris, Chauvelin still remained in London, and it has 
 often been asked why he did so. It has been said 
 that although he was disowned by Ministers he knew 
 himself to be on very good terms with the Opposi- 
 tion, and that he stayed in England that he might
 
 ENGLAND AND FRANCE IN 1793. I77 
 
 be a centre of intrigue. His dispatches give little 
 countenance to this idea, while they supply a natural 
 reason for delay in presenting his letters of recall. 
 When war between France and England became 
 imminent, Chauvelin held some communication with 
 the Opposition by means of Sheridan, who visited 
 him secretly. Bat whilst there was a hope of peace 
 or even of alliance between the two countries, his 
 great object was to avoid all suspicion of the kind. 
 
 There is in the French Foreign Office a dispatch 
 dated May 23, 1792, signed by Chauvelin, but 
 evidently composed by Talleyrand, which if, read and 
 pondered by Lebrun, should have deterred him for 
 ever from such intrigues. Talleyrand writes com- 
 plaining of the indiscretion of French journalists, 
 that the terms Mimstri/ and Opposition have a very 
 different sense in England to that which is attributed 
 to them abroad. ''In reading French papers one 
 would believe that the king and the partisans of 
 privilege and of Royal prerogative were on one side, 
 and the friends of the people on the other, working 
 incessantly, the one for authority, the other for 
 liberty. If this were the case, a revolution might be 
 probable enough. But in fact the mass of the nation 
 is generally indifferent to all these political dis- 
 cussions which make such a noise amongst ourselves. 
 Agriculture, art, manufacture, and commerce, the 
 rise and fall of the funds, these are the main objects 
 of attention, the debates of Parliament only interest 
 the people in a secondary degree. The Opposition 
 is generally regarded as an ingredient as necessary 
 to the constitution as the Ministry itself, but that is 
 
 F. V. N
 
 1 78 ENGLAND AND FRANCE IN 1793. 
 
 all, and whenever they are seen at war with each 
 other, whatever may be the opinion which is formed 
 of their measures, the nation feels sure of liberty. 
 Nor is the Ministry itself as instinctively attached to 
 the king or as zealous for the Royal prerogative as is 
 generally believed in France. Composed of different 
 elements, it contains germs of disagreement which 
 incline it at one time to the side of the monarchy at 
 another to that of the people." He concludes a long 
 dispatch by saying that they must treat with the 
 Ministry alone, and must try to gain their confidence, 
 and that is only to be done by showing the most firm 
 determination to do nothing which may encourage 
 dissension. 
 
 These weighty words ought to dispose of the 
 opinion that Chauvelin's object in remaining in 
 England was to intrigue with the Opposition. His 
 real fear was lest his letters of recall should be re- 
 fused by the Court, and so the rupture be brought 
 about which he and his employers were most anxious 
 to pi'event. He writes to Lebrun on August 31 : "It 
 would be natural to recall me as the English have 
 recalled Lord Gower, and I should be glad to go ; 
 but let me make the following observation. Lord 
 Grower's recall is due only to the motive of delicatesse 
 'iiionarchique. We have no such reason ; we wish to 
 preserve the best intelligence with England. Besides, 
 Mr. Lindsay (the secretary of legation) remains. It 
 might be difficult for you to draw up my letters of 
 recall, or for me to present them. How very bad 
 it would be if I were refused an audience ! what a 
 triumph for our enemies ! All the friends we have
 
 ENGLAND AND FRANCE IN 1793. I79 
 
 in England are agreed upon this point." Indeed the 
 Provisional Government sent a new emissary to 
 England in the person of M. Noel, who has made a 
 greater reputation as a writer of school-books than 
 as a diplomatist. They at first intended to supersede 
 Chauveliuj and as a ci-devant marquis they always 
 regarded him with suspicion. On September G, 
 however, they definitely tell him that he may stay, 
 yet warn him that he must be prepared to act 
 cordially with the different persons charged with 
 special missions whom the Government are likely to 
 send to London. Some of them were undoubtedly 
 intended as spies, others were got out of the way 
 that they might escape the fate of their brother 
 aristocrats in the prisons. 
 
 During the autumn things remained tolerably quiet. 
 The king was at Weymouth from August 17 to the 
 end of September. The centre of disturbance was in 
 the Ministry itself. The king had not given the 
 Ministers his entire confidence. The French Revolu- 
 tion offended every principle and prejudice of his 
 nature. Although we have no positive proof, we 
 have many indications that the king was eager either 
 to join the coalition or to take decisive steps for re- 
 pressing the disorder in France, and seating his Royal 
 cousin firmly on the throne. The king was sup- 
 ported in the Ministry by Lord Thurlow, the chan- 
 cellor, whom Pitt was obliged to get rid of, and Lord 
 Hawkesbury, the father of a hopeful son who had 
 just entered Parliament, and who afterwards became 
 Lord Liverpool. Pitt depended upon his brother, 
 Lord Chatham, First Lord of the Admiralty, a per-
 
 i8o ENGLAND AND FRANCE IN 1793. 
 
 son of gentlemanly bearing, moderate abilities, and 
 sententious wisdom, and the two Secretaries of State, 
 Lord Grenville and Mr. Dundas. Lord Camden, 
 the Duke of Richmond, and Lord Stafford formed a 
 middle party, who oscillated between the two ex- 
 tremes. We shall see that Pitt was ready all along 
 to make any sacrifice for the preservation of peace 
 with France. Grenville seems to have gradually 
 drifted to the side of the king, who, as events pro- 
 gressed, became still more eager for war. 
 
 The French Embassy had some hope that a coali- 
 tion ministry would be formed which would be more 
 favourable to their cause. The summer of 1792 was 
 occupied by correspondence, interviews and con- 
 versations, all bearing on the possibility of including 
 Pitt and Fox in the same cabinet, and providing the 
 country with a ministry resting on a broad founda- 
 tion. The true history of these intrigues has yet to 
 be written. The account generally given of them is 
 that Pitt was not unwilling to receive some of the 
 whig party, but that the scheme shattered upon the 
 obstinacy and impracticability of Fox. There is in the 
 British Museum (Add. MSS. 27,918) a secret political 
 diary of the Duke of Leeds, which gives a minute 
 account of these transactions, and one of different 
 complexion from that which' is derived from Lord 
 Malmesbury's diary. According to Lord Malmes- 
 bury, Pitt was eager for the coalition. There was a 
 certain difficulty about Fox, " peo-Jiaps it would not 
 be quite easy to give Fox the Foreign Department 
 immediately, but that in a few months he might 
 certainly have it." " Pitt did not come with the
 
 ENGLAND AND FRANCE IN 1793. 181 
 
 king's command to propose a coalition, but that lie 
 would be responsible that it would please the king 
 ami the queen, and that the only difficulty at all 
 likely to arise was about Fox, and that difficulty 
 entirely owing to Fox's conduct in Parliament 
 during the last four months." The only authority 
 for these opinions of Pitt is Lord Loughborough, 
 the very man whose restless desire for office and un- 
 scrupulous ambition was urging the Duke of Port- 
 land to sacrifice Fox. It is certain that the idea of a 
 coalition was, mentioned to Pitt and the king in June, 
 but the Duke of Leeds' diary shows that neither of 
 them seriously entertained the idea, and that Fox 
 was perfectly justified in believing it to be impossible. 
 On Tuesday, August 14, the Duke of Leeds, who had 
 been Foreign Minister in Pitt's Cabinet, who ex- 
 pected to be made Prime Minister, with Pitt and 
 Fox serving under him as secretaries, had an inter- 
 view with the king at Windsor. The Duke ex- 
 pounded his plans, advocating as well as he could 
 the cause of Mr. Fox. ''Whether it had any effect 
 I am ignorant, for his Majesty did not, I believe, 
 mention Mr. Fox's name more than once, if even 
 that, during the whole conversation. I mentioned 
 the several interviews- whicli had passed between 
 Lord Loughborough and Mr. Dundas, at one at 
 least of which Mr. Pitt had been present, and which 
 had been mentioned in the newspapers as affording 
 sufficient reason to suppose his Majesty's servants 
 not indisposed to our arrangement, and I took for 
 granted his Majesty was informed of everything that 
 had passed down to the present time. To my great
 
 1 82 ENGLAND AND FRANCE IN 1793. 
 
 surprise the king answered that he had not heard 
 anything upon the subject for a long time ; that Mr. 
 Pitt had^ indeedj some months ago mentioned some- 
 thing like an opening on the part of the Duke of 
 Portland and his friends, to which his Majesty had 
 answered^ ' Any tiling comj^limentari/ to them, but no 
 power.' " The Duke of Leeds pertinently remarks 
 upon this, " The first part of this brief but curious 
 answer explains the circumstance of the offer of the 
 Garter to the Duke of Portland, and of the Marqui- 
 sate of Rockingham to Lord Fitzwilliam; and the 
 latter proves but too clearly the great difficulty, if 
 not impossibility, of succeeding in the proposed ar- 
 rangement." The Duke of Leeds, unabashed by 
 this repulse, went on to suggest that, although Pitt 
 could not remain at the head of the Treasury, he 
 could still be Chancellor of the Exchequer as well as 
 Secretary of State. " The king asked me who was 
 proposed to be First Lord of the Treasury ? I 
 answered that I could not tell, but that it was meant 
 that some one should be in that situation who was 
 on terms of friendship and confidence with both 
 both parties. His Majesty replied it would be very 
 awkward for Mr. Pitt after having been head of that 
 board to descend to an inferior situation at it, and 
 that whoever was First Lord must either be a cypher 
 or Mr. Pitt appear as a commis." 
 
 On Wednesday, August 22, the Duke of Leeds 
 had an interview with Pitt. Pitt received him very 
 civilly, but did not appear quite at his ease. The 
 Duke told the same story that he had told to the 
 king: "Mr. Pitt listened attentively to all I said, and
 
 ENGLAND AND FRANCE IN 1793. 1S3 
 
 answered^ there had been no thought of any altera- 
 tion in the Government^ that circumstances did not 
 call for it, nor did the people wish it, and that no 
 new arrangement, either by a change or coalition, 
 had ever been in contemplation." On the Duke re- 
 minding him of the reported interviews between 
 Lord Loughborough and Lord Dundas, at which 
 Pitt had been present, he said that it was true, but 
 that such meetings had not in view any change of 
 administration. The language both of Pitt and of 
 the king admits of no doubt, and we must conclude 
 that the negotiations for a coalition which have been 
 repeated in all histories of the time have, as far 
 as Pitt is concerned, no basis but the interested 
 imagination and creative memory of Lord Lough- 
 borough. 
 
 The king remained at Weymouth from the middle 
 of August to the end of September, aud during this 
 time home politics were in abeyance, but events were 
 moving rapidly in France. On September 20, the 
 cannonade of Valmy announced, as Goethe said to 
 those who heard it, the birth of a new era ; on 
 October 23, a salvo of artillery all along the French 
 frontier announced that the soil of France was free 
 from the enemy. Before the end of September the 
 French armies marched across the frontier. Nice 
 was taken on September 28, Spires on September 
 30 ; the attacked became the aggressors, and the 
 French Government imagined a victorious course of 
 mingled conquest and propaganda. These events 
 did not appear to compromise English interests until 
 Dumouriez began to overrun the Netherlands. The
 
 i84 ENGLAND AND FRANCE IN 1793. 
 
 battle of Jemappes was fought on November 6, and 
 on November 14 the capture of Brussels laid the 
 whole of Belgium at his feet. These victories 
 encourag-ed the French to take a higher tone. 
 Chauvelin^ who did not like to go to Court for fear 
 he should be badly received, now asked his Govern- 
 ment for credentials as Minister of the Republic. 
 He writes to Lebrun on November 0, that the time 
 has come to treat openly with England^ and that he 
 wishes for positive instructions. 
 
 Lebrun was clear-sighted enough to see the effect 
 which the conquest of Belgium was likely to have in 
 England. He writes to Chauvelin on October 30, 
 " The army of the Republic commanded by Dumouriez 
 is on the point of entering, if it had not already 
 entered, the territory of the Low Countries. It is 
 possible that Dumouriez may conquer them, and in 
 this case it is quite possible that the inhabitants will 
 rise in a general insurrection against the House of 
 Austria. What would England do in this case ? 
 Would she feel bound by the convention of Novem- 
 ber 10, 1790? The Republic solemnly renounces 
 every conquest." The next day, October 30, Lebrun 
 orders Chauvelin to announce distinctly that *'the 
 nation will never suffer Belgium to be under foreign 
 influence, and that it will never annex the smallest 
 part to the French Empire." He adds, " now we of 
 course desire for our protection a democratic power 
 on our frontier." On November 6, he shows a still 
 greater desire to know what public opinion in 
 England thinks about the conquest of the Nether- 
 lands, and he expresses the same views as before.
 
 ENGLAND AND FRANCE IN 1793. 185 
 
 On November 10, he writes in a similar strain to 
 Noel. " Our policy is very simple on this point as 
 on all others. We do not wish for conquest ; we 
 have no desire to give any nation this or that form 
 of government. The inhabitants of Belgium will 
 choose that which suits them best, we shall not inter- 
 fere." Interested as the English might be in the 
 fate of Belgium, they were far more interested in 
 that of Holland. Holland was united to us by the 
 closest ties, its friendship was the triumph of our 
 diplomacy, the power of the Stadtholder depended 
 upon our support, to desert it would have been an 
 act of ingratitude as well as of weakness. At Pitt's 
 accession to office in 1783, he found England, after 
 the struggle with America, isolated in Europe. The 
 main jealousy of this country was directed towards 
 France. But France was really weak and anxious 
 to recover something of the maritime power of which 
 England had robbed her. With this object she 
 turned to the strong fleet of Holland ; in close alli- 
 ance with the Dutch she might regain her trade, and 
 even establish a footing in India. The mission of 
 Lord Malmesbury was designed to counteract these 
 plans. Arriving in Holland when the power of the 
 Stadtholder was at its lowest ebb, he reconstructed 
 it, discomfited the Patriot party which was devoted to 
 France, and laid the ^foundations of the triple alli- 
 ance between England, Holland and Prussia, which 
 for three years gave the law to Europe. Therefore, 
 although we might overlook the conquest of Belgium, 
 we could not but regard the least attempt upon 
 Holland as a case of war. Yet such was the levity
 
 i86 ENGLAND AND FRANCE IN 1793. 
 
 of the French in this serious crisis, that Maret, after- 
 wards Duke of Bassano, who arrived in England 
 about November 8, having just left the victorious 
 Dumouriez, told Chauvelin that Dumouriez had the 
 intention of " throwing a few shells into Maestricht." 
 Chauvelin had sense enough to see that this would 
 make a breach inevitable. 
 
 On November 21, j\Jaret, who was on the point of 
 leaving England to return to France by way of 
 Brussels, wrote a letter to Lebrun which exactly 
 explains the situation. He proposes to tell Dumou- 
 riez that if he attacks Holland, which he certainly 
 had in contemplation, it will inevitably mean war 
 with England. War is certainly dreaded by the 
 city, even if the Government desire to distract 
 people's attention from home affairs. The 'philosopher- 
 general will not be insensible to these arguments. 
 He will prefer the hope of a general peace to an 
 additional triumph. He then adds with cynical 
 acuteness, "Whether the state of our finances make 
 it impossible for us to go to war, or the fear of 
 letting loose upon society a mob of unoccupied 
 persons by disbanding our armies makes peace im- 
 possible, in either case the feeling of England towards 
 us is of the first importance. If we wish for peace, 
 let us make an alliance with England ; if we desire 
 war, let us attempt to form a junction which will 
 diminish the number of our enemies and which may 
 embroil England with Spain, Chauvelin, good 
 fellow as he is, is impossible here. Men are pre- 
 judiced against him. Send Barthelemi " (the best 
 diplomatist the French possessed, who, in 1790,
 
 ENGLAND AND FRANCE IN 1793. 187 
 
 made the treaties of Bale with Prussia and Spain) 
 " as ambassador extraordinary, and some one else as 
 subordinate agent. I should be very happy to take 
 this place. Nominate Chauvelin to some first-rate 
 post. Noel could replace Barthelemi in Switzer- 
 land." If this advice had been adopted, and, as we 
 shall see, this was very nearly being the case, peace 
 between the two countries would most probably have 
 been preserved. 
 
 We now come to the two acts of the French 
 Government which formed the strongest case for 
 grievance on the English side, and which are gener- 
 ally considered as the true causes of war : the 
 decree of November 19, and the opening of the 
 navigation of the Scheldt. Each of these will re- 
 quire attention. The decree of November 19 was 
 passed by the Convention in great haste and under 
 the following circumstances. In the middle of the 
 sitting Rhul rose and stated that the district of 
 Darmstadt, which properly belonged to France by 
 the Treaty of Ryswick, had assumed the national 
 cockade and asked to become French. The Duke of 
 Deux Fonts had marched an army to stop the move- 
 ment. " The citizens of the Duchy of Limburg, in 
 the district of Darmstadt, ask our protection against 
 the despots; also the club of the Friends of Liberty 
 and Equality established at Mayence have written 
 to ask if you will grant protection to the people 
 of Mayence, or abandon them to the mercy of the 
 despots who threaten them." He concludes thus : 
 " I ask that the nations who wish to fraternise with 
 lis shall be protected by the French nation." It
 
 1 88 ENGLAND AND FRANCE IN 1793. 
 
 will be seen that this proposition goes merely to the 
 extent of defensive measures. It is then moved that 
 Rhul's pi'oposition be referred to the diplomatic 
 committee, -which should determine how the French 
 should not only protect but guarantee the liberty of 
 surrounding nations. Legendre supports the pro- 
 position. Brissot says that the diplomatic committee 
 is about to speak on the subject on the following 
 Friday (November 19 is Monday). On Rhul urging 
 the cause of the people of Mayence, Brissot asks that 
 the principle of the decree shall be voted imme- 
 diately. At last Larevelliere-Lepeaux, that distin- 
 guished member of the Directory, who afterwards 
 complained that it was so hard to found a new 
 religion to take the place of Christianity, and to 
 whom Talleyrand recommended the experiment of 
 being crucified and rising again on the third day, 
 proposed the decree in the following words : " The 
 National Convention declares, in the name of the 
 French nation, that it will give fraternity and assist- 
 ance to all peoples who shall wish to recover their 
 liberty, and charges the executive power to give the 
 necessary orders to the generals to carry assistance 
 to these peoples, and to defend citizens who have 
 been harassed, or who may be harassed in the 
 cause of liberty." Sergent then proposed that the 
 decree should be translated into all languages and 
 printed. The Convention then proceeded to other 
 business and broke up at five o'clock. 
 
 Such is the history of this famous decree. In the 
 French manner of those days a few isolated facts 
 repeated by a member were made the occasion for
 
 ENGLAND AND FRANCE IN 1793. 189 
 
 asserting a number of sweeping generalities, and the 
 terms of the hastily passed decree went even beyond 
 the intention and meaning of those who passed it. 
 Was it worthy of a powerful nation like the English 
 to treat every word of this hasty declaration, '' trans- 
 lated into all languao-es," as if it were the solemn 
 and authoritative voice of a grave and powerful legis- 
 lature representing an united people ? 
 
 The opening of the navigation of the Scheldt was 
 much more serious. This is announced to Chauvelin 
 ill a letter from Lebrun dated November 27. " The 
 executive council had just freed the navigation 
 of the Scheldt. No injury is done to the rights 
 of the Dutch. Our reasons are that the river takes 
 its rise in France, and that a nation which has ob- 
 tained its liberty cannot recognise a system of 
 feudalism, and still less submit to it. This need not 
 affect the good harmony which exists between our- 
 selves and England. Engagements which the 
 Belgians entered into before the epoch of their 
 present liberty naturally fall to the ground." He 
 urges Chauvelin to counteract any bad impres- 
 sions which this may produce, and say that it was 
 done in the interest of the prosperity of Belgium. 
 It was natural that these two measures, following so 
 quickly upon each other, should excite strong feeling 
 in England. The views of the English Government 
 are given in a dispatch addressed to Chauvelin on 
 December 31, signed, indeed, by Grenville, but bear- 
 ing throughout the stamp of the stern and haughty 
 stvle of William Pitt. llis sentences, when once 
 known, are unmistakable. It states that in the
 
 190 ENGLAND AND FRANCE IN I793- 
 
 deci-ee of November 19 all England saw the formal 
 declaration of a design to extend universally the 
 new principles of government adopted in France, 
 and to encourage disorder and revolt in all countries, 
 even in those which are neutral. '' The application 
 of these principles to the king's dominions has been 
 shown unequivocally by the public reception given 
 by the promoters of sedition in this country, and by 
 the speeches made to them precisely at the time of 
 this decree, and since on several different occasions. 
 England cannot consider such an explanation [as 
 has been given] satisfactory, but she must look upon 
 it as a frank avowal of those dispositions which she 
 sees with so just an uneasiness and jealousy." 
 
 With regard to the Scheldt the trumpet-voice 
 of the statesmaii sounds with no uncertain note. 
 " France can have no right to annul the stipulations 
 relative to the Scheldt, unless she have also the 
 right to set aside equally the other treaties between 
 all the Powers of Europe, and all the other rights of 
 England or her allies. She can even have no pre- 
 tence to interfere in the question of opening the 
 Scheldt, unless she were the sovereign of the Low 
 Countries, or had the right to dictate laws to all 
 Europe. England never will consent that France 
 shall arrogate the power of annulling at her pleasure, 
 and under the pretence of a pretended natural right 
 of which she makes herself the only judge, the 
 political system of Europe established by solemn 
 treaties and guaranteed by the consent of all 
 the Powers, This Government, adhering to the 
 maxims which it has followed for more than a
 
 ENGLAND AND FRANCE IN 1793. 191 
 
 century, will also never see with indifference that 
 France shall make herself either directly or indirectly 
 the sovereign of the Low Countries, or general 
 arbiter of the rights and liberties of Europe. If 
 France is really desirous of maintaining peace and 
 friendship with England, she must show herself 
 disposed to renounce her views of aggression and 
 agforrandisement, and to confine herself within her 
 own territory, without insulting other Governments, 
 without disturbing their tranquillity, without violating 
 their rights." Chatham could not have spoken more 
 plainly or more worthily. In these sentences is 
 contained the whole opposition of England to the 
 encroachments of the Revolution, to the spoliation of 
 Napoleon. 
 
 At the same time it may be argued whether the 
 opening of the Scheldt was a question on which the 
 English were bound to go to war. We appealed on 
 our side to the law of nations, the French on theirs 
 to the law of nature. Both these appeals may be 
 disregarded in the inquiry. Our treaty with Holland 
 of 1788 bound us to guarantee the Dutch possessions 
 from attack or from the threat of attack. But in 
 this instance the Dutch did not protest against the 
 action of the French, nor did they call upon us for 
 our assistance. Therefore it was a matter with 
 which we had no immediate concern. That we 
 should not have considered it as a casus belli in the 
 last resort is shown by the fact that negotiations 
 were impending between the Dutch and Dumouriez 
 under the sanction of Lord Auckland at the time 
 when the war eventually broke out. The idea of
 
 192 ENGLAND AND FRANCE IN 1793. 
 
 opening the Scheldt to commerce was not a new one. 
 It had been threatened by Joseph II., and only laid 
 aside upon French persuasion. At this time we had 
 instructed our ambassador at Vienna to inform the 
 Emperor personally that there was no object of his 
 ambition which we should not be ready to further, 
 provided he would break his alliance with France. 
 This had been written by Lord Carmarthen, while 
 Pitt was still Prime Minister. It was scarcely 
 reasonable to regard as an inexpiable insult to 
 England the carrying out by one power of a measure 
 which we had ourselves suggested to another. 
 Other proofs are not wanting that neither the decree 
 of November 19 nor the opening of the Scheldt 
 would have been regarded as sufficient reasons for 
 going to war on the part of England. Chauvelin 
 had a long interview with Grenville on November 29, 
 which left this impression upon his mind. Still more 
 explicit is a letter of Maret, dated December 2, in 
 which he gives account of two interviews, one with 
 William Smith, Pitt's private secretary, and the 
 other with Pitt himself. From the first interview 
 Maret derived the impression that England had 
 negotiated with Spain, that Pitt was extremely re- 
 luctant to go to war, and the recognition of the 
 French Republic was not at all unlikely. 
 
 The interview with Pitt was more momentous. 
 Pitt began by speaking of his fears about Holland, 
 of his determination to support the allies of England, 
 and to enforce the rigorous execution of the treaties 
 which unite her with other powers. He expressed a 
 sincere desire to avoid a war which would be fatal to
 
 ENGLAND AND FRANCE IN 1793. 193 
 
 tlie repose and to tlie prosperity of the two nations 
 and asked if the same desire was shared by the 
 French Government. On Maret giving satisfactory 
 assurances of this, Pitt said, '^ If the French Govern- 
 ment would authorise some one to confer with us, 
 we should be disposed to listen to him, and to treat 
 him with cordiality and confidence." Mavet. " You 
 speak of a secret agent, there is not such a one here. 
 If there had been one in London, I would rather that 
 he had come here than myself." Pitt. " I mean a 
 person with whom we could communicate cordially 
 and frankly; and who would not repel our confidence." 
 Maret said that in that case England would have 
 to recognise the Republic. Pitt replied that that 
 course must be avoided, probably to spare the sus- 
 ceptibilities of the king. " Do not reject this offer, 
 and we will examine everything carefully." Maret 
 said that he would urge Lebrun to send some one. 
 Pitt replied, " Why not yourself ? Write at once to 
 Paris ; moments are precious." Maret promised to 
 do so. Pitt spoke again of Holland, and as Maret 
 was going away Pitt called him back and alluded 
 to the question of the Scheldt. Maret avoided dis- 
 cussion on this point, and Pitt mentioned the decree 
 of November 19. Maret gave the same answer that 
 he had given to Smith, namely, that it only applied 
 to powers at war with France; then Pitt cried, "If 
 an interpretation of this kind were possible, the effect 
 would be excellent." Maret assured Pitt that the 
 Government had nothing to do with the decree, that 
 it was the work of a few exalted spirits, made in a 
 burst of enthusiasm, and without discussion. Pitt 
 F. V. o
 
 194 ENGLAND AND FRANCE IN 1793. 
 
 concluded by urging Maret not to lose a moment in 
 communicating with Lebrun. 
 
 This interview shows that on December 1 jDeace 
 between the two countries was quite possible, that it 
 was ardently desired by Pitt, and that the really 
 burning question was the invasion of Holland, 
 whereas the other two grievances of the Scheldt 
 and of the decree of November 19 might have been 
 satisfactorily arranged. It is tantalizing to reflect 
 how nearly the arrangement which Pitt suggested 
 was taking effect. On December 7 Lebrun deter- 
 mined to move Chauvelin to the Hague, and to 
 authorise Maret to treat secretly with the English 
 Government. He presents his project at the meet- 
 ing of the executive council, but by some wave of in- 
 fatuation it is rejected. We may read in the archives 
 of the French Foreign Office the original minute of 
 the Conseil Executif Provisoire, signed by Danton, 
 Barere, and others, which runs in these terms : " The 
 Conseil Executif Provisoire determines that, while 
 making no declaration about Holland, the conference 
 with Pitt may be continued, provided that it is done 
 through Chauvelin, the accredited minister." The 
 French Government probably thought that England 
 could be terrified, that the Opposition were as power- 
 ful as they represented themselves to be, and that 
 a revolution in Ireland was imminent — a revolution 
 which Lebrun had certainly been at infinite pain 
 to stir up. Can we wonder that the face of Pitt 
 appeared to Chauvelin to express anxiety, embarrass- 
 ment, and disquietude. On December 14, Maret 
 saw Pitt again at eight o'clock in the evening. The
 
 ENGLAND AND FRANCE IN 1793. 195 
 
 interview was short. After a few words^ Pitt said, 
 "Our conversation must be a private one. I am not 
 authorised to say any more on State affairs. 
 
 There exists in the English Record Office proof 
 that the English Government was sincere in desir- 
 ing the resumption of friendly relations with France, 
 and that in spite of Burke and the emigres they now 
 contemplated sending a Minister to Paris. At the 
 end of the volume of French papers for December, 
 1792, are the imperfect drafts of two dispatches in- 
 tended for some one proceeding as envoy to France. 
 It does not appear for whom they were intended, and 
 they have no date.^ But from internal evidence they 
 may be referred to December, 1792. 
 
 On December 15, the day after Pitt's second inter- 
 view with Maret, the Alien Bill was introduced by 
 Lord Grenville in the House of Lords. The condi- 
 tions of the Bill were stringent : an account and 
 description of all foreigners arriving in the kingdom 
 was to be taken at the several ports ; foreigners were 
 not to bring with them arms or ammunition ; they 
 were not to depart from the place in which they first 
 arrived without a passport from the chief magistrate 
 or the justice of the peace specifying the place they 
 are going to ; on altering a passport or obtaining it 
 under a false name they were to be banished the 
 realm, and if they returned be transported for life ; 
 the Secretary of State might give any suspected 
 aliens in charge to one of his Majesty's messengers, 
 to be by him conducted out of the realm ; his Majesty 
 may, by proclamation, order in Council, or sign 
 ^ M. Lindsay was probably designated for this post.
 
 195 ENGLAND AND FRANCE IN 1793. 
 
 manual, direct all aliens who arrived since January, 
 1792, other than merchants and their menial servants, 
 to reside in such districts as he shall think necessary 
 for the public security; they were then only to re- 
 side in these places under certain stringent condi- 
 tions. This measure was strongly resisted in 
 Parliament by Fox and the Opposition, on the ground 
 that the dangers against which it was directed were 
 imaginary, or at least greatly exaggerated. It was 
 supported with vehemence by Burke, who in this 
 debate threw a Brummagem dagger on the floor of 
 the House, saying that we must keep French prin- 
 ciples from our minds and French daggers from our 
 hearts. 
 
 Events moved hastily towards war. The troubled 
 state of Europe justified calling out the militia. 
 Parliament, which by statute must be summoned 
 shortly after this, met on December 13. On Decem- 
 ber 15 Noel writes to Lebrun that he has had an 
 aifecting interview with William Smith, who is 
 terribly distressed. '^ It is absolutely impossible for 
 the British Government to bear with Chauvelin, 
 every one says so. Why are you so obstinate ? Why 
 plunge two nations into a war ? " He writes again 
 on the following day that he has seen Smith again 
 and urges some concessions with regard to the 
 Scheldt. It was afterwards suggested that this 
 question might safely sleep if the executive council 
 did nothing to enforce their decree. The French 
 Government persevered in their system. On January 
 7 letters of credence were dispatched to Chauvelin 
 and he was ordered to present them. Chauvelin had
 
 ENGLAND AND FRANCE IN 1793. 197 
 
 an interview with Lord Grenville witli regard to this 
 on January 13. Both the French and English ac- 
 counts of this conversation are before us^ and they 
 show that Chauvelin was not entirely veracious. His 
 position was indeed a difficult one. The face of Lord 
 Grenville grew dark at the proposal, and he said 
 that he must refer it to his colleagues. Chauvelin 
 began to feel that peace was impossible, and begged 
 for his recall. 
 
 On January 20 he received a letter from Lord 
 Grenville, which must have removed any lingering 
 doubt. He had written to ask — first, whether his 
 letters of credence would be received ; and, secondly, 
 whether the provisions of the Alien Bill are to apply 
 to him or not; in his present position he cannot 
 possibly be regarded as subject to this law; it would 
 be an insult to his nation. Lord Grenville answers 
 that his letters of credence cannot be received ; that 
 as minister from the most Christian king he would 
 have enjoyed all the exemptions which the law grants 
 to public ministers, but that, as a private person, he 
 cannot but return to tlie general mass of foreigners 
 resident in England. 
 
 On January 21 Louis XVI. was executed. It is a 
 mistake to suppose that this event of itself caused 
 the war, although undoubtedly it profoundly 
 affected George III. It was rather used by the 
 Miuistry as a popular opportunity for taking a step 
 which had been already decided. The news reached 
 London at five o'clock on January 23. The king and 
 queen, who were going to the theatre, gave up their 
 intention. At the Haymarket it was announced that
 
 igS ENGLAND AND FRANCE IN 1793. 
 
 there would be no performance the next day; upon 
 which the audience shouted, '' No farce, no farce ! " 
 and rose and went out. On January 24 Chauvelin 
 was peremptorily bidden by an Order in Council to 
 leave the kingdom. He writes, on receiving it, that 
 it will certainly be regarded as a declaration of war, 
 and that it was an unexpected step. This dismissal of 
 Chauvelin cannot be defended. It was a punishment 
 of an insulting nature inflicted on the French nation 
 for having done what the English nation had done 
 a century and a half before — executed their king 
 after trial. To drive an accredited minister from 
 the country as an ordinary alien was a blow which 
 no nation could brook, and which the French would 
 certainly not put up with in their present state of 
 feverish excitement. It was, as Chauvelin, said, "un 
 coup de canon/' equivalent to a declaration of war. 
 It bears rather the trace of the vehemence of Burke 
 and the narrow obstinacy of the king than of the 
 calm self-restraint of the Prime Minister. 
 
 If the Government had waited a little longer, this 
 hasty step would have been unnecessary. 
 
 On January 22, two days before Lord Grenville's 
 letter, Chauvelin was ordered by his own Government 
 to leave London without delay. Chauvelin met the 
 courier conveying this dispatch at Blackheath. He 
 was to send a note to Lord Grenville, saying that the 
 French are still willing to preserve a good intelli- 
 gence, and to avoid a rupture. Maret, who was 
 known to be popular with the English Government, 
 was sent as charge d'affaires to pave the way for 
 Dumouriez, who was to come to England after he
 
 ENGLAND AND FRANCE IN 1793. 199 
 
 had visited Holland. The cause of this sudden 
 change must be sought in the internal politics of 
 Paris. The Government was divided between the 
 Girondists and the Jacobins, the first somewhat 
 weakened by their defeat on the king's trial, but 
 still able to hold their own, and anxious for peace 
 with England. The most active of the Girondists 
 was General Dumouriez, who knew that Chauvelin 
 was distasteful to the English Ministry, and he per- 
 suaded the executive council to recall him, and to 
 send Maret in his place. 
 
 Maret passed Chauvelin on the way from Paris to 
 Calais, close to Montreuil. He and his servants were 
 asleep in their carriages, and they did not notice 
 Chauvelin's liveries, so that it was not until his ar- 
 rival at Dover on the 29th that he heard of Chauvelin's 
 dismissal. Whatever instructions had been given to 
 him were now useless. He sent a note to Lord 
 Grenville to announce his arrival in England, and 
 waited for new dispatches from Lebrun and for the 
 coming of Dumouriez. It is difficult to say whether 
 peace was still possible. Some statesmen, including 
 Lord Lansdowne, were not without hope of averting 
 war ; not so, however, the Prince of Wales. Some 
 one meeting him at supper with the Duchess of York 
 said, *' There is a curious report abroad that Marat is 
 come to London. The Frenchman who has arrived is 
 a very different person." Upon which the Prince re- 
 plied, " We know that well ; but if he were God 
 Almighty himself, he comes too late, and perhaps 
 they will ask him to go away. Before three weeks 
 war will be declared. Five of my brothers will light
 
 200 ENGLAND AND FRANCE IN 1793. 
 
 at sea, I shall leave on March 10 to put myself at the 
 head of the troops on the coast, and 50,000 foreign 
 troops will enter Holland. The time is past ; we 
 must make an end of these murderers." At the 
 same time Maret's presence in England caused con- 
 siderable alarm to the emigres. Maret himself was 
 not without hopes of peace. He said that the sudden 
 dismissal of Chauvelin was regretted by the Ministry 
 as a precipitate act. 
 
 In the meantime Chauvelin had arrived at Paris. 
 His report decided the vacillating committee. Du- 
 mouriez was ordered to proceed to Antwerp and to 
 invade Holland, and on February 1 war was de- 
 clared against England and Holland. 
 
 We are now in a position to decide the question as 
 to who was most to blame for the rupture. No doubt 
 the English had ample provocation, but it may be 
 questioned whether the English Government main- 
 tained to the last that system of dignified abstention 
 and neutrality which they had at first displayed. 
 The death of the king was not so entirely different 
 from the events which had preceded it — the riots of 
 October 5, the acceptance of the new constitution, 
 the storming of the Tuileries on August 10 — as to 
 justify action of a new and violent kind. The 
 Ministry exaggerated the importance of French bom- 
 bast and of English sedition. By allying ourselves 
 with the small but distinguished minority in the 
 French Government we might have restrained their 
 impetuous rivals from provoking two new and 
 dangerous enemies. We ought to have accredited 
 a minister to the French Republic, we ought to have
 
 ENGLAND AND FRANCE IN 1793. 201 
 
 continued diplomatic relations with Cliauvelin, we 
 certainly ought not to have ordered him out of the 
 country as a suspected alien. The influence of 
 Burke and the emigres was very powerful, but they 
 warned us against the wrong dangers. We needed 
 protection not against the poison of French Republic- 
 anism, but against the rapacity of French armies and 
 of the statesmen who directed them. Could we have 
 remained neutral, France would not have invaded 
 Holland, and the history of Europe might not have 
 been sullied with the crimes of Napoleon. These 
 speculations are of little use; but even to those who 
 believe that what has happened must have happened, 
 it is interesting to trace the momentous effect of 
 small divergencies, and to place our finger on the 
 point at which the scale of fate seemed to tremble as 
 it swerved.
 
 VII. 
 HUGH ELLIOT AT NAPLES, 1803-1806.^ 
 
 A FTER tlie rupture of the peace of Amiens war 
 ■^^^ was declared by England against France on 20tli 
 May, 1803. The instructions given to Hugh Elliot, 
 the new minister, are dated two days earlier. They 
 point directly to the occupation of the island of 
 Sicily by the English. They state that we do not 
 object to English ships being excluded from 
 Neapolitan ports if French ships are excluded also ; 
 but if the King of Naples is forced to admit French 
 ships into his harbours on the mainland, we cannot 
 allow this permission to be extended to the island 
 of Sicily. We shall garrison the forts of Messina, 
 and retain them as long as a Fi-ench military force 
 shall remain in the kingdom of Naples. Assurances 
 are, however, givea that the English will confine 
 themselves exclusively to militaiy occupation, and 
 will not interfere in any way with the civil adminis- 
 tration of the country. We shall see in the following 
 essay how this little undertaking was observed, 
 
 Mr. Elliot set off from England at two days' 
 notice and embarked on board the J.mpAio/i (not the 
 
 ^ This paper is mainly based on Foreign Office papers pre- 
 served in the English Eecord Office. 
 
 202
 
 HUGH ELLIOT AT NAPLES. 203 
 
 Victory, as stated by Lady Minto)^ to -which Nelson 
 had shifted his flag. A disagreeable and stormy 
 passage brought them to Gibraltar on the night of 
 3rd June. On 11th June, off" Cape Zilia, Elliot was 
 transferred to the Maidstone frigate, Captain Mowbray, 
 while Nelson sailed to Malta. In preparation for 
 his departure Nelson had given him introductions 
 for the King and Queen of Naples and for Sir John 
 Acton, the prime minister. He landed at Naples on 
 18th June. On 24th June the new ambassador de- 
 livered his credentials in the usual form to the king* 
 and queen, the king having returned from Caserta 
 for the purpose. Elliot heard on his landing that 
 General St. Cyr, with an army of 13,000 men, had 
 already taken possession of various ports on the 
 Adriatic ; but although it was known that his destin- 
 ation was Taranto, he had not actually crossed the 
 Neapolitan frontier. It was certain that the French 
 would demand the exclusion of English ships from 
 Neapolitan harbours, and although it was judged 
 prudent not to precipitate matters by the occupation 
 of Messina, yet steps were taken in that direction 
 with the cognisance and consent of the Court. ^ 
 
 Sir John Acton, the valued and trusted minister 
 of the King of Naples, of whom Elliot gives a most 
 favourable character, was anxious that the tegis of 
 England should be thrown over Naples as well as 
 Sicily. English troops should be disembarked on 
 the mainland, while English frigates patrolled the 
 coast. In any case crews should be ready in the 
 port of Naples to rescue the Royal family from any 
 ^ Elliot to Hawkesbury, 5tli July, 1803.
 
 204 HUGH ELLIOT AT NAPLES. 
 
 insult or outrage at the hands of the Frencli.^ 
 Nelson was not favourable to undertaking too much. 
 He was willing to promise that a ship of war — 
 generally of the line — should always be in the bay 
 of Naples to prevent that ^' worst of all accidents — 
 the loss of the Royal family." " But it must be re- 
 membered/' he says^ ''that although Naples is lost 
 Sicily is secure^ whereas if Sicily is lost so is 
 Naples." 2 
 
 The assumed purpose of the French was not to 
 overrun or subdue the whole kingdom of Naples, but 
 merely to occupy the three towns of Pescara, Otranto, 
 and Taranto, which had been in their possession 
 before the treaty of Amiens. By that treaty, they 
 said, the French had been bound to evacuate these 
 towns, and the English on their side to evacuate 
 Malta. The failure of the English to fulfil their 
 conditions had made it allowable for the French to 
 replace their garrisons in the fortresses whence they 
 had been taken. Sir John Acton's letters are 
 expressed in quaint, broken English. He writes to 
 Nelson on 7th July : " Three of these provinces have 
 already received 13,000 men on the abominable and 
 known false pretence. Out of these 4,500 only are 
 French, the rest Cisalpine and Poles. Their behaviour 
 seems rather quiet and careful of paying regards to 
 the Government and people for the moment. The 
 detachment of Otranto shall arrive to that place on 
 July 19, and not before the last days of the month 
 the garrison of Taranto can reach the port." There 
 
 ^ Acton to Nelson, 20th June, 1803. 
 ^ Nelson to Acton, 26tli June, 1803.
 
 HUGH ELLIOT AT NAPLES. 205 
 
 is no immediate danger of an attack upon Sicily, and 
 too great haste in movements might precipitate a 
 catastrophe. '' Their Sicilian majesties are of this 
 opinion, and moved by the most fervorous wishes for 
 every preparation to be got ready^ but not employed 
 in Sicily till the last moment, on evidence of an at- 
 tack, as they thing that a time must be given for 
 troops from England or Gibraltar, which succour 
 their Majesties consider as the most necessary and 
 sure mean of preservation of Sicily if Naples is 
 lost ! " ^ At this time the mediation of the Russian 
 Government, which was on comparatively friendly 
 terms with Bonaparte, was being used to prevent a 
 French occupation of Naples.^ 
 
 Nelson was keeping a close eye on the French 
 ports, and especially Toulon, to prevent the sailing 
 of any ships. He had only six sail of the line 
 opposed to seven or nine, yet he was able to detach 
 the 8vperb under Captain Keats, " one of the very 
 best officers in his Majesty's navy,'' to remain a 
 fortnight at Naples, or longer if Elliot particularly 
 wished it.^ The French had other good reasons for 
 not offending the Court of Naples, because they 
 cherished some hopes of alliance between the two 
 countries. M. Alquier, French minister at Naples, 
 proposed an alliance against the English on the basis 
 of enlarging the territory of Naples at the expense 
 of that of the pope. This proposition was supported 
 by the Marchese di Gallo, but strongly opposed by 
 
 ' Acton to Nelson, 7th June, 1803. 
 2 j^iiiot ^o Nelson, 7th July, 1803 
 " Nelson to Elliot, 11th July, 1803.
 
 2o6 HUGH ELLIOT AT NAPLES. 
 
 Acton. The king was fortunately firm. He writes 
 to Acton in colloquial Italian : ^' What glory or 
 honour would there be in joining those who have 
 always done us all the harm in their power to go 
 ao-ainst the Eno-lish who have saved us. and with 
 whose help we have recovered our lost kingdom ? " 
 The queen appeared to follow in the same direction. 
 In the meantime a resolution was agreed upon be- 
 tween Elliot and Sir John Acton that the Neapolitan 
 gai'rison in Malta should be sent to the defence of 
 Sicily, that the fortifications of Sicily should be 
 strengthened as much as possible, and that General 
 Oakes should be sent to Messina to give the earliest 
 information of the movement of French troops, 
 in order that English troops might be immediately 
 summoned from Malta.^ The queen stated frankly 
 to Elliot that she was not English, but Neapolitan. 
 She was consistent throughout. She was afraid lest 
 the French should seize Naples and lest the English 
 should seize vSicily. She desired to keep them both 
 for her husband and her son. There was indeed 
 some reason to suspect that the designs of Bonaparte 
 went further afield tban the island of Sicily. One 
 of the principle causes of our distrust of the first 
 consul which led to the breach of the peace was the 
 apprehension that he was still bent on the conquest 
 of Egypt. Two French ships coming from G-reece 
 had been captured by English men-of-war, one by 
 the Maidstone while Elliot was on board, and one by 
 the 8nperh. Intercepted letters revealed that at- 
 tempts were being made to stir up a revolution in the 
 1 Nelson to Sir Alexander Ball, 10th July, 1803.
 
 HUGH ELLIOT AT NAPLES. 207 
 
 Morea, and Elliot believed that the eastern ports of 
 Italy miglit be a more important object to the Frencli 
 than those on the south-west coast. ^ 
 
 The plans of Bonaparte soon began to take a new 
 development. In the beginning of August the queen 
 requested Elliot to visit her in her private apart- 
 ments. She was much agitated and frequently 
 mentioned Napoleon's name in terms of abuse. It 
 soon appeared that the king and queen had both 
 received letters from the first consul in answer to 
 letters which they had addressed to him at the 
 suggestion of Alquier. Bonaparte's letters are well 
 known, being printed in his correspondence. The 
 queen's letter is now, we believe, published for the 
 first time. 
 
 General Premier Consul, — C'est comme Epouse, comme 
 tendre Mere de mes enfants, et de rues bien-airaes sujets, 
 que Je vois ecris cette lettre. Je corapte sur votre grand 
 caractere, que Vous voudrez bien contenter les demandes, 
 que le Roi, men clier Epoux, vous fait. 
 
 L'entree des troupes fran^oises dans notice Royaume, 
 qui se trouve en paix avee la France, et suit exactement 
 les regies de la plus parfaite Neutralite. Cette entree 
 Nous mine et Nous detruit surtout par le poids enorme 
 et inattendu de defraier les troupes. Notre Pays n'a que 
 trop souffert de la Guerre, de I'anarchie, des depenses 
 tres considerables a la paix, et de plusieurs annees do 
 mauvaise recolte, pour etre dans I'impossibilite de 
 soutenir ce nouveau poids. Je laisse a part toute discus- 
 sion de justice et de droit. J'ai trop d'opinion de Votre 
 Esprit, pour n'etre pas convaincu, que Vous sentez la 
 force des raisons, que Je pourrois dire. Je parle en Mere 
 
 * Elliot to Hawkesbury, 26th July, 1803.
 
 2o8 HUGH ELLIOT AT NAPLES. 
 
 de mes Enfants et de mes Peuples. Je vous demande de 
 nous decliarger de ce poids des troupes dans un pays 
 neutre et de I'affreuse charge de les entretenir. Je 
 I'espere de Yous General Premier Consul, a qui J'en 
 aurai une vraie Gratitude. Je m'addresse a Vous pour la 
 premiere fois, avec confiance. Vous soulagerez le Roi 
 mon Epoux, et ses sujets d'un fardeau horrible en retirant 
 vos troupes, et Vous pouvez compter entirement sur le 
 Caractere du Roi mon Epoux, qu'il conservera Sa Neutra- 
 lite stricte et exacte, et Moi et mes Enfants nous aurons 
 une veritable reconnoissance de cette demarche, qui aug- 
 mentera la haute opinion pour Votre Personne, la con- 
 sideration et I'estime distingues avec lesquels je suis, 
 
 G. P. C, 
 
 Etc., etc., etc., 
 
 Charlotte. 
 
 These letters had not been shown to General Acton, 
 and there was good reason for it. In the letter to 
 the king Bonaparte urged him to distrust a nation 
 which had always shown so deep a hatred to his 
 house, and which regarded continental powers only 
 as an instrument of hatred against France. To the 
 queen he spoke out more explicitly. He asked how 
 could he have any regard for Naples when it was 
 governed by an English minister, a stranger to the 
 country, whose wealth and affections were concen- 
 trated in England. He gives her the sincere advice 
 to remove this minister from her councils. If we 
 dismissed General Acton, the queen argued, who 
 would take his place — Gallo, Castelcicala, or Kuffo ? 
 If Acton were to see the letters he would resign. 
 What did Elliot advise ? Elliot asked for time for 
 consideration. He learned that General Acton was
 
 HUGH ELLIOT AT NAPLES. 209 
 
 aware that something strange had happened^ and was 
 prepared to give in his resignation. 
 
 On 16th August Elliot sent a most astute letter to 
 the queen. He began by insinuating that Bona- 
 parte's letter was inspired by Gallo, who had secret 
 reasons for jealousy against Acton. He therefore 
 advised her to treat it with the contempt which it 
 deserved, but to communicate to Acton its contents. 
 He boldly accepts the statement that Acton is 
 English, and declares that he is all the better for 
 being so. Reviewing the events of the last two 
 months, he urges that the preservation of Naples 
 from French attack has been due to the efforts of 
 Russia and of England. To dismiss Acton would be 
 to throw herself into the arms of France. We must 
 oppose a solid barrier to the torrent which threatened 
 to overwhelm civilized Europe. In obedience to 
 Elliot's advice, Bonaparte's letters were shown to 
 Acton, and the king declared that he would rather 
 abdicate his crown than consent to part with so 
 faithful a servant. Remarking on these events, 
 Elliot astutely says that he is by no means persuaded 
 that Bonaparte thought the dismissal of Acton would 
 be disagreeable to the queen. She had so many new 
 favourites that the absence of an old one might be a 
 relief. While acknowledging the queen's great and 
 pre-eminent . endowments, her infinite abilities and 
 activity, and a degree of courage above her sex, 
 with every quality which may enable her to struggle 
 against difficulties, he at the same time acknowledges 
 that in all cases which require discretion, self- 
 command, and prudence she needs to bo guided and 
 r. V. p
 
 2 1 o HUGH ELLIO T AT NA PLES. 
 
 controlled. Elliot's judgment of her was far more 
 favourable than that of Lord William Bentinck.^ 
 
 The danger of Naples being absorbed by the French 
 •was for the present averted. General Acton drew 
 up a careful memorandum for the defence of Sicily, 
 and on lltli November, 1803, Lord Hawkesbury, 
 while assuring Elliot of the full approbation of the 
 English Government, sent him a power to advance to 
 the Neapolitan Government a sum not exceeding 
 £170,000, to enable them to place Sicily in a proper 
 state of defence.^ Writing on 10th January, 1804, 
 Elliot is able to assure Lord Hawkesbury that the 
 fortress of Messina is furnished with provisions and 
 ammunition for six months ; that the guns are 
 mounted and the garrison completed ; that everything 
 is prepared for a vigorous defence in case of attack. 
 These arrangements were placed under the super- 
 vision of Lieut. -Col. Layard. It happened that the 
 coast of Calabria was in danger of being harassed 
 at this time by Algerine and Tunisian pirates, who 
 took advantage of the European war to infest the 
 Mediterranean. This gave an opportunity of calling 
 out and arming the Calabrian peasantry with the 
 object of preventing or impeding any attempt which 
 the French might make upon Naples. General St. 
 Cyr was at first ordered to resent this measure, but 
 Napoleon, occupied with other designs, adjourned his 
 retaliation for the present.^ 
 
 He was at this moment bending the chief powers 
 
 ^ Elliot to Hawkesbury, 28th August, 1803. 
 * Hawkesbury to Elliot, 11th November, 1803. 
 3 Elliot to Hawkesbury, 5th February, 1804.
 
 HUGH ELLIOT AT NAPLES. i\i 
 
 of his mind to the invasion of England from 
 Boulogne. He had induced Spain and Portugal to 
 co-operate in the English blockade and was forcing 
 the same policy on Genoa. Elliot believed that he 
 was also meditating a descent upon the Morea, as the 
 French bakers in Naples were preparing biscuits for 
 15,000 men.^ The letter of Napoleon to General 
 Brune, ambassador at Constantinople, 14th March, 
 1804 {Correspondmice, ix. 290), throws some light 
 on these projects. The first consul writes that in the 
 present position of Europe his objective is exclusively 
 England ; that he has at Boulogne transports to carry 
 100,000 men and 10,000 horses, but that in the future 
 Brune's mission will acquire a great importance, 
 whether Napoleon marches on London or whether he 
 makes peace. Unfortunately the bases of English in- 
 fluence in Naples were not so solid as might be wished. 
 The queen was surrounded by French emigres, who 
 traded upon her devotion to the memory of her sister 
 Marie Antoinette, and whose relations to her were 
 not always confined within the limits of prudence or 
 decorum. Strange to say, the French ambassador 
 was able to work upon the queen through the influ- 
 ence of his countrymen, although his master was at 
 this very time energetically suppressing their machi- 
 nations in the neighbourhood of France. One of their 
 first objects was to upset the influence of General 
 Acton. The queen became irritated at the resistance 
 which General Acton showed to her views, and she 
 seemed inclined to appoint one of her favourites in 
 
 ^ Elliot to George Elliot, 8th February, 1804.
 
 212 HUGH ELLIOT AT NAPLES. 
 
 his place/ Mattei-s reached a crisis at the end of 
 April. A violent altercation took place between 
 General Acton and Alquier, which ended in his 
 ordering Alquier to leave the room. The cause of it 
 appears to have been the demand for the arrest of 
 certain persons whom General Acton was anxious to 
 screen, Acton told his master that he could hold 
 no further communication with Alquier. Alquier 
 threatened to declare war unless Acton left Naples. 
 The queen persuaded her husband to allow General 
 Acton to sail for Sicily, which he did on 24th May, 
 1804. He still retained the office of prime minister, 
 but the real direction of affairs was in the hands of 
 the French ambassador.^ The intrigue had evidently 
 been assisted by the Marchese di Gallo, Neapolitan 
 ambassador at Paris, who was known to be com- 
 pletely under the influence of Napoleon.^ He had 
 written a private letter to the queen that unless 
 Acton was dismissed a declaration of war was certain. 
 When, however, the despatch from Paris arrived, it 
 was found to be of a different tenor. It ordered 
 Alquier not to push any further his personal quarrel 
 with Acton at a time when Napoleon was occupied 
 with objects of much greater importance. When 
 Elliot saw the queen after the receipt of this dis- 
 patch, she said to him : Vraiment, M. Elliot, j'en suis 
 au repentir, et nous avons ete trompes.^ 
 
 In an interesting letter dated 15th June, 1804, Elliot 
 
 ^ Elliot to Hawkesbury, 6th March, 1804. 
 » Elliot to Hawkesbury, 25th May, 1804. 
 * See Napoleon Gorresfondance, ix. 299. 
 " Elliot to Harrowby, 15th June, 1804.
 
 HUGH ELLIOT AT NAPLES. 213 
 
 informs the English Government of the secret reasons 
 which have led the queen to acquiesce in the removal 
 of Acton, and even to desire it. Queen Caroline, 
 although fifty-two years of age, and the mother of 
 seventeen children, had not yet learned to master 
 her passions, and had formed an attachment to a 
 French emigrant officer named M. de St. Clair, a man 
 of no personal or mental accomplishments. Her first 
 object was to banish from Naples every rival with 
 whom St. Clair might previously have intrigued. 
 The other emigrants made use of St. Clair's influence 
 with the queen to obtain distinction or emoluments 
 for themselves. The French ambassador was not 
 ashamed to use the same infiuence for his own 
 purposes; and all remonstrances on the part of 
 General Acton were useless. Indeed they excited 
 her resentment against her former favoui-ite, a feeling 
 which was fanned by the French party at Naples and 
 at Paris. General Acton, originally invited from the 
 service of Tuscany to reorganize the Neapolitan 
 navy, was able to maintain an equal position between 
 the king and the queen so long as his powers were 
 in full vigour. But at the age of seventy-four, being 
 subject to acute disorders, his temper, his memory 
 and application to business have begun to fail. " He 
 is frequently as petulant and froward in his opposi- 
 tion to the queen as he is easily soothed, deceived, 
 and mastered by her experienced management of 
 every feminine wile and snare." His departure was 
 made easier by the acceptance for himself and his 
 heirs for ever of an income of £0,000 a year secured 
 on a fief in Sicily. At the same time he was the best
 
 214 HUGH ELLIOT AT NAPLES. 
 
 defence that the English interest can have against 
 the intrigues of Bonaparte^ and his loss in this respect 
 was irreparable. 
 
 In the absence of General Acton the queen con- 
 ducted the affairs of government herself ''with infi- 
 nite ability." Elliot saw her every day, and she 
 communicated to him all the dispatches she had 
 received.^ The English Government expressed their 
 entire approval of Elliot's conduct, and promised a 
 subsidy to the Neapolitan Government of £153,000 a 
 year, to be increased in the event of war. 
 
 On 18th May Napoleon changed the consulate into 
 an empire, and in July Alquier presented his cre- 
 dentials as ambassador from the new Government. 
 It was observed that the queen, in her answer to the 
 ambassador's compliments, frequently repeated the 
 expression, " The emperor your master," taunting 
 him with the recollection that he had voted the death 
 of his former sovereign, and had upon all occasions 
 shown himself an ardent republican. The king con- 
 tented himself with saying, "You will assure the 
 Emperor of the French that my sentiments towards 
 him will never suffer any alteration " — a cleverer 
 remark than might have been expected from him. 
 Indeed the king was brought with the greatest 
 difiiculty to consent to receive Alquier at all, wishing 
 to substitute the hereditary prince and to plead 
 illness.^ Elliot, distracted with the contradictions of 
 the different parties at Naples, determined to ascer- 
 tain the truth by going to the fountain-head. He 
 
 1 Elliot to Harrowby, 26th June, 1804. 
 ^ Elliot to Harrowby, 7th August, 1804.
 
 HUGH ELLIOT AT NAPLES. 215 
 
 therefore sought an interview with the king himself, 
 although there was no precedent for his ever having 
 treated personally with any minister. The account 
 which Elliot gives of his conversation, if it is to be 
 taken literally, certainly gives a very different idea 
 of King Ferdinand's abilities and power of expres- 
 sion from what is usually supposed to be the case. 
 The king-, after declaring his unalterable attachment 
 to the English Government, entered into a most 
 masterly detail of the motives by which his conduct 
 had been guided since the occupation of the Nea- 
 politan territory by the French. He distinguished 
 "with the nicest discrimination " between his feelings 
 as a private man and his duties as a sovereign. Elliot 
 says that he never listened to more "pathetic, affecting 
 eloquence '^ than when the king told him how often 
 he had been obliged to sacrifice the warmest feelings 
 of his heart to the interests of his people. He had 
 ordered General Acton to leave Naples in order to 
 avoid the disgrace of his leaving at the order of 
 Bonaparte. He then informed Elliot that the 
 Russian Government had determined to recall their 
 ambassador from Paris unless the French troops 
 were withdrawn from Naples. Ferdinand had fully 
 made up his mind to adopt a similar course, and to 
 fortify both Sicily and the mainland, although it 
 would be madness to declare war against the French. 
 He had also directed General Acton to send the 
 Archimede and two frigates to Naples in the first 
 week in October, to convey the king to Sicily in case 
 matters between France and Naples should come to 
 an extremity. The king expressed great gratitude
 
 2i6 HUGH ELLIOT AT NAPLES. 
 
 for the subsidies received from England, and in con- 
 clusion remarked that the queen was the only person 
 who possessed his complete confidence, and that 
 Elliot was to refer to her in all cases that required 
 secrecy and confidence. "Thus, my lord/' Elliot' 
 concludes, " ended a conference the most remarkable 
 in which I have had a share in the long period of my 
 diplomatic service, and which filled me with surprise 
 and admiration at the king's unexpected display of 
 character and consummate ability.^ 
 
 This is not the place to discuss the complicated 
 diplomatic relations between the Russian and French 
 Governments which took place at this time, nor are 
 materials at present available for the complete 
 understanding of them. It was hoped that Russian 
 persuasion or pressure would be able to preserve the 
 independence of the Neapolitan kingdom. It was 
 therefore with great disappointment that Elliot in- 
 formed his court on 2nd October, 1804, that on the 
 one hand the Russians had determined not to act 
 without the participation of Austria, and that on the 
 other Napoleon had increased his troops in Italy by 
 eight thousand men intended as an answer to the 
 Russian occupation of Corfu. Napoleon stated at the 
 same time that he intended to keep possession of the 
 ports he had already occupied so long as the 
 Russians continued at Corfu or the English at Malta. 
 A week later we hear of the actual arrival of a 
 portion of these troops. This circumstance led to a 
 most extraordinary step on the part of the Sicilian 
 Government. The queen offered to pay an annual 
 1 Elliot to Harrowby, 23rd August, 1804.
 
 HUGH ELLIOT AT NAPLES. 217 
 
 tribute to Napoleon on the condition that the French 
 troops should be withdrawn, and that the neutrality 
 of Naples should be secured. The sum proposed 
 was six million francs a year so long as the war 
 should last. Napoleon was at this time occupied 
 with the inspection of the frontiers of the Rhine, and 
 with preparations for his coronation by the pope, so 
 that he did not answer the queen's letter till January, 
 1805. Before the reply was received the Court of 
 Naples had good reason to regret that the offer was 
 ever made. 
 
 Writers on the history of Napoleon have employed 
 themselves sometimes in indiscriminate panegyrics 
 on his career, and sometimes in stooping to collect 
 every calumny with which jealous mediocrity can 
 bespatter the brilliancy of genius. They have taken 
 but little pains to ascertain the secret of Napoleon's 
 plans, and have argued as if that most consummate 
 of rulers were swayed solely by uncontrollable 
 ambition and an irresistible impulse to pi'ovoke those 
 whom it was his interest to keep as friends. It will 
 be long before the recesses of his mind are fully 
 fathomed, but there can be little doubt that one of 
 his principal schemes was to form a confederation of 
 the Latin races with France at their head to oppose 
 the solid forces of the northern military powers which 
 threatened to dominate Europe.^ The neutrality of 
 Naples would have been inconsistent with this 
 scheme, and still more her alliance with England. 
 In a conversation with the Marchese di Gallo at 
 
 ' This view has received unexpected confirmation from the 
 Memoirs of General Marbot.
 
 2 1 8 HUGH ELLIO T AT NAPL ES. 
 
 Paris, Talleyrand laid it down as a determined 
 principle of Bonaparte that he would not suffer either 
 Spain or Portugal or the States of Italy to deviate 
 in any degree from the system of politics adopted by 
 France, which last power, that minister asserted, was 
 to be considered in future as the head of the con- 
 federate army of the south of Europe.^ As the 
 neutrality of Naples was impossible under this view, 
 it is not to be wondered at that the English Grovern- 
 ment informed Elliot that a peremptory demand for 
 the evacuation of the Neapolitan territories by the 
 French army and the dismissal of the French minister 
 in case of a refusal, would probably be the best way 
 of bringing on the crisis whenever sufficient prepara- 
 tions had been made at home, and there was a 
 sufficient prospect of assistance from abroad,^ At 
 the same time Elliot was informed of the intention to 
 send five or six thousand English troops to Malta 
 to co-operate with the Russians in defence of Turkey, 
 but especially to defend Sicily if the king should 
 retreat thither. 
 
 At seven o'clock in the morning of 12th November, 
 Elliot was summoned to the queen to hear the news 
 that she had just received despatches from Gallo 
 reporting a conversation with Talleyrand. Instruc- 
 tions were to be sent without delay to Alquier to 
 insist upon the Neapolitan Grovernment declaring war 
 against Great Britain. Some British ships had at- 
 tacked Spanish ships carrying money to Spanish 
 courts. This, Napoleon declared, was contraiy to 
 
 1 Elliot to Harrowby, 27th October, 1804. 
 ^ Harrowby to Elliot, 6tli November, 1804.
 
 HUGH ELLIOT AT NAPLES. 219 
 
 the rights of neutral nations, therefore all neutral 
 nations must resent the insult. There was at this 
 time a considerable trade in salt fisli, called baccalao, 
 between Newfoundland and the ports of Italy, and 
 there was some danger lest their ships should be 
 suddenly seized. The king was at Oaserta, and 
 nothing decisive could be done till he returned to 
 the capital.^ In the absence of assistance from 
 Russia and Austria the queen seemed inclined to 
 comply so far as to agree to exclude British ships 
 from Neapplitan harbours. The state of Naples was 
 indeed serious. The French troops in her territory 
 now amounted to 18,000 effective men. The head- 
 quarters of the army was little more than a hundred 
 miles distant from the capital, and the troops were 
 so disposed as to be able to concentrate at a day^s 
 notice.^ December 8 witnessed a fresh insult on the 
 part of Alquier. He demanded the dismissal of all 
 the British legation from Naples. This was parallel 
 to the policy pursued by Napoleon towards Wake at 
 Munich, Spencer Smith at Stuttgard, and Humbold 
 at Hamburg. However, this blustering demand 
 could not be seriously entertained. Great allowances, 
 indeed, ought to be made for the queen at this 
 juncture. The French were only too evidently 
 desirous to occupy Naples. It seemed as if the 
 English might be drawn into permanent occupation 
 of Sicily, making it into another Malta. It is re- 
 markable how firmly the king and queen adhered to 
 the English alliance. Elliot, who was a very acute 
 
 ' Elliot to Harrowby, 1.3th November, 1804. 
 ^ Elliot to Harrowby, 7th December, 1804.
 
 220 HUGH ELLIOT AT NAPLES. 
 
 observer, makes no such complaints of her tergiver- 
 sation and want of straightforwardness as we find 
 Lord William Bentinck making at a later period. 
 The course of action which, in resisting the aggres- 
 sion of Napoleon, appeared wise and just to English- 
 men did not always wear the same aspect to the 
 statesmen of other countries. This is very evident 
 in the despatches of the Duke of Serra Capriola, 
 Neapolitan ambassador at the court of Petersburg, 
 narrating conversations upon English politics with 
 Prince Garbowicz. Speaking of Mr. Stuart, secre- 
 tary of Lord Gower's embassy, he says that he is a 
 gentleman of merit, but a firm supporter of the 
 English system of embroiling the continent in a war 
 to make a diversion for itself, but without any views 
 for the benefit of the allied powers, who have 
 sacrificed themselves in the late war and are ready 
 to do the same in the present. He defends the 
 whole of the English system with all its pretensions, 
 to keep Malta whatever it may cost, to consent to 
 no peace without it, to commence hostilities in the 
 kingdom of Naples with the forces already there, 
 little reflecting on the consequences, because, pro- 
 vided that the citadel of Messina is in the hands 
 of the English, whatever complications may happen 
 to the kingdom of Naples will only be a signal for 
 England to turn Sicily to what end it pleases, and as 
 this island is near to Malta, the two possessions will 
 become one dominion." ^ The Russian policy at this 
 time seems to have been to unite with Spain and 
 Naples into a confederacy against Napoleon, the 
 ^ Serra Capriola to the queen, 7th December, 1804.
 
 HUGH ELLIOT AT NAPLES. 221 
 
 counter-stroke to his desig-n of a Latin union. The 
 Russians were anxious to some extent to act with 
 England, but were profoundly impressed with the 
 selfishness of the policy of England, her tendency to 
 aim at private ends, and the chances of her making 
 a separate peace. 
 
 At the beginning of January Napoleon's answers 
 to the letters of the king and queen arrived. They 
 are well known, and it is not necessary to describe 
 them in detail. The letter to the king was short and 
 business-like. It attributed the occupation of Italian 
 ports to the treaty of Florence, it announced that the 
 French troops would remain until Corfu was evacu- 
 ated by the Russians and Malta by the English, and 
 it stated that additional forces would never have been 
 sent unless the Russians had occupied Corfu. It 
 concluded with an exhortation to reject the perfidious 
 advice of England. The letter to the queen was of 
 a very different character. It was long and violent, 
 calculated to leave a sting. " Your Majesty has a 
 mind distinguished amongst women. Can you not 
 then throw off the prejudices of your sex, and can 
 you treat affairs of State as you would affairs of the 
 heart ? You have already lost your kingdom once. 
 Twice you have caused a war in which your father's 
 house has narrowly escaped complete ruin. Do you 
 then wish to cause a third ? ... At the first 
 war of which you are the cause, you and your 
 family will cease to reign ; your children, wanderers, 
 will beg in the different countries of Europe assistance 
 from their relations. ... I desire peace with 
 all Europe, with England even, but I fear war with
 
 222 HUGH ELLIOT AT NAPLES. 
 
 no one." He then advises lier to dismiss the French 
 emigres, to recall Serra Capriola from St. Petersburg, 
 to dismiss Elliot, to give her confidence to Napoleon. 
 " It is only to a person of a strong and superior mind 
 that I should take the trouble to write with so much 
 frankness." The queen in giving these letters to 
 Elliot shed many bitter tears of grief and indigna- 
 tion at being treated with so much insolence by the 
 upstart and unfeeling tyrant. The first result of 
 these letters was to induce the kino- to call out a 
 levee en masse of the population if they transgressed 
 their present limits. The real sentiments of Napoleon 
 to Queen Caroline may be inferred from a letter of his 
 to Berthier (19th January, 1805), in which he says: 
 "Write to General St. Cyr that he is to place no faith 
 in the protestations of that woman . . . that he is 
 to insist strongly on General Damas being driven 
 from Naples, and on Elliot being at least sent to Sicily, 
 that there is to be a complete disarmament, and that if 
 he is disobeyed, he is ordered to march on Naples." ^ 
 At this time news arrived that the French fleet 
 which Nelson had been watching for so many months 
 had put to sea from Toulon with a number of troops 
 on board. Its destination was entirely unknown, 
 even to the fleet itself. We now learn from Napoleon's 
 correspondence that it was a part of a combined 
 attack, in conjunction with the rest of the French 
 fleet from Brest and the Spanish fleet from Ferrol, 
 on the East Indies and the coast of Ireland.^ Nelson 
 
 * Correspondance, xi. 119. 
 
 ^ We find that Gallo had a suspicion of the attack on 
 Ireland. Elliot to Harrowby, 9th February, 1805.
 
 HUGH ELLIOT AT NAPLES. 223 
 
 believed that it was directed against the Morea or 
 perhaps Egypt, and therefore continued to search for 
 it in a wrong direction. A storm dispersed the 
 Toulon fleet, and it was obliged to return to harbour. 
 Nelson says of this : "■ These gentlemen are not 
 accustomed to a Gulf of Lyons gale; we have 
 buffetted them for one-and-twenty months and not 
 carried away a spar." Napoleon writes in something 
 of the same strain : Qicelques mats de hune casses, 
 quelques desordres dans une tempete, qui accompagnent 
 une escadre sortant, sont, pour %m honime d'un peu 
 de caractere, den eveiiements d'une nature fort ordinaire. 
 Deux jours de bean temps eusi^ent console Vescadre et 
 mis tout au beau. . . . Mais le grand mat de 
 notre marine est que les liommes qui la commandent 
 sont neufs dans toittes les chances du commandement.^ 
 
 The effect of Napoleon's orders to St. Cyr quoted 
 above is seen in a letter from Elliot to Lord 
 Mulgravo, 16th February, 1805 : — 
 
 This morning I received a letter from the queen, 
 written in the greatest agitation, on the account of the 
 arrival of one of General St. Cyr's aides-de-camp from the 
 French army in Puglia, asking for a categorical answer 
 in three days' time to the four following demands. 
 
 1st. That the population of the province should be 
 disarmed. 
 
 2ndly. That the Neapolitan army should not be 
 allowed to recruit. 
 
 3rdly. That General Damas should be sent into exile. 
 
 4thly. That the British minister, Mr. Elliot, should be 
 obliged to quit Naples. 
 
 These demands are accompanied by the menace on the 
 
 ' Napoleon to Lauriston, Correspondance, si. 136.
 
 224 HUGH ELLIOT AT NAPLES. 
 
 part of Greneral St. Cyr of commencing hostilities if tliey 
 are not complied with. 
 
 Her Sicilian Majesty has since sent the Chevalier 
 Mendici to confer with me upon these violent propositions 
 and upon the nature of the answer to be sent to General 
 St. Cyr with which Prince Parolo will be dispatched this 
 evening to Puglia. 
 
 It happened that Count Kaunitz was then at 
 Naples travelling with his wife. He offered his 
 mediation with the French, the result of which was 
 that the demand for Elliot's removal was withdrawn, 
 but that Damas was forced to send in his resignation. 
 He left Naples for Sicily on 8th March, still nominally 
 retaining his post of inspector-general of the Nea- 
 politan army. 
 
 On 5th March, 1805, Lord Mulgrave wrote to Mr. 
 Elliot that a number of troops would immediately be 
 despatched to Malta, by which at least five thousand 
 men would become disposable for the occupation and 
 defence of Sicily, either in the event of the King of 
 Naples again returning to that island, or for the pre- 
 servation of it by a British force from any attempt 
 which the French general might make to possess him- 
 self of it. Lieut. -Colonel Gr. Smith was sent to Naples 
 to confer with Elliot as to the best means of effecting 
 the object they had in view.^ Sir James Craig was 
 placed at the head of the expeditionary force. His 
 instructions state that the protection of Sicily is the 
 first object which he is to have in view. This is to 
 be done either with or without the request of the 
 King of Naples. The second contingency is to be 
 
 1 Mulgrave to Elliot, 20th March, 1805.
 
 HUGH ELLIOT AT NAPLES. 225 
 
 considered to arise (I) if British ships are excluded 
 from Neapolitan harbours ; (2) if any attempt on 
 Sicily is made by the French ; (3) if there is reason 
 to suppose that any such attempt is likely to be 
 made. In these cases it is to be clearly understood 
 and made known that the island is only held by the 
 English for the King of Naples, and on his behalf. 
 Lord Nelson is to co-operate with Sir J. Craig in 
 every respect. Further and most secret orders inform 
 Sir J. Craig that his troops may also be employed 
 either for the defence of Naples if that is attacked 
 before Sicily, or in co-operation with the Russian 
 and Austrian armies in northern and southern Italy 
 if the French should withdraw from Naples. The 
 despatch is dated 29th March, 1805. Colonel Smith 
 arrived at Naples and was cordially received by the 
 two sovereigns. On his departure from Palermo the 
 king gave him a letter of introduction to General 
 Acton. 
 
 The assumption by Napoleon of the title of King 
 of Italy dates from 18th March, 1805, He set out 
 to be crowned at Milan at the end of the month, and 
 entered Milan on 8th May. It was natural that these 
 events should have a serious effect on the impression- 
 able nature of the queen. In a moment of impulse she 
 ordered the immediate departure of Prince Sherbatoff 
 from Naples because he had formerly killed the 
 Chevalier de Saxe in a duel, thus risking a serious 
 breach with one of the few powers who were friendly 
 to her. Elliot had some difficulty in explaining the 
 matter at St. Petersburg.^ Immediately after this 
 ^ Elliot to Leverson Gower, 14th May, 1805. 
 
 r. V. Q
 
 226 HUGH ELLIOT AT NAPLES. 
 
 tlie British man-of-war, 'Excellent, having left the 
 Bay of Naples, she imagined that it was done to give 
 the Russian men-of-war then in the harbour the op- 
 portunity of seizing the Neapolitan ship Archimede as 
 a reprisal. In consequence the Archimede was kept 
 under arms all night expecting an attack. This 
 paroxysm of suspicion was either preparatory to or 
 part of a serious illness, during which the queen was 
 delirious.^ On 26th May Napoleon crowned himself 
 King of Italy in the church of St. Ambrose at Milan. 
 Prince Cardito was sent to attend the coronation, but 
 he had orders not to acknowledg-e the title of the Kingf 
 of Italy except in concert with the Court of Vienna. 
 Napoleon's wrath knew no bounds. He denounced 
 Queen Caroline as a new Athalia, and said that he 
 would not leave her enough Italian soil even for a 
 grave. Talleyrand declared to Gallo that if he did 
 not receive new instructions by 16th June at Bologna, 
 war would be declared.^ General St. Cyr was sent 
 off hastily from Milan to his Neapolitan command. 
 Elliot asked General Lascy, the commandant of the 
 Russian forces, if he would assist Naples in case of 
 an attack by France, and whether he would advise 
 the recognition of the King of Italy or not. Lascy 
 recommended compliance, but Elliot believed that 
 this would only result in a very short respite. 
 Eventually Gallo received orders to present himself 
 at Bologna and to do what was required of him. 
 Napoleon's language was just as violent as before. 
 It seemed likely that, having failed in his attempt to 
 
 ' Elliot to Mulgrave, 28tli May, 1805. 
 * Elliot to Mulgrave, lltli June, 1805.
 
 HUGH ELLIOT AT NAPLES. 227 
 
 get rid of Elliot^ lie would now insist on the removal 
 of the queen. ^ Alquier retm-ned from Milan on 5th 
 June. On the following day he sought an audience 
 with the queen, in which he overwhelmed her with 
 every insult and intimidation. He repeated in all 
 their naked crudity the expressions which Napoleon 
 had used towards her, which had been softened in 
 the despatches of Gallo. She fell into violent 
 hysterics and was confined by illness at Caserta for 
 ten days. On 16th July the queen repeated the sub- 
 stance of this interview to Elliot, Napoleon had 
 threatened that he would march on Naples, depose 
 the Royal family, and proclaim the hereditary prince. 
 Napoleon refused to allow Circello to become foreign 
 ministei' — unless, indeed, this was an invention of the 
 queen's, who did not desire to see him appointed. 
 To add to these troubles, a terrible earthquake took 
 place a few minutes after ten on 26th July, which de- 
 stroyed a large number of buildings, and about four 
 thousand people. 
 
 The pressure of circumstances drove the Neapoli- 
 tan Court into tortuous courses. On September 10, 
 1805, a secret convention was signed with Tatishcheff, 
 by which Naples joined the coalition between Russia 
 and England, and placed its forces under the com- 
 mand of General Lascy. Pains were taken that 
 Alquier might not even suspect such a step. On the 
 other hand, on September 21, Gallo in Paris agi-eed 
 to sign a convention with Talleyrand by which, on 
 a promise of neutrality, the French troops should be 
 withdrawn from Neapolitan territory. At the last 
 1 Elliot to Mulgrave, 2nd July, 1805.
 
 228 HUGH ELLIOT AT NAPLES. 
 
 moment two conditions were added : one a refusal to 
 recognise the English occupation of Malta, and the 
 other the complete banishment of General Acton. 
 Gallo could not sign the convention with these 
 conditions without the especial command of his 
 sovereign. He therefore wrote to Naples strongly 
 urging the queen's consent. Napoleon's object was 
 to obtain the assistance of St. Cyr's army in the war 
 against Austria. Couriers with despatches from 
 Talleyrand and from Gallo reached Naples on the 
 morning of October 4. A delay of only forty-eight 
 hours was allowed, which would expire at midday on 
 October 7. The deliberations of the council were 
 prolonged far into the night. At last the king 
 agreed to ratify the convention — " complying with 
 the request of the highwayman who holds a pistol 
 to your head/' as the queen wrote to her daughter 
 the empress.^ Three days later a Russian ship 
 entered the harbour with instructions for Tatishcheff 
 to do everything in his power to prevent an agree- 
 ment between France and Naples. All that now 
 was possible was for the king to declare that the 
 convention with France had been extorted from him 
 by force and had no validity. Napoleon on his 
 side was delighted at the convention. Writing from 
 Haag, near Wels, on November 2, 1805, he orders 
 Talleyrand to print the treaty in the Moniteur, pre- 
 ceded by a short article to show that the emperor 
 had thus given a new proof of his moderation, con- 
 sidering that the conquest of Naples would put ob- 
 stacles in the way of a general peace. 
 
 1 Helfert, p. 186.
 
 HUGH ELLIOT AT NAPLES. 229 
 
 Sir James Craig reached Malta with six thousand 
 English troops about the middle of July, and im- 
 mediately notified his arrival to Elliot. A good deal 
 of discussion took place as to the best means of em- 
 ploying these troops in the service of the allies, 
 Elliot writes to Craig on August 4, 1805, that General 
 Lascy is a thoroughly honest and upright man, a 
 brave soldier, and an experienced officer, but his 
 health is completely broken. He has not the faculty 
 of expressing himself fluently or with precision in 
 any language with which Elliot is acquainted, but 
 his ideas are certainly clearer than his words, and 
 there is no reason to apprehend from him any species 
 of trick or underhand dealing. He is an Irishman 
 by birth, and an Englishman in his heart. He is 
 every day expecting to hear that his reinforce- 
 ments have arrived at Corfu, and that Russians and 
 Austrians are preparing to act together in the north 
 of Italy. It is Lascy^s opinion that the British troops 
 should act as an independent body in conjunction 
 with the peasantry of the Calabrias, while the Rus- 
 sians attack the main body of the French. The 
 Neapolitan troops who are not fit for the field should 
 remain in the garrisons. Sir James Craig should 
 send an accomplished English officer to co-operate 
 with Lascy. If there is no one else available. Colonel 
 George Smith would perform the duties very well. 
 The first notice of the secret treaty with Russia is 
 given by Elliot on August 2G, when he informs Lord 
 Mulgrave that the king has secretly appointed the 
 Prince de Luzzi and the Marquis di Circello to 
 negotiate a treaty with M. Tatishcheff. A previous
 
 230 HUGH ELLIOT AT NAPLES. 
 
 despatch, in which the purpose of the treaty had 
 been mentioned, is not forthcoming. The full powers 
 are written in the king's own hand and sealed with 
 his private seal, in order to conceal knowledge of 
 the transaction from the pnblic ; but Elliot is much 
 afraid lest the secret should ooze out from the 
 foreign favourites of the queen. On September 12 
 Elliot is able to announce that the secret convention 
 had been signed the day before. The Russians had 
 been anxious that Elliot should take part in the 
 convention, but he thought it better not to do so 
 without direct orders from his Government. He 
 preferred to let the Russian minister take the lead 
 in order that his country might be more deeply com- 
 mitted to the protection of Naples without having 
 it in her power to reproach England for drawing 
 Naples into the war. Elliot therefore avoided even 
 seeing the convention before it was signed. Two 
 other reasons were that a participation in the treaty 
 would have implied a large aug-mentation of pe- 
 cuniary assistance, and that he did not altogether 
 approve of the plan of the convention, which was to 
 put Naples actively forward in the conduct of the 
 war. The British Government will have to decide 
 whether they intend to favour the neutrality of the 
 Two Sicilies as they have hitherto done, or to grant 
 him such supplies as may enable him to take the 
 field with efficiency.^ Unfortunately we possess no 
 account from Elliot of the negotiations which pre- 
 ceded the signing of the convention of neutrality 
 with the French. The ciphers he possessed were 
 1 Elliot to Mulgrave, September 12, 1805.
 
 HUGH ELLIOT AT NAPLES. 231 
 
 SO old that he 'was afraid to entrust any important 
 secret of state to them. The fact of the treaty 
 having- been signed is only mentioned in a letter of 
 October 14, but the step had Elliot's full approval. 
 He informs his Government that it will not prove 
 injurious to the interests of Great Britain nor to 
 those of its allies. 
 
 On the very day that the ratifications of the con- 
 vention were exchanged, General Lascy left Naples 
 on board the Krepka for the Ionian Islands. The 
 expedition sailed from Corfu on October 22 : thirty- 
 eight transports sent by England to embark the 
 Kussians, six ships of the line, and nine frigates, two 
 regiments of grenadiers, two of fusiliers, and two 
 of chasseurs, 3,000 Albanians, two battalions of 
 artillery, and thirty-six field-pieces ; all under the 
 command of General An rep. On October 31 they 
 reached the harbour of Syracuse, where they were 
 to meet the English.^ All circumstances for their 
 joint co-operation had been duly weighed and were 
 finally settled.- The English forces, 6,000 strong, 
 sailed from Malta on November G, and, delayed 
 by contrary winds, did not effect their junction 
 with the Kussians till November 7. The French 
 army had entirely evacuated Neapolitan territory 
 when Lascy returned to Naples accompanied by Sir 
 James Craig and General Stuart. The allied fleets 
 eventually appeared in the bay of Naples on No- 
 vember 20, having been long detained by strong- 
 northerly winds. The Russian forces consisted of 
 
 1 Helfert, p. 189. 
 
 2 Elliot to Mnlgrave, November 14, 1805.
 
 232 HUGH ELLIOT AT NAPLES. 
 
 13,000 men, the British of 8,000. Sis thousand 
 Neapolitans were marched into the Abruzzi. A re- 
 inforcement of several Russian battalions of infantry 
 and some cavalry was daily expected to arrive from 
 the Black Sea, and would probably disembark in 
 La Puglia. A new levy of 30,000 Neapolitans was 
 ordered to strengthen the army. 
 
 Unfortunately these measures were too late. On 
 October 20 had taken place the disastrous capitula- 
 tion of Greneral Mack at Ulm. On October 30 the 
 Archduke Chai^les was entirely defeated by Massena 
 in the battle of Caldiero; on November 8 he was 
 retreating between the Piave and the Tagliamento ; 
 on November 20, the very day of the disembarkation 
 of the allied troops, the French general Serres took 
 possession of Venice. On December 2 was fought 
 the decisive battle of Austerlitz, which led to the 
 peace of Presburg. Elliot, writing to Lord Mulgrave 
 on December 10, in ignorance of the last of the 
 events, speaks as follows : — 
 
 From the above statement your Lordship will be 
 pleased to observe that the forces already assembled, or 
 likely soon to be brought together in the south of Italy, 
 by the allies, would have been sufficient, not only to 
 have afforded security to both the Sicilies, by effectually 
 covering this kingdom, but might also have contributed 
 to have a most essential diversion in favour of the Arch- 
 duke Charles, in the north of Italy. The misfortunes, or 
 misconduct, of the Austrian generals have, however, in 
 their fatal consequences surpassed all calculation, for, in 
 the interval that elapsed from the time of embarkation 
 of the troops at Corfu and at Malta to their arrival here, 
 the formidable force of the Austrian monarchy appears
 
 HUGH ELLIOT AT NAPLES. 233 
 
 to be dissolved, I am tempted to say, in the words of 
 Shakespeare, It has vanished " like the baseless fabric of 
 a vision." 
 
 Vienna, the Tyrol, and the Venetian States, ai*e in the 
 hands of the enemy, while the Archduke Charles, with 
 the only remaining ai'my, that we know of, belonging 
 to the House of Austria, is supposed to be retiring to 
 Hungary, leaving the whole peninsula of Italy open to 
 the inroads of any degree of force it may suit the con- 
 venience of Bonaparte to assemble for the purpose of 
 completing the conquest of Italy. 
 
 At the date of my writing this letter, no accounts of 
 an authentic nature, have as yet reached this capital, of 
 the actual march of any considerable body of French 
 forces from north towards the south of Italy. 
 
 A formal intimation has indeed been given at Rome to 
 the papal Government of the expected ai'rival of Eugene 
 Beauharnois at Bologna, to take the command of 30,000 
 men in the ecclesiastical States ; but I do not apprehend 
 that a serious attack will be made upon this country, 
 by a force which I conceive as being not adequate for the 
 purpose of ensuring its conquest. Should the Austrians 
 be forced to sign a separate peace, or should, from other 
 circumstances, Massena have it in his power to detach a 
 considerable pai^t of his array towards the south of Italy, 
 it will in that case be indeed doubtful whether i-esistance 
 ought to be attempted in this kingdom, or whether it will 
 not be more prudent to confine the efforts of the allies 
 to the defence of the Calabrias and of Sicily. 
 
 The news of the Anglo-Russian expedition reached 
 Paris on the very day of Austerlitz. Gallo did not 
 know what to say in defence of his conduct. His 
 mistress had given him the vague direction " to act 
 according to the dictates of prudence." Vengeance
 
 234 HUGH ELLIOT AT NAPLES. 
 
 was not long delayed. Napoleon wrote to Talleyrand 
 on December 14 : TJne fois tranquille sur la Prusse, 
 il ib'est plus question de Naples ; je ne veux point que 
 I'empereur s'en mele, et je veux erijiu chatier cette 
 coquine} Again^ on December 23 lie writes : Je vous 
 recommancle expressement de ne point parler de Naples. 
 Les outrages de cette miserable reine redoublent a tous 
 les courriers. Voils savez comment je me suis conduit 
 avec elle, et je serais hlen Idche si je pardonnois des 
 exces aussi infantes envers mon peuple. Ilfaut qu'elle 
 ait cesse de regner. Que j'en n'entende done point 
 p)arler ahsolument. Quoi qu'il arrive, mon ordre est 
 precis, n'en parlez pas.^ Finally, in the Bulletin de la 
 Grande Armet^, dated Scbonbrunn, December 2'6, 
 1805, we find it announced that General St. Oyr is 
 marching at fall speed on Naples to punish the 
 treason of the queen and to drive from the throne 
 the criminal woman who has so shamelessly violated 
 everything which is sacred amongst men. When 
 intercession was made on her behalf to the emperor, 
 he replied that if the nation had to support a thirty 
 years^ war so monstrous a perfidy could not go un- 
 punished. "The Queen of Naples has ceased to 
 reign : this last crime has filled her destiny to the 
 full ; let her go to London to increase the number 
 of intriguers and to form a committee of sympathetic 
 wits with Wake, Spencer Smith, Taylor, and Wick- 
 ham. She may summon to her councils also, if she 
 thinks right, Baron Armfield, Messieurs de Fersen 
 and d'Entraigues, and the Monk Morus." ^ A pro- 
 
 ' Gon-e^pondance, xi. 478. - Ih. 497. 
 
 3 lb., 503.
 
 HUGH ELLIOT AT KA PL ES. 2 3 5 
 
 clamation to the same effect was published in the 
 Monitcw on February \, 1806. 
 
 There is little more to relate in this painful history. 
 On January 6 an aide-de-camp of the Emperor Alex- 
 ander brought orders to Naples for the Russian 
 troops to retire immediately to Corfu. On January 
 8 Cardinal Ruffo was sent by the queen with the 
 most humiliating offers of submission to Cardinal 
 Fesch and Alquier at Rome. She was ready to 
 exclude the English from her harbours, to give up 
 all her ships of war, to allow French troops to 
 occupy air her fortresses, to abdicate the crown, and 
 commit the government to the crown prince. The 
 only answer that she could anticipate was that they 
 had no power to treat. The English troops set sail 
 on January 20, and the Russians on January 23. 
 Before their departure they broke down the bridges 
 and ferries over the Garigliano, and killed the horses 
 which had cost the Neapolitan Government so dear. 
 In the meantime the Royal family were making pre- 
 parations for their departure. Napoleon made no 
 answer to the queen's letter ; he forbade Cardinal 
 Ruffo to come to Paris. His wish was to drive the 
 king away and to bring the crown prince prisoner to 
 Paris. He urged his brother Joseph, who had been 
 nominated his viceroy, to conquer Sicily with all 
 speed. It might easily be done in this moment of 
 confusion with 15,000 men. Eventually at 2 a.m. 
 on January 21 the king embarked with a small suite 
 on board the Archimede, and sailed for Sicily, leaving 
 the crown prince as regent. The French army, 
 40,000 strong, crossed the Garigliano on February 8.
 
 236 HUGH ELLIOT AT NAPLES. 
 
 Three days later, at four o'clock in the afternoon, 
 the queen, accompanied by her three daughters, 
 Christina, Amelie, and Isabella, went on board the 
 Archimede. At the same moment her two sons, 
 Francis and Leopold, embarked on the Minerva for 
 the gulf of Policastro. The little squadron lingered 
 long in sight, and the queen could not j)ersuade 
 herself to leave the beloved scenes which she was 
 never to see again, until the capital had been oc- 
 cupied by the French, and her personal safety was 
 in danger. Mr. Elliot accompanied her to Palermo.
 
 VIII. 
 HUGH ELLIOT AV BERLIN. 
 
 THIS episode from the earlier life of Hugh Elliot 
 is interesting in itself, and throws light upon 
 his character. 
 
 No diplomatic story is better known than that of 
 Hugh Elliot stealing the despatches of Arthur Lee at 
 Berlin. The most graphic account is to be found in 
 Carlyle's " Frederick," vol. vi., page 557. He de- 
 scribes how the American war is raging and blunder- 
 ing along. The devoted colonists have their Frank- 
 lins, Lees, busy in European courts. " Help us in 
 our noble struggle, ye European courts; now is your 
 chance on tyrannous England." He says that the 
 British Cabinet had got it into their sagacious heads 
 that the bad neighbour at Berlin was in effect the 
 arch-enemy, and probably the mainspring of the 
 whole matter, and that it would be in the highest 
 degree interesting to see clearly what Lee and he had 
 on hand. Order is therefore given to Elliot, '' Do 
 it at any price ; " and finally, as mere price will not 
 answer, do it by any method — steal Lee's despatch 
 box for us. Carlyle says further that Elliot had no 
 appetite for the job, but that orders were peremptory. 
 
 " Lee is a rebel, qnnsi outlaw, and you must." Elliot 
 
 a37
 
 238 HUGH ELLIOT LN BERLIN. 
 
 thereupon hired or made his servant hire the chief 
 housebreaker or pickpocket in the city. He is told 
 that Lee lodges in such and such an hostelry ; bring 
 us his red box for thirty hours ; it shall be well worth 
 your while. " And in brief space the red box arrives. 
 A score or two of ready writers are ready for it, who 
 copy all day and all night, till they have enough, 
 which done, the Lee red box is left on the stairs of 
 the Lee tavern. The box locked again and complete, 
 only the Friedrich-Lee secrets completely pumped 
 out of it.^' Carlyle goes on to tell us that this 
 "astonishing mass of papers" is still extant in Eng- 
 land, in the Eden House archives. That he has 
 seen the outside of them, but not the inside, but that 
 he is able to say from other sources, which are open 
 to all the world, that the discovery had no value, 
 but that the only question mooted between Lee and 
 Frederick was the conclusion of a treaty of commerce. 
 He says, further, that this surprising bit of burglary 
 was done on Wednesday, Jane 25, 1777, and that the 
 box, with the essence pumped out, was restored the 
 following night. 
 
 This account is as inaccurate in every particular 
 as Carlyle's historical statements very often are. The 
 British Cabinet did not consider Frederick as their 
 arch-enemy, nor were they more afraid of him than 
 of the Courts of France and Spain. There was no 
 order given to Elliot to steal the despatches, but only 
 a general warning that Lee and Sayre were in Ber- 
 lin, and that they must be carefully watched. Elliot 
 contrived the whole job himself. No professional 
 housebreaker was employed. When the despatch
 
 HUGH ELLIOT IN BERLIN. 239 
 
 box arrived, it was received not by a score or two 
 of ready writers, but by four Englishmen of good 
 family. They copied not all day and all night for 
 thirty hours, but for about six hours. The despatch 
 box was not left on the stairs of the hotel, but given to 
 the landlady by Elliot himself. There is no astonish- 
 ing mass of papers, but nineteen documents, the titles 
 of which, with most of the documents themselves, are 
 at present at King's College, Cambridge. Finally, the 
 robbery took place, not on Wednesday, June 25, but 
 on Thursday, June 26, 1777, and so far from the docu- 
 ments being of no importance, they were admitted 
 to be of the highest importance by Lee himself. 
 
 A different account of the matter is given by Lady 
 Minto, in her life of Hugh Elliot. Her story is that 
 a German servant of the ambassador, having heard 
 him say at his dinner table that he would gladly give 
 a sum of money to any one who would bring him the 
 papers of the American envoys, waited for no further 
 authority, but, in the most imprudent and reckless 
 manner, broke into the apartments occupied by the 
 Americans in their hotel, entered the room by the 
 window, forced open a bureau, and carried off the 
 papers it contained. When the theft became known 
 Mr. Elliot declared that he considered himself solely 
 responsible for what had occurred. One of his ser- 
 vants had been led to commit the act by Mr. Elliot's 
 own imprudence. No time had been lost in restoring 
 the papers to their rightful owners. 
 
 A third account is given in Bancroft's " History of 
 the United States," vol. vi. page 123. He says that 
 Elliot, then British minister in Berlin, at a cost of
 
 240 HUGH ELLIOT IN BERLIN. 
 
 one thousand guineas, hired a burglar to steal the 
 papers of Arthur Lee, but, on his complaint to the. 
 police, sent them back and spirited the thief out of 
 the kingdom. The rash envoy attempted to throw 
 on the officiousness of a servant the blame of having 
 stolen the American papers, which he himself re- 
 ceived and read. Another account is to be found in 
 a work of Friedrich Kapp, called " Friedrich der 
 Grosse und die Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika." 
 He tells us that Arthur Lee was at dinner in the 
 Hotel Corsika, Briider-Strasse No. 2, when the Eng- 
 lish ambassador, by means of a servant, opened his 
 door with a false key, broke open the desk which was 
 in the room, and stole a portfolio. Lee got up from 
 table sooner than usual, and met Elliot on the stairs 
 on the way to his chamber. Elliot, he remarks, was 
 a very unskilful thief ; that when he heard that Lee 
 had hastened with a complaint to the police, he be- 
 came very much frightened, and instead of securing 
 his prey and studying it carefully, he got rid of it 
 and sent back the papers to Lee's door in less than 
 half an hour. Frederick the Great himself gives an 
 account of the transaction which is as far from the 
 truth as those which we have already quoted. Writ- 
 ing to his brother. Prince Henri, on June 29, 1777, 
 he says : '^ The English ambassador, in the absence 
 of the American agent Lee, went to his hotel and 
 stole his portfolio, but he became frightened, and in- 
 stead of opening it threw it on the steps of the house. 
 All Berlin speaks of the occurrence. If one were to 
 act with strictness, I should have to forbid this man 
 the Court because he has committed a public robbery,
 
 HUGH ELLIOT IN BERLIN. 241 
 
 but in order to make no noise I suppress the matter." 
 , At the same time he writes privately on July 1 to his 
 ambassador in London, Count Maltzan, '' Oh, this 
 worthy scholar of Bute, this incomparable man : your 
 goddam Elliot. In truth Englishmen ought to blush 
 for shame that they sent such ambassadors to a 
 foreign court." All these accounts are very far from 
 the truth. The papers disclosing the true story were 
 discovered by me in the autumn of 1887, and with 
 their assistance I will now proceed to give a narrative 
 of what really happened. 
 
 Arthur Lee was a native of Virginia, and was born 
 on December 20, 1740. He was educated at Eton 
 College, and was afterwards sent to Edinburgh to 
 prepare for the medical profession. Having taken 
 his degree as doctor, he travelled in Holland and 
 Germany, and then returned to his native country, 
 where he began to practise, but afterwards deter- 
 mined to devote himself to the study of the law, and 
 in 1766 went over to London and became a student 
 in the Temple. He continued to hold correspondence 
 with his brother and several other persons in America 
 on the political state of things in England and on the 
 affairs of the colonies. In the spring of 1775 he was 
 appointed agent in London for the colony of Massa- 
 chusetts in succession to Benjamin Franklin, and, in 
 December of the same year, the committee of secret 
 correspondence in America requested him to act as 
 their agent in London, and to send them any infor- 
 mation which he might think important. When the 
 young Republic was attempting to obtain assistance 
 from European powers, they sent commissioners to 
 
 F. V. R
 
 242 HUGH ELLIOT IN BERLIN. 
 
 the Court of France, and Jefferson declining the 
 appointment, Arthur Lee was put in his place ; this 
 was on October 22, 1776. Lee went to Paris, where 
 he met the other commissioners, Franklin and Deaue. 
 In the spring of 1777 he went to Spain to obtain 
 assistance from the Spanish Grovernment for the 
 United States, and in this object he was partially 
 successful. Shortly after returning to Paris he set 
 out for Berlin, where he arrived on June 4. He 
 travelled by the circuitous route of Munich and 
 Vienna, driving, we are told, in an English post- 
 chaise painted deep green, with the letters '' A. L.'^ 
 in a cypher. His companion was to have been Car- 
 michael, but Sayre, an alderman of London, devoted 
 to the American cause, was substituted at the last 
 moment. Lee and Sayre lodged, as we have before 
 said, at the Hotel Corsika, in the Briider-Strasse, a 
 small street near the king's palace, in which the 
 principal hotels of that time were situated. In 1777 
 there were no hotels in the Unter den Linden. 
 
 Hugh Elliot, at this time a young man of twenty- 
 five, had been sent as minister to Berlin, where he 
 arrived on April 1, just two months before the Ameri- 
 can envoys. His instructions, dated March 3, are in 
 the Record Office, but do not differ from the ordinary 
 run of such documents. The Earl of Suffolk was 
 then Secretary of State who had charge of the 
 Foreign Department. On May 9, 1777, he wrote to 
 Elliot in the following terms : — 
 
 Messrs. Carmichael and Lee, two of the rebel agents, 
 are said to have quitted Paris in order to attempt some
 
 HUGH ELLIOT IN BERLIN. 243 
 
 negotiation at the court where yon reside. These two 
 persons are not on good terms with each other ; the first 
 of them has the best abilities, and is most in the confi- 
 dence of his principals, Messrs. Dean and Franklyn. The 
 other, however, is more immediately in the commission of 
 the rebel Congress, and was lately employed in their 
 service at Madrid, but was not suffei-ed by the Spanish 
 ministers to open his business. I am not yet informed of 
 their views at Berlin, but should conjecture that they had 
 general instructions to hold out false ideas of the progress 
 of their rebellion towards independence and of the com- 
 mercial advantages in their power to grant, with a view 
 to obtain in return money and experienced officers. You 
 will, of course, give every proper attention to their con- 
 duct, and to the impression which it may make. 
 
 On May 30, he writes again : — 
 
 I now find that Mr. Sayre (and not Mr. Carmichael, as 
 was at fii'st proposed) accompanies Mr. Arthur Lee to 
 Berlin. His Majesty's ambassador at Paris has already 
 communicated to you the supposed object of the rebel 
 agents in this mission, and I have only to add with regard 
 to Mr. Sayre, that he is a man of desperate fortune, but 
 with the disposition rather than the talents to be mis- 
 chievous. His personal vanity is at the same time so 
 great, that he talks of going forward to Petersburg, in 
 order to try the effect of his address and figure at that 
 court. 
 
 It will be seen that in these letters there is no 
 indication that Lord Suffolk ordered Elliot to take 
 the strong measures which he eventually adopted. 
 
 On June 6, two days after Lee's arrival, Elliot 
 writes from Bei'lin in the following terms : —
 
 244 HUGH ELLIOT IN BERLIN. 
 
 Two persons alighted at an inn the day before yester- 
 day, who call themselves Americans. One of them is 
 Lee, mentioned in your lordship's letter No. 1 ; the other 
 is Sayre, the banker, who travels under the name of 
 Stephens. They are said to have come from Vienna by 
 way of Prague and Dresden, and give out that they are 
 to stay here about a fortnight. Their servant, who 
 arrived in town some time before them, went immedi- 
 ately to the Marquis de Pons, the French minister, to 
 whom he gave letters. Lee himself carried a letter to 
 M. de Schulemburg, by whom he was received, although 
 that minister in the evening turned the conversation to- 
 wards the report prevailing of the arrival of American 
 agents, that he might have an opportunity of assuring 
 me he was perfectly unacquainted with the truth of it. 
 Mr. Zegelin, formerly minister of the court at Constan- 
 tinople, who possesses a great share in the king's confi- 
 dence, and in consequence of being employed in his most 
 secret transactions always resides at Potzdam, came to 
 Berlin unexpectedly the day before Lee, and is now 
 lodged at the same inn and upon the same floor. It will 
 be exceedingly difficult if not impossible to discover 
 negotiations carried on through so private a channel. 
 The appearance of emissaries from the rebel Congress is 
 the general topic of conversation, but as any knowledge 
 of their character is totally disclaimed by the Ministry, 
 from whom I continae to receive every mark of attention, 
 I have no other line to take than that of watching their 
 motions in private with all possible diligence. 
 
 On June 10, lie gives this further information: — 
 
 I am not yet able to give your lordship any authentic 
 account of the particular object which the American 
 agents have in view at this court. It is probable nothing 
 will transpire till the King of Prussia is returned from
 
 HUGH ELLIOT IN BERLIN. 245 
 
 Pomerania. I am well assured that Lee has brought a 
 letter from the rebel Congress, bat it is not supposed that 
 any answer will be given to it. He has had some con- 
 ferences with M. de Schulemburg, but though received 
 politely he is said to have met with little encouragement, 
 and had no hopes given him that his proposal would be 
 accepted by his Prussian Majesty. Sayre and he talk of 
 going to Potzdam about the time of the king's return, 
 which is fixed for Saturday next. In the meantime they 
 employ themselves in making inquiries of the different 
 manufacturers at Berlin concerning the prices of cloth and 
 linen ; and I make no doubt if they pay ready money 
 but they will be supplied with what quantities they 
 please. 
 
 And on June 19 he writes as follows : — 
 
 M. Hertzberg told me yesterday at dinner, loud enough 
 to be overheard by the French minister, that no per- 
 mission had been sent to Embden to receive American 
 privateers, etc. Mr. Sayre continues at Berlin, and often 
 sends letters to M. de Schulemburg's department and 
 receives answers from it. He has also written two lately 
 to the King of Prussia, but I cannot give your lordship 
 any information of their contents. 
 
 In the meantime Lord Suffolk had written the 
 following instruction from London, dated June 20 : — 
 
 I have secret and certain information that Mr. Arthur 
 Lee's journey to Berlin was the result of a correspondence 
 which had been carried on some time between the other 
 rebel agents at Paris and Baron de Schulemburg, who 
 you know possesses very good abilities, and is supposed 
 to be much in his Prussian Majesty's confidence. The 
 object of that correspondence on the part of the rebels
 
 246 HUGH ELLIOT IN BERLIN. 
 
 was to obtain some public countenance of their cause at 
 the court of Berlin, with a view to make it the pretext 
 for a similar avowal at other courts. His Prussian 
 Majesty however would not give any sanction to an 
 indecency so derogatory to the sovereign character in 
 general ; and though the proposal of the rebel emissaries 
 to make some agreement respecting tobacco (which had 
 been thrown out as the lure on their part) was not 
 rejected, they were informed that any person sent by 
 them to treat thereon at Berlin must be content to remain 
 incognito. 
 
 The robbery of the papers took place on Thursday, 
 June 26, and of the details of this transaction there 
 are no particulars whatever in the papers which are 
 preserved in the Record Office. From the state of 
 the binding it can easily be seen that the volume 
 which ought to contain the documents has been 
 tampered with, but a happy accident has enabled me 
 to discover the very papers which by some unknown 
 means were removed from their proper depository. 
 
 On June 28, 1777, Hugh Elliot writes the following 
 letter in cypher to the Earl of Suffolk : — 
 
 (Most Secret.) 
 
 My Lord, — I have only time to inform your Lordship 
 that I have taken copies of several papers belonging to 
 Lee which contain some important information respecting 
 the connections of France and Spain with the rebels. I 
 am sorry to add, that by any accident I may be subjected 
 to considerable trouble from the consequences, and per- 
 haps lose my situation. I will write in full upon this 
 subject, either by the next post or by a courier. In the 
 meantime I presume to observe that the most confined
 
 HUGH ELLIOT IN BERLIN. 247 
 
 secrecy on this subject is material. I have the honour to 
 be, with the greatest truth and respect, my Lord, 
 Your Lordship's 
 
 Most obedient, humble servant, 
 
 H. Elliot. 
 Right Honourable Earl of Suffolk. 
 
 The robbery had taken place three days before. 
 Mr. Liston, who in early days had been Elliot's tutor, 
 was at this time attached to the embassy at Berlin. 
 Elliot sends him to London with the papers he has 
 copied, ordering him to give a verbal account of the 
 means by which they were obtained. By great good 
 fortune I discovered, in a country house occupied by 
 a descendant of Hugh Elliot's, the narrative which 
 was taken down from Listen's lips for the informa- 
 tion of the king and ministers, and which has hither- 
 to eluded the curiosity of historians. It runs as 
 follows : — 
 
 Mr. Elliot having, by the activity and address of a 
 German domestic, gained the servant at the inn where the 
 rebel agents lodged, and having heard that Lee had long 
 entered in a journal at night the transactions of every 
 day, determined if possible to possess himself of that 
 journal. He was informed that Lee kept it in a porte- 
 feuille which was sometimes locked and sometimes not, 
 but that the door to the chamber was always locked when 
 Lee was about. His next step was to get false keys 
 made both to the door and to the bureau. Hearing now 
 that both Lee and Sayi'e were going to M. de Launay in 
 the country, where they generally stayed till eleven at 
 night, he sent the German servant to bring off the papers, 
 but strangers were just arrived and the man could not 
 get in at tlie door, lie therefore entered the room at the
 
 248 HUGH ELLIOT IN BERLIN. 
 
 Avindow of tlie first floor, opened the bureau with his key, 
 found the portefeuille with the key in it, and brought it 
 away out of the window without being seen, except by 
 one of the people who were gained. This was about four 
 o'clock, and Mr. Elliot was at dinner with Sir Trevor 
 Corry, Mr. Bernier, Mr. Liston, and Mr. Harvey, member 
 for Essex. They were all enjoined the most sacred 
 secrecy, and set to copying instantly: and Mr. Elliot went 
 about to pay visits and show himself, which he did till 
 eight in the evening, when he called at the inn on the 
 pretence of visiting Lord Russborough, son of Lord Mill- 
 town. He found Lee and Sayre that moment arrived, 
 and with Lord Russborough, and knowing the papers not 
 to be yet replaced, had nothing left for it but to join 
 them and to endeavour to amuse them with conversation, 
 which he did for near two hours (without any introduction 
 or acknowledgment of each other's names, but merely as 
 men happening to meet who spoke the same language). 
 About ten o'clock Lee got up and said he must go to 
 write. Soon afterwards Mr, Elliot heard a violent 
 clamour in the house of "a robbery, the loss of papers, 
 etc." He now drove home, and finding the most material 
 papers copied, resolved to send back the whole parcel 
 immediately. They were accordingly delivered (by Mr. 
 Elliot himself, disguised) late that night to the mistress 
 of the house, who was in the plot, and said they were 
 brought by a porter, who left them and ran off. The 
 instructions from the Congress were accidentally left be- 
 hind, and were sent afterwards, from which circumstance 
 it was supposed that this was the only paper that had 
 been read. 
 
 Lee now made his complaint to the Governor of Berlin, 
 and to the lieutenant of the police. The waiter of the 
 inn and Lee's servants were seized and examined. They 
 confessed that a servant of the English minister had 
 tampered with them, but to no purpose ; this was re-
 
 HUGH ELLIOT LN BERLLN. 249 
 
 ported to the king, and Mr. Elliot learnt that M. de 
 Hertzberg was to desire him to give up his servant to be 
 examined. This, however, he had guarded against by 
 directing the man to fly out of the country, and he is now 
 with Mr. Matthias at Hamburg. He then went himself 
 to MM. de Schulemburg, Finckenstein, and Hertzberg, 
 and attributed the whole to the indiscreet zeal of the 
 fugitive servant. 
 
 Copies of nearly all the documents carried by 
 Liston are now accessible, but, what is more important, 
 I am able to give the list of the whole. 
 
 1. Letter from Schulemburg to Franklin and Deane 
 
 at Paris. Dated Berlin, March 15, 1777. 
 
 2. The Answer. Dated Paris, April 19, 1777. 
 
 3. Letter from A. Lee to Count Schulemburg. Dated 
 
 Paris, May 8, 1777. 
 
 4. Note to Count Schulemburg from A. Lee. Dated 
 
 Berlin, June 5, 1777. 
 
 5. Letter to Count Schulemburg from A. Lee. Dated 
 
 Berlin, June 8, 1777. 
 
 6. The Answer. Dated Berlin, June 9, 1777. 
 
 7. A. Lee's Reply. Dated Berlin, June 10, 1777. 
 
 8. A. Lee's Answer to a Letter of Count Schulem- 
 
 burg's of June 18. Dated Berlin, June 20, 1777. 
 
 9. A. Lee's Memorial to his Prussian Majesty. 
 
 10. A, Lee aux Ministres du Congres. 
 
 11. Letter from A. Lee to the Right Hon. the Secret 
 
 Committee of Congress. Dated Paris, April 13, 
 1777. 
 
 12. A. Lee's Letter to Senor Don Diego Gardoqui, 
 
 Madrid. Dated Paris, . 
 
 13. A. Lee's Letter to Senor Don Diego Gardoqui, 
 
 Madrid. Dated Paris, May 13, 1777. 
 1-1. A. Lee's Letter to Senor Don Diego Gardoqui.
 
 250 HUGH ELLIOT LN BERLIN. 
 
 15. Postscript from Mr. Grand to Arthur Lee at Stras- 
 
 burg. Dated Paris, May 16, 1777. 
 
 16. A. Lee to M. de Grimaldi, at Rome. Dated Berlin, 
 
 June 21, 1777. 
 
 17. A. Lee to Dr. Franklin. Dated Vienna, May 28, 
 
 1777. 
 
 18. The Instructions of the Congress to their' Com- 
 
 missioners. 
 
 19. Mr. Arthur Lee's Journal of all that passed among 
 
 the Commissioners with the French Ministers, 
 the Congress, Holland, from December 16, 1777. 
 
 Three other despatches were also conveyed by 
 Listen, which once existed in the Foreign Office 
 archives, but which, as I have said above, exist there 
 no longer. 
 
 (Most Secret.) Berlin : July, 1777. 
 
 My Lord, — I am happy to inform your Lordship that 
 the inconveniences I apprehended when I wrote last from 
 my having possession of Mr. Lee's papers are not like 
 to take place. Mr. Liston will set out immediately to 
 carry copies of them to England, and will give any 
 further accounts that may be wished of the transaction. 
 I hope the interesting nature of the information acquired 
 will excuse the irregularity of the mode adopted. As 
 Mr. Liston takes purposely a roundabout road, he may 
 probably arrive some days later than this letter. I have 
 the honour to be, with the utmost truth and respect, my 
 Lord, 
 
 Your Lordship's most obedient humble servant, 
 
 H. Elliot. 
 
 Berlin: July 2, 1777. 
 My Lord, — I have the honour of inclosing several 
 papers of importance 1 have obtained copies of at con-
 
 HUGH ELLIOT LN BERLLN. 251 
 
 siderable risk and some expense. Mr. Listen, the bearer 
 of this letter, will give your Lordship an account of all 
 the particulars relating to them. I have the honour to 
 be, with the greatest truth and respect, my Lord, 
 Your Lordship's most obedient humble servant, 
 
 H. Elliot. 
 
 (Most Secret.) Berlin: July 2, 1777. 
 
 My Lord, — As Mr. Liston will have the honour to 
 deliver this letter, I shall not enter into any minute 
 detail of the transaction mentioned in my two last. He 
 can give every information your Lordship may require 
 with respect to the manner of acquiring the papers. I 
 shall only mention the conduct I have held since. 
 
 Such strong suspicions had fallen upon a servant of 
 mine who was actually emplo^-ed in bringing them to me, 
 that I thought it my duty to take a step I had previously 
 resolved upon in case a discovery was likely to be made. 
 I waited upon the minister, and declared that what had 
 happened had been occasioned by my imprudence in 
 having shown too great inquisitiveness concerning Mr. 
 Lee and Mr. Sayre ; that a person employed to give an 
 account of their motions had from over-officiousness com- 
 mitted this unwarrantable action; that though the papers 
 had been sent back as soon as I knew what had been 
 done, yet I felt myself so much to blame that I could not 
 help begging leave to represent to his Prussian Majesty, 
 either in person or through the minister, that my court 
 had no knowledge of this affair, that I alone was in fault, 
 and that if his Prussian Majesty chose, I was ready to 
 ask my i-ecall, and to submit to any decision he might 
 think proper to give. 
 
 The day after, I received for answer that the king 
 could not help looking upon what had been done as jort 
 ''^^ji jort precipite, that as I had declared my court was 
 totally ignorant of this affair, il ne la releveroit pas, but
 
 252 HUGH ELLIOT IN BERLIN. 
 
 advised me to take care tliat nothing of this kind should 
 happen for the futui-e. 
 
 If I might be allowed to express to your Lordship what 
 appears to me becoming of his Majesty's dignity upon 
 this occasion, I should not hesitate to beg that I might 
 be ordered to tell either the King of Prussia himself or 
 his minister, that although the King of England is 
 sensible of the indulgence shown me by his Prussian 
 Majesty, yet he disapproves of my conduct in this busi- 
 ness, and his Majesty oifers to nominate another in my 
 place if I have made myself disagreeable to his Prussian 
 Majesty. Whether this will be accepted or not I cannot 
 determine with certainty, though I am rather inclined to 
 think it will not. I make no apology to your Lordship for 
 having risked everything when I thought his Majesty's 
 interest so essentially concerned. I knew that by the 
 sacrifice of an individual every public inconvenience could 
 be prevented ; and as I have not scrupled to make that 
 sacrifice when called upon, I flatter myself I have not 
 forfeited your Lordship's protection or my sovereign's 
 approbation. 
 
 Mr. Listen will inform your Lordship, that matters were 
 so arranged as to make it appear that I had not had time 
 to peruse the papers, and will explain in full every 
 circumstance of this affair. 
 
 I am much obliged to Sir Trevor Corry, Mr. Bernier, 
 and Mr. Listen for their assistance in copying the papers. 
 The expense incurred by gaining some, silencing others, 
 and different articles, amounts to five hundred pounds. 
 
 I have the honour to be, with the utmost truth and 
 respect, my Lord, 
 
 Your Lordship's most devoted humble servant, 
 
 H. Elliot. 
 
 Carlyle has told us that Elliot was induced to 
 undertake this work by Lord Suffolk against his will.
 
 HUGH ELLIOT LIST BERLIN. 253 
 
 There lies before me the original letter of Lord 
 Suffolk's upon the subject, which tells an entirely- 
 different story. The part which concerns Elliot runs 
 thus : — ■ 
 
 Charleton : July 14, 1777. 
 I have ruTninated much on Elliot's adventure, and think 
 it won't end as quietly as he imagines. His secret is in 
 too many hands. I applaud his zeal, but I don't mightily 
 affect a dasher; and though I wish to encourage the 
 former, I by no means wish to encourage the latter. All 
 steps whatever relative to this strange business mast wait 
 my return. 
 
 When Lord Suffolk returned from the country, the 
 matter was without doubt fully discussed between the 
 king and his ministers, and the result was the follow- 
 ing despatch from Lord Suffolk to Elliot, which is 
 still in its place in the Record Office, and which is 
 eminently fitted to be published in a blue book. 
 
 St. James's: August 1, 1777. 
 Sir, — Mr. Listen arrived from Berlin on the 11th past, 
 the morning of my departure into the country ; but the 
 despatches which you had transmitted by him were 
 immediately laid before the king, and I have now re- 
 ceived his Majesty's sentiments on their contents. It 
 gives me real concern when I find it my duty to convey 
 any intimation of his Majesty's dissatisfaction with the 
 conduct of a minister whose zeal in the public service is 
 as little doubted as his ability, and who, by an excess of 
 the former quality, has been induced to swerve from that 
 discreet regard to his own situation and the dignified 
 principles of his Court, which ought in every moment and 
 on every occasion to regulate both his actions and his 
 language. You will easily conceive that I allude to the
 
 254 HUGH ELLIOT IN BERLIN. 
 
 expression whicli you confess yourself to have hazarded 
 at your table, " that you would gladly give a considerable 
 sum of money to anybody who would bring you the papers 
 of the rebel agents." An expression which, however it 
 might arise in the warmth of conversation, and might be 
 in itself without further meaning, was highly improper 
 to be used by the representative of a Court which has 
 disdained and will ever disdain to tread the crooked paths 
 of duplicity and treachery. The very wish that suggested 
 the language, so improper in itself, would have been 
 peculiarly improper at a Court which was acting on the 
 occasion with the utmost frankness and friendship to his 
 Majesty and his kingdoms, and with a due attention to 
 its own dignity and the royal character in general. It is, 
 however, but justice to you to admit that you are not 
 liable to this part of the charge after having explained 
 that you spoke in reference only to Mr. Arthur Lee's 
 journal of his proceedings, before he went to the court of 
 Berlin. 
 
 I insist so long on the expression above mentioned from 
 an equitable anxiety to construe and consider that expres- 
 sion unconnected with the violent act which it occasioned ; 
 for that act certainly carries a very different aspect when 
 supposed to originate in your servant's mind from the 
 accidental overhearing of your table conversation, to what 
 it would have done if it had appeared to be a settled plan 
 to obtain the portefeuille, begun by your sug-gestion and 
 conducted by your contrivances. As, however, in the 
 course of accidental events, there was but too much reason 
 to put the latter interpretation on what passed, the part 
 you took, of stating your own story, fully and frankly, to 
 ■the Prussian ministers, was certainly the wisest that your 
 peculiar circumstances would admit. And the reparation 
 which you offered by your proposal to solicit your own 
 recall in case your part in the transaction should have 
 made any unfavourable impression on his Prussian
 
 HUGH ELLIOT IN BERLIN. 255 
 
 Majesty's mind, was no more than our Royal Master 
 would have been disposed to grant. But the generous 
 answer which was returned to you on the part of his 
 Prussian Majesty prevents this unpleasant consideration; 
 and the caution, to discourage for the future such vivacity 
 in your own language, and so criminal an avidity in the 
 conduct of your dependents, with which the answer was 
 accompanied, comes with so good a grace, that it must, I 
 am sure, be constantly remembered by you. It remains 
 only for yon to take some natural occasion of mentioning 
 to the Prussian ministers the sentiments of yonr Court on 
 this business, as I have already done to Count Maltzan. 
 Upon the whole, I may now very sincerely congratulate 
 you on the fortunate conclusion of these embarrassments, 
 every culpable part of which his Majesty will fully for- 
 give, in consideration of the zeal wliich occasioned them. 
 
 I am, etc., 
 
 Suffolk. 
 
 This very nearly completes the story, but it is 
 satisfactory to learn that Elliot was not only forgiven 
 by the king but received an extra £500 as payment 
 for what he had done. Mr. Harris, afterwards Lord 
 Malmesbury, a near relative o£ Elliot's, was on his 
 way to St. Petersburg in the fii'st week in October. 
 He carried with him the following letter for 
 Elliot :— 
 
 St. James's : October 7, 1777. 
 Sir, — In addition to what I have already written to 
 you with regard to the late transaction respecting the 
 papers of the rebel agents, I use this conveyance to inform 
 you (in further proof that the exceptionable cii-cum stances 
 in that business are entirely overlooked in consideration 
 of the loyal zeal which occasioned them), that the king 
 has been graciously pleased to take notice of the great
 
 256 HUGH ELLIOT IN BERLIN. 
 
 expenses in which you involved yourself, and has directed 
 the amount to be made good to you. I have accordingly 
 received his Majesty's gracious commands to pay one 
 thousand pounds to your agent, and I sincerely congratu- 
 late you. on this close of our correspondence upon an 
 enterprise which, as it could not be conducted without 
 your making improper confidences, could never have been 
 justified [but] by the completest success. 
 
 It is scarcely necessary to make any remarks upon 
 this story, of which we now know the whole truth. 
 If the Americans had been recognised belligerents, 
 and Lee and Sayre their accredited agents, it would 
 have been probably within the rules of international 
 law to treat them as Elliot treated them, although 
 the neutral Court might have resented the action of 
 the ambassador in any way that it pleased. It must, 
 however, be remembered that the Americans were at 
 this time not belligerents but rebels, and that Lee 
 and Sayre were in the position of Irish Home Rule 
 leaders at the present day, seeking for the active 
 co-operation, if not the armed interference, of a 
 foreign but friendly power against their own country. 
 At the same time actions like these are to be judged 
 not by definite rules but by the impression they make 
 on the moral sense of mankind. If it be the first 
 rule of an ambassador's conduct that he should on 
 no account exhibit an excessive zeal, Elliot may be 
 judged to have transgressed this precept. He was, 
 however, quite a young man, and his later history 
 shows him to have been, if one of the most erratic, 
 at the same time one of the most brilliant and suc- 
 cessful of English diplomatists.
 
 HUGH ELLIOT IN BERLIN. 257 
 
 When the foregoing facts were laid before the 
 Royal Historical Society, Mr. C. A. Fyffe made the 
 following remarks on them, which are of great value. 
 
 All had had their admiration for Dick Turpin and Jack 
 Sheppard, and it would be a shock to some to find that 
 their glories must be shared with an English ambassador. 
 He saw no use in calling things by their wrong names. 
 Elliot chose to act as a thief; and the revered George III., 
 with that arch- Pecksniff the Earl of Suffolk, gave him 
 £1,000 for doing so. 
 
 The reference to the rights of belligerents seemed to 
 him quite erroneous. When France and Germany were 
 at war in 1870, the French and German ambassadors in 
 London had no more right by international or any other 
 law to steal papers from one another's houses than they 
 had to blow one another's brains out. Then to take the 
 case of rebels. Suppose that iia 1861 the Confederate 
 Agents, Messrs. Mason and Slidell, instead of being cap- 
 tured by Commodore Wilkes on board the " Trent," had 
 prosperously reached the Langham Hotel ; that while they 
 were there the United States minister had bribed the 
 waiters and chambermaids, made false keys, and stolen 
 their papers ; and finally that he had been caught, sneak- 
 ing back in disguise with the despatch-box. Should we 
 ever have heard enough of Yankee blackguardism and 
 the baseness of republics ? Should we ever have been 
 suSiciently thankful for our own highmindeduess ? The 
 world would have reeked of it to this day. 
 
 He agreed to this, that, low as Elliot's conduct was, 
 Lord Suffolk's hypocrisy was even more disgusting. " A 
 Court which has ever disdained and will ever disdain to 
 tread the crooked paths of duplicity and treachery ! " 
 Talleyrand was never more shamelessly cynical. The 
 real excuse, such as it is, must be sought in the fact that 
 all the Courts of that time were about equally unscrupu- 
 
 F. V. S
 
 25-8 HUGH ELLIOT IN BERLIN. 
 
 lous in their metliods. Any scoundrelism was thought 
 fair (he used this word for want of a better) in diplo- 
 macy ; and though Frederick called Elliot a " goddam 
 Englishman," and possibly resented his housebreaking in 
 his own capital, he would not in his heart think the worse 
 of Elliot for it, — on the contrary, he probably thought him 
 a sharp fellow. Frederick himself, Joseph of Austria, 
 and Catherine of Russia, habitually employed people to 
 steal despatches and rob mail-carts. There are plenty of 
 allusions to this even in those State papers of the time 
 which have been published. Though Joseph or Catherine 
 robbed from one another on occasion, they actually had 
 an understanding that papers stolen from third parties, if 
 they could not be deciphered by the comparatively dull 
 people at St. Petei'sburg, should be sent to the more 
 practised hands at Vienna, and an interpretation be there 
 made for the common benefit. References to this will be 
 found in Vivenot's " Confidential Letters of Thugut," the 
 Austrian minister ; and he suspected that, if only for 
 lying's sake, Thugut sometimes gave the Russian Court 
 odd interpretations of the papers they had sent to him to 
 decipher — if indeed the Russians did not manufacture 
 bogus papers in order to mislead him. 
 
 Are thievery and tricks like Elliot's now practised by 
 the British Government ? He believed not. Pitt did a 
 gi-eat deal to check this, and to make such words as 
 "honour," "good faith," which had been mere ridiculous 
 sounds to SufPolk and George III., realities in the action 
 of the English Government. In the long struggle with 
 France, when every base means was employed by succes- 
 sive revolutionary Governments, Pitt saw how important 
 it was that there should be one European Power which, 
 in its methods, should hold fast, not only in profession, 
 but in deed, to fair and honourable dealing. Judging 
 from things in the English records of that time, he be- 
 lieved that Pitt would summarily and for ever have dis-
 
 HUGH ELLIOT IN BERLIN. 259 
 
 missed any English, ambassador who should have stolen 
 like Elliot. Pitt was beset by people, refugees and 
 others, who wei'e ready to carry out any enterprise 
 against the French Republican Government, and after- 
 wards against Bonaparte. As the murder of the French 
 envoys in 1799 at Rastadt shows, robbery of papers easily 
 passed into assassination ; and events like this probably 
 strengthened Pitt's natural hatred for the dishonourable 
 ways which diplomacy had hitherto sanctioned. Under 
 enormous difficulties, from 1793 to 1815, the British 
 Government, though often violent and high-handed, i-e- 
 frained from the meaner tricks of political business. He 
 was speaking of its foreign policy, not of Ireland. Of 
 coarse attempts were made to bribe the enemy's generals. 
 This is a recognised part of the operations of war. In 
 the invasion of France in 1814 a sum of £100,000 was 
 offered, though in vain, to the commander of Strasburg. 
 The only interest attaching to the matter is that the 
 Englishman concerned in it was that model of respecta- 
 bility, the late Lord Aberdeen, whose despatches are the 
 authority for the statement.
 
 IX. 
 
 QUEEN C ABO LINE OF NAPLES, 
 1811-1814. 
 
 SOME time ago the editor of the Historical Review 
 placed in my hands about thirty letters ad- 
 dressed by Queen Caroline of Naples, wife of Fer- 
 dinand IV., to Mr. Robert Fagan, who was consul- 
 general in Sicily at the beginning of the century.^ 
 The letters range in date over about a year, from 
 March, 1812, to April, 1813. Most of them are in 
 Italian, a few only in French. They are full of de- 
 nunciation of the queen's wrongs and of abuse of 
 Lord William Bentinck. There is one letter of his 
 Lordship's in which he vies with the queen in strong 
 expressions. Lord William writes from Palermo, 
 September 26 [1812], to Mr. Fagan: ''1 have read 
 your note just now informing me of the queen having 
 sent to you to say that the hereditary prince was 
 declared to be so ill as to be unable to hold for the 
 
 ' These letters to his grandfather were kindly placed at 
 my disposal by Mr. Louis Fagan, of the Print Eoom, British 
 Museum, who adds that Robert Fagan was born at Cork, and 
 died in Rome August 16, 1816. Besides his other occupations, 
 he was distinguished as an amateur artist, and in 1812 exhibited 
 in the Royal Academy the portrait of Lord Amherst's chil- 
 dren. — Editor, " Histokical Review." 
 
 260
 
 QUEEN CAROLINE OF NAPLES. 261 
 
 future the reins of governmeut. This must be one 
 of her lies, of which she deals out a great abundance. 
 I think it will be better to put an end to the negotia- 
 tions which she takes either for the want of decision 
 or of instruction, and therefore if she sends for you 
 again I beg you will not go to her/' Although it 
 was obvious from the correspondence that the rela- 
 tions between Lord William and the queen were of 
 anything but an amicable character, it did not appear 
 easy to determine who was in the right. Lord 
 William has always had the reputation of a just and 
 upright man and a good officer. Queen Caroline 
 receives a good character from the hands of her 
 German biographer Helfert. I felt that it would not 
 be fair to write upon a subject with one-sided evid- 
 ence in my hands. I therefore made a careful study 
 of the correspondence relating to Sicily in the Public 
 Kecord Office from February, 1811, to June, 1813. 
 Even then it was not easy to come to a decision. 
 Those who were best acquainted with both sides of 
 the case seem to have condemned the queen. At 
 the same time great allowance must be made for an 
 impulsive, passionate nature coming into violent con- 
 flict with a cold and obstinate Englishman. In this 
 dilemma I determined to lay the facts before my 
 readers, and allow them to judge for themselves. It 
 will probably be found that the inevitable force of 
 circumstances is more to be blamed than either the 
 lady or her adversary. 
 
 Naples did not become involved in the troubles 
 which followed the French Revolution until nearly 
 ten years after its outbreak. In 1 798 the king of
 
 262 QUEEN CAROLINE OF NAPLES. 
 
 the Two Sicilies joined the coalition against France. 
 The Neapolitan army marched into the Roman terri- 
 tory under the command of the king. No time was 
 lost by France in avenging the insult. The army 
 retreated, the old king returned to Naples in the 
 clothes of a lord-in-waiting, a terrible insurrection 
 broke out in the capital, and the Royal family took 
 refuge, December 21, 1798, in the Vanguard, Nel- 
 son's flagship, which three days later sailed for 
 Palermo. The lazzaroni did their best to resist the 
 French, they broke open the prisons and let out the 
 convicts, but could not stand against regular troops, 
 and on January 23 Championnet was after a severe 
 struggle master of the city. The Parthenopean 
 republic was established by the French, and Fer- 
 dinand IV. did not return to his country till after 
 the signing of the peace of Amiens in 1802. He was 
 brought back with great rejoicings by British ships 
 and under British protection. Queen Caroline, who 
 had left Palermo two years before for Schonbrunn, 
 hastened to join him. The first results of the breach 
 of the peace of Amiens have been narrated in a 
 previous essay. 
 
 It would have been diiScult for the most keen- 
 sighted statesman to foretell on which side victory 
 would incline. The whole strength of England, 
 Russia, and Austria was ranged against Napoleon. 
 Prussia was only waiting for the first gleam of vic- 
 tory to join the coalition. How could France, scarcely 
 recovered from serious defeats, stand against such 
 combined efforts ? All these plans were disconcerted 
 by the marvellous rapidity and good fortune of the
 
 QUEEN CAROLINE OF NAPLES. 263 
 
 Freuch emperor. On November 5 the last French 
 troops crossed the frontier of Naples on their way 
 to the north, but a fortnight before the whole army 
 of Mack had capitulated at Ulm ; on November 20 
 the combined English and Russian fleets sailed into 
 the Bay of Naples, and Alquier demanded his pass- 
 ports. Twelve days later the battle of Austerlitz 
 was fought, and on December 29, the day after the 
 signing of the peace of Pressburg, Napoleon issued 
 ai proclamation to his army that the dynasty of 
 Naples had ceased to reign. The allies on whom 
 the queen had relied began to desert her; the Eng- 
 lish troops sailed to Sicily, the Russians to Corfu. 
 On February 8 the French array again crossed the 
 Grarigliano, and four days later Ferdinand and Caro- 
 line set sail for Sicily. Joseph Bonaparte was made 
 king of Naples, to be succeeded two yeai-s later by 
 Murat. From this time the situation is a very com- 
 plicated one. Joseph and Murat are both convinced 
 that Naples is a valueless and incomplete possession 
 without the addition of Sicily. The Neapolitan 
 sovereigns in Sicily are supported by English arms. 
 Sicily was regarded by the English partly as a thii'd 
 station in the Mediterranean besides Gibraltar and 
 Malta, and partly as a point of departure for harass- 
 ing the French in Sicily. Ferdinand, or rather 
 Caroline by whom he was urged, disliked the French 
 and English equally. She was Gei'man by birth and 
 Italian by education. Her great desire was to have 
 her own way, and be restored to the position, which 
 she had held for so many years, of queen of the Two 
 Sicilies. She was willing to be friendly with either
 
 264 QUEEN CAROLINE OF NAPLES. 
 
 party who would secure that end ; she was the 
 enemy of whichever party was for the moment the 
 most likely to deprive her of her crown and of her 
 remaining possessions. Joseph and Murat were open 
 enemies, but the English might at any moment put 
 an end to the sovereignty which they had already 
 reduced to a shadow, and annex Sicily as they had 
 annexed Malta. Nor was it certain that Sicily might 
 not at some time or other be surrendered by the 
 English as the price of peace. Such an arrange- 
 ment had been discussed between Lord Yarmouth 
 and Talleyrand in 1806, and the negotiations had 
 only been put an end to by the death of Fox. The 
 connection with England was indeed a material 
 advantage to the Sicilian Court. By the treaty of 
 commerce signed between England and Naples in 
 1808, we had undertaken the defence of Messina and 
 Augusta, which required a garrison of at least a 
 thousand strong; we also covenanted to pay the 
 Court a yearly subsidy of £300,000, to date from 
 September, 1805, the date of the landing of the 
 Anglo-Russian forces in Naples, and eighteen months 
 later this sum was raised to £400,000. Notwith- 
 standing this liberality the queen's demands for 
 pecuniary aid were persistent and importunate. 
 
 The peace of Vienna, which followed the battle 
 of Wagram in 1809, affected the relations of the 
 Sicilian Royal family to Napoleon. The reconcilia- 
 tion between France and Austria was confirmed by 
 the marriage of Napoleon with Marie Louise, whose 
 mother was Maria Theresa, the daughter of Fer- 
 dinand. Thus the great emperor became the grand-
 
 QUEEN CAROLINE OF NAPLES. 265 
 
 son of Queen Caroline, Although. Murat, king of 
 NapleSj had married another Caroline, the sister of 
 Napoleon, "vvho combined the beauty of the family 
 with the talent of her brother, relations were not 
 always veiy smooth between his great protector and 
 himself. His haughty spirit led him to aim at a more 
 independent kingship, and the favour of Napoleon 
 might at any time be changed into wrath and revenge. 
 It was natural that Queen Caroline should not neg- 
 lect the opportunity which her connection with the 
 French imperial Court offered of regaining her coveted 
 palaces. Lord Amherst, writing to Lord Wellesley 
 on February 8, 1811, says that he has further in- 
 formation of an arrangement between Naples and 
 Austria, by which Naples is to be restored to Fer- 
 dinand IV., and that a prince of the house of Aus- 
 tria is to be placed on the throne of Sicilf^. ^' This 
 project is to be put into execution "by means of 
 German troops, to whom it is iiuagined that the 
 Sicilians would oppose less ho::3cility than to an army 
 consisting of French and Neapolitans." The inhabi- 
 tants of Sicily are to be deprived of arms ; the levee 
 en masse of the population, which had been so potent 
 an ir«+^ument against the French, is to be dis- 
 couraged. The queen is constantly corresponding- 
 with Vienna in cipher, notwithstanding her solemn 
 promise, after the marriage of Marie Louise, that 
 she would break off all connection with the Court of 
 her birth — the pledge given in March, 1810, both 
 by the king and queen, of unshaken loyalty to the 
 alliance with Great Britain. He adds : " If your 
 Lordship asks me how I can reconcile these assur-
 
 266 QUEEN CAROLINE OF NAPLES. 
 
 ances with the engagements now supposed to be 
 entered into with our enemies, I answer that I be- 
 lieve jealousy of the designs of Great Britain pre- 
 dominates in the queen's mind over the hatred she 
 may entertain for Bonaparte ; and with respect to 
 his Sicilian Majesty — never doubting for a moment 
 the loyalty and fidelity of his principles, I think 
 deception may be practised towards him, and that 
 a plot may be carried on in which he is no partaker." 
 Just at this time another matter caused additional 
 strain to the relations between the English and Sicilian 
 Governments. Sicily had for a considerable time 
 possessed a parliament of estates of the medieval 
 and feudal type. It consisted of three arms or 
 branches, the barons, the clergy, and the tenants 
 Oi^.the crown. Among the last were the most import- 
 ant tow/ps under the presidency of the prastor of 
 Palermo, 'i^^he parliament met every four years, and 
 in later times cw/*nsisted of 62 prelates, 124 barons, 
 and 46 deputies from! > the crown lands. The Prince 
 of Butera, as holding eig^'hteen fiefs, had command 
 of as many votes. The dinferent branches of the 
 assembly met and voted separaterjv. During the 
 vacation of parliament a committee of tiii'ree from 
 each arm watched over the expenditure of the taxes 
 and the execution of the laws.^ The time had come 
 when a new parliament was to be summoned. It 
 was opened by the crown prince in the grand hall 
 of the Royal palace at Palermo on January 25, 1810. 
 A yearly subsidy of 250,000 ounces had been voted 
 in 1802 and 1806. The parliament was now ordered 
 1 Eotteck and Welcker, ix. 63. Helfert, p. 429.
 
 QUEEN CAROLINE OF NAPLES. 267 
 
 to increase this to 300,000 ounces, and to give besides 
 a donation to the queen and one to the crown prince 
 on the birth of his infant daughter. After three 
 weeks, the parliament had only voted a little more 
 than half the sum asked for; on June 13 the king 
 declared his intention of summoning a new parlia- 
 ment, which was to correct abuses and equalize taxa- 
 tion. The king promised on his side to employ in 
 future none but Sicilian ministers. This promise, 
 however, was not fulfilled. Mendici, the minister 
 of finance, was removed, but the Marchese Donato 
 Tommasi, a Neapolitan, was appointed in his place. 
 When the new parliament came together, it was 
 found to be less willing to vote money than its pre- 
 decessor, and it proposed a reform in taxation, which 
 was accepted by the king. The needs of the Court 
 continued to be as pressing as ever. The English 
 subsidy was granted for certain well-defined pur- 
 poses, and, as we shall presently see, was suspended 
 jn the ground that its application had been im- 
 properly altered. On February 4, 1811, Tommasi 
 took strong measures for bringing money into the 
 Royal coffers. An edict was issued which imposed a 
 tax of one per cent, on all money payments of every 
 description whatsoever. Further, a proposal was 
 made to sell by lottery a large amount of property 
 belonging to religious orders. 15,000 tickets were 
 to be issued at ten ounces each, which would bring 
 in a sum equal to £112,500.^ The edict imposing the 
 tax was entirely unconstitutional. Only four cases 
 existed in which the authority of parliament could 
 ' Amherst to Wellesley, March 26, 1811.
 
 268 QUEEN CAROLINE OF NAPLES. 
 
 be dispensed with in raising supplies — an enemy in 
 the country, an insurrection, the captivity of the 
 king, and the marriage of his daughters. No such 
 exercise of arbitrary authority had been known since 
 the war of the Austrian succession. The measure 
 was a great hindrance to commerce, and specially 
 injurious to the numerous English firms settled in 
 the island. Immediately on the appearance of the 
 edict, forty out of the fifty-seven barons of which the 
 military arm was then composed, with Prince Bel- 
 monte at their head, drew up a protest against it. 
 They commanded amongst them 160 votes out of the 
 275 which were assigned to their order. The popu- 
 lation found means to evade the edict. Business 
 arrangements, which before depended on law, were 
 now left to rest on the good faith of the contracting 
 parties. The protest of the barons was presented 
 to the king, but the tax continued to be levied. The 
 lottery project failed ; only a small number of the 
 tickets were taken up. 
 
 If we are to believe our agents, the eves of the 
 Sicilians were turned with hope to the English 
 Government. Lord Amherst had been recalled, and 
 Lord William Bentinck, who was to take his place 
 as civil and military governor of the island, was 
 looked for with impatience, as pursuing a more ener- 
 getic exercise of English authority. 
 
 Lord William Bentinck's arrival (says Mr. Douglas, 
 writing on June 22, 1811) is expected with a degree of 
 anxiety which nobody can conceive but those who are on 
 the spot. The Sicilians look up with eager and gasping 
 hope that he may be bearer of instructions to adopt a lofty
 
 QUEEN CAROLINE OF NAPLES. 269 
 
 and decisive tone which may compel the Court to the 
 adoption of a milder system of government. I can assure 
 you most positively that the majority of the Sicilians will 
 be satisfied with nothing less than t]ie British flag flying 
 all over Sicily. It is impossible that things can go on as 
 they are at present. Last year when I made the tour of 
 the island I found the universal cry to be, " If the English 
 will not take Sicily, the French must." 
 
 These expressions of opinion^ whether true or false, 
 were not calculated to influence the queen favour- 
 ably towards the English, and she had been the 
 more alarmed by a discussion which took place in 
 parliament upon the Sicilian subsidy on May 1. In 
 the meantime she determined upon a bold stroke. 
 On July 19 a Royal decree directed the arrest of five 
 of the principal barons who had signed the protest, 
 Princes Belmonte, Villarmosa, Villafranca, Petrulla, 
 and Aci.^ They were carried off by a Sicilian cor- 
 vette under the guns of Admiral Boyle's flagship to be 
 confined in various Italian islands. Three days after 
 this event Bentinck reached Palermo. 
 
 Lord William Charles Cavendish Bentinck, second 
 son of the third Duke of Portland, was born Sep- 
 tember 14, 1774. He served in the Scots Greys 
 under the Duke of York in Flanders, was attached 
 to the array of Suvoroff in Italy, was from 1804 to 
 1807 governor of Madras, and commanded an Eng- 
 lish brigade at the battle of Corunna. He had 
 therefore enjoyed ample experience both of civil 
 and military commands. He was a just and upright 
 man. His chief defect was that he was too much 
 
 » Douglas to Wellesley, June 24, 1811.
 
 270 QUEEN CAROLINE OF NAPLES. 
 
 of an Englisliman, and was apt to consider narrow 
 English remedies as a panacea for all political dis- 
 eases whenever they might arise. He had received 
 very ample instructions both open and secret. He 
 was to be at once ambassador and commander-in- 
 chief, to exercise all the functions which had been 
 separately performed by Lord Amherst and Sir 
 James Stuart. His first attention was to be directed 
 to the subsidy. That was to be devoted to the pay- 
 ment of the Sicilian army and navy in due propor- 
 tions, and an account of expenditure was to be 
 rendered to the English Grovernment every three 
 months. There is a grave suspicion that these con- 
 ditions had not been complied with ; if Bentinck 
 finds them justified, he is to threaten the suspension 
 of payment. The due application of the subsidy for 
 the defence of the island is regarded as the keystone 
 of the alliance. At the same time other important 
 matters will claim Bentinck's attention. The dis- 
 content of the Sicilian nation, arising from the ex- 
 clusion of Sicilians from the government and the 
 employment of Neapolitans, from the neglect of the 
 advice of parliament and the imposition of arbitrary 
 taxes, is of serious moment to English interests. 
 The feudal rights of the nobility and the privileges 
 of corporations are serious hindi-ances to the develop- 
 ment of the country. The irritation caused by these 
 evils is so gr.eat that there is danger of a revolution ; 
 the queen is jealous of English influence, and is 
 afraid that she and her husband may at any time 
 be sacrificed to France. Bentinck was to remove if 
 possible the causes of this jealousy. He was to give
 
 QUEEN CAROLINE OF NAPLES. 271 
 
 a solemn pledge that so long as Ferdinand was faith- 
 ful to England, the English Government would under 
 all circumstances maintain his right both to Sicily 
 and Naples, and at any rate secure him in the pos- 
 session of Sicily. But the Court must be willing to 
 listen to English advice. England does not wish to 
 interfere in the internal government of Sicily, except 
 where abuses jeopardise the defence against the 
 common enemy and the security of the English 
 alliance. It is absolutely necessary that Sicilians 
 should be admitted to the ministry, and that the 
 orders of parliament should be attended to. If the 
 neglect of these measures should lead to a revolution, 
 English arms could not be used to put it down. On 
 the other hand, if the king will listen to English 
 warnings, the British forces will be employed in the 
 protection of his person and Government, in main- 
 taining his just and legitimate authority in Sicily, 
 as well as in the defence of the island against the 
 enemy. 
 
 Bentinck had a weary task before him. He was 
 to give advice which might be good and was certain 
 to be unpalatable. He was to offer it with discretion 
 and temper. It was only too probable that the dis- 
 cretion and temper would be such as instigated the 
 severity of John Knox towards Mary Stuart. On 
 this first occasion Bentinck only stayed a month in 
 Sicily. He did his best to induce the king and queen 
 to revoke the obnoxious edict, to recall the exiled 
 barons, to allow Palermo to be garrisoned by British 
 troops, and, it is said,^ to send a Sicilian contingent 
 
 1 Helfert, p. 436.
 
 272 QUEEN CAROLINE OF NAPLES. 
 
 of 120,000 men to strengthen the British army in 
 Spain, His advances were met with an absolute 
 refusal. On August 27 Lord WiUiam, having given 
 a brilliant ball on the previous evening, embarked 
 on board the Cephalus and sailed with great haste 
 to London. The queen was in a deep state of dejec- 
 tion. She wrote on August 30 to the emperor at 
 Vienna : '^ I am almost forgotten by my enemies, 
 but pressed down and trodden under foot, robbed 
 and almost dethroned by those who call themselves 
 our friends and allies, for whom we have sacrificed 
 so much. Will your Majesty grant me a refuge in 
 one of your cities, Briinn, Graz, or Salzburg, to finish 
 my unhappy life there ? '^ ^ Shortly after this she 
 had a dangerous attack of illness. On September 
 16 she took an emetic against the advice of her 
 physicians, and, experiencing no relief, she drank 
 twenty-four glasses of water. Soon after this at 
 two o'clock in the afternoon, whilst she was con- 
 versing with the Marchese Tommasi, she fell down 
 senseless. She was with difficulty carried by five 
 persons to a sofa. After some time she came to 
 herself and sent for her confessor and her children. 
 She took an affectionate leave of them. To her 
 eldest son she recommended her dearly beloved 
 youngest son Leopold and the emigres who had ac- 
 companied her from Naples. She bade Leopold, 
 then twenty-one years old, to behave well. To her 
 favourite daughter, the Duchess of Genevois, she 
 said, '' Mimi, you have always been very good to 
 me " ; and to Marie Amelie, duchess of Orleans, 
 
 ' Helfert, p. 439.
 
 QUEEN CAROLINE OF NAPLES. ^11 
 
 afterwards queen of the Freuch, " I thank you also, 
 my dear Emily ; live happily." " Pray for me, my 
 children," she concluded ; " I stand in great need 
 of your prayers." At ten o'clock she had another 
 attack, and the last sacraments were administered 
 to her. Soon after this she asked to be bled in the 
 foot, which had relieved her in a similar illness at 
 Leghorn. Next day she was much better, and in 
 a day or two was out of danger. We shall see, how- 
 ever, that this illness was only the beginning of the 
 ei:id. 
 
 At the beginning of November, 1811, it was known 
 in Palermo that Lady William Bentinck, who had 
 remained behind in that city, was expecting her hus- 
 band to arrive about the 20th of that month. He did 
 not actually reach Sicily till December 7. He came 
 with very precise and not very agreeable instructions. 
 He had informed his Government that Sicily was by 
 no means in a satisfactory state of defence, that the 
 military force raised by the English subsidy was, in 
 the event of an invasion, more likely to be a hin- 
 drance than a help, while the discontent of the popu- 
 lation against the Government prevented efficient 
 co-operation against an enemy. Acting on this ad- 
 vice. Lord Wellesley determined that the subsidy 
 should be suspended from October 1 until Bentinck 
 should think it advisable to resume it. Tlie exiled 
 barons were to be recalled, and persons opposed to 
 the English to be removed from the Ministry. His 
 instructions further reminded him that there was 
 grave suspicion, but no absolute proof, that the queen 
 had conducted a treasonable correspondence with the 
 
 r. V. T
 
 274 QUEEN CAROLINE OF NAPLES. 
 
 French. He was to watch carefully for evidences 
 of guilt, but was to understand that the English 
 troops were in no case to be used to silence the Court 
 of Palermo. If all advice failed, they were to be 
 transferred to some spot where they could be of 
 greater use. The placing of the whole disposal of 
 the subsidy in Bentinck's hands gave him immense 
 authorit}^. 
 
 Bentinck was also ordered to superintend a plan 
 for wresting Italy from the French, which has been 
 little noticed by English historians. Archduke Fran- 
 cis of Este (afterwards duke of Modena, now a young 
 man of two-and-thirty) had formed the design of 
 collecting an army in Sardinia for the invasion of 
 Italy. The English Grovernment instructed Bentinck 
 to render what assistance he could to the enterprise. 
 On his former journey to Palermo he had stopped at 
 Cagliari to gain what information he could about the 
 archduke's armament. He reported favourably of 
 him, said that besides the loss of his dominions he 
 had a special grievance against Napoleon for having 
 deprived him of his betrothed bride, Marie Louise. 
 His plan was to collect an army of Austrians and 
 Italians who were disgusted with Napoleon's Govern- 
 ment. He looked especially to the Dalmatians, 
 whose country had recently been annexed by France, 
 to form the nucleus of the conspiracy. With an army 
 of this kind he would rouse a national insurrection 
 in Italy against the French such as they were already 
 contending with in Spain. The first idea had been 
 to make the Ionian Islands and the Island of Lissa 
 on the coast of Dalmatia the principal rallying
 
 QUEEN CAROLINE OF NAPLES. 275 
 
 point of the archduke's armament, but subsequently 
 the Island of Sardinia was preferred. Bentinck was 
 entrusted with £100,000 to spend on the enterprise, 
 and £50,000 for the defence of Sardinia. He was 
 authorised to promise the archduke £5,000 a year 
 if he should engage in actual warfare in Italy. Ben- 
 tinck was to decide upon all measures which it might 
 be desirable to take. At the same time the people 
 of Italy must not be excited to any exertion which 
 they may not think necessary for their own safety 
 and interests. The principal reliance of Italy must 
 rest upon the unanimity, courage, and perseverance 
 of her own people in applying the resources of their 
 country against the common enemy with the neces- 
 sary precautions of prudence. The season and mode 
 of resistance must be chosen by them on the spot. 
 It would be wrong to afford any assistance to a 
 partial attack or premature project which should 
 neither unite the energy and zeal of the great body 
 of the people, nor be founded on a due sense of the 
 difficulties and dangers of such an enterprise.^ 
 
 Bentinck's first step on his arrival was to inform 
 the Marquis Circello, the prime minister, that the 
 subsidy had been suspended. Two days later he 
 was presented to the king and queen. Knowing that 
 the queen was really the mainspring of the Govern- 
 ment, he was anxious for a conversation with her as 
 soon as possible, and this was arranged for Decem- 
 ber 13. Bentinck, on being introduced, said that he 
 wished to see her Majesty as soon as possible on his 
 arrival, as she had been the last person he had taken 
 ' Lord Wellesley to Lord W. Bentinck, October, 18 1 L
 
 276 QUEEN CAROLINE OF NAPLES. 
 
 leave of. The Prince Regent of England was actuated 
 solely by friendship and regard, and never had any 
 other oLject in view than the honour and indepen- 
 dence of the King of Sicily. Here the queen stopped 
 him, and asked him if he were an honest man and 
 could make such a remark. For six years it had 
 been the settled wish of the English to take the 
 country. Fox le sjriritucl had said so, Moore le 
 Jacobin enrage did not deny it, Drummond qui farlait 
 comme tin fou, Stuart, and Bentinck himself were all 
 working to the same end. She had always said so 
 to her ministers, who first thought her mad, but now 
 admitted that she was right. How had the Eng-lish 
 behaved with regard to Spain ? Prince Leopold had 
 been invited by the Spanish ministry, and they re- 
 fused to let him go. Sir John Stuart had remained at 
 Ischia inactive with 23,000 men, when there were only 
 3,000 French in Naples. On Bentinck urging the 
 employment of Sicilians, she said that the king ought 
 to be allowed to choose his own servants. The 
 council consisted of Butera, Cassaro, and Parisi, 
 who were Sicilians, Circello, qui est une bete, Medici, 
 who was an able man, and Artali, minister of war. 
 "As for him," she said, " he is a fool whom you may 
 boil, cook, and roast if you please.'^ It would be 
 impossible to compose the council of Sicilians, from 
 the difficulty of finding persons who could read and 
 write. Cassaro was an honest man, and, she added 
 ironically, " a great genius. He has a sublime idea 
 of geography ; he would think it quite natural if you 
 told him that the English squadron had just anchored 
 in the Port of Vienna." She would be very glad
 
 QUEEN CAROLINE OF NAPLES. 277 
 
 to see Prince Belmonte in the ministry, because he 
 would immediately turn against the English. In the 
 very room in which they were now standing he had 
 cautioned her against the English, who wished to 
 reduce the sovereign to the condition of a nabob. 
 It was quite impossible either that Bentinck could 
 command the army or that the barons should be 
 recalled. She had never corresponded with Napoleon 
 nor with his granddaughter ; Napoleon was a coqiiin. 
 She would leave the country, not to beg her bread 
 in England or Italy, but to go to Grermany, and hoped 
 that a frigate would not be refused her to take her 
 to Durazzo or Constantinople. The king might do 
 as he pleased ; perhaps he would abdicate in favour 
 of his son. The conversation lasted two hours. It 
 left the impression on Bentinck that, with exceeding 
 good abilities, she probably never had any common 
 sense, and that her mind, enfeebled by age (she was 
 now fifty-nine years of age), by vast quantities of 
 opium and the operation of violent passions, had 
 reached a state little short of actual insanity.^ Two 
 days before this interview the queen had sent for 
 Fagan, the British consul-general, with whom she had 
 quarrelled, and whom she had not seen for a year. 
 
 There is no doubt that Bentinck and the English 
 Government believed firmly that the queen had car- 
 ried on treasonable correspondence with the enemy, 
 with Murat certainly, if not with Napoleon. It is 
 difficult from the materials at hand to get a clear 
 idea of when this was, but there seems to be evidence 
 that during the year 1811 tolerably frequent com- 
 ^ Bentinck to Wellesley, December 26, 181 1 .
 
 278 QUEEN CAROLINE OF NAPLES. 
 
 munications were kept up between Palermo and 
 Naples. A small felucca mounting one or two guns 
 would sail from Naples to Palmerola, the western- 
 most of the Ponza group ; thence it would proceed 
 nearly due south to Ustica^ a small isolated island 
 lying due north of Palermo about five hours' sail. 
 The emissary would remain ten or twelve days at 
 Palermo^ and have frequent interviews with the 
 queen three hours after sunset. The emissary would 
 return by the same route. Prince Ascoli was in the 
 secret^ and one Castroni conducted the correspond- 
 ence. The letters were sealed by a lyre with the 
 inscription l^ous sommes d'accord. It appeared that 
 Napoleon had promised the queen compensation for 
 herself, and a niece of his own for Prince Leopold 
 if she would co-operate in driving the English out 
 of Sicily. Murat was to march his troops down to 
 Reggio, while the Sicilian troops attacked the Eng- 
 lish and favoured the landing of the French at 
 Messina. The fleet had been corrupted^ and two 
 battalions devoted to the queen had been formed 
 under the supervision of the police. There is so 
 much converging evidence for a design of this kind 
 that the charge is probably not without foundation. 
 It is corroborated by the remarkable conversation 
 between General Donkin and General Goldemar which 
 will be found at length at the end of this essay. 
 
 Another charge was of a totally different character. 
 A certain Baron Jacobi, a German diplomatist, was 
 overheard at Messina giving utterance to designs for 
 turning the English out of Sicily. It was said that 
 in pursuance of a secret article of the treaty of
 
 QUEEN CAROLINE OF NAPLES. 279 
 
 Vienna, Naples and Calabria were to be restored to 
 King Ferdinand, while Sicily was given to one of the 
 emperor's brothers. The arrangement was sanctioned 
 by the Court of St. Petersburg, and Baron Jacobi 
 was sent to Palermo as the envoy of Austria.^ What- 
 ever might have been the result of either of these 
 plans, they were frustrated by the arrival of Lord 
 William Bentinck. After listening to all the evidence 
 Bentinck informed his Government that it was his 
 decided opinion that a treacherous correspondence 
 had been carried on with the enemy. He felt that 
 energetic measures were necessary for the security 
 of the island, and deprecated the limitations of his 
 instructions. He ordered up a regiment from Malta 
 to Messina, and collectea transports at Milazzo and 
 Palermo. He considered that in " listening to the 
 call of the whole country " the British Government 
 was fulfilling the duties of a good and great nation.^ 
 Admiral Fremantle was also in favour of energetic 
 measures. He felt sure that there had been treachery 
 on the part of the Sicilian Government, but up to the 
 present he had not discovered any document which 
 would criminate any part of the Royal family. 
 
 Bentinck had a second interview with the queen 
 on January 2, 1812. She expressed great anxiety 
 for an accommodation ; she had always been English 
 by sentiment, and '' now," she said with a smile, 
 '' I must be English by necessity.^' She would not 
 oppose force. She had persuaded the king not to 
 abdicate, but to return to Palermo for his birthday. 
 
 ^ Violland's declaration, Sicily, vol. 78. 
 ^ Bentinck to Wellesley, January 1, 1812.
 
 28o QUEEN CAROLINE OF NAPLES. 
 
 He was now, she said, at the Ficuzza, a shooting-box 
 in the mountains about six miles from Palermo. She 
 had never corresponded with France, and in future no 
 vessel should go to Naples without a passport from 
 the English admiral, and no letter without being 
 shown to Bentinck. She hoped that Bentinck would 
 come to her at all hours without notice and speak 
 without restraint. Bentinck took care not to irritate 
 her, and the interview passed off quietly. From the 
 palace he went to Circello, who announced to him 
 the king's design to appoint him captain-general 
 under certain restrictions, and showed him a plan 
 for a new administration. This was to add four new 
 members to the council, but not to change any of the 
 ministers except the minister of war. Bentinck said 
 that the arrangement was entirely unsatisfactory. 
 He declined to give his objections or to propose 
 names, but sftid that Prince Cassaro should be con- 
 sulted. The next day Circello showed Bentinck a 
 list of names which Prince Cassaro had suggested 
 for the Ministry. Bentinck, however, had previously 
 seen Prince Cassaro, and had heard from him that 
 he had neither been consulted nor had approved of 
 the names. Bentinck, feeling that whilst the barons 
 remained in exile Prince Cassaro was the only person 
 who could be trusted to oppose the queen's measures, 
 urged him to take the three departments of finance, 
 war, and the interior, leaving the Foreign Office to 
 Circello. After some hesitation he accepted. 
 
 On January 5 Bentinck accepted an invitation 
 from the king to visit him at the Ficuzza, where he 
 stayed a night. The king did not talk on politics ;
 
 QUEEN CAROLINE OF NAPLES. 281 
 
 this was left to the Duke of Ascoli. The duke 
 abused the queen roundly ; he said that she was 
 surrounded by a crowd of villains and the dregs of 
 Naples^ whom he was ashamed to see in her ante- 
 chamber. She was a woman with whom nothing 
 could be carried on, whose intentions varied every 
 five minutes, who speaks '^ to you, to me, to the 
 porter, the priests, with a crowd of rogues and vil- 
 lains, believes what each one says and changes with 
 each of their opinions." He said that the king would 
 never consent to Prince Cassaro holding these offices, 
 as both the king and the queen disliked him exceed- 
 ingly. The only hope lay in the queen's death, 
 which might not be far distant. On returning to 
 Palermo Bentinck informed Circello that if Prince 
 Cassaro were not appointed to a principal place in 
 the Government he would leave Palermo for Messina 
 that day week. On January 9 the Court gave way. 
 Bentinck's arrangement was carried out except that 
 Gargeles, " a spy and a creature of the queen's," was 
 made minister of war.' Notwithstanding this sub- 
 mission Bentinck gave orders for the garrison of 
 Milazzo to sail to Palermo, Milazzo being reinforced 
 from Messina. 
 
 On January 16 by a Eoyal decree the hereditary 
 prince was appointed vicar-general and alter ego of 
 the king with full powers. This was attributed to 
 the king's state of health, but Bentinck in a despatch 
 of January 17 gives a graphic account of the means 
 by which it was brought about. On the 10th he paid 
 the prince a visit by invitation, and had a very long 
 ' Bentinck to "Wellesley, Jauuiiry 11, 1812.
 
 282 QUEEN CAROLINE OF NAPLES. 
 
 conversation with him. The prince repudiated the 
 suggestion that his mother had corresponded with 
 the French^ while Bentinck dischiimed any desire to 
 acquire the island on the part of the English. Ben- 
 tinck urged that the king should abdicate, and that 
 the barons should be recalled. The prince was afraid 
 of the revolutionary character of the barons, and did 
 not believe in the existence of popular discontents. 
 Bentinck said that the only way to drive the French 
 from Italy was to hold out liberty and a constitution 
 to the nation. Bentinck left the prince with the 
 impression that he had never spoken with a person 
 more dispassionate, honest, and apparently well- 
 meaning. After this conversation the prince went 
 to his mother, fell down on his knees and urged her 
 to retire from public affairs ; he would now accept 
 the transfer of the Royal authority, which the king 
 had already offered him three times. The queen 
 was vei'y angry, and reproached her son in the bit- 
 terest terms. However, next day Circello came to 
 Bentinck to say that the queen was going to the 
 Ficuzza to persuade the king to transfer everything 
 to the prince, and that he hoped that he would 
 countermand the troops, which was done accordingly. 
 Fortunately they had not sailed from Milazzo. 
 
 Two days later Bentinck saw both the prince and 
 the queen. The prince had by no means got over his 
 treatment by the queen, although he said that she 
 was the kindest of mothers. The queen asked Ben- 
 tinck what was to be done. He advised abdication, 
 which the queen would not hear of. She was deeply 
 moved, and said that the English wished to dethrone
 
 QUEEN CAROLINE OF NAPLES. 283 
 
 the king and his family. She abused Napoleon, and 
 said that if she had evei' thought of selling Sicily it 
 would have been to the English. At last she became 
 very wild. She said that there was only one way 
 to save the king's honour, that he should place him- 
 self at the head of his army to reconquer Naples, and 
 if necessary die like Tippoo Sahib in the breach, 
 Bentinck said that the king could do as he pleased 
 with his own troops. She asked Bentinck to write 
 it down, and forced a pen into his hand, but when 
 he refused she wrote herself, " Lord Bentinck de- 
 clares that he does not object to the expedition to 
 Naples. '^ " This,'^ she said, "' will leave you in com- 
 plete possession of Sicily, which you will not dislike." 
 The king came to Palermo on the 14th, when Ben- 
 tinck says that the queen made a last attempt to 
 persuade him not to surrender his authority. This, 
 however, is very doubtful. On the 16th, as we have 
 said above, the prince was appointed alier ego. The 
 king retired to the Ficuzza and the queen to Santa 
 Croce. The first acts of the prince were to appoint 
 Bentinck captain-general under the orders of the 
 king, to recall the barons, and to repeal the obnoxious 
 one per cent. tax. Bentinck was oifered a seat upon 
 the council, which he declined. In consequence of 
 these measures the subsidy was ordered to be paid 
 in full as before. Nevertheless Bentinck still con- 
 tinued to suspect the queen. The prince defended 
 her, saying that injustice was done her, that she did 
 not interfere with him, and that it was hard that she 
 should not be left in quiet in her retirement. 
 
 At Messiua, whither he had gone upon business,
 
 284 QUEEN CAROLINE OF NAPLES. 
 
 Bentinck heard detailed accounts of the queen's cor- 
 respondence with the enemy. She liad written to 
 Murat, to Napoleon, to Marie Louise, to offer to give 
 up the island to the French if some compensation 
 could be found for her husband and herself. The 
 kingdom of Holland had been suggested. The 
 correspondence was carried on with melodramatic 
 secrecy. Letters were written in lemon juice or 
 pricked in from holes which could only be seen when 
 held to the light. Muffled messengers met the queen 
 in the suburbs of Palermo. Seals were broken in 
 half to be used as tokens. It is difficult to say how 
 much of this was true. Without doubt the queen 
 would have been happy to exchange the position 
 of a prisoner for one of independence. It was one 
 thing to scheme these plots, another to carry them 
 out. Bentinck, however, could make no allowances. 
 Castlereagh, the new foreign minister, was a harder 
 man than Wellesley. On March 16 Bentinck wrote 
 to the queen that he had evidence of a direct cor- 
 respondence with the French, which, however, he 
 could not divulge, and that she must retire from the 
 neighbourhood of Palermo to a more distant part 
 of the island. The prince wrote warmly in his 
 mother's defence; he demanded proof of treasonable 
 correspondence, and warned Bentinck against the 
 falsehoods of infamous persons. The queen was 
 quite ready to quit the island when the season per- 
 mitted, and when she had ascertained whither to go. 
 '^ My lord," he concludes, '' if we wish to produce 
 real good and quickly, which I do not doubt, let us 
 unite, let us proceed, and spare me the pain which
 
 QUEEN CAROLINE OF NAPLES. 285 
 
 steps of this nature cause me. Let my parents be 
 respected and you will find me entirely yours." 
 Bentinck now insisted on the Ministry being changed. 
 Belmonte took the place of Circello, Villanuova of 
 Tommasi^ Aci became minister of war instead of Cas- 
 tellentini, Cassaro was made minister of justice. He 
 also continued to insist upon the queen's retirement 
 from Palermo. On April 17 he wrote to Padre 
 Cacamo, the king's confessor, to request him to per- 
 suade his Majesty to remove the queen from the island, 
 Cacamo answered that he could not interfere in a 
 matter which was alien to his character and his con- 
 science. A week later Bentinck wrote to the king 
 himself, urging that a parliament was about to meet, 
 and that it could not deliberate in security unless the 
 queen were absent. A copy of this was sent to the 
 queen, who replied with great dignity and force. 
 She says that the difficulties of the situation do not 
 arise from her, but from the nature of things, that 
 his charges against her are the invention of her per- 
 sonal enemies, that public opinion is really with her. 
 " Let Lord Bentinck be at last convinced/' she con- 
 cludes, '^ that the daughter of Maria Theresa may be 
 oppressed and calumniated, but never dishonoured." 
 It is to this period that the first letter of the queen 
 to Fagan belongs. She pours out her heart to him 
 in confidence, and bewails her unhappy fate. She 
 is ready to die like her unhappy sister Mai'ie An- 
 toinette, but she will do her duty till the grave. She 
 declares that she has never swerved in her attach- 
 ment to the English alliance, that she has been always 
 loyal and true. It is gratifying to find that Pagan's
 
 286 QUEEN CAROLINE OF NAPLES. 
 
 services in this respect were not unappreciated by 
 Bentinckj who writes on May 7 to request that his 
 salary may be raised on the ground that he has been 
 employed in the most confidential communications 
 with the queen, has gained in a great degree her 
 Majesty's goodwill, and in the delicate and embar- 
 rassing business with which he has been entrusted 
 has acquitted himself to Bentinck's satisfaction, 
 Sicily could hardly be said to flourish under British 
 government ; the loaf got smaller and dearer every 
 day. Sicilian troops were transported under General 
 Maitland to Spain, where they were shut up in the 
 walls of Alicante by the French. The queen's letters 
 to Fagan of this period are full of warm-hearted 
 affection for him and his family. She complains 
 bitterly of her ill-health, of her fever and want of 
 sleep, which she ascribes to her troubles. Bentinck 
 soon obtained what he desired. The queen joined 
 the king at Ficuzza, and when he went to Solunto 
 for the tunny-fishing she repaired to the villa of La 
 Bagaria, which is only at a little distance. About 
 this time she received a loug-expected letter from 
 the Emperor of Austria offering her a home in Ger- 
 many if she wished for it. 
 
 Castlereagh, who had become foreign minister in 
 January, 1812, was more likely to urge Bentinck to 
 strong measures than his predecessor Wellesley. 
 The " Hints on the Improvement of Sicily," which 
 are printed among his papers, viii. 224-232, although 
 their author is unknown, were certainly read and 
 studied by him. Their general drift is that we 
 should anglicise Sicily as much as possible, if we do
 
 QUEEN CAROLINE OF NAPLES. i^'j 
 
 not actually annex it. The chief instrument of 
 amelioration was to be the introduction of a consti- 
 tution on the English pattern, which was regarded 
 at that time as a panacea for all political ills. Ben- 
 tinck's new instructions of May 9 order him to make 
 the army a thoroughly national force^ to introduce a 
 regular system of paying, clothing, and arming the 
 troops, to make such reforms of the Sicilian constitu- 
 tion as may insure the affection of the people, and 
 make the Neapolitans anxious to receive equal ad- 
 vantages together with the return of their lawful 
 sovereigns. , Bentinck says (June 30) that he was at 
 first opposed to the idea of an English constitution 
 on the ground of the people not being fit for it, but 
 as he always says that the queen was in favour of it 
 whereas her protests against it were continuous, 
 much weight cannot be attached to that assertion. 
 
 The Sicilian Parliament met on June 18, and the 
 groundwork of the constitution had been in discussion 
 for some weeks before. The principal authors were 
 Princes Belmonte and Villa Hermosa. The strong 
 wish of the hereditary prince to attempt the recon- 
 quest of Naples at a time when Murat was absent on 
 the expedition to Russia was made a lever for press- 
 ing the acceptance of reforms. The French govern- 
 ment in Naples, however unpopular in some respects, 
 had certainly ameliorated the general condition of 
 the people, and if the Bourbons wished to return it 
 could only be with a constitution. Sixteen resolu- 
 tions were drawn up to be submitted to the parlia- 
 ment as a basis for the new constitution. 1. It is to 
 embrace the English constitution '' from the first
 
 288 QUEEN CAROLINE OE NAPLES. 
 
 line to the last/' with such modifications as the 
 parliament may consider necessary. 2. All feudal 
 rights and distinctions are to be abolished, and the 
 whole population of Sicily declared equal before the 
 law. 3. The nation, being free to elect its prince, 
 elects, subject to the observance of the present con- 
 stitution, Francesco Borbone, all other claims to the 
 throne being declared void. 4. That public lands 
 henceforth belong to the nation, but are assigned to the 
 decent support of the Royal family. 5. Forest laws 
 are abolished. 6. Only Sicilian subjects can have 
 any public employment. 7. The chamber of eccle- 
 siastics is abolished and incorporated with the cham- 
 ber of peers. 8, The legislative power rests with the 
 nation meeting in parliament with the consent of the 
 king. 9. Parliament is to determine the number of 
 the army. 10. The king may not leave the kingdom 
 Avithout the consent of the parliament, and if the 
 throne become vacant the nation may elect a new 
 king. 11. The nation is to pay dowries for the king's 
 daughters, but they are not to be married with- 
 out the consent of the nation. 14. Parliament is to 
 meet every year. If the king does not summon it, 
 the chancellor is to do so. ]o. The person of the 
 s>overeign is sacred, but the ministers may be im- 
 peached. 16. The minister of marine shall always 
 be chosen from the Commons, and the ministers of 
 grace and justice from the Lords. These bases were 
 afterwards modified, and eventually the constitution 
 was passed in fourteen articles. 
 
 The preamble states that the constitution of Eng- 
 land is to be the basis of the Sicilian constitution.
 
 QUEEN CAROLINE OF NAPLES. 289 
 
 except as regards religion, wliicli is to be Roman 
 Catholic as heretofore. 1. The legislative authority 
 belongs exclasively to parliament, but the sovereign 
 has a veto. 2. The executive authority is vested in 
 the person of the king. 3. The judicial authority is 
 distinct from and independent of the executive and 
 legislative authority. Judges and magistrates may 
 be removed by the House of Peers on the accusation 
 of the House of Commons. 4. The person of the 
 king is sacred and inviolable. 5. Ministers and 
 public functionaries may be impeached by the par- 
 liament. G. Parliament is to consist of two houses, 
 peers and commons. Ecclesiastics are to sit with the 
 peers. 7. The barons are to have only one vote 
 apiece. 8. Parliament is prorogued by the king, but 
 must be convoked every year. 9. The crown lands 
 and other national resources are to be administered 
 by the nation, who shall also determine the amount 
 of the civil list. 10. No Sicilian shall be punished 
 except by law. Peers are to be judged by peers. 
 
 11. The feudal system is to be entirely abolished. 
 
 12. Certain ancient rights on land are to be abolished 
 with compensation. 13. Money bills must originate 
 in the Commons, and must be approved or vetoed by 
 the Lords without amendment. 14. The parliament 
 shall have the right of adding to or amending the 
 constitution. Of these articles, all but three received 
 the Eoyal assent. No. 10 was vetoed, and 9 and 13 
 were deferred for future consideration. 
 
 It is not difficult to imagine the feelings of the 
 queen during this time. On June 16 she writes to 
 Pagan : " The day after to-morrow the extraordin- 
 
 F. V. u
 
 290 QUEEN CAROLINE OF NAPLES. 
 
 ary parliament is to open which is to bring about the 
 happiness of Sicily. Such are the repeated assur- 
 ances of Lord Bentinck, who has, indeed, forced and 
 brought about the holding of this parliament, I 
 repeat what I have so often said, and what I deeply 
 feel, it will never bring about the happiness of the 
 people, but act as the cause of many evils.'^ She was, 
 however, little able to give effect to her opinions, 
 being at this time terribly in debt. She turned to 
 Pagan as to a confidant whom she could trust, and by 
 his advice wrote him a letter to be shown to Lord 
 Bentinck. Her public letters are always in French 
 and are signed Charlotte, which was not one of her 
 names, whereas her private letters are in Italian and 
 are signed Caroline.^ Her letter of June 21 asks 
 for an advance of £100,000, to be repaid by deduct- 
 ing £50,000 from the subsidy for twenty months. 
 She says what civil things she can to the English, 
 and goes so far as to hope that the new constitution 
 may be on the English model. In her private Italian 
 letter she tells Fagan how much it has cost her to write 
 this, but beggars must not be choosers. She also 
 hints that the collections of Capodimonte transferred 
 to Sicily in 1798 are worth a million sterling, and 
 might, if deposited in a London bank or sold, secure 
 her an income of £50,000 a year. There is a list of 
 her debts in the Record Ofiice which amounts to 
 154,000 ounces.^ Bentinck requested Fagan on July 
 9 to tell the queen that he ^could not pay so large 
 
 ^ She was christened Maria Karoline Johanna Josephe 
 Antonia. 
 
 ^ The Neapolitan ounce at this time wns worth about 13s. 4cZ.
 
 QUEEN CAROLINE OF NAPLES. 291 
 
 a sum of money without the authority of the English 
 Government, that he had given her advice which she 
 would not take, and that, although he should be glad 
 to extricate her, he did not see how it was to be 
 done. The queen replies on July 14 that she has no 
 objection to an application being made to the English 
 Government, who are, indeed, the cause of her mis- 
 fortunes ; and she encloses the list of her debts as 
 given above. On July 30 she writes a private letter 
 to Fagan, of which, however, there is an English 
 translation in the Eecord Office, that she has per- 
 suaded the king to seek an interview with Bentinck, 
 which she trusts will improve the relations between 
 them. An account of what passed is given in a letter 
 from the queen to Fagan of August 4. 
 
 I beg you, without fail, to return me either the whole 
 letter, or at all events as soou as possible the annexed 
 paper. "We live in doubtful times when no one should be 
 trusted, and I wish this confidential paper to be returned. 
 I return you many thanks for your letter of August 3, and 
 I am much obliged to you for the interest which you 
 evince for me on every occasion. I saw Lord William 
 Bentinck on the 1st of this month ; 1 had great difficulty 
 ia persuading the king to the interview, which I had 
 conceived would be useful. The conversation between 
 the king, Lord William, and Mr. Lamb lasted three com- 
 plete hours, during which I was in the greatest agony, 
 knowing well that everything depended upon the result 
 of it ; from its length I was induced to flatter myself that 
 the conference would be amicable, but it had scarcely 
 finished when the king removed these hopes. I confess 
 I was annoyed at finding myself at dinner in company 
 with those who had effected our destruction and dis-
 
 292 QUEEN- CAROLINE OF NAPLES. 
 
 honour, and as I am of a candid and sincere disposition, I 
 dare say that m j looks betrayed my feelings ; during 
 dinner, however, reflection soothed them, and when it was 
 over, I begged Lord William and Mr. Lamb to walk into 
 my room, where he sat down without utteinng a word ; 
 a repulsive silence. I begged him to speak to me, and 
 for the honour of Great Britain to consider what might 
 be beneficial to her ancient ally ; he continued mute as 
 a stone, and at last I said to him that I had a right to 
 expect that he would converse with me on friendly terms; 
 he then loosed his tongue, and in the most bitter manner, 
 with a sarcastic smile, he assured me that he never ex- 
 pected and certainly never wished either to see me or to 
 speak with me, and this he urged with a tone and manner 
 which was not customary, even among equals, before the 
 general revolution of Europe. We passed then to the 
 subject of the parliament, and he constantly repeated, 
 without entei'ing- into any detail, il faut sanctionner. I 
 took the trouble, by an exercise of patience which 
 shortens one's life, to explain to him that he did not 
 defend the rights of the king, his ally, at whose Court he 
 was accredited, to which he answered " that he had used 
 every means in his power to defend the nation." I said 
 that only a few factious individuals were defended by his 
 Lordship's measures ; that the nation, the provinces, the 
 second order, and the people, all cried out against this 
 aristocracy ; he replied " that the whole were happy and 
 content, and that only a few alterations were required to 
 introduce the English constitution." I said that I did 
 not know what his Court would say, finding that, instead 
 of rendering Sicily happy, he had established a destruc- 
 tive aristocracy, which had disgusted and perhaps revo- 
 lutionised, the provinces, and facilitated the introduction 
 of the French. He asked me, in a tone of irony and 
 reproof, what I should say if the parliament had unanim- 
 ously asked for the English constitution : I with perfect
 
 QUEEN CAROLINE OF NAPLES. 293 
 
 composure answered that 1 should say, I consider it a 
 meanness in a nation already having a constitution to 
 seek for another, but that I should prefer the English 
 constitution to those fifteen articles, a shapeless machine, 
 which had deprived the king- of all that belongs to him, 
 of his authority, his revenue, honour, and his pre-emin- 
 ence, restoring and confirming at the same time the 
 oppressive baronial rights. He continued to say it was 
 the best, and I, not being able to concur with him, said 
 that I was resolved to depart from this island, but in one 
 of our own frigates, which was competent to my honour. 
 In short. Lord William was stern toward me, manifesting 
 ill-will and Spite, and I see that for me all is useless ; I 
 am miserably rewarded for enthusiastic Anglomania. 
 These are facts. Reflection upon what would be said in 
 England, when it becomes known that she is the protector 
 of aristocracy, induced him to send to tell the vicar that if 
 he would accept the English constitution entire, he would 
 in that case sustain the veto against the other demands 
 of the parliament. With this assurance the prince came 
 on August 2, and laying a paper before the king, he, con- 
 strained by necessity and by the urgent circumstances of 
 the case, subscribed it. I send it you in the greatest con- 
 fidence. I have told you only facts, and I abstain from 
 mentioning my reflections, which are very painful, and the 
 truth of which time will prove. My health, respecting 
 which you show so much anxiety, suffers much ; sleep 
 has forsaken me, and the air disagrees with me, but I 
 have not time to think of those things ; my mind is tor- 
 tured to see our ancient allies behaving towards us in a 
 manner which our enemies, the French, never even con- 
 templated, during the two long periods that they sojourned 
 in the provinces of Puglia. 
 
 I now propose to give information of all that is passing 
 to England, and to our other allies, and to request an 
 a-<yluni in my countiy, where 1 may end my unhappy
 
 29+ QUEEN CAROLINE OF NAPLES. 
 
 life in peace, at a distance from tlie infaraons cabals and 
 intrigues of this place. Were it not for the absolute 
 impossibity of maintaining myself, I would not accept of 
 a penny from the nation who have behaved so ill to us ; 
 but I am a mother, I have children, and cannot cut shoit 
 my days ; I must therefore wait for the pension which 
 our rebellious su^bjects shall assign to us. All these are 
 melancholy reflections. I cannot, in honesty, withdraw 
 myself from unhappy Sicily, without discharging my 
 debts ; I conceive myself honourable, and I wish to con- 
 clude my unhappy career as such. 
 
 I am near my unfoi'tunate and honoured, husband, a 
 king of fifty-four years' standing, a true lover of the 
 happiness of his subjects, perfectly just, a true and sincere 
 friend and ally, and after all treated as he has been by 
 his subjects and allies ! But he possesses a strong sense 
 of religion, which affords him consolation. I cannot deny 
 that I feel this treatment very sensibly, nor do I think we 
 are yet at the end of our miseries, they have gone too far 
 to stop. We have lost Sicily, and every reasonable hope 
 of recovering N^aples. All is lost to us. This is a melan- 
 choly but just picture of our situation ; I trace it for a 
 friend, whom I have known to be honest, loyal, and sincere, 
 which I shall ever remember with gratitude. A thousand 
 compliments to your wife and your daughter, and believe 
 me with esteem your grateful friend, Carolina. 
 
 The criticisms of the queen upon the new consti- 
 tution were not too severe. The sudden abolition of 
 feudal and other customary rights of property caused 
 great discontent amongst the persons affected by it. 
 A large bottle full of gunpowder and pieces of iron 
 was thrown on the night of August 12 into the House 
 of Parliament'. By an accident it failed to explode. It 
 was attributed to the Duke of Crano^ who afterwards
 
 QUEEN CAROLINE OF NAPLES. 295 
 
 confessed the crime ; but it was an expression of the 
 general discontent. Many of those best able to 
 judge thought that the idea of forcing a constitution 
 similar to that of England on a foreign people was 
 absurd, that many parts of it were not suitable 
 to the continent. An Englishman, writing from 
 Palermo on August 26, 1812, says : " To copy a law 
 verbatim and to apply it to a people in totally differ- 
 ent circumstances is to counteract and spoil the very 
 effect we intended. ... In one moment is over- 
 turned the whole fabric of an ancient government 
 which has existed nearly ten centuries, without 
 opening one of its records nor examining the foun- 
 dations on which it rested, and with the same pre- 
 cipitation it is voted that the British constitution is 
 to be adopted. . . . Lord William Bentinck in 
 allowing such resolutions to be formed has proved 
 himself extremely unacquainted with two material 
 points — the Sicilian Government which he has over- 
 turned with a view of reforming, and the British 
 constitution which he thinks he has been establishing." 
 Blaquiere tells us, writing iu the middle of July, 
 that he had received a number of letters from Sicily 
 which all concurred in representing the state of the 
 island, if possible, more deplorable than ever, and 
 that every one from the monarch to the peasant was 
 opposed to the new arrangements. 
 
 On August 19 the queen writes to Fagan as 
 follows: — 
 
 I have received your consoling and honest letter, and T 
 am infinitely obliged to you for it, but the day of August
 
 296 QUEEN CAROLINE OF NAPLES. 
 
 19 has extinguished in me every hope of relief, and has 
 overwhelmed me with the deepest despair. For two 
 days the vicar has been writing the most violent letters, 
 saying that he wishes to act as he pleases, or that he will 
 throw up the charge, and leave the king to contend for 
 himself ; moreover, he gives a most frightful description 
 of the great violence of Bentinck, and says that if the 
 king returns to authority he will be constrained to act in 
 the same way, adding a long detail of the most unplea- 
 sant subjects in order to dissuade him from returning to 
 the Government. Cacamo and Cassaro have come here 
 this morning : the latter has represented in such a dread- 
 ful light the contest which is inevitable with Bentinck, 
 and the necessity of conceding everything immediately, 
 that the king, losing himself through consternation, has 
 confirmed and even exceeded the powers which he gave 
 to the vicar on January 16 ; he has conceded to Bentinck 
 seven thousand men, to belaid from our subsidy, and has 
 given him full power over the Royal household ; in short, 
 the king has not entirely abdicated, he has done the 
 same thing, and we may say, consummatum est. For 
 my part I feel their malice towards us more than ever; 
 every sacred duty of probity should induce Bentinck to 
 arrange the payment of my debts at the expense of Eng- 
 land, in which case he will obtain my departure from 
 Sicily, but I will not go while I have a grain of debt, 
 wishing to conclude honestly, having lived so. It appears 
 to me that they have already done us mischief enough 
 in thus perfidiously depriving us of a kingdom, and in 
 using every sort of infamous intrigue to annihilate us en- 
 tirely. We are ruined and undone, at the mercy of fifty 
 revolutionary regicides, who will make us grieve while 
 they are protected by the minister of Great Britain, our 
 ally, who supports the regicides, and who has destroyed 
 the principles of a son who has hitherto been obedient and 
 dutiful, but now a traitor and a revolutionary ! In short,
 
 QUEEN CAROLINE OF NAPLES. 297 
 
 he has rendered me truly miserable, and I see no hope 
 except in my immediate departure from Sicily, otherwise 
 they will commit the most barbarous outrage against 
 my innocent person. I confess to you that my mind is 
 agonised. I foresaw every misfortune, 1 perceive that 
 the parliament is literally attacking the sovereign 
 authority. I cannot express my affliction and despaii-, 
 which I am assured proceed from the minister of our 
 faithful ally. Adieu. 
 
 Believe me your good mistress, 
 
 Carolina. 
 
 On September 13 Bentinck sent a letter to the king 
 at the Ficuzza saying that he had positive orders from 
 his Government that the queen was to take no part 
 in public affairs. The queen interpreted it to mean 
 that she must leave Sicily, and that night she had a 
 fit of apoplexy. Bentinck remarks upon it : " It has 
 recurred within two days of the time when she suf- 
 fered a similar attack last year. Upon this occasion 
 the fit has been much less severe. She was yester- 
 da}^ [September 14] very much recovered." He says 
 also that her abstinence from public affairs can only 
 be accomplished by her leaving Sicily. Such is the 
 unanimous opinion of the public as well as of all the 
 ministers as well as of the prince himself. " But 
 desirable as this event would be, I do feel very great 
 reluctance to enforce it at the queen's time of life ; in 
 the state o£ her health, and at this advanced season, 
 such an act might appear cruel. But I mean to re- 
 quire that her Majesty shall fix her residence at a 
 greater distance from Palermo, where, as the king 
 will not accompany her, her influence will no longer
 
 298 QUEEN CAROLINE OF NAPLES. 
 
 be exercised in that quarter where it has been always 
 so pernicious." 
 
 In the middle of September the prince was at- 
 tacked by a serious illness. The account which 
 Bentinck gives in a letter to Castlereagh of October 
 is so characteristic that it is worth while to print 
 it in full. 
 
 Palermo, October 4, 1812. 
 My Lord, — I have to acquaint your Lordship that the 
 hereditary prince has been attacked by a severe illness, 
 which for some time threatened the most serious conse- 
 quences ; it began by spasms in the stomach, which it 
 was apprehended from their commencement might be 
 dangerous. On September 22 the queen came to the palace, 
 and the day after the violence of the attacks was so much 
 increased that the greatest apprehensions were enter- 
 tained as to the result. This state continued with little 
 intermission during the four following days. The symp- 
 toms were of a nature so like poison that it was generally 
 believed arsenic had been administered ; and such is the 
 opinion entertained of her Majesty's character, that the 
 general suspicion was fixed upon the queen. During the 
 agonies of the prince, she sat by his bedside without 
 either speaking or moving a feature. When the physi- 
 cians declared his life to be in danger, the prince wept, 
 and her Majesty shed tears, requesting those present 
 would observe how much she was aifected. On the 
 physicians pronouncing their opinion that the prince had 
 taken poison, she turned to him and said, " Have 1 ever 
 been deficient in affection to you F " to which he answered, 
 "No, madam." The result of the illness has destroyed 
 every suspicion of it having been caused by poison, but it 
 is certain that the impression was very strong upon the 
 mind of the prince himself. In a conversation with the
 
 QUEEN CAROLINE OF NAPLES. 299 
 
 Prince Belnionte during his illness he did not disguise 
 the suspicion, and in speaking of the Prince Belmonte, 
 who has lately suffered much from ill-health, he said, 
 " Tauvre Selmonte, nous sommes attaques par la meme 
 maladie.'^ The queen herself imprudently contributed 
 to give currency to this report, with the view of throw- 
 ing the odium upon the exiled barons, whom she accused 
 of wishing by this means to obtain the regency for the 
 Duke of Orleans. Her Majesty did not scruple to tell 
 the hereditary prince that he was reported to have been 
 poisoned by the Duke of Orleans, and said to the Duchess 
 of Orleans that it was supposed to have been done either 
 by herself or by the duke. On the evening of the 26tli 
 the prince's danger was so imminent that the king was 
 sent for from the Ficuzza, and arrived the next morning ; 
 in the interview with the prince he testified the greatest 
 interest and affection for him; they mutually shed tears, 
 and it was not till the morning of the 28th, when his 
 Royal Highness was considered out of danger, that his 
 Majesty left Palermo, and was followed by the queen the 
 day after. The hereditary prince has since retired to a 
 country house near Palermo, and his health has consider- 
 ably improved. This removes the apprehensions which 
 were excited by his illness at a time when the i-esidence 
 of her Majesty about the person of the king had so 
 strengthened her dominion over his mind, that the loss 
 of the prince might have been expected to be the signal 
 for the adoption of new measures the most inimical to 
 our interests and policy. But I regret to say that the 
 prince's close attention to the details of business, which 
 his habits of suspicion prevent him from entrusting to his 
 ministers, added to the anxiety he has experienced from 
 the opposition of his parents, and the painful struggles 
 which her Majesty has lost no opportunity of exciting 
 between his tilial piety and the duties of his situation, 
 have so far impaired a constitution not naturally strong,
 
 300 QUEEN CAROLINE OF NAPLES. 
 
 that he is by no means to be considered as a good life, 
 and the recurrence of the same attack, which there is 
 much reason to apprehend, may suddenly plunge us into 
 difficulties and embarrassments from which we have so 
 narrowly escaped. 
 
 I have the honour to be, my Lord, your Lordship's most 
 obedient humble servant, W. C. Bextinck. 
 
 Surely a statesman witli such deep-seated preju- 
 dices against the queen was entirely unfi.t for the 
 delicate situation in which he was placed.^ A letter 
 of the queen to Fagan of September 28 expresses 
 great distress at the calumnies of which she had been 
 the object, and unbounded confidence in Fagan^s 
 fi'iendship and affection. 
 
 A letter of Bentinck's to Castlereagh of October 24 
 gives a very naive and full account of his efforts to 
 get the queen away from Palermo. On September 13 
 he wrote to the king on the subject, but received no 
 answer. Then came the illness of the prince. The 
 arrival of the queen at Palermo to see her son stimu- 
 lated Lord William to new efforts. He sent for the 
 Marquis de St. Clair, a friend of the Royal family, 
 and told him his difficulty. On the 24th Prince 
 Cassaro brought him a message from the king, say- 
 ing that he had heard Bentinck was going to write 
 to him again, and that he did not wish to receive any 
 more impertinent letters from him, but desired to see 
 the proofs he had against the queen, whom he "wished 
 he would leave quiet. After some conversation, Ben- 
 tinck insisted not only that the queen should go away, 
 
 ^ The hereditary prince died November 8, 1830, at the age of 
 fifty-three, the father of seven sons and seven daughters.
 
 QUEEN CAROLINE OF NAPLES. 3^1 
 
 but that the date of lier departure should be fixed. 
 Cassaro saw the queen, who replied that she would 
 stay with the king till the spring, when they would 
 both leave the island. This was at the very time 
 when the prince was in the greatest danger. On Octo- 
 ber 9 Bentinck wrote a letter to the king ; three days 
 afterwards it was returned by the hereditary prince 
 unopened. In the letter which enclosed it the prince 
 declared that the queen had never interfered with 
 him. Bentinck then went to Circello, the ex-minister, 
 who refused to interfere. On October 15 Bentinck, 
 undaunted by these rebuffs, rode down to the Ficuzza, 
 twenty-three miles distant, taking with him a letter 
 for the king. He had not been ten minutes in the 
 antechamber when he saw the queen going into the 
 king's room. Father Cacamo, the king's confessor, 
 then appeared and said that the king could not re- 
 ceive Bentinck unless he promised not to enter upon 
 business. At the same time the king sent a dignified 
 message : — - 
 
 The orders of your Court direct you to require the 
 queen's absence from Palermo, her removal from the seat 
 of government, her non-intei-ference with affairs of State. 
 His Majesty has secured these points, has resigned the 
 reins of government to the vicar-general, and considering 
 himself as a private individual has retired from business, 
 taking under especial guidance and protection her Majesty 
 his wife. Being under his protection, he is responsible 
 for her actions. His separation from her Majesty cannot 
 be admitted, but in order to remove all doubt of her 
 interference in State aifairs it is intended to transfer her 
 abode to Santa Margherita the first day in November,
 
 302 QUEEN CAROLINE OF NAPLES. 
 
 there to remain until after tlie shooting season, and in 
 the spring of the year her Majesty proposes retiring to 
 the continent. 
 
 Bentinck then sent Cacamo to ask whether he was 
 to understand that the king would not admit him to 
 his presence. The king returned answer that he was 
 still king, and that it did not suit his convenience to 
 receive Bentinck. He would let him know his inten- 
 tions through Prince Cassaro, but that he would 
 never be separated from the queen. Bentinck then 
 said that if he did not receive an answer in two days 
 he should have to adopt other measures. The con- 
 fessor, alarmed at his violence, went again to the 
 king, and after a considerable delay returned with 
 the reply that his Majesty would receive no per- 
 emptory terms, and that he would never be separated 
 from the queen. The confessor offered an interview 
 with the queen, but that he declined, " as it would 
 be painful to both parties, and would not be attended 
 with any advantage." After Bentinck's departure 
 the king sent for Princes Cassaro and Circello, and 
 they brought back word that the queen was going to 
 Santa Margherita, about forty miles from Palei'mo, 
 and intended going to Vienna in the spring, Ben- 
 tinck exacted an assurance in writing that the queen 
 would remain at Santa Margherita and not return 
 to Ficuzza. The king afterwards disclaimed the 
 authority of the two noblemen to give any such 
 assurance. A letter of Queen Caroline's to Fagan 
 of October 9 declares that she will never desert her 
 husband, but will do her duty as wife, mother, and
 
 QUEEN CAROLINE OF NAPLES. 303 
 
 lionest woman, and that in the fulfilment of what 
 she thought right she was ready to suffer anything. 
 Another letter of October 31 is very touching. She is 
 full of gratitude to Fagan. If Bentinck had only 
 had more knowledge of mankind, and had acted to- 
 wards the king with uprightness and cordiality, 
 things would have gone differently. She expresses 
 a great respect for Lady William Bentinck, and will 
 not invite her into the savage desert of Ficuzza ; but 
 as the queen is going for ten days to Palermo, before 
 her departure for her new exile, she hopes to have a 
 visit from her. She is indignant at the letter which 
 Bentinck has written to the prince. " I am sorry for 
 his Lordship, who, being deceived with respect to me, 
 persecutes me in a manner so indecent and so pre- 
 judicial to the dignity of the British nation and its 
 good faith towards a faithful ally,'^ 
 
 After paying a last visit to Palermo the queen 
 retired with her husband to Santa Margherita, a 
 lonely country house in the neighbourhood of Gir- 
 genti. All provisions had to be brought on the 
 backs of mules. The queen herself was borne thither 
 in a litter, and soon after her arrival was danger- 
 ously ill. Husband and wife were sorely pinched for 
 means. In December they removed to Castelvetrano 
 in the south of the island, about eighty miles from 
 Palermo. The removal of the queen did not expedite 
 the working of the constitution. On December 7 
 Bentinck complains to Prince Belmoiite that the 
 acts passed in the last session of parliament had 
 not yet received the sanction of the vicar-general. 
 About the same time he suggested to the English
 
 304 QUEEN CAROLINE OF NAPLES. 
 
 Government that tliey sliould facilitate the queen's 
 departure from the island by granting her an allow- 
 ance on that condition. He cynically adds : " The 
 state of her Majesty's health is such that she would 
 in all probability receive the allowance in question 
 for a very few years." ^ The home Government, who 
 were in constant communication with Prince Castel- 
 cicala, the Sicilian minister in London, were anxious 
 on the one hand to escape the odium of coercing 
 the queen, and on the other to maintain the full 
 authority of Bentinck. Then Castlereagh, writing on 
 December 5, admits that he has told Castelcicala that 
 the Government do not insist on the queen leaving 
 the island provided she keeps aloof from public affairs. 
 However, on February 9, 1813, he writes to Ben- 
 tinck, that in consequence of the new representations 
 he has received from him he has informed Castel- 
 cicala that the queen must leave the island, and that 
 he proposes she should go to Vienna rather than to 
 Sardinia. At the same time he warns Bentinck that 
 all expression of using force must be avoided, and 
 that no restraint must be placed on the return of the 
 queen. On January 4 the queen came to the Ficuzza, 
 which Bentinck immediately complained of as a 
 breach of agreement. He called on Princes Cassaro 
 and Circello to enforce their written undertaking, 
 but it will be remembered that the king had repu- 
 diated their promise as soon as he heard of its being 
 given. The Duke of Orleans (afterwards Louis- 
 Philippe) took the opportunity of giving the hereditary 
 princes some good advice. The best plan was tu 
 ^ Bentinck to Castlereagh, December 10, 1812.
 
 QUEEN CAROLINE OF NAPLES. 305 
 
 submit to Bentinck ; the English Government would 
 have their way, and would make Sicily subordinate to 
 their political views. If they had intended to take 
 the island, they would have done so long ago. The 
 Royal family were entirely dependent on the English 
 Government. How could it be otherwise when they 
 received a large English subsidy, and were protected 
 by a large English force ? '' Make yourself," said 
 the duke, '^ I'homme des Anglais : if you oppose them, 
 you can do them no harm, you will only irritate and 
 annoy them, and you may lose your crown, whereas 
 an opposite course will secure you peace, happiness, 
 and prosperity.'' The position of the prince was a 
 very uncomfortable one. He was anxious for more 
 power or for none at all. Let the king either ab- 
 dicate or resume the vicariat; the present state of 
 affairs was unendurable. 
 
 It was soon to be put an end to. On March 9 the 
 king appeared suddenly at the palace in Palermo, 
 announced that his health was recovered, and that 
 he assumed the reins of government. He sent for 
 the ministers and told them that he only intended to 
 sanction such parts of the constitution as were ana- 
 logous to that of England. Princes Belmonte and 
 Cassaro said that the hereditary prince had taken 
 great pains to ascertain the analogy and to adhere 
 to it strictly. The king said he was sure that it was 
 otherwise. On the same day the queen left the 
 Ficuzza for Castelvetrano. On Prince Belmonte 
 remonstrating, the king said that Bentinck might do 
 what he pleased. Europe would judge between 
 them. He was determined not to give way. In the 
 
 F. V. X
 
 3o6 QUEEN CAROLINE OF NAPLES. 
 
 evening the king went in state to the cathedral, 
 where a Te Deum was performed for the recovery 
 of his health and his resumption of the govern- 
 ment. Masses of people were assembled. The 
 king^ was received with acclamations even in the 
 church. Two days later there was a stormy inter- 
 view between Bentinck and the king. The minister 
 said that the English Government would never per- 
 mit the constitutioa to be destroyed. The word 
 "■permit" made the king very angry. '^ I am a 
 simple man," said Bentinck. "I am more simple 
 than you/' broke in the king, " I am more honest 
 than you." Bentinck bowed, and the king corrected 
 himself. "1 am honest, you may be also." Ben- 
 tinck referred to the old story of correspondence 
 with the enemy. " Neither I nor my Government," 
 said the king, " have ever been faithless to the alli- 
 ance. I cannot listen to such language ; write what 
 you have to say," and hastily left the room. There 
 was great agitation in the streets. Cries of " Viva il 
 re! " were mixed with shouts of " Fuori gli Inglesi ! " 
 On March 13 Bentinck sent a letter to Prince Bel- 
 monte to say that unless a guarantee were given that 
 the new constitution would be observed he should 
 consider the alliance at an end. The letter was pre- 
 sented to the king on the 14th, and he prepared an 
 answer on the day following. Belmonte declined to 
 present, and with Ruggiero Settimo resigned his 
 oflBce. Bentinck then stated that another day^s delay 
 would be fatal. The Duke of Orleans held long 
 conversations with his father-in-law. On the 16th 
 Bentinck sent his ultimatum to the king by Mr.
 
 QUEEN CAROLINE OF NAPLES. 307 
 
 Lamb, insisting on the establishment of the vicainat, 
 with a promise from the king not to resume the 
 government without the consent of England, and an 
 undertaking that the queen should leave the island. 
 The first point was conceded readily enough, but 
 there were difficulties about the second. After con- 
 siderable pressure the king said that he would next 
 morning send positive orders to the queen to go 
 immediately to Cagliari, but that if she refused he 
 could not compel her. A promise was then extorted 
 from him that if Bentinck used force to carry out 
 the king's orders the king would not oppose it. 
 Next day the king retired to his country house at 
 Colli. 
 
 It is difficult to criticise these transactions. There 
 is no proof whatever that the king intended to de- 
 stroy the constitution ; indeed, his professions were of 
 an entirely opposite character. Even if the queen 
 had advised him to resume the government whilst 
 she remained at Castelvetrano she could have little 
 influence over its deliberations. It is difficult to 
 resist the conclusion that Bentinck acted both with 
 passion and prejudice ; indeed, his feeling towards 
 the queen amounted to a monomania. On March 23 
 the country was without a Government, the king was 
 in the country, the prince had no power assigned to 
 him, and the ministers had resigned their offices. 
 " I have determined," writes Bentinck on that date 
 with something of vindictiveness, " to require the 
 queen's immediate departure from the island; she is 
 the sole cause of all the delay, difficulty, and em- 
 barrassment that have so extraordinarily impeded the
 
 3o8 QUEEN CAROLINE OF NAPLES. 
 
 establishment of the new constitution. Her Majesty 
 will go to Cagliari/' Yet in the very next sentence 
 he complains that the acts of the last parliament 
 which terminated five months ago have not yet been 
 sanctioned, which could only be the fault of the 
 hereditary prince and not of the queen. 
 
 On the very date of this despatch Bentinck sent 
 Lieutenant-General Macfarlane to the queen to tell 
 her that she must leave the island as soon as possible. 
 At the same time he marched three battalions of 
 English troops, with cavalry and artillery, to Cor- 
 leone, in the centre of the island, about forty miles 
 distant from Palermo. Macfarlane's instructions 
 were to listen to no excuses, to insist upon her going 
 to Cagliari, and to secure her departure in a week or 
 ten days at the farthest, as soon as the ships have 
 arrived. He is to avoid force if possible, but " if 
 unfortunately her Majesty will not consent to your 
 proposal, you will act promptly and decidedly with 
 the troops at your disposal." On March 25, the 
 morning after his arrival, Macfarlane saw the queen. 
 She at first received his message with composure and 
 indifference, she disputed Bentinck's authority, and 
 said that she would leave Sicily at her own time, in 
 a Sicilian ship, with officers of her own nomination. 
 Macfarlane then hinted at the employment of force, 
 and mentioned the march of the troops. She became 
 deeply affected, said that she was in the worst state 
 of health, and could not move without danger to her 
 life, that she had lately been seized with a spitting 
 of blood, and that it would be adding cruelty to 
 insult to use force against her at such a moment.
 
 QUEEN CAROLINE OF NAPLES. 309 
 
 On the following day she was extremely affected, 
 but composed and softened. She conjured Macfar- 
 lane not to bring the troops into Castelvetrano. The 
 general pressed her to fix a day for h6r departure. 
 After great pressure she said, " I give my honour 
 that I shall be ready to depart by the middle of 
 April, but I hope I shall have the whole of that 
 month, because I shall then have better weather, but 
 I must go to Trieste and not to Cagliari." Macfar- 
 lane repeated that he had no authority to prevent the 
 troops from coming to Castelvetrano, and he left the 
 queen ^' excessively agitated and in a flood of tears," 
 Macfarlane begs Bentinck to change the place of her 
 destination from Cagliari to Trieste or Fiume ; she 
 will then go much more quietly. At the same time 
 he orders the troops to advance to Santa Margherita, 
 but he fears that too much pressure may bring about 
 a " return of the convulsions to which her Majesty is 
 subject, which may retard our proceedings.'^ On the 
 day of this interview the queen drew up a dignified 
 paper saying that after mature reflection she had 
 determined to retreat to the only country suitable to 
 her, being compelled by the minister of his ally, the 
 King of Great Britain, to leave her family, her hus- 
 band, and her dominions, but she must be treated 
 with the respect due to her rank. She demands as 
 conditions : (1) a frigate commanded by officers of 
 her choice and the convoy of a ship-of-war ; (2) a 
 promise to take her to the nearest port from which 
 she could reach Vienna ; (3) a satisfactory arrange- 
 ment for paying her allowance; (4) the payment of 
 her debts by the Sicilian Government; (5) the pay-
 
 310 QUEEN CAROLINE OF NAPLES. 
 
 ment of the wages of those who accompany her; (6) 
 the sending of Prince Moliterno to Vienna to prepare 
 for her arrival. She promises if these conditions are 
 fulfilled to embark in the month of April, she does 
 not mind from which port. 
 
 By March 29 Bentinck had received Castlereagh's 
 despatch preferring that the queen should go to 
 Vienna, but for some reason he continued to insist 
 that she should first go to Cagliari or Malta. This 
 formed the subject of a conversation between 
 Macfarlane and the queen on the evening of March 
 31. "Why/' she said, "should Lord Bentinck 
 wish me to go to Cagliari, when Lord Castlereagh 
 has decided that I should go to Vienna ? " " The 
 queen now asked me whether a letter from herself 
 to Lady William Bentinck would have any effect in 
 obtaining a change of sentiment in your Lordship. 
 I answered that I had every reason to think that you 
 were fixed in your determination.'' On April 4 the 
 queen learnt that Bentinck conceded this point. She 
 was ready to go by Lissa or Constantinople, but 
 she could not start till the 25th (the Sunday after 
 Easter), when her Easter devotions would be com- 
 pleted. 
 
 On April 8 Genei-al Macfarlane arrived at Palermo, 
 bringing a letter addressed to Bentinck by the queen. 
 It was couched in the same dignified tone as others 
 which we have quoted, and asserted her willingness 
 to leave Sicily if a proper allowance were made and 
 proper arrangements provided for her journey. The 
 crown prince, to whom the letter was shown, 
 wrote : —
 
 QUEEN CAROLINE OF NAPLES. 311 
 
 My feelings of filial affection, attachment, and of grati- 
 tude to a tender mother, induce me to request that you 
 will use every possible means to mitigate the pain of this 
 separation from her family which your Government re- 
 quires, considering it necessary to the common interests. 
 You should consider, my Lord, that a queen at her ad- 
 vanced age cannot undertake so long and so difficult a 
 journey without certain comforts and conveniences which, 
 even upon the most economical scale, require an expense 
 proportionate to the length of the journey. 
 
 He goes on to express a hope that this may be pro- 
 vided by the generosity of the English Government. 
 Bentinck eventually determines to allow lier 1,000 
 ounces a month, £8,000 a year, paying the first year 
 in advance, the continuance of the pension to be con- 
 ditional on her good behaviour. 
 
 On April 16 the queen wrote a farewell letter of 
 twenty pages to Mr. Fagan. It was written in 
 French and signed Charlotte, and so was evidently 
 intended to be shown to Bentinck. There is, indeed, 
 a complete copy of it in the Foreign Office. In it 
 she complains of the cruel conduct of her allies the 
 English, and of the baseless calumnies of which she 
 has been the victim. She relates the whole story of 
 her political life ; how her influence with the king, 
 which is now thrown in her teeth, was employed to 
 prevent him from acceding to the 'pade de famillo 
 which cost her the favour of her father-in-law Charles 
 III., and of Louis XV. and Louis XVI. In the war 
 of the revolution Naples had supported the cause of 
 the allies with a large fleet and army. She had re- 
 ceived the English fleet on its way to Egypt, and had
 
 312 QUEEN CAROLINE OF NAPLES. 
 
 undergone great sufferings iu 1798 for her attach- 
 ment to the English and Russians. In 1804 Naples 
 suffered from the breach of the peace of Amiens, but 
 the queen had been faithful, as long as she was able 
 to remain so, to the cause of the allies. She had 
 received them on November 19, 1805, yet when they 
 departed in January, 1806, they caused every kind of 
 damage. In Sicily the strong places were occupied 
 by the English troops. The queen, although seeking 
 to be a good ally to the English, did not wish Sicily 
 to become an English province. For seven years 
 she had suffered nothing but calumny and persecu- 
 tion. The rest of the letter is occupied with the 
 details of the journey, and with a request that some- 
 thing will be done for the Neapolitan pensioners who 
 are dependent upon her. The letter is reasonable and 
 dignified, but is open to the charge that its principal 
 object was to extort money from the English Govern- 
 ment. Indeed, she asks for the loan of a million 
 sterling, to be repaid by instalments in eight or ten 
 years. We know already the sum which Bentinck 
 was ready to accord. 
 
 The absolute necessity of finding funds for the 
 queen's journey and the incidence of some military 
 operations against the Italian islands appear to have 
 caused a certain amount of delay, which was further 
 extended by the queen's illness. On Monday, May 15, 
 she wrote to Fagan that she is in bed with a very 
 severe attack of fever, and that the next dav she will 
 summon the English and Palermitan doctors to show 
 that she is not shamming. On the 18th Dr. Calvert, 
 the physician to the forces, visited the queen in con-
 
 QUEEN CAROLINE OF NAPLES. 
 
 junction with Dr. Greco, her private physician, and 
 certified that she was ill of an intermittent fever, 
 which had continued five days and which prevented 
 her from embarking. He trusted that she might 
 recover in a few days. Bentinck was not at all dis- 
 posed to receive this opinion without question. He 
 wrote to Macfarlane that the queen would certainly 
 not leave Sicily if she could help it ; that her body 
 and mind were so deranged by the use of opium that 
 a stranger might be mistaken as to the state of her 
 health, and that this is the reason for her calling in 
 Dr. Calvert. Bentinck is so certain of this that 
 the general is "positively directed to require her 
 Majesty's embarkation whenever Dr. Calvert shall 
 state that it can be eff'ected without danger to her 
 Majesty's life. Public considerations imperiously 
 demand that feelings of mere personal convenience 
 should not be listened to." If the queen is too ill 
 to go to Constantinople, she can sail to Cagliari or 
 Zaute. If the queen is quite unable to travel, Castel- 
 vetrano must be occupied by British troops, all the 
 "bad subjects" by which she is at present sur- 
 rounded must be forced to leave the island, and the 
 queen's communications, " personal as well as writ- 
 ten," must be vigilantly Avatched, and must, if 
 necessary, be placed under military control. This 
 unfeeling letter is written on May 24, just after 
 Bentinck had heard that the queen, although follow- 
 ing Dr. Calvert's treatment exactly, was mending 
 very slowly, and that a squadron of Algerine men- of- 
 war was cruising off Girgenti. 
 
 At the beginning of June, Bentinck left Sicily for
 
 314 QUEEN CAROLINE OF NAPLES. 
 
 the island of Ponza, where he was to meet an emis- 
 sary from Murat, who was at that time contemplatini^' 
 defection from Napoleon. Bentinck appears to have 
 regarded with favour the surrender of Naples to 
 Murat, but refused to give up Sicily. At the same 
 time Napoleon ordered Murat to have 20,000 men in 
 readiness for the invasion of Sicily in conjunction 
 with the Toulon fleet. ^ Bentinck was of opinion 
 that half that number could conquer the island, and 
 Sir Edward Pellew declared that he could not pre- 
 vent the Toulon fleet from evading him, although he 
 might be able to overtake it in Naples harbour be- 
 fore Murat's troops could embark. Thus at the very 
 time of his leaving the island the queen was between 
 the double danger of the French and the English. 
 Peace and war were equally fatal to her dynasty ; the 
 only question seemed to be whether she would lose 
 one of her crowns or both. Lord Wellington's reply 
 to Bentinck is characteristic : " In answer to your 
 Lordship's despatch, I have to observe that I conceive 
 the island of Sicily is at present in no danger what- 
 ever." The account of the queen's final departure is 
 contained in a despatch from Lord Montgomerie to 
 Lord Castlereagh, June 19, 1813. Helfert- states 
 that she paid a last visit to Palermo, which appears to 
 be contradicted by Montgomerie's evidence. The Eng- 
 lish vessels had to go round to Mazzara on account of 
 the Algerine squadron mentioned above. The queen 
 stayed at Mazzara from June 5 to June 14 " engaged 
 in religious devotions," Whitsunday falling that year 
 
 ^ Xapier's Peninsular War, v. 434. 
 2 Helfei-t, p. 534.
 
 QUEEN CAROLINE OF NAPLES. 315 
 
 on June 6 and Trinity Sunday on June 13. On 
 Monday, the 14th, at eleven o'clock, after having 
 heard mass and received the benediction in the 
 cathedral, she walked down to the beach accom- 
 panied by all the Chapter in their full robes and 
 carrying lighted torches. She entered the boat of 
 the English man-of-war Unite, Captain Chamberlayne 
 steering. In her suite were her son Prince Leopold, 
 the Prince of Hesse Philippsthal, the Countess San 
 Marco, and the Marquis St. Clair. At four o'clock 
 the vessels set sail, and, the wind being favourable, 
 they were soon out of sight. 
 
 We must follow the actors in this history a little 
 farther. The absence of the queen made matters no 
 better, but, if possible, worse than before. Four 
 days after her departure from Mazzara there was a 
 popular rising in Palermo, and the Belmonte Ministry 
 was overthrown, to be replaced by men more devoted 
 to the crown prince. Bentinck returned from Spain 
 on October 4 and attended a council on the 9th. The 
 parliament was to meet next day, but Bentinck in- 
 sisted on proroguing it until he had time to confer 
 with the majority of the Commons. This step was 
 hardly in accordance with the traditions of the 
 British constitution. When parliament met, the 
 ministers, being found in a minority, were dismissed 
 by Bentinck's advice, and a few days afterwards the 
 parliament was dissolved. Bentinck then issued a 
 proclamation that " until the glorious work of the 
 constitution so happily begun in the parliament of 
 1812 shall have been regularly completed, '^ he shall 
 govern the kingdom by martial law. He had now
 
 3i6 QUEEN CAROLINE OF NAPLES. 
 
 found out what he might have discovered earlier^ 
 that Sicily was not fit for self-government in the 
 English sense^ and that the difficulties of carrying it 
 out Avei'e not caused by the queen, but by the in- 
 herent weakness of those entrusted with power. On 
 his return from Spain he sees " a degree of aliena- 
 tion towards us on the part of the people. Experi- 
 ence has shown the weakness and incapacity of the 
 country. Among the higher orders there is no 
 courage, no steadiness, very little instruction, and 
 no knowledge of public business. Among the lower 
 there exist a general distrust and hatred of the 
 higher ranks, no good faith and no public spirit." 
 '' The prince himself is the weakest of his subjects." 
 The late ministers, " the best men in the countr}^, 
 have altogether failed ; their failure arose from their 
 own personal weakness." The people are '' clamor- 
 ous for all the advantages of freedom, but nobody 
 will submit to the sacrifice, nobody will pay or serve ; 
 this is, shortly, the state of the country." 
 
 The daughter of Maria Theresa would have read 
 these sentiments with full approval, but would have 
 wished that wisdom had come a little earlier for her 
 own sake. She reached Zante on her journey of 
 exile on June 19, and left on August 3. A fortnight 
 later her frigate anchored in the roadstead of Tene- 
 dos. Here she was delayed nearly a month by the 
 objections made to her frigate sailing up the Darda- 
 nelles, and she did not arrive at Constantinople till 
 September 13. After many changes of plan, and much 
 interruption from bad weather, she reached Odessa 
 in a small sailing boat on November 3 and underwent
 
 QUEEN CAROLINE OF NAPLES. 
 
 j'/ 
 
 forty days' quarantine. During tliis delay she heard 
 the welcome news of the battle of Leipzig. She left 
 Odessa on December 18 and travelled by Nicolaieff and 
 the Ukraine to Podolia, where she was entertained at 
 Christmas by Count Potocki and his charming wife. 
 On January 7, 1814, she touched the soil of her own 
 country, and reached Vienna on February 2. The first 
 week of her sojourn must have been cheered by the 
 news of the victory of the allies in France, of the 
 abdication of Napoleon, and of the peace of Paris. 
 Her return to Sicily and Naples now seemed secured. 
 When all danger from the side of Napoleon was past, 
 the English had no more interest in Naples. On 
 July 6 Ferdinand IV. again took to himself the reins 
 of power, to the delight of the populace, and with 
 the full approval of Bentinck. Bentinck's successor 
 A'Court complained that not a day passed without a 
 flagrant violation of the constitution ; but Castlereao-h 
 had the good sense to reply to him, that the English 
 could not think of supporting the constitution by 
 force of arms. " We must let the king now admin- 
 ister his own G-overnment, and our minister, I con- 
 ceive, must try to withdraw himself from the char- 
 acter he has lately filled of being head of a party." 
 On August 19 the Sicilian frigate Minerva accom- 
 panied by a British man-of-war sailed from Palermo 
 for Trieste, to bring back Queen Caroline and her son 
 Leopold to their own country. But fate had ordained 
 otherwise. On the moiming of September 8 the queen 
 was found senseless on the floor of her bed-chamber, 
 her hand stretched out to pull the bell, and her lips 
 opened to utter that cry for help Avhich no one was 
 to I'.-^ar.
 
 31 S QUEEM CAROTENE OE NAPLES. 
 
 ThefoUoiving conversation toolc place between General Donkin 
 and the French General Guldemar, February 25, 1812. 
 Donhin had been charged ivith establishing an ex- 
 change of prisoners and had come over to Messina to 
 ratify it. 
 
 G. Ma foi, il faut avouer, General, que vous avez bien 
 mene, et fait bien eclater I'affaire de ces Messieurs que 
 vous avez dans la Citadelle. Dites-moi un peu, quand 
 est-ce que I'on decidera de leur sort ? 
 
 D. Vraiment, M. le General, je n'en sais rien. Nous 
 attendons incessamment les ordres de Lord William Ben- 
 tinck la-dessus, et nous sommes egalement prets a les fusil- 
 ier ou a les pendre, comme Son Excellence ordonnera. 
 
 G. Ball ! vous ne ferez ni I'un ni I'autre. Sitot que j'ai 
 vu que ces nialadroits n'etoient pas pendus tout de suite, 
 j'ai dit a Manhes : " Je te dis bien, mon ami, que Lord 
 Bentinck ne punira pas de mort ces gens-la. C'est un fier 
 calculateurque ce diable de Bentinck, et il a quelque objet 
 en vue avec la Cour; il pardonnera a ces gens pour obtenir 
 quelque chose de plus de la Coui*." Mais dites-moi, 
 General, ce coquin de Giuffre (here on pronouncing his 
 name he burst out into a long string of oaths and execra- 
 tions against our faithful GiufFre, stamping, and a good 
 deal agitated) oh ! ce villain-la — malpeste ! s'il fut venu 
 seulement une fois de plus chez nous, il auroit ete fusille. 
 Depuis plusieurs jours je le soupfonnois, et j'ai fait voir 
 a Manhes que ce B — la nous jouait ; ah le sac. 
 (more oaths and execi^ations) ; mais. General, comment 
 est-ce que vous ne payez pas cet homnae-la apres le bon 
 service qu'il vous a rendu ? II se plaint a tout le monde 
 de vous, comme il faisoit de Manhes, qu'il n'etoit pas assez 
 paye. II ne faut pas imaginer cependant que ce coquin 
 vous soit absolument fidele ; il "vous a trompe en certaines 
 choses — et vraiment trompe, je vous I'assure, foi de mili- 
 taire — il vous a trompe — il ne vous a pas tout dit et a
 
 QUEEN CAROLINE OF NAPLES. 319 
 
 • present il se recrie centre vous et dit que vous le payez 
 fort mal. 
 
 D. Quant a cela, General, il a bien raison de dire qu'il 
 n'est pas paje 'par nous, mais surement il ne se plaint 
 point de cela. Nous ne lui avons jamais donne un sou — 
 non, pas un sou — depuis neuf mois qu'il nous sert fidele- 
 ment, et pour deux raisons — 
 
 1° Faroe que nous le faisions payer passablement bien 
 par t'OMs autres pour les contes bleus que je vous envoyais 
 de terns en terns par ses mains — par exemple — pour la 
 nouvelle que je vous envoyais de Tembarqueraent du 62'"*' 
 a Milazzo 3 jours api-es son depart, et quand j'etois bien 
 sur que le coup seroit frappe sur vos cotes — vous avez 
 paye a notre Giuffre pour ce joli morceau quatre-vingts 
 ounces — et le lendemain vous entendez que notre debar- 
 quement avoit eu lieu, et que nous avions fait le diable 
 parmi vos barques et batiments a Palinuro. 
 
 La 2™® raison que nous av-ions pour ne pas payer Giuffre 
 etoit que ce brave jeune homme s'obstinoit toujours i\ 
 refuser I'ai^gent. Dix fois je lui ai offert 200, 300, 400 
 piastres, mais il refusoit toujours, disant : " Je sers ma 
 patrie et les Anglois : quand j'aurai bien fini cette besogne, 
 alors, donnez-moi, s'il vous plait, un petit emploi et je 
 serai content." — Voila, General, pourquoi nous ne I'avons 
 pas paye. 
 
 G. (During this Goldemar was very impatient, but at 
 last said) " General, il faut avouer que nous avons ete 
 joliment joues (a long oath), mais joliment — il est inutile 
 de vous le cacher — et je vous dirai franchement que ce 
 fut un coup de foudre pour nous que cette arrestation — 
 pour moi, j'en ai ete vraiment vialade pendant quinze 
 jours ; j'avois la fievre — et pour 24 heures, ni ]\Ianhes, ni 
 moi, osions nous parler, I'un I'autre — ah ! ! ! F — (a long 
 oath). (At these JVii^s I "could not help allowing rather 
 a strong expression of gratification to escape me, but 
 ended by saying) : —
 
 320 QUEEN CAROLINE OF NAPLES. 
 
 D. Pardonnez-moi, mon General, je regrette beaucoup- 
 d'avoir contribue a votre maladie — mais vous auriez fait 
 autant pour moi ; a present vous n'avez qu'a etablir una 
 autre et plus sure correspondance. 
 
 G. Ne craig-nez pas — allez ! ne craignez pas — elle est 
 deja bien etablie, et en tres-bon train — nous sommes 
 supei'ieurement servis ; je vous assure — et par un moyen 
 que vous ne connoitrez pas si tot. (After this he made a 
 transition to Palermo — and after expressing himself in 
 terms of the highest admiration of Lord W. Bentinck 
 having accomplished what he had without bloodshed, he 
 added) : " Diable, j'ai toujours craint I'arrivee de votre 
 Lord Bentinck. Dans sou absence il j avoit vraiment de 
 beaux moments — mais, de tres-beaux moments. Si nous 
 eussions pu decider cette villaine Cour a eclater ; mais 
 
 cette B sse la Reine avec son machiavelisme a man- 
 
 oeavre, et manoeuvre tant, que voila ce diable de Bentinck 
 que revient, et alors je dis a Manhes que I'affaire etoit 
 finie : je me rappelle bien de ce Bentinck dans I'ltalie — et 
 a Vienne — Sacrebleu ! comme il a mene son monde dans 
 ce tems-la ! il a fait des choses dans ce tems qui lui ont 
 fait autant d'honneur comme negociateur qu'elles nous 
 ont fait du tort — mais — dans son absence — nous aurions 
 du faire beaucoup si cette femme se fut decidee seulement : 
 votre armee etoit perdue et la Sicile a nous ! 
 
 D. Ah, mon General, pas si vite — une armee de vingt 
 mille homraes ne se perd pas si facilement. 
 
 G. Vingt mille hommes ? bah ! mais vous avez tres peu 
 de Cavallerie — bien peu. 
 
 B. Je ne dis pas cela ; mais soit — regardez nos mon- 
 tagnes : a quoi serviroit une Cavalleine nombreuse ici dans 
 un tel pays ? vous etes trop bon militaire, et avez trop 
 fait la guerre des montagnes, pour croire que nous man- 
 quons de Cavallerie pour le service que nous aurons a faire 
 quand vous viendrez — mais — dites-moi — la Reine — ne 
 savez-vous pas? — Qui, sans doute vous saurez pourquoi
 
 QUEEN CAROLINE OF NAPLES. 321 
 
 elle n'a pas voulu se decider — c'est-a-dire a eatrer en 
 correspondance avec vons : elle est Autrichienne, trop 
 altiere. Elle a trop de la fierte de sa famille pour vouloir 
 eutrer en correspondance avec un Roi vassal et subalterne 
 tel que Murat : si elle daignoit entrer en correspondance 
 de tout avec quelqu'une des couronnes de nouvelle date, 
 ce seroit avec Buonapai'te lul-meme, et non pas avec un de 
 ses Lieutenants — (I said tliis to pique him, and make him 
 come out with something. It had the effect.) 
 
 G. (After swelling and blowing out his cheeks) : Ah ! 
 la vilaine menteuse — Ah ! la fiere putain — Elle dit cela : 
 
 elle ment ! F , elle ment. Si elle dit qu'elle n'a pas 
 
 voulu entrer en correspondance avec mon souverain ! 
 (There the murder came out ; this really is pretty con- 
 vincing.) Non, non — c'etoit son — machiavelisme qui a dif- 
 fere le coup jusqu'al'arrivee de votre Bentinck — et alors 
 il etait trop tard : I'affaire est finie ; mais une chose je 
 vous dirai : vous croyez avoir affermi votre pouvoir en 
 Sicile, n'en croyez rien : tant que i-estera cette femme, 
 vous ne sei^ez jamais tranquilles — vous etes trop loyaux — 
 vous etes trop faciles a croire. Je vous le repete, tant 
 que restera en Sicile cette femme-la, elle vons tonrmen- 
 tera ; c'est un feu sous la cendre. Si vous voulez etre 
 tranquilles, chassez-la — envoyez-la a Vienne. (After this 
 the conversation took a miscellaneous turn during which 
 Goldemar spoke a great deal of Buonaparte, and mentioned 
 some instances of his tyranny and injustice to his army 
 which are truly astonishing. This gave me an oppor- 
 tunity of sounding him about Murat's feelings to Bona- 
 parte.) He said : 
 
 G. Quant a I'Empereui-, il n'est pas possible de lui etre 
 personnellement attache — il est le plus grand egoiste qui 
 existat jamais : cet homme ne pense, n'agit, ne vit que 
 pour iui seul. 
 
 D. Je suis bien aise, General, que sur le continent vous 
 commencez a, connoitreson caractere ; il y a bien longtems 
 
 F. V. Y
 
 322 QUEEN CAROLINE OF NAPLES. 
 
 que vous etes les victimes de son ambition, qui n'a d'aiitve 
 objet que son propre agrandissement. Je suis seulement 
 etonne que ceux qu'il a decores du titre de 2?m ne desirent 
 point I'etre en effet — par exemple, Murat— comment diable 
 peut-il se contenter comme il est — maitre titulaire d'un 
 beau pays, Rome sous sa main, et Eugene Beauharnois 
 
 pret a lui donner la main? Je parle d'Eagene B 
 
 parce qu'il n'est pas possible que ce jeune bomme ne soit, 
 a coeur, I'ennemi implacable de Buonaparte : un fils ne 
 pent jamais pardonner I'insulte qu'a soufferte sa mere. 
 
 G. Oh ! — mon General (soapirant), que voulez-vous — il y 
 a des obstacles — des liens — des rapports entre I'Empereur 
 et mon maitre ! 
 
 D. Des liens ! des rapports ! vous vous moquez de moi, 
 M. Goldemar — vous ne voulez pas tres surement me 
 precber la morale, et me parler de liens, de reconnoissance, 
 de I'honneur — et tout cela, si necessaire, en verite entre 
 nous autres en vie privee : vous ne voulez pas me parler 
 de cela entre deux souverains, quand il s'agit de Vindej^en- 
 dance d'un d'eux ? Si vous raisonnez de cette maniere, 
 vous avez tres peu observe tout ce qui s'est passe sur le 
 continent depuis vingt ans. 
 
 G. Mais il faut avoir des forces pour une telle entre- 
 prise. 
 
 D. All ! pour cela, je ne m'en mele pas. Ceux qui 
 preferent I'independance a I'esclavage doivent penser 
 aux moyens pour elever leurs peuples, et se fortifier contre 
 leur dorainateur; pour moi, je vous avouerai francbement, 
 mais comprenez bien, je ne parle ni le langage de mon 
 Gouvernement, ni de ma nation peut-etre generalemeut, 
 mais je parle de moi-meme — mon propre sentiment est 
 que j'aimerois millefois mieux de voir Murat independant 
 que vassal : s'il etoit independant, il deviendroit, malgre 
 tous les prejuges, I'allie naturel de I'Angleterre. N'importe, 
 soit-il Murat, soit-il un Bourbon — le souverain de Naples 
 independant, ou se debattant pour son independance,
 
 QUEEN CAROLINE OF NAPLES. 323 
 
 devient, de facto, I'allie des Anglois : c'est centre la domi- 
 nation iiniverselle de Buonaparte qtie nous nous battons 
 — et tout homnie qui a le courage de s'elever centre ce 
 colosse a droit, non seulement a notre admiration, mais 
 aussi a notre secours : comprenez bien, je parle theoi'ique- 
 ment. Quant a mon Gouvernement, ou les Anglois en 
 general, je ne sais pas s'ils seroient de mon opinion ; mais 
 vous, General — vous, dites-moi francliement, non pas 
 comme Francois ou general napolitain, qu'est-ce que vous 
 pensez de moi, politique ? 
 
 G. Oh! ma foi (after considerable luctation), il y a 
 beaucoup de raison en ce que vous dites ; mais il y a des 
 rapports — des difficultes. (He here fell into a silence of 
 a quarter of an houi", the longest interval of lingual repose 
 he enjoyed vrhile here, and the conversation took another 
 turn. He execrated war and, like eveiy other Fi-ench 
 general I ever met with, prayed for peace that he might 
 go and live quietly. I forgot to mention that in speaking 
 of Murat's situation I observed to him that he could not 
 be ignorant of Bonaparte's intention to transport him to 
 Poland ; that Bonaparte was afraid of Murat's growing 
 popularity at Naples, and that before long he would have 
 his order to march.) 
 
 G. Pour cela. General, ce changement n'aura tres sure- 
 ment pas lieu : mon — le Roi ne souffrira pas cela, il a un 
 caractere tres ferme, et il y a un point au-dela duquel un 
 homme ne veut que Ton le poasse. L'Empereur, noiis le 
 savons bien, a envie de transplanter Murat, et le projet a 
 dejii ete entame; mais il ne poussera pas I'affaire au bout: 
 il sait de qaoi le Roi est capable, et ne le poussera pas 
 aux abois. (Here there is a thing to be seen ; a project of 
 B's determined on, and which the victim is resolved to 
 resist.) He mentioned the address with which Bonaparte 
 had again put off war with Russia, and alluded to this 
 as a thing ive must be acquainted with. He did not speak 
 of it as news, but as a thing we no doubt were well aware of.
 
 324 QUEEN CAROLINE OF NAPLES. 
 
 The foregoing will give an idea of the feeling in Naples 
 about that country, Bonaparte, and Sicily. All his con- 
 versation was in the same strain, more or less. He cer- 
 tainly spoke with very great freedom against Bonaparte, 
 and entered so fully into the satire of some of the Ambigus 
 he found in his bedroom in my house, that he sat up 
 reading them, he told me, till two in the morning, and I 
 gave him every number I had — about fifteen. 
 
 N.B. — The above, as is evident, is written at a gallop, 
 without pains or correction. I hope it is legible. Gol- 
 demar has just left me, and this is the moment to fix 
 his conversation : by to-morrow one-half would have 
 evaporated. (Signed) R. Doxkin.
 
 REPUBLICAN GOVERNMENT. 
 
 THERE is probably no question wliicli deserves 
 tlie attention of politicians at the present time 
 so mucli as that of republican government. We are 
 often told tbat England is practically a republic, that 
 the monarchy is an antiquated institution which some 
 day or other must disappear. If we are not already 
 republicans, we regard a republic as an eventual 
 necessity. Its realization is only a question of time. 
 Some of us would wish to hasten that period ; some 
 of us to retard it ; but we all regard it as our fate. 
 We live in a democratic age, and the republic is the 
 government best suited to a democracy. We accept 
 the idea of it either with hope or with appi'ehension 
 as best suits our temperament or our principles. If 
 this idea of things is in any way true, it surely be- 
 hoves us to consider what we mean by a republic, 
 and by what practical means a republic can be in- 
 troduced, or the government of one carried on. My 
 object now is not to argue either for or against a 
 republic; I shall discuss as little as possible whether 
 England would be better governed under a republic 
 or not. I only Avish to suggest certain considerations 
 Avith regard to republican government which must 
 be taken into account before we seriously think of 
 
 325
 
 325 REPUBLICAN GOVERNMENT. 
 
 establishing one anywhere. I confine myself in the 
 main to determining what is meant by a republican 
 government, and what are, as far as history and 
 experience teach us, the only possible forms under 
 which a republic can exist. 
 
 I suppose that we mean by a republic a form of 
 constitution in which the government is exercised by 
 the voice of all for the benefit of all, in which all 
 men are equal before the law, in which birth confers 
 no privilege, and in which every one has a chance of 
 rising to any position, even the highest. Such a 
 government is inconsistent with the existence either 
 of an hereditary monarch or an hereditary aristoc- 
 racy. Such governments have always excited en- 
 thusiasm, and it is not easy at first sight to see where 
 this enthusiasm has come from. It has been largely 
 connected with the glamour which attaches to the 
 histories of Greece and Rome. Greece is certainly 
 for us the mother of literature and art ; the Greeks 
 were the first people who discussed political questions 
 in a scientific manner. Aristotle was the first politi- 
 cal philosopher worthy of the name. Marathon and 
 Plato are watchwords of liberty ; the world is even 
 now better for the stand which a small handful of 
 free Greeks made against the servile bands of bar- 
 barians hurled against them by a despot. Many of 
 the Greek city States were republic, and we imagine 
 that it is to this circumstance that the glory of the 
 Hellenic world is due. But we must remember that 
 Sparta was certainly not a republic, but a dual 
 monarchy in form, and a close aristocracy in fact, 
 and that Leonidas, who held the pass of Thermopylae
 
 REPUBLICAN GOVERNMENT. 327 
 
 with liis three hundred, was a king. Aristotle also 
 was the tutor of Alexander the Great; and the King 
 of Macedonia, although much abused by Demosthenes, 
 was largely instrumental in spreading Hellenic cul- 
 ture and civilization throughout the ancient world. 
 Further, it may be considered doubtful how far even 
 cities like Athens were republic in our modern sense. 
 In the first place, they were cities, and cities of a 
 limited size. Aristotle tells us that no city should be 
 so large that the whole number of inhabitants can- 
 not be addressed at the same time by a single man. 
 They were also slave States, in which the slaves 
 largely outnumbered the free population. Further, 
 the idea of representation was unknown ; none took 
 part in the government except those who could be 
 actually present in the assembly. Nor is it certain 
 whether the best authorities in Greece would have 
 agreed that a republic should be democratic, or that it 
 was desirable to have a democracy at all. Aristotle 
 classifies governments as the rule of the one, the few, 
 and the many ; but he says that each of these three 
 forms may be either good or bad. Democracy he 
 classes as a bad form along with oligarchy and 
 tyranny ; the good form of government by the many 
 he calls polUeia, a word which is translated into 
 Latin by respublica, but is not represented by our 
 word republic. The best translation of it is polity 
 or government, that is, the well-ordered rule and the 
 due subordination of interest on a popular basis in a 
 city State. Therefore the republics of Greece, how- 
 ever much they may contribute to our just enthu- 
 siasm for freedom in genei'al, do not help us much in
 
 528 REPUBLICAN GOVERNMENT. 
 
 deciding that a republic is the best form of govern- 
 ment which mankind are capable of adopting. Nor 
 is the example of Rome much more to the point. 
 The Roman republic has indeed left a glorious name 
 in history. It conquered the ancient world. It laid 
 the foundation of the best system of jurisprudence 
 which mankind has ever seen. It inaugurated a 
 fabric of administration which has been a model to 
 all those communities who have been destined by 
 nature or by providence to establish an empire over 
 subject peoples. In the darkest days of despotism 
 patriots have always turned to the bright examples 
 of Roman history, to heroes many of them legendary, 
 who regarded life as a cheap ransom for freedom. 
 But here large deductions must be made. It may be 
 doubtful whether Rome was ever a democratic re- 
 public. Slaves, which were seventy-five per cent, of 
 the population, were always excluded from power ; 
 so were women. The history of Rome is occupied by 
 struggles between the two orders of patricians and 
 plebeians, the one trying to retain power, the other to 
 secure it, and these struggles were not over when the 
 republic was merged into the empire. The democracy 
 of Rome did not conquer the provinces nor did it 
 maintain them when conquered. The exigences of 
 foreign warfare obliged the Romans to break through 
 their most valued safeguards against the over-weening 
 power of individuals. It is the great merit of Julius 
 Caesar to have seen that the empire gained by a 
 republic could only be maintained by an emperor ; 
 and to have conceived the lines on which alone 
 imperial government could be founded. The mag-
 
 REPUBLICAN GOVERNMENT. 329 
 
 nificent organization of the Roman world, one of the 
 greatest civilizing agencies which mankind has ever 
 witnessed, was the work of the emperors. Rome 
 therefore, like Athens, although it has much to teach 
 us of the evils of despotism and of the benefits of 
 liberty, can afford us little if any knowledge as to 
 the desirability or the method of establishing a 
 democratic republic. We are apt to be misled by a 
 confusion of ideas. The greatness of Athens and 
 Rome was founded in both instances upon the expul- 
 sion of kings. The name of king was hateful to both 
 peoples. In Rome it was never resumed even when 
 the monarchy was restored. But the kings, when 
 they were expelled, were despots, armed with spiritual 
 as well as temporal power, who respected neither the 
 liberties nor the lives or property of their subjects. 
 The Romans had no conception of a constitutional 
 monarchy ; when it was their interest to have estab- 
 lished one, they blundered again into despotism. 
 
 After Greece and Rome we come to the Italian 
 republics of the Middle Ages. There were city States 
 without slaves, and there is a remarkable similarity 
 between them and the city republics of ancient 
 Greece. Indeed the only adequate illustrations of 
 Aristotle's political theories in modern history are to 
 be found in these republics ; but they can hardly be 
 taken as democratic republics. Some of them were 
 never democratic at all, but were always under the 
 influence of a dominant family and took the side of 
 the emperor against the pope. Even Florence was 
 democratic only for a very short space ; its govern- 
 ment, at first confined to a few privileged families,
 
 330 REPUBLICAN GOVERNMENT. 
 
 was gradually extended till it reached the hands of 
 the mass of the people ; but almost at this very 
 moment it came within the grasp of the Medici, who 
 eventually moulded it into something which was in- 
 distinguishable from a monarchy. 
 
 Besides the political fallacies which I have en- 
 deavoured to expose there are others which concern 
 the literary and artistic development of republics. 
 It is often asserted that the highest culture of litera- 
 ture and art goes hand in hand with popular freedom, 
 if not with the fervour, of religious belief. Whether 
 this was the case in Athens or not, I am unable to 
 state. My own view of the age of Pericles differs from 
 that usually held. I think that in Athens the sudden 
 ripening of the highest art was due to an individual 
 rather than to a popular movement. But in Italy it 
 can be said with certainty that the only connection 
 between the expansion of art and the expansion of 
 freedom was in that one had a bad influence over the 
 other ; one grew as the other declined. Raphael, 
 Michael Angelo, and Leonardo served selfish tyrants 
 and worldly popes. In fact, men will always do that 
 which they find to be most interesting or most amus- 
 ing. If politics are interesting, the best minds will 
 take to them; if business, as in America, is more ex- 
 citing than politics, it will attract the services of the 
 best minds. When, under a bad form of government, 
 participation in politics is impossible, and business 
 does not exist, the noblest minds will devote them- 
 selves to literature and art, unless indeed the form 
 of government is so bad that literature and art can- 
 not breathe under it. When the national conscious-
 
 REPUBLICAN GOVERNMENT. 
 
 ness becomes tliorouglily corrupted by tlie loss of 
 habitual power and self-respect, tlie most active 
 minds of the nation will either leave it or wallow in 
 self-indulgence and extravagance, in gambling and 
 in lust. I have I hope now shown that although 
 much of our enthusiasm for republican government 
 is derived from the memories of Athens, Rome and 
 Florence, yet few practical arguments can be drawn 
 from the history of these States which would lead us 
 to prefer a democratic republic to a constitutional 
 monarchy. 
 
 Passing to more modern times, we have before us 
 the great example of the Dutch republic of the 
 United Provinces. It is respectable in its origin 
 and glorious in its history. Founded upon the ar- 
 dent love of religious freedom, it attained a position 
 in Europe to which neither its size nor its population 
 entitled it. It is difficult for us nowadays to realize 
 that Holland was ever a first-class power. During 
 the seventeenth century it was the refuge of all 
 who were persecuted for their religious or political 
 opinions, monarchs as well as philosophers. It gave 
 William III. to England, and it may well have in- 
 spired republican statesmen with the conviction that 
 their utopias were not impossible. Yet there are 
 several reasons why the example of Holland is not 
 of any special service to the democratic republican of 
 to-day. In the first place, it was a federation, and a 
 federation of the loosest kind. America and Switzer- 
 land are both federations. There are many reasons 
 why it is easier for federations to be organized as 
 republics than as monarchies, and the success of the
 
 332 REPUBLICAN GOVERNMENT. 
 
 new republic in Brazil may possibly depend upon 
 whether it is or is not organized as a federation. In 
 the next place, Holland was never a democracy 
 without passing into a monarchy. Its history is very 
 curious and instructive. Comparatively weak in 
 itself, it was forced to depend largely on its two more 
 powerful neighbours, England and France. France 
 desiring that it should be as weak as possible, en- 
 couraged jealousies between the provinces and under- 
 mined the authority of the stadtholder, who held 
 something of a regal position. England desiring 
 that Holland should be strong, encouraged the power 
 of the stadtholder and succeeded sometimes in giving 
 the republic almost the form of a monarchy. The 
 separate provinces were governed by a jealous oli- 
 garchy of merchants, who regarded the common 
 people with a hatred which was fully reciprocated. 
 The stadtholder depended on the democracy. In a 
 time of peace the oligarchy raised its head and the 
 stadtholder was depressed; in times when war 
 threatened the voice of self-preservation demanded 
 a stronger government, the democracy triumphed 
 over the abused oligarchy, but in its triumph went 
 far to create a monarchy. The government of 
 Holland thus far may be said to have oscillated be- 
 tween a Whig oligarchy and a Tory democracy, 
 neither of these forms approaching our ideal of a 
 democratic republic. 
 
 We next pass to America — to a republic created by 
 the thinkers who learnt philosophy in Holland and 
 experience in England. From the rebellion of 1776 
 arose the American constitution based upon the fun-
 
 REPUBLICAN GOVERNMENT. 
 
 datnental principle that all men are equal. Here Ave 
 have for the first time in history a genuine demo- 
 cratic republic, with neither an oligarchy nor a stadt- 
 holder; undoubtedly a most important epoch in the 
 history of the world and one likely to produce far- 
 reaching results. What then has the democratic 
 republic of 1776 to teach us at the present day ? 
 Nothing ; and for two reasons : it was federal and it 
 was a failure. The federal tie between the thirteen 
 provinces was permissive and not compulsory ; taxes 
 were not paid, contingents were not provided, laws 
 were uot enforced, parliaments were not attended. 
 After ten years' trial the failure became so glaring 
 that a revision of the constitution became absolutely 
 necessary. A president had to be elected, who was 
 invested for a limited period with more than the 
 power of an English sovereign. Alexander Hamil- 
 ton, the most vigorous critic of the old constitution, 
 desired to establish something even more closely 
 resembling a monarchy. This second constitution 
 has now lasted for just a hundred years, and has 
 contributed to the marvellous prosperity of the great 
 continent of the West in a way in which no other 
 form of government could have contributed. Un- 
 doubtedly republicans look mainly to it when the}^ 
 advocate that form of constitution. We shall pre- 
 sently inquire in detail what are the lessons which 
 we are able to derive from it. 
 
 The revolution in France was the natural conse- 
 quence of the revolution in America; but the French 
 Revolution did not at first lead to the establishment 
 of a democratic republic. The National Assembly
 
 334 REPUBLICAN GOVERNMENT. 
 
 formed out of the States-Greneral soon transformed 
 itself into a constituent assembly for the purpose of 
 drawing up a new constitution. During this period 
 the Royal power still remained unimpaired in theory 
 and only slightly weakened in practice. The result 
 of its labours was the creation of a constitutional 
 monarchy which was ineffective from its birth and 
 which never came into active operation. The Royal 
 authority, a mere shadow after the flight to Varennes, 
 was formally abolished after the tenth of August. A 
 period of anarchy succeeded. The Directory, which 
 was in some sense a democratic republic, besides 
 being occupied entirely with military triumphs and 
 defeats, was avowedly only a transition to a more 
 permanent state of things, while the consular govern- 
 ment of Sieyes, intended by its author to be a demo- 
 cratic republic of the most elaborate and efficient 
 kind, was turned by the astuteness of Napoleon into 
 something scarcely distinguishable from a despotism. 
 It will thus be seen that the French Revolution did 
 not establish any government which can be taken as 
 a model of a democratic republic. The democratic 
 republic of 1848 was too short-lived to afford mate- 
 rials for a judgment on its defects or merits, and it 
 is not until the present French Republic, founded in 
 1871 on the ruins of the second empire, that we 
 reach a form of government in France which can 
 supply profitable lessons to other countries which 
 may desire to inaugurate a similar experiment. 
 
 Passing from these historical considerations, let us 
 view republican government as it exists in the world 
 at the present time. According to the authority of
 
 REPUBLICAN GOVERNMENT. 335 
 
 the " Government Year-Book ^' the number of re- 
 publics and monarchies in the world are very nearly 
 equal. Counting Brazil as a republic, there are 
 twenty-four monarchies in the world, and twenty-six 
 republics. But if we make the comparison either by 
 population or by extent of territory, we shall find that 
 by far the most important portions of the world are 
 under monarchical government. Of these twenty- 
 six republics, sixteen are in South America. Their 
 constitution is so uncertain, and they are subject to 
 such constant revolutions, that they do not afford us 
 much information either on one aide or the other. 
 Their constitutions are generally formed on the 
 model of the United States, with the exception that 
 the president is sometimes elected for six, and some- 
 times for two years, and that in several cases he is 
 incapable of re-election. After the review of these 
 States, and of some other small republics which 
 resemble them, we find that the only three republics 
 which deserve serious consideration are those of 
 America, France, and Switzerland, and in what I 
 have to say further I shall confine myself to them. 
 
 It would take too long to examine the constitutions 
 of these three countries in detail. The proper treat- 
 ment of any one of them would demand at least an 
 entire essay. As a republic could only be reached 
 in this country by the abolition of the monarchy and 
 the election of a president, I shall limit my remarks 
 to the office of the president alone, and raise the 
 question how, if it were desirable to set up a republic 
 in this country, we should set about it and what 
 type of republican government we should choose. It
 
 336 REPUBLICAN GOVERNMENT. 
 
 happens that the three republics I have mentioned 
 present each of them a different type of president^ 
 and exhaust, I believe, all possible types of president. 
 In America the president is elected for four years. 
 He is capable of re-election, but it is an unwritten 
 law of the constitution that he shall never be elected 
 for more than a second time. An elaborate system 
 is provided by the constitution for his election by 
 indirect or dual voting. That is, certain electors are 
 appointed in each State, equal in number to the whole 
 number of senators and representatives possessed by 
 that State. These electors come together and elect a 
 president. It was hoped that the election of presi- 
 dent would in this way be removed from the influence 
 of popular turmoil and passion, that he would be 
 chosen by the wisest men of the country, acting 
 under a stern sense of responsibility. The pressure 
 of party feeling has changed all this. The electors, 
 instead of exercising their own judgment, consider 
 themselves mere delegates for the expression of the 
 wishes of others. No case has been known for many 
 years of their voting in any other way than accord- 
 ing to the instructions which they have received from 
 their constituents. The election of president, which 
 occurs every four years, is a purely popular election, 
 carried on with eveiy excitement which accompanies 
 such occurrences, and with every device for securing 
 victory which ingenuity unbridled by conscientious- 
 ness can suggest. With the example of America 
 before his eyes, no lawgiver would have any confi- 
 dence in elaborating a plan for choosing the head of 
 the State b}^ the suffrage of the wisest and best.
 
 REPUBLICAN GOVERNMENT. 337 
 
 The president is commander-in-cliief of the army and 
 navy of the United States^ and of the State militia in 
 time of war ; he has a very large power of appoint- 
 ment^ subject in some cases to the approval of the 
 Senate, which is not likely to be withheld ; above all, 
 he has an extensive power of veto on legislation, and 
 Mr. Byrce tells us that a president is popular in pro- 
 portion as he makes free use of this power. The pre- 
 sident of the United States, therefore, is much more 
 than a constitutional sovereign. He has far more 
 power than the Queen of England. He not only 
 reigns, but governs. The command of the forces by 
 sea and land was found to be no mere formality in 
 the days of President Lincoln. It was only by strain- 
 ing this power to the full that he was able to crush 
 the rebellion of the South. Even if the Queen has 
 technically the power of appointing ministers and 
 officials, this really rests in the hands of the prime 
 minister, who is responsible for any mistake which 
 may be made in the use of it. The Crown still pos- 
 sesses the power of veto in England, but it has not 
 been exercised since the reign of Queen Anne. 
 Circumstances are conceivable under which it might 
 again be used, although it is generally regarded as a 
 dead letter ; but we cannot imagine anything resem- 
 bling the wholesale veto of an American president, 
 who may set himself during his whole term of office 
 in direct opposition to the popular will as expressed 
 in Congress. The American ideal, as worked out in 
 practice, is therefore a monarch of the Prussian type, 
 invested with very great powers which he is not at 
 all indisposed to use, and limited only by the short 
 F. V. z
 
 338 REPUBLICAN GOVERNMENT. 
 
 duration of his office. An unpopular or mischievous 
 president must be borne with during his four years' 
 term, unless he does anything which renders him 
 liable to impeachment. He may not be re-elected, 
 but if replaced in the White House, he has another 
 four years' period, during which he may give the rein 
 to his personal principles and predilections. The 
 presidents of the United States have generally been 
 strong men with well-marked characters. Were 
 Englishmen to adopt a constitution of this kind, we 
 should undoubtedly expect our very best statesmen 
 — our Gladstones and Salisburys — to occupy the pre- 
 sidential chair. Whether we should be gainers by 
 this arrangement, is a matter which will be discussed 
 later on. 
 
 The president of the French republic is of a dif- 
 ferent type. He is elected for seven years by the 
 absolute majority of the National Assembly ; that is, 
 the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies meeting to- 
 gether in congress. By the constitution he has very 
 large powers, but they are limited in practice, that 
 is, as far as in our short experience practice can be a 
 guide. He selects his cabinet, who are, however, 
 responsible to the chambers. He may initiate legis- 
 lation, he has the right of pardon, he commands the 
 army and the navy, and he may dissolve the Chamber 
 of Deputies when he pleases. But in the exercise of 
 all these duties and privileges he must act with the 
 general advice and concurrence of his ministers, who 
 are, jointly and severally, responsible for their acts 
 to both chambers. The president cannot declare 
 war without the previous consent of the Chambers.
 
 REPUBLICAN GOVERNMENT. 339 
 
 It will thus be seen tliat the president of the French 
 Republic is a constitutional monarch of the English 
 type. During the seven years of his office he reigns, 
 but he does not govern. He is the figure-head of the 
 State ; he represents the State to foreign powers 
 and in public functions. It is not easy to say what 
 part he takes in the ordinary transaction of public 
 business. Certain it is that he is not prime minister, 
 and that he has to appoint a large number of prime 
 ministers of very different types, with many of whom 
 he can be only in very limited sympathy. President 
 Grevy, during his first term of office, between 
 January, 1879, and December, 1885, appointed no 
 less than nine prime ministers, and during the two 
 years of his second term of office as many as four. 
 It seems essential that if a president of this type 
 be adopted he should be incapable of being re- 
 moved during the seven years of his office. He must 
 make up by stability what he lacks in actual power. 
 Unfortunately the French have not found themselves 
 able to abide by this principle. President Grevy was 
 turned out of office by the fact that no ministers 
 could be found to take office under him. He fell in 
 consequence of the scandals attaching to the actions 
 of his son-in-law, and it would seem that by the 
 establishment of this evil principle, the corner-stone 
 of the republican edifice has been shaken. It is not 
 certain whether English republicans would look for- 
 ward to having a president of the French type. It 
 is difficult to see what would be gained by it. No 
 statesman of the first rank would care to occupy a 
 position so inferior in influence to that of prime
 
 340 REPUBLICAN GOVERNMENT. 
 
 minister. It would fall either to some excellent or 
 worthy duke, who, in old days, might have been 
 accepted as the figure-head of a coalition government, 
 or to a statesman of mature years, who had no longer 
 any chance of reaching the highest ofiice. But should 
 we gain very much if we had an elected Duke of West- 
 minster as life president instead of a Prince of Wales ? 
 Yet another form of republic is exhibited to us by 
 the little country of Switzerland. Here the executive 
 government is vested in the federal council of seven 
 members, and the president is merely the chairman of 
 the council, elected every year. A short time ago a 
 Swiss president died during his term of ofiice, and 
 Europe woke up to the consciousness that such an 
 ofiicial existed. Some people might imagine that this 
 form would suit England with certain necessary altera- 
 tions. They might say. Why shol^ld not your cabinet 
 be your federal council, and your president the head 
 of your cabinet for the time being ? This might work 
 well in ordinary times, although it is possible that Lord 
 Salisbury would not desire to assume the burden of 
 ceremony which must attach to the head of a great 
 country, in addition to the two loads which he has 
 now imposed upon himself — the ofiices of Prime 
 Minister and Foreign Secretary. But how would 
 this work in a change of ministry ? Who would re- 
 ceive the seals of the outgoing ministers, and confer 
 them on their new possessors ? Who would select a 
 prime minister, or conduct the delicate negociations 
 by which the construction of a cabinet is efi'ected ? 
 The Swiss federal council is elected once every three 
 years by the several councils of the cantons. Minis-
 
 REPUBLICAN GOVERNMENT. 341 
 
 terial crises do not occur in Switzerland, or are found 
 there in a very mitigated form. No incongruity is 
 felt in two members of the council, sitting next to 
 each other, holding fundamentally different opinions 
 on some important question of politics. The Swiss 
 system has not been imitated elsewhere, and is, 
 probably, only suited for a country under federal 
 government, which has no foreign politics, and in 
 which the stress of burning questions of policy is 
 broken by their reference, in the first place, to the 
 provincial assemblies, and, in the second place, by 
 the referendum, to the judgment of the entire people. 
 Let us suppose, for sake of argument, that it had 
 been determined to establish a republic in England 
 with a president of the American type. Two im- 
 portant questions would have to be settled, how the 
 president should be elected, and what should be the 
 term of his office. I do not imagine that any one would 
 wish a president to have the same tenure as a prime 
 minister, that is to remain in office so long as he could 
 command a majority in the House of Commons, and 
 no longer. The duration of his office would probably 
 be fixed either at three, four, or seven years; that 
 is, taking the term either of triennial or septennial 
 parliaments, or of the American presidency. Three 
 or four years would probably be found too short a 
 term ; the country would be kept in continual agita- 
 tion about new elections ; seven years, the present 
 nominal duration of parliament, would not be found 
 excessive. But in seven years the mind of the country 
 has plenty of time to change. Let us take two exam- 
 ples, one from the history of the last century, and one
 
 342 REPUBLICAN GOVERNMENT. 
 
 from that of this. Between the general elections of 
 1780 and 1 784 there were five changes of Ministry in 
 England^ the Ministry of Lord North, of Lord Rock- 
 ingham, of Lord Shelburne, the coalition Ministry of 
 Fox and North, and the Ministry of William Pitt. 
 During that period peace had been made with 
 America, and with Europe. How is it conceivable 
 that a single president of the American type could 
 have remained at the head of public afi"airs during 
 such violent changes of public feeling and such 
 alterations of public policy ? It was possible for 
 Greorge III., it might be possible for Presidents 
 Grevy, or Carnot, but it would not be possible for a 
 party leader, chosen with all the machinery of party 
 organization, and representing the principles of party 
 conviction, as well as the passions of party conflict. 
 Again, suppose that Mr. Gladstone had been elected 
 president in 1885, as he was made prime minister, 
 and had then revealed his project of Home Rule for 
 Ireland. How could he have remained in office as 
 president to carry out, I will not say a policy of 
 coercion, because that we may consider unnecessary, 
 but a unionist policy of any kind ? Again, suppose 
 that Lord Salisbury had become president, instead of 
 prime minister, in 1886, determined to enforce a long 
 period of resolute government in Ireland, and to 
 oppose every obstacle to the policy of entrusting the 
 Irish with the management of their own affairs. 
 Not only would it have been difficult for the mi- 
 nority in the country to have given expression to 
 its convictions during his seven years of office, but it 
 would be scarcely reasonable to anticipate a perfectly
 
 REPUBLICAN GOVERNMENT. 343 
 
 fair expression of public opinion, even at the termina- 
 tion of that office. The power wielded by a president, 
 who, for the time being-, was a monarch as well as a 
 prime minister, would undoubtedly be used to secure 
 the victory, for another septennial term, of the prin- 
 ciples which the president was elected to maintain, 
 even if they were those of a minority. Under the 
 constitutional system of England, or even of France, 
 the strongest passions may seeth and the most 
 opposing interests may collide without endangering 
 the security of the commonweal. In America, and in 
 Switzerland, these conflicts, if they exist at all, are 
 discounted and dissipated by spending their violence 
 in the separate States before they attack the central 
 Government. In England, and in France, where no 
 highly developed local government exists, they 
 would, under a president of the American type, either 
 bring us within measurable distance of civil war, or 
 would overthrow the very foundations of the consti- 
 tution by forcibly abridging the term for which, by 
 the constitution, the president was to maintain his 
 office. Such would be the disadvantages of a sep- 
 tennial president. If a less term were chosen, no 
 device of election would, I think, be found to break 
 the violence of party struggle. It would matter 
 little whether the president were chosen by the direct 
 suffrage of the nation or by the Parliament which 
 had just been elected by that means. In times of 
 excitement the popular will would certainly make 
 itself felt, and members would be sent to Parliament 
 with a mandate to elect a particular president. 
 
 We must take into account another consideration
 
 344 REPUBLICAN GOVERNMENT. 
 
 of great importance. By our present system we are 
 able to obtain the services of our statesmen for very 
 long periods, whether in office or in opposition, and a 
 statesman can do almost as much good in opposition 
 as he can in office. No statesman has left a higher 
 reputation than Sir Robert Peel, yet the greater part 
 of his life was spent in opposition. Mr. Gladstone 
 has been in parliament for nearly sixty years; he 
 was prime minister twenty-four years ago. Pitt 
 held an unbroken prepiiership for seventeen years. 
 The Duke of Wellington, having attained the position 
 of arbiter of Europe, in 1815, afterwards held nearly 
 every cabinet office, was prime minister at several 
 important crises, and served the State till his death. 
 We do not find this state of things in America. 
 American presidents have been on the whole distin- 
 guished men and powerful personalities, but they 
 have frequently not been heard of until they attained 
 the position of president. The exercise of a subordi- 
 nate office will often, in the case of a powerful man, 
 raise up enmity sufficient to pr'^vent him from occu- 
 pying the headship of the State. After their eight 
 years of service, if they have the fortune to serve 
 eight years, they must retire into insignificance. 
 President Lincoln and President Garfield were shot 
 durinar their term of office, so that we cannot 
 speculate as to what Lincoln would have done after 
 his retirement, or as to what Garfield's career would 
 have been. But President Grant, as we know, after 
 engaging in commercial ventures which were not 
 very successful, died in comparative poverty, forced 
 to provide for his old age by selling his personal
 
 REPUBLICAN GOVERNMENT. 345 
 
 reminiscences at a liigh price. Public pensions were 
 subscribed for Mrs. Lincoln and Mrs. Garfield. 
 An ex-president is too great a man to serve in 
 a subordinate capacity^ just as Pitt was too powerful 
 in himself to give any efficient support to the 
 ministry of Addiugton. It is rare^ even in Eng- 
 land, for an ex-prime minister to be able to accept a 
 subordinate office in any future Cabinet. This evil is 
 of importance in America because two ideas with 
 regard to office are inveterate in their political sys- 
 tem, and are very diiferent from those which prevail 
 in our own. One of them ^* that all constituencies 
 must be represented by lo<fel candidates ; and the 
 other, that there should be a certain round or suc- 
 cession of offices, and that they should not be mono- 
 polized by a single individual. But if, during the 
 last hundred and fifty years, our foremost statesmen 
 had been limited to eight years' exercise of supreme 
 power, some of the most glorious pages in our annals 
 would not have been written. It has been arsfued 
 that if the monarchy were abolished, its functions 
 might be exercised by a board of commissioners, but 
 this board in a great country must have a head who 
 would be virtually president. 
 
 Another matter Avhich demands our consideration 
 is the comparative cost of royal and presidential 
 government. The advocates of a republic frequently 
 complain of the cost of a monarchy, perhaps not 
 without reason. But it is difficult to calculate the 
 expense of government in any State. It does not 
 depend merely on the expense of the head of the 
 State, or on the nature of his allowances; we must 
 
 F. V. A A
 
 346 REPUBLICAN GOVERNMENT. 
 
 take into our view the whole machinery of govern- 
 ment, and compare the whole cost in one case with 
 the whole cost in the other, as well as the compara- 
 tive efficiency of the two systems. In America there 
 is certainly much to be complained of. Inhabitants 
 of American towns will tell you that the rates are 
 extremely heavy, and yet the services which they are 
 supposed to provide for are not performed. Streets 
 are not paved, houses are not drained, gas and water 
 are not properly supplied, although they are provided 
 for five times over in the rates. The money destined 
 for them goes into the pockets of town committees, 
 and never comes out again. We are free from this 
 pest in England. Again, public offices are regarded 
 as a source of profit, and of profit alone. It is difficult 
 to get work done without pay. Nor is this confined 
 to America. The republican government of France 
 has for some years past possessed the evil reputa- 
 tion of being a ring for the enrichment of its mem- 
 bers. I do not say that corruption is unknown under 
 monarchical forms of government; in Spain and in 
 Greece, and perhaps in Italy, but it is practically 
 unknown in England. Undoubtedly these evils 
 would be incompatible with a high sense of duty, and 
 public duty is generally reckoned as one of the stern 
 virtues of republicanism. But a sense of duty 
 amongst weak and frail mortals is largely maintained 
 by social influences and sanctions. In a society 
 which is based upon the fundamental principle of 
 noblesse oblige, where there is a gradation of honour 
 spreading from the crown to all ranks of society, 
 taking multitudinous forms, some tangible, some in-
 
 REPUBLICAN GOVERNMENT. 347 
 
 tangible, but all contributing to the idea that unpaid 
 service to the State is the obligation of all its mem- 
 bers in their several spheres, and that such service 
 brings with it a valuable reward in the recognition 
 and appreciation of those where appreciation is most 
 worth having, corruption is not likely to exist, paid 
 work will be well done, and unpaid work will be 
 abundant, and indeed incalculable. In a more ad- 
 vanced stage of social morality, a republic might 
 appeal to the effort of its members more than a 
 monarchy, but it is always dangerous to base a system 
 of action upon a standard of morality higher than 
 that which we have good reason to believe exists. 
 Clidd leges sine moribus vance proficiunt ? Laws 
 cannot teach morality ; they must lag behind it if 
 they are to be effective and crystallize the ordinary 
 manifestations of the current morality into a solid 
 custom, from which retrogression is difficult. It has 
 not been my object in this essay to pronounce a pane- 
 gyric upon monarchy or to decry republicanism. A 
 wise and good monarch would, I think, look forward 
 to the time when his people might be fit to do without 
 him and to govern themselves. Those who have an 
 enthusiasm for democracy believe that a community 
 worse governed by itself is a more satisfactory object 
 of contemplation than one better governed by an aris- 
 tocracy. It is right that we should look with admira- 
 tion upon those rare instances where prosperous and 
 virtuous republics have been established for the 
 good and the advantage of all, upon the Athens of 
 Pericles and upon the Florence of Dante, upon the 
 Oeneva of Calvin, or upon the Massachusetts of the
 
 34S REPUBLICAN GOVERNMENT, 
 
 ^ 
 
 Pilgrim Fathers. May the dreams of Milton and 
 Algernon Sidney become realities, and may we per- 
 petually invigorate our political principles by recur- 
 rence to the highest level of political speculation. 
 But if we are Republicans by conviction or by 
 sentiment, we should look facts fairly in the face, and 
 calmly consider what a republic in England would 
 mean, and take the best counsel we can as to the 
 only means by which it can be brought about. 
 
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