^ REESE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA. | Received ,^^Ai- ' "^° ' ^ccessionNo.^^^y/ Class No. Q. S. F. TERTULLIANI LIBER APOLOGETICUS. THE APOLOGY OF TERTULLIAN, WITH ENGLISH NOTES AND A PREFACE, INTENDED AS AN INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF PATRISTICAL AND ECCLESIASTICAL LATINITY. BY HENRY ANNESLEY WOODHAM, Esq. A.M. F.S.A. FELLOW OF JESUS COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE, ^ OF THK 'T^P^ UNIVERSITY CAMBRIDGE : TRINTSD AT THE VNtrSBSlTY PRSSS, FOR DEIGHTONS', CAMBRIDGE; AND SOLD BY RIVINGTONS', LONDON, AND PARKER, OXFORD. M.D€CG.XtUI. 1- ■/ '\ 'i ga ^ 7 / CONTENTS. INTRODUCTION. CHAPTER I. PAQft Of THE Plan op the Edition i CHAPTER II. On the Latinity op the African Fathers xi CHAPTER III. On the Apologetic Writings of the Early Christians . . . xxiv TERTULLIANI LIBER APOLOGETICUS 1 Index Vocabulorum 171 INTRODUCTION, CHAPTER L OF THE PLAN OF THE EDITION. It was through a series of designs successively adopted and abandoned that I arrived at the idea of the short work which I here lay before the public, and although I shall not detain the reader with a history of discarded projects, yet I must request his attention through a few pages to an explanation of that which has been persevered in, in order that I may anticipate any charge of omission by declaring at the outset the character of the undertaking. The attention which has of late been drawn to the writings of the Fathers is matter of noto- riety to every person of ordinary information, and various methods have been employed to place their sentiments and doctrines within reach of all who were likely to benefit by the knowledge. A very competent society in the sister University, has consulted the habits of two classes of readers by publishing an accurate text and a faithful translation of the several authors in question, and amongst ourselves, the resident members have not only been instructed on the subject by the authority of public lectures, but they have received a stimulus to private exertion, and there will probably be many who will carry into country retirement the advice of their U OF THE PLAN OF THE EDITION. CHAP, teacher^, and after his suggestion, apply themselves to the pursuit of that satisfactory knowledge, which nothing but individual toil and patient study can secure. But neither a translation nor a text of the patristic writings is sufficient for the wants of the ordinary student. Of the first it need only be said, that all the well-known objections to versions even the most laboured and careful, apply with double force to the writings of the Fathers, which less than any remains of antiquity will bear to be transferred into a strange language; and as to the second ; the confession of the committee themselves with respect to the author, whose works we are about to enter upon, will shew how much more remains to be done before the bare text of an African presbyter can be made available for reference or research. Nor is there any thing strange in the fact, that so much difficulty should be experienced in decyphering the Latin Fathers. It is quite impossible that the authors, whose age, or country, or contents make them serviceable to the illus- tration of TertuUian or Cyprian, should enter into the system of our classical studies or examinations ; of those who devote themselves afterwards to the prosecution and advancement of their early labours, many prefer science to learning, and even to those who choose the latter, there is naturally more attraction in early Greek, than in late Latin. This subdivision of scholars leaves a very small number who can bring the requisite aid to the critical perusal of the Fathers, or who can master their style without very considerable trouble and delay ; while with the less proficient class of students, who have no other preparatory information than that furnished by a respectable classical degree, or a good school educa- tion, and who, with an interval perhaps of three years from the one, and six from the other, commence the ^ Introductory Lecture of the Lady Margaret Professor, pp. 13 — 15. OF THE PLAN OP THE EDITION. Ill study of these writers, the perplexities are so great as -CHAP. to be almost effectually discouraging. Yet to these originals we must be sent, for it will hardly be said, that in this single department of learning we are to acquiesce in the information of others when we have the power of satisfying ourselves. And especially at this period, when a wider scheme of theological study is about to be put in operation, which embraces in some degree, and to a certain extent, the early patristic re- mains, it seems not inopportune to call attention to the language of those writers whose historical, and whose doctrinal information have been so earnestly insisted on, and so lucidly extracted, and to apply to this branch also of literature, that critical exactness and accuracy which has always so peculiarly characterised the classical scho- larship of our University. It is this object which I have proposed to myself in the following pages ; and in pursuing it, I have neglected many other points, not because they were not eminently important, but because they have been urged and investigated elsewhere. I have seldom drawn notice to any record, however remarkable, or to any narrative, however equivocal, as all this has been done by one^ who has left little to be gleaned on this head from this particular writer, and to whose works I have contented myself with briefly referring. I have even passed over, or very sparingly illustrated, the nume- rous allusions to customs of antiquity and intricacies of mythology which this author supplies, for these will be readily recognized, or easily discovered. I have con- fined myself (at least as far as is consistent with the ordinary completeness of an edition) to the literal expla- nation of the text, as that is an aid which is not given ^ The Ecclesiastical History TertuUian by John, bishop of of the second and third centuries Bristol, illustrated from the writings of a — 2 IV OP THE PLAN OF THE EDITION. CHAP, elsewhere, and which I hope may be found supplementary ! — to the more important efforts of others. This is the key too, which will give access afterwards to whatever treasures are needed. I may here add the reasons which induced me to select for my operations this writer, and this especial treatise. TertuUian is not only one of the most renowned, but he is the earliest of all the Latin Fathers, and this priority of date is of even more than usual conse- quence from the influence which his singular powers exerted on his successors, and which perpetuated certain characteristics through the writers of the African church for many years after him. His works too are the most important, excepting those of S. Augustine, both as re- gards the period at which they were written, and the mass of various information which they convey. More- over, they are incomparably the most difficult, they shew the student the worst at once, and tell him what he has to expect; at the very outset he meets all the pecu- liarities of a declining language, of provincial, theological and polemical Latin, and he can, at all events, console him- self with the reflection that he will not be much perplexed with any other pages after mastering these. It may be ob- served, though, that TertuUian has a double style, one for each of two distinct species of composition — his controver- sial, and his ethical, or apologetic tracts ; and the first of these forms of itself a separate study, and a serious one too. Not only has his method of argument to be traced, his fidelity to be tested, and the worth of his witnesses to be weighed — which indeed are requisite preparations in most other cases — but his very language and its structure assume a new and peculiar character; strange words are compounded to express strange and mystical things, till at length the Latin tongue seems to fail absolutely in finding terms for the metaphysics or cos- OF THE PLAN OF THE EDITION. V CHAP, mogony of Marcion or Valentinus — ordinary words are I. stamped with a new superscription, and made- current in dialectical negotiations with a certain value, which may indeed be preserved throughout, but which is received nowhere else — grammatical and logical subtleties are urged in the phraseology of the schools, and the figures of rhetoric are so pressed into service, irony especially, that it is exceedingly unsafe to acquiesce at once in what may appear the plain and literal acceptation of a sentence. And all this is superadded to the original impracticability of a style, which no one has ever studied without re- gistering his protest against it. I was led by these circumstances to take one of the apologetic treatises as a subject for my attempts, as it was obviously advisable to investigate the natural sentiments and ordinary style of a writer before entering on any adventitious aggra- vations of character which circumstances might have induced; there is quite enough to engage us in Ter- tullian, considered as an African of the age of Severus, without at once introducing him also as a theologian, a schismatic, and a controversialist. I hope for a future opportunity of illustrating his tracts of this more obscure class, for they are vastly important both in extent and information, but at present, the Apology offered the best field for my own efforts, and the least disagreeable prospect to the reader. On the general utility of these Apologies, I shall offer a few remarks in a subsequent part of this introduction, and I am now speaking only of the comparative advantages which this one possesses over the other productions of its au- thor. It is extremely interesting, not only as a glowing picture of the church and her fortunes at the com- mencement of the third century, but even in the lower light of an eloquent and powerful composition ; it carries us irresistibly with it, and would do so if instead of VI OF THE PLAN OF THE EDITION. CHAP, defending the Christians, it were pleading the cause of "Scythians or Hindoos, and it is singularly free from the peculiar asperities and difficulties which have been alluded to above : it cannot be useless, for it is a piece of au- thentic history ; it cannot be injurious, for it recommends nothing but justice; it cannot be offensive, for it de- precates nothing but cruelty ; it advances no doctrine, it urges no discipline, it attacks no sect but Pagans, and inveighs against no characters but persecutors and murderers. It is no theological work, though written by a Christian and a presbyter ; we may consider it as a valuable narrative composed in a most vigorous spirit, evidently by an eye witness and an actor in the scenes it describes, abounding with rich information and leaving indirectly a clearer and less questionable record of the state of things, than a direct history could have done. In one chapter only (the twenty-first) is there any ap- proach to theological language or style; the rest is like any ethnical composition of the age, and capable of illustration in precisely the same manner, while at the same time it affords such copious exemplification of Ter- tullian'*s ordinary habits of thought and expresssion that no other single tract could serve better to introduce the rest. It is to this work that I have applied such ability as I possess, with the simple object, it may be repeated, of rendering assistance to the student of patristic Lati- nity, and of recommending that accurate examination of language in the case of the Fathers which we never lose sight of in other cases, and which we know to be the only safe foundation on which a store of knowledge can be raised. In prosecuting this design I have first observed the fundamental rule of criticism, that every author is his own best interpreter, and T have illus- trated any peculiar idiom pretty freely from the rest of OF THE PLAN OF THE EDITION. Vll this writer's remains, especially from those ethical and CIIAP. other tracts which form this particular division of his works. I have then compared the authors of the nearest age, the same country, and the like profession, especially Cyprian, Arnobius, and Lactantius, and a cir- cumstance which would otherwise increase nothing but the tedium of their perusal, has made these latter writers remarkably interesting and serviceable to this purpose. They all to a greater or less extent exerted themselves as the apologists of their fellow Christians ; and as the absurdities of ancient polytheism, the passions of the dominant, and the sufferings of the persecuted, party continued from reign to reign with little mitigation or change, so the arguments of their defenders could not be expected materially to differ ; the consequence is, that we find not only the pleas of TertuUian taken as the theme or burden of subsequent pieces, but even his lan- guage paraphrased and explained, and an obscure hint, a dark allusion, or an extraordinary idiom, amplified by the irregular redundance of Arnobius, or illustrated by the open translation of Minutius Felix. But T have not stopped here ; when the language only is the sub- ject of investigation, the works of any contemporary and fellow-countryman, however different may be his profes- sion and his character are valuable in the extreme, and second only to those who unite to such recommendations the additional qualifications of similar aims and views; nor are we so well acquainted with African literature of the second and third centuries, that we can dispense with all aid from the writings of one who in the first of those periods was the greatest and the most celebrated of its profane and luxurious representatives. From the writings of Apuleius, to whom I am here alluding, we may collect the most important information concerning Carthage and the provinces ; we learn the domestic habits Vlll OF THE PLAN OF THE EDITION. CHAP, which TertuUian lashes, we see the theatres and spec- tacles against which he declaims, we attend the pomps and festivals of the deities which he exposes, and are introduced to the dark practices and magical arts to which he so frequently refers. And though it will be readily perceived how much even the knowledge of these cir- cumstances is calculated to illustrate peculiarities of phraseology, yet still more apposite aid can be procured from the remains I speak of. Not only are all these communications conveyed in the same provincial dialect, and what is more, by a writer of similar education and analogous literary taste, but we have actually a coun- terpart composition, an apology of Apuleius, as well as of TertuUian, written indeed in a widely different spirit, pleading for private acquittal instead of pubhc justice, refuting dirty scandal, instead of popular calumnies, sa- vouring vastly more of ingenuity than innocence, but still written by an eloquent African, spoken before a Roman pro-consul in a Carthaginian court, addressed to the same ears to which the Christians pleaded, and possibly to many who might afterwards have read the apology of TertuUian. The very difference of these two productions is interesting and instructive, and while seiz- ing a parallel idiom or a corresponding term it is edi- fying to contrast the confident complacency of an absolute rhetorician, with the serious and passionate tone of a man pleading for his life and for the truth. I have availed myself much and often of this author's aid on points of verbal criticism. In order too, that the pecu- liarities of the language which we are considering might be more exactly apprehended, I have frequently quoted the earlier or the intermediate Latin writers, either for an identical or an analogous expression, so that the transition sense of a word might be occasionally shewn, and the various changes exhibited which it experienced OF THE PLAN OF THE EDITION. IX in its passage from Rome to Carthage, from Cicero to CHAP. TertuUian. I have been less sparing in my illustrations - than I perhaps otherwise might have been, because my object was as much an introduction to the ordinary style of the Latin Fathers, and a general recommen- dation to accuracy in their perusal, as an explanation or, commentary on this particular treatise, which indeed I only took because I thought that general assistance would be best given through the medium of a parti- cular example, and because, as I before stated, this ap- peared to me especially eligible for the purpose. To carry out this plan a little further I have added a chapter on the Latinity of the African Fathers, in which I have briefly adverted to the characteristics of the class, and touched upon the distinctive properties of each in- dividual, and I hope that this in conjunction with the notes at the foot of the text will enable the student to proceed with a little more ease through one portion of Tertullian's works, and through most of the remains of the other writers. I have observed, that in confining myself particularly to the verbal difficulties of the text, I have omitted the usual notices of mythological al- lusions, or doctrinal implications, but I have occasionally given a paraphrase of an intricate passage, or pointed out, to the best of my judgment, the thread of the argument where it appeared to be obscure, and I have thrown into a third chapter of this preface some re- marks on the Apologetic writings of the early Christians, which include a special examination of the divisions, the arguments, and the spirit, of the present tract. Most readers will probably be aware that TertuUian composed two books ad Nationes for the same purpose as the Apology, and which correspond so closely with it that they must be either a rough draught of it, or an im- perfect copy; these of course are peculiarly valuable in X OF THE PLAN OF THE EDITION. CHAP. J. the assistance which I noticed as suppHed from other apologists, and I have placed marginal references to the coiTesponding passages both in these and in the Apo- logy of Justin Martyr, that they may be thus compared. I believe I have only one more remark to add respect- ing the notes. Dr Ashton, Master of this college through the first half of the last century, bequeathed to the library several volumes enriched with his MS. notes, and amongst them the Leyden edition of this treatise by Havercamp, 1718. These notes are principally occupied in refuting and exposing the views of Havercamp (which indeed was no difficult matter) but they shew very good scholarship and clear perception of the author's true meaning. A few of these annotations by the permission of the college, I have selected ; they are given in the original Latin of the Master, enclosed within brackets and distinguished by the initial A at the foot. The text has been taken mainly from the small Leipsic edi- tion of 1841, by Leopold, with some few emendations of other editors; I have made no alteration or addi- tion myself. The whole of the sheets containing the text and notes had passed through the press, when the English translation of this Apology appeared amongst the peri- odical volumes of the Anglo-Catholic Society; I have not yet had time to read it, but if it should prove that any of my interpretations of disputed passages coin- cide with the translator s views, I shall be very of the sanction and support of such publications. CHAPTER II. ON THE LATINITY OF THE AFRICAN FATHERS. It was my belief, when I commenced investigating chap. this subject, that I should be able to collect certain cha racteristics from the language of these writers, peculiar to them as a class, but common to all of them amongst themselves, and that, by carefully comparing the dialects of other authors of the same country, such as Apuleius and Macrobius, I might approximate to a general illus- tration of African Latinity. But, the further I advanced, the less practicable appeared the completion of any such scheme, and the fewer points of character could I finally select which fulfilled the conditions mentioned above, the greater number of them appearing always, when strictly examined, to be either common to writers of other schools, or not common to all writers of this. I can- not therefore offer to the reader such systematic aid as I had hoped in his prosecution of the studies in question, but he may possibly derive advantage from the obser- vations which I made during my researches, and I there- fore subjoin some of them, though in a form unconnected and incomplete. The first point to which our consideration is na- turally directed in such enquiries as these, is the influ- ence which the vernacular language of an author's native country may have exerted on the language in which he writes, and if we happen to be acquainted with both of these, we have little difficulty in tracing the opera- tions of the former. The Syro-Chaldaisms of the New Testament Greek, are nearly as perceptible and intelligible Xll ON THE LATINITY OF THE AFRICAN FATHERS. CHAP, as the Hebraized Latinity of the Vulgate; we recognize easily a Jewish author in one, and the closeness of a literal translation in the other. But, in the present case, we know little or nothing of the ordinary dialects of Africa, and when its writers come before us, and we detect in their works any novelties or singularities of expression, our only ground for concluding them to be Africanisms^ must be either scholastic tradition, or the fact that we cannot account for them in any other way ; and if, in their several remains any analogy be discoverable between . such singularities, this conclusion is of course strengthened. But there are peculiarities of style, as well as of idiom, and these are not only more readily detected and compared, but more generally traceable to their causes. As early as the time of Juvenal, Africa was celebrated for its schools of rhetoric, and though they were probably not distinguished for their purity or elegance, yet it was a matter of notoriety, that the study and practice of eloquence met with greater en- couragement in this province than at Rome\ Nor does it appear at all to have declined during the second or third centuries, for most of the ecclesiastical writers of these times, who were not Christians born, seem to have been members of this profession. TertulHan had most obviously more than an ordinary knowledge of its technicalities, Cyprian devoted his youth and much of his manhood to it'"^ ; Arnobius and Lactantius taught rhetoric for their living. We can conjecture pretty accurately what would be the result of such a state of things as this, when, with a declining language and a * Juv. VII. 147. ° See Mr Evans in his life ....accipiatte ^^ Cyprian, Theol. Lib. xv. Gallia, vel potius nutricula causidicorum p. 141. Africa,siplacuitmercedemponere linguae. ON THE LATINITY OF THE AFRICAN FATHERS. XHl corrupt age, the ordinary years of study were mono- CHAP, polized by the exercises of the schools. An overwhelm- ing importance would be attached to such proprieties or beauties of speech as the fashion of the day had sanctioned, to the comparative exclusion of thought, or even truth, as objects of consideration. Apuleius says ^n one of his speeches, that he knows his audience will not pardon him a single mistake, or excuse a single solecism, or overlook a single mispronunciation^, and he exhibits in his own productions a most remarkable por- trait of the character formed under this system, and a most complete picture of what was demanded by an African audience. His celebrated apology, the master- piece of the day, the admiration of even Christian writers % is a deliberate display of all the arts, powers, and subtleties of rhetoric ; truth, though repeatedly appealed to, is virtually put out of the question; the orator plays with the charges against him like a master of fence with a couple of raw antagonists, after rebutting an accusation he offers to acknowledge it, and clear himself on another ground, his opponents may take as many points as they like to make the game even, he has no objection to plead guilty, or not guilty, his final exculpation of himself will be just as successful in either case. We can be at no loss after reading the apology of Apuleius, to understand the meaning of Ter- tuUian, when he says, Quis nos remncere audebit, non arte terborum^ sed eadem forma qua prohationem consti- tuimus de veritate? It is not the least singular point about this extraordinary speech, that one of the charges against the speaker was his eloquence. ^ " Quis enim vestnim unum delirantibus oborientia, permise- mihi solaecismum ignoverit ? quis rit blatterare V Florid, i. 9. vel unam syllabam barbare pro- * S. Augustine, Ep. v. ad Mar- nuntiatam donaverit ? quis incon- cell, and elsewhere, dita et vitiosa verba temere, quasi XIV ON THE LATINITY OF THE AFRICAN FATHERS. CHAP. It is clear that the Christian writers, as a body, notwithstanding their original education, fell short of the standard which the polished taste of the provincial public had fixed upon, nay, it appears from Arnobius, that a crime no less heinous than that of using false concords had been laid at their doors, and so completely does this writer forget the grammarian in the apologist, that he does not hesitate to urge the revolutionary argument that all tenses and cases are equal, that gen- ders are but conventionally, and not essentially, different, and that hcec paries and hie sella may be written with as much moral accuracy as liwc sella and hie paries'^. He opens his own treatise with the preface, that he has come to the determination of defending his cause pro captu ac mediocritate sermonis, and Lactantius, as will be observed in another place (c. iii.) remarks specially of Tertullian, and generally of all the apologists, that they failed in the elegance of speech requisite to re- commend their works. Yet they have undoubtedly one or two features common to the more successful candidates for popular admiration among their countrymen, and which are owing to the same influence of fashion on both. When a language, already advanced in its decline, is made the subject of fastidious study for the purposes which have been spoken of, its early monuments will be naturally resorted to as models, by men who are quite able to detect the faults of a later age; but other examples besides the present, shew us that this practice is likely both to be pursued in a wrong spirit and carried too ^ "Quid enim officii, o ! quseso sermo natura est integer, vitiosus aut qui minus id quod dicitur similiter nuUus. Qusenam est enim verum est, si in numero peccatur, ratio naturalis, aut in mundi con- aut casu, prsepositione, participio, stitutionibus lex scripta, ut hia conjunctione ? " i. 34. " Quan- paries dicatur," &c. ib. 35. quam (si verum spectes) nullus ON THE LATINITY OF THE AFRICAN FATHERS. XV far. It is pursued in a wrong spirit when men, in- chap. stead of imitating chasteness of description, or vigour of thought, or severity of style, from the early writers, content themselves with borrowing isolated words, often without preserving even the regimen ; and it is carried too far when antiquity alone is made a sufficient re- commendation, for a language may be as barbarous in its origin as in its dechne. Both the passion and its excesses are fully exemplified in the writers before us, almost every page of them will supply specimens of archaisms of the most extraordinary nature, which the reader at first imagines must necessarily be the coinage of the writer, but which he perhaps will be able to trace clearly beyond the age of Ennius ^. This character runs through all the African writers, and is remarkably stamped on Apuleius, where its artificial nature may be readily seen. The celebrated novel of this author is com- posed in a most singular dialect ; if it were not that it goes on so smoothly and equably from beginning to end, it would seem to be in a forced or feigned hand; it is not like any other prose, and yet it is not verse, but runs on in a kind of chant, like that said to be used by eastern story-tellers ; almost every noun has an epithet, and frequently both are diminutives^; ^ This has more than once body of old Latinity is contained been the subject of remark. Bi- in TertuUian, Apuleius, and Ar- shop Kaye says, " When I have nobius, ventures on the ingenious myself been obliged to consult but somewhat equivocal experi- the dictionaries for the meaning ment of amending his own text of some strange and portentous with words taken from these au- word which crossed me in my thors, and thus employing, as it perusal of Tertullian's works, I were, an unattested copy to restore have occasionally found that it a decayed original, had been used by Plautus." Eccl. ^ The constant use of these Hist. p. 68. Gilbert Wakefield, forms might perhaps seem pe- in his edition of Lucretius, after culiar to African Latin, but, expressing his belief that a vast though TertuUian employs them XVI ON THE LATINITY OP THE APRfCAN PATHERS. ^*j^^* the galliambics of Catullus, if printed in the shape of prose, would give no bad idea of the rythm of several passages in Apuleius. The same remarks ap- ply, in rather a less degree, to his philosophical works, and in all these the most obsolete archaisms meet us at every step; but in the apology, and (of course) the Florida \ it is evident that he has considered it neces- sary to discard this fashion in a measure, and to use more the language of every day life. But even here obsolete words are very numerous. I have observed that this is a character which is common to all the writers in question, but it is not peculiar to them, it appears as strongly in Aulus Gellius (who certainly had the excuse of his subject) as in any of them, it seems the character not of the school or the country, but of the age. Another very striking feature in the African writers is their bombastic style, which has even been distin- guished by the title of tumor Africanus^ and unques- tionably it prevails to a greater or less degree, — least in Lactantius, greatest in Arnobius — throughout them all. But, like the archaisms, it is no peculiar note of an African; Ammianus exceeds all of them in luxuriance of style or inflated language ^ The difference between a good deal (see p. 158) yet tius than to the almost insensible Arnobius but seldom uses them, allusions of the others, which in- ^ The Florida are a collection timate not only their own perfect of striking passages from speeches acquaintance with the poetiy, but of Apuleius, a kind of Elegant Ex- a presumption of some such know- tracts, probably compiled by some ledge in those whom they ad- admirer of the author, and now dressed. For instance, Minutius all that we possess of the original (c. 18) writes, " Quando unquam compositions. regni societas aut cum fide coepit, * I would not omit to mention aut sine cruore discessit the great familiarity which all Generi et soceri bella toto orbe these writers display with the diffusa sunt et tarn magni imperii Roman poets, and I allude less to duos fortuna non cepit," which is the copious quotations of Lactan- a paraphrase of Lucan (i. 92, 109.) ON THE LATINITY OF THE AFRICAN FATHERS. XYll these and other writers of Latin which appears to me CHAP, most idiomatic in character is not in words, nor in — their government, but in the construction of sentences of which the involution is sometimes so intricate and strange, that it seems hardly possible to attribute it to any fanciful collocation of words, but we are compelled to refer it to some other influence, and, most probably, that of another tongue. I had, at one time, collected a few of these sentences to illustrate my remarks, but I found that I could make no arrangement or classifi- cation of them, and that I could give no general rule towards their quicker comprehension ; and as their quo- tation would thus be only a simple, specimen of what the student will readily enough find for himself, I thought they would be uselessly inserted. There are of course many words and expressions occurring in the African Fathers which will be new to a beginner, but I know of no general formula by which these can be summarily explained ; such as are most remarkable in the present treatise are arranged in the index to the volume, and if the corresponding notes be referred to, a short illus- tration will be found of each, with occasional observa^ tions on its usage and date. As I have quoted freely, too, from other authors of this character, some idea may be formed of their ordinary style and idiom, and Nulla fides re^ni sociis, omnisque po- torical schools, and their phrase- t^ *^ ,. .^ ologv and ornaments were trans- Impatiens consortis ent ^-^ ferred to the speeches of the day populique potentis jn ^hich these florid decorations Quas raare quae terras qiue totum possirtet . i c c t? • 'j. orbem ^ *^ were now required. iliXigitur Non cepit fortuna duos. enim Jam ab oratore etiam poeti- Lucan indeed seems to have been «^s decor/' says either Tacitus or a favourite author with them, and Quintihan, " non Attii aut Pa- Lucretius even more especially so. cuvii vetemo inquinatus, sed et The fact was that the poets ( Juv. Horatii et Virgilii et Lucani sa- 7) formed one of the principal ^^"^ prolatus." de Causs. Corr. branches of study in the rhe- ^^^' ^' 20. XVlll ON THE LATINITY OF 'l^jT HE AFRICAN FATHERS. CHAP. I cannot, at present, see any more compendious way of arriving at the knowledge. I have drawn up, on the opposite page, a short table of the writers whose works may be mutually brought to bear upon each other, in illustration either of language or subject ; those whose names are mentioned in the first column are of course most closely connected; in the second, Apuleius will be found to supply very numerous parallelisms, and Ulpianus and Paulus will be serviceable in explaining that large class of words, in these authors, of forensic origin. I have but a few words to add on the pecuharities of each individual. Tertullian makes frequent use of metaphors, which are drawn very often indeed from legal and from military sources, his probable profession explain- ing the first circumstance, and his father's the second ; he is extremely fond of an antithetical play upon words, for the sole sake of which the sentence appears some- times constructed and inserted ; several instances will be found in this treatise e.g. (p. 11), ut nolint scire pro certo^ quod se nescire pro certo sciunt. (p. 170), ad leno- nem poiius quam ad leonem damnando. (p. 17), merito damnantur licet damnent^ &c. His passion for paradox has been often remarked ; probably most readers will recollect hearing of his celebrated argument certum est quia impossihile, — and these facts should be the more steadily kept sight of, that they influence not only his assertions but his language. I feel convinced that some of TertuUian's extraordinary expressions are to be pro- perly explained by reference to other clauses of the sentence, and that a word though somewhat inappro- priate was used because it formed an exact antithesis to another. But the most perplexing and perilous habit of Tertullian is, as I have before hinted, his ironi/. In the midst of the most serious argument, on the most serious subject, without the warning of a word he slides ON THE LATIN [TY OF THE AFRICAN FATHERS. XIX CO 6 > ^ 32 CO Q p2 oj ?; c8 C5 <1 a s «5 J I S o Q % CHAP. 11. a o O CO i-i CO 05 I— I iO rH (M (^^ O ^ ^ X 00 Ci (M (M G CO XX ON THE LATINITY OF THE AFRICAN FATHERS. CHAP, into the gravest imaginable irony, and again returns to his direct course so unexpectedly, and after such vari- ous intervals, that nothing but the most habitual con- versation with his writings can enable us to detect him. I have noticed (p. 121) one instance in which even Mosheim was strangely misled, and I have pointed out in the notes the . examples of this singular practice as they occurred. The young student of Tertullian can never be too much on his guard on this point. While speaking of Tertullian'*s style, there is one singular circumstance to which I may allude. That Semler surmised and endeavoured to prove that the whole of Tertullian"*s works were spurious, and the pro- duction of a joint-stock establishment at Rome, is pro- bably known to many through Bishop Kaye's refutation of the argument. (Eccl. Hist. p. 69, sqq.) But, apart from all such reasoning, I am at a loss to conceive how such an idea could ever have been entertained by any one who had been accustomed to compare the genuine and counterfeit writings of antiquity. Not to mention the earnestness, the reality, of TertuUian's works, could any rhetorician possibly have devised such a style as this? or could he have preserved it throughout? or could any body else successfully have imitated it ? It is actually impossible. There is nothing very peculiar about the language of Cyprian ; neither his mind nor his style had the deeply- cut features of Tertullian; he was thought eloquent in his day, too eloquent indeed, by the heathen, for a sub- ject so insignificant as religion ^ ; his sentences (compa- ratively) run fluently and smoothly, and he often explains some sententious dictum of Tertullian by a lucid para- * " A doctis hujus sseculi, qui- gans ingenium, et melioribus re- bus forte scripta ejus innotuerunt, bus aptum, ad aniles fabulas con- derideri solet .... qujisi qui ele- tulissct." Lactant. D. I. v. i. ON THE LATINITY OF THE AFRICAN FATHERS. XXI phrase. Amobius has some resemblance to Apuleius, CHAP his descriptions are of the most astonishing luxuriance, - they wander through page after page with all kinds of rhetorical embellishments ; he has very frequent examples of that involution of construction mentioned above, but the general arrangement of his sentences and periods is remarkably constant, so that after an attentive perusal of a few chapters the reader may know exactly where to expect the epithets and the verbs, and precisely an- ticipate the rythm and the cadence. Lactantius is by far the most free from the general faults of this age, and by almost as much the most uninteresting of its writers. His style, on which he so prides himself, and which others have given him so much credit for, is the most disagreeable of all styles, a spiritless imitation of Ciceronian Latin, the weakness of wliich is particularly apparent after the perusal of TertuUian. It happens that there are several passages' in these two authors so parallel in substance that they can be most advantage- ously compared, and the student will thus easily learn how little an affectation of conventional elegancies will compensate for a total absence of vividness or vigour. If Cicero must needs be the sole and exclusive exemplar for modern composition, it is strange that his Orations at least awe not sometimes resorted to, instead of those philosophical treatises the style of which was never in- tended to convey any sentiment more forcible than a gentlemanly deference to a friend's opinion, or a polite dissent from a self-evident absurdity. Many scholars have stood up in defence of TertuUian's arguments, but all, except Gilbert Wakefield, have joined in decrying his Latinity as preeminently vicious. I can only say that whatever may be its obscurities and deformities on a first acquaintance, few readers after becoming well ^ See note on c. 50. XXII ON THE LATINITY OF THE AFRICAN FATHERS. CHAP, habituated to its peculiarities will quit it for more -polished compositions of the same date without experi- encing something unpleasant in the change, and some- thing agreeable in the return to it ; some chapters of this treatise even in point of structure and mechanism are equal to any thing in ancient Latin, and it seems really difficult to imagine that they were not actually spoken, or at all events written for oral delivery. Some allowance too must be made for the subjects on which he is frequently employed. If Lucretius with all his advantages was compelled to excuse his phraseology by the rudeness of his theme, we may surely supply the same apology to Tertullian ; Valentinus was at least as intractable as Anaxagoras, and the oy^oa^ as un- manageable a material as the o^oiojULepeia- At all events I hope that not every student will agree in the denun- ciations which a very favourite writer has thus heaped on this unfortunate African. '' Truly Roman rudeness and insolence which not " even the power of Christian grace could thoroughly " tame (so innately savage was the nature of this beast " of prophecy) address us in the provincial roughness of " an obscure and difficult language. From the natural " heartlessness and treacherous reserve of its speakers " the Latin delights in a vague phraseology and oblique *' construction which hints rather than expresses, and ** reminds us that the language of the robbers of the " world was no unfit vehicle also for the sentiments of " the crafty tyrants of the church ^" To trace in an unfavoured language the faults of an hundred generations, to visit on a solitary supine or a double dative the rapacity of a host of Caesars and the presumptions of a line of Popes, is surely as relent- less an attack as any which Mr Evans himself has ^ Theol. Lib. xiv. p. 358. ON THE LATINITY OF THE AFRICAN FATHERS. XXHl reprehended in TertuUian, and the cut is the harder CHAP, and unkinder from an implied contrast of the dialects and temperance of the Greeks. Even admitting the essential morality of the Ionic tongue, we may pause before conceding to the countrymen of Alcibiades the praise of continence or honesty. Few writers know better than Mr Evans what portraits might be drawn of Athenian philosophers, Athenian statesmen, or Athe- nian citizens; if they did not rob the world it was only because they could not, if they could have bound the strong man they would speedily have spoiled his goods; with all the propensity to plunder, they wanted the steadiness to subdue. But especially must I differ from any opinion that Latin is not a fitting language for theological or ecclesiastical purposes ; this is not a point for logical argument, but a question involv- ing a variety of indefinite considerations ; very pos- sibly TToXiyyeveaia may to many appear a harmonious, and regeneratio a barbarous, term, but the man must be strangely biassed by some previous influence who can read or hear without something more than admiration the magnificent Latin of the antient Liturgies. CHAPTER IlL ON THE APOLOGETIC ^yRITINGS OF THE EARLY CHRISTIANS. CHAP. The ancient apologists for Christianity have been divided into two classes, the first, of advocates who were pleading their cause in times of persecution before em- perors or provincial governors ; and the second, of di- dactic and voluntary expositors of their creed and prac- tice. But on closer examination it will appear, that the two divisions are intimately connected, and that the first, though composed of writers who certainly had no idea of offering what, in the present day, would be called evidences of Christianity, are nevertheless as avail- able for such testimony as the other class, whose aim was more avowedly the conversion of their fellow men. An instance of this may be seen in the process by which Grotius has proved the truth of the Christian religion ; and as I ^may take occasion to compare his scheme of evidence, as well as Paley's, with the earlier writers now under consideration, I will here sketch his general argument in as few words as possible, that I may refer to it presently, if occasion should require. Of his six books, the first, through the media of cer- tain proofs with which we are not here concerned, esta- blishes the proposition that there must be a vera religio somewhere ; the second considers the claim of Chris- tianity to this title, the third examines the genuineness of Holy Scripture, and the rest are devoted to the refutation of Paganism, Judaism, and Mahometanism. His steps in the second book are these; he shews that ON THE APOLOGETIC WRITINGS, &G. XXV the life and crucifixion of our Lord, as facts, cannot chap. be denied by any one, and also that after his death '— he was worshipped etiam viris sapientihus^ and that for this the only assignable cause is to be found in the divine miracles which they had carefully examined and approved'. This chapter contains the cardinal point of Grotius"* proof, and differs in this from Paley's, that, whereas both advocates make the miracles decisive of the question, the latter draws his evidence from the sufiferings of the first martyrs, while the former rests on the circumstances of the conversion of the early Fathers. But if the corroboration of certain facts is to be sought in the conversion of certain persons, it will be seen at once of what singular importance are the writings of these persons, which serve almost as autobiographies, and which shew the evidence to which they yielded, when they detail its nature, and urge its examination on others^. And this is one very interest- ing and instructive light in which the early apologists may be viewed. My present intention however is merely to compensate in some degree, for the strictness with which, in this edition, I have confined myself to philo- * De Verit. ii. 4. " Fuerunt menti negotio decet, comperis- autera semper, inter cultores sent veram et firmis testibus sub- Christi, plurimi et judicio prae- nixam fuisse famam, quae de diti, et literarum non rudes, qua- miraculis ab eo editis percrebue- les (ut de Judaeis nunc taceamus) rat." The conclusion of this book Sergius Cypri praeses, Dionysius is not to our purpose, but Gro- Areopagita, Polycai-pus, Justinus, tins employs it in proving the Irseneus, Athenagoras, Origenes, resurrection, and drawing thence TertuUianus, Clemens Alexan- additional arguments; and in drinus, ac porro alii, qui tales shewing the ethical excellency cum essent, cur homini igno- of Christianity, miniosa morte affecto se cultores ^ Such writings are the Apo- addixerint, nulla potest logy here edited, the Ao7oo A^-mC being instigated by the example of the Jews and the ^-^^-C \ writings of the philosophers, for it is worth remarking, ^ that the most celebrated attacks on Christianity were published during the very worst of the persecutions. The ^ D. I. V. 1. Nutant enim sparti illi poetanim, sic se invicem plurimi, et maxime qui littera- jugulant iit nemo ex omnibus re- rum aliquid attigerunt. stet. ^ Ibid. III. 4. pereunt igitur ' c. vii. p. 24. universi hoc modo, et tanquam * Apol. i. c. 68. OP THE EARLY CHRISTIANS. XXXI Roman governor might belong either to the first or GHAP. second division, as chance determined, or very probably might partake of the character of both. To some one of these parties or individuals were the arguments ad- dressed which are contained in the apologetic writings, and with such reference must we consider them when we are venturing an opinion on their applicability or power. It is true that the exposure of an incredible theology or impure ceremonial might indeed have been superflu- ous when offered to an Epicurean who had been long ridiculing all of them in secret, but they were effica- cious with another class, to whom they were peculiarly directed; and in hke manner though a Pagan might be expected to undervalue an argument from prophe- cies which he neither knew nor credited, yet with a Jew this was almost the only open course of pro- ceeding, as TertuUian clearly shews when he states^ that the most desperate struggle between the Jews and Chris- tians was on this very point, as each party cited the same evidence of prophecy in support of their cause. It is therefore an unfair though an easy method of de- preciating these writers, to test the value of their argu- ments by a reference to the sentiments of parties to whom they were not addressed ; some treatises too would naturally contain an admixture of the several pleas to meet the probability of a promiscuous audience ; and if any essay even with these allowances should still appear inapt or injudicious, we may recollect how singularly liable is every writer to be unconsciously influenced as well by his own feelings as those presumed in his readers, and to display the particular facts and urge the pecu- liar arguments which had the greatest weight with him- self. There is one more remark which at this period I wish to make. In considering any supernatural events ' C. XXI. XXXll ox THE APOLOGETIC WltlTINGS ^^AP. there are two points to which the attention may be -directed; the evidence of testimony and the evidence of argument; the first through the medium of those rules which guide us in every transaction of Hfe, and by which the society of the human race is preserved, estabhshes certain occurrences as matters of fact ; the second is con- cerned in proving the same proposition by reference to their probabiHty, their analogy to other occurrences, their object, their utility, and a variety of circumstances of the like nature ; one asserts the truth, the other the reasonableness, of a scheme. Both these may of course be united, and directed to the same end ; a well-con- stituted mind will admit the sufficiency of the first proof and acquiesce in its consequences, but with others no conceivable completeness of the evidence of testimony is allowed to prevail against a presumed deficiency in the evidence of argument, an evidence always indefinite, and varying in each individual case as to the fulness and character requisite to secure its acceptance, so that an exclusive appeal to it amounts to little more than an unlimited claim to private judgment in every imaginable cause. This point will be found discussed at some length and with considerable acuteness in Cicero's very inte- resting treatise De Dimnatione^ where the testimonies for that particular kind of supernatural interference are alleged in the first book, and the arguments against it produced in the second ; the two following sentences will give the reader the pith of each, and some inference may be drawn as to the probable opinions of an edu- cated heathen on this subject. A. Si nihil queam disputare, quamobrem quidque fiat, et tantummodo, fieri ea, quae commemoravi, doceam : parum ne respondeam ? (i. 49.) B. Hoc ego philosophi non esse arbitror, testibus uti : qui aut casu veri, aut malitia falsi fictique esse OF THE EARLY CHRISTIANS. XXXIII possunt : argumentis et rationibus oportet quare quidque CHAP. ita sit, docere, non eventis, iis praesertim quibus mihi liceat non credere, (n, 11.) We shall presently see the different views taken by the apologists of this subject amongst others, and our end will be best answered by examining first the apo- logy of Tertullian, so that by using this as a criterion to which the others may be applied, we shall the more easily detect their mutual difference or agreement on any considerable points, and observe better the ends which they respectively proposed to themselves, and the means they employed to accomplish them. Tertullian''s treatise is generally divided into fifty chapters as I have given it, and to these I shall make reference. The opening (c. 1 — 7) is entirely devoted to proving that the authorities ought really to hear what the Christians had to say for themselves, and after some very characteristic reasoning on this point the writer is naturally compelled to retort those peculiarly infa- mous charges which would, if true, have almost justified the conduct of the heathen (7 — 10). He then (c. 10) states two of the chief accusations brought against the Christians, viz. first, that they refused to worship the gods, and secondly, that they did not offer sacrifice for the emperor. The former of these is discussed, with some incidental digressions, through eighteen chapters (10 — 27), and the latter through eight (28 — 37) ; some minor objections to Christian practice are then refuted (37 — 45), and the peroration (45- — 50) is occupied by contrasting with the merits and persecutions of the Christians the deserts and the treatment of the several philosophical schools. It must be obvious from the first sight of this synopsis that the Apology was not written with any direct intention or idea of making converts, or of proving the truth of the Christian religion. The XXXIV ON THE APOLOGETIC WRITINGS CHAP, case to be shewn is quid sit liquido in caussa Chris- tianorum ; the end to be gained is ne ignorata damne- tur. TertuUian endeavours to prove not that Jesus Christ was the Son of God, or that the Evangelists left a true and harmonious narrative, but that infanticide and in- cest were not crimes of the Christians, that their as- semblies were not seditious, and that their habits were neither hurtful to society, nor vicious in themselves. It is difficult to make always due allowance for the bitter irony and passionate language of this writer, but we can scarcely be wrong in inferring from his pleading that at this precise period the misery of the Christians must have reached its height. He seems scarcely to hope for their acquittal, or to think of bargaining for it, but confines his petition to a request that they may be heard before they are condemned, and tried in some cases before they are executed; and after shewing at length not merely the negative but the positive virtues of Christian habits, his demand is only that they should not be treated with any thing more severe than ridicule. I observed however above, that, in the discussion of the first charge brought against his brethren, TertulHan had introduced some incidental digressions, but though the chapters alluded to (17 — 23 inclusively) may be made in strictness perhaps to bear that term, since the defence might have continuously proceeded through all its main points without them, yet they are the most seriously im- portant of any in the treatise. They detail the nature and attributes of the Creator, the mission of the Pro- phets, the character of the Scriptures, and the liistory of Our Lord, forming what TertuUian calls demonstrati- onem religionis nostrce (16 extr.) This therefore is evidently the portion of the Apology to which we must turn for any approximation to evidences of Christianity, though even this will only indirectly and OP THE EARLY CHRISTIANS. XXXV unavoidably assume such a character. It was not intended ^^,^^- for any such object, but it would very probably attract — attention to the real principles of the sect, and induce a curious heathen inquirere et intelUgere et credere^ — a process frequently alluded to by Tertullian in these very words, and which implies an examination of other suffi- cient and accessible evidence beyond any contained in the document recommending such a course of research. Still. this episodical relic is extremely valuable, and even when confined to simple affirmations it has all that weight which a luminous and straight-forward statement invari- ably carries with it. It is introduced naturally by the expediency of shewing what Christianity is^ after proving what it was not. The writer commences (c. 17) with an attempt to delineate the attributes of that God whom the Christians worshipped, and he adduces the very re- markable testimonj^ of the souH to prove the universal recognition of this truth. He then states (c. 18) that the will of this Being has always from the first (a ^n- mordio) been communicated to man through Prophets divinely inspired, and that their precepts {wees eorum) together with a record of their miraculous credentials were committed to authentic narratives, and he shews the accessibility of these narratives by a circumstantial detail of the translation of the LXX. He has thus arrived at the Scriptures, (the Old Testament), and he is of course compelled to offer some evidence for their au- thority. On this point his first argument is a remarkable one, drawn from their antiquity/, in which he shews that no historical or literary remains of any ancient kingdom will bear any comparison with the Volume in question ; and after interposing a few confirmatory remarks, he points out a method by which the fact may be systemati- cally proved. I have termed this argument a remarkable ^ See Bishop Kaye's Tertullian, p. 176, sqq. C — 2 XXXVl ON THE APOLOGETIC WRITINGS CHAP, one, and it is so, especially as elaborated by Tertullian, but it proceeds on a principle repeatedly advanced by him as fundamental and unassailable — quod prim est se- men sit necesse est. He not only urges it upon the heathen, but he employs it against heretics, and con- futes alike by it the corruptions of a Gnostic, and the arrogance of a Platonist. Moreover it was peculiarly an argumentum ud hominem^ and the apologist remarks very pertinently on introducing it, apud ws quoque re- Ugionis est instar fidem de t&mporihus asserere. It was not merely that a more ancient scheme was regarded as the creditor of its modern representative, but antiquity, in the abstract, was contemplated by the Pagans with ve- neration and awe, and gave to any rite or relic a sacred- ness which no reader of the Roman Annals would be at any loss to exemplify. When Tacitus says of the rites of Palestine antiquitate defenduntiir^ he probably embodies the general opinion on the subject, which in- deed has not vanished with the empires of old, nor is it confined to any age or nation : it is a sentiment provi- dentially implanted in the human breast, appearing more or less conspicuous in each individual or people, in pro- portion to their loyalty and steadiness, and perhaps in- tended as an antagonist principle to some of the most seductive temptations with which the armoury of Satan is furnished. The reader, however, will observe that Tertullian is not attempting to shew, like biblical critics of the present day, that the books of the prophets were actually written by the persons whose names they re- spectively bear, as it would be of no use to combat an objection which none of his adversaries were likely to bring, he merely asserts that these writings are ancient both positively and comparatively, and entitled to appro- priate respect ; he shews their authority, not their truth, to which he passes (p. 65) in another argument which he OP THE EARLY CHRISTIANS. XXXVII handles with peculiar eloquence (c. 20) ; he appeals to CHAP. the internal^ evidence of the Scriptures as a proof of their - divinity, and cites the evident and daily fulfilment of prophecy, as a reason for expecting the verification of what yet remained unfulfilled ^ TertuUian is the only 2;52iS54-^9l2gkL-W^.9„l^?s thus taken his stand on the Scriptures, and ids. position at this point of his argument is as follows: "The God whom we worship is a Being >vhom you involuntarily recognize. His will has been (Jeclared to man by Prophets, and is contained in a volume of demonstrable antiquity, and self evident truth."^ It it remarkable that TertuUian no where in this treatise quotes Scripture, and that he very sparingly uses scrip- tural expressions. Up to this point, then, (from c. 17) the defence has been little more than an apology for Judaism, as its author acknowledges (c. 21) and he pro- ceeds to state, that, lest it should be supposed that Christianity unworthily sheltered its tenets under a re- cognized religion whose authority it claimed, but whose ceremonies it discarded, he was prepared to insist briefly on 1jia..chaxactenstjc tenet of the new sect, the Divinity ^ I have inserted in my text, dence are carried on completely (p. 63) enclosed within brackets, from omnes itaque substantias a fragment which has been sup- through the remainder of that posed by some editors to have chapter and the chapter (20) next originally formed an integral part ensuing, and that in fact the in- of this chapter; but such I do serted paragraph is nothing but not think to be the case, though an anticipation of these two pleas, I have little doubt about its being which makes the original text the composition of TertuUian. If mere tautology. I am therefore the reader will refer to the page inclined to believe either that it mentioned above, (p. 63), and formed part of a second edition of proceed from the last words be- the Apology, which we have other fore the brackets de temp, asserere reasons for concluding was pub- to the first words after the final lished, or that it is a fragment of bracket, p. 66, (which is acci- some treatise analogous to that dentally omitted at vestri), he ad Nationes, if not of that treatise will see that the arguments both itself, from antiquity and internal evi- XXXVlll ON THE APOLOGETIC WRITINGS CHAP, of Christ (de Ckristo ut Deo). In pursuance of this — object, he details the nature (substantia) and birth of Our Saviour with some minuteness of circumstance, (pp. 74, 75), and then shews quomodo Christus prohetur^ (p. 76). His evidence to this point, consists in a reca- pitulation of the general expectations of His advent prevalent amongst both Jews and Gentiles, in a brief but pregnant allusion to His miracles, and in a state- ment of the verification of prophecies in His person, of the preternatural darkness at the Crucifixion \ and of the facts of the Resurrection. No mention is made of any Gospel or Evangelist, the facts are stated as gene- rally known and no where questioned, and the attention is simply drawn to their character which might have been hitherto unobserved, or inferences from them which might hitherto not have been deduced. The argument from prophecy is extremely well managed, that from the mi- racles is only indirectly brought, though TertuUian after adverting to them adds, ostendens se esse \oyov Dei, &c. (p. 77.) In this last quoted page it is asserted that the Jews 7!^umUi/ concluded (sequehatur uti cestimarent) that our Lord was a magician; the meaning of the expression being that such was the only alternative left to those who saw His works, and denied His Divinity. Now this is all the notice which TertuUian here takes of the sub- ject ; but the point is so important and will be so re- markably insisted on by others who are presently to pass ^ Some notice has been taken word, (see e. g. Juv. ii., and rela- in my note (p. 78) of the reading turn in literas, Aniob. iv. 14), and arcanis instead of archivis in this as such far moi-e applicable to passage. I may here add another archivis than arcanis ; the literal argument for the latter reading. translation of hahetis relatum in The participle relatum is not like archivis vestris, is " you have it our derivative, nor is it equiva- registered in your public docu- lent to wa^ra^t^m, but is a technical ments." OF THE EARLY CHRISTIANS. XXXIX in review before us, that I shall draw the reader's par- CHAP. ticular attention to it by a little further consideration L- The most singular difference between ancient and modern scepticism, and consequently between ancient and modem apologists, is in their respective views of the miracles. The generation which witnessed these doings, and the generations which immediately succeeded, never expressed the slightest doubt as to the fact of their occurrence; %ey might explain away the prodigy by attributing it to magic, or they might invalidate its influence by setting up rival claims, but no ancient opponent of Christianity, as far as my reading and memory enable me to speak, ever thought of asserting that the historical testimony to^ the miracles was either insufficient or inconclusive. Even Hierocles himself, as we are expressly, though in- cidentally, told by Lactantius^, acknowledged this much ; and accordingly we find that contemporary apologists are occupied in proving that the miracles were not ma- gical, and that the claims of ApoUonius or Apuleius to similar powers are totally unfounded. But modern scep- ticism takes other ground, and declares not only that the existing evidence for the miracles is insufficient, but that no conceivable addition to it could make it effec- tual, and therefore our apologists also change the ancient position, and have now to prove facts which for cen- turies after their occurrence no one ever doubted, and the completeness of evidence which no man on any other subject would think of questioning. Grotius, I think, is the last of the apologists who devotes a chapter to refuting the charge of magic. Eye witnesses saw the works, but doubted the agency: we deny the facts, and dismiss the cause. But now to return to TertuUian's proof; — half of ^ " Idem tamen quum facta nee tamen negaret, voluit/* &c. ejus(Christi)mirabiliadestrueret, D. I. v. 3. Xl ON THE APOLOGETIC WRITINGS CHAP, it only has been tendered, and the remaining moiety is of a character so peculiar that it is difficult to treat it in any satisfactory manner. The steps are simply these : The writer first (c. 22) asserts the existence, and describes the quahties, of spiritual beings called dcemons ; he then endeavours (c. 23) to shew their iden- tity with the deities of the heathen mythology, and finally affirms that a Christian can summon these spirits from the bodies of persons possessed, and compel them to admit openly their own deeds and character, and acknowledge the power and the divinity of Christ. I shall content myself here with directing the reader''s attention to what appear to me the remarkable points of the case. And first, it is to be specially observed that the apologist does not use this argument inciden- tally, nor eoG abundantly but he makes it his grand proof, and evidently conceives that, though his other reason- ing may possibly be got over, this plea will be quite insuperable. In summing up he makes two divisions of his defence, one of which is entirely monopolized by this argument : and this he does twice, (p. 97) demon- stravi . . . non modo disputationihus nee argumentationibus, sed ipsorum etiam testimoniis quos deos creditis, ut nihil jam ad hanc caussam sit retractandum ; and (p. 149), osten- dimus totum statum nostrum^ et quihus modis prohare pos- simus sicut ostendimus^ ex fide scilicet et antiquitate dim- narwn litterarum^ item ex confessione spiritualiwrn potestatum. Next, I advert to the singular decision and boldness with which he challenges the trial {edatur hie aliquis, &c. p. 88), a trial easily made, and involving a certain final issue, as he says himself (quid hac probatione fidelius^ p. 89), and further, particularly to the strange and un- designed testimony conveyed in the argument (p. 127), Quis autem vos, &c. Lastly, I would recall .to the reader Tertullian's character ; credulous he might be, but that OF THE EARLY CHRISTIANS. xli is scarcely to the point, as the appeal is to the senses CHAP. of others; cowardly he was not, as this Apology proves; and how little he was likely to bend either a sentence or a fact to propitiate his judge, may [be readily col- lected from the tone in which he tenders to the ma- ^trate this very proposal to convict his gods of devilry and himself of folly. Of course it will be seen here that I am not speaking of the disquisitions on spiritual natures, &c. which are given in c. 22, there the writer is stating only opinions^ not facts. I have examined these episodical chapters the more fully, that they exclusively contain that particular kind of apologetic evidence which I am considering in this section; the remainder of the treatise is devoted to a defence of the individual or congregational practices of the Christians, and shews most clearly that main ob- ject of the composition which I have before alluded to. One or two points I wish to notice. The history of the Roman empire during the first few centuries of Christianity will secure easy credence to the narra- tives of those calamities which are described as then falling with overwhelming weight on the human race. With such a government, and such a succession to the throne, with legions of such a class, and national cha- racter at such a stage of decay, with civil wars almost perpetual, and barbarian irruptions gradually more threat- ing, we need be at no loss to account for ruined cities and devastated territories, for pestilence, for famine or for blood, and the coincidence of the more awful and destructive phenomena of nature would be readily con- nected in the minds of the sufferers with the terrors of human infliction. But as early as the close of the second century these events had been all laid to the charge of the Christians, who were said to have provoked the jmcient gods to this exhibition of their reality and wrath. xlii ON THE APOLOGETIC WRITINGS CHAP. We cannot be greatly surprised at the rise of such an opinion, nor more so at its extensive prevalence, for all history teaches us how easily a suffering populace may be led to visit its miseries and its woes on the heads of any imaginary offenders; a man smarting under pain will not weigh too closely the evidence promising to detect his enemy, nor demur much at the proffered means of vengeance and relief ; and thus age after age the cry was repeated which had been found so serviceable, — TertuUian in the second century, Cyprian in the third, Arnobius in the fourth, Augustine in the fifth, shew all by their successive refutation the successive occurrences of the charge, indeed the Apology of Minutius is the only one I believe which does not allude to the accusation. Tertul- lian indirectly adverts to the calamities of the times in e. 20, and meets the attack of the heathen directly in c. 40. His reasoning is natural and good, he points to the notorious occurrence of the like or worse mis- fortunes before the name of Christian was heard of, and urges the wickedness of the human race, which was always meriting such scourges. Connected with this was the claim which the Romans set up to singular and emi- nent piety as the foundation of their early rise and subsequent dominion, since it gave proof by analogy to the other assertion, that impiety and innovation were the causes of their declining power. To this subject Tertullian devotes a little attention (c. 25), but he handles it with more sophistry and less clearness than usual, as I have remarked in the notes. Looking at this Apology as a whole, I cannot but consider it as incomparably excelling every similar com- position of the times. Of its language I have spoken in the preceding section ; its arrangement is remarkably good, the topics being so disposed that the reasoning is nearly continuous, and the propositions as they are OF THE EARLY CHRISTIANS. xliii established are made subservient to the proofs of others : CHAP. as for example, — the charge of refusing sacrifice for L_ Caesar is refuted in the twenty-ninth chapter, by means of the conclusions arrived at in the twelfth and twenty- second, that the gods were powerless except as daemons, and consequently no fit subjects for worship at all. The arguments are astonishingly clear, and if contemplated quoad homines and quoad causam^ can hardly fail to com- mand our assent ; while most especial care has been taken not to weaken the case by appeals to authorities which the umpires did not recognize, nor to tempt the scoff's of the ignorant by an unseasonable want of re- serve. And yet notwithstanding all this, it is little matter for wonder if it failed to a great extent in its object. Without receiving the great historian''s sarcastic surmise, that the apologies of the Christians probably seldom reached the circles for whose edification they were compiled, we can detect a single striking fact which in itself is sufl&cient to explain the difficulty. Tertul- lian is never content with refuting^ he invariably retorts. Even on the charges of infanticide and incest, he can- not be content with clearing himself, without a supple- mentary demonstration of the guilt of his accusers, and he pursues the same process on the indictments of im- piety and^ treason. It cannot be denied that these re- tributive sallies are always vigorous and often successful, but that would only make matters worse ; an acquittal might not be easily secured even from a disinterested Roman, but after Tertullian''s defence, the magistrate had no alternative between condemning the prisoner, or —taking his place. Yet the student will find few apo- logies which he can read without drawing comparisons very favourable to this. The next treatise, in chronological order, is the Octavius of Minutius Felix, which will not require any lengthened xliv ON THE APOLOGETIC WRITINGS CHAP, remarks. It is in the attractive form of a dialogue, be- tween Caecilius, a heathen of education and intelligence, and Octavius a Christian, and it contains one remarkable feature, viz., a bold exposition of the popular sentiments concerning Christianity, which is put into the opening- speech of Caecilius. It is not often that we find so plausible a statement of the altera pars^ and Gibbon'*s heart seems really to have been completely won by this conciliatory candour, — twice he mentions this portion of the tract with the epithets of " fair and elegant,"" " ele- gant and circumstantial,'" and more than twice in various parts of his history does he quote from its favoured para- graphs. The reply of Octavius, which extends consider- ably beyond the length of the attack, is strictly confined to its specified subjects, a fact which must never be lost sight of if we wish to appreciate the merit of the com- position. The truth is that Christianity, as a scheme, is scarcely mentioned, far less defended. Caecilius judges of Christianity from what he has heard, and from what he saw on the surface of it, and he considers it in rela- tion to the established rites of worship, and the existing habits of belief or disbelief. He insists particularly on the probability there is that truth is not discoverable at all, and infers the obligation thus imposed by prudence of acquiescing in things as they are, especially as under such regimen fortune and dominion had rewarded Roman piety : he ridicules the ideas of the future destruction of the world, and the resurrection of the body : and after commenting severely both on the real and the credited practices of the Christians, he concludes that they are throwing away all the tangible pleasures of this life, for the uncertain remunerations of another. It is to these statements that Octavius has to reply, which he does cleverly enough, and if some of his arguments appear borrowed, we must remember that it was scarcely OF THE EARLY CHRISTIANS. xlv possible to avoid saying the same things on the same CHAP. subject. He states very clearly the arguments for the L unity of God and for the nullity of Paganism : he shews that the end of the world and the resurrection of the flesh are neither novel nor incredible tenets, and he defends the Christians successfully on the minor charges respecting their daily habits. It will be seen on a careful perusal of this treatise, that it is occupied in clearing away any antecedent objections to the cotisideration of Christianity ; it shews the existence of a God, and offers proof of his unity, it demonstrates the folly of the existing religion, and removes the superficial objection to the new one, and its effect upon its readers or its audience, unless they could disprove its reasoning, must have been to convince them that there was a God to whom their worship was due, that they had not known him yet, and that, to say the least, there was no a priori evidence . that the teaching of the despised Chris- tians would not supply the knowledge. The apologetic writings of S. Cyprian are comprised in two short tracts, one addressed Ad Demetrianum^ and the other inscribed de Idolorum Vanitate ; the former being an abrupt expostulation with a certain Deme- trian on his shameful calumnies and persecution of the Christians. Cyprian commences with saying that he was specially urged to write by the old charge against his brethren of being the cause of all the calamities of the times, but his arguments are very different from Ter- tullian's. He urges that the world is near its end, that nature is effete, and that irregularities are consequently to be expected in all natural phenomena ; and that more- over the heathen have deserved worse inflictions; the rest of the tract being mainly occupied with a repetition of the reasoning by which the glaring injustice of the persecutors is shewn. The tract de Idolorum Vanitate xlvi ON THE APOLOGETIC WRITINGS CHAP, is divided into three chapters, treating respectively of the three heads (which are said to have been prefixed by the author) Quod idola Dii non sint, Quod Deus unus sit, and Quod per Christum solus credentihus data sit; of these the two first propositions are proved by the same arguments and almost by the same words which occur in Minutius, and the last by an equally close transcript of Tertullian^ The only passage worth particular re- mark is the concluding paragraph, in which Cyprian states that the Christians are permitted to be tortured in order that the proofs of the truth may be more absolute {ne esset probatio minus solidd), and he calls bodily suffering the touchstone of truth (dolor veritatis testis), which is indeed the argument of Paley, except that the latter confines it to the case of eye-witnesses, and to matters of fact. It is hard to pronounce upon an apologetic writing without a thorough knowledge of the individuals to whom it was addressed, or the special occasion which called it forth, and perhaps either or both of these cir- cumstances might account for what appear imperfections in these tracts ; but such reasoning as is borrowed is certainly not improved, nor are the additions to it either vigorous or ingenious; in particular, the abundant quo- tations from scripture addressed to an adversary who neither admitted nor appreciated the authority appealed to, are singularly mistimed, a circumstance which was remarked many ages ago^. We have now to proceed to a writer whose mind, ^ At the commencement of this sense, (as I have remarked this chapter, in the enunciation in the notes of this volume), and of the proposition. Quod vero having reference to the attributes, Christus sit, I believe the words power and substance of the Being are equivalent not to esse autem spoken of. Christum, hnt to Quis sit Christus, ^ See Lactantius, D. I. v. 4; or Quid vero Christus sit, this Hieron. Ep. 84. neuter being of frequent use in OP THE EARLY CHRISTIANS. xlvii powers, position, and productions are singularly different, ^ j^^* and whose remains I think have been undeservedly ~ neglected even by the labourers in this particular field of enquiry. The Disputationes of Arnobius consist of seven books udversus Gentes, containing as usual a defence of Chris- tianity and an exposure of Paganism, and embodying most of the ordinary arguments on each of these topics, but supplying at the same time some important additions and exhibiting some most remarkable views. It appears from the little information we possess concerning this writer^, that he was a rhetorician teaching at Sikka in Africa, when his attention was first directed to Chris- tianity; and it is related that when he applied for admission into the Church, his previous behaviour had left his character and intentions so suspicious that he wrote the treatise in question as a pledge of his sin- cerity. The internal evidence of the composition would certainly not run counter to such a tale ; the author is clearly misinformed on many points, and uninformed on others, and displays very much such an apprehension of Christianity as might be expected in one whose knowledge wae collected simply from notorious facts, or perhaps from teaching like that in the Octavius. The first two books are devoted to the defence, and the remaining five to the attack ; it is of course the former division with which we shall be principally here concerned. The commencement alleges the calumnies against the Christians, before mentioned, as the principal cause of the Apology, and a few pages are allotted to their *'* It is not a little singular that is generally believed that he Lactantius in his notice of pre- studied rhetoric under him. Jea- ceding or contemporary apologists lousy, amongst other reasons, has (D. I. V. ].) omits all mention been assigned for this proceed- whatever of Arnobius, though it ing. Xlviii ON THE APOLOGETIC WRITINGS CHAP, refutation. This is cleverly though artificially conducted, and exhibits from many points the utter absurdity of the charge. The transition is easy from this argument to a general apology for the principles of the Christian faith, as far indeed as the writer either understood or was inclined to disclose them; he defends the worship of a man born^ (natum hominem) and crucified, by ex- amples and precedents from their own religion, and shews that there can be no prima facie objection to Christianity even on that hypothetical ground. But he rapidly proceeds to disprove the simple humanity of Christ, and to prove his divinity ^ and his steps at this point are particularly worthy of notice. He appeals boldly and summarily to the miracles^ insisting minutely and strongly on I. their character ; that they were never noxious, but always salutary, and of a kind befitting their author*. II. their numher ; which, with their variety, pre- cluded the possibility of misapprehension^. III. their openness; that they were performed clearly, in open day, and in the sight of alP. IV. the circumstances of their performance ; which was without any intermediate mechanism, and solely by a word^. ^ This is only for argument's rerum." ibid. " nos quidem in sake. I. 19. " sed concedamus, illo secuti hsec sumus : opera ilia interdum (i. e. interim, see notes) magnifica ; potentissimasque vir- manum vestris opinationibus dan- tutes/' ii. 9. " virtutes sub oculis tes, unum fuisse Christum de no- positse et inauditailla vis rerum," bis," &c. See too c. 23. ib. 10. ^ Not in the special Christian * 4. " nihil nocens, aut no- sense : he calls Christ, " interio- xium, sed opiferum, sed salutare, rum potentiarum Deus, rei maxi- sed auxiliaribus plenum bonis," mse caussa a summo Rege ad nos i. 25, missus." ib.23. ' ii. 10. '^ "Nulla major est comproba- " i. 32; ii. 10. tio quam gestarum ab eo fides '' " Constitit Christum sine OF THE EARLY CHRISTIANS. xllx V. the transmission of the power to otJters ; which CHAP, was even a stronger argument than its possession \ After setting forth with excessive but characteristic diffuseness these several points, he meets the opinion of those who would ascribe the works to the exercise of magic, and alludes to the assertion that Christ learnt in Egypt those powerful arts by which such prodigies were performed. He asks whether any magician of any age or country had ever done such deeds as these; whether the exploits of sorcerers were not notoriously confined to certain well-known practices ; whether they were not invariably achieved with certain aids of time, place, and instruments, and whether, if their perform- ances instead of their promises were to be considered, any one could be named whose pretensions would bear the most distant comparison with the works of Christ^. He next examines the claims of other gods to mira- culous virtues, and after intimating that he could pro- bably perplex his adversary by demanding authenticated examples of such works, he asserts that no cures were ever performed in the temples or at the shrines without the accompaniment of some medicine or regimen^, so that the effect (if any) might always be attributed to the medium^. He also adds that the cures were not complete, and that the seeds of the disease still re- mained^"; and that the miracles were tentative^ for that where there was one patient healed, thousands had ullis adminiculis rerum, sine ul- quietantibus caussis, ambulare, lius ritus observatione, vel lege, cessare, aut ahqua re, quae officiat, omnia ilia, quae fecit, nominis sui abstinere." lb. 27- possibilitate fecisse," i. 25. ^ Ibid. ** lb. 29. ^" Illud audire desidero, an ^ lb. 24. fecerit (deus iste) et emori vale- " " cibum aliquem jusserunt tudinum caussam, et debilium capi, aut qualitatis alicujus ebibi corpora ad suas remeare naturas." potionem, aut herbarum et gra- Ibid. Compare Paley's Evidences, mimim succos superponere in- Prop. ii. c. 1. d 1 t)N THE APOLOGETIC AVJIITI.VGS! CHAP, wasted their time and substance around the altars of in. ;^ , . iEsculapms, without experiencing either improvement or advantaged From this he proceeds to an objection famihar in- deed to modern ears, but seldom urged or argued in ancient times. " You will deny the facts ^'' he says, — ^ed non crsditis gesta Jicec! and he replies with the best appeal to historical evidence and universal testimony which an apologist could have made. He enlarges especially and repeatedly on the open and unlimited exhibition of the miracles^, points to their effects on eye witnesses^ remarks that these were mighty multitudes and almost entire nations*, who could not possibly have trusted any thing less than the irrefragable evidence of their senses, and that a refusal of their testimony involves virtually a charge of falsehood or stupidity against a whole gene- ration, probably as sagacious, and naturally as incredu- lous, as ourselves^; he observes, too, that this history has been handed down through a body of men, who on 5-ny supposition but the truth of Christianity, must have voluntarily and gratuitously endured all temporal hardships and resigned all temporal comforts for the sake of propagating a lie^. ^ "Nonne alios scimiis malis et credenda posteris nobis baud suos commortuos, cruciatibus alios exilibus cum approbationibus tra- consenuisse morborum, pernicio- diderunt." 1. 32. sius alios sese habere caepisse, ^ " Gentes, populi, nationes, post quam dies noctesqiie in con- et incredulum illud genus huma- tinuis precibus et pietatis expecta- num." Ibid, tione triverunt ? quid ergo prodest ^ " Numquid dicemus illius unum aut alterum fortasse cura- temporis homines usque adeo tos ostendere ?" Ibid. 28. Com- fuisse vanos, mendaces, stolidos, pare Paley again as above. brutos ut quae nunquam viderant, ^ 1. 82; II. 9, 10. vidisse se fingerent ? " Ibid. Com- ^ " Sed qui ea conspicati sunt pare Leslie's short way with the fieri et sub oculis suis viderunt Deists, c. i. 2. 3. agi, testes optirai ccrtissimique ^ " Cumque possent vobiscum auctores, et crediderunt htec ipsi. ft unanimiter vivere, et inofFen- OF THE EARLY CHRISTIANS. 11 He next appeals to the existing facts of the case, Ci fAP. and asks how the prevalence and extension of Christi anity through all ranks and nations in spite of oppo- sition and tyranny can be explained, if it is based upon falsehood^. This argument shews incidentally the dif- ferent intentions with which this work and the Apology of Tertullian were composed; TertuUian uses it only as a dissuasive from cruelty, he was pleading merely for tole- ration ; Arnobius turns it to a proof of his faith, he was shewing the credibility of the religion. Towards the better consideration of th3 ca~e he offers a few remarks of general import. The Christians, as is well known, were attacked for their credulity. He points to the practical influence and use of faith in all the ordinary transactions of life^, and particularly enquires whether a believer in any school, or in no school, does not repose in some teacher or other a confidence equally impHcit, and far less reasonable than that of the Chris- tian^. He shews the error of any antecedent objection to Christianity, observing that there should be rather a contrary inclination, to trust the bearer of such glad tidings and such salutary words, as Christ's ^° ; and adds, that if the divine promises could n-^t logically be proved to be true, it was because the future does not admit of demonstration, but that in a case of such doubtful- ness as this, it would be only consonant wath sense and reason to choose the most probable alternative, and the one which offered the greatesii prospect and hope of sas ducere conjunctiones gratiiita Parochial Sermois. susciperent odia, et exercrablH ^ Ibid. haberentur in nomine." Ibid. ^^ i. 38. ''Vel propter id so- Compare Paley's first proposition, lum eum deberetis amplecti quod ^ Ibid. 33 ; ii. 4. Compare optabilia vobis sponderet et pros- Archbishop Whateley, Logic, p. pera, quod bonarum esset nuntius 248. rerum, quod ea prsedicaret quae ^ II. 7. Compare Ne>vman's nullius animum Isederent. ' lii GN THE APOLOGETIC WRITINGS CHAP, benefit ^ ; especially since, if the faith were delusive and ! groundless, its embrace could at worst be productive of no harm, whereas if true, its neglect would involve the loss of eternal happiness^. In perusing this sketch of Arnobius, the reader has probably recognized many a familiar thought, and re- marked how many arguments of modern apologists have been anticipated by this obscure and neglected writer ; and his own memory will doubtless supply him with many more paralleHsms than I have pointed to in the notes ; but even apart from this, I think the peculiar position and character of the author, invest his senti- ments and his reasoning with very singular interest and value. Arnobius was not a Father of the Church, it is even questioned whether at the date of this compo- sition he was formally admitted within its pale, he was certainly ignorant of many of its mysteries and doctrines ; prophecy he makes no allusion to ; there is barely evi- dence of his having read scripture, and quotations from it there are none^ ; but he was obviously a well-educated and intelligent heathen, more than usually learned and argumentative, and previously well affected to the ancient religion* ; his liberality and candour are remarkable, he admits the existence of inexplicable mysteries, and when pressed for explanation on points such as the origin of ^ " Nonne purior ratio est ex bus liberum implicare vos talibus, duobus incertis, et in ambigua et tam remota ab utilitate curare, expectatione pendentibus, id po- Res vestra in ancipiti sita est, tins credere quod aliquas spes salus animarum vestrarum." Ibid, ferat, quam omnino quod nul- 47. las? " II. 3. ^ In II. 5, there is a reference ^ " In illo enim periculi nihil to 1 Cor. iii. 19. Sapientia enim est, si quod dicitur imminere cas- liujus mundi, stultitia est apud sum fiat et vacuum, in hoc dam- Deum ; but the writer introduces num est maximum (id est salutis it with '* nunquam ne \llud vul- amissio) si cum tempus venerit, ,9a;?/m perstrinxerit aures vestras." aperiatur non fuisse mendacium." ^ i. 20. Ibid. "Vestris non est rationi- OF THE EARLY CHRISTIANS. lui evil and others, acknowledges freely his ignorance and CHAP. iii» inability^; he was tolerant in his ideas and an advo- cate for free discussion^, and under these circumstances, and with such qualifications, he made the investigations and drew the conclusions which resulted in the work before us. If the credere quam scire is to be exploded as unbecoming the present stage of intellect and civiliza- tion, if the first teaching of the Church is to be the teaching her children that they ought to be taught, I cannot see a better system of evidences than thus to establish the divine origin of a scheme and thereby ne- cessitate the acceptance of its details. Closely following Arnobius in time, and in subject, but differing widely in his fashion of handling it comes his pupil Lactantius, an author whose writings may per- haps be less familiar than his name. His chief work, the Dimnce Institutiones, consists of seven books, of which the object is no less comprehensive and important than to demolish Paganism, prove Christianity, confute phi- losophy, establish the indissoluble connection between true wisdom and true religion, or rather, perhaps, their iden- tity, and shew that both are to be sought and found only in the Catholic Church of Christ. The two first books expose the Pagan rites, and the third the hollow- ness of philosophy ; the fourth contains the apologetic portion of the treatise, and the remainder completes the whole into such a system of Christian ethics as the writer could compose. As in other cases, our principal atten- tion is directed to the apologetic chapters, which are ^ II. 29, 41, 42. Compare too pia dicta refellitote, redarguite, his remarks on those who died reprobate. Nam intercipere scrip- before the advent of Christ. Ibid. ta, et publicatam velle lectionem 49. submergere, non est deum de- ^ See a curious passage, iii. 5, fendere, sed veritatis testificatio- concluding with " erroris convin- nem timere." cite Ciceronem, temeraria et im- liv ON THE APOLOGETIC WRITINGS ^m^' ^^^ incidentally added, but are an integral part of the -work. Lactantius commences* with the precept that an enquirer should first of all make himself thoroughly acquainted with the Jewish history, and especially with the Prophets, and the dates of their writings, inasmuch as their testimony will be necessarily employed in the subsequent proofs He then proceeds carefully through the circumstances of the Birth, Advent, Incarnation, Life, " Passion, Resurrection, and Ascension of our Lord ; and shews that all these are in exact accordance with the predictions concerning them, and this not with the scrip- tural prophecies only but with the Sibylline verses, and the prophecies of Hermes Trismegistus^. This is all which he adduces in the form of systematic evidence. He adverts to the miracles, but simply in their character as events of our Saviour's life, and insists mainly on the minute agreement of their details with the Sibylline predictions^ , from which fact also he draws his proof that they were not wrought by magic \ All this may appear unsatis- factory to our ideas, but many things should induce us to hesitate before we pronounce a decided opinion. The work itself is of a totally different nature from any which we have been considering. It is a kind of Book of Christiano-philosophical Institutes ; it offers a system of cosmogony instead of the philosophical systems; a system of offices instead of the scholastic systems ; thus withdrawing from the ancient sages their two subjects ^ Div. Inst. IV. 5. omnia qua? nobis annuntiata sunt ^ " Quorum testimoniis uti vaticinio Prophetarum. Fecit nunc necesse est." Ibid. mirabilia : magum putassemus, ^ Ibid. 6 — 21. ' ut et vos nunc putatis et Judsei * Ibid. 16. tunc putaverunt, si non ilia ipsa ** " Disce igitur, non solum facturum Christum Proplietse om- idcirco a nobis Deum creditum nes uno spiritu prtedicassent.'" Christum quia mirabilia fecit, sed Ibid. v. 3; Compare too iv. 15. quia vidimus in eo facta ess3 OF THE EARLY CHRISTIANS. Iv of speculation, and making referable to true religion all ^Hf ^" the duties of life ; much on the principle which has lately been defended with an ability and judgment so far su- perior. There is one very remarkable feature in this case : Lactantius most clearly knew the precise nature of his task, and the best methods of achieving it ; he discusses the writings of previous apologists^, and points out with great cleverness the points in which they failed ; he re- marks on the difference of their objects and his, ob- serving that it is one thing to reply to simple accusa- tions, and another to assert a whole body of doctrine^; he mentions the mistake of S. Cyprian in quoting scripture to unbelievers^, alludes to the harshness and obscurity of Tertullian^, and acknowledges and accounts for, generally, the inefficacy of his predecessor's at- tempts'*^. He saw the distinction between testimony '^ and argument in evidence^', and if he constantly, and to our ideas, unhappily, chooses and pursues the latter, we have the right, if we please, to suppose that he had good grounds for his selection. It is scarcely pos- sible to conceive a greater contrast than he presents to Amobius; the one declining argument, acknowledging mystery, and asserting facts ; the other substituting argu- mentation for every thing. liter magis^ says the for- mer, xidetur irrisione esse dignissimus vohis, qui sibi sci- ® V. 1. means particularly Scripture, as ^ " Aliud est, accusantibiis res- in the passage cited above from pondere, quod in defensione aut iv. 5, and also v. 4, where he in negatione sola positum est, says, " non Scripturae testimoniis, aliud instituere quod nos facimus, sed argumentis et ratione fuerat in quo necesse est doctrinse totius repellendus." substantiam contineri." Ibid. 4. ^^ " Et quanquam apud bonos *^ Ibid. judices satis habeant firmitatis vel ^ Ibid. 1. testimonia sine argumentis, vel ^" Ibid. argumenta sine testimoniis," &c. ^^ By testimony though he iv. 22. ivi ox THE APOLOGKTIC WRITINGS CHAP, entiam nullam tenehrosce rei alicujus assumit, an ille qui retur se ex se apertissime scire id quod humanam trans- siliat notionem, et quod sit cwcis ohscuritatibus involutum ? The latter says, Falsa dicentem redarguere non potest nisi qui scierit ante quid sit mrum. Arnobius declines the question of the existence of evil ; Lactantius says it is necessary to the formation of its contrary, good. And his reasoning is perpetually of such a kind, which his subject gave him endless opportunities of displaying or exposing. His application of quotations could scarcely be paralleled even in that fertile school of ingenuity, and sacred and profane are all confused together. Never- theless, as I before remarked, a rhetorician and a scho- lar, with so correct an appreciation of his own object, and so clear a discernment of the faults of others in following it, may not be safely or speedily condemned by us, especially when that object was so excellent and the spirit of its pursuit so good. Even the weakest point about him, his appeals to Hermes and the Sibyl, may possibly be more defensible than we imagine ; he evidently was Aware of the suspicions thrown on these verses ^, which he does not himself admit the justice of ; they might too have been acknowledged by adversaries who denied other prophecies, and his fault is at all events no greater than would have been that of a philologist before the time of Bentley, who had proved a gramma- tical canon from the epistles of Phalaris. I have here set this writer in the most favourable light in which he can be viewed, and offered the most partial explanation of his design and its prosecution. But there is another hypothesis which will as easily explain the singularities of his argument, and which will quickly suggest itself to his readers. He was a man of excessive vanity, with unhesitating confidence in his own ^ See ad fin. iv. 15. OF THE EARLY CHRISTIANS. Ivii powers, and a profound contempt for the performances CHAP. of others. Instead of excusing his weakness, Hke his brethren, he avows his intention of making truth more agreeable by his interesting eloquence*^, and asserts that by his writings not only will ancient adversaries be re- futed, but future enemies deterred, and that no one after listening to Ms arguments, will be able to withhold his assent^. To presume that he was blinded by his conceit, would be less charitable, but perhaps not less reasonable, than to conclude he was guided by expe- dience. The few years that elapsed between the treatises of Arnobius and Lactantius had sufficed to change most materially the relation in which Christianity stood to the State ; the former writer sends forth from the midst of persecutions a work which calumnies drove him to publish, the latter dedicates his to imperial favour, and assumes the tone rather of one justifying an established, than pleading for a persecuted, system. But, in about half a century more, the change was complete, and Paganism appears pleading for the toleration it had so long denied. A composition of this date will complete the various specimens of apologetic writing which I pro- mised at starting, and its brief examination will conclude a chapter which has been already extended beyond the limits proposed. In the year 384 the heathen senators ^ "Quae (caussa) licet possit runt uno semel impetu profliga- sine eloquentia defendi, ut est a rem . . . . ut et priores cum om- multis ssepe defensa ; tamen clari- nibus suis scriptis perverterem, tate ac nitore sermonis illus- et futuris omnem facultatem scri- tranda, et quodammodo disse- bendi aut respondendi amputa- renda est, ut potentius in animos rem. Praebeant modo aures ; influat." D. I. i. praef. efficiam profecto, ut quicunque ^ " Non ut contra hos scribe- ista cognoverit, aut suscipiat quod rem, qui paucis verbis obteri po- ante damnavit, aut, quod est terant, sed ut omnes, qui ubique proximum, deridere aliquando idem operis efficiunt aut eiFece- desistat." Ibid. v. 4. Iviii ON THE APOLOGETIC WRITINGS CHAP, (both then and afterwards a numerous body) deputed an eminent member of their assembly to petition the sovereign for the restoration of the Altar of Victory in the senate, and the orator accordingly, Symmachus, ad- dressed a kind of memorial to the throne, which still remains to us under the usual title of Belatio SymmacJii. This singular relic, ostensibly a plea for the re-erection of an altar, is in fact a prayer for the toleration of the old religion; the writer assumes very deliberately the uncertainty of all schemes, and avers that pecu- liarity of belief is neither unnatural nor unsafe^ ; on the contrary, indeed, he thinks that such a division of cre- dulity may possibly be desirable, and that as in the multitude of counsellors there is safety, so in the variety of creeds there may be truth. Uno itinere non potest per- mniri ad tarn grande secretum. He touches on the delicate point of a government contributing to a religion not its own, and asserts that such grants may be justifiably con- tinued, if not commenced^ ; and that since the usefulness of a religion is the chief proof of its divinity^, that it is scarcely expedient to neglect those gods whose favour they had so long experienced. To this document S. Am- brose published a reply, which, though apologetic in ^ Relat. Symm. c. 8. " Suus what he gets from them. As cuique mos, suus cuique ritus this very remarkable argument est; varios custodes urbibus et is contained in a few words I cultos mens divina distribuit." subjoin it entire. " Accedit utili- 2 Ibid. c. 16. " Quod a prin- tas, quae maxime homini Deos cipio ( I would rather read in prin- asserit. Nam cum ratio omnis in cipio) beneficium fuit, usu atque operto sit, undo rectius quam de aetate fit debitum ; inanem igitur memoria atque doimmeritis rerum metum divino animo vestro tentat secundarum cognitio venit numi- incutere, si quis asserit conscien- num ? Jam si longa cetas aucto- tiam vos habere prsebentium, nisi ritatem religionibus faciat, servan- detrahentium subieritis invidi- da est tot sseculis fides, et sequendi am." sunt nobis parentcs, qui sccuti ^ In other words, that a man's sunt feliciter suos." belief in the gods depends on OF THE EARLY CHRISTIANS. lix character, contains but one of the arguments of the chap. ancient apologies ^ Symmachus had reproduced the im perishable charge against the Christians of being the authors of all the calamities of iJie times, and specially of a recent famine. S. Ambrose refutes the accusatiwi by the usual obvious facts and reasoning. The rest of his book is devoted to the discussion of his adversary's points in detail. He does not protest absolutely against the toleration of Paganism, but he vehemently dissuades the Emperor from protecting it ; he urges that the Christians never applied for state-grants, but would have always been content could they have escaped persecu- tion, and even gloried in that^; he contrasts the seven vestals richly salaried, magnificently lodged, and pompously honoured, with the unobtrusive celibacy of whole congre- gations of Christians^, and compares generally the patience of the Christians under tortures and death, with the outcry of the Pagans under simple neglect. After all, perhaps we have scarcely given due credit, or assigned sufficient influence, to the Christian apologists. The disparaging decisions of Lactantius may possibly be owing in a great measure to his own overweening self- conceit, or refer merely to the judgment of philosophical sophists ' ; certainly, if they are to be tested by his opinion of himself, they are of little value. We know that Christianity spread over the surface of the known * Perhaps I may add that Am- bem pudoris," &c. I quote these brose, like TertuUian, urges the words to remark that pudoris is fact that the Romans were per- not such a genitive as glorirs in p. petually altering their religious 65, (where see note) but is equi- rites, and should therefore be less valent to pudicarum. " Let them outrageous at their total sup- look up, and see a whole tribe of pression. virgins," &c. i. e. as opposed to ^ Ibid. c. 11. the seven vestals. ^ Ibid. 18. " Attollant mentis ^ " doctis hujus saculi," he et corporis oculos, videant pie- says, " deridentur haec scripta." IX ON THE APOLOGETIC WRITINGS, &C. CHAP, world, and that apologies were written to promote its diffusion; we may not be able to trace their insensible operation or find recorded instances of their power, but it is at least not improbable that the steadfast endurance of a martyr whose blood was the seed of the Church, might have itself resulted from the patient and private study of such writings as these. Even their perpetual repetition argues an experience of some little previous success. At all events, the cause which they advocated was triumphant, and if we cannot discover how much of its prosperity they were mediately the authors of, that is no just or logical ground for refusing them any credit at all. TERTULLIANI LIBER APOLOGETICUS ADVERSUS GENTES. CAP. I. I. Si non licet vobis, Komani imperii aiitis- tites\ in aperto et edito ipso fere vertice civitatis y^^ ^re prsesidentibus ad judicandum, palam dispicere et P^J^^^^^^^^j^^y ^ coram examinare, quid sit liquido in caussa Chris- and'IdSt ,• • J 2 T_ 1 • i. ' 1. indeed such tianorum ; si ad hanc solara speciem auctoritas evidence as vestra de justitiae diligentia in publico aut timet foSTou^ , . . . . , . , 1 proves to be aut erubescit mquirere : si denique, quod proxime unworthy . ,. T . . T •• • • ofthetreat- accidit, domesticis judiciis nimis operata sectae ment. hujus infestatio obstruit^ viaih defensioni: liceat veritati vel occulta via tacitarum litterarum ad 1. ^ Antistites. These are termed prcesides afterwards, c. 9, and 50. Licet in this sentence means little more than luhet, which I only mention because it has been referred to the com- pulsory injustice of the govern- ment, (c. 28, imposita est vobis necessitas cogendi), under the in- fluence of daemoniacal agency. ^ Si ad hanc, &c. 1 think the construction of this rather intri- cate sentence is as follows: si auct. vestr. timet aut er. inq. in publico de just, diligentia, ad hanc solam speciem. Ad may thus mean either simply " with reference to," like nihil ad hanc caussam retractandum, c. 25 ; or it may be used after timet, like expavescere ad lucem, c. 39; ad solitudinem, c. 37. pavere ad Christi mentionem, Arnob. i. 13. Species in Tertul- lian is used for " case" or " sub- ject," as de Orat. c. 1, oportebat enim in hac quoque specie, &c. but it probably signifies here species criminis, as de Idol. c. 1, suam, speciem tenet unumquodque de- lictum. So that the sense will be, "If with regard to this charge only of all others, (i. e. Chris- tianity), you are either ashamed or afraid to enquire publicly into the due administration of jus- tice." ^ Obstruereviam. This phrase, like obstruere gradum, (de Virg. Vel. c. 15 ; de prses. Haer. c. 15), is equivalent to impedimento esse. 2 TERTULLIANI CAP. aures vestras pervenire. Nihil ilia de caussa sua deprecatiir, quia nee de conditione miratur. Scit se peregrinam in terris agere'^, inter extraneos facile inimicos in venire, ceterum genus, sedem, spem, gratiam, dignitatem in coelis habere. Unum gestit^ interdum, ne ignorata damnetur. Quid hinc deperit legibus in suo regno dominantibus, si audiatur? At hoc magis gloriabitur potestas earum, quod etiam auditara damnabunt veritatem. Ceterum inauditam si damnent, praeter invidiam* iniquitatis etiam suspicionem merebuntur alicujus conscientiae, nolentes audire, quod auditum dam- nare non possint. Hanc itaque primam caussam apud vos collocamus iniquitatis odii erga> nomen Christianorum. Quam iniquitatem idem titulus" et onerat et revincit, qui videtur excusare, igno- rantia scilicet. Quid enim iniquius, quam ut oderint homines, quod ignorant, etiamsi res mere- tur odium? Tunc etenim meretur, cum cognos- citur, an mereatur. Vacante^ autem meriti notitia, * Heb. XI. 18. S. Pet. i. 2. 11. '' Titiilus, i. q. elogium. A The expression agere peregrinam brief specification of the charge will be illustrated hereafter. or indictment, the proces-verbal ; ^ Gestire is unusually con- both words occur frequently in structed with a simple accusative. Tertullian. Suetonius relates that — quid hinc deperit legibus, si — Caligula ordered off a long file of " What does the law lose in this prisoners to execution, " nullius i case, if," &c. deperire, as Lucret. inspecto elogio," and that Domitian ^ II. 29G. condemned a citizen to the beasts " []Quam invidiam in caussa *'cum hoc titulo." Onerat et re- S. Pauli agnovit ipse Festus. Acts vincit — ^both aggravates and con- XXV. 16, A,'] alicujus conscientia— victs — revihcit, see ad Apul. Ap. "of some privity to the crime." — 400. collocamus caussam apud vos — " Vacante, i. e. non-existente " we lodge this accusation against c. 18, ne notitia vacaret. c. 11, va- you," viz., of the injustice of your cat ex hac parte caussa. " If there hatred, &c. is no knowledge of the deserts." — r LIBER APOLOGETICUS. unde odii justitia defenditur qu£e non de eventu, cap. sed de conscientia probanda est? Cum ergo prop- terea oderint homines, quia ignorant, quale sit quod oderunt, cur non liceat ejusmodi illud esse, quod non debeant odisse? Ita utrumque ex alterutro redarguimus, et ignorare illos, dum oderunt, et AdNat.i.i. injuste odisse, dum ignorant. Testimonium^ igno- rantiag est, quae iniquitatem, dum excusat, con- demnat, cum omnes, qui retro oderant, quia igno- rabant, quale esset quod oderant, simul ut desinunt ignorare, cessent et odisse. Ex his fiunt Chris- tiani, utique de comperto, et incipiunt odisse quod fuerant, et profiteri quod oderant, et sunt tanti^^, quanti et denotamur. Obsessam vociferantur civi- tatem, in agris^\ in castellis, in insulis Christianos; omnem sexum, aetatem, conditionem, etiam digni- odiijuMitia, as de Spect. 16, " con- vicia sine odii justitia, suffragia sine merito amoris." ^ Constr. Testimonium est — cum (i. e. quod) cessent, &c. retro. in past times, fomierly. This is a very frequent expression in TertuUiafn, who even employs the comparative retrosior in c. 19. Apuleius (de Deo Soc. 669) joins it "vvith prorsus, " naturas pror- sus ac retro ceviternas." In later Latin it is compounded with words as a prefix, but I do not think it should be so taken in c. 3. Compare Horace. Car. ni. 29, 46. ^" Tanti — quanti, for tot — quot, as usually in this author; we shall presently have quanti trans- fugce. The censorial sense of noto is probably implied in denotamur. See below, denotasset impntdentes. ^^ Agri — the country as op- posed to the town ; castella — small villages, probably collected round some fortified post; non solum urhibus, sed pcene vicis, castellisque singulis, says Caesar, (B. C. iii. 32,) using a climax. The Vul- gate renders Kuifxr] by castellum, e. g. S. Luc. xvii. 12, et cum in- grederetur quoddam castellum; (in such places other versions have vicus); insulcE — the islands round the coasts as opposed to the conti- nent. These served as places of banishment in the time of the empire. Inf. c. 12, in insulas relegamur. See too the breves Gyari of Juvenal, (i. 73.) Taci- tus, (Hist. I. 2), " plenum ex- siliis mare, infecti cc^dibus sco- puli." — quoM detrimento, i. e. cum de. suo. 1—2 4 TERTULLIANI CAP. tatem trausgredi ad hoc nomeii quasi detrimento moerent. Nee tamen hoc ipso modo ad aestima- tionem alicujus latentis boni promovent animos; non licet rectius suspicari, non libet propius expe- riri. Hie tantum^^ humana euriositas torpescit, amant ignorare, cum alii gaudeant cognovisse. Quanto magis hos Anacharsis denotasset impru- dentes de prudentibus judicantes, quam immusicos de musicis ! Malunt nescire, quia jam oderunt ; adeo quod nesciunt praejudicant^^ id esse, quod, si sciant, odisse non poterant; quando si nullum odii debitum deprehendatur, optimum utique sit desinere injuste odisse ; si vero de merito constet, non modo nihil odii detrahatur, sed amplius ac- quiratur ad perseverantiam, etiam justitise ipsius auctoritate. Sed non ideo, inquit^^ bonum, quia multos convertit. Quanti enim ad malum praefor- mantur, quanti transfugae in perversum ? r Quis negat? tamen quod vere malum est, ne ipsi quidem, quos rapit, defendere pro bono audent. Omne ma- lum aut timer e aut pudore natura perfudit^\ De- " Hie tantum. " On this sub- * presumption,' v. c. 49 ; nullum ject alone the natural curiosity of odii debitum — nothing to which man is indifferent." cum alii — general hatred is due. although others, &c. Anacharsis, 14 jriquit sc. aliquis. It cannot (Diog. Laert. i. 103,) Oav^xd'^eiv be necessary to illustrate this el- €0»;, TTw? irapd to?? '^KWrja-iv lipse to a scholar ; but it should djcovii^ovrai fxev ot TC^viTaif be observed that in Tertullian it KpivoviTi hi ol uti rexvirai. is frequently that of Bominus or ^ Prc^judicare and pre^sumere apostolus, and serves to introduce will be found m the Fathers a quotation from scripture ; c. g. sometimes m the simple sense of ^^ I^ol. c. 13 and 14. judicare, and at others with the ^^ Perfudit. Lucret. 11. 147. usual force of ;)?•<«', as in this pas- 'Sol — perfundens omnia luce.' s&ge: prcssumtio occurs frequently Cyprian has tlie same expres- in the exact sense of our word sion. LIBER APOLOGETICUS. 5 nique malefici gestiunt latere, devitant apparere, cap. trepidant deprehensi, negant accusati, ne torti qui- dem facile aut semper confitentur ; certe condem- nati moerent; dinumerant^^ in semetipsos, mentis malas impetus vel fato vel astris imputant; nolunt enim suum esse, quod malum agnoscunt. Chris- tianos vero, nihil simile ^^ ; neminem pudet, nemi- nem poenitet, nisi plane retro non fuisse. Si de- notatur, gloriatur ; si accusatur, non defendit ; in- terrogatus vel ultro confitetur ; damnatus gratias agit. Quid hoc mali est, quod naturam mali non habet, timorem, pudorem, tergiversationem, poeni- tentiam, deplorationem ? Quid hoc mali est, cujus reus gaudet? cujus accusatio votum est, et poena felicitas ? Non potes dementiam dicere, qui re- vinceris ignorare. II. Si certum est denique nos nocentissimos Evenifwe . . are ever so esse, cur a vobis ipsis^ aliter tractamur, quam pares criminal, ^ ^ -^ -^ we should nostri, id est ceteri nocentes ? cum eiusdem noxae be placed «' on a level eadem tractatio deberet intervenire. Quodcunque ^^rhij^^t^^ dicimur^, cum alii dicuntur, et proprio ore et mer- •'j^^'g j^^^^jf^'; ^® Dinumerant in semetipsos. plied. Another reading is Chris- This expression is interpreted tianus, which is probable. Com- from the context, and from the pare in c. 2. de nobis nihil tale. parallel passage, ad Nat. i. 1. Defendit abs. for defendit accusa- {exprohrant quod erant in semet- tionem or crimen, ipsos), to signify animadvertunt, II. ^ Ipsis. — If this reading or something similar, but as it be correct, I imagine it is equi- does not occur elsewhere there valent to iisdem. " Why do like are no other means of illustrating criminals fare differently before it. The accusative after in shews the same judges ?" the idea of animadversion clearly ^ Constr. Quodcunque (sc. cu- enough, and the ellipse is pro- juscunque criminis rei) dicimur, bably peccata sua. cum id (ejusdem) alii dicuntur, ^^ Nihil simile — sc. agitat, or utuntur, &;c. Mercenaria advo- any similar expressionmay be sup- catione ; Cf. Pric. ad Apul. Apol^ 6 TERTULLIANI CAP. cenaria aclvocatione utuntur ad innocentiae suae com« — mendationem. Respondendi, altercandi facultas every prin- patet, quando nee liceat indefensos et inauditos ticeand omnino damnari. Sed Christianis solis nihil per- custom. niittitur loqui, quod caussam purget, quod veritatem defendat, quod judicem non faciat injustum. Sed Ad Nat. 1. 2. illud solum exspectatur^ quod odio publico ne- cessarium est, confessio nominis, non examinatio criminis : quando si de aliquo nocente cognoscitis, non statim confesso eo nomen homicidae, vel sa- crilegi, vel incesti, vel publici hostis (ut de nostris elogiis loquar) contenti sitis ad pronuntiandum, nisi et consequentia exigatis, qualitatem facti, numerum, locum, modum, tempus, conscios, socios. De nobis nihil tale, cum seque extorqueri oporteret, quod- cunque falso jactatur, quot quisque jam infanti- cidia degustassetS quot incesta contenebrasset, qui coci, qui canes alFuissent. O quanta illius praesidis gloria, si eruisset aliquem, qui centum jam infantes comedisset! Atquin^ invenimus inquisitionem quo- que in nos prohibitam, Plinius enim Secundus cum provinciam regeret, damnatis quibusdam Chris- tianis, quibusdam gradu pulsis, ipsa tamen mul- 404. — altercandi,— this was a spe- abs. " for giving sentence ;" see cial legal term, applied to the at the end of this eh. qualitatem — cross-questioning that took place the aggravating or extenuating between the parties, generally circumstances ; numerum — the after the formal speeches. Quin- frequency of its commission by til. I. O. VI. 4. 1. the prisoner ; conscios — accesso- ^ Expectatur, — "All that is ries. waited for, is"— elogiis, see before, * See below, c. 8. eruisset — c. I. The titulus on the indictment detected and dragged into light, of a Christian was sometimes ° Atquin — ordinarily with 'hostis publicus,' — Contenti sitis TertuUian for a^^w/, Kairol *and (ea confess.) ad pronuntiandum, yet.' LIBER APOLOGETICUS. 7 titudine perturbatus, quid de cetero^ ageret, con- cap. suluit Trajanum tunc imperatorera, allegans praeter obstinationem non sacrificandi, nihil aliud se de sacramentis eorum comperisse, quam coetus antelu- canos ad canendum Christo ut deo et ad confoe- derandam- disciplinam, homicidium, adulterium, fraudem, perfidiam, et cetera scelera prohibentes. Tunc Trajanus rescripsit', hoc genus inquiren- dos quidem non esse, oblatos vero puniri oportere. O sententiam necessitate confusam® ! Negat inqui- rendos ut innocentes, et mandat puniendos ut nocentes. Parcit et ssevit, dissimulat et animad- vertit. Quid temetipsum censura circumvenis ? si damnas, cur non et inquiris ? si non inquiris, cur non et absolvis? Latronibus vestigandis per uni- versas provincias militaris statio sortitur^; in reos majestatis et publicos hostes omnis homo miles est; ad socios, ad conscios usque inquisitio extenditur. ® De cetero — possibly numero, constantly used by Tertullian but I would rather supply negotio with the like ellipse. — How he should generally act ^ necessitate confusam ; — ne- in future cases. Constr. allegans se, cessarily from the case itself in- prceter obst. — nihil comp. — quam consistent, circumvenire ; v. ad coetus prohib. Christo ut Deo — c. 22. this is clearly the correct reading, ^ Sortitur. This must be and not et. The importance of taken passively. I do not remem- the variation will easily be seen : ber ever to have seen it so occur- Pliny's expression — quasi Deo, ring elsewhere, but the old active is less liable to corruption or form sortio is used by Ennius, misrepresentation. Compare Wil- and remains in Plautus (Casin. son on the New Testament, 2, 6, 43.) compare odiri, c. 3. c. XVIII. modulari, c. 27. opinari, Amob. i. ^ rescripsit — this expression 12. The sense will be, " is ap- became technical ; rescriptum, *an pointed to the duty by lot." The ordinance,' these documents are robber-captain in Apuleius (Me- presently called ' principum man- tam. vii.) speaking of one of these data' — hoc genus, sc. homines. — stations calls it '/actio militarium ejusmodi and other phrases are vexiUationum.' 8 TERTULLIANI CAP. Solum Christianum inquiri non licet, ofFerri licet, quasi aliud esset actura inquisitio, quam oblatio- nem'^ Damnatis ergo oblatum, quern nemo vo- luit requisitum ; qui, puto, jam nou ideo meruit poenam, quia nocens est, sed quia, non requiren- dus, inventus est. Itaque nee in illo ex forma malorum judicandorum agitis erga nos, quod ce- teris negantibus adbibetis tormenta ad confiten- dum", solis Christianis ad negandum ; cum, si malum esset, nos quidem negaremus, vos vero con- fiteri tormentis compelleretis. Neque^^ enim ideo putaretis non requirenda quaestionibus scelera, quia certi essetis admitti ea ex nominis confessione, qui hodie de confesso homicidal scientes homicidium quid sit,-Jiihilominus ordinem extorquetis admissi : quo perversius, cum praesumatis de sceleribus nos- tris ex nominis confessione, cogitis tormentis de confessione decedere, ut negantes nomen pariter utique negemus et scelera, de quibus ex confes- sione nominis praesumpseratis. Sed, opinor^^ non vultis nos perire, quos pessimos creditis. Sic enim ^" " As if the enquiry, (which such employment of fateor and is forbidden,) could have any other its compounds he has earlier au- consequence than the production thority. See Juv. xiii. 22. of the criminal, (which is al- ^^ Constr. Neque enim puta- lowed.)" Oblatio, bringing be- retis non requirenda ideo quia certi fore a magistrate. So. c. 21, ob- essetis — [vos inquam] qui scientes latum Pontio Pilato. Apuleius — nihilominus extorquetis. ordi- uses magistratibus objicere, iii. nem admissi — " the circumstances { 54. of the crime." ^^ Adhibetis cccteo'is (dat.) you ^^ Opinor — soletis ; ironically, apply to. ad conjitendum, with a — circa nos—i. c. erga, " in our view to a confession. I have else- case." So. c. 6. circa deos vestros. where remarked on the charac- —the use of the word is only found tcristic practice of Tertullian in in late writers, but is constant ushig verbs absolutely, but for in Tertullian. LIBER APOLOGETICUS. 9 soletis dicere homicidag : nega ; laniari jubere sa- ^^p- crilegum, si coufiteri perseveraverit. Si non ita agitis circa nos nocentes, ergo nos innocentissimos judicatis, cum quasi innocentissimos non vultis in ea confessione perseverare, quam necessitate, non justitia damnandam a vobis sciatis. Vociferatur homo: Christianus sum. Quod^^ est dicit; tu vis audire, quod non est. Veritatis extorquendae prae- sides, de nobis solis mendacium elaboratis audire. Hoc sum, in quit, quod quaeris, an sim ; quid me torques in perversum? confiteor, et torques; quid faceres, si negarem ? Plane aliis negantibus non facile fidem accommodatis ; nobis, si negaverimus, statim creditis. Suspecta^^ sit vobis ista perversi- tas, ne qua vis lateat in occulto, quae vos adversus formam, adversus naturam judicandi, contra ipsas quoque leges ministret. Nisi enim fallor, leges malos erui jubent, non abscondi ; confesses damnari praescribunt, non absolvi. Hoc senatusconsulta, hoc principum mandata definiunt, hoc imperium, cujus ministri estis. Civilis, non tyrannica domi- natio vestra est. Apud tyrannos enim tormenta etiam pro poena adhibentur; apud vos soli quaes- ^^ Quod est dicit — What he is ad omnem quam in primordio he tells you. exorsi sumus et judicandi per- ^^ Let these unnatural features versitatem et sceviendi iniquita- of the case lead you to suspect iem." Ministret vos — the sense the existence of some secret is clearly pro ministris utitur, agency. Compare c. 27, " Ille but I am quite unable to bring scilicet spiritus dcsmoniaccs et an- any examples in illustration ; the gelicce paraturce, qui noster oh di- passage quoted by Semler (de vortium a?mulus, et oh Dei gra- Car. Chr. xii.) is not necessarily tiam invidus de mentihus vestris parallel, but the use oifamulare adversus nos prceliatur, occulta in- is similar in c. 21, ' elementa ipsa spiratione, modulatis et suhornatis famularet.' Gr. covXovv. 10 TERTULLIANI ^^P- tioni temperantur'^ Vestram illis servate legem usque ad confession em; et si confessione praeveni- autur, vacabunt. Sententia opus est ; debito poenae nocens expungendus est, non eximendus. Denique ilium nemo gestit absolvere; non licet lioc velle ; ideo nee cogitur quisquam negare. Cbristianum hominem omnium scelerum reum, deorum, im- peratorum, legum, morum, naturae totius inimicum existimas, et cogis^' negare, ut absolvas, quem non poteris absolvere, nisi negaverit. PraBvaricaris in leges. Vis ergo neget se nocentem, ut eum facias innocentem, et quidem invitum jam, nee de prae- terito reum. Unde ista perversitas ? ut etiam illud non recogitetis, sponte confesso magis credendum esse, quam per vim neganti; vel ne compulsus ^^ [Temperantur, i. e. attempe- rantur, A-el lege "apud vos solas qusestiones temperaut." Sic tem- perare ambiguitates, c. 22; ma- jestatem, c. 83 ; onus, c. 47. Pru- dent. TT. (rT€(]). in Laurent, v. 347. Ad Nat. ii. 8. A.] The first of these readings and expla- nations is the correct one. Ves- tram, &c. "Observe your own. law for their application up to this point, and then, if their intro- duction be anticipated by volun- tary confession, they will be superfluous." In the succeeding passages TertuUian argues that the magistrates are acting in direfct opposition to the spirit of the law, which concludes a prisoner guilty, uses every effbrt to prove him so, and regards punishment as the satisfactory termination of an enquiry; where- as in this case though Christi- anity was reckoned an epitome of all known crimes, yet no pains were spared to make those deny their guilt who had already acknowledged it, and to secure their acquittal. ^" Existimas et cogis — et for et tamen, as frequently. Comp. Virg. Eel. IX. 67. Juv. VII. 124, and XIII. 91. ' putat esse Deos, et pejerat.' et quidem invitum, &c. ; '* and this too when he declines the acquittal now, and was not guilty either originally." Constr. illud non rec. — credendum esse — \jieque hoc^ ne negarit, on the constr. of ne, see c. 7. ^ ^on ex fide,' are to be taken in close connexion, ^untruly.' To join non with negarit is to destroy the argument, and distort the Latin. LIBER APOLOGETICUS. 11 negare, non ex fide negarit; et absolutus ibidem cap. post tribunal de vestra rideat aeinulatione, iterum Christianus. Cum igitur in omnibus nos aliter disponatis^% quam ceteros nocentes, id unum con- ten dendo, ut de eo nomine excludamur (excludi- mur enim, si facimus, quae faciunt non Christiani), intelligere potestis non scelus aliquod in caussa esse, sed nomen, quod quaedam ratio aemulae operationis insequitur^^ hoc primum agens, ut homines nolint scire pro certo, quod se nescire pro certo sciunt. Ideo et credunt de nobis quae non probantur, et nolunt inquiri, ne probentur non esse, quae malunt credi esse, ut nomen illius aemulae ratiqnis in- imicum, praesumptis, non probatis criminibus, de sua sola confessione damnetur. Ideo torquemur confitentes, et punimur perseverantes, et absolvimur negantes, quia nominis proelium est. Denique quid de tabella recitatis ilium Christianum, cur non et homicidam ? Si homicida Christianus, cur non et incestus? vel quodcunque aliud nos esse creditis? In nobis solis pudet aut piget ipsis nominibus scele- rum pronuntiare? Christianus si nullius criminis reus est, nomen valde infestum, si soli us nominis crimen est. ^* disponatis, — Since you treat pessi, — c. 50. cur querimini, quod us in every stage of the proceed- vos insequamur ? So insecutores, ings, ike. c. 5. Insector is more usually ^^ QuodqueBdam,&;c. — "Which employed in this sense, but all some system of hostile agency the compounds of sequor admit persecutes." The csmula ratio or it, and even the simple form. See ratio cemulce operationis, is the c. 9. JEn. xii. 615. v. 384. Exse- work of Satan and his daemons. cutio is used Adv. Jud. c. 3. A See c. 22 and elsewhere. Inse- little below, the genitive rationis quitur — like persequitur, — c. 21. depends not on nomen but ini- a Jvxkeis insequentibus multa per- micum. 12! TERTULLIANI CAP. III. Your ha- tred is so blind that it gives in- voluntary testimony to our merits. AdNat.i.4. III. Quid? quod ita plerique clausis oculis in odium ejus impingunt, ut bonum alicui testimo- nium ferentes admisceant nominis exprobrationem : Bonus vir Caius Seius^ tantum quod Christianus. Item alius : Ego miror Lucium sapientem virum repente factum Christian um. Nemo retractat^: Nonne ideo bonus Caius, et prudens Lucius, quia Christianus? aut ideo Christianus, quia prudens et bonus ? Laudant quae sciunt, vituperant quae ignorant, et id 'quod sciunt, eo quod ignorant, cor- rumpunt; cum sit justius occulta de manifestis praejudic^re, quam manifesta de occultis praedam- nare. ^Alii, quos retro ante hoc nomen vagos, viles, improbos noverant, ex ipso denotant, quo laudant ; caecitate odii in suffragium impingunt. '/ Quae mulier! quam lasciva, quam festiva'.l Qui juvenis ! quam lascivus, quam amasius ! Facti III. ^ Caius Seius, — This was a name ordinarily employed to denote an indefinite personage. Qantum quod, i. e. excepto quod. Cic. Verr. 8, and Cic. Verr. i. 45. A.] ^ retractat, — Considers, turns over in his mind, c. 11. ut omit- tarn hujus indignitatis retracta- tum. c. 89. de solo triclinio Christianorum retractatur. add. c. 4. ^ If I have rightly appre- hended Tertullian in this passage, his meaning is as follows : Others stamp the previous cliaracter of their converted friends by the very list of qualities which they enu- merate as having belonged to them, and of which they deplore the loss, and thus blindly add their testimony to Christianity which has accomplished the change. Lascivus and festivus, are thus taken in a bad sense {festivi libelli ad Nat. i. 17.) by Tertullian, though in a good one by the supposed sjjeaker; and facti sunt Christiani ! is the sor- rowful exclamation of the con- vert's companion. Ita nomen, &:c. Thus the improvement is set down to the account of the Chris- tian profession, paciscuntur — compare c. 50. cum gladio de laude pepigerunt, though de marks the thing taken in barter in that case, and received in the present one. vitam pro laude pacisci is Virgil's expression, Mi\. v. LIBER APOLOGETICUS. 13 sunt Christiani. Ita nomen emendationi impu- cap. tatur. Nonnulli etiam de utilitatibus suis cum odio isto paciscuntur, content! injuria, dum ne domi habeant, quod oderunt. Uxorem jam pudi- cam maritus jam non zelotypus ejecit, filium jam subjectum pater retro patiens abdicavit\ servum jam fidelem dominus olim mitis ab oculis relega- vit : ut quisque hoc nomine emendatur, ofFendit. Tanti non est bonum, quanti est odium Christi- anorum. Nunc igitur, si nominis odium est, quis nominum reatus^? Quae accusatio vocabulorum, nisi si aut barbarum sonat aliqua vox nominis, aut infaustum, aut maledicum, aut impudicum ? Chris- tianus vero, quantum interpretatio est^ de unctione deducitur. Sed et cum perperam Chrestianus pro- Just. 3. nuntiatur a vobis (nam nee nominis certa est notitia penes vos), de suavitate vel benignitate composi- tum est. Oditur ergo in hominibus innocuis etiam nomen innocuum. At enim secta oditur in no- mine utique^ sui auctoris. Quid novi, si aliqua disciplina de magistro cognomen tum sectatoribus suis inducit? Nonne philosophi de auctoribus * Pater qui retro (ante) filium 28. Lips, ad Tac. Hist. iv. 53), or patiebatur non subjectum esse, jam, scurrilous {maledicum), or obscene &c. abdicavit, c. 6. Serapidem et {impudicum.) Isidem Coss. abdicaverunt. — This ^ As far as the the etymology was the technical term for such goes. — Chrestianus, this was the a proceeding. Quintil. vii. 4. 27. mispronunciation of the word " quales sunt {sc. formes) in quibus (see Intpp. ad Suet. Claud. 25) ; abdicatur filius qui non pareat but even this, says Tertullian, is patri." Compare the augural use of good derivation and import, of abdicere in Cic. de Divin. Penes vos— penes throughout this ^ What is there in a name to author is used in the sense of be accused, unless it be barba- apud, c. 9. penes Africam. rous, or unlucky {infaustum ; as " Utique — at all events for the nomen abominandum, Liv. xxviii. sake of its Founder's name. 14 TERTULLIAM CAP. suis nuncupantiir Platonici, Epicurei, Pythagorici? etiam a locis conventiculorum et stationum suarum Stoici, Academici? atque medici ab Erasistrato, et graramatici ab Aristarcho, coci etiam ab Apicio ? Nee tamen quemquam offendit professio nominis, cum institutione transmissa ab institutore. Plane si qui probet malam sectam et ita malum auc- torem, is probabit et nomen malum dignum odio de reatu sectae et auctoris. Ideoque ante odium nominis competebat^ prius de auctore sectam re- cognoscere, vel auctorem de secta. At nunc utri- usque inquisitione et agnitione neglecta nomen detinetur, nomen expugnatur, et ignotam sectam, ignotum et auctorem vox sola praedamnat, quia nominantur, non quia revincuntur. Je^'ealiT ^^ ' ^^^^^ ^^^^ quasi praefatus haec ad suggil- chafe^s^"^ landam odii erga nos publici iniquitatem, jam de ufexamine caussa inuocentisB consistam\ nee tantum refutabo, o^fXiaws, quae nobis objiciuntur, sed etiam in ipsos retor- tho?fty ymi qucbo, qui objiciunt ; ut ex hoc quoque sciant against us omucs iu Christiauis non esse quae in se non as conclu- . • i • i sive. nesciunt esse, simul uti erubescant accusantes, non 1 .aws are .... / frequently Jico pcssimi optimos, scd jam, ut volant, compares suos. Respondebimus ad singula, quae in occulto admittere dicimur, quae illos palam admittentes invenimus, in quibus scelesti, in quibus vaui, in ^ Competebat. " It was fitting, IV. ^ Consistere — to take before hating the name, to apply tip a position, for defence, c. 46. the test either of the Founder's confititimuff, opinor, &c., some- character to the sect, or that of thing like stare pro in earlier the sect to the Founder." JVomen Latin ; but the idea is contained detinetur — is seized on as guilty, absolutely in the verb, de See ad Uxor. ii. 8. quam causam merely expresses the thing in detineam? Amobius (i. 38) has behalf of which the stand is tenere aliquem in reatu f acinar lr Ashton takes' it from seahng, Kttt ■jToXvTrpnjfiwv. Suid. in Adr. and interprets it auctoritate sua troXvirpdyfjiWi/ to. diropprjTa. sav.tit, which I think is better, 2—2 20 TERTULLIANI CAP. utique pessimi ab optimis quibusque, ut ab aemulis, quam a siiis sociis eradicandi judicarentur. Andyouare yj. Nuiic reliffiosissimi leffum et paternorum in daily ^ or contemp.^^ institutorum ^ protectores et ultores respondeant fringiiy' velim de sua fide et honore et obsequio erga ma- k?ilds°^^^^ jorum consulta, si a nullo desciverunt, si in nuUo exorbitaverunt^ si non necessaria et aptissima quaeque disciplinae oblitteraverunt. Quonam illae leges abierunt sumptum et ambitionem compri- mentes? quae centum aera non amplius in coenam subscribi^ jubebant, nee amplius quam unam inferri and which corresponds pretty closely to a common use of signare in this author. VI. ^ These titles are ironical, of course ; tutores legum occurred in c. 4. ^ Exorbitaverunt — Orbita is sometimes the circle of a wheel, but more frequently its track on a road. Juv. xiv. 37. veteris trahit I orhita culpcB. Hence exorhitare, \ to go out of the way, to turn aside J! from the right path, like extra I okas vagari. So inf. c. 20, (for which expression Amohius has suis mundus aberravit a legibus. I. 1.) and de Praes. Haer. c. 4. ad hcereses non exorbitaverunt ; adv. Marc. iii. 2. exorbitavit a regtUa ; and again in a passage of most singular and characteristic phraseology, de Pudic. 8. The word used in the Vulgate to ex- press precisely the same idea (Ps. Liii. 3 j Rom. iii. 12) is declinave- runt; with which comp. Lucret. , II. 216—293. In c. 21 hereafter, we have derivantes, with deviantes and decliiiantes in the varr. lect. ; and in c. 2, de Hab. Mul. devectce de simplicitate. oblitteraverunt. CatuU. Lxiii. 232. Ambitio. this sense of the word is explained in c. 9, de Hab. Mul. In the next chapter quantacunque ambitione diffusa sit, it is like Hor. Car. I. xxxvi. 20. ^ Subscribere alicui. This ex- pression very naturally, even in pretty good writers, came to sig- nify assentiri, as Plin. Ep. x. 96.! Tuo desiderio subscripsi. Through this transition Tertullian employs it in the sense of indulgere, per-[ mittere, v. c. 18, and de Idol. 13. quas (sc. luces festas) interdum lascivicB interdum timiditati nostrcB subscribimus. Compare de Virg. Vel. c. 10. The full phrase, how- ever, in the idea of Tertullian was subscribere veniam, as appears from de Pudicit. c. 1. ejusmodi maculis nullam subscribere veniam, which may be found also in Cyprian. Celsus thus uses the word in a rather remarkable passage where, speaking of the system of Ascle- piadcs in treating fevers, he says : LIBER APOLOGETICUS. 21 gallinam, et earn noii saginatam^ ; quae patricium, cap. quod decern pondo argenti habuisset, pro magno titulo ambitionis senatu summovebant ; qua? theatra stuprandis moribus orientia statim destruebant; quae dignitatum et honestorum natalium insignia non temere nee impune usurpari sinebant? Video enim et centenarias coenas, a centenis jam sestertiis dicendas, et in lances (parum^ est si senatorum et non libertinorum vel adhuc flagra rumpentium) argentaria metalla producta. Video et theatra nee singula satis esse, nee nuda. Nam ne vel hieme voluptas impudica frigeret, primi Lacedaemonii odium penulae ludis excogitaverunt. Video et in- ter matronas atque prostibulas nullum de habitu discrimen relictum. Circa feminas quidem etiam ilia majorum instituta ceciderunt", quae modestias, quae sobrietati patrocinabantur, cum aurum nulla norat, praeter unico digito, quem sponsus oppigne- rasset pronubo annulo; cum mulieres usque adeo a vino abstinerent, ut matronam ob resignatos cellar vinariae loculos sui' inedia necarint. Sub Romulo Is enim, ulterioribus quidem diehus, or statim orientia destr., may be cubantis (i. e. the patient's) etiam taken together. luxuries subscripsit, primis vero ^ Parum est enim — sc. Jlagitii; tortoris vicem eochihuit. (iii. 4.) flagra 7-iimpentium, i. e. servorum ^ Nonsaginatam — not express- — Juv. ' hie frangit ferulas,' and ly fattened for the purpose. ' Ne- so frequently in Plautus. Theatra quidvolucreponereturprceterunam nee nuda ; i. e. without an awn- gallinam, quce non esset altilis/ ing, as explained in the succeeding says Pliny; and Tertullian has sentence; — odium pcenuke ; the used the expression, de Poenit. disgrace of a covering — ludis; c. 11, and de Spect. c. 18. See at, or for, the games, too Juv. V. 168. The word has ** ceciderunt. cf. Hor. Ep. ad puzzled the Delphin editor of Pis. 70. Apuleius. stuprandis moribus ori- ^ Sui inedia necarint — "Her entia, i. e. quce ad m. s. oi'irentur, own relatives put to death by star- 22 TERTULLIANI ^yl' ^^^^ ^^^ vinum attigerat, impune a Mecenio marito trucidata est. Iccirco et oscula propinquis offerre necessitas erat, ut spiritu judicarentur. Ubi est ilia felicitas matrimoniorum de moribus utique prosperata, qua per annos ferme sexcentos ab urbe condita nulla repudium domus scripsit? At nunc in feminis prse auro nullum leve est membrum; prse vino nullum liberum est osculum ; repudium vero jam et votum est, quasi matrimonii fructus. Etiam circa ipsos deos vestros qua? perspecte de- creverant patres vestri, iidem vos obsequentissimi rescidistis. Liberum patrem cum mysteriis suis consules senatus auctoritate non modo urbe, sed ^?i(?*' ^^i^'^rsa Italia eliminaverunt^ Serapidem et Isi- ytytui^-fi. dem et Harpocratem cum suo cynocephalo, Capi- tolio prohibitos, id est curia deorum pulsos, Piso et Gabinius consules, non utique Christiani, eversis etiam aris eorum abdicaverunt, turpium et otiosarum superstitionum vitia cohibentes. His vos restitutis summam majestatem contulistis^ Ubi religio, ubi vation ;" i. e. cognita domi caussa, compare the casual remark of as Livy would say. The process Seneca, ' quando nulla nunc mari- is well known, impune ; " with- turn habet, nisi ut irritet adul- out blame bemg attributed to terum' him." ut spiritu judicarentur ; '^ eliminaverunt. This word is " that they might be tested by of old use and date, and may easily the smell of their breath." — nul- be met with in writers before Lu- lum leve est membrum. compare cretins. But although sometimes Pliny, H. N. xxxiii. 12. nullum revived, (Hor. Ep. i. b, 25,) its liberum est osculum ; open to any authority is reckoned questionable relative asking it. Perhaps we by Quintilian, Inst. Or. iii. 31. may suspect a little declamatory The proceedings alluded in the exaggeration here, but the writers cases of these deities are familiar of the Flavian and subsequent enough to all ; the remarkable times will nearly bear out even episode of the Bacchanalia occurs the detail. And with the last in xxxix. 8, of Livy. clause of the paragraph we may " Contulistis ; couferre like our LIBER APOLOGETICUS. 23 veneratio majoribus debita a vobis? Habitii, victu, cap. instructu, sensu, ipso denique sermone proavis re- nuiitiastis./ Laudatis semper antiquitatem, et nove de die vivitis. Per quod ostenditur, dum a bonis majorum institutis deceditis,. ea vos retinere et custodire, quae non debuistis^ cum quae, debuistis non custodistis. ,Ipsum adhuc quod videmini fide- lissime tueri a patribus traditum, in quo princi- paliter reos transgressionis Chris'tianos destinatis'", studium dico deorum colendorum, de quo maxime erravit antiquitas, licet Serapidi jam Romano aras restruxeritis, licet Baccho jam Italico furias vestras ' immolaveritis* suo- locq ostendam proinde^^ despici et negligi et destrui a vobis adversus majorum auctoritatem. Nunc enim ad illam occultorum facinorum infamiam respondebo, ut viam mihi ad manifestidra purgem. VII. Dicimur^ sceleratissimi de sacramento in- ^'o f^ome to the horrible fanticidii, et pabulo inde, et post convivium incesto, charges you quod eversores luminum canes, lenones scilicet, te- Havryo^u' nebrarum et libidinum impiarum inverecundia pro- evfdeS?^ cureut. Dicimur tamen semper, nee vos quod tam mourT diu dicimur eruere curatis. Ergo aut eruite, si derivative of it, has frequently VII. ' We are called mis- the sense of bestowing dignity creants on the score of our infan- or advantage. Cf. Juv. ix. 240, ticidal oath, our banquet off the X. 265. So collatio. victim, {inde) and our incestuous ^^ destinatis ; definitis, pronun- commerce after such banquet, tiatis. Cic. Off. destinare diem which the dogs that overturn necis; and I think the sense in our candles, playing the part Mn. II. 129, me destinat arcs is not of pimps it seems, bring about * dooms me,' but 'fixes upon me.' through the shamelessness en- ^^ proinde despici — i. e. tam, gendered by the darkness and quam alia studia. proinde occurs unholy lusts. Still we aot hwi repeatedly for perinde. called so, &c. 24 TERTULLIANI CAP. VII. creditis, aut nolite credere, qui non eruistis. De vestra vobis dissimulatione praescribitur^ non esse, quod nee ipsi audetis eruere. Longe aliud munus carnifici in Christianos imperatis, non ut dicant quae faciunt, sed ut negent quod sunt. Census^ istius disciplinae, ut jam edidimus, a Tiberio est. Cum odio sui coepit Veritas, simul atque apparuit, inimica esse. Tot hostes ejus, quot extranei, et quidem proprii ex aemulatione Judaei, ex eoncus- sione milites, ex natura ipsi etiam domestici nos- tril Quotidie obsidemur, quotidie prodimur, in ipsis plurimum coetibus et congregationibus nostris opprimimur. Quis unquam taliter vagienti infanti supervenit^? quis omenta, ut invenerat, Cyclopum ^ PrcBscriptio is an old legal term signifying an exception taken, in which sense it is used in the title of one of the treatises of this author. See Gesn. ad QuintH. vii. 5, 2. The verb occurs frequently in Tertullian, sometimes in the sense of ' to define formally/ and sometimes as above. Its present force is this ; ' An exception is taken against you from your own inconsistency, to this effect, viz. that what you dare not drag to light, has really no existence.' The commencement of the tract Adv. Hermog. supplies an exactly similar instance both of the verb and the particle: Solemus hcere- ticis, compendii gratia, de posteri- tate prcescribere ; i. e. to take an exception at once from the late- ness or novelty of their doctrine. ^ Census; 'the date, the ori- gin.' The verb and substantive are in perpetual use in this sense throughout Tcrtullian and the other African writers. A lost treatise of this author was de Censu Animae. I have explained a passage in c. 12, by another late signification which this word obtained, but so constant is the occurrence of the former mean- ing, that I almost doubt whether it be not universal. Cum odio sui : from the hatred always ex- isting towards it. So in c. 14. plane olim, id est semper, Veritas odio est. The proverb is alluded to by Terence, ' Veritas odium parity' and so quoted by Lactan- tius (Ep. D. I. c. 64.) non odium pariet {ut ait Poeta) sed gratiam. ** proprii Judcei; pecuharly — ex concussione; concussio was a legal term, implying extortion by threats or violence, which the sol- diery were likely to be guilty of — ex would mean, from the cir- cumstances of a practice so lucra- tive to them. ^ Taliter; even by this sud- LIBER APOLOGETICUS. 25 et Siren um ora judici reseravit ? Quis vel in uxori- cap. bus aliqua immunda vestigia deprehendit? quis talia facinora, cum invenisset, celavit, aut vendidit ipsos trahens homines ? Si semper latemus, quando proditum est, quod admittimus ? imo a quibus prodi potuit? Ab ipsis enim reis non utique, cum vel ex forma omnibus mysteriis silentii fides debeatur. Samothracia et Eleusinia reticentur : quanto raagis talia, quae prodita interim etiam humanam ani- madversionem provocabunt, dum divina servatur^? Si ergo non ipsi proditores sui, sequitur ut ex- AdNat.1.7. tranei. Et unde extraneis notitia? cum semper etiam piae initiationes arceant profanos et ab arbi- tris caveant, nisi si impii minus metuunt ? Natura famae omnibus nota est. Vestrum est: Fama malum, quo non aliud velocius ullum. Cur malum fama? quia velox? quia index? an quia plurimum mendax? quae ne tunc quidem, quum aliquid veri affert, sine mendacii vitio est, detrahens, adjiciens, demutans de veritate. Quid? quod ea illi conditio est, ut non nisi quum men- den surprise. Swpervenit ,- came when was our crime discovered ? unexpectedly on. See Virg. Eel. uocorihus refers to the Christian VI. 20. quis talia facinora, &c. ; wives of heathen husbands, whose The argument is this: On the attendance at these meetings discovery of such enormities, the would naturally excite suspicious discoverer must either have taken observation. See the treatise ad a bribe for concealment (ad Nat. Uxor. I. 7.) or he must have arrested ^ dum divina servatur; which the criminals in the act, and sold will call down human vengeance liis information to a magistrate ; in the present life, while the di- and yet who has ever done either ? vine vengeance is being laid up If we always escape detection for the future. 2Q TERTULLIANI CAP. titur perseveret, et tamdiu vivit, quamdiu non pro- bat. Siquidem ubi probavit, cessat esse, et quasi officio nimtiandi functa, rem tradit, et exinde res tenetur, res nominatur. Nee quisquam dicit verbi gratia : Hoc Romse aiunt factum : aut : Fama est, ilium provinciam sortitum ; sed : Sortitus est ille provinciam, et : Hoc factum est Romae. Fama, nomen' iucerti, locum non habet, ubi certum est. An vero famae credat, nisi inconsideratus ? Qui est sapiens, non credit incerto. Omnium^ est aestimare, quantacunque ilia ambitione diffusa sit, quanta- cunque asseveratione constructa. Quod ab uno ali- quando principe exorta sit, necesse est exinde in traduces linguarum et aurium serpat. Et ita mo- dici seminis vitium cetera rumoris obscurat, ut nemo recogitet^ ne primum illud os mendacium seminaverit, quod saspe fit aut ingenio aemulationis, aut arbitrio suspicionis, aut non nova, sed ingenita quibusdam mentiendi voluptate. Bene autem, quod omnia tempus revelat, testibus etiam vestris pro- verbiis atque sententiis, ex dispositione naturae, quae ita ordinavit, ut nihil diu lateat, etiam quod fama non distulit'^ Merito igitur fama tamdiu ^ nomen incerti ; this is in quod s(ppe fit ; which occurs fre- apposition to Fama. quently either from an envious *^ omnium ; i. e. penes quem- disposition, or arbitrarily from a lihet est. constructa ; in altum ex- suspicion of the fact, or a pre- structa. ab uno aliquando principe ; dilection for abstract falsehood, " from an originator who at some not casual but innate, ingenium period of the rumour's existence (Pmulationis, compare ad c. 15. {aliquando) stood alone and sin- ^** distulit — has spread abroad, gle." The proverbs alluded to occur fre- " recogitet ne — i. e. nemini hoc quently. sententia is used as in in mentem venit, ne forte, S;c. So Juv. viii. 126. Quod modo pro- c. 2. Non recogitetis — ne negarif. /)osui non est sententia. LIBER APOLOGETICUS. 27 conscia sola est scelerum Christianoriim. Hanc in- (^p- dicera adversus nos profertis, quae, quod aliquando jactavit tantoque temporis spatio in opinion em cor- roboravit^^ usque adhuc probare non valuit. VIII. Ut fidem naturae^ ipsius appellem ad- Are they seriously versus eos, qui talia credenda esse praesumunt, ecce credible in ^ ••- persons ot proponimus horum facinorum mercedem ; vitam o^jhabite aeternam repromittunt. Credite interim. De hoc^'^"^- enim quaero, an et qui credideris, tanti habeas ad earn tali conscientia pervenire. Veni, demerge fer- rum in infantem nullius inimicum, nullius reum, omnium filium^; vel si alterius officium est, tu modo assiste morienti homini antequam vixit ; fu- gientem animam novam exspecta; excipe rudem sanguinem, eo panem tuum satia, vescere libenter. Interea discumbens dinumera loca, ubi mater, ubi soror ; not a diligent er, ut, quum tenebrae ceciderint caninae, non erres. Piaculum enim admiseris, nisi incestum feeeris. Talia initiatus et consignatus ^^ in opinionem corroboravit ; he here exhibits in detail, repro- " has confirmed into an opinion." mittunt so. christiani. credite in- The sense is, That Rumour after terim ; i. e. meanwhile, till we originating the report, and at get to the end of the argument, length by lapse of time fixing it So c. 21. recipite interim hanc as a settled opinion in men's fabulam, dum ostendimus, &c. minds, has still never been able to ^ Ominum filium — i. e. whose establish the fact by credible proof. innocence and helplessness claims opinio is thus used as something the paternal care of every one. intermediate to j'Mwor and /ac^M/w. animam novam; so Lucretius, VI n. ^ Fidem naturce ; By Novaproles- this expression is meant, I con- ^""^l^^^]' ''''' '"''''''' ^'''''''^ ^"- ceive, the instinctive feeling or II. 260. voice of nature, which is always And Minutius Felix. Oct. c. 9. true and sincere, and to which * Futas posse fieri ut quisquam TertuUian appeals, when he de- ilium rudem sanguinem novelli ac mands whether his persecutors can vi.vdum hominis (homini antequam possibly believe the charges which vixit) c^dat,fundat, exhauriat.' 28 TERTULLIANI CAP. vivis in aevum. Cupio respondeas, si tanti seternitas, aut si non, ideo nee credenda^ Etiamsi eredideris, nego te velle, etiamsi volueris, nego te posse. Cur ergo alii possint, si vos non potestis ? cur non pos- sitis, si alii possunt? Alia nos, opinor, natura; cynopsene aut sciapodes? alii ordines dentium, alii ad incestam libidinem nervi? Qui ista credis de homine, potes et facere. Homo es et ipse, quod et Christianus. Qui non potes facere, non debes credere. Homo est enim et^ Christianus, et quod et tu. Sed ignorantibus subjicitur et imponitur\ Nihil enim tale de Christianis asseverari sciebant, observandum utique sibi et omni vigilantia investi- ^ ideo nee credenda; — either ceternitas quam repromittunt, or, facta quibus earn promereantur. ^ Homo est enim et, &c. For a Christian too is a man, and whatever you are — i. e. — what- ever circumstances of organization preclude your participation in such crimes — that is he Hkewise. TertuUian often uses this neuter — c. 2. quod est, dicit, tu vis audire quod non est. and quodcunque dici- mur. So too c. 85. de Romanis id est ; and Arnobius frequently, e. g. II. 26. quid esset Deus verusjam addiscerent suspicari. ^ Ignorantibus is the dative after the two impersonal verbs, of which the latter is common enough in this sense, (Juv. iv. 103.) but the former less so. It can easily be traced thoTiprh, like suppono, through its employment for substituo sc. falsa pro veris, to its present force. Cicero uses both subjiccre and supponere testamcnta. for forging wills; and Plmy speak- ing of the cuckoo in a very amu- sing chapter (H. N. x. ii. Ed. Franz.) has the words caussa sub- jicendi pullos suos, accounting for the intrusion of the young cuckoo into a strange nest ; he afterwards calls the pullus subditus. So Apu- leias (Apol. 491) says aut ego sub- jectum (sudariolum) dicerem i. e. loco mei. Compare Arnobius iv. 8. and v. 28. The sense of the subsequent passage is as follows. It is of course ironical. But you will say that deceit and imposition is practised on these uninform- ed proselytes; for they never heard such charge alleged against the Christians, although such points should undeniably have been investigated. And yet it strikes me that they who wish to be initiated generally apply previously to the hierophant for information, &c. LIBER APOLOGETICUS. 29 gandum. Atquin volentibus initiari moris est, ^^^^ opinor, prius patrem ilium sacrorum adire, quae praeparanda sint describere^ Turn ille: infans tibi necessarius, adhuc tener, qui nesciat mortem, qui sub cultro tuo rideat ; item panis, quo sanguinis jurulentiam colligas ; praeterea candelabra et lu- cernee, et canes aliqui et offulse, quae illos ad ever- sionem luminum extendant'; ante omnia cum matre et sorore tua venire debebis. Quid, si noluerint, vel nuUee fuerint ? quid denique singulares Christi- ani® ? Non erit, opinor, legitimus Christianus, nisi frater aut filius. Quid nunc, etsi ista omnia ig- naris praeparantur ? Certe postea cognoscunt et sustinent et ignoscunt^ Timent plecti, qui si pro- clament, defendi merebuntur, qui etiam ultro perire malint, quam sub tali conscientia vivere. Age nunc timeant, cur etiam perseverant ? Sequitur enim, ne ultra velis id te esse, quod si prius scisses, non fuisses. IX. Haec quo magis refutaverim, a vobis fieri And cannot ^ adire ; I believe the con- de M. P. 5. and elsewhere) is gene- struction here is adire descrihere rally quoted here, but it is hardly — i. e. — adire patrem ilium ut ille an exact parallel. Compare with tihi describat, though it is violent it secundum singularitatis suce enough. prcesumptionem. adv. Marc. 1. 11. ^ extendant — " which may ^ " But at all events after- make them spring forward to wards they discover the real enor- overtum the candles:" the dogs, mities of the case, and yet they according to these stories, being must be supposed to put up with chained to the candlesticks, which them, and hold them venial. I they would thus overthrow when suppose they dread punishment," darting at a sop thrown to them. &c. For theuseof^w^imeocomp. ^ Singulares Christiani ; pro- ad. Uxor. ii. 5. It is used in a selytes who have no kinsfolk ; similar sense (with an infinitive) something like our phrase, a 4one by Ovid (in the Epistles), Lucan, woman.' The expression Dens and Juvenal, but in earlier wri- singularis of Lactantius ( D. 1. 1. 3. tei-s poftsnm is more frequent. urged with far truth 30 TERTULLIANI CAP. ostendam partim in aperto, partim in occulto, per quod forsitan et de nobis credidistis. Infantes greater penes Africam Saturno immolabantur palam usque yoursdves?^^ procousulatum Tibeni, qui ipsos sacerdotes in eisdem arboribus templi sui obumbratricibus scele- ; rum,votivis crucibus exposuit, teste militia patriae nostrae, quae id ipsum munus illi proconsuli functa est. Sed et nunc in occulto perseverat hoc sacrum facinus. Non soli vos contemnunt Christiani, nee ullum scelus in perpetuum eradicatur, aut mores suos aliqui deus mutat. Cum propriis filiis Satur- nus non pepercit, extraneis utique non parcendo perseverabat\ quos quidem ipsi parentes sui of- ferebant, et libentes respondebant, et infantibus blandiebantur, ne lacrimantes immolarentur. Et tamen multum homicidio parricidium- differ!. Major aetas apud G alios Mercurio prosecabatur^. Remitto Tauricas fabulas theatris suis. Ecce in 4U^t^, 1113, religiosissima urbe iEneadarum piorum est Jupiter quidamS quem ludis suis humano proluunt IX. -^ Non parcendo perseve- ret (diabolus) alterum faceret par- rahat ; i. e. in non parcendo — ricidam. As he had sacrificed his own chil- ^ By major cetas I should un- dren he naturally [utique) conti- derstand senes, see below, prose- nued the practice with others, es- cari is one of that numerous class pecially when so liberally offered of words peculiar to sacrificial and to him. augural details, and, like most 2 [parricidium. i. e. liberorum such, of old date and usage. It suonim caedes. Sic. Liv. iii. 50 here means simply, ' were sacri- ' orabat ne se ut parricidam libe- ficed.' It occurs again c. 23 and 46. rorum aversarentur, et viii. 11. * [Latiaris. Cf. IMacrob. Sat. i. parricidium filii. A.] So Min. 10. v. Porph. tt. atrox- ap. Euseb. Fe\. c. 9. parricidium faciunt ante- Ey. i. 16. Just. Mart. Ap. 2. p. quampariant. Lactantius (Ep. D. 32. ed. Ox. Euseb. de laud Const. I. c. 28,) uses parricidam for/m- 13, 16. Tertul. Scorp. c. 6. Pru- tricidam; ut de duobus primoge- dent. 1. 2. Lactant. i. 21. A.] nitis hominihus altei'um exstingue- Ilia and piorum are in allusion to LIBER APOLOGETICUS. 31 sanguine. Sed bestiarii, inquitis. Hoc, opinor, minus quam hominis. An hoc turpius, quod mali hominis? Certe tamen de homicidio funditur^ O Jovem Christianum et solum patris filium de crudelitate! Sed quoniam de infanticidio nihil interest, sacro an arhitrio^ perpetretur (licet parri- cidium homicidio intersit) convertar ad populum* Quot vultis ex his circumstantibus et in Christi- anorum sanguinem hiantibus', ex ipsis etiam vobis justissimis et severissimis in nos praesidibus apud conscientias pulsem, qui natos sibi liberos enecent? Siquidem et de genere necis differt ; utique cru- delius in aqua spiritum extorquetis, aut frigori et fami et canibus exponitis ; ferro enim mori aetas quoque major optaverit. Nobis vero, homicidio semeP interdicto, etiam conceptum utero, dum CAP. IX. the supra ire Deos pietate videbis and other like passages. ^ Certe tamen de homicidio, &c. This may be either an argument put in the mouth of an adversary, or ironically suggested by the apo- logist. " However, at all events, the blood is only shed in a simple murder." i. e. not parricidio ; and in the next sentence Jupiter is sarcastically complimented on this extenuation, as if he were ap- proximating to Christian inno- cence, and retaining merely the abstract cruelty, and not the in- fanticidal taste of his father, solum is used adverbially, for de, see c. 5. ^ Sacro an arbitrio ; "whe- ther from religious usage, or indi- vidual choice." '' Hiare in sanguinem — The more usual construction is inhiare alicui; but this is not forced. — pulsare apud conscientiam aliquem; to knock at a mans heart, and make an enquiry; the metaphor is taken from the common phrase pulsare fores, which Tertullian uses de Test. An. 1. veritatis fores pulsarit, though in a pecu- liar sense; It means there, *to make a near approach to truth.' (Compare scitote quia prope est in januis.) Siquidem et de genere, &c. The argument is this ; Mur- der is murder in any shape, and can have but one character, but, if the kind of death makes any difference at all, your ordinary methods of infanticide are even more barbarous than our imagi- nary sacrifices. ^ Semel; once for all. The word is found in Lucretius in this sense, and will frequently recur in this author, delibatur ; there 32 TERTULLIANI CAP. adhuc sanguis in hominem delibatur, dissolvere non licet. Homicidii festinatio est prohibere nasci ; nee refert natam quis eripiat animam, an nascentem disturbet : homo est, et qui est futurus ; etiam fructus omnis jam in semine est. De sanguinis pabulo et ejusmodi tragicis ferculis legite, nuncubi relatum sit, defusum brachiis sanguinem ex alterutro degustatum nationes quasdam fcederi comparasse^ Nescio quid et sub Catilina tale degustatum est. Aiunt et apud quosdam gentiles Scytharum de- functum quemque a suis comedi'°. Longe excurro. Hodie istic Bellonae sacratos sanguis de femore proscisso parmula exceptus et suis datus signat. Item illi, qui munere in arena noxiorum jugula- torum sanguinem recentem [de jugulo decurrentem exceptum] avida siti comitiali morbo medentes hauserunf, ubi sunt? item illi, qui de arena ferinis obsoniis coenant, qui de apro, qui de cervo petunt^^? Aper ille, quem cruentavit, colluctando is doubt about this reading, and ordinary passages (compared with difficulty about its literal transla- ^n. vi. 373.) that can be well tion, but it obviously is used to imagined. express the transition of the com- ^^ Constr. qui munere (i. e. ponent principles into the foetus, tempore munerum — ludis ; as in disturhare animam means, to shake c. 6.) avida siti hauserunt in arena violently from its seat and de- sanguinem... medentes \jta^ morbo, stroy. fructus omnis in semine &^c. — noxiorum jugulatorum, of est ; a pretty similar argument criminals who have been slain in has been singularly carried out by combat. Celsus (iii. 23.) mentions Cicero de Divin. ii. 21. this empirical remedy, as does ^ faederi comparasse ; — adhi- also Pliny (H.N. xxviii. 2.) where buisse fosderi sanciendo. see Harduin. The reader will ^" a suis comedi ; See Silius hardly require to be reminded of (Punic. XIII. 466. sqq.) which I a practice but little dissimilar quote instead of Herodotus that which used to be witnessed at the reader, if he pleases, may executions in this country, turn to one of the most extra- ''' de cervo petunt-^sc. cibum ; LIBER APOLOGETICUS. 33 detersit ; cervus ille in gladiatoris sanguine se jacta- cap. vit. Ipsorum ursorum alvei appetuntur cruditantes '- adhuc de visceribus humanis. Kuctatur proinde ab homine caro pasta de homine^'. Haec qui editis, quantum abestis a conviviis Christianorum ? Minus autem et illi faciunt, qui libidine fera humanis membris inhiant, quia vivos vorant ? minus humano sanguine ad spurcitiam consecrantur, quia futurum sanguinem lambunt? non edunt infantes plane, sed magis puberes. Erubescat^^ error vester Christianis, qui ne animalium quidem sanguinem in epulis escu- lentis habemus, qui propterea suffocatis quoque et morticinis abstinemus, ne quo sanguine contami- nemur vel intra viscera sepulto. Denique inter tentamenta Christianorum botulos etiam cruore dis- tentos admovetis, certissimi scilicet, illicitum esse penes illos, per quod exorbitare eos'^ vultis. Porro quale est, ut quos sanguinem pecoris horrere con- fiditis, humano inhiare credatis, nisi forte suaviorem eum experti ? Quem quidem et ipsum proinde examinatorem Christianorum adhiberi ut foculum, ut acerram oportebat. Proinde enim probarentur sanguinem humanum appetendo, quemadmodum as in the proverbial phrase ' de abs. in c. 34. we have de mendacio rogo cibum petere.' erubescere and de fastidio Partho- ^^ Caro pasta de homine; — rum de Hab. Mul. c. 7- mortici- flesh which has fed upon man. nis ; such as have died a natural H(sc qui editis. sc. eocempla. death, opposed to ccesis. The ^* Eruhescat Christianis — word is used in the Vulgate of quasi coram Chr. The case, how- meats interdicted on this ground, ever, may be the dative, or the both in the Pentateuch and in ablative with an ellipse of de. Ezech.iv.l4. It occurs in Plautus. Compare de Test. An. 1. vel tibi ^^ Exorbitare; see ad c. 6. I erubescat, and c. 11. ad extr. doubt whether it is transitive here though it may there be the abl. or not. 3 34 TERTULLIANI CAP. IX. sacrificium respuendo; alioquin necandi si gustas- sent, quern admodum si non immolassent^^ Et utique non deesset vobis in auditione custodiarum et damnatione sanguis humanus. Proinde incesti qui magis, quam quos ipse Jupiter docuit? Persas cum suis matribus misceri Ctesias refert. Sed et Macedones suspecti, quia quum primum (Edipum tragoediam audissent, ridentes incesti dolorem, riXavve dicebant, ei? TjyV fxrirepa. Jam nunc recogi- tate, quantum liceat erroribus ad incesta miscenda, suppeditante materias passivitate^' luxuriae. Im- primis filios exponitis suscipiendos ab aliqua prae- tereunte misericordia extranea, vel adoptandos meli- ^^ Immolassent ; abs. as de Idol. 2. 'Si quis aut incendat, aut immolet, aut polluceat.' in audi- tione custodiarum ; custodia may either mean a prison, as frequent- ly in Cicero, or a prisoner, as in later writers; which perhaps is the better translation. Eadem catena, says Seneca, (Ep. v.), et custodiam copulat et militem. The sense of the passage will then be: ' Most assuredly your trials and condemnations of prisoners would supply you with blood enough for this purpose.' proinde — quemad- modum is equivalent to pariter — atque. ^' passivitas. — i. e. erratic pro- miscua. This word is not con- nected with patior, but with panrfo, and the adverb passim from the same source is familiar to writers of all dates, but passivus and pas- sivitas are not met with in authors usually studied. Apuleius speaks (Met. IX. 202) of dogs transeun- tium viatorum passivis morsihus alumnatos, and he even uses pas- sive instead of the common adverb (Met. VI. 240); crines per colla divina passive dispersi, as does Tertullian passivitus, de Pall. 3. The substantive and the adjective are of frequent occurrence in this latter writer, in the sense above mentioned. Adv. Hermog. 41. hcsc turbulentia et passivitas non est, sed moderatio et modestia, where the antithesis shews the sense, de Cor. Mil. 8. passivitas fallit. Adv. Marc. i. xx. passivus convictus, and often elsewhere. Amobius (iv. 17.) says of Jupiter, concubinis, pellicibus, atque ami- culis dekctatus impatientiam suam S'pargebat passim. It must be recollected though, that passirms (from patior) will very often be found, especially in controversial tracts. In Amobius, if my me- mory serves me, its sense is ex- clusively this. LIBER APOLOGETICUS. 35 oribus parentibus emancipatis^^ Alienati generis ^j^^- necesse est quandoque memoriam dissipari; et, semel error impegerit^^ exinde jam tradux proficiet incesti, serpente genere cum scelere. Tunc deinde quocunque in loco, domi, peregre, trans freta^ comes est libido, cujus ubique saltus facile possunt alicubi ignaris filios pangere vel ex aliqua seminis portione ; ut ita sparsum genus per commercia hu- mana concurrat in memorias suas, neque eas coetus incesti sanguinis agnoscat. Nos ab isto eventu diligentissima et fidelissima castitas sepsit, quan- tumque ab stupris et ab omni post matrimonium excessu, tantum et ab incesti casu tuti sumus. Quidam multo securiores totam vim hujus erroris virgine^^ continentia depellunt, senes pueri. Haec in vobis esse si consideraretis, proinde in Christi- anis non esse perspiceretis. lidem oculi renuntias- sent utrumque'^^ Sed caecitatis duae species facile ^^ misericordia — i. e. miser ante subject of the passage, Minutius by a common figure. Melioribus Felix, c. 9. parentibus : melior is frequently ^" trans freta ; on the sea, as used simply like superior, taking opposed to the terra firma either its peculiar sense from the con- domi or peregre. ubique saltus ap- text, and thus becomes often equi- pears to be used for saltus omni- valent to doctior (Hor. Ep. i. 2. vagi or in omnem partem facti; 68.) or divitior, which latter mean- like scBpe tactus (Lucret. i. 319.) ing it perhaps has in the pre- or semper lenitas (Ter. Andr. i. 2. sent case, unless it implies that 4.) the adopted parent shews more ^^ Virgine continentia. So Pliny kindness than the natural one. speaks of virginem terram ; see 19 « When once the error has Oud. ad Apul. Met. iii. extr. occurred." If the reading semel be senes pueri ; the general meaning correct, impegerit must be taken of these words is clear, i. e. that like jusserit in the celebrated line some have arrived at the end of of Juvenal, iii. 78, or Hor. Sat. their life without losing the inno- II. 7, 32. On the ellipse, see Bentl. cence of childhood, ad Hor. Sat. ii. 6, 48, and on the ^ renuntiassent utrumque ; S 2 36 TERTULLIANI CAP. concurrunt, ut qui non vident quae sunt, videre videantur quae non sunt. Sic per omnia ostendam. Nunc de manifestioribus dicam. us^nexuT^ ^' ^^^^s, iuquitis, non colitis, et pro impera- woSp ^° toribus sacrificia non impenditis. Sequitur ut eadem andTam- ratiouc pro aliis non sacrificemus, quia' nee pro empeTorsf nobis ipsis, scmel deos non colendo. Itaque sacri- ofyour legii et majestatis rei convenimur^ Summa haec gods; were . . ,. . . they not all caussa, luio tota cst, ct utiQue diffna coffnosci, si once mor- . ... . tais? non praesumptio^ aut iniquitas judicet, altera quae desperat, altera quae recusat veritatem. Deos ves- tros colere desinimus, ex quo illos non esse cognos- cimus. Hoc igitur exigere debetis, uti probemus non esse illos deos, et iccirco non colendos, quia tunc demum coli debuissent, si dii fuissent. Tunc et Christiani puniendi, si quos non colerent, quia putarent non esse, constaret illos deos esse. Sed nobis inquitis, dii sunt. Appellamus et provoca- mus a vobis ipsis ad conscientiam vestram, ilia nos judicet, ilia nos condemnet, si poterit negare omnes istos deos vestros homines fuisse. Sed et ipsa in- ficias si ierit, de suis antiquitatum instrumentis would have given you both pieces ved through the force of 'accost- of information. ing' or 'addressing/ which con- X. ^ quia ; possibly qua, says venio repeatedly has. So c. 28 ; Dr Ashton, and it is a remark me conveniat Janus iratus ex qua which very naturally occurs ; but velit fronte, c. 36. convenio sep- quia is used in a very singular tern collium plebem. Ad Nat. 1. 17. sense sometimes, which I may vanitatis sacrilegia conveniam, elsewhere illustrate. ^ prcesumptio qucB desperat, 2 convenimur ; " we are con- That prejudice which assumes the vened, summoned, charged with." inaccessibility of truth. This was See c. 31. Convenire is a legal the well known Academic prin- term, such as Tertullian often ciple, and is that on which Cseci- employs. It occurs frequently in lius grounds his arguments against the Digests, and was perhaps deri- Christianity in Min. Fel. c. 1. LIBER APOLOGETICUS. 37 revincetur, de quibus eos didicit, testimonium per- cap. ■X.. hibentibus^ ad hodiernum et civitatibus, in quibus nati sunt, et regionibus, in quibus aliquid operati vestigia reliquerunt, in quibus etiam sepulti de- mon strantur. Nee ego per singulos decurram, tot > ac tantos, novos, veteres, barbaros, Graecos, Roma- nos, peregrinos, captivos, adoptivos, proprios, com- munes, masculos, feminas, rusticos, urbanos, nauti- ^<^^at.ii. cos, militares ; otiosum est etiam titulos persequi, ut colligam in compendium, et hoc non quo cog- noscatis, sed recognoscatis ; certe enim oblitos agitis^ Ante Saturnum deus penes vos nemo est, ab illo census totius vel potioris vel notioris divi- nitatis. Itaque quod de origine constiterit, id de posteritate conveniet. Saturnum itaque, si quan- tum litterae docenf^, neque Diodorus Graecus, aut Thallus, neque Cassius Severus, aut Cornelius Ne- pos, neque ullus commentator ejuscemodi antiqui- tatum aliud quam hominem promulgaverunt ; si quantum rerum argumenta, nusquam invenio fide- liora, quam apud ipsam Italiam, in qua Saturnus post multas expeditiones postque Attica hospitia consedit, exceptus a Jano, vel Jane, ut Salii vo- lunt. Mons, quem incoluerat, Saturnius dictus ; * testimonium perhibentibus. ex ea natum, egisse Jesum Chris- This vras the technical legal terrn. turn, et infr. c. 37. hostes exsertos Apiil. Met. II. 36. vos in hang agere. REM BONi QviRiTES TESTIMONIUM ^ St quautum HtercB docent. If PERHiBETOTE. ad hodiemum. sc. this si be the true reading, (and diem. Cf. Oud. ad Apul. Met. ii. I am inclined, from its recurrence 45. below, to believe so,) there must * oblitos agitis ; " you act the be an ellipse of recogitemur, or part of those who have forgotten some such expression. Compare it." So de praes. Haer. c. 13. verbum though the beginning of c. 12. 38 TERTULLIANI CAP. X. ci vitas, quam depalaverat', Saturnia usque nunc est; tota denique Italia, post (Enotriam, Saturnia cognominabatur. Ab ipso primum tabulae et ima- gine signatus numus, et inde aerario praesidet. Ta- raen si homo Saturnus, utique ex homine, et quia ab homine, non utique de coelo et terra. Sed cujus parentes ignoti erant, facile fuit eorum filium^ dici, quorum et omnes possumus videri. Quis enim non coelum et terram matrem et patrem venera- tionis et honoris gratia appellet, vel ex consuetu- dine humana, qua ignoti vel ex inopinato appa- rentes^ de coelo supervenisse dicuntur? Proinde Saturno repentino ubique coelitem'*' contigit dici. ^ depalare — to stake off; to mark out by stakes {pali), or, perhaps, to fortify by a palisade. I have been unable to find this word elsewhere except in the Pastor of Hermas, where it occurs in the fifth similitude, quumque depalasset vineam illam, et animad- vertisset, &c. and I should have given it the precise signification of our present text, but for the pre- vious sentence, eique assignavit vineam ut vitibus jungeret pahs, which of course explains the sub- sequent verb. In the other two passages in which Tertullian em- ploys it, I cannot help thinking it is essentially the same word as in this, notwithstanding the explana- tions of Semler ; though depalare signifying manifestare, {palam) is no doubt in use. Compare the ex- pression dispalescere in Plautus Bacch. IV. 9, 123. « Cf. Casaub. ad Pers. vi. 59. " Apparere. This word is occa- sionally used with a peculiar im- plication of magnitude, or solem- nity, or suddenness, in the object presented to view. Virgil so em- ploys it, -^n. X. 579 ; Irriiit, adversaque ingens adparuit hasta. and twice in a most magnificent passage : Adparet domus intus, et atria longa patescunt : Adparent Priami et veterum pene- tralia regum, &c. ^n. II.483et622. Horace, Car. ii. 10, 23 ; Rebus angustis animosus atque Fortis appare : and Claudian in Eutrop. i. 390, personifying Rome — Dimovit nebulam, juvenique adparuit ingens. Tertullian renders eiri(pdveia by apparentia. The correspond- ing expressions in the Vulgate are adventus and revelatio. ^^ Contigit; i. e. quasi res magna, as in the proverb Non cuivis, &c. Cf. Juv. VI. 564. Hor. Ep. II. 2, 40. Lucan. i. 32. LIBER APOLOGETICUS. 39 Nam et terrae filios vulgus vocat, quorum genus cap incertum est. Taceo quod ita rudes tunc homines agebant, ut cujuslibet novi viri adspectu quasi di- vino commoverentur, quum hodie jam politi, quos ante paucos dies luctu publico mortuos sint con- fessi, in deos consecrent. Satis jam de Saturno, licet paucis. Etiam Jovem ostendemus tam ho- minem quam ex homine, et deinceps totum gene- ris examen" tam mortale quam seminis sui par. ^ XI. Et quoniam, sicut illos homines fuisse And such being the non audetis ne^are, ita post mortem deos factos case, what <-' •*■ explanation instituistis asseverare, caussas quae hoc exegerint ^^^^y^J^j^^.^ retractemus. Inprimis quidem necesse est conce- g^JJ'gS "^^^^ datis esse aliquem sublimiorem deum et manci- pem^ quendam divinitatis, qui ex hominibus deos fecerit. Nam neque sibi illi potuissent sumere divinitatem, quam non habebant, nee alius prse- Ad Nat. stare eam non habentibus, nisi qui proprie possi- debat. Ceterum si nemo esset, qui deos faceret, frustra praesumitis deos factos auferendo factorem. Certe quidem si ipsi se facere potuissent, nun quam homines fuissent, possidentes apud se scilicet me- lioris conditionis potestatem. Igitur si est qui faciat deos, revertor ad caussas examinandas faci- ^^ Examen. The term is in occurs, de Sp. 10. and de Idol. 1. some degree contemptuous, as de it is used with allusion to its Anim. c. 23. examen Valentini, different sense of redemptor pub- see Hor. Ep. I. 19, 23. licus. Arnobius i. 14. says per XI. ^ Manceps divinitatis; quern (i.e. mancipem hunc di- one who possesses divinity as his vinitatis) esse et habere substan- own proper and peculiar right, tiam sui numinis majestatisque not derived from another, qui coeperunt : a quo ipsam deita- propi-ie possidet, as below ; in the tern {ut ita dicam) sortiti se esse two passages where the word sentiunt. 40 TERTULLIANI CAP. XI. endorum ex hominibus deorum, nee ullas invenio, nisi si ministeria et auxilia officiis divinis" desi- deravit ille magnus deus. Primo indignum est, ut alicujus opera indigeret, et quidem mortui, quum dignius ab initio deum aliquem fecisset, qui mortui erat operam desideraturus. Sed nee operas locum videol Totum enim hoc mundi corpus sive innatum et infectum* secundum Pythagoram, sive natum et factum secundum Platonem, semel utique in ista constructione dispositum et instructum et ordina- tum cum omnis rationis gubernaculo inventum est. ^ Officiis divinis ; " in the discharge of his divine duties." — or it may be the dative after the two neuters, operam desi- deraturus " who was fated to experience the want of," &c. for nisi si v. Rup. ad Juv. vi. 250. ^ Sed nee opercB, &c. If I rightly apprehend the meaning of the following passage it is this: * Whatever theories you please to assert concerning the nativity or eternity of this universe, yet without doubt it was found by its first inhabitants to have been once for all settled at its first creation, and fully ordered and supplied with the guiding power, requisite to govern its operations and preserve its stability. That which at its origin performed all its functions, could not be im- perfect. There was no depart- ment waiting for a new dynasty of gods, but the rain descended and the stars shone, and the earth gave increase as soon as the uni- verse was in being.' TertuUian is not insisting on the immuta- bility of the laws of nature, the certus ordo or finita potestas of Lucretius, but on the identity of natural phenomena, and the suf- ficiency of superintendence, from the beginning. The whole argu- ment is urged by Amobius (i. 15.) Si enim temporis antiqui- tate mundus eos {i. e. Deos vestros) antevenit, et priusquam nati sunt, jam noverat plurias tempesta- tesque natura, nullum serius nati pluendi jus habent, neque eis inse- rere rationibus se possunt, quas invenerunt (compare * inventum est* in the text) hie ac/i, et majore ab auctore tractari. * infectum, this word is the reverse of factum, and is too com- mon to mislead any one, but the student may be cautioned that in the African writers he will some- times find the negative in rather unusually compounded, e. g. S. Cyprian Ep. i. illapsajirmitas i. e. quce non lapsa fuit and Apuleius Apol. 488. invidentifi animxUia i. e. visum non habentia. LIBER APOLOGETICUS. 41 Imperfectum iion potuit esse, quod perfecit omnia, cap. Nihil Saturnum et Saturniam gentem exspectabat. Vani erunt homines, nisi certi sint, a primordio et pluvias de coelo ruisse, et sidera radiasse, et lu- mina floruisse^ et tonitrua mugisse et ipsum Jovem, quae in manu ejus ponitis, fulmina timuisse ; item omnem frugem ante Liberum et Cererem et Mi- nervam, imo ante ilium aliquem principem homi- nem de terra exuberasse, quia nihil continendo et sustinendo homini prospectum post hominem potuit inferri. Denique invenisse dicuntur^ neces- / saria istae, non instituisse. Quod autem invenitur, J JsM i-^.-rcu fuit; et quod fuit, non ejus deputabitur, qui in- venit, sed ejus qui instituit. Erat enim, antequam inveniretur. Ceterum si propterea Liber deus, quod vitem demonstravit, male^ cum Lucullo actum est, qui primus cerasa ex Ponto Italiae promulgavit, quod non est propterea consecratus, ut novae frugis auctor, quia inventor et ostensor. Quamobrem si ab initio et instructa et certis exercendorum offi- ciorum suorum rationibus dispensata universitas constitit, vacat ex hac parte caussa allegendee^ ^ lamiruiy i. e. Solem ac Lu- P. 5.) Dei regentis et continentis nam. floruisse ; see Lucr. i. 900. universa. IV. 452. V. 1441. continendo ^ dicuntur — sc. isti del. quod homini; this expression may be autem invenitur, fuit; "That sometliing like that frequently which is discovered, had a pre- occurring in Cicero continere vious existence/' &c. generis humani societatem, or, ^ male ; i. e. maligne ' un- more probably equivalent to sue- fairly.' cingendo as explained by Arno- " allegendce ; this is the techni- bius (u. 21.) quihus vita sue- cal term to express a calling up cingitur et continetur humana. to a higher rank ; allegere in Compare vii. 2. quis eos (Deos) Senatum is a common phrase, existimet contineri alicujus ali- and such too (an ace. after in) is wom'i jrcrtere? and Lactantius(M. the common construction, but it CAP. XL 42 TEIITULLIANI humanitatis in divinitatem, quia quas illis stationes et potestates distribuistis, tarn fuerunt ab initio, quam et fuissent, etiamsi deos istos nou creassetis. Sed convertimini ad caussam aliam, respondentes collationem divinitatis meritorum remimerandorum fuisse rationem. Et bine concedetis, opinor, ilium deum deificum justitia prascellere, qui nee temere, nee indigne nee prodige tantum praemium dispen- sarit. Volo igitur merita recensere, an ejusmodi sint, ut illos in coelum extulerint, et non potius in imum tartarum demerserint, quern carcerem poenarum infer n arum cum vultis^ affirm a tis. I Hue enim abstrudi solent impii quique in parentes, et in sorores incesti, et maritarum adulteri, et vir- ginum raptores et puerorum contaminatores, et qui^' saeviunt, et qui occidunt, et qui furantur, et qui decipiunt, et quicunque similes simt alicujus dei vestri, quem neminem integrum a crimine aut vitio probare poteritis, nisi bominem negaveritis. Atquin ut illos bomines fuisse non potestis negare" etiam is used with a dative, de Resur. Juv. ii. 149. The criminal list Cam. c. 8. cum anima Deo allegi- following is taken from Virgil tur, ipsa (caro) est quce efficit ut and other writers on the subject, anima allegi possit; and hy Seneca, which is alluded to in the ex- Agam. 812. pression solent. ^ Cum vultis. This reading ^" Scevire ; * to indulge in appears to me far more forcible ungovernable passions.* Seneca and characteristic than the other treats at length of the crime multis, its meaning being : " when sesvitia, and in Juv. xiv. scevire you are pleased to allow any absolutely used exactly m this future place of punishment at manner, is opposed to mitem ani- all." The general scepticism with mum ac mores modicis errorihus regard to the ancient theology is cequos. Horace (Ep. ii. 2. 134.) well enough known ; but if the expresses the same idea by insa- reader should desire any specific nire. authorities he will find them " {Ut pro sicut accipere, sc. quoted by the commentators on Sicut non potestis etiam istae, LIBER APOLOGETICUS. 43 istae notae accedunt, quae nee deos postea faetos cap. credi pennittunt. Si enim talibus vos puniendis praesidetis, si commercium, eoUoquium, eonvietum malorum et turpium probi quique respuitis, horum autem pares deus ille majestatis suae consortio as- civit, quid ergo damnatis, quorum coUegas adora- tis ? Suggillatio est in coelum vestra justitia^^ Deos facite criminosissimos quosque, ut placeatis diis vestris. lUorum est honor consecratio coaequalium^^ Sed ut omittam hujus indignitatis retractatum^ probi et integri et boni fuerint. Quot tamen po- tiores viros apud inferos reliquistis ? aliquem de sapientia Socratem, de justitia Aristidem, de mi- litia Themistoclera, de sublimitate Alexandrum, de felicitate Polycratem, de copia Croesum, de elo- quentia Demosthenem. Quis ex illis diis vestris gravior et sapientior Catone, justior et militarior Scipione ? quis sublimior Pompeio, felicior Sylla, copiosior^* Crasso, eloquentior Tullio ? Quanto ut etiam sit post sicut Batavae haec pro suspectis habet Vorstius Latinitatis est. lege possitis. A.] de Lat. suspect, c. 2. et 31. nee The reading possitis would de- immerito. A.] fuerint just be- stroy the argument, which is low is equivalent to putemus syllogistic. Non poteritis nisi fuisse. negaveritis: at non potestis negare: ^* Copiosior more wealthy ; as igitur, &c. etiamque; "and besides copia just above. So Cicero in Q. there are those charges which Caecil. Div. xvii. quce mulier, ante forbid our believing their subse- hunc qucestm'em, copiosa plane et quent apotheoses." locuples fuit. Plautus uses cops ^^ Suggillatio est ; " your ad- Bacch. ii. 3. 1 17. ' Ut amantem ministration of justice is a satire herilem copem facerem filium' upon the inhabitants of heaven." militaris is taken in the sense of ^ [f. cequalium : nam inferi- ' warlike' like militaris Daunia oris Latinitatis est vox cocequalis in Horace, and militia above must etsi apud Columellam apparet 8. mean ' warlike excellence/ though 14. sed ut opinor mendose, sic et I cannot recollect its being so apud Justin. 23. 4. et lib. 37. At used elsewhere. 44 TERTULLIAM CAP. dignius istos deos ille assumendos expectasset, prae- A. Ll • scius utique potiorum^^? Properavit, opinor, et coelum semel clusit, et nunc utique melioribus apud inferos mussitantibus erubescit ^^ ^7^. As to their XII. Cesso jam de istis, ut qui sciam me ex images; you . . , . , . scarcely in- ipsa veritate demon straturum quid non smt, quum flict more ^ • i • z-w indignities osteudero quid sint. Quantum iffitur de^ diis ves- upon us, ^ *-' than upon tris, uomina solummodo video quorundam veterum mortuorum et fabulas audio, et sacra de fabulis recognosco ; quantum autem de simulacris ipsis, nihil aliud deprehendo, quam materias sorores^ esse vasculorum instrumentorumque communium, vel ex iisdem vasculis et instrumentis quasi fatum conse- cratione mutantes, licentia artis transfigurante, et quidem contumeliossime et in ipso opere sacrilege, ut revera nobis maxim e, qui propter deos ipsos plectimur, solatium poenarum esse possit, quod eadem et ipsi patiuntur, ut fiantl Crucibus et stipitibus imponitis Christianos : quod simulacrum non prius argilla deformat cruci et stipiti super- is « "\yith how much more XII. ^ Quantum igitur de propriety would he (the deus Diis quantum de simula- deificus) have waited for these cris ; compare c. 10. Si quan- men to he called up into the turn literce si quantum ar- ranks of the gods, especially as gumenta. a little afterwards sacra he must have foreknown these de fabulis should be taken closely more favourable characters." together * rites, whose details have ^^ erubescit. See ad c. 9. I their origin in these myths.* think mussitantibus is the abl. ^ materias sorores ; " twin sub- abs. here ; its meaning is, ' mur- stances." On the argument see muring with indignation;' so S. Min. Fel. c. 7. and compare Juv. Cyprian de Mort. c. 2. non mus- x. 61. sqq. sitare in adversis. mussare occurs ^ ut fiant ; " in order to their in Virgil ; semel clusit, " he finally, creation." crucibus et stipitibus, &c. and once for all, closed the see this parallel carried out, c. 16. entrance to heaven." for dedicatur see ad c. 5. LIBER APOLOGETICUS. 45 structa? in patibulo primum corpus dei vestri de- cap. \ Li. dicatur. Ungulis deraditis latera Christianorum : at in deos vestros per omnia membra validius in- cumbunt ascias et runcinae et scobinae^ Cervices ^^'^ ponimus : ante plumbum et glutinum et gomphos ^-^ sine capite sunt dii vestri. Ad bestias impellimur, certe quas Libero et Cybele et Coelesti applicatis. Ignibus urimur : hoc et illi a prima quidem massa. In metalla damnamur : inde censentur dii vestri\ In insulas relegamur : solet et in insulis aliquis deus vester aut nasci aut mori. Si per baec constat divinitas aliqua, ergo qui puniuntur consecrantur, et numina erunt dicenda supplicia. Sed plane non sentiunt has injurias et contumelias suae fabrica- tionis dii vestri, sicut nee obsequia. O impiae vo- ces, O sacrilega convicia ! infrendite, inspumate^ ! iidem estis, qui Senecam aliquem pluribus et ama- rioribus de vestra superstitione perorantem proba- * runcinee et scohince; "planes earlier than the Flavian times, and files." The words are both but it is afterwards frequent recognized by Varro. Arnobius, enough. It occurs in Tacitus, in a very characteristic passage Pliny, Seneca, Martial and Juve- (vi. 16.) has fomacibus incocta nal. I do not forget TertuUian's figulinis (sc. Deum simulacra) eoc constant use of census and censeri incudibus et malleis nata, tornis for origo and originem diwere, of rasa, descobinata de Umis, serris, which Semler considers this pas- perforaculis, asciis, secta, dolata, sage too an example, but I prefer effbssa, terebrarum excavata verti- the former interpretation both gine (i. e. rotatione) runcinarum here and ad Uxor. i. 6. Romce qui- levigata de planis ; where the use dem quce ignis illius inextinguibilis of de may be noticed. imaginem tractant de virgini- ^ Inde censentur Dii vestri. tate censentur, which Semler has From this (sc. auro atgue argento) overlooked in his index. Compare your gods derive their estimation. with the last passage c. 4. de V. c. 29. puto autem, hce ipsce Hab. Mul. materiis de metallis Ccesarum ^ Constr. [proinde] infrendite, veniunt, &c. This use of censere inspumate [he^c'] " O impice voces, will not be found, I believe, O! &^c" 46 TERTULLIANI CAP. XII. You treat tnem witn every pos- sible con- tumely. tis. Igitur si statuas et imagines frigidas mortu- orum suorum simillimas non adoramus, quas milvi et mures et araneae intelligunt', nonne laudem magis, quam poenam, merebatur repudium agniti erroris? Possumus enim videri laedere eos, quos certi sumus omnino non esse? Quod non est, nihil ab ullo patitur, quia non est. XIII. Sed nobis dei sunt, inquitis. Et quo- modo vos e contrario impii et sacrilegi et irreli- giosi erga deos vestros deprehendimini, qui quos praesumitis esse, negligatis, quos timetis, destruatis, quos etiam vindicatis, illudatis? Recognoscite, si mentiar. Primo quidem, cum alii alios colitis, uti- que quos non colitis, ofFenditis. Praelatio alterius sine contumelia alterius non potest procedere, quia nee electio sine reprobatione \ Jam ergo contem- nitis, quos reprobatis, quos reprobando ofFendere non timetis. Nam ut supra perstrinximus, status dei cuj usque in senatus aestimatione pendebat. Deus non erat, quem homo consultus noluisset et nolendo Domesticos deos, quos lares dicitis, ^t\o!" damn asset '' intelligunt; 'have a correct conception of/ as they shew by their contemptuous treatment of the statues. The circumstances here alluded to are frequently mentioned in ancient writers, and the images were sometimes pro- tected by a thin plate on the top of the head. XIII. ^ The same argument is used ad Uxor. i. 3. ' quodam- modo vetantur, cum alia iUis prce- feruntur ; prcelatio enim superi- orum disanasio est inferiomm.' ^ Deus non erat, &c. The word consultus adds great force to the sentence — *He, whom a man, when asked his pleasure about the matter, declined to deify {noluisset esse Deum) and by this refusal condemned, was no god at all.' nolle and i^elle are often used to imply a peremptory decision, resting only with the absolute will of an individual. Apuleius Met. vii. 137. noluit Ccesar esse Heemi collegium (i.e. latronum): et confestim interiit ; LIBER APOLOGETICUS. 47 domestica potestate tractatis pignerando, vendi- cap. tando, demiitando, aliquando in cacabulum de Sa- -^ turno, aliquando in trullam de Minerva, ut quisque contritus atque contusus est, dum' diu colitur, ut quisque dorainus Deum sanctiorem expertus est domesticam necessitatem^. Publicos aeque publico jure foedatis, quos in hastario* vectigales habetis. Sic Capitolium, sic olitorium forum petitur^; sub eadem voce praeconis, sub eadem hasta, sub eadem annotatione quaestoris divinitas addicta conducitur. ^^^^ "- ' Sed enim agri tributo onusti viliores, bominum capita stipendio censa ignobiliora ; nam hae sunt notae captivitatis. Dii vero, qui magis tributarii, magis sancti, imo qui magis sancti, magis tributarii. Majestas quaes tuaria efficitur. Circuit cauponas re- ligio mendicans. Exigitis mercedem pro solo tem- tantum potest etiam nutus magni strangely misunderstood in the principis. Min. Felix (c. 7) using Glossary of Ducange. the argument of the text says, ^ [Petitur. i. e. conducitur a postremo est Deus, cum homo redemtore sic ad Nat. 1. 10. Capi- illum voluit. tolium, Serapeum, petitur, addi- ^ " According as each god is citur, conducitur. A.] I do not worn and damaged by long use remember any such use of peto (Wakef. ad Lucret. i. 819) or as as is here implied, and, as to the each master experiences a more quotation from ad Nat. there is powerful god in the shape of generally allowed to be a hiatus domestic difficulties." Some read- after conducitur which wouldleaye ings here omit Deum and others room for a nominative to the two dominus, but I think the sarcasm last verbs. I should explain peti- isimprovedby the juxta-position. tur like itur ad. The annotatio * Hastarium. From the qucestoris is the taking down by parallel chapter ad Nat. i. 10. that magistrate of the biddings, this appears to be a kind of Sic Capitolium, sic olitoi'ium, &c. auction-book. The expression i. e. sic — ut. " The capitol is de hastario emere is used by S. attended for this temple-bargain- Augustine Ep. xcvi. (Vol. II. p. ing, just as the herb-market is 261. Ed. Bened.) in a passage for other sales, the same crier, the which seems to me to have been same qusestor, serves for both." 48 TERTULLIANI xm! P^^' P^^ aditu sacri; non licet deos nosse gratis, venales sunt. Quid omnino ad honorandos eos fa- citis, quod non etiam mortuis vestris conferatis ? aedes proinde, aras proinde. Idem habitus et in- signia in statuis. Ut aetas, ut ars, ut negotium mortui fuit, ita deus est. Quo differt ab epulo Jovis silicernium^? a simpulo obba? ab haruspice pollinctor? nam et haruspex mortuis apparet'. Sed digne imperatoribus defunctis honorem divinitatis dicatis, quibus et viventibus eum addicitis. Accepto ferent^ dii vestri, imo gratulabuntur, quod pares eis fiant domini sui. Sed quum Larentinam pub- licum scortum, velim saltem Laidem aut Phrynen, inter Junones et Cereres ac Dianas adoratis ; quum Simonem Magum^ statua et iriscriptione sancti dei inauguratis; quum de paedagogiis^*' aulicis nescio ® Simpulum ; Vid. Rup. Exc. Salmasius on the passage of Spar- ad Juv. VI. 343. Intpp. ad Apul. tianus quoted below. Apol.434. ohba; Casaub. ad Pers. " Pcedagogiis; The expression V. 148. and the practice are both illus- ' Apparere alicui. This is a trated by Lipsius Exc. ad Tac. special sense of apparere signify- Annal. xv. B. Prudentius (Contr. ing ministrare, prcesto esse alicui, Symm. i. 271) alludes by name which is still retained in our word to the nescio quern of the text : Quid loquar Antinoum coelesti sede ' apparitor ;' see c. 48. quijudicio Dei apparet; ad Uxor. i. 4. pr(&- locatum sume, oro te, nihil tihi opus esse si Ilium delicias nunc Divi principis : domino appareas. It is used abso- ^'^""^ , , , , . .^. ,.,,.. Purpureo in gremio spoliatum sorte lutely, * are m waiting, m Virg. ^,.^^.^^^ Mn. XII. 850. ^ Accepto ferre, to give credit Spartianus (Hist. Aug. i. p. for as a favour. The phrase is 136) gives the reports current well known, but it is more gene- about this canonization, and two , ; rally re/erre in earlier Latin. Apu- notes of Causaubon and Salmasius jf leius (Apol. 652) has meo muneri (in which this passage of Tertul- acceptum ferehat. lianisincludedandillustrated)will * Simo Magus. V. Bishop shew what classical scholarship Kaye's Tertullian, p. 578, and was two centuries and a half ago. /^j; LIBER APOLOGETICUS. 49 quern synodi deum facitis : licet non nobiliores dii cap. veteres, tamen contumeliam a vobis deputabunt, hoc et aliis licuisse, quod solis antiquitas contulit. XIV. Nolo^ et ritus vestros recensere ; non }'^" ^.^^uit them in dico, quales sitis in sacrificando, cum enecta et l^^J, ^^^'^ tabidosa et scabiosa quaeque mactatis ; cum de Ijfem^in opimis et integris supervacua quaeque truncatis, [^"J" ^'^^^^' capitula et ungulas, quae domi quoque pueris vel canibus destinassetis ; cum de decima Herculis nee tertiam partem in aram ejus imponitis. Laudo magis sapientiam, quod de perdito aliquid eripitis^ Sed conversus ad litteras vestras, quibus informa- mini^ ad prudentiam, et ad liberalia officia, quanta invenio ludibria? deos inter se propter Trojanos et Achivos ut gladiatorum paria congressos depug- nasse; Venerem humana sagitta sauciatam, quod filium suum iEnean paene interfectum ab eodem Diomede^ rapere vellet ; Martem tredecim mensi- bus in vinculis paene consumptum ; Jovem, ne eandem vim a ceteris coelitibus experiretur, opera cujusdam monstri liberatum, et nunc flentem Sar- pedonis casum, nunc foede subantem in sororem sub commemoratione non ita delictarum jampridem amicarum. Exinde quis non poeta ex auctoritate XIV. ■^ That no/o and not t;o/o used in precisely a similar sense is the correct reading, is clear, I by Cicero pro Arch. 8. it occurs think from the remark below, often both in this author and Laudo magis, &c. a little further Amobius. — in prudentiam would down pueris means servulis as very be rather more usual than ad. frequently, * ab eodem Diomede. If this ^ de perdito aliquid eripitis ; is a correct reading, the meaning that you save something, at all is,thatVenus was wounded by the events, from that which you are same Diomed who had nearly throwing away. killed her son, and from whom she ' informamini. This word is was endeavouring to rescue him. 4 50 TERTULLIANI XI\ CAP. principis sui dedecorator invenitur deorum ? Hie Apollinem Admeto regi pascendis pecoribus ad- dicit, ille Neptuni structorias operas Laomedonti locat. Est et ille de lyricis (Pindamm dico) qui jEsculapium canit avaritiaj merito, qua medicinam nocenter exercebat, fulmine vindicatum^ Malus Ju- piter, si fulmen illius est, impius in nepotem, invi- dus in artificem. Haec neque vera prodi, neque falsa confingi apud religiosissimos oportebat. Nee tragiei quidem aut eomici pareunt, ut non serumnas vel errores domus alieujus dei praefentur". Taceo de pbilosophis, Socrate eontentus, qui in eontumeliam deorum quereum et hircum et canem dejerabat. Sed propterea^ damnatus est Socrates, quia deos destruebat. Plane olim, id est semper, Veritas odio est. Tamen cum poenitentia sententiae Athenienses et criminatores Soeratis postea afflixerint^ et ima- ^ Vindicatum. v. ad c. 4. Lac- replies an adversary, ' but Socrates tantms(de M.P.I.) uses wnc?icare suffered for them, which shewed in aliquem, as does also Arnobius. the light in which we regard such ^ prtsfentur. This is apparent- opinions/ ' Why/ rejoins the ly in allusion to the custom apologist, 'truth generally does amongst the dramatists of putting suflPer, but, however, since the the prologue in the mouth of some people afterwards, through repent- god, and making him give an out- ance of the sentence pronounced, line of the affairs of the family punished his accusers and honour- {domus alieujus) who were the ed his memory, this reversion of subject of the play ; as Venus in the judgment restores to Socrates the Hippolytus and Mercury in the validity of his evidence in my the Amphitryo. behalf.' '' The argument is this : ' I for- " affligere aliquem, sc. solo, is bear to c^ll the evidence of your often used absolutely for Icadere, philosophers,' says TertuUian, ' as percutere ; just as attollere is for the well known sentiments of opitulari or consolari. So Lactan- Socrates are sufficient to make tins (de M. P. 1.) Deus jacentes out my case and enable me to dis- et qfflictos coelesti auxilio suhle- pense with any others.' 'Yes,' vat. LIBER APOLOGETICUS. 51 gin em ejus auream in templo collocarint, rescissa cap. damnatio testimonium Socrati reddidit. Sed et Diogenes nescio quid in Herculem ludit, et Ro- manus Cynicus Varro trecentos Joves, sive Jupi- teres dicendum, sine capitibus introducit. XV. Cetera^ lasciviae in^enia etiam volupta- ^"^ yo^ o A expose tibus vestris per deorum dedecus operantur. l^is- |Jj^l"jJ?.gg pieite Lentulorum et Hostiliorum venustates, utrum theltrel mimos an deos vestros in jocis et strophis^ rideatis : moechum Anubim, et masculum Lunam, et Dia- nam flagellatam, et Jovis mortui testamentum re- citatum, et tres Hercules famelicos irrisos. Sed et histrionum litterae omnem foeditatem eorum desig- nant. Luget Sol filium jactatum de coelo laetan- tibus vobis, et Cybele pastorem suspirat^ fastidiosum, non erubescentibus vobis. Et sustinetis Jovis elogia cantari, et Junonem, Venerem, Minervam a pas- tore judicari. Quid, quod imago dei vestri igno- miniosum caput et famosum vestit? quod corpus XV. ^ "The other ingenui- sed simplicitates. de Spect. 29. ties of luxury work out your dispicite means maminate as in pleasure by means of the igno- c. 1. miny of the gods :" lascimce inge- ^ Suspirat pastorem. As Juv. nia like ingenia decoris. de Hab. xi. 152. Mul. c. 2. Compare Amobius Suspirat longo non visam tempore IV. 2. ingeniorum lascivire luxu matrem. and VI. 13. in deorum corporihus though the expression is earlier lascivice artificum ludunt. The than his date, and of fair repute, same writer paraphrases Tertul- See Heyne Obss. in TibuU. i. 6, lian thus : nonne lenocinia volup- 85. It occurs de Hab. Mul. c. 2. tatum ex contumeliis attrahit di- and de Cult. Fsem. c. 6. Amo- mnis, bius (iv. 20) uses suspirare in ali- ^ StropUs. Quasi mimum Phi- quid, and Catullus (lxiv. 98) who listionis vel Lentuli ac Marulli is followed by Ovid (Fast. i. 417) stropham eleganti sermone con- suspirare in aliquo. In a similar fictam. Hieron. adv. Ruf. ii. nee manner ardere in is followed either fahukBy sed veritates, nee strophce by an abl. or ace. Cyprian speaks 4 — 2 52 TERTULLIANI CAP. impurum et ad istam artem efFeminatione^ pro- ductum Minervam aliquam vel Herculem reprae- sentat ? Nonne violatur majestas et divinitas con- stupratur plaudentibus vobis ? Plane religiosiores estis in cavea^ ubi super sanguinem humanum, super inquinamenta poenarum proinde saltant dii vestri, argumenta^ et historias noxiis ministrantes, nisi quod et ipsos deos vestros saepe noxii induunt^ Vidimus aliquando castratum Atyn, ilium deum ex Pessinunte, et, qui vivus ardebat, Herculem indu- erat. Risimus et inter ludicras meridianorum cru- delitates' Mercurium mortuos cauterio examinantem. Vidimus et Jovis fratrem gladiatorum cadavera cum malleo deducentem. Singula ista quaeque adhuc investigare quis possit ? Si bonorem inquietant divinitatis, si majestatis vestigia obsoletant% de of Jupiter in terrmos amoves ar- dentem. * Effeminatione. The verb effemino is used by Cic6ro, Caesar, and other good writers, but I can- not bring any earlier example of this noun. In later times it had generally the forcible meaning of castratio. Compare Lactantius Ep. D. I. 8. adolescentem, adenitis genitaiibus, effeminavit. Minerva is probably quoted with Hercules in this passage, on account of her masculine and heroic character, which of course makes this im- personation more monstrous. ^ Argumenta. I conceive this word here to mean literally ' argu- ments,' and not to imply mendacia or vanitates as very frequently indeed in late writers. ® induunt ; ' personate,' the expression being taken from the mask which determined the cha- racter. In the following sentence I think the sense is this : " It is not uncommon to see these repre- sentatives of deities undergoing in reality as a punishment for their crimes the suflFerings attributed by fable to their respective gods, whose characters they have re- spectively assumed." ^ Me)'idianorum crudelitatets ; V. Lips. Satur. ii. 15. Seneca, Ep. VII. says, mane leonibus et ursis homines, meridie spectat&rihus suis ohjiciuntur. The whole of this short epistle might be very pro- fitably perused by any one who suspects TertuUian's tract de spec- taculis of exaggeration, or his opinions of bigotry. " Obsoktant. This word is al- most peculiar to this author, but S. Augustine uses obsolefacere. de LIBER APOLOGETICUS. 5S contemtu utique censentur, tarn eorum qui ejus- cap. modi factitant, quam eorum quibus factitant. Sed ludicra ista sunt. Ceterum si adjiciam, quas non minus conscientise omnium recognoscent, in templis adulteria componi, inter aras lenocinia tractari, in ipsis plerumque asdituorum et sacerdotum taberna- •?>-?-» s- culis, sub iisdem vittis et apicibus et purpuris, - ^/-*/*Az tbure flagrante libidinem expungi : nescio, plusne de vobis dii vestri, quam de Chris tianis querantur. , .-^ ^^^ Certe sacrilegi de vestris semper apprebenduntur^ Christiani enim templa nee interdiu norunt ; spo- liarent forsitan ea et ipsi, si et ipsi ea adorarent. Quid ergo colunt, qui talia non colunt? Jam qui- dem intelligi subjacet^^ veritatis esse cultores, qui mendacii non sint: nee errare amplius in eo, in quo errasse se recognoscendo cessaverint. Hoc prius capite, et omnem bine sacramenti nostri ordinem haurite, repercussis ante tamen opinionibus falsis. ^ XVI. Nam, ut quidam, somniastis caput asi- But in fact ^ ^ ^ you really uinum esse deum nostrum. Hanc Cornelius Tacitus commit yourselves suspicionem eiusmodi inseruit Is enim in quinta J^^^^<*1*- L V n trous ab- historiarum suarum bellum Judaicum ' exorsus ab surdities of contemtu censentur, i, e. contemtu i nee interdiu ; ergo nee nocte, quo deputantur; originem a contemtu tempore fiirta fiunt. ducunt. Ceterum si adjiciam, &:c. ^^ [intelligi suhjacet ; Hellenis- Every reader of Ovid will recog- mus, vtroKetTai voeiv sic Polyb, nize the practices here alluded to. viroKeiTai TradeTv ; i. e. 'irpoKeiTai Componi is like composita repe- ut notat Budseus. Ita fere Euseb. tantur hora. ^^^ Theol. p. 72, eircTat voew, ® de vestris. Comp. c. 44. ap- A.] in quo errasse se ; i. e. in qui- prehenduntur ; the sense hei-e is bus rebus cessarunt errare, simul that special one which is retained ac cognoverint se erravisse an- in our derivative, and which is tehae. found in the Digests. S. Cypr. XVI. ^ This account of Taci- ad Demetr. c. 3. nemo nostrum, tus (Hist. v. 3) should be care- quando apprehenditur, reluctatur. fully compared. The construction 54 TERTULLIANI CAP. origine gentis, etiam de ipsa tam origin e, quam de nomine et religione gentis quas voluit argu- which you falsely ac- mentatus, Judaeos refert iEgypto expedites, sive, ^f/i^r* ^* putavit, extorres, in vastis Arabia* locis aquarum egentissimis, cum siti macerarentur, onagris, qui forte de pastu potum petituri aestimabantur, indi- cibus fontis uses ob earn gratiam consimilis bestia? superficiem consecrasse. Atque ita inde, opinor, praesumptum, nos quoque ut Judaicae religionis pro- pinquos^ eidem simulacro initiari. At enim idem Cornelius Tacitus, sane ille mendaciorum loqua- cissimus, in eadem historia refert Cnaeum Pom- peium, cum Hierusalem cepisset, proptereaque^ templum adiisset speculandis Judaicae religionis ar- canis, nullum illic reperisse simulacrum. Et utique si id colebatur, quod aliqua effigie reprassentabatur, nusquam magis quam in sacrario suo exhiberetur, eo magis, quia nee verebatur extraneos arbitros quamquam vana cultura. Solis enim sacerdotibus adire licitum, et conspectus ceterorum velo oppans^ interdicebatur. Vos tamen non negabitis, et ju- menta omnia et totos cantherios cum sua Epona^ coli a vobis. Hoc forsitan improbamur, quod inter cultores omnium pecudum bestiarumque asinarii of the sentence is * exorsus. . etiam in good authors. argumentatuSj Judcsos refert . . . cum ^ proptereaque, i. e. quia cepisset. macerarentur ...usos indicibv^... *jure victorice' says Tacitus (v. superficiem consecrasse' superfi- 9) ; unless it is explained by spe- dem. i. e. caput ; but I have never culandis arcanis. seen the expression elsewhere. ^ cum sua Epona. Apuleius * propinquos Judaicce reli- (Met. ii. 60) gives a description gionis ; de Test. An. c. 6. Judceos of the riches, the image, and the ...in quorum oleastro insiti sumus. ornaments of this deity, asinarii, initiari alicui (sc. Deo aut sa- " mere ass- worshippers to the ex- cris) is the ordinary construction elusion of other beasts." LIBER APOLOGETICUS. 55 tantum sumus. Sed et qui crucis nos religibsos^ putat, consecraneus noster erit-. Cum lignum ali- quod propitiatur, viderit habitus, dum materiae qualitas eadem sit ; viderit forma, dum id ipsum dei corpus sit. Et tameU quanto distiuguitur a crucis stipite Pallas Attica, et Ceres Pharia, quae sine effigie rudi palo et informi ligno prostat? Pars crucis est omne robur, quod erecta statione defigitur; nos, si forte ^ integrum et totum deum CAP. XVI. « Crucis religiosos ; like c7-ucis cultores, hnt I can give no example of a similar phrase, though words of this form in late Latin fre- quently take a genitive, as im- periosissimas mentis, Pliny H. N. XXX. 1. curiosus medicincB, ib. XXV. 2. In later times religiosi meant the * regular clergy, and religio the vows; homo religionis is cited by Ducange for a monk. On the form consecraneus see Causaub. ad Capitol. Gordian. Vol. II. p. 97. ed. 1671, who re- marks that the termination was a favourite one with the middle Latin writers, v. c. 28. Yet con- sentaneus is in good use. '^ "As long as it is a mere piece of wood which is worshipped (^propitiatur) and as long as the god is bodily contained in the image, it matters little what its form or external decorations are." Viderit habitus ; This viderit is a common expression of TertulKan, the ellipse probably being de se, {Mn. X. 744) ' let it look to itself/ i 1. e. nihil nostra refert. Cicero, Ep. ad Att. XIV. 21. Sed mihi quidem fiefSlwTai. Viderint ju- venes. Compare S. Cyprian de Hab. Virg. c. 8. Viderit, inquis, qua illuc mente quis veniat, mihi tantum, &c. So de Idol. c. 11. 'viderint si e^^edem merces... nobis quoque insuper usui sunt.' and often elsewhere. Min. Felix, ad extr. ' proinde Socrates scurra Atticus viderit,' &c. ^ [Si forte. Ita reddit Tert. phrasin Graecam el a pa, vel e'lirep apa. A.] The sense is : ^if we do worship a god of this sort,' &c. In c. 49. the same idea is expressed by si utique. Com- pare Lucretius v. 719. Versarique potest, globus ut, si forte, pilai, Dixnidia ex parte candenti lumine tinc- tus. Amobius (vii. 32) seems to have expanded the phrase, effigies re- mur submotas esse ab his longe, quoniam forma mortalis est cor- poris ; et si forte est ulla, &c. TertuUian argues thus: 'Your gods are nothing but straight stakes on which plaster has been formed into shape, your trophies are but wooden crosses covered with armour, your eagles but the same with various decorations. Every stake fixed in an upright position may be considered part of a cross ; and yet you worship 56 TERTULLIANI ^^^; colimus. Diximus originem deorum vestrorum a plastis de cruce induci. Sed et Victorias adoratis, cum in tropaeis cruces intestina sint tropaeorum. Religio Romanomm tota castrensis signa veneratur, signa jurat, signa omnibus diis praeponit. Omnes® Ad Nat. illi imaginum suggestus in signis monilia crucum sunt. Siphara ilia vexillorum et cantabrorum stolae crucum sunt. Laudo diligentiam', noluistis nudas et incultas cruces consecrare. Alii plane huma- nius et verisimilius Solem credunt deum nostrum. Ad Persas, si forte, deputabimur (licet solem non in linteo depictum adoremus) habentes ipsum ubi- que in suo clypeo. Denique inde suspicio,. quod^ innotuerit nos ad orientis regionem precari. Sed et plerique vestrum affectation e aliquando et coe^ lestia^^ adorandi ad solis ortum labia vibratis. Mqne si diem solis laetitise indulgemus, alia longe ratione quam de religione solis ^^ secundo loco ab many such either naked or dis- is here applied to the flag as guisedj so that even if you could distinguished from its staff. It prove your case against us, we is employed by Min. Felix in the should be merely found to wor- corresponding passage, by Arno- ship that entire which you do in bins (ii. 18.) and by Apuleius. fragments.' Any illustrated work See too Juvenal viii. 186. The on classical antiquities will shew artificial arrangement of the the form of standards or trophies, sentences may be observed * * * • Cf. adv. Marc. iii. 18. Adv. Jud. monilia crucum sunt • • • • stoice c. 10. Min. Fel. c. 9. crucum sunt. ^ " All the images wliich you " Laudo diligentiam. This is suspend round your standards, are a frequent ironical expression, but as necklaces of crosses, all See above c. 14. Juv. xii. 121. the banners are but as robes." ^^ et coekstia. i. e. inter alia. Siphara ; the word appears to be ^^ de religione solis ; this is not derived from the old word sipo or such a genitive as that in religio supo *jacio' which is still pre- /oci, j»a. (c. 33.) and it is still more equi- seq. " memoirs." Sueton. Claud. vocal in suggestus, but it may be I. Nee contentus elogium tumulo found in the Digests, prcefectu- ^us versibus a se compositis in- ram, i. e. bibliothecce. the vernacu- sculpsisse, etiam vitce memoriam Ice liter ce are the original Hebrew pffosa oratione composuit. S. Cypr. characters, what are called below ad Demetr. c. 3. ut memorias tace- Uteres HebresfE, in contradistinc- amus antiquas. Min. Fel. c. 1 . tion to the Uteres Judaece of that specta de libris memwias. Amo- day which would have been Syro- bius has the phrase memorialia Chaldaic. See Josephus Ant. Jud. scripta. vi. 11. quibus vetustas, xii. 2. 62 TERTULLIANI CAP. habebant. Ex ipsis" enim et ad ipsos semper pro- phetae peroraverant, scilicet ad domesticam dei gentem ex patrum gratia. Hebrsei retro, qui nunc Judaei ; igitur et litterae Hebraeae, et eloquium. Sed ne notitia vacaret^^, hoc quoque Ptolemceo a Judaais subscriptum est, septuaginta et duobus interpreti- bus indultis, quos Menedemus quoque philosophus providentiae vindex de sententiae communione sus- pexit'^ Affirmavit hsec vobis etiam Aristaeas. Ita in Graecum stylum ex aperto monimenta reliquit^^ Hodie apud Serapeum^^ Ptolemaei bibliothecee cum ipsis Hebraicis litteris exhibentur. Sed et Judaei palam lectitant; vectigalis libertas: vulgo aditur sabbatis omnibus. Qui audierit, inveniet deum ; qui etiam studuerit intelligere, cogetur et credere. ■"■ ex ipsis — 1. e. ipst ex eorum numero. ex patrum gratia means ex gratia qua fuerant patres ipso- rum apud Deum. ^^ vacaret. see c. 1. subscrip- tum est, see c. 6. The construc- tion of the sentence is I think : hoc quoque subscriptum est...in- terpretibus indultis, so that hoc does not refer to any idea con- tained in notitia, but to indultis, as if it had been written hoc quo- que, ut indulgerentur, subscriptum est. ^3 suspexit, like dTroftXeireiv. as observed ad c. 24. oportere et prcesides pariter suspici. The ex- pression de sentential communione may certainly be explained gram- matically of the coincidence of translations, but I should much rather refer it to the agreement of Menedemus and the LXX. on the fundamental point of a pro- cidentia. In either case de marks the cause of the suspectio. " Constr. Ita ex-aperto reli- quit monimenta {memorias) in Gr cecum stylum [versa']; the no- minative to reliquit should be Ptolemseus. Vectigalis libertas ; "liberty is purchased by pay- ment of a tax ;" the remark per- haps is a little sarcastical. See TertuUian's sentiments on this point de Fuga in Pers. c. 12. aditur I think should be taken impersonally. ^^ Serapeum. In quo (sc. Sera- peo) bibliotheccB fuerunt incestima- biles, et loquitur monummtorum vetei'um condnens fides, septingenta voluminum millia Ptolemceis regi- hus vigiliis intentis composita, bello Ale^andrino conjiagrasse. Am- mian. Marcell. xxii. 16, LIBER APOLOGETICUS. 63 XIX. Primam igitur iiistrumentis istis auc- x^x! toritatem summa antiquitas vindicat. Apud vos which, if quoque religionis est instar, fidem de temporibuseventoits antiquity, aSSerere\ far sur- passes all your re- [Qu^ sequuntur uncis inclusa primus e ^^^-couMb? Fuldensi Havercampus puhlici juris fecit, *'ivantcs, see c. 6. LIBER APOLOGETICUS. 73 nus ipsorutn. Dispersi, palabundi, et coeli et soli sui extorres vagantur per orbem sine homine^ sine deo rege, quibus nee advenarum jure terram patriam saltern vestigio salutare conceditur. Cum haec illis sanctas voces praeminarentur, esedem fere semper omnes ingerebant^ fore, uti sub extimis curriculis seculi ex omni jam gente et populo et loco cultores sibi allegeret deus multo fideliores, in quos gratiam transferret, et pleniorem quidem ob disciplinae aucti- oris capacitatemA Hujus igitur gratiae disciplinse- que arbiter et m agister, illuminator atque deductor^*^ generis humani, filius dei annunciabatur, non qui- dem ita genitus, ut erubescat de filii nomine aut de patris semine ; non de sororis incesto, nee de stupro filiae aut conjugis aliense deum patrem passus est^', squamatum aut cornutum aut plumatum ama- CAP. XXI. ^ sine Iiomine, sine deo rege; Scaliger corrected this sine no- mine; and though possibly the allusion may be to the old theo- cracy which the Jews had for- feited, as well as their native line of sovereigns, yet upon the whole I should think the text unsound. nee advenarum jure means 'not even in the character of strangers.' ^ ingerebant ; " perpetually urged the fact, that," &c. the ge- neral sense of ingerere is to thrust a thing repeatedly and even obtru- sively on a person ; ( Juv. vi. 609) so S. Cyprian ad Demetr. c. I . mal- les tua impudenter ingerere quam nostra patienter audire ; the force of eadem in this sentence is : the selfsame prophecies which fore- told their now verified dispersion, and which therefore should com- mand their belief, foretold also, &c. ob disciplines auctioris capa- citatem. [scilicet, quia illi, contra quam Judsei, humiles erant ac deciles et ad amplectendam Christi disciplinam evdcToi Ka\ TCTayjxevoi atque, ut ait S. Lucas, da-fxevoo^ direhe^avTO tou \6jov avrov. A.^ ^" deductor. This was a term applied to the guide in the Eleusinian mysteries. TertuUian twice uses the expression deductor veritatis with reference to the Spiritus Sanctus. ^^ passus est ; this expression is nearly equivalent to eocpertus est, or habuit; patrem de stupro is like per stuprum. 74 TERTULLIANI CAP. torem, aut in aurum conversum : Jo vis enim ista A Ai. sunt numina vestri. Ceterum dei filius nullam de impudicitia habet matrem, etiara quam videtur habere non nupserat. Sed priiis substantiam edis- seram, et ita nativitatis qualitas intelligetur. Jam ediximus deum universitatem banc mundi verbo et ratione et virtute molitum. Apud vestros quoque sapientes \oyov, id est sermonem atque rationem, constat artificem videri universitatis. Hunc enim Zeno determinat factitatorem, qui cuncta in dispo- sitione^^ formaverit, eundem et fatum vocari, et deum et animum Jovis, et necessitatem omnium re- rum. Haec Clean thes in spiritum congerit^^ quem permeatorem universitatis affirmat. Et nos etiam sermoni atque rationi itemque virtuti, per quae omnia molitum deum ediximus, propriam^^ sub- stantiam spiritum inscribimus, cui et sermo insit pronuntianti, et ratio adsit disponenti, et virtus prae- sit perficienti. Hunc ex deo prolatum didicimus, et prolatione generatum, et iccirco filium dei et deum dictum ex unitate substantiae. Nam et deus ^^ dispositione. dispono and dis- 8, 9, 13, 19, 21, 26, et Lactant. 4. positio are expressions of frequent 29. TertuUianus hie probare occurrence on the subject of cos- aggreditur primo substantiae uni- mogony, both in christian and tatem exemplo soils cum radio heathen writers. See before c. 17. suo, deinde personarum diflfe- ^^ HcBc Cleanthes, &CC,. "Tliese rentiam, exemplo luminis de offices Cleanthes accumulates on lumine. Sic igitur legendus et a certain spirit, which he makes distinguendus mihi videtur totus to pervade the universe." per- hie locus — ut, cum radius ew s. p. meatorem ; like the mens infusa portio (sc. est) ea^ summa ; sed Sol of Virgil. erit expanditur : ita de S. S, ^^ [propriam substantiam, i. e, et de Deo Deus, ut lumen de I. Ihtav ova-lav ut dicit Origen in acceusum ; munet...:..mutueris : Jo. p. 56. sc. vTroan-aaiv. Et cum «Va et quod umts amho; modulo radius ; v. adv. Praxean, c. 2, 3, -^' J LIBER APOLOGETICUS. 75 spiritus. Et cum'^ radius ex sole porrigitur, portio ex summa ; sed sol erit in radio, quia solis est radius, iiec separatur substantia, sed extenditur. Ita de spiritu spiritus, et de deo deus, ut lumen de lumine accensum. Manet integra et indefecta materiae matrix, etsi plures inde traduces quali- tatum mutueris : ita et quod de deo profectum est, deus est, et dei filius, et unus ambo. [Ita et de spiritu spiritus ^^ et de deo deus] modulo alterum, non numero, gradu, non statu fecit, et a matrice non recessit, sed excessit. Iste igitur dei radius, ut retro semper praedicabatur^", delapsus in virgi- nem quandam, et in utero ejus caro figuratus, nascitur homo deo mistus. Caro spiritu instructa CAP. XXI. ^^ et cum, &c. et is frequently- employed in this manner to intro- duce a parallel instance or ex- ample. ^® [de Spiritu Spiritus. Filius sc. Tri/eujuartKO)? f/i/co/xei/o? tw iruTpi. Ignat. ad Smym. Just. Mar. in Dial, cum Tryph. dicit filium esse npiQfxw eTcpov ti, i. e. aliam a patre personam nempe, modulo alterum ut ait TertuU. seu proprietatibus Trpoa-toiriKa?^, non alium numero Deum ; sed plenius haec explicantur Cont. Prax c. 2. A.] ^^ ut retro semper prcBdicabatur. V. Esai. vii. 14. The sense of speaking forth openly and boldly which prcBdicare and profari both have, makes it very natural that they should be applied in their ordinary signification to the speech of a prophet, and so we find pro- fari often used (e. g. Lucret. i. 740) of a solemn announcement without any idea of foresight being implied. Such may be the mean- ing of prcedicare here, though probably the reader may be in- clined to think that Tertullian uses it for prcedicare on compar- ing the three followuig passages, inf. id super Christo prcBdicatum non scierunt. de fuga in pers. c. 6. atquin persecutiones eos pas- suros prcedicabat et tolerandas do- cehat, in which chapter prcedicare happens to be repeatedly used in its ordinary sense ; and in c. 12 of the last quoted trad, persecutiones prcedicatas non prcecaveret; in c. 18. too of this Apology, he un- questionably considers the terms as synonymous, quos diximusprce- dicatores prophetce de officio prce- fundi vocantur. In the Vulgate pi-cedicator is ^preacher,' but in Ps. Ixviii. 11. the word is evan- (jelizans. CAP. XXI. 76 TERTULLIANI nutritur, adolescit, affatur, docet, operatur et Chris- tus est. Recipite interim hanc fabulam, similis est vestris, dum ostendimus, quomodo Christus pro- betur. Sciebant et qui penes vos^^ ejusmodi fabulas aemulas ad destruction em veritatis istiusmodi pras- ministraverunt. Sciebant et Judaei venturum esse Christum, scilicet quibus prophetae loquebantur. Nam et nunc adventum ejus expectant, nee alia niagis inter nos et illos compulsatio est, quam quod jam venisse non credunt, Duobus^^ enim adventibus ejus significatis, prime, qui jam expunctus est, in humilitate conditionis humanae; secundo, qui con- cludendo seculo imminet in sublimitate divinitatis exsertee: primum non intelligendo, secundum, quem manifestius praedicatum sperant, unum existima- verunt. Ne enim intelligerent pristinum, credituri, si intellexissent, et consecuturi salutem, si credi- dissent, meritum fuit delictum eorum. Ipsi legunt^^ ita scriptum, mulctatos se sapientia et intelligentia ^^ pmes vos (i. e. apud v. c. 3.) was to come ; it may be remem- must be joined not with qui, but bered that Suetonius remarks on with prceministraverunt. " Those the vetus and conHans opinio as beings who supplied you before- prevaihng oriente toto. hand with fables bearing a simi- ^^ Constr. Duohus enim signi- larity to the truth, in order to its ficatis, primo in humilitate qui destruction, were fully aware of eocpunctvM est secundo in sub- the coming events." The dcsmones limitate qui imminet [ii] non are here alluded to, the secret of intelligendo primum secundum whose foreknowledge is explained quem \utpote~\ sperant unum in c. 22. Compare c. 47. Omnia (i. e, solum esse) existimaverunt. adversus veritatem de ipso veritate The words concludendo seculo im- constructa sunt, operantibus cemu- minet, I presume are equivalent lationem istam spiritibus erroris. to qui jam prcesto est, et quijiniet TertulHan is asserting that not seculum (see ad c. 48). On the only the Jews, but even the hea- argument see adv. Judaeos ad fin. thens {vos) were fully aware by et adv. Marc. in. 7. means of prophecy that Christ ^^ Esai. vi. 10. LIBER APOLOGETICUS. 7T et oculorum et aurium fruge./ Quern igitur solum- cap. modo hominem praesumpserant de humilitate, se- quebatur uti magum sestimarent de potestate, cum ille verbo daemonia de hominibus excuteret, caecos reluminaret^^ leprosos purgaret, paralyticos restrin- geret, mortuos denique verbo redderet vitae, ele- menta ipsa famularet, compescens procellas et freta ingrediens, ostendens se esse \6yov dei, id est, ver- bum illud primordiale primogenitum, virtute et ra- tione comitatum, et spiritu fultum, eundem, qui ^ This passage affords a very- good instance of the illustration which may be obtained from a comparison of S. Cyprian with Tertullian. The following is the paraphrase of the former (de Idol. Van. c. 3.) " Cum Christus Jesus verbo et vocis imperio daemonia de hominibus excuteret, paralyti- cos restringeret, leprosos purga- ret, illuminaret caecos, claudis gressum daret, mortuos rursus animaret, cogeret sibi elementa famulari, servire ventos, maria obedire, inferos cedere, Judsei, qui ilium crediderant hominem tantum de humilitate carnis et corporis, existimabant magum de licentia potestatis." The first ex- pression to be noticed is verbo, which is veiy emphatic, and in- sisted upon at length by Amobius (i. 25.), who mention it as a cha- racteristic of the divine miracles, that they were performed instan- taneously and sine ullis rerum ad- miniculis. Tertullian is close to Holy Scripture (S. Matt. viii. 1 6. ) e^ spiritus verbo ejiciebat ; S. Cyprian expounds it by vocis imperio, and Amobius by nominis sui possibili- tate; next, for reluminaret, awoTd which will scarcely be found else- where {visum restituebat, Lactant. Ep. D. I. 45). S. Cyprian has the far more usual term illuminaret, though on another subject (Ep. i.) he uses luminare, and on a third oculare, which is an analogous expression to his animaret mor- tuos above, and the inauribat surdos of Lactantius ; thirdly, he retains restringeret, which, as op- posite to resolvo, irapaXvo}, is very appropriately used, though in the same tract he employs constrin- gere very differently, thus, re- missis qiuB constrinxerant (i. e. dcemones) curasse videantur, and fourthly, he explains by a full paraphrase the singular clause elementa famularet (v. c. 2.) so as to leave no doubt whatever of the meaning, and interprets both the words humilitate and potestate. freta ingredi is like viam insis- tefre, &c. the accusative being not uncommon; procellas is simply ventos, as in Tacit. Ann. ii. 23. variis undique procellis. 78 TERTULLIANI CAP. XXI. verbo omnia et faceret et fecisset. Ad doctrinam vero ejus, qua revincebantur-*^ magistri primoresque Judaeorum, ita exasperabantur, maxime quod ad eum ingens multitudo deflecteret, ut postremo ob- latum Pontio Pilato Syriam tunc ex parte Komana procuranti, violentia sufFragiorum in crucem dedi sibi extorserint. Praedixerat et ipse ita facturos. Parum boc^\ si non et prophetae retro. Et tamen suffixus spiritum cum verbo sponte dimisit, prae- vento carnificis officio. Eodem momento dies, medium orbem sign ante sole^\ subducta est. De- liquium utique putaverunt, qui id quoque super Christo prsedicatum non scierunt^^; et tamen eum mundi casum relatum in archivis^^ vestris habetis. ^ revincebantur ; see c. 1. ob- latum. c. 2. ^ Parum hoc, &c. I think the meaning of this phrase (com- mon enough in Tert.) is here: " And this simple fact perhaps would be not weighty enough in your eyes ; however, there is the additional evidence of all the prophets long since." prcBvmto, " being anticipated." S. Cyprian has taken the expression. '^ signante sole ; Seneca Cons, ad Marc. Sol quotidiano cursu did noctisque spatia signat. Cic. Tuscul. I. 28. lunam festorum sig- nantem ac notantem dies. Subducta est, is like Eripiunt subito nubes coslumque, &c. Mn. i. ^ [id super Chr. preed. sc. Amos viii. 9. Sic enim patres intelligebant. A.J TertuUian him- self says, (adv. Jud. ad fin. cap. x.) Nam quod in passione ejus accedit, ut media dies tenebresceret, Amos propheta annunciat, dicens, &c. ^ At the end of Gibbon's chap. 15, occurs the following note: "When TertuUian assures the Pagans that the mention of the prodigy is found in arcanis (not archivis) vestris, he probably ap- peals to the Sibylline verses which relate it exactly in the words of the Gospel." The reader may be informed that archivis was always the text till Havercamp (against whose perpetual stupidity Dr Ash- ton employs two thirds of his notes) introduced arcanis from a '\jmI ' single favourite MS. ; that the best editions still did read archivis, and that Rigaltius though he ad- mitted arcanis in the text, ex- plained it by archivis in the note ; that Semler reads archivis; that TertuUian on two other oc- casions where the reading is un- LIBER APOLOGETICUS. 79 Tunc Judaei detractum ^^ et sepulcro conditum cap. magna etiam militaris custodiae diligentia circum- sederunt, ne, quia praedixerat tertia die resurrec- turum se a morte, discipuli fur to amoliti cadaver fallerent suspectos. Sed ecce die tertia concussa repente terra, et mole revoluta, quae obstruxerat sepulcrum, et custodia pavore disjecta ^% nullis ap- parentibus discipulis, nibil in sepulcro repertum est, praeterquam exuviae sepulti. Nibilominus ta- men primores, quorum intererat et scelus divulgare, et populum vectigalem et famularem sibi a fide^^ revocare, surreptum a discipulis jactitaverunt. Nam nee ille se in vulgus eduxit, ne impii errore libe- rarentur, et ut fides, non mediocri prsemio desti- nata, difficultate constaret. Cum discipulis autem quibusdam apud Galilaeam Judaeae regionem ad quadraginta dies egit, docens eos quae docerent. Dehinc ordinatis eis ad officium praedicandi per orbem, circumfusa nube in coelum est ereptus. doubted uses arcAiva, and no where 80. Liv. 28. 7. Tac. Ann. 4. 25. else arcana. According to the or for overthrowing an adversary, ordinary rules of classical criti- as de Spect. 29. impudicitiam a cism little doubt can exist but castitate dejectam, and S. Cyprian, that the text is as above ; and I de Unit. Eccl. subruendis a^ deji- so leave the magisterial decision ciendis Dei servis. The dis here of Gibbon and his subsequent implies (as always in composi- considerate explanation to the tion) the utter dispersion of the reader's reflection. sentinels. ^ detractum; sc. de cruce. ^ a ^cfe; sc. Christiana. Fides fallerent suspectos "should deceive and fidelis are perpetually so used the suspicious magistracy," sus- by Tertullian and other writers. pectos for suspicaces, as elsewhere Lactantius (Ep. D. I. c. 66.) fides in this author. maxime a nobis qui nomen fidei ^ disjecta ; — dejicere is the gerimus conservanda est. Fidelis technical term for dislodging a occasionally has a still more par- military guard. Hor. Ep. ii. 2. ticulai' and emphatic signification. 80 TERTULLIANI CAP. XXI. multo verius quam apud vos asseverare de Romulo Proculi Solent. Ea omnia super Christo Pilatus, et ipse jam pro sua conscientia Christianus Cae- sari tum Tiberio nuntiavit^^ Sed^^ et Caesares credidissent super Christo, si aut Caesares non es- sent seculo necessarii, aut si et Christiani potuis- sent esse Caesares. Discipuli quoque diffusi per ^ Nuntiamt, i. e. by his of- ficial report, which he was of course compelled to make, v. c. 6. V. S. Matth. xxvii. 23, 24. 3^ Sedet,&c. "But the Em- perors too would have believed in Christ, if they had not been in- dispensable to the times as Em- perors, or if they could have been both believers and Emperors too." I must take the liberty of differ- ing from Bishop Kaye in his ap- prehension of this passage, unless indeed I have misapprehended him. His Lordship writes (Eccl. Hist. p. 111.) that "TertuUian states that the account was sent to Tiberius by Pilate, who was in his conscience a Christian, and adds an expression which implies that worldly considerations alone prevented Tiberius from believing in Christ." I am naturally dis- trustful of my own opinion when opposed to such authority, but after careful consideration of the text, I cannot think that such circumstances are implied in the expression. It appears to me that Tertullian is meeting a probable question which his opponents might object. *If all this be true, why was not Tiberius, or any other Caesar, converted to the faith V and his proleptic argument is : * that the existence of the Caesars in their imperial character was absolutely necessary to the times, (the status sceculi, quies rerum, &c.) that with such cha- racter Christian faith was essen- tially incompatible, and that therefore a superintending Provi- dence ordered matters accord- ingly.' This at least is the best conclusion I can arrive at, which I think is supported by the lan- guage of the text, and is by no means foreign to the spirit of the author. In Carew's translation of Bar- beyrac's prefatory discourse to Puffendorf (which was afterwards amplified into the Traite de la Morale) the following interpreta- tion is given : " They believed the Ccesars superior to Christ, as if the Ca'sars were not necessary to the age, or as if the Ccesars should be Christians." (p. 18. ed.fol.Lond. 1749). I cannot get the French original, to see whether Barbey- rac or his translator deserves the credit of this piece of scholarship, but the notes to this discourse contain other efforts of equal in- genuity. Ccesari tum Tiberio is like Trajanum tunc Imperatm'em in c. 2. LIBER APOLOGETICUS. 81 orbem, ex praecepto magistri dei paruerunt^^ qui et cap. ipsi a Judseis insequentibus multa perpessi, utique pro fiducia veritatis libenter, Romae postremo per Neronis saevitiam, sanguinem Christianum semina- verunt. Sed monstrabimus vobis idoneos testes Christi, ipsos illos, qiios adoratis^\ Multum est, si eos adhibeam, ut credatis Christiani, propter quos non creditis Christianis. Interim hie est ordo nostras institutionis, hunc edidimus et sectae et nominis censum cum suo auctore. Nemo jam infamiam incutiat, nemo aliud existimet, quia nee fas^* est ulli de sua religione mentiri. Ex eo enim, quod aliud a se coli dicit, quam colit, negat quod colit, et culturam et honor em in alterum transfert, et transferendo jam non colit quod negavit. Di- cimus, et palam dicimus, et vobis torquentibus lacerati et cruenti vociferamur^^ : Deum colimus per Christum. Ilium hominem putate, per eum et in eo se cognosci vult deus et coli. Ut autem Judaeis respondeam, et ipsi deum per Moysen co- lere didicerunt ; ut Graecis occurram, Orpheus ^'j^arMerMwA DrAshton would lieve;" ut credatis Christiani^ i.e, read prcedicaverunt, which we utfiatis Chr. et credatis. have seen used absolutely before ^ quia nee fas est. " it is not in this chapter, and which cer- even possible." Tertullian means tainly improves the text, inse- that no man can lie concerning quentihus, v. ad c. 2. seminave- his religion, as his very denial runt; as in cap. ult. semen est would make him cease ipso facto sanguis Christianorum. to be a votary of it. ^ Multum est, si ; like parum ^ So c. 2. mciferatur homoy est, si, and many other such ex- Christianus sum! and S. Cyprian pressions. " It is a great point, ad Demetr. c. 3. cum sponte con- if I summon those very witnesses, ftear et clamem et crebris ac repe- to make you believe, through titis identidem vocibus Christianum whose agency you now disbe- me esse contester. 6 82 TERTULLIANI CAP Pieriae, Musaeus Athenis, Melampus Argis, Tro- pnonius Boeotiae initiationibus homines obligave- runt; ut ad vos quoque dominatores gentium ad- spiciam, homo fuit Pompilius Numa, qui Romanes operosissimis superstitionibus oneravitX ^^Licuerit et Chris to commentari divinitatem rem propriam ; non qui rupices^' et adhuc feros homines multi- tudine tot numinum demerendorum attonitos effi- ciendo ad humanitatem temperaret, quod Numa; sed qui jam expolitos et ipsa urbanitate deceptos in agnitionem veritatis ocular et. Quaerite ergo, si vera sit ista divinitas Christi. Si ea est, qua cog- nita ad bonum quis reform etur, sequitur, ut falsa renuntietur quaevis alia contraria comperta; inpri- mis ilia omni ratione, quse delitescens sub nomi- nibus et imaginibus mortuorum, quibusdam signis et miraculis et oraculis fidem divinitatis operatur^^. XXII. Atque^ adeo dicimus, esse substantias ^ Licuerit et Christo, &c. ' It ^ rupices. The allusion is to the was at the option of Christ to almost proverbial line of Lucilius, compose a scheme in which his Varronum ac rupicum squan-osa incon- own divinity alone should be re- dita rostra; cognized, and this, not like Numa, where, by the way, I see no rea- by softening a barbarous herd son to interpret Farro otherwise into poKteness, through astound- than as a cognomen, so that the ing them with a host of deities to satire of the expression is like be propitiated, but by enlighten- Juvenal, iii. 238. Druso, vitu- ing a people on the Truth who Usque marinis. were already humanized, and in- ^ fidem divinitatis operatur ; deed led astray by this very civil- " works a belief in its own di- ization.' The constr. seems to be vinity." ^Licuerit Christo commentari ... XXII. -^ Atque adeo. This non [ille sc. talis] qui temperaret, is a favourite expression with sed qui ocularet.' But the reading TertuUian, v. c. 4, c. 24, c. 25, is probably qui. S. Cyprian has c. 35. On the argument of this copied the last clause of the sen- and the following chapters see tence de Idol. Van. c. 3. the introduction. LIBER APOLOGETICUS. 83 quasdam spiritales ; nee noraen novum est. Sciunt cap. daemon as philosophi, Socrate ipso ad daemonii arbi- I assert trium exspectante^ Quidni? cum et ipsi daemo- then that ■•• . . , . certain nium adhaesisse a pueritia dicatur denortatorium. spiritual *■ ^ ^ essences. Plane, a bono. Daemonas sciunt poetae, etiam vulgus ^^^^^^ indoctum in usum maledicti frequentat, nam et f^^j^^^'j^jj^j' Satanam, principem hujus mali generis, proinde youreeWes, de propria conscientia animae eadem exsecramenti are gifted voce pronuntiat^. Angelos quoque etiam Plato tain non negavit ; utriusque nominis testes vel magi adsunt. Sed quomodo de angelis quibusdam sua sponte corruptis corruptior gens daemonum evaserit damnata a deo cum generis auctoribus, et cum eo quem diximus principe, apud litteras sanc- tas ordo cognoscitur^ Nunc de operatione eorum satis erit exponere. Operatio eorum est hominis eversio, sic malitia spiritalis a primordio auspicata ^ expectante is probably to be [eorum] ordo ap. lit. 8. cog- taken absolutely, and ad arbi- noscitur. Qapud literas sanctas. trium to be translated like arhi- Hie velle videtur librum Enochi trio, either phrase being common quem tanquam S. Scripturam enough. Yet I am by no means admittere solet v. de Habit. Mu- prepared to say that expectare ad lieb. c. 3. de Idol. c. 4, 15, et de arbitrium is an inadmissible con- cultu Foem. 10. sed fortasse vult struction; like spectare ad oculos tantum Gen. 6. A.]] sua sponte Domini, ad nutus heriles, &c. corruptis ; probably the meaning ^ The allusion is probably of TertuUian is simply that these to the interjection malum, which angels brought all their punish- Tertullian means to say is a ment on themselves, though he natural and involuntary excla- may possibly imply that they mation, and which refers to Satan were so captivated by the snares as embodied evil, but there is laid for them (Lactant. Ep. D. considerable doubt about the I. 27.) that they deliberately soundness of the text. bartered their original incor- * ordo cognoscitur ; Constr. rupt natures for earthly enjoy- Sed quomodo evaserit gens ments. On the argument see ad damn^Ua cum principe c. 35. 6—2 84 TERTULLIANI xxFi. 6st in hominis exitium. Itaque corporibus quidem ~ et valetudines infligunt et aliquos casus acerbos, animae vero repentinos et extraordinarios per vim excessus^ Suppetit illis ad u tram que substantiam hominis adeundam mira subtilitas et tenuitas sua. Multum spiritalibus viribus licet, ut invisibiles et insensibiles in effectu potius quam in actu suo ap- pa^eant^ Si pom a, si fruges nescio quod aurae latens vitium in flore praecipitat, in germine ex- animat, in pubertate convulnerat, ac si caeca ra- tione tentatus aer pestilentes haustus suos ofFundit : eadem igitur obscuritate contagionis adspiratio dae- monum et angelorum mentis quoque corruptelas agit furoribus et amentiis foedis, aut saevis libidi- nibus cum erroribus variis ; quorum iste potissi- mus, quo deos istos captis et circumscriptis^ homi- « animce excessus ; I do not than in the operations by which remember seeing eoccedere used they produced it. Si poma, &c. exactly in this sense, but excidere Constr. Si Metis vitium prceci- is of common occurrence, e.g. pitat exanimat convulnerat Catull. Lxvii. 24. si aer offundit ; ergo ad ,-^^.,. ^ , , ,. .^ spiratio agit. See the conclusion Ut tibi nunc toto pectore sohcitae - _. ; . i .,_ Sensibus ereptis mens excidit ^t Lucretms m lib. 1. Corporibus igitur ccecis natura gerit res, and excedere S(bcuIo is often found for compare his theory of contagion mori, as are excedere and excessus jn lib. vi. 1089. sqq. where the absolutely, see e. g. S. Cypr. de word tentare will be found more Mort. c. 3. It may be observed than once. Arnobius, i. 11. that animts is a dative, after in- speaks of morhorum causs^ obscu- fligunt; quidem and vero being rissimcs ; and a Cyprian de Idol. /xeV and II utramque hrnnini^ Van. c. 1. says irrepentes etiam substantiam means the corpus and spiritus (i. e. pro spiritali ma anima; adire here implies an natura) in corporibuSy occuUe idea of hostility, as elsewhere. mentes terrent, &c. ® Multum sp. V. licet, &c. ^ circumscribere to delude. Spiritual agencies have the great (Juv. x. 222.) like circumducere privilege of being discoverable (Plant. Bacch. ii. 3. 77.) and (in rather in the effect they produce, later Latin) circtmvenire. LIBER APOLOGETICUS. 85 num mentibus commendat, ut et sibi pabula propria cap. nidoris et sanguinis procuret simulacris et imagin ibus oblata, et, quae illis accuratior^ pascua est, hominem a cogitatu verae divinitatis aver tan t prae- stigiis falsae divinationis. Quas et ipsas quomodo operentiir, expediam. Omnis spiritus ales est. Hoc angeli et d^emones^ Igitur momento ubique sunt. Totus orbis illis locus unus est ; quid ubique ge- ratur, tam facile sciunt, quam enuntiant. Velo- citas divinitas creditur, quia substantia ignoratur'°. Sic et auctores interdum videri volunt eorum, quae annuntiant ; et sunt plane malorum nonnunquam, bonorum tam en nun quam. Dispositiones" etiam dei et tunc prophetis concionantibus exceperunt et nunc lectionibus resonantibus carpunt. Ita et bine su- mentes quasdam temporum sortes aemulantur di- ® accuratior pascua; a banquet formation, and so indeed they are in which they take even more too, &c. {et sunt plane mabrum.) delight, i.e. quae iis magis curse On the use of et for et profecto est ; I cannot find another such see Kritz. ad Sail. Jug. c. 86, and example of the word. to his examples add Tac. Hist. i. ^ hoc angeli et dcmiones ; i. e. 72. T. Finii potentia defensus, "this, viz. a winged being, both prceteocentis, " servatam ah eo fili- angels and daemons are." We am;" et haud dubie servaverat, have seen this neuter similarly &c. auctores means ^originators, used by TertuUian before : totus beings to whom as causes, these orbis locus unus est is much such effects may be referred ;' the a phrase as unum tempv^ est word will be found so used in apud illas quod apud nos separari Virgil, and Suetonius relates of videtur. some Caesar (I cannot lay my ^^ Velocitas, &c. i. e. " Their hand on the passage) that he re- facility of locomotion makes them commended the substitution of received as gods, simply because the term suasor for auctor as ap- their nature or essence is un- plied to himself, known." Sic et auctores, &c. -^^ dispositiones Dei : i. e. ' the Thus they wish even to be course of things pre-ordained by thought the authors of events of God,* of which they thus inform which they simply bring the in- themselves, and then retail the S6 TERTULLIANI CAP. vinitatem, dum furantur divination em. In oraculis autem quo ingenio ambiguitates temperent in even- tus^^ sciunt Croesi, sciunt Pyrrhi. Ceterum tes- tudinem decoqui cum carnibus pecudis Pythius eo modo renuntiavit, quo supra diximus; momento apud Lydiam fuerat. Habent^^ de incolatu aeris et de vicinia siderum et de commercio nubium coelestes sapere paraturas, ut et pluvias, quas jam sentiunt, repromittant. Venefici plane et circa curas valetudinum. Laedunt enim primo, dehinc remedia praecipiunt ad miraculum nova, sive con- traria^^ post quae desinunt laedere, et curasse cre- duntur. Quid ergo de ceteris ingeniis vel etiam viribus fallaciae spiritalis edisseram ? phantasm ata Castorum, et aquam cribro gestatam, et navem cingulo promotam, et barbam tactu irrufatam^^; information as prophecy. I have rare. For the testudo see Herod, elsewhere remarked on the com- Clio, 47. mon use of dispono in this sense ; ^^ habent sapere, so c. 88, quern compare especially c. 41. admit- habemus odisse, i. e. e;^ojuei/. de tite prius dispositiones ejus (sc. incolatu aeris, i. e. propterea quod Dei) et non retorquebitis. I would incolunt aera ; coelestes paraturas ; make lectionibus resonantibus the i. e. quid in coelo paretur. So abl. abs. ; the allusion being to ^n. v. 14. Quid pater Neptune the public reading of the Scrip- paras ? and Ge. i. 429. paratura tures, so before c. 18, sed et Juda^i is common in this author, though palam lectitant ; there is not much perhaps pecuUar to him, it is difference between carpunt and pretty nearly equivalent to appa- exceperunt. quasdam temporum ratus. v. ad c. 30. sortes, i. e. tempora eventuum non ^^ nova sive contraria remedia nullorum. ' So, picking up from are remedies either entirely novel, this quarter the knowledge of a or exactly contrary in their few chance events, they make up nature to those ordinarily adopted a mock divinity for themselves in like cases, so that the effect by stealing prophecy.' may seem more miraculous {ad ^ Lactantius (Inst. Div. ii. miraculum.) 15.) has copied the language as ^° irrufatam ; So Tacitus well as the argument, solent re- speaks of rutUatum crinem (Hist. sponsa in ambiguos exitus tenipe- iv. 61). A puleius, in the Apology, LIBER APOLOGETICUS. 87 ut numina lapides crederentur, et deus venis non cap. \ A XII* XXIII. Porro si et maffi phantasmata edunt, These, , . openly, and et iam defunctorura infamant animas ; si puerosi^your *' *■ presence in eloquium oraculi^ elidunt, si multa miracula ^^^^^^^iji^^ ^ circulatoriis praestigiis ludunt, si et somnia immit- [ession."' tuut habentes semel invitatorum angelorum et dae- monum assistentem sibi potestatem, per quos et caprse et mensae divinare consueverunt ; quanto ma- gis ilia potestas de suo arbitrio et pro suo negotio studeat totis viribus operari, quod alienae praestat negotiationi ? Aut si eadem et angeli et daemo- nes operantur, quse et dii vestri ; ubi est ergo praecellentia divinitatis, quae utique superior omni potestate credenda est? Non ergo dignius praB- sumetur, ipsos esse, qui se deos faciant, cum eadem edant, quae faciant deos credi, quam pares angelis et daemonibus deos esse? Locorum^ differentia uses purpurissare and spkndidare be collected from the Apology of applied to the person, and Julius Apuleius which I have spoken of Firmicus (c. 21.) incandidare, and in the introduction ; at present Tert. de Cor. Mil. i. has russatus I will only observe that if elidunt sanffuine. The allusion in the is to be taken strictly in its sense text is to the Ahenobarbi. of strangling (by which indeed it XXIII. ^ In eloquium oraculi is almost monopolized), the sense elidunt ; This is clearly the read- must be, that the boy is sacrificed ing, I think, and not elidunt, as a victim to gain an oracular which would be applicable only communication, otherwise, it to that species of necromancy means that some operation is already implied in the first clause performed on the boy which, for of the sentence, whereas the re- the time, gives him prophetic petition of si shews that Tertul- power ; in eloquium oraculi would lian is alluding to a second bear either of these interpretations, magical practice, viz. that of in- ^ Locorum differentia. ^ I pre- vestigating future events by the sume that locality makes the dif- aid of a boy. Some very curious ference, so that from the temples information on this subject may you conceive those beings to be 88 TERTULLIANI CAP. XXIII. distinguit, opinor, ut a templis deos existimetis, quos alibi deos non dicitis ; ut aliter dem entire videatur, qui sacras turres pervolat, aliter qui tecta viciniae transilit; et alia vis pronuntietur in eo qui genitalia vel lacertos, alia in eo qui sibi gulam prosecat. Compar exitus furoris, et una ratio est instigationis. Sed hactenus verba, jam hinc demonstratio rei ipsius, qua ostendemus unam esse utriusque nominis qualitatem. Edatur hie aliquis sub tribunalibus vestris, quern daemone agi constet. Jussus a quolibet Christian©^ loqui spi- ritus ille, tain se daemon em confitebitur de vero, quam alibi deum de falso. ^que producatur ali- gods whom elsewhere you deny to be such.' The previous argu- ment is this— 'The magi work miracles by the aid of demons; a fortiori can the daemons them- selves ; still this does not destroy the existence of the gods, for possibly the daemons and the gods have like power ; — where then is the excellence or superiority of the god-hood? Is it not more natural to conclude that they are these identical gods (by their own creation), since we know that they work the very signs which are the credentials of the other gods ? Is not this more probable than that they are the equals of the others.' The reasoning is then, I think, thus continued: Or do you mean to say that their dwellings alone make the dis- tinction, and that a being which is a daemon elsewhere, becomes a god by inhabiting a temple ? un- questionably you so argue in other cases, inasmuch as a man who leaps from a sacred rock or makes mysterious incisions in his arms (alluding to the rock of Leu- cas and the priests of Cybele) is by no means reckoned such a mad- man as he who cuts his own throat, or jumps from the roof of his neighbour's house. The tone is sarcastic, of course, but changes to direct confutation in compar exitus, &c. Some for existimetis read cestimetis, the distinction is very well drawn by Kritz ad Sail. Catil. viii. 2, in an edition which is one of the best speci- mens of Latin scholarship that have lately appeared. ^ a quolibet Christiano. So Origen c. Cels. 1. 7. '^jwrai to ToiovTov TrpaTTovci. The ex- pression is remarkable and im- portant, de vero; "He will on this occasion confess himself a daemon as truly, as he on others falsely declares himself a god." Lucret. i. 142. has de piano for plane, profantur, see c. 21. LIBER APOLOGETICUS. 89 quis ex iis, qui de deo pati existimanturS qui aris cap inhalantes numen de nidore concipiunt, qui rue- tando curvantur, qui anhelando profantur. Ista ipsa Virgo Coelestis pluviarum pollicitatrix, iste ipse jEsculapius medicinarum demonstrator, alia die^ morituris Socordio et Thanatio et Asclepiodoto vitae sumministrator, nisi se daemones confessi fuerint, Chris tiano mentiri non audentes, ibidem illius Christiani procacissimi sanguinem fundi te. Quid is to opere manifestius ? quid hac probation e fidelius? simplicitas veritatis in medio est; virtus illi sua assistit^ ; nihil suspicari licebit. Magia aut * ceque producatur aliquis, &c. The first class of possessed persons are the simple daemoniacs {quos dcemone agi constat) about whose state there is no doubt ; a second class is here alluded to, viz. of those who are under the tempo- rary influence of some agency which was considered as impart- ing a spirit of prophecy, such for instance as the steam from certain sacrifices, &c. inhalantes seems to take a dative precisely like inhiantes and to be used in the same sense ; concipere numen is a common phrase like the concepit furias of Dido, or concipere fata, Luc. I. 630; and the two sub- sequent clauses allude to the con- tortions of body and afifections of the lungs produced by inhaling these gases. The Virgo Coelestis is Juno, the tutelar deity of Car- thage; I do not think any con- . tempt is implied here in the use j of iste, but Amobius uses this • pronoun perpetually in such a sense; he even, in addressing a heathen school, says Et tamen, O istil quidfacitis, &c. ^ [alia, pro altera, i. e. proxi- ma, T^ ef^? riixepa. Sic Spartian. in Anton. Pio. c. 12. *alia die febre coreptus est,' sc. proxime sequente. Ita saepe Plautus. Sic Capitol, in Maximin. c. 17. * prima die alia die.' et Trebell. in Mario tyranno 'una die factus est Imperator, alia die visus est imperare, tertia interemptus est.' A.] " simplicitas veritatis, &c. I hardly know whether I rightly conceive all that TertulHan means to say in this sentence; but if I do so it is this; "Truth in all its naked simplicity {nuda sin- ceritus) is before your eyes (in medio) ; that virtue which is the peculiar attribute and character- istic of truth {sua) viz. simpli- city, attends it there," or has the inrtus sua any reference to the magna est Veritas ? 90 TERTULLIANI CAP. XXIII. aliqua ejusmodi fallacia fieri dicetis, si^ oculi ves- tri et aures permiserint vobis. Quid autem injici potest adversus id, quod ostenditur nuda sinceri- tate? Si altera parte ^ vere dei sunt, cur sese dae- monia mentiuntur ? an ut nobis obsequantur ? Jam ergo subjecta est Christianis divinitas vestra ; nee utique divinitas deputanda est, quae subdita est homini, et si quid ad dedecus facit, aemulis suis. Si altera parte daemones sunt vel angeli, cur se alibi pro diis agere respondent? Nam sicut illi, qui dii habentur^ daemones se dicere noluissent, si vere dii essent, scilicet ne de maj estate se de- ponerent : ita et isti, quos directo daemones nostis, non auderent alibi pro diis agere, si aliqui omnino dii essent, quorum nominibus utuntur ; vererentur ^ dicetis si, i. e. licebit vobis dicere si permiserint [ve- rum non permittent.] quid autem injici, &c. others read here inniti, which I cannot well comprehend, unless they make it passive ; injici is like injeci scrupulum homini. ** altera parte altera parte — " on the one hand — on the other hand." The reasoning is, "If they are gods why do they degrade themselves into daemons? If daemons, how do they dare exalt themselves into gods? un- less indeed there are no gods to avenge this presumption." sub- jecta est christianis divinitas vestra; the expression divinitas vestra is not an easy one to render into English, though its meaning will very probably caught by the reader at first sight. It is not of course, 'your own divinity/ neither is it precisely equivalent to Dii vestri, but it means 'god- ship, according to your ideas of theology,' divinitas being that which constitutes the Deus, (com- pare note on c. 46) and vestra the same as quam tenetis {tenere being applied as to a school of philoso- phy) below, facit ad dedecus is like facit ad caussam in c. 39. ^ qui dii habentur ; the change of tone may be remarked here ; "for," says Tertullian, "just as they, whose existence as gods you believe, would, &c. so would they of whose existence as daemons you are certain, &c." a little below aliqui is equivalent to vel alicujus generis, and the young student should be careful not to translate the passage as if utuntur were uterentur. LIBER APOLOGETICUS. 91 enim abuti maj estate superiorum sine dubio et ti- cap. mendorum. Adeo nulla est divinitas ista quam tenetis, quia si esset, neque a daemoniis afFectare- tur, neque a diis negaretur. Cum ergo utraque pars concurrit in confessionem, deos esse negans, agnoscite unum genus esse, id est daemonas. Ve- rum utrobique jam deos quaerite^^ ; quos enim praesumpseratis, daemonas esse cognoscitis. Eadem vero opera nostra ab eisdem diis vestris non tan- tum hoc detegentibus, quod neque ipsi dii sint neque ulli alii ^^5 etiam illud in continenti cognos- citis, qui sit vere deus, et an ille, et an unicus, quem Christiani profitemur, et an ita credendus colendusque, ut fides, ut disciplina disposita est Christianorum. Dicent ibidem quis ille Christus cum sua fabula^^; si homo communis conditionis, si magus, si post mortem de sepulcro a discipulis surreptus, si nunc denique penes inferos, si non in ^" verum utrobique, &c. The of any other nature ;" in conti- argument of this and the pre- nenti means "continuously, by ceding sentence is as follows : the same proof." Since then either hypothesis (tf^ra- ^ Dicent ibidem; They will que pars) tends similarly towards also tell you on the same occasion the same admission, {in confessi- whether, &c. The si recurring 07ium) inasmuch as either denies so frequently in this sentence is the existence of the gods, you equivalent to utrum-necne. So c. must acknowledge that one, and 29. constet igitur, si isti im- one only, species of beings of this pertiri possunt, and such a sense kind exists, viz. daemons. And it not unfrequently has in this on either presumption, you must Latin, but the passage ad Mar- now look out some fresh gods tyres, c. 4. si tanti vitrum, quanti for yourselves, since those whom margaritum is erroneously quoted you formerly believed in as such, as an instance of its use as a are confessedly of a different direct interrogative ; the meaning essence. hemg ''if glass (i.e. sufferings " quod neque ipsi, &c. i. e. for human gloiy) is so valuable, " that they are neither your own what is the worth of pearl (i. e. identical gods, not indeed gods sufferings for Christ's sake.)" 92 TERTULLIANI CAP. coelis potius, et inde venturus cum totius mundi motu, cum horrore orbis, cum planctu omnium, sed non Christianorum, ut dei virtus et dei spiritus et sermo et sapientia et ratio et dei filius. Quod- cuuque ridetis, rideant^^ et illi vobiscum ; negent Christum omnem ab aevo animam restituto corpore judicaturum/ Dicant hoc^* pro tribunali, si forte, Minoen et Radamanthum secundum consensum Platonis et poetarum esse sortitos ; suae saltem ig- nominiae et damnationis notam refutent : renuant se immundos spiritus esse, quod vel ex pabulis eorum sanguine et fumo et putidis regis pecorum et impuratissimis Unguis ipsorum vatum intelligi debuit ; renuant ob malitiam praedamnatos^^ se in eundem judicii diem cum omnibus cultoribus et operatoribus suis. Atqui omnis haec nostra in illos dominatio et postestas de nominatione Christi valet ^^ et de commemoratione eorum, quae sibi a deo per arbitrum Christum imminentia exspectant. Christum timentes in deo, et deum in Christo, subjiciuntur servis dei et Christi. Ita de contactu deque afflatu nostro, contemplatione et repraesen- tatione ignis illius correpti, etiam de corporibus ^^ rideant et illis, i.e. "let us manthum secundum consen- see whether they will join your sum sortitos esse hoc — so. am- ridicule." rideant, negent, &c. marum judicium. are used like the imperatives in ^^ prcedamnatos. Cf. S. Matth. Hor. Sat. ii. 2. 16. Juv. xiii. 161. viii. 29. Ep. S. Petri ii. 2. 4. ab cevo a little further is sjoiony- operatoribus may be taken in the mous with ab initio, a primordio sacrificial sense common to facio and the like phrases, and cor- and operor. responds to the per cevum of Lu- ^^ valet potestas de. " The cretius. validity of our power is derived " Dicant hoc, &c. Constr. from/* &c. S. Matth. vii. 22. in Dicant Minoen et Rhada- nomine tuo drrmonia efecimus. LIBER APOLOGETICUS. 93 nostro imperio excedunt inviti et dolentes, et vobis prgesentibus erubescentes^'. Credite illis, cum ve- rum de se loquuntur, qui mentientibus creditis. Nemo ad suum dedecus mentitur, quin potius ad bonorem. Magis fides prona est adversus semet- ipsos confitentes^% quam pro semetipsis iiegantes^^ Haec denique testimonia deorum vestorum Chris- tiauos facere consueverunt, quia plurimum illis credendo Christo domino credimus Ipsi littera- rum nostrarum fidera accendunt, ipsi spei nostrae fidentiam aedificant. At colitis illos, auod sciam, CAP. XXIII. ^^ eruhescentes vobis prcesenti- bus ; I have spoken of the usual constructions of this word in Tertullian, ad c. 9. ^ fides prona est adversus semetipsos, &c. others read "in adversus semetipsos confitentes," which makes it more clear. If the above text is correct, the construction and argument are as follow : Magis fides prona est erga eos qui fatentur se, quam eos qui negant se, malos esse. Thus adversus is simply erga as in Apuleius, who in one passage (de Deo Socr. 672) communio adver- sus Decs even uses it for cum; and it governs both participles. confiteri and negare are both taken absolutely as in c. 2. ; compare too Lactantius de M. P. 49. tor- mentis adactus, fatebatur. I do not recollect an instance of the addition of the pronoun, but I see no objection to it. And yet pro semetipsis seems to be meant to answer adversus semet- ^^ Hcec denique testimonia, &c. The thread of the argu- ment to the conclusion of the chapter seems to be as follows: "To conclude, it is this very evidence given by your own gods which has been most effectual in procuring converts to Christi- anity, inasmuch as in the majo- rity of cases (plurimum) it has been through believing testimony of this kind that we have come to be believers in Christ. They in- voluntarily strengthen us. But you propitiate them with sacri- fices (pabulis eorum), and even sacrifices of Christian victims. Necessarily therefore they would not lose such serviceable votaries if they could help it ; besides which, converts from you become, as Christians {quandoque Christi- ani) their aggressors, and thus they not only lose a slave but get another determined enemy. From all which you may collect, they would not make such con- fessions if they were not abso- lutely true, and extorted from them." voluntary. 94 TERTULLIANI xxni ^^^^^ d^ sanguine Christian or um, Nollent itaque ~ vos tarn fructuosos, tarn officiosos sibi amittere, vel ne a vobis quandoque Christianis fugentur, si illis sub Christiano, volente vobis veritatem probare, mentiri liceret. And this XXIV. Omnis ista confessio illorum, qua se confession ■*• will clear (J^qs ueffaut csse, quaque non alium deum res- us from the ^ ' i t. implftyf pondent praeter unum, cui nos mancipamur, satis worehj^'' idonea est ad depellendum crimen laesae maxime ^ ^"ItlaiTy Romanae religionis. Si enim non sunt dei pro certo, nee religio pro certo est ; si religio non est, quia nee dei pro certo, nee nos pro certo rei sumus laesae religionis. At e contrario in vos exprobratio resultabit^ qui mendacium colentes, veram religio- nem veri dei non modo negligendo, quin insuper expugnando, in verum^ committitis crimen verse irreligiositatis. Nunc, ut^ constaret illos deos esse, nonne conceditis de aestimatione communi aliquem esse sublimiorem et potentiorem velut principem mundi, perfectae potentiae et majestatis? Nam et sic plerique disponunt divinitatem^ ut imperium summae dominationis esse penes unum, officia ejus XXIV. -^ resultabit. Compare sage in Apuleius (Apol. 508.) retorquere and referentere, which Idem Maximus optime intelligit, have hefore occurred. ut de nomine etiam vobis re~ ^ in verum ; I prefer consider- spondeam, quisnam sit ille, non a ing this as equivalent to in verita- me primo, sed a Platone nuncu- ^ew, to repeating Z)eMm from above, patus (SaaiXev^, totius rerum ^ ut constaret; i. e. etiamsi naturce caussa, et ratio, &c. Apul. (Apol. 514) ut tcedium * disponunt divinitatem; "so posset perpeti, tamen non, &c. but distribute and arrange the god- the phrase is good. v. Juv. viii. ship in their theory" — officia ejus ; 272. Liv. 38. 17. On the argu- "its various executive depart- ment compare a remarkable pas- ments." LIBER APOLOGETICUS. 95 penes multos velint; ut Plato ^ Jovem magnum in coelo comitatum exercitu describit deorum pa- ri tur et daemonum. Itaque oportere et procurantes et praefectos et prsesides pariter suspici^ Et^ ta- men quod facinus admittit, qui magis ad Caesarem promerendum et operam et spem suam transfer t, nee appellationem dei ita ut imperatoris in alio quam principe confitetur, cum capitale esse judi- cetur alium praeter Caesarem et dicere et audire? Colat alius ^ deum, alius Jovem, alius ad coelum CAP. XXIV. * Phffidr. c. 66. ed. Bekk. 6 fxev S»/ jneya^ tjye/Jiwv ev ovpavto ZeJ? eXavvojv Trrrjvou apfxa Trpia- TO? TTopeverai ^laKocrncov iravTa KOLi eVj/xeXoujuei/o?* tw V eVeraj (TTpaTid dewv re koi ^ai/jiovoDV. Compare too Amobius, 1. iii. ad fin. Nam quid de ipso dicemus Jove, quem solem esse dictitavere sapientes, agitantem pinnatos cur- rus, turba consequente divorum? TertuUian is preparing an argu- ment of this kind, that since they admit that there is a superior power, under whom are subordi- nate officers {procurantes ac prce- fectos), and to all of whom they pay honour, that possibly some individuals may rather choose to neglect the latter for the sake of concentrating their worship in the former. ^ suspicere; "to look up to, or worship." Cicero opposes it despicere (Off. ii. 10) itaque eos viros suspiciunt in quibus eocisti- mant se perspicere virtutes, despi- ciunt autem eos in quibus nihil virtutis putant. Cf. Hor. Epist. i. 6. 18. Eurip. Hec. 855. napdeuoi^ diroftXeiTTo^ /AeVa. So presently, c. 32. judicium dei suspicimus in imperatoribus, and Amobius, (vii. 11.) efficiturque ut videatur mag- nus quem suspectio minoris extu- lerit. ' The argument is continued from the previous remarks: "Your own schemes make an assembly of gods, with a presi- dent — Now what possible crime can he be held to commit who confines his exertions and ex- pectations to the propitiation of Caesar especially, (i. e. rather than any of the subordinates) and re- fuses to admit the title of god, as that of emperor, in any other than the head, particularly since amongst yourselves it is a capital crime to speak of any one, or listen to any one spoken of, as Caesar, except Caesar himself. In the expression ad CcEsarem promerendum the word Cresar is used simply for the chief or head. ^ colat alius Deum, &c. Either this is the commencement of a fresh argument, or it is connected with the preceding paragraph in 96 TERTULLIANI xxfv. supplices manus tendat, alius ad aram Fidei, alius, si hoc putatis^ nubes numeret orans, alius lacu- naria, alius suam animam deo suo voveat, alius hirci. Videte enim ne et hoc ad irreligiositatis elogium concurrat''', adimere libertatem religionis et interdicelre optionem divinitatis, ut non liceat raihi colere quern velim, sed cogar colere quern nolim. Nemo se ab invito coli volet, ne homo quidem ; atque adeo et ^gyptiis permissa est tarn vanse superstitionis potestas, avibus et bestiis con- secrandis, et capite damn audi s, qui aliquem hujus- modi deum occiderit. Unicuique etiam provinciae et civitati suus deus est, ut Syriae Atargatis, ut Arabiae Dusares, ut Noricis Belenus, ut Africae Coelestis, ut Mauritaniae Reguli sui. Roraanas, ut opinor, provincias edidi, nee tamen Romanos deos earum, quia Romae non magis coluntur, quam qui per ipsam quoque Italiam municipali consecra- tione censentur : Casiniensium Delventinus, Nar- niensium Visidianus, iEsculanorum Ancharia, Vol- siniensium Nortia", Ocriculanorum Valentia, Su- this way, " Why should not any Jews. Nil prceter nubes et cceli man be permitted then to worship numen adorant. As lacunaria are the chief god alone? or rather, really the compartments in a why should not every man be system of pannelling on the ciel- left to his own will in matters of ing, numeret may be strictly sup- religion, whatever he chooses to plied from the other clause, or pay honour to ; true religion (which is more probable) it may must in its essence be voluntary, be taken simply as suspiciat. &c. ^" ad irreligiositatis elogium * si hoc putatis, i. e. " if you concurrat ; ' go towards proving choose so to interpret a prayer the charge of irreligion.* On the addressed to heaven, as to fancy argument see ad Scap. c. 2. Lac- the petitioner is only counting tant. I. D. v. 20. the clouds." So Juvenal of the " Volsiniensium Nortia. v. ad LIBER APOLOGETICUS. 97 trinorum Hostia, Faliscorum in honorem patris Curis, unde accepit cognomen, Juno. Sed nos soli arcemur a religionis proprietate ' '. Laedimus Romanos nee Romani habemur, quia non Roma- norum deum colimus. Bene quod omnium deus est, cujus, velimus aut nolimus, omnes sumus. Sed apud vos quodvis'" colere jus est, praeter verum deum, quasi non hie magis omnium sit deus, cu- jus omnes sumus. XXV. Satis mihi quidem videor probasse de falsa et vera divinitate, cum demonstravi, quemad- modum probatio consistat, non modo disputationi- bus, nee argumentationibus, sed ipsorum etiam tes- timoniis, quos deos creditis, ut nihil jam ad banc caussam sit retractandum ^ Quoniam tamen Ro- mani nominis proprie^ mentio occurrit, non omittam CAP. XXIV I may here remark on your asser- tion that through piety to these Gods the Romans acquired their pre- sent power. Juv. X. 74. in honorem patris Curis; this passage is probably corrupt. ^ proprietas. This word, like proprius, admits of various signi- fications. Livy employs it, (38. 17.) iVbw tantum semina ad ser- vandam indolem valent, quantum terrcp proprietas coelique sub quo aluntur, mutat. It is used by Pliny repeatedly to express the property peculiar to any herb or mineral. Apuleius applies it to the species of an animal or its characteristics. (Apol. 471) nee apud veteres philosophos proprie- tatem ejus piscis reperio, quanquam sit omnium rarissima, et hercule memoranda, (as indeed from its subsequent description it appears to have been.) But, from the context, it seems in this passage 7 to be (like so many of Tertul- lian's terms) forensic, and the sense is : " We alone of all people are forbidden to possess and keep a religion exclusively to our- selves." ^^ quodvis ; this neuter is per- petually used without any im- plication of contempt, but J think here that it alludes to the stocks and stones which men were per- mitted to adore, though the worship of the time God was interdicted. XXV. ^ Ut nihil jam, &c.; "so that there is no further need of argument as regards this plea," for retractare see ad c. 3. ^ proprie mentio occurrit ; " as however the Romans have been particularly mentioned," i. e. at the end of the last chapter, con- 98 TERTULLIANI ^AP. congressioiiem, quam provocat ilia praesumptio di- centium Romanos pro merito religiositatis diligen- tissimae in tantum sublimitatis elatos, ut orbem occuparint, et adeo^ deos esse, lit praeter ceteros floreant, qui illis officium praater ceteros faciant. Scilicet ista merces Romanis a diis pro gratia ex- peiisa est: Sterculius, et Mutunus, et Larentina, provexit imperium. Peregrinos enim^ deos non putem extraneae genti magis fautum voluisse quam suae, et patrium solum, in quo nati, adulti, nobi- litati, sepultique sunt, transfretanis dedisse. Vi- derit Cybele, si urbem Romanam ut memoriam Trojani generis adamavit, vernaculi sui scilicet ad- gressionem; ' an engagement with you on this point/ like concur- ram, c. 4. ^ adeo deos esse, ut, &c. I do not imagine adeo ut to be used for propter ea quia, but I think the force of adeo to be in tantum or usque adeo, i. e. " Not only that the gods exist, but they exist to such good purpose that," &c. There is a somewhat similar expression in Min. Fel. c. 2. cujus (i. e. Dei Judseorum) adeo nulla vis nee potestas est ut sit Romanis hominibus (this last word is em- phatic) cum sua sibi natione capti- vus. A little further down, pro- veocit imperium is like proferet imperium, iEn. vi. 796. " Enim; "1 mention," says TertuUian, " these Roman deities, for as to foreign gods," &c. — In the construction of this sentence the et couples voluisse and de- disse, and both must be connected closely with the negative, viderit Cybele ; the expression is that explained ad c. 16, and the ex- ception of course ironical: "Cy- bele is not a case in point, for, though a foreign deity, she doubt- less came over from a foresight of the future ; only it is a little unfortunate that she made such a mistake the other day," &c. Dr Ashton suggests ob memoriam for ut, but I prefer the present text, see ad c. 18. prospexit tran^- ire means, "provided for herself by this migration." This is not a passage of which the bearing is immediately obvious, and especial care must be taken not to over- look the continuance of the irony throughout the whole of the sentence itaque majestatis, &c. It seems that the priest of Cybele (archigallus ilk) had offered up prayers for the emperor M. Au- relius some days after his death, which occurred at a distance, and this gives TertuUian an oppor- tunity of ridiculing the divinity of the goddess. LIBER APOLOGETICUS. 99 versus Achivoriim arma protect!, si ad ultores cap. transire prospexit, quos sciebat Graeciam Phrygiae debellatricem subacturos. Itaqiie majestatis suae in urbem collatae grande documentum nostrae etiam aetati proposuit, cum Marco Aurelio apud Sirmium reipublicae exempto, die decimo sexto Kalendarum Aprilium, Archigallus ille sanctissimus, die none Kalend. earundem, quo sanguinem impurum, la- certos quoque castrando libabat, pro salute impe- ratoris Marci jam intercept! solita aeque imperia mandavit^ O nuntios tardos, o somniculosa di- plomata, quorum vitio excessum imperatoris non ante Cybele cognovit, ne deam talem riderent Christian!. Sed non statim et Jupiter Cretam suam Romanis fascibus concuti sineret, oblitus an- trum^ illud Idaeum, et asra Corybantia, et jucun- dissimum illic nutricis suae odorem. Nonne omni Capitolio tumulum ilium suum praeposuisset, ut ea potius orb! terra praecelleret, quae cineres Jovis texit? Vellet Juno Punicam urbem posthabita Samo dilectam ab jEneadarum utique^ genere de- leri? Quod si ■' l^Solita ceque imperia manda- elusion of the second book ad vit ; votis pro more factis prospe- Nationes, but all that book is so rum mortuo aeque ac antea vi- mutilated that it would be un- venti imperium ominabatur, et intelligible but for this Apology. Cybeles nomine spondebat. A.] '' utique, sc. ut sibi inimicis- The expression excessus for mors simo. Prudentius, c. Symmach. has been remarked on in c. 22. ii. 495. ^ statim is used like temere. , t^u °^^^^^ ^ '^^^v. Juno suos Phrygiis servire nepotibus ohlitus antrum ; ohliviscor is con- Afros ; stantly found with an accusative Et, quam subjectis dominam Dea in early writers ; the expression, gentibus esse , ,v .^i_ , , - Si qui fata sinant, jam turn tenditque together with several othei-s of fovetque, this chapter, occurs at the con- JussitRomuleisaddictamviverefraenis. 7—2 100 TERTULLIANI XXV. H^^ illius arma. Hie currus fuit, hoc 4'egnum dea gentibus esse. Si qua fata sinant, jam turn tenditque fovetque : Misera ilia coiijunx Jovis et soror adversus fata non valuit plane : Fato stat Jupiter ipse. Nee tantum tamen honoris Romani dicaverunt fatis dedentibus sibi Carthaginem adversus desti- natum votumque Junonis, quantum prostitutissimae lupae Larentinae. Plures deos vestros regnasse eer- tum est^ Igitur si conferendi imperii ten en t po- testatem, cum ipsi regnarent, a qui bus acceperant eam gratiam ? quern coluerat Saturnus et Jupiter ? aliquem opinor Sterculium, [sed Romae postea] cum indigenis suis. Etiam si qui non regnarunt, tamen regnabatur ab aliis nondum cultoribus suis, ut qui nondum dii habebantur. Ergo aliorum est regnum dare, quia regnabatur multo ante quam isti dii inciderentur. Sed quam vanum est fastigium^ Ro- mani nominis religiositatis meritis deputare, cum ^ There is here a little change looked for elsewhere." incide- in the signification of the word rentur must refer to the inscrip- regnum, which in one part of the tions on their statues, it can argument is meant to imply the hardly be used of the sculpture regalis potestas of a petty king, of an image, v. c. 50, and Juv. and in another the imperium in viii. 69. orbem of the Romans. "Con- . . . . aliquid da fessedly, many of your deities ^»«'^ l'«^^'°* *»*»'''^ ^"^^''^''^ ^^^^' . , , .p , honores. once reigned on earth ; or, it they did not, other rulers did who were ^ fastigium deputare meritis, not worshippers of them ; there- i. e. " to set down the grandeur of fore, the power of conferring the Roman name to the account kingdoms is anterior to them, i. e. of their pious merits." your present gods, and must be LIBER APOLOGETICUS. 101 post imperium sive adhuc regnum religio profece- rit. Nam^^ etsi a Numas. concepta est curiositas superstitiosa, nondum tamen aut simulacris aut templis res divina apud Romanos constabat; frugi religio et pauperes ritus, et nulla Capitolia cer- tantia coelo, sed temeraria de cespite altaria, et vasa adhuc Samia, et nidor ex illis, et deus ipse nusquam. Nondum enim tunc ingenia^^ Graecorum atque Tuscorum fingendis simulacris urbera inun- daverant. Ergo non ante religiosi Romani, quam CAP. XXV. ^** Nam etsi, &c. It can scarcely be considered fair reason- ing to argue that piety cannot exist without riches, or that the devotion of a people is less earnest or acceptable when proffered with humble ceremonies. In fact, every reader will recollect the peculiar fondness with which all Roman moralists, both in prose and verse, during the luxurious days of the state, recur to the simplicity and fervour which they assert was characteristic of ancient times, and to the poverty and piety which then alike pre- vailed ; and the very expressions of the text, vasa Samia and de cespite altaria are employed in laudatory descriptions of anti- quity, where the satisfaction of the gods at these humble offer- ings is pointedly detailed. The next argument too, on the captured deities, may seem un- graciously urged when it is re- collected what singular pains the Romans took in their sieges about the Deorum evocatio, with this very view, as Servius says, (ad iEn. ii. 351.) propter vitanda sacrilegia. See the form of the excantation in Macrobius, (Satur. III. 9.) who speaks of it as ex occultissimis sacris. Compare, too, Pliny (H. N. xxviii. 4.) and Amobius (iii. 30.) who observes, solere Romanos Deos onines urbi- um superatarum partim privatim perfamilias sparger e, partim publice consecrare. But the truth is, that these circumstances were so gene- rally urged by the Pagans and received so seeming a corrobora- tion from the simultaneous de- cline of their religion and pros- perity, that TertuUian could not overlook the point, the im- portance of which is evident also from the manner in which S. Cyprian and S. Augustine after- wards insist on it, and as they use very much the reasoning of this Apology, we may infer that it was in some way efficacious. Compare Pru dentins in the pas- sage from which I have quoted above. " ingenia fingendis simulacris must be taken closely together. Compare the observations at the commencement of c. 15. 102 TERTULLIANI CAP. magni; ideoque non 6b hoc magni, quia religiosi. Atqui quomodo ob religionem magni, quibus mag- nitudo de irreligiositate provenit ! Ni fallor enim, omne regnum vel imperium bellis quaeritur et vic- toriis propagatur. Porro bella et victoriae captis Ad Nat. et eversis piurimum urbibus constant ^^ Id nego- tium sine deorum injuria non est. Eaedem strages moenium et templorum, pares caedes civium et sa- cerdotum, nee dissimiles rapinae sacrarum divitiarum et profanarum. Tot igitur sacrilegia Romanorum, quot tropaea; tot de diis, quot de gentibus tri- umphi ; tot manubiae, quot manent adhuc simulacra eaptivorum deorum. Et ab hostibus ergo suis sus- tinent^^ adorari, et illis imperium sine fine decer- nunt, quorum magis injurias quam adolationes^* remunerasse debuerant. Sed qui nihil sentiunt, tam impune laeduntur, quam frustra coluntur. Certe non potest fidei convenire, ut religionis me- ritis excrevisse videantur, qui, ut suggessimus, re- ligionem aut laedendo creverunt, aut crescendo laBserunt'\ Etiam illi, quorum regna conflata sunt in imperii Romani summam, cum ea amitterent, sine religionibus non fuerunt. ^^ bella et victories constant; reading i« by no mean» certain; " the materials, or events, of war but adolo is said to be connected are, &c.;" so above, res divina with an old form olo equivalent simulacris constabat. to colo, which gives the noun in ^^ sustinent, v. ad c. 8. the the text, nominative is Dei captivi. imperi- ^^ etiam illi, &c. the argu- um sine fine, the words are pro- ment is this : Besides, the nations bably allusive to ^n. i. 279, like conquered by the Romans were other expressions in the chapter. also religious in their way, and ^* adolatio ; this is almost a therefore deserved as well at the singular instance of the occur- hands of the gods, so that one Tence of this word, and here the case destroys the other. LIBER APOLOGETICUS. 103 XXVI. Videte igitur, ne ille regna dispen- ^^f- set, cujus est et orbis qui regnatur', et homo ipse ^^^ ^^^ ^^^ qui regnat ; ne ille vices ' dominationum ipsis tem- t^f^o^fj poribus in seculo ordinarit, qui ante omne tempus [h^hlnds fuit et seculum^ corpus temporum, fecit; ne ille Godf who civitates extollat aut deprimat, sub quo fuit ali- quando sine civitatibus genus hominum. Quid erratis? prior est quibusdam diis suis silvestris* Roma; ante regnavit, quam tantum ambitum Ca- pitolii^ exstrueret. Regnaverunt et Babylonii ante orders ail ? XXVI. ^ orbis qui regnatur ; This passive form occurs in Virgil (^n. VI. 793.) and Horace (Car. ill. 29, 27.) ^ Vices dominationum are the changes of empires, ipsis tempori- bus seems to be for cum ipsis temp. (avToh to?? ^ftovoi^^ and in seculo like in seculum or m seculo futur as. " \^Tiether he did not ordain all changes of empires, with the periods of their occur- rence, from the first to the last" ^ s(Bculum ; This word is used with various significations in ecclesiastical writers ; in the text it is the natural life, as it were, of the universe, the pre-ordained course of time of which the termination is the end of the world, and it is called corpus temporum as embracmg what Lu- cretius would term the eventa temporis (i. 460. sqq.) ; all events whatever and their periods, and thus representing their aggregate or sum. In this way Lactantius (Ep. D. I. c. 70.) speaks de fine scBCuli et conclusione temporum as synonymous expressions, and we shall presently see clausulam scc- culi (c 32.) Budi finem saculi (c. 41.) used for mundi finem ; and so in the Vulgate, consummatio sceculi. At other times sesculum is used simply for a century or a certain period of time, as Lucan says (i. 78.) Scecula tot mundi suprema coegerit hora. I do not think it will ever be found equi- valent to cevum (as explained ad c. 48.) like vives in cBvum, &c. excepting in the well known for- mula in scecula stBculorum, but it will very frequently be met with for mundus or vita hcec as op- posed to vita externa, in which sense scecularis occurs also. * Silvestris Moma, Mn. viii. 346. ad CapitoUa ducit Aurea nunc, dim sylvestribus horrida dumis. Compare the whole of the pas- sage. ^ tantum ambitum Capitolii — this was built first by Tarqui- nius Priscus, secondly by L. Sulla, and thirdly by Domitian; from the text TertuUian seems to be alluding to the early enclosure by Tarquinius. 104 TERTULLIANl CAP. pontifices, et Medi ante quindecemviros, et jEgyptii ^ — ^ ante Salios, et Assyrii ante Lupercos, et Amazo- nes ante virgines Vestales. Postremo si Romanae religion es regna prsestant, nunquam retro Judaea regn asset despectrix communium istarum divinita- tum^ cujus et deum victimis, et templum donis, et gentem foederibus aliquamdiu Romani honoras- tis', nunquam doininaturi ejus, si non ultimo de- liquisset in Christum. It is easy XXVII. Satis hsBc adversus intentionem^ though to ^^cognize laesag divinitatis, quo non videamur laedere earn, woTfo'de- ^^^^ ostendimus non esse. Igitur provocati ad ludeyou. gacrificandum obstruimus^ gradum pro fide consci- entiae nostras, qua certi sumus, ad quos ista per- veniant officia sub imaginum prostitution e et hu- manorum nominum consecration e. Sed quidam dementiam existimant, quod cum possimus^ et sa- ° istarum divinitatum, see ad xii. 1. renders eVe'/JaAei/ by misit c. 23. for the expression divi- Herodes rex manus. But we nitds. have crimen amhitionis tntenderej ^ Josephus Ant. Jud. xiv. c. de Hab. Mul. c. 4. In Amobius 16, relates the /cBc?w* between the intendere often means "to urge Jews and Romans, and c. 17 in argument/' with a sense some- recites the decree of C. Caesar thing like ohjicere, and so in concerning the privileges, immu- Lactantius (Ep. D. I. c. 46.) nities, and honours of the Jewish intentabant autem pro crimine id nation. ipsum, &c. XXVII. ^ intentionem ; an- ^ obstruimus gradum, i.e. we other reading gives intentationeni, offer opposition. See ad c. 1. both here and in c. 46, and the ^ quod cum possimus, &c. i. e. frequentative verb has doubtless " that whereas we might both frequently a sense of threatening, sacrifice to your gods, and yet It is twice used by Virgil, Mn. i. retain privately our own opini- 91. VI. 572. Lactantius (de. M. ons (propositum) we prefer this p. 6.) has impias manus in Deum obstinate conduct." ohstinatio was intentavit; for which phrase the a crime frequently charged to Vulgate uses extendere manus the Christians. See Plin. Ep. x. in aliquem, and in Act. Apost. 97. Tertullian says, ad Nat. i. LIBER APOLOGETICUS. 105 crificare in preesenti, et illaesi abire manente apud ^xv^V animum proposito, obstinationem saluti praeferamus. Datis scilicet consilium, quo vobis abutamur ; sed agnoscimus, unde talia suggerantur, quis to turn hoc agitet, et quomodo nunc astutia suadendi nunc duritia saeviendi ad constantiam nostram dejicien- dam* operetur. Ille scilicet spiritus daemoniacae et angelicas paraturae, qui noster ob divortium aemulus et ob dei gratiam invidus, de mentibus vestris adversus nos proeliatur', occulta inspiratione, modulatis et subornatis ad omnem, quam in pri- mordio exorsi sumus, et judicandi perversitatem et saeviendi iniquitatem. Nam licet subjecta sit nobis tota vis daemonum et ejusmodi spirituum, ut ne- quam tamen servi metui*^ nonnunquam contuma- ciam miscent, et lagdere gestiunt quos alias veren- tur : odium enim etiam timor inspirat ; praeterquam quod desperata conditio eorum ex praedamnatione^ solatium reputat fruendag interim malignitatis de 17. de obstinationibiis vero vel prcs- tanquam de loco munito. modu- sumptionibus, si qua proponitis, ne latis ; in a passive sense, which istcB quidem ad communionem com- is very uncommon^ but I have parationis absh'tunt ; the mean- collected a few instances of the ing of which latter clause is: that like usage of other verbs, ad c. 2. even these qualities which you quam in primordio exorsi sumus. consider peculiarly ours, will not i. e. in c. 1 and 2. shrink {absistunt) in any way ^ metui contumaciam miscent. from a fair comparison {com- miscere twice takes a dative in munio comparationis) with yours; Virgil. JEn. vii. 661. viii. 432. ad being "with reference to" and '' prcedamnatione, v. ad c. 23. absistunt absolute ; he afterwards " besides that their condition, in the next chapter explains the desperate from being already capitulum obstinationis in the eyes condemned, gleans from a respite of the heathen. of their fate, the consolation of * dejiciendam, v. ad c. 12. enjoying their malice in the ^ prceliatur de mentibus ; i. e. mean time." 106 TERTULLIANI xSAai P^"* mora. Et tamen apprebeiisi subiguntur et condition! suae succidunt^ et quos de longinquo oppugnant, de proximo obsecrant. Itaque dum vice° rebellantium ergastulorum^", sive carcerum, vel metallorum, vel hoc genus poenalis servitutis erum- punt ad versus nos, in quorum potestate sunt, certi et impares se esse et hoc magis perditos: ingratis resistimus ut aequales, et repugnamus perseverantes'^ in eo quod oppugnant, et illos nunquam magis de- triumphamus, quam quum pro fidei obstinatione damnamur. LX''''"'^ XXVIII. Quoniam autem facile iniquum vi- ofTo'lfr^'"'^^^^^*^^' liberos homines invitos urgeri ad sacrifi- of treason?^ candum (nam et alias divinae rei faciundae libens animus indicitur) : certe ineptum existimaretur, si in that we offer no sacrifices for Caesar. ** conditioni suae succidunt ; " they yield to their fate." The word occurs hoth in Lucretius and Virgilj but without any case, which however is well employed in the text, as the expression is exactly equivalent to succumhere. Comp. de Pudic. i. ne moechifB et fornicationi succidere cogan- tur. The apprehensi here is not exactly like that word in 4i. 15, but more like the simple prensi. ^ vice rebellantium ; i. e. ex more, tanquam rebellantia. Com- pare de Idol. c. 13. omnem ad- Jlatum ejus vice pestis etiam de longinquo devitemus, and infr. c. 34. dei vice. ^'^ ergastulum is generally a prison in the country for agri- cultural slaves, (Juv. xiv. 24.) career an ordinary gaol, metalla the mines to which criminals were condemned. It could hardly be supposed that any one could be perplexed by this mention of the prisons for their inmates, yet Casaubon thought it necessary to be explained in a long note, (Hist. August, vol. I. p. 386. ed. 1671.) alleging the frequent mistakes on the subject. " perseverantes in eo quod oppugnant ; i. e. " steadily hold- ing the very position which they attack." ohstinatio fidei; the word obstinatio is generally used abso- lutely ; but since a man may be said obstinare menteni, or fidem, there is nothing difficult in the expression obstinatio fidei. It happens that Tacitus uses the identical words to express invi- olable fidelity. Hist. iii. 39. Bkeso, super claritatem natalium, et eJe- gnntiam niorum, fidei obstinatio fuit ; i. e. erga Vitellium. LIBER APOLOGETICUS. 107 quis ab alio cogeretur ad hoiiorem deorum, quos ,^^|l- ultro sui caussa placare deberet, ne^ prae manu es- set jure libertatis dicere : Nolo mihi Jovem pro- pitium ; tu, quis es ? me conveniat Janus iratus ex qua velit fronte ; quid tibi niecum est ? For- mati^ estis ab iisdem utique spiritibus, ut nos pro salute imperatoris sacrificare cogatis, et imposita est tam vobis necessitas cogendi, quam nobis ob- ligatio periclitandi. Ventum est igitur ad secun- dum titulum^ laesae augustioris majestatis, siquidem majore formidine et callidiore timiditate Caesarem observatis^ quam ipsum de Olympo Jovem, et merito si sciatis^ Quis enim ex viventibus non quolibet mortuo tuo potior? Sed nee hoc vos ra- tione facitis potius quam respectu praesentaneae ^ potestatis, adeo et in is to irreligiosi erga deos ves- XXVIII. ^ 7ie prcB manu which was more dangerous than esset, &c. Lest a man should be the other, and closely connected able readily to retort, &c. So de with it, for, as he says in the Test. An. c. 4. ad fin. prce manu parallel passage, ad Nat. i. 17- occurrit dicere. secunda religio constituitur Ccesa- ^ Formati estis ut cogatis. riance majestatis. "your hearts are moulded (v. * observatis ; see Virg. G. iv. Bentl. ad Hor. Car. iii. 24. 54.) 212. de Olympo; 1 do not think by the same evil spirits (v. c. 22.) this is equivalent to Olympi or to compel us," &c. Olympicum, though instances are ^ ad secundum titulum. In c. certainly found of the occur- 10. the two counts of the indict- rence of de in this sense much ment had been stated : 1. Deos earlier than is generally sup- won colitis ; 2. Sacrifida pro im- posed. See Lewis on the Romance peratoribus non impenditis ; and languages. I would rather supply therefore the Christians were some active participle here, called rei sacrilegii et majestatis. ^ et merito si sciatis ; " and From c. 10. to this point, Ter- justly too, if you did but know tullian has been defending them it." nec\ hoc vos ratione facilis ; on the first charge and going into " you do not know even this on some incidental explanations. He principle, but from," &c. now proceeds to the second; ^ prcesentanece, y. c. l^. 108 TERTULLIANI ^$;^4'v t^^os deprehendimiiii, qui plus timoris humano do- XX Vlll. minio dicatis. Citius denique apud vos per omnes deos, quani per unum genium Caesaris pejeratur'. SdiTrt? XXIX. Constet igitur prius, sV isti, quibus must'p^rove sacrificatur, salutem imperatori vel cuilibet homiiii Gods are iuipertiri possmit, et ita nos crimini addicite. Si crificing to. angeli aut daemones substantia pessimi spiritus" beueficium aliquod operantur, si perditi conservant, si damnati liberant, si denique (quod in conscien- tia vestra est) mortui vivos tuentur: jam utique suas primo statuas et imagines et sedes tuerentur, quae, opinor Caesarum milites excubiis suis salva praestant^ Puto autem, hae ipsae materiae de nie- ^ By the civil law perjeratio per genium Ccesaris was punish- able, but pejeratio per Deos was not. A curious statement of cogni- zable offences against the canon- ized Augustus will be found in Sueton. Tiber, c. 58. XXIX. '■ Constet, si, &c. v. ad c. 23. et ita means turn de- mum, i. e. as soon as you have satisfactorily proved the neces- sary premises. ^ Substantia pessimi spiritus — "spirits as they are essentially most vicious;" — substantia pessi- mi is opposed to beneficium, like perditi to conservant, &c. "as if it were likely that those beings who could do nothing for them- selves, should so depart from their nature as to seek the good of others." The same antithe- tical structure of the sentence, on the same subject is found in c. 2. de Hab. Mul. * nihil ad integri- tatem peccatores, nihil ad casti- tatem adamatores, nihil ad timorem Dei desertores spiritus monstrare potuerunt.' So too S. Cyprian de Idol. Van. c. 1. non desinunt perditi perdere, et depravati erro- rem pravitatis infundere. ^ The temples not only pos- sessed sacred treasures, but were used also as depositories for private property, and guarded by military sentinels. See Juv. xiv. 261. Plant. Bacch. ii. 3. 78. and compare Amobius (vi. 21.) cur eos (sc. Deos) sub validissimis clavibus ingentibusque sub claustris habetis inclusos, ac ne forte fur aliquis aut nocturnus irrepat latro, ft'dituis mille protegitis atque ex~ eubitoribus mille? together with S. Cypr. ad Demetr. c. 3. To this is the allusion de Cor. Mil. c. 11. excubabit pro templis qui- bus renuntiavit?—tota templa de nutu constant ; i. e. " their whole existence and substance comes from the emperor;" hcc ipsa' LIBER APOLOGETICUS. 109 tallis Caesarum veniunt, et tota templa de nutu Caesaris constant. Multi denique dii habuerunt Caesarem iratuni^ Facit ad caussam, si et propi- tium, cum illis aliquid aut liberalitatis aut privi- legii, confert. Ita qui sunt in Caesaris potestate, cujus et toti sunt, quomodo habebunt salutem Caesaris in potestate, ut earn praestare posse vide- antur, quam facilius ipsi a Caesare consequantur ? Ideo ergo com mittimus^ in majestatem imperato- rum, quia illos non subjicimus rebus suis ; quia non ludimus de officio salutis eorum", qui earn non putamus in manibus esse plumbatis. Sed vos re- ligiosi, qui eam quaeritis ubi non est, petitis a CAP. XXIX. materia are the marbles and precious metals which constitute the gods, and the tota templa are the materials used, together with the authority for their con- struction. Compare the use of constare in c. 25. * Multi denique Dii, &c. ha- buerunt ; this was the formal word. Instances of irati and pro- pitii Cfpsares may easily be found. Compare S. Ambros. ad Valent. adv. Symmachum. Vos pacem Diis vestris ab Imperatorihus obsecratis, nos ipsis Imperatoribus a Christo pacem rogamus ; and above, c. 5. homo jam deo propitius esse debebit. ^ committimus ; absolutely. And thus lege comm,itt€fre, and in or contra legem committere were technically used. Cic. Brut. xii. quasi committeret contra legem, quo quis judicio circumveniretur. There are other significations, too, of committere in which it is sometimes absolutely used. ** non ludimus de officio salutis eorum ; It is clear enough what these words mean : viz. " we do not make a mockery of our prayers for the emperor's wel- fare;" but it is not so easy to explain the literal construction of the text ; officium may of course be applied to any act of necessity, or duty, or civility, and officium salutis alicujus, it seems, must be the officium in the performance of which the well-doing of the party is implied, (in c. 13. we have de salute CcBsarum curare,) de will then be "with reference to, in the case of" this duty, and ludere will remain to be taken absolutely, plumbatis is not syno- nymous with plumbeis, (any more than rutilatus with rutilus,) see note, p. 86, but refers to the use of lead in joining the fingers, wrists, &c. of the statues. So c. 12. ante plumbum et glutinum, &c. 110 TERTULLIANl xxEi ^^^^^s ^^^i ^^^^^ potest, praeterito eo in cujus est """ potestate. Insuper eos debellatis, qui earn sciunt petere, qui etiam possunt impetrare, dum sciunt petere. we offer 'in XXX. Nos enim pro salute imperatorum half moV deum invocamus aeternum, deura verum, deum vi- acceptable ... . . ... victims, vum, quern et ipsi imperatores propitium sibi praeter sincere ccteros Hialunt. Sciuut, quis illis dederit imperium; prayers, to . , , a more sciuut, Qua hommes ', qms et animam ; sentiunt, mighty God. eum deum esse solum, in cujus solius potestate sunt, a quo sunt secundi, post quern primi, ante omnes et super omnes deos. Quidni ? cum super omnes homines, qui utique vivunt et mortuis an- tistant^ Recogitant, quousque vires imperii sui valeant, et ita deum intelligunt ; adversus quern valere non possunt, per eum valere se cognoscunt. Coelum denique debellet imperator, coelum capti- vum triumpho suo invehat, coelo mittat excubias, coelo vectigalia imponat^. Non potest ; ideo mag- nus est, quia coelo minor est. Illius enim est ipse, cujus et coelum est et omnis creatura*. Inde est XXX. ^ Sciunt quis illis ; Denique (i. e. if no other argu- " They know as emperors who ment will convince him of his gave them their authority, and, inferiority) "let Csesar subjugate as mere human beings, who gave heaven {debellet), let him carry them their lives." So c. 5. qua its representation in his triumph, et homo. (like captiva Corinthus, Hor. Ep. ^ mortuis antistant ; as before, ii. 1. 193.) let him send garrisons quis enim ex viventibus non quoli- to it, let him lay taxes on it." bet mortuo tuo potior ? Just below, * creatura. This form of word deum intelligunt is like mures et was very much affected in late aranece intelligunt, in c. 12. Latin, and several instances of ^ The usual proceedings of the fact will be found in Ter- the Romans with a conquered tullian ; we have had already in province are here enumerated.— this Apology pnratura, which in- LIBER APOLOGETICUS. Ill imperator, unde est et homo antequam imperator; inde potestas illi, unde et spiritus. Illuc suspi- cientes Christiani manibus expansis^ quia innocuis, capite nudo, quia non erubescimus, denique siue monitore, quia de pectore, oramus omnes semper pro omnibus imperatoribus, vitam illis prolixam, imperium securum, domum tutam, exercitus fortes, senatum fidelem, populum probum, orbera quie- tum, et quaecunque hominis et Caesaris vota sunt. Haec ab alio orare non possum, quam a quo scio me consecuturum, quoniam et ipse est qui solus praestat, et ego sum cui impetrare debetur^ fa- CAP. XXX. deed occurs elsewhere veiy often, and may be generally explained as quicquid paratur, being nearly equivalent to apparatus; it is thrice applied to the sacred writ- ings (adv. Psych, c. 11. de Monog. c. 7, and infra c. 47, compare the note in p. 58). litteratura is not, as in earlier authors, cognitio lite- rarum, but rather quicquid Uteris mandatum eoestat. scripturce (c. 20) appears without doubt, em- phatically, for Holy Scripture, V. e. g. De Praescr. Haeret. though less perhaps as opposed to profane writings, than as to tradition, v. Cor. Mil. c. 2 and 3. (Lactant. and Cypr. generally add sanctce, as does Tertullian sometimes). In the tract de Cult. Fcem. c. 7, we have capillatara, and adv. Marc. 1. 28. suffectura, which appears to be quod rei eocplendcB sufficitur, (com- pare suffectio materice, Arnobius VII. 2.) but see Bishop Kaye, TertuU. p. 192. The creatura of the text is the factura of Cyprian, and the quodcumque creatur of Lucretius; it is used by Pru- dentius and many late writers. ^ manibus expansis ; * Non attollimus tantum manus sed etiarri expandimus, et dominica passions modulantes et or antes conjitemur Christum' de Orat. c. 11. See too the whole chapter, adv. Marc. iii. 18. Sine monitore ; ' without any person to dictate our prayers to us ;' as was the custom with the pagans, where the priest was said prceire; but both the habit and the phrases are well known ; as also the capite operto to which the nudo of the Christians is here opposed ; compare S. Cyprian de Laps. c. 1. Ab impio sceleratoque velamine quo illic velabantur sacri- ficantium capita captiva, caput vestrum liberum mansit. ^ cui impetrare debetur; ' to whom it is due that I should ob- tain what I ask.' So c. 33. talis postulo, qui merear impetrare ; i. e. I, as a Christian, and God's ser- vant, opposed to a heathen. In Lactantius (M. P. extr.) tu, qui 112 TERTULLIANI CAP. XXX. mulus ejus, qui eum solum observe, qui prop- ter discipliuam ejus occidor, qui ei offero opi- mam et majorem hostiara, quam ipse maudavit, orationem^ de carne pudica, de anima innocenti, de spiritu sancto profectam. Non grana thuris unius assis, Arabicae arboris lacriraas, nee duas meri guttas, nee sanguinem reprobi bovis^ mori optantis, et post omnia inquinamenta etiam con- scientiam spurcam : ut mirer, cum hostiae proben- tur penes vos a vitiosissimis sacerdotibus, cur prae- cordia potius victimarum, quam ipsorum sacrifican- tium examinentur. Sic itaque nos ad deum ex- panses ungulae fodiant, cruces suspendant, ignes lambant, gladii guttura detruncent, bestiae insili- ant; paratus est ad omne supplicium ipse habitus orantis Christiani. Hoc agite, boni praesides, ex- a Deo mereris audiri, is applied to a confessor as opposed to an ordinary Christian, opimam hos- tiam. de Orat. c. 22. saturatam orationem velut opimam hostiam admovere, where admovere is the formal expression; the epithet majorem, from its peculiar techni- cality, almost loses its compara- tive sense, which refers merely to another special class of victims, {quam agreeing with hostiam), and yet Tertullian has joined it elsewhere (de Idol. c. 6) with two other comparatives as if he meant it to be taken strictly: sagina- tiorem et auratiorem et majorem hostiam cadis. ^ orationem de carne pudica; orati/) is equivalent to preces or adoratio as very commonly, but perhaps I may as well mention that adoro and adoratio are also equivalent in late writers simply to adloquor and adlocutio, e. g. Apul. Met. III. 44. caro pudica alludes to the freedom of the sup- pliant from carnal pollution, and spiritus sanctus here is merely animus pius. ** reprobi bovis ; v. c. 14. The word is like a'BoKJUo? and is ap- plied to false money. It is found in the Digests, and in the Vulgate, e. g. Jerem. vi. 30. Argentum reprobum vocate eos, quia Dominus projecit illos. ad Cor. ii. 13. 5. nisi forte reprobi estis. mori op- tantis refers to the miseral)le state of the victim, like the gallinam claudentem oculos in JUV. XII. LIBER APOLOGETICUS. lU torquete^ animam deo supplicantem pro imperatore. cap. Hie erit crimen, ubi Veritas est dei et devotio^*'. ~ XXXI. ^Adulati nunc sumus imperatori, et And this T • 1 -11 we are mentiti vota, quae diximus, ad evadendam scilicet bound to ^ do by our vim. Plane proficit ista fallacia^ Admittitis enim scriptures. DOS probare quodcunque defendimus. Qui ergo putaveris, nihil nos de salute Caesarum curare, in- spice dei voces, litteras^ nostras, quas neque ipsi supprimimus et plerique casus ad extraneos trans- ferunt. Scito ex illis, praeceptum esse nobis ad redundantiam benignitatis, etiam pro inimicis deum orare, et persecutoribus nostris bona precari. Qui magis inimici et persecutores Christianorum, quam de quorum maj estate convenimur in crimen ? Sed etiam nominatim atque manifeste: Orate, inquit% ^ extorquete animam; i.e. oc- cidite. The phrase occurred be- fore in c. 9. Lactantius (D. I. V. 1.) has copied and expanded the expression, dicatas Deo tnen- tes evisceratis corporibus extor- quent. ^^ " Here the prayer is to be accounted a crime, where the God addressed is the true one, and the feeling of the supplicant sincere." Yet this would seem almost to require devotionis. The whole clause is by some considered an interpolation. XXXI. ^ Adulati nunc sumus et mentiti. The same form of hypothetical argument occurs in Juv. VI. 634. Fingimus hcec, &c. and de Cult. Faem. c. 8. Videlicet nunc et vir et sexus cemulus fcemi- nas a suis depello. ^ Plane proficit. The reason- 8 ing is this : Admitting we have falsified ourselves in alleging our respect for the emperor, yet this very deceit aids our cause, for you must allow us to approve a line of conduct which we openly defend and assert that we prac- tice. ^ literas nostras; sc. sacras. elsewhere literaturam and para^ turam nostram . neque suppri- mimus et transferunt. This phraseology is by no means un- common in good writers, but it occurs more frequently after the Flavian age, especially in Sue- tonius. * inquit; sc. Apostolus (v. ad c. 1.) ad Tim. i. 2. 2. pro regibus, et omnibus qui in sublimitate sunt, ut quietam et tranquillam vitam agamus in omni pietate et castitate, Vulg. 114 TERTULLIANI xxxi. P^^ regibus, et pro principibus, et potestatibus, ut omnia tranquilla sint vobis. Cum enim concuti- tur' imperium, concussis etiam ceteris membris ejus, utique et nos, licet extranei a turbis, in ali- quo loco casus invenimur. And by our XXXII. ^Est ct alia maior necessitas nobis other ^ ^ ♦^ terietsand oraudi pro impcratoribus, etiam pro omni statu im- perii rebusque Romanis, qui vim maximam universo orbi imminentem, ipsamque clausulam seculi acer- bitates horrendas comminantem Romani imperii commeatu^ scimus retardari. Ita quae nolumus ex- periri, ea dum precamur difFerri, Romanae diutur- nitati favemus. Sed et juramus, sicut non per genios Caesar um, ita per salutem eorum, quae est augustior omnibus geniis. Nescitis genios daemo- nas dici, et inde diminutiva voce daemonia? Nos judicium dei suspicimus in imperatoribus, qui gen- tibus illos praefecit. Id in eis scimus esse, quod ° concutitur imperium. The copia, or transitus. (Amobius ii. expression is not like that in 16, applies it to the act of respira- c. 25. Cretam Romanis fascibus tion.) It is then used for quic- concuti sineret ; or that of con- quid commeat, e. g. for a convoy, cussio in c. 7. but means simply or, absolutely, for the provisions political disturbance, like "ttoXiu themselves. In its sense oimeandi o-eTa-at. Pind. Pyth. iv. 272. Lu- ^opia it easily came to mean the can. I. 5. certatum totis concussi wnia discedendi granted to a sol- viribus orhis. So S. Cyprian ad dier, and thus generally an ex- Demetr. 1. omnia ista quibus nunc tension of a limited time {com- mundus quatitur et urgetur. Min. meatus deliberandi c. 46.) or a Fel. c. 2. Cum periculo quateris. respite, as in the present passage. XXXII. ^ Est alia majorne- So Seneca, Epist. 54. Longummihi cessitasorandi nobis qui scimus commeatum dedit mala valetudo; sc. inde quod scimus; the repente me invasit ; though there construction is not unusual. i* is only a conjecture (hovirever ^ Commeatus. This word in *rue) of Lipsius for comitatum, its simple signification implies ^^ ^^e argument, see c. 39, ora- only the actus meandi, me^ndi ^^^ pro mora finis. LIBER APOLOGETICUS. 115 deus voluit^ ideoque et salvum volumus esse, quod ^^(xi'i deus voluit, et pro magno id juramento habemus. Ceterum daemonas, id est genios, adjurare'^ con- suevimus, ut illos de hominibus exigamus, non dejerare, ut illis honorem divinitatis conferamus. XXXIII. Sed quid ego amplius de religione We do not atque pietate Christiana in imperatorem ? quem t^lJ^J^j^i necesse est^ suspiciamus ut eum, quem doniinus ^j^g^'^Ye'if noster elegerit. Et merito dixerim, noster est""^^""^"* magis Caesar, ut a nostro deo constitutus. Itaque et in eo plus ego illi operor in salutem^ non so- lum quod eam ab eo postulo, qui potest praestare, aut quod talis postulo^ qui merear impetrare, sed ^ Id in eis scimus, &c. i. e. " We recognize one fact in their existence and their position, viz. God's will;" or, the meaning may be this : Whatever be their character, whatever their conduct to ourselves, there is nothing in them, or proceeding from them, but what God has appointed. * On the peculiar meanings of juro, adjuro, ejero and dejero, cf. de Idol. c. 20, 21. XXXIII. ^ necesse est. This phrase is used by TertuUian to express the inevitable conduct or principles under certain circum- stances of Christians who are really such in deed. He says : According to the tenets and opinions which you yourselves admit us to hold and which you persecute us for holding, we must respect the Emperor, for we be- lieve him to be appointed by God. So in c. 36. ii mores (sc. Christiani) are spoken of quibus civilitas ne- cesse habet eochiheri. At the be- ginning of c. 45 the expression is not exactly similar, as it means there : that under the peculiar circumstances of instruction and superintendence and penalty, the Christians were necessarily ex- clusively enabled to perform their duties. ^ The construction of this sentence is : Itaque ego illi plus operor in salutem (i. e. plus facio ad salutem ejus) in eo quod non solum ab eo aut talis postulo sed etiam quod tem- perans commendo. With the ex- pression plus illi operor in salutem, compare what has been said, ad c. 29, on the phrase de officio salutis. soli subjicio is equiva- lent to secundum statuo; so c. 30. a quo secundi sunt, temperans majestatem is ' modifying in some degree the dignity assigned to Cffisar.' 8—2 116 TERTULLIANI CAP. etiam quod temperans majestatem Caesaris infra deum, magis ilium commendo deo, cui soli subji- cio. Subjicio autem, cui non adasquo. Non enim deum imperatorem dicam, vel quia mentiri nes- cio, vel quia ilium deridere non audeo, vel quia nee ipse se deum volet dici. Si homo sit, interest hominis deo cedere; satis habeat appellari impera- tor. Grande et hoc nomen est, quod a deo tra- ditur. Negat ilium imperatorem, qui deum dicit. Nisi homo sit, non est imperator. Hominem se esse etiam triumphans in illo sublimissimo curru admonetur. Suggeritur enim ei a tergo: respice post te, hominem memento te^ Et utique hoc magis gaudet tanta se gloria coruscare, ut illi ad- monitio conditionis suae sit necessaria. [Minor erat, si tunc deus diceretur, quia non vere dice- retur.] Major est, qui revocatur, ne se deum exis timet. And would XXXIV. Augustus imperii formator, ne do- be danger- ox ousandiu- j^jjju^ Quidem dici se volebat' ; et hoc enim dei omened t- ' est cognomen. Dicam plane imperatorem domi- num, sed more communi, sed quando non cogor ut dominum dei vice^ dicam. Ceterum liber sum ^ On the peculiar feeling of berius also interdicted the title the ancients which led to this with similar sentiments; denun- custom amongst others, see a tiavit ne se (dominum) contumelice learned note of Casaubon ad caussa nominaret. Suet, in vit. Sueton. Aug. c. 91. et utique, &c c. 2. Julian made an attempt the hoc refers to coruscare se, and to revive this moderation, but was the ut answers to tanta. ridiculed, as might have been XXXIV. ^ Domini appellatio- expected, for his pains. Domi- nem ut maledictum et opprobrium tian legalized and enjoined the semper exhorruit. Suet. Aug. 53. titles of Dominus and Deus. where the expression maledictum Suet. 13. may be remarked as one which * dei vice; in the sense of God. occurs in the same chapter. Ti- v. ad c. 27. too. LIBER APOLOGETICUS. 117 illi^ ; dominus enim mens unus est, deus omnipo- ^(^ap. tens et seternus, idem qui et ipsius. Qui pater patriae est, quomodo dominus est ? Sed est gra- tius nomen pietatis, quam potestatis ; etiam fami- liae magis patres, quam domini vocantur. Tanto abest^ ut imperator deus debeat dici, quod non potest credi, non modo turpissima, sed et perni- ciosa adulatione; tamquam si habens imperatorem, alterum appelles, nonne maximam et inexorabi- lem offensam contrahes ejus, quem babuisti, etiam ipsi timendam, quem appellasti^? Esto religiosus in deum, qui vis ilium propitium imperatori. De- sine alium deum colere vel credere, at que ita et hunc deum dicere, cui deo opus est. Si non de mendacio erubescit adulatio ejusmodi, hominem deum appellans, timeat saltern de infausto. Ma- ledictum est ante apotbeosin deum Caesarem nun- cupare^ ^ liber sum illi; ^ As far as re- flattery which is not only dis- gards him, I am free, he is not graceful to us, hut actually ha- my lord/ The pronoun is some- zardous to him :" and the ton- thing like those in Persius (vi. quam introduces an exemplifi- 64.) ' minui mihi, sed tibi totum cation of the assertion contained est.' Compare too c. 13. ' nobis in the word perniciosa, from the del sunt;' and the dative mundo ordinary habits of life, habens in Lucan. i. 664. imperatorem means " having an * Tanto abest, &c. This sen- emperor over you who is actually tence as usually punctuated is and really such," and habere is very confused, hut it becomes contrasted with appellare. clearer by putting the words quod ^ contrahes offensam ejus, &c. non potest credi into a parenthesis, " would you not give matter of which must be then taken simply offence to him who was your as a passing remark quod incredi- master, which might be dangerous bile est. The Tanto then expresses even to him whom you thus the inference drawn from the called so?" contrahere offensam, previous arguments. " So little an ordinary phrase, thus are we bound to call the ^ Maledictum est, &c. There emperor a god, in a style of is a remarkably apposite passage 118 TERTULLIANI CAP. XXXV. You call us Cssar's enemies be- cause we do not riot- ously keep his festi- vals ; What say you to the secret trai- tors among yourselves 1 XXXV. Propterea igitur public! hostes Chris- tiani, quia imperatoribus neque vanos neque men- tientes neque temerarios honores dicant, quia verae religionis homines' etiam sollemnia eorum consci- entia potius quam lascivia celebrant. Grande vi- delicet officium, focos et toros in publicum educere, vicatim epulari, civitatem tabernae habitu abole- facere, vino lutum cogere^ catervatim cursitare ad injurias, ad impudentias, ad libidinis illecebras. Siccine exprimitur publicum gaudium per dedecus publicum ? Hseccine sollemnes dies principum de- cent, quae alios dies non decent ? Qui observant disciplinam^ de Caesaris respectu, hi earn propter in Tacitus (Ann. xv. extr.) where, upon the vote of Cerealis that a temple as soon as possible should be raised to Nero, the historian adds. Quod quidem ilk decernehat, tanquam mortalefastigium egresso, et veneratkmem hominum merito, quorundam dolo ad omina sui eocitus vertebatur, nam Deum honor Principi non ante habetur, quam age7'e inter homines desierit. " Sit Divus dum non sit virus" was the remark of Caracalla, when in- formed that his brother Geta had been canonized. XXXV. ^ Homines verce re- ligionis ; see ad c. 19. though this phrase with the adjective, is intelligible enough, conscientid potius ; rather internally than, &c. abolefacere ; this hardly seems to be correct, but if so it must mean deformare, dehonestare. ^hahitu obokfacere' has been con- jectured. ^ vino lutum cogere ; This expression is obviously used to denote extravagance and de- bauchery ; Theodorus pourtrayed the cruel nature of Tiberius by calling him Trf/AoV aifxaTi ir€ o-Tc^ai/oujuei/a)./ or. would but make me cold and ' « ./ -. , / \ i ^f] iaa' Ita dicebantur mvlierttm 146 TERTULLIANI xuii ®^^^"^» venenarii, magi, item harioli, haruspices, mathematici. His infructuosos esse magnus fruc- tus est. Et tamen quodcunque dispendiura est rei vestrae per banc sectam, cum aliquo utique praesidio compensari potest. Quanti habetis, non dico qui jam^ de vobis daemonia excutiant, non dico jam qui pro vobis quoque vero deo preces sternant, quia forte non creditis*, sed a quibus nihil timere possitis. Thereat XLIV. At euim illud detrimentum reipub- detnment r *°^*^yQ^^f ®' licae tam grande quam verum nemo circumspicit, iJuS,^*^ illam injuriam civitatis nullus expendit, quum tot consfders. justi impcndimur^ quum tot innocentes erogamur^ Vestros enim jam con testamur actus, qui quotidie judicandis custodiis praesidetis, qui sententiis elogia impudicarum sordidi assecks," Festus; a note of Salmasius ad Hist. Aug. II. p. 864. will give almost every apposite passage. Compare Apuleius. Apol. 626. mathematici, v. ad Juv. vi. 562. Tiberius and Vitellius both at- tached the penalty of exile to this profession. ' non dico qui jam ; some MSS. transpose the two latter words, and they do appear then better to answer the following clause; but there are repeated instances to be found of such in- volution, preces sternere alicui is like offerre or ante pedes projicere. * quiu forte non creditis ; these words are by some omitted, and I am inclined to think rightly ; but if genuine, they apply only to the affirmation contained in the epithet nero. XLIV. ^ impendimur ; this word is synonymous with era- gamur, it is used in precisely the same sense de Spectac. c. 19. magis competat innocenti dolere, quod homo par ejus tam nocens /actus est, ut tam crudeliter im- pendatur ; i. e. "that his fellow- man should have deserved so cruel a punishment." ^ Erogare meant originally to disburse or expend, and was specially applied to any expendi- ture of public money — it here means ewpended or spent, as being put to death. Compare de Praes. Hser. c. 2. Febrem erogando homini deputatam, neque quia est, miramur : est enim : neque quia erogat hominem : ad hoc enim est. and c. 48. of this treatise, non ahsumit {ignis) quod exurit, sed dum erogat, reparat. In modem Spanish an exactly parallel use of the word gastar (to spend) is LIRER APOLOGETICrjS. 147 dispungitisl Tot a vobis nocentes variis criminum elogiis recensentur ; quis illic sicarius, quis man- ticulariusS quis sacrilegus, aut corrupter, aut la- van tium praedo^ idem etiam Christianus adscribi- tur? aut cum Christiani suo titulo ofFeruntur, quis ex illis etiam talis, quales tot nocentes? De ves- tris semper aestuat career, de vestris semper metalla suspirant, de vestris semper bestiae saginantur, de vestris semper munerarii noxiorum greges pascunt. Nemo illic Christianus, nisi hoc tantum, aut si et aliud, jam non Christianus. XLV. Nos ergo soli innocentes^ Quid mirum, si necesse est? Enimvero necesse est. Innocen- tiam a deo edocti, et perfecto eam novimus ut a CAP. XLIV. found, as applied to troops lost in an engagement, and I have seen the same phrase in English writers. In later times of the Roman empire, erogare by a very intelligible transition signified * to disburse money in donatives or largesses,' till at length it becomes synonymous with distribuere ; and erogator is found for the ex- ecutor of a will or deed, L e. as superintending the division of the property; and also for the almoner of an ecclesiastical foundation. Roga occurs in the various senses of a magistrate's salary, a soldier's bounty, or (in ecclesiastical language) a gift from the Pope ad clerum, or a collection of alms. ^ senteiitiis elogia dispungerey i. e. "by passing sentence, to strike out from the calendar the name and charge of the crimi- nal," V. c. 2. debito po>neB nocens expungendus esty non eximendus. For the word custodiis see the note p. 34. * manticularUis. Festus: man- tvculanmi usus pauperibus in nummis recondendis etiam nostro scpculo fuU, unde manticulare di- cebantur qui furandi gratia man- ticulas attractabantf where see Scaliger. inantelia appears in Virgil, corruptor (Juv. i. 77.) is synonymous with perductor above. From the arrangement of the sen- tence, Tertullian appears to be giving instances {varia elogia^ an- tithetically, of grave aiid trivial offences. For offerre, «ee p. 8. ^ lavantium prcedo. This was a common character, See any glossary under fur balnearius. XLV. ^ The argument is this: We only are the rightful claimants of the virtue of inno- cence; and though you may imagine this exclusive claim both 10—2 And we, whom you thus con- demn, are the only characters truly to be called innocent. 148 TERTULLIANI XLv.' P^^^"^cto magistro revelatam et fideliter custodimus, ut ab incontemptibili dispectore inandatam. Vobis Just. 12. autem humana aestimatio innocentiam tradidit ", lo. humana item dominatio imperavit : inde nee plenae nee adeo timendae estis diseiplinai ad innocentiae veritatem. Quanta^ est prudentia hominis ad de- monstrandum quid vere bonum ? quanta auctoritas ad exigendum? tam ilia falli facilis, quam ista contemni. Atque adeo quid plenius dictum est: non occides, an vero : ne irascaris quidem ? Quid perfectius prohibere adulterium, an etiam ab oculo- rum solitaria concupiscentia arcere? Quid eruditius de maleiicio, an et de maleloquio interdicere ? Quid instructius, injuHam non permittere, an nee vicem injuriae^ sinere? dum tamen sciatis ipsas quoque leges vestras, quae videntur ad innocentiam pergere, de divina lege ut antiquiore formam mutuatas. presumptuous and false, yet, in in the expressions plenius, per- point of fact, such is necessarily fecHus, instructius, eruditius. the case from circumstances; quid ^ quanta, i. e. quantula. mirum, si, &c. means ' if the re- * injuria, an aggression ; vices suit is inevitable (as I shall injurice, a retaliation. In the next shew), it cannot be any cause of clause dum tamen introduces a wonder.' kind of parenthetical remark of ^ vobis autem, &c. " Nothing TertuUian, that even the in- has introduced {tradidit) the ferior approximations to ethical virtue of innocence amongst you perfection, for which he had just but human opinion, and nothing been giving the heathens credit, but mere human laws enjoin its were themselves derived from practice, from which circum- Scripture, pergere ad means ' to stance your discipline, as regards tend towards,' like ad elogium the conscientious sincerity of your concurrere, c. 24. The ut in the innocence, is neither so perfect last clause of the sentence con- as ours, nor so terrible (adeo ti- tains an implication of that argu- mendce) in the penalties attached ment from antiquity which I to its infraction." The student have spoken of in the Introduc- should observe the copia verbornm tion. LIBER APOLOGETICUS. 149 Diximus jam de Mosis setate. Sed quanta auc- cap. toritas legum humanarum, quum illas et evadere homini contingat, et plerumque in admissis deli- tescere, et aliquando contemnere ex voluntate vel necessitate delinqiiendi, recogitata etiam brevitate supplicii cujuslibet, non tamen^ ultra mortem re- mansuri ? Sic et Epicurus omnem cruciatum dolo- remque depretiat^ modicum quidem contempti- bilem pronuntiando, magnum vero non diuturnum. Enimvero nos qui sub deo omnium speculatore dispungimur, quique eeternam ab eo poenam pro- videmus, merito soli innocentiae occurrimus^ et pro scientiae plenitudine, et pro latebrarum diffi- cultate, et pro magnitudine cruciatus non diuturni, verum sempiterni, eum timentes, quem timere de- bebit et ipse qui timentes judicat, deum, non pro- consulem timentes. XLVI. Constitimus', ut opinor, adversus om- But you •*■ say that our nium criminum intentionem, quae Christianorum ^^^^^''e ^ simply sanguinem flagitat. Ostendimus totum statum ^^hUoso^-*^^ nostrum, et quibus modis probare possimus ita P^Jf^i't^e^'' esse, sicut ostendimus, ex fide scilicet et anti- Jj^^t orour quitate divinarum litterarum, item ex confession e TncfJ^on- duct. * non tamen ; this refers to The pro m each clause means * as cujus lihet, as if it had been regards, with respect to.* scien- written, quod suppUcium, sit cujus tics plenitudo I conceive means, libeat generis, non tamen, &c. the perfect knowledge we have ^ depretiare. This word, I be- of the virtue, its nature, and lieve, is almost peculiar to Ter- what it requires from us, (sc. a tullian, or, at least, until much Deo edocti) for latebrarum difficul- later times. ta^, see de poenit. c. 3. mediocritas "" innocentioB occurrimus ; I humana de factis solum judicat think Semler's explanation of quia voluntatis latebris par non est. this phrase is good, i. e. quasi XLVI. ^ constitimus. v. c. 4. inventam illam soli amplexuri. intentiofiem, c. 27. 150 TERTULLIANI CAP. XLVI. spiritualium potestatum'^ Quis nos revincere au- debit, lion arte verborum, sed eadem forma, qua probationem constituimus de veritate? Sed dum unicuique manifestatiir Veritas nostra, interim in- credulitas, dum de bono sectae hnjus obducitur^ * See c. 19—23. a little further down, non arte verborum alludes to practices common enough in the courts of Carthage, which are spoken of in c. 2. of the Intro- duction. ^ obducere. I cannot offer any satisfactory explanation of the singular meaning which Ter- tullian gives to* this word; that it is equivalent to refellere, or, to a more favourite expression of his, revincere, is unquestionably shewn by a passage in c, 2. de Resur. Car. Ohducti dekinc de Deo carnis auctore, et de Christo carnis redemptore, jam et de re- surrectione carnis revincentur, con- gruenter scilicet, where revincen- tur is obviously a repetition of the participle in the first clause, the assertion being that a dispu- tant convinced of the two facts, will also be convinced of the third. The de simply means ' on the point of,' as in the text. But through what transition or meta- phor obducere obtained this force, I cannot tell. It occurs fre- quently enough, and in the active as well as the passive voice. Semler seems to imagine that in the concluding chapter of this Apology it is used in a different sense, viz. that of expiingere, and that it is a metaphor similarly taken from the taWets. The glossary of Ducange says that in the African writers it means obfuseare, violare, kedere, which significations are traceable enough, but no African writer is quoted there except Tertullian, and no passages which warrant the in- terpretation given. If its signi- fication is really uniform in all passages where it occurs, I should be inclined to explain it by ear- pungere, or at all events to con- nect it with that idea, as if used to express the striking out of one item from a series. Cbmp. the beginmng of c. 19. de Car. Chr. The argument of the text i»: ' But their incredulity, although convinced on the score of the practical utility of our doctrines, which indeed is now well known even from the ordinary trans- actions of life, stm denies the divinity of their source, and con- siders us simply as a new philo- sophical school.' The allusion here is to the very remarkable fact (of which we have other record besides this passage) that even during the keenest perse- cution of the Christians, their integrity in their dealings was acknowledged and made useful. And the difference between them and the philosophers, which very early appeared, was this, that LIBER APOJLOGETICUS. 161 quod Usui jam et de commercio innotuit, non uti- cap. que divinum negotium existimat, sed magis philo- sophiae genus. Eadem, inquit, et philosophi monent Just . .... . . XXVIU. et prontentur, mnocentiam, justitiam, patientiam, sobrietatem, pudicitiam. Cur ergo quibus compara- mur de disciplina, proinde illis non adaequamur ad licentiam impunitatemque disciplinae? vel cur et illi ut pares nostri non urgentur ad officia, quae nos non obeuntes periclitamur ? Quis enim philoso- phum sacrificare, aut dejerare, aut lucernas meridie vanas prostituere compellit? Quin imo et deosJust. iv. vestros palam destruunt, et superstitiones vestras commentariis quoque accusant, laudantibus vobis*. Plerique etiam in principes latrant sustinentibus vobis. Et facilius statuis et salariis^ remunerantur, quam ad bestias pronuntiantur. Sed merito; philo- sophi enim non Christiani cognominantur. Nomen hoc philosophorum daemonia non fugat. Quidni, quum secundum deos philosophi daemonas depu- tent ? Socratis vox est : si deemonium permittat. Idem et quum aliquid de veritate sapiebat, deos their practice accorded with their bus vobis. Cybele pastorem sus- precepts, whereas the contrary pirat non erubescentibus vobis. It was most notoriously the case in is preserved also in the tract ad allthe schools of morality. Lactan- Nationes. tins applies an entire chapter (D. ^ salariis. Pliny (xxxi. 7.) I. III. 16.) to these considerations, gives a derivation of this word ; and Seneca (de Vit. Beat. c. 18.) Sal honoribus etiam militiaque in meeting the same argument, interponitur^ salariis inde dictis, excuses very ingeniously what he magna apud antiquos auctoritate, cannot contradict. The word occurs in Seneca and ^ laudantibus vobis susti- Suetonius, pronuntiantur ; the nentibus vobis. See the same absolute use of this word for artificial disposition of words in pronuntiare sententiam occurred c. 15. Luget Sol filium ketanti- twice in c. 2. 152 TERTULLIANI CAP. negans, iEsculapio tamen gallinaceum prosecari jam in fine*^ jubebat, credo ob honorera patris ejus, quia Socratem Apollo sapientissimum omnium cecinit. O Apollinem inconsideratum ! Sapientiae testimo- nium reddidit ei viro, qui negabat deos esse. In quantum odium" flagrat Veritas, in tantum qui earn ex fide praestat offendit; qui autem adulterat et afFectat, hoc maxime nomine gratiam pangit apud insectatores veritatis. Mimice philosophi afFectant veritatem et afFectando corrumpunt, ut qui gloriam captant: Christiani eam necessario appetunt et in- tegre praestant, ut qui saluti suae curant^ Adeo neque de scientia neque de disciplina, ut putatis, aequamur. Quid enim Thales ille princeps physi- corum sciscitanti Croeso de divinitate certum re- nuntiavit, commeatus deliberandi saepe frustratus^? Deum quilibet opifex Christianus et invenit et os- tendit et exinde totum, quod in deo quaeritur, re quoque assignat; licet Plato affirmet factitatorem universitatis neque inveniri facilem et inventum " in fine; i. e. jam morte rans, and Apuleius (Apol. 420.) pra;sente, as de Anim. c. 1. Taci- solis hominibus, et eorum paucis tus uses the verb; sic Tiberius curare. Dr Ashton quotes in- finivit. The expression has been stances of this regimen from illustrated by Perizonius ad Valer. Plautus, and, by a most extra- Max. II. 6. 7. A little afterwards ordinary misconception, adds Hor. testimonium reddidit is simply Epist. i. 2. 49. Non animo curas, equivalent to testifiA:atas est, probably quoting from memory, though we had it with a veiy * commeatus seepe frustratus ; different meaning in c. 14. i.e. "having repeatedly frustrated ^ odium. Dr Ashton would (employed unsuccessfully) the read odio, so as to make in quan- delays that were granted him." turn merely answer to in tantum, For commeatus see c. 32. divi- 1 think, correctly. nitas in this passage means divi- * saiuti sua; curant. So de nity in the abstract, as I have Cult. Fcem. c. ]. nffectionij)rocu- explained divinitas vestra in p. 90. LIBER APOLOGETICUS. 153 eiiarrari in omnes^" difficilem. Ceteriim si de pu- car dicitia provocemus, lego partem sententiae Atticae in Socratem corruptorem adolescentium pronuntia- tam. Sexum nee femineum miitat Christianus. Novi et Phrynen meretricem Diogenis supra recu- bantis ardori subantem. Audio et quendam Speu- sippum de Platonis schola in adulterio periisse. Christianus uxori suae soli masculus nascitur. De- mocritus excaecando semetipsum, quod mulieres sine concupiscentia aspicere non posset, et doleret, si non esset potitus, incontinentiam emendatione pro- fitetur. At Christianus salvis oculis feminam videt, animo adversus libidinem caecus est. Si de pro- bitate defendam, ecce lutulentis pedibus Diogenes superbos Platonis toros alia superbia deculcat : Christianus nee in pauperem superbit. Si de mo- destia certem, ecce Pythagoras apud Thurios, Zeno apud Prienenses tyrannidem affectant : Christianus vero nee aedilitatem^'. Si de animi aequitate con- grediar, Lycurgus diroKapTeprjaiv optavit, quod leges ejus Lacones emendassent : Christianus etiam dam- natus gratias agit. Si de fide comparem, Anaxa- goras depositum hospitibus denegavit: Christianus ^^ enarrari in omnes, to be ex- antithetically to tyrannidem. This plained to the multitude. This office — or at least a municipal is in allusion to the esoteric aedileship, which must be that and exoteric doctrines of the Pla- with which TertuUian was fa- tonic school. In all writings miliar, — seems to have had some- of the Platonists, especially on thing peculiarly^ contemptible this point, the ireirailevixevoi and ridiculous in it to ancient and the ox^o^; are constantly eyes, and is often quoted as a contrasted. The in is the ek proverbial burlesque of official rank. See Juv. x. 102. Persius. I. 130. 7rai/Ta9. " nee cedilitatem ; opposed 154 TERTULLIANI CAP. XLVI. etiam extra'' fidelis vocatur. Si de simplicitate^^ con- sistam, Aristoteles familiarem suum Hermiam tur- piter loco excedere fecit : Christianus nee inimicum suum laedit. Idem Aristoteles tam turpiter Alex- andro regendo potius'* adulatur, quam Plato Dio- nysio ventris gratia veiiditatur. Aristippus in pur- pura sub magna gravitatis superficie nepotatur^^ et Hippias, dum civitati insidias disponit, occiditur. Hoc pro suis omni atrocitate dissipatis nemo un- quam Christianus tentavit. Sed dicet aliquis, etiam de nostris excedere quosdam a regula disciplinae; desinunt tum Christiani haberi penes nos, philo- sophi vero illi cum talibus factis^^ in nomine et " etiam esctra ; i. e. erga ex- teros. Even amongst those be- tween whom and himself there is no bond of union. So in c. 7. they who are not Christians are termed extranei. As also in c. 31. ^' Simplicitas ; the example given shews that this word here is intended to mean humility and modesty of character. " regendo potius. i. e. quem potius oportebat ab eo regi. the words must be closely connected ; compare ponendus, Juv. iii. 56. venditatur — "venalis est." Semi. I cannot help thinking that Ter- tuUian is using this word in a de- ponent sense, and that it contains something like the phrase vendi- tare ohsequium, which occurs in Livy's story of the Bacchanalia. I take this opportunity of re- marking, that Semler in his Lexi- con interprets the expression facinora rendidit, which occurred p. 25, as accepto pretio celavit, which, as the reader will see on referring, is very diiferent from my translation of it in the note. In defence of my own explana- tion I observe, that Semler's idea is already contained in the word celavit, to which Tertullian m evidently opposing another pro- ceeding, aut vendidit; besides this, the ipsos trahens homines shews that not concealment but expo- sure is spoken of. The Vulgate has the same expression. Act. Apost. viii. 3. Saulus autem de- vastabat Ecclesiam, per domos intrans, et trahens viros ac mu- lieres, tradebat in custodiam. ^' nepotari, i. e. nepotem age- re ; compare the use of juvtmari, Hor. Ep. ad Pis. 246. In the following words the point of the sentence is contained in the pa- renthetical clause, dum... disponit. " cum talibus factis, i. e. not- withstanding, in spite of such conduct. LIBER APOLOGETICUS. 155 in honore sapientiae perseverant apud vos. Quid ^ap^- adeo simile philosophus et Christianus, Graeciae dis- cipulus et coeli, famae negotiator et salutis, verborum et factorum operator, rerum aedificator et destructor, interpolator erroris et integrator veritatis, furator ejus et custos. XL VII. Adhuc^ enim mihi proficit antiquitas Even the praestructa divinae litteraturae, quo facile credatur tion to ^ ^ ... . . truth which thesaurum earn fuisse posteriori cuique sapientiae. phiioso- ^ ^ *■ ^ phersmake, Et si non onus jam voluminis temperarem -, etiam J^ o«^»°.g ^o *' * our scrip- excurrerem in banc quoque probationem. Quis poe- ^0^^^^^^^^ tarum, quis sophistanim, qui non de propbetarum fonte potaverit? Inde igitur pbilosopbi sitim in- genii sui rigaverunt ; nam quia quaedam de nostris babent, ea propter nos comparant^ illis. Inde, opi- nor, et a quibusdam pbilosopbia legibus quoque ejecta est, a Thebanis dico, a Spartiatis et Argivis. Dum ad nostra conantur et bomines gloriaeS ut diximus, et eloquentiae solius libidinosi, si quid in Sanctis ofFenderunt digestis, exinde regestum pro institute curiositatis ad propria verterunt, neque satis credentes divina esse, quo minus interpolarent, neque satis intelligentes, ut adbuc tunc subnubila, etiam ipsis Judaeis obumbrata, quorum propria vi- XLVII. ^ Adhuc enim, &c. hanc probationem ; * I should run " For, in proving what I have out into a proof of this assertion;' advanced, the superior antiquity — another reading is hdc pro- of the Scriptures which I before babatione, which would mean : established, is a serviceable argu- " I should, in establishing this ment to me." proof, make a considerable di- ^ onus temperare. In earlier gression." Latin this would more probably ^ comparant ; sc. nationes. have been vrieri ; but the accu- * homines gloritB ut diximus ; sative is like temperare sumtus, compare the whole sentence in annonam, &c. Excurrerem in c. 19. glorice homines j &c. 156 TERTULLIANI CAP. XLVII. debantur. Nam^ et si qua simplicitas erat veritatis, eo magis scrupulositas humana fidem aspernata mu- tabat, per quod in iucertum miscuerunt etiam quod invenerant certum. Invento enim solummodo Deo, adeo non, ut invenerant, disputaverunt, ut de qua- litate et de natura ejus et de sede disceptent. Alii incorporalem asseverant, alii corporalem, qua^ Pla- tonici, qua et Stoici ; alii ex atomis, alii ex nu- ° Nam et : The word mutahat in this sentence is by many read nutabat ; the meaning is as fol- lows : For, even where the truth was stated in the most simple language, the natural sophistry of man, despising humble faith, changed it (or, perplexed itself with doubts), through which pro- ceeding they confused with the doubtful doctrines even what they found perfectly clear. The succeeding sentence I have read from Dr Ashton's con- jecture, who takes invento Deo from ad Nat. ii. 2, and conceives that the adeo was lost in the pre- ceding Deo. His emendation, at all events, gives a tractable pas- sage, which can hardly be said of the old text ; " Inventum enim solummodo Deum non ut invene- rant disputaverunt, ut, &c." The tense of disceptent refers to the actual present practice, (so asse- verant just after) and the pre- ceding perfects may be taken aoristically. solummodo means: After finding in the scriptures God solely, revealed as such, with- out any of those attributes con- cerning which they were inquisi- tive, &C. * qua Platonici, &c. This sentence does not appear to be very satisfactorily constructed, but though the periods might be made to harmonize with but little alteration, yet it is hardly safe to attempt it. Dr Ashton suggests the omission of qua before Stoici, so that the sentence would run, alii incorporalem asse- verant, alii corporalem, qua Pla- tonici et Stoici; alii ex atomis, alii ex numeris, qua Epicurus et Pythagoras; but I think the double use of qua makes the real meaning more perspicuous, which, it may be observed, is not, that Platonists and Stoics asserted each both facts, but that philosophers held the incorporal, or corporal, nature of the Deity, according as they were Platonists or Stoics, respectively. I should rather prefer the addition of qua before et Pythagoras. There seems too, a little variation in the exact sense of qua as the text now stands; in the first clause, qua Platonici, &c. it is evidently qua tenus, like qua homines, p. 110. (where sec note) ; but in the next, qua Epicurus, it appears equivalent to qucmadmodum. LIBER APOLOGETICUS. 157 meris, qua Epicurus et Pythagoras; alii ex igne, ^^^^j qua Heraclito visum est; et Platonici quidem cu- rantem rerum ; contra Epicurei otiosum et iuex- ercitum, et ut ita dixerim, neminem' Immanis rebus ; positum vero extra muudum Stoici, qui figuli modo extrinsecus torqueat molem banc; intra mundum Platonici, qui gubernatoris exemplo intra illud maneat, quod regat. Si et de ipso mundo natus innatusve sit% decessurus mansurusve sit, variant ; sic et de animae statu, quam alii divinam et ajter- nam, alii dissolubilem contendunt: ut quis sensit, ita et intulit aut reformavit^ Nee mirmn, si vetus instrumentum ingenia philosopborum interverterunt. Ex horum semine et nostram banc novitiolam pa- raturam'° viri quidam suis opinionibus ad pbiloso- ' neminem humanis rebus ; others read in humanis, but not correctly. The case is the dative, and similar to the illi in c. 34. where see the note. The images mfigulus and gubernator are those of a potter guiding his wheel from some position external to it, {extrinsecus) ; and of a pilot steering his vessel from a point within it. " natus innatusve, decessurus mansurusve; These terms are equivalent to the nativus and mortalis of Lucretius ; decessurus means exitum habiturus. ^ ut quis sensit, &c. i. e. " Ac- cording to the individual con- clusion which each man comes to, he introduces {intulit) a fresh theory, or remodels an old one." ^^ novitiolam paraturam ; I have before remarked (note p. 58.) on the convertibility of the terms instrumentum and para- tura, which are here used with their respective epithets for the Old and New Testaments. "It is no wonder," says Tertullian, "if the philosophers perverted the Old Testament {vetus instru- mentum), for men of the same class {mri ex horum semine) have distorted this our New Testa- ment {nostrum hanc novitiolam paraturam) to make it agree with philosophical doctrines {ad philo- sophicas sententias). Tertullian frequently asserts in his polemical writings that the Gnostics and other heretics of that class owe their birth to philosophy ; in one passage he terms the philoso- phers htereticorum patriarcfios. As regards the letter of the text, novitius, of which novitiolus is a 158 TERTULLIAM XLVii. P^^c^s sententias adulteraverunt, et de una via — obljquos multos tramites et inexplicabiles scide- runt. Quod ideo suggesserim, ne cui nota varietas sectaB hujus in hoc quoque nos philosophis adae- quare videatur, et ex varietate defensionum judicet veritatem. Expedite autem praescribimus adulteris nostris, illam esse regulam veritatis, quae veniat a Christo, transmissa per comitcs ipsius, quibus ali- quanto posteriores diversi isti commentatores pro- babuntur. Omnia adversus veritatem de ipsa veri- tate constructa sunt, operantibus aemulationem istam spiritibus erroris. Ab his adulteria hujusmodi sa- lutaris disciplinae suborn ata ; ab his quaedam etiam fabulae immissae, quae de similitudine fidem infir- marent veritatis^', vel eam sibi potius evincerent, ut quis ideo non putet Christianis credendum, quia nee poetis, nee philosophis, vel ideo magis poetis et philosophis existimet credendum, quia non Chris- tianis. Itaque et ridemur deum praedicantes judi- diminutive, occurs in Plautus, from the corruptions of philo- and the young student may sophy; and that therefore the observe that in late writers, and diiferences existing both in the especially in the African Latinity, one and the other were not of diminutives are used in profusion the same nature, and could not without implying any difference be compared. On the objections from the original word. Apu- of this kind compare Origen, c. leius seems sometimes almost to Cels. Lib. v. and vi. pp. 273, 282, confine himself to them. ed. Cantab. Tn the succeeding sentence " quts de similitudine, &c. i. e. {Quod ideo suggesserim, &c.) the which should lessen the credit argument appears to be this: of truth from their own simi- That experience had shewn the larity to it (as if necessarily doctrines of philosophy to be either both or neither were credi- essentially discordant and multi- ble), or rather, should put in an form ; but that the principles of exclusive claim to it. Compare dissent were not intrinsic to the opening of the treatise adv. Christianity, but derived in fact Prax. LIBER APOLOGETICUS. 159 caturum. Sic enim et poetae et philosophi tribunal cap. apud inferos ponunt. Si gehennam commmemur, quae est ignis arcani subterraneus ad poenam the- saurus, proinde decachinnamur. Sic enim et Py- riphlegethon apud mortuos amnis est. Et si paradisum nominemus, locum divinae amoenitatis recipiendis sanctorum spiritibus destinatum, maceria quadam igneas illius zonae a notitia orbis commu- nis segregatum, Elysii cam pi fidem occupaverunt^^ Unde haec, ore vos, philosophis aut poetis tam con- similia? non nisi de nostris sacramentis: si^^ de nostris sacramentis, ut de prioribus, ergo fideliora sunt nostra, magisque credenda, quorum imagines quoque fidem inveniunt ; si de suis sensibus, jam ergo sacramenta nostra imagines posterioruin ha- bebuntur, quod rerum forma non sustinet ; nunquam enim corpus umbra aut veritatem imago praecedit. XLVIII. Age jam, si quis philosophus affirmet, Yet you ut ait Laberius de sententia Pythagorae, hominem J^vjgjof^ fieri ex mulo, colubram ex muliere, et in eam opi- {[^"^^^s'"* nionem omnia argumenta eloquii^ virtute detorserit, t^oigh nonne consensum movebit et fidem infiget etiam S of the ab animalibus abstinendi ? proptereaque persuasum tfoTof the quis hoc habeat, ne forte bubulam de aliquo proavo ° ^' " occupare is used in its pecu- if from the later, we must con- liar sense, ' to anticipate/ elude our ideas (of earlier date) ^ si de nostris, &c. The to be copies of theirs (of later argument is this : the poets date), which is absurd, and in- derived these ideas either from consistent with the nature of our doctrines, or their own in- things {quod rerum forma non ventions ; if from the former, sustinet). they are later than ours, and XLVIII. ^ eloquii, the geni- therefore if they find credit as tive depends on virtute. propte- copies (adumbrations, imagines) reaque persuasum, i. e. propterea a fortiori should ours as originals ; sc. ne obsonet. you 160 TERTULLIANI CAP. XLVIII. suo obsonet. At enim Christianus, si de liomine hominem ipsumque de Caio Caium reducem repro- mittat, lapidibus niagis, nee saltern^ calcibus a populo exigetur? Quasi^ noii, quaecunque ratio praeest animarum humanarum in corpora^ recipro- candarum, ipsa exigat illas in eadem corpora revo- cari; quia hoc est revocari, id esse quod fuerant. Nam si non id sunt, quod fuerant, id est, huma- num^ et id ipsum corpus indutae, jam non ipsa? erunt, quae fuerant. Porro quae jam non erunt ipsae, quomodo rediisse dicentur? Aut, aliud factas, non erunt ipsae, aut, manentes ipsae, non erunt aliunde. Multis etiam jocis et otio opus erit, si velimus ad banc partem lascivire, quis in quam bestiam re- form ari videretur. Sed de nostra magis defensione* ^ nee saltern calcibus^ i. e. " if not with kicks." ^ Quasi non. *As if, what- ever argument there was for the re-incarnation of souls, the same did not necessarily demand the identity of the body.' * in corpora, i. e. in corpora quselibet. * humanumet id ipsum corpus; humanum as opposed to the Py- thagorean theory of promiscuous transmigration, id ipsum as op- posed to those who would con- fine the metempsychosis to hu- manity, but not insist on the identity of the flesh. " non erunt aliunde; In the foregoing sentence the case is stated thus; that the very idea of the resurrection of the soul implies necessarily its resurrection with its own body, inasmuch as the two facts are inseparable; "for either, having migrated (aliud facta:) they will not be the animcB in question and there- fore cannot be said to have risen again at all, or, being identical (manentes ipsce) they will not be derived from any other individual (aliunde)." The whole of this passage exists with readings too various to be the result of acci- dent, and seems to confirm the hypothesis previously mentioned, that there was a double edition of the Apology. ^ Sed de nostra magis defensi- one ; i. e. " But (instead of luxu- riating in fancy) to return to our own proper defence ;" — I have adopted the punctuation given above from a suggestion of Dr Ashton's. LIBER APOLOGETICUS. 161 qui proponimus, (multo utique dignius credi,) ho- xlvhi minem ex homine rediturum, quemlibet pro quo- libet, dum hominera, ut eadem qualitas animae in eandem restauretur coiiditionem, etsi non effigiem ; certe, quia ratio^ restitutionis destinatio judicii est, necessario idem ipse qui fuerat exhibebitur, ut boni seu contrarii meriti judicium a deo referat. Ideo- que repraesentabuntur et corpora, quia neque pati quicquam potest anima sola sine stabili materia, id est carne ; et quod omnino de judicio dei pati de- bent animae, non sine carne meruerunt, intra quam omnia egerunt. Sed quomodo, inquis, dissoluta materia exhiberi potest? Considera temetipsum, o homo, et fidem rei invenies. Recogita quid fueris, antequam esses: utique nihil; meminisses^ J^^st. 25. enim, si quid fuisses. Qui ergo nihil fueras, pri- usquam esses, idem nihil factus quum esse desieris, cur non possis esse rursus de nihilo ejusdem ipsius auctoris voluntate, qui te voluit esse de nihilo? Quid novi tibi eveniet ? qui non eras, factus es ; quum iterum non eris, fies. Redde si potes rati- onem, qua factus es, et tunc require, qua fies. Et tamen facilius utique fies, quod fuisti aliquando, ' certe quia ratio, &c. The in the second book of Amobius. meaning of this clause seems to It is hardly necessary to direct be that the resurrection of the attention to the eloquence of the identical body was a condition of succeeding passage, considera te- the future judgment. In c. 4. de metipsum, &c. Test. An. Tertullian says, nulla ^ meminisses. There is pos- ratio sit judicii, sine ipsius exM- sibly some allusion to the Pla- bitione qui meruit judicii passio- tonic theory, alluded' to also by nem. The subject will be found Amobius in the passage above treated of in the tract de Resurr. quoted. Camis, and somewhat differently 11 162 TERTULLIANI XLvm ^"^^ ^^"^ ^^^" difficile ^^ factus es, quod nunquam — fuisti aliquando. Dubitabitur, credo, de dei viribus, qui tan turn corpus hoc mundi de eo quod non fuerat, non minus quam de morte vacationis et inanitatis composuit", animatum spiritu omnium animarum animatore, sign at um et per ipsum human ae resurrectionis exemplum in testimonium vobis. Lux quotidie interfecta resplendet, et tenebrae pari vice decedendo^^ succedunt, sidera defuncta reviviscunt, tempora ubi finiuntur, incipiunt, fructus consumun- tur et redeunt; certe semina non nisi corrupta et dissoluta fecundius surgunt^^? omnia pereundo ser- vantur, omnia de interitu reformantur. Tu homo, tantum nomen, si intelligas te, vel de titulo Py- thiae discens, dominus omnium morientium et re- surgentium ad hoc morieris, ut pereas ? Ubicunque resolutus fueris", quaecunque te materia destrux- erit, hauserit, aboleverit, in nihilum prodegerit, reddet te. Ejus^^ est nihilum ipsum, cujus et to- tum. Ergo, inquitis, semper moriendum erit, et semper resurgendum. Si ita rerum dominus des- ^" csque 7wn difficile ; there means 'go and come,' as if it had appears to be no doubt about this been * postquam decesserint, suc- reading, and yet it can scarcely cedunt rursus/ be correct; Dr Ashton suggests ^^ 1 Cor. xv. 36. Insipiens, a very good emendation in the tu quod semiuas, non vivificatur, margin ; quia aque, quod diffici- nisi moriatur. lius, &c. but adds that he would ^* Ubicunque resolutus fueris ; rather totally reject the words as i. e. " into whatever substance a gloss. The argument itself, you may have been resolved." plus est fecisse quam refecisse, has The expression is common in been repeatedly urged by the Lucretius. Fathers. ^^ ejus est nihilum'; " That " Terra autem ernt inanis et nothing itself just spoken of, is vacua. under the dominion of the same ^^ decedendo succedunt merely Master as is the universe." LIBER APOLOGETICUS. 163 tinasset, ingratis experieris conditionis'^ tuae legem. At nunc non aliter destinavit, quam praedicavit. Quae ratio universitatem ex diversitate composuit, ut omnia ex aemulis substantiis sub unitate con- starent ex vacuo et solido, ex animali et inanimali, ex comprehensibili et incomprehensibili, ex luce et tenebris, ex ipsa vita et morte : eadem aevum ^ ' quoque ita destinata ac distincta conditione con- seruit, ut prima haec pars ab exordio rerum, quam incolimus, temporali aetate ad finem defluat, sequens vero, quam expectamus, in infinitam asternitatem propagetur. Quum ergo finis et limes medius, qui interhiat, affuerit, ut etiam mundi ipsius species transferatur aeque temporalis, quae illi dispositioni aeternitatis aulaei vice oppansa est : tunc restituetur CAP. XLVIII. ^^ conditionis tuce legem ; " the law of your creation," see note, p. 63. ^^ eadem (Bvum, &c. The ex- pression cevum here is not like seculum in c. 26. but impKes the whole space included both in this life and the future, of which the prima hcec pars (i. e. Sfsculum) is finite, and the sequens pars infi- nite, and the distincta conditio is in the ordinary sense of the substantive, and not that occur- ring above. As there is some little difficulty in the passage I subjoin a general paraphrase : " That Reason which called forth Unity out of Discord, and the Universe out of Chaos, created also Time under these laws, viz. that its first division, which we are spending, dating from the beginning of the world, should be finite and run rapidly to its close, and that its second, which we look for, should be eternal. When therefore the boundary gulf which yawns between these two periods, shall have arrived, and the time too for the passing away {transferatur : so Vulg. cce- lum et terra transibunt, S. Matth. xxiv. 35.) of this world, which is no less mortal than ourselves, but is hung like a drop-scene before the system of eternity — then shall mankind be restored to render a lasting account of their deeds." Tertullian's de- scription of ovum here is some- thing analogous to that of vita mentioned by Lucan (i. 457.) as believed by the Druids, longae (canitis si cog-nita) vit« Mors media est. 11—2 164 TERTULLIANI CAP. omne humanum genus ad expungendum, quod in isto aevo boni seu mali meruit, et exin dependen- dum in immensam aeternitatis perpetuitatem. Ideo- que nee mors jam, nee rursus ac rursus resurrectio, sed erimus iidem qui nunc, nee alii post: dei qui- dem cultores apud deum semper, superinduti sub- stantia propria aeternitatis ; profani vero et qui non integri ad deum'% in poena seque jugis ignis, habentis ex ipsa natura ejus, divina scilicet, sub- ministrationem incorruptibilitatis. Noverunt et philosophi diversitatem arcani et publici ignis. Ita longe alius est qui usui humano, alius qui judicio dei apparet, sive de coelo fulmina stringens, sive de terra per vertices montium eructans ; non enim absumit, quod exurit, sed dum erogat, reparat. Adeo manent montes semper ardentes'^ et qui de coelo tangitur, salvus est, ut nuUo jam igni deci- nerescat. Et hoc erit testimonium ignis aeterni, hoc exemplum jugis judicii poenam nutrientis : montes uruntur et durant. Quid nocentes et dei hostes ? JoTrthem XLIX. Haec sunt, quae in nobis solis prae- cuteu?r sumptiones vocantur, in philosophis et poetis sum- whereas in ... ^ . . . . . ^,,. . anycasewe niae scicutiae et insignia ingenia. llli prudentes, can have . • -it i t • • i t • deserved no uos luepti, illi honoraudi, uos imdcudi, imo eo ^'* integri ad deum ; i. e. apud, stent, aut idem sibi de die sperent. as often in earlier writers. S. Dissiliunt superhissimi montcif Luc. i. 6. erant autem ambo justi ignis intrinsecus fetu, et quod ante Deum. nobis judicii perpetuitatem probat, ^^ de Poenit. c. 12. Quid ilium cum dissiliant, cum devorentur, tftesaurum ignis ceterni cestimu- nunquam tamen finiuntur. The mus cumfumariola qucedam ejus word erogare has been explained tales Jlammarum ictus suscitent ut in p. 146. proximce urbes aut jam nulla ex- LIBER APOLOGETICUS. 165 CAP. XLIX. more severe amplius et puniendi. Falsa nunc sint quae tuemur, et merito praesumptiones, attamen necessaria; in- epta, attamen utilia ; si quidem meliores fieri co- visitation guntur ^ qui eis credunt, metu aeterni supplicii et ^"'^• spe aeterni refrigerii. Itaque non expedit falsa dici, nee inepta haberi, quae expedit vera praesumi. Nullo titulo damnari licet omnino' quas prosunt. In vobis XLIX. ^ Falsa nunc sint, &c. The argument of this pas- sage appears at first sight to rest on that plea of expediency which has been so much canvassed in modem times, but such is not really the case, and indeed no possible kind of reasoning could be more diametrically opposed to Tertullian's principles. The direct end of this Apology must closely be borne in mind, viz. the attain- ment of something like toleration and justice for the Christians. No attempt is made, except indi- rectly and unavoidably, to con- vert others, or to offer a system of evidences ; all that Christi- anity is made to demand is ne ignorata damnetur, and with this view Tertullian argues that even making every possible concession of the emptiness or untruth of the rehgion, still no warrant can be found for persecution and cruelty, and that the beneficial influences which it is admitted to exert, ought at all events to secure it from any thing more violent than ridicule. It may be remarked, that Arnobius when employmg (L extr.) this same argument does so in connexion with the same expostulations : non placet (he says) ea qum dicit (Christus) et cum offensionibus audiuntur a vobis ; pro ludicris ea vaticinationihus computate: stolid- issimas res loquitur et fatua dona promittit ; ridete ut sapientes vos viri et in suis errorihus fatuitatem relinquite volutari : and he had been previously urging the ex- pediency of Christianity, though not precisely on the grounds of the text ; but he proceeds in his next sentences to shew clearly with what aim he is writing in this particular passage, though the general tone of his work is didactic and argumentative ; QucBuam est ista crudelitas inhu- manitasque tanta, &c. The ex- pression coguntur alludes to that compulsory or inevitable im- provement caused by Christi- anity which was mentioned in the note p. 115. ^ damnari licet omnino ; I prefer connecting omnino closely with damnarij and giving the meaning of the whole sentence thus : on no charge whatever {nullo titulo) can any scheme de- serve unconditional condemnation {damnari amniiw) which is pro- ved to be beneficial. The hcEC ipsa prcBsumptio a little lower means 'that identical presump- tion with which you charge us,' 166 TERTULLIANI xux ^*^^^^ praesumptio est haec ipsa, quse damnat utilia. Proinde nee inepta esse possunt, certe etsi falsa et inepta, nulli tamen noxia; nam et multis aliis similia, quibus nullas pcenas irrogatis, vanis et fabu- losis, inaccusatis et impunitis, ut innoxiis. Sed in ejusmodi errores, si utique, irrisu judicandum est, non gladiis et ignibus, et crucibus, et bestiis; de qua iniquitate saevitiae non modo caecum hoc vul- gus exsultat et insultat, sed et quidam vestrum^ quibus favor vulgi de iniquitate captatur, glori- antur, quasi non totum, quod in nos potestis, nos- trum sit arbitrium. Certe, si velim, Christianus sum : tunc ergo me damnabis, si damnari velim ; quum vero quod in me potes, nisi velim, non potes ; jam meae voluntatis est quod potes, non tuae potes- tatis. Proinde et vulgus'* vane de nostra vexatione gaudet ; proinde enim nostrum est gaudium, quod sibi vindicat, qui malumus damnari, quam a deo excidere ; contra illi qui nos oderunt, dolere non gaudere debebant, consecutis nobis quod elegimus. mire their L. Ergo, iuquitis, cur querimini, quod vos in- obstmacy, ggquamur^ si pati vultis, cum diligere debeatis, per prfssumptio meaning literally a proinde is used in diiferent senses decision on insufficient grounds, in this passage, in its first place and without due information. it signifies simply irpo's tuvtu '■^ sed et quidam vestrum; i.e. (like licet nunc in the next " even some of you, who are chapter), in the second it is taken educated men, in authority ;" in a way which we have more these are the parties to whom than once met with in this the Apology was addressed, who treatise, proinde enim nostrum are elsewhere apostrophized as est, meaning gaudium enim, quod antistites and presides; and the sibi vindicat vulgus, tarn est nos- same contrast between them and trum quam ipsius. the vulgus is drawn in p. 121. L. ^ On the sense of insc- * proinde et vulgus ; the word qunmur, see note p. 10. LIBER APOLOGETICUS. 16? quos patimini quod vultis? Plane volumus pati, cap. verum eo more, quo et bellum miles : nemo quidem Ti • -1 . ,. . . yetyou libens patitur, cum et trepidare et periclitari sit^neerat our endu- necesse; tamen et proeliatur omnibus viribus, et '^^"^;? 5 b^t ••- our deeds, vincens in proelio gaudet, qui de proelio querebatur, ^ngs^gSn" quia et gloriam consequitur et prsedam. Proelium ^g^S thTn est nobis, quod provocamur ad tribunalia, ut illic o? entice-^ sub discrimine capitis pro veritate^ certemus. Vic-theh-I toria est autem, pro quo certaveris, obtinere. Ea victoria habet et gloriam placendi deo et praedam vivendi in aeternum. Sed obducimur^; certe cum obtinuimus : ergo vicimus, cum occidimur ; denique evadimus, cum obducimur. Licet nunc sarmen- ticios et semaxios^ appelletis, quia ad stipitem dimidii axis revincti sarmentorum ambitu exurimur. Hie est habitus victorias nostrae, hsec palmata vestis ; TALI CURRU TRIUMPH AMUs. Meiito itaque victis ^ The sentiments contained 36.) employs the word absolutely in this chapter will be found in for revincere : possimus ohtinere the tracts ad Martyres, and ad non esse Deo a superiore prolata Scapulam, and are repeated by tarn supervaeua, with which com- most of Tertullian's successors, pare iv. 8. especially Cyprian and Lactan- * sarmenticii et semaxii ; The tius. In the edict of Antoninus former of these words occurs in an expression exactly parallel to the Scriptores Rei Rusticae, but the text occurs, ihkwo-i irpoi- of course in a more natural sense. efxevoi Ttt? \/^u;;^a?. (Euseb. Hist. The idea of the following clause IV. 13). Some remarks will be ^^s been borrowed by Lactan- found in the mtroduction, on the ^i^s ( 91. silvestris Roma, 103. succidere, 106. substantia pessimi spiritus, 108. sustinere pro expectare, 123. senatum implevimus, 126. sparteoli, 134. su^pendere, 140. supremam ensnare, 144. sterilitas, 145. salarium, 151. sarmenticii, 167. semaocii, 167. ^mere ad aliquid, 1. titulus, 2. towifi, quanti tot, quot, 3. trahere homines, 25, 154. ^e*^u e*^ Tiber is, '120. U usurpare, p. 66. ?/^^ etiamsi, 94. vacare non existere, 2. vacare, superfluum esse, 10. virgro continentia, 35. vindicare, 50. viderit, 55, 98. Tir^o Coelestis, 89. va*a Samia, 101. vice, 106, 116. vmo lutum cogere, 118. vanitas ocysti, 129. A LIST THEOLOGICAL WORKS, RECENTLY PUBLISHED BY J. & J. J. DEIGHTON, Booksellers to H. R. H. the Chancellor of the University, and Agents to the University, CAMBRIDGE. Acts of the Apostles. With Notes original and selected. For the use of Students in the University. By Hastings Robinson, D.D., formerly Fellow of St John's College, Cambridge. 8vo. 8*. Annotations on the Acts of the Apostles. De- signed principally for the use of Candidates for the Ordinary B.A. Degi-ee, Students for Holy Orders, &c., with College and Senate- House Examination Papers. By T. R. Maskew, M.A., of Sidney Sussex CoUege, Cambridge, Head Master of the Grammar School, Dorchester. Second Edition Enlarged. 12mo. 5s. Altar Service. With the Kubricks, &c. in Red. Royair4to. in Sheets 12s. Calf, lettered and Registers 110. Bibles, Prayer Books, and Church Services, printed at the University Press, in a variety of bindings. Blunt (Professor). Sketch of the Church of the first Two Centuries after Christ, drawn from the Writings of the Fathers, down to Clemens Alexandrinus inclusive. Bvo. 6s. 6d. Blunt (Professor). An Introduction to a Course of Lectures on the Early Fathers, now in delivery in the Univer- sity of Cambridge. Parts I. and II. Bvo. 2*. each. THEOLOGICAL WORKS, Bushby (Rev. E.) Introduction to the Study of the Holy Scriptures. Fourth Edition, 12mo. Ss. 6d. Bushby (Rev. E.) Essay on the Human Mind. Fourth Edition, 12mo. Ss. 6d. Butler (Bp.) An Analysis of his Three Ser- mons on Human Nature, and his Dissertation on Virtue. With a concise Summary of his System of Morals. 12mo. 1*. Cheke (Sir John). Translation of the Gospel according to St Matthew, and part of the first Chapter of the Gospel according to St Mark, with original Notes. Also vii Origi- nal Letters of Sir J. Cheke. Prefixed is an Introductory Account of the nature and object of the Translation. By J. Goodwin, B.D., Fellow and Tutor of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge. 8vo. 7*. Qd. Chrysostomi (S. Joannis). Homilise in Mattheum. Textum ad fidem codicum MSS. et versionum emendavit, prae- cipuam lectionis varietatem adscripsit, annotationibus ubi opus erat, et no vis indicibus instruxit F. Field, A.M., Coll. SS. Trin. Socius. 3 vols. 8vo. 21. 2s. Large Paper, 4/. 4*. An Ecclesiastical History from the earliest period to the present time, compiled from Eusebius, Bede, Mosheim, and the most authentic Records. Designed for Schools and Students. By the Editor of the Cambridge Edition of Elrington's Euclid. Foolscdlp, 8vo. cloth, 5s. Ecclesise Anglicanse Vindex Catholicus, sive Arti- culorum Ecclesise Anglicanae cum Scriptis SS. Patrum nova Colla- tio, cura G. W. Harvey, A.M. Coll. Regal. Socii. Bvo. Vol. I. IQs. Vol. II. 16*. Vol. III. 19*. Fisk (Rev. G.) Sermons preached in the Parish Church of St Botolph, Cambridge. 8vo. 10*. 6d. Select Poetry, chiefly Sacred, of the Reign of King JAMES the First. Collected by Edward Farr, Esq., Editor of Select Poetry of the Age of Queen Elizabeth. 16mo. cloth, 5s. 6d. Garrick. Mode of Reading the Liturgy of the Church of England. A New Edition, with Notes and a Preliminary Discourse. By R. Cull, Tutor in Elocution. 8vo. 5s. 6d. Parish Sermons. By the Rev. Harvey Good- win, M.A., late Fellow of Gonville and Caius College. 12mo. cloth, 6*. Gospels. Questions on the Four Gospels, and the Acts of the Apostles, Critical, Historical, and Geographical. 12mo. 3*. 6d - PUBLISHED BY J. & J. J. DEIGHTON. Hare (Archd.) Sermons preacht in Herstmon- ceaux Church. 8vo. 125. Hey (Prof.) Lectures in Divinity. Delivered in the University of Camhridge. Third Edition, 2 vols. 8vo. 11. 10s. Hildyard (Rev. J.) Five Sermons on the Parable of the Rich Man and Lazarus, preached before the University of Cambridge. 8vo. 5*. Hildyard (Rev. J.) Sermons, chiefly practical. Preached in the Chapel Royal, Whitehall, during the years 1843, 1844,1845. 8vo. 10s. 6d. Alford (Rev. H.) For the Year 1841. The Con- sistency of the Divine Conduct in Revealing the Doctrines of Re- demption. To which are added Two Sermons preached before the University of Cambridge. 8vo. 7^. Alford (Rev. H.) For the Year 1842. The Con- sistency of the Divine Conduct in Revealing the Doctrines of Redemp- tion. Part the Second. 8vo. 6s. Smith (Rev. Theyre T.) For the Year 1840. The Christian Religion in connexion with the Principles of Morality. 8vo. 7^. 6d. Babington (C.) For the Year 1845. The In- fluence of Christianity in promoting the Abolition of Slavery in Europe. 8vo. bds. 5s. EUicott (C. J.) For the Year 1843. The His- tory and Obligation of the Sabbath. 8vo. sewed, 8s. 6d. Gruggen (F. J.) For the Year 1044. The Law- fulness and Obligation of Oaths. 8 vo. 3*. Gd. tff.tr Hoare (A. M.) for the Year 1846. The Fitness of Christianity to Improve the Moral and Social Condition of the Northern Nations which overthrew the Roman Empire. 8vo. Ss. 6d. The Third Centenary of Trinity College, Cam- bridge. A Sermon preached in the Chapel on Tuesday, December 22nd, 1846, being the Commemoration of Founders and Benefactors By J. A. Jeremie, M.A., Fellow of Trinity College. 8vo. Is. Qd. THEOLOGICAL WORKS, Justin Martyr's Dialogue with Trypho the Jew. Translated from the Greek into the English, with Notes, chiefly for the advantage of English readers ; a Preliminary Dissertation, and a short Analysis. By Henry Brown, M.A., 8vo. 9*. (Origin- ally printed in 1745.) Jones (Rev. W. of Nayland). An Essay on the Church. 12mo. 1*. 6d. Leighton (Arch.) PfaelectionesTheologicse; Parae- neses, et Meditationes in Psalmos IV. XXXII. CXXX. Ethico- Criticae. Editio nova, iterum recensente J. Scholefield, A.M., Graec. Lit. apud Cantab. Professore Regio. 8vo. 8*. 6rf. Liturgiae Britannicae ; or the several Editions of the Book of Common Prayer of the Church of England, from its compilation to the last revision ; together with the Liturgy set forth for the use of the Church of Scotland ; arranged to shew their respective variations. By W. Keeling, B. D., Fellow of St John's College. 8vo. 11. Is. The Rubrics in these Liturgies are printed m red. Margaret, Countess of Richmond and Derby, and Foundress of Christ's and St John's Colleges, Cambridge, The Funeral Sermon, preached by Bishop Fisher in 1509; with Baker's Preface to the same, &c. Edited by J. Hymers, D.D., Fellow of St John's College ; with illustrative Notes, Additions, and an Appen- dix. 8vo. 76'. 6d. Middleton (Dr. T. F.) The Doctrine of the Greek Article applied to the Criticism and Illustration of the New Testament. With Prefatory Observations and Notes. By Hugh James Rose, B.D. 8vo. 13*. Mill (Dr. W. H.) Observations on the attempted Application of Pantheistic Principles to the Theory and Historic Criticism of the Gospel. 8vo. Qs. Qd. Mill (Dr. W. H.) The Historical Character of St Luke's first Chapter, vindicated against some recent Mythical Intei-preters. 8vo. 4*. Mill (Dr. W. H.) The Evangelical Accounts of the Descent and Parentage of the Saviour, vindicated against some recent Mythical Interpreters. 8vo. 4*. Mill (Dr. W. H.) The Accounts of our Lord's Brethren in the New Testament vindicated against some recent Mythical Interpreters. 8vo. 4*. Mill (Dr. W. H.) The Historical Character of the Circumstances of our Lord's Nativity in the Gospel of St Mat- thew vindicated against some recent Mythical Interpreters. 8vo. 4*. PUBLISHED BY J. & J. J. DEIGHTON. Mill (Dr. W. H.) Prselectio Theologica in Scholis Cantabrigiensibus habita Kal. Feb. a. d. 1843. 4to. 2s. Mill (Dr. W. H.) Five Sermons on the Temp- tation of Christ our Lord in the Wilderness. Preached before the University of Cambridge in Lent 1844. 8vo. Gs. 6d. Mill (Dr. W. H.) Sermons preached in Lent 1845, and on several former occasions, before the University of Cambridge. 8vo. 12*. Mill, (Dr. W. H.) Analysis of the Exposition of the Creed, written by the Right Rev. Father in God John Pear- son, D. D., late Lord Bishop of Chester. Second Edition, revised and corrected. 8vo. cloth. 5s. Moore (Rev. Daniel.) Sermons preached before the University of Cambridge in December 1844. 8vo. cloth, 45. Neale (Rev. J. M.) Ayton Priory, or the Restored Monastery. 12mo. 45. Jones (John Herbert). For the Year 1846. If they hear not Moses and the Prophets, neither will they be per- suaded, though one rose from the dead. 8vo. sewed, 2s. 6d. Woolley (Rev. Joseph). For the Year 1843. The Writings of the New Testament afford indications that this portion of the Sacred Canon was intended to be a complete record of Apostolical Doctrine. 8vo. sewed, 2s. Woolley (Rev. Joseph). For the Year 1844. *' By one offering Christ hath perfected for ever them that are sanctified." Heb. X. 14. 8vo. sewed, 2*. Offices of the Church, with the Rubrics, &c. in Red. Crown 8vo. sheets, 2s. black calf, 5s. Paley. Analysis of the Principles of Moral and Political Philosophy. By S. Fennell, M.A., Fellow of Queens' College. 12mo. 2*. Gd. Paley. Analysis of the Evidences of Christianity. By S. Fennell, M.A., &c. 12mo. 2^. Gd. Paley. Examination Questions on the Evidences of Christianity. 12mo. 2^. Gd. 6 THEOLOGICAL WORKS, Parkhurst's Greek and English Lexicon to the New Testament, with additions by the late Hugh James Rose. A new edition carefully revised by J. R. Major, D.D., King's Col- lege, London. 8vo. 1/. 4^. Preston (Theodore). ri^Hp- The Hebrew Text and a Parallel Latin Version of the Book of Solomon, called Eccle- siastes ; divided into the Sections adopted by R. Moses Mendles- sohn, with a Literal Translation from the Rabbinic of his Com- mentary and Preface, and Original Notes, Philological and Exege- tical. Also a New and Improved English Version of the same, similarly arranged, with Introductory Analysis of the Sections ; to which is prefixed a Preliminary Dissertation on the scope and Author of the Book, and various writers of eminence, who have quoted or illustrated it. 8vo. cloth, 15^. Robinson (Professor). The Character of St Paul the Model of the Christian Ministry. Four Sermons preached before the University of Cambridge in 1840. Svo.Ss. Scholeiield (Professor). Hints for an Improved Translation of the New Testament. Second edition, 8vo. 4^. Scholefield (Professor). Scriptural Grounds of Union, considered in Five Sermons preached before the University of Cambridge in 1840. Second edition, 8vo. 3*. 6rf. Sedgwick (Prof.). Discourse on the Studies of the University of Cambridge. Fifth edition, with Additions. 8vo. cloth. 5s. Smith (Rev. C.) Seven Letters on National Reli- gion. Addressed to the Rev. Henry Melvill, M.A. 8vo. 7s. 6d. 1. Smyth (Prof.) Evidences of Christianity. 12mo. cloth^ 5*. Tertullian. The Apology. With English Notes and a Preface, intended as an Introduction to the study of Patris- tical and Ecclesiastical Latinity. By H. A. Woodham, A.M., Fel- low of Jesus College, Cambridge. 8vo. 8,9. 6d. Thomas d Becket. Sanctus Thomas Cantuari- ensis, ed. J. A. Giles, LL.D. Eccles. Anglic. Presbyter, et CoUeg. C. C. Oxon. olim Socius. 8 vols. 8vo. 4/. 16*. Tarton (Dean). The Roman Catholic Doctrine of tlie Eucharist considered, in- reply to Dr. Wiseman's Argument from Scripture. 8vo. 8s. 6d. Turton (Dean). Observations on Dr. Wiseman's Reply to Dr. Turton 's Roman Catholic Doctiine oi the Eucharist considered. 8vo. 4*. Gd. PUBLISHED BY J. & J. J. DETGHTON. Turton (Dean). A Vindication of the Literary Character of Professor Porson from the Animadversions of Bishop Burgess, on 1 John v. 7. By Crito Cantabrigiensis. 8vo. 11*. Usher (Archbp.) Answer to a Jesuit. With other Tracts on Popery. 8vo. 135. 6d. Sermons preached at Jerusalem in the years 1842 and 1843. By the Rev. George Williams, M.A., Fellow of King's College, Camhridge ; sometime Chaplain to the late Bishop of the Anglican Church in that City. 8vo. 10*. 6d. Wilson (Rev. Wm.) An Illustration of the Method of Explaining the New Testament by the early Opinions of the Jews and Christians concerning Christ. New Edition, 8vo. Ss. GEOOIAOS ArrAIKANOE, "H AIAASKAAIA AIA THN NEOAAIAN HEPI THS 'EKKAH2IAS, KAI TOY 'AFrAIKOY KAAAOY AYTH2. 'YHO TOY AIAESIMOY KYPIOY XPISTO*0- POY ASIOAOrOY. Christopher Wordsworth, D.D., Canon of Westminster. META^PASGEISA *EK TOY ArPAIKOY, HAPA 2TAM0Y TPIK- KAAIQTOY. 12mo. cloth, 6*. A Catalogue of English and Foreign Theology and Ecclesiastical Histoiy; comprising the Holy Scriptures in various Languages, Liturgies, Fathers of the Church, &c. Part 1, A to L. 8vo. Is. Allowed to Purchasers. Preparing for Publication. Blunt (Rev. J. J.) Five Sermons preached before the University in November, 1845, to which are added, one preached on the day of the late general Fast. By the Rev. J. J. Blunt, B.D., Margaret Professor of Divinity. Full wood (F.) The Established Church ; or a Sub- version of all the Romanists' Pleas for the Pope's Supremacy in England. By Francis Fullwood, formerly of Emmanuel College, Cambridge, and Archdeacon of Totness. This work, first published in 1673, and dedicated to Archbishop Sancroft, will serve the purposes of a text-book to the Student of the papal controversy ; placing before him in a short and well digested form, nearly all the arguments of our best divines. THIS BOOK IS DUE ON THE LAST DATE STAMPED BELOW AN INITIAL FINE OF 25 CENTS ^M^t^^^"^ ASSESSED FOR FAILURE TO RETURN THIS BOOK ON THE DATE DUE. THE PENALTY WILL INCREASE TO 50 CENTS ON THE FOURTH DAY AND TO Sl.QQ ON THE SEVENTH DAY OVERDUE. JAN 261933 JAN 27 1933 w^^jm. «f^ 9 1937 DEC 20 1937 ^. OCT 9 1974 7 0] JgC-B ORG pEff OCT • '74 LD 21-50//t-8,3'. Ter -fulh^ Vl 8047f