GMFT ©IP Miss Charlotte Evans ^Tv From . '' ie possession of . N.YOH-X. LIFE OF GEORGE WASHINGTON. BY WASHINGTON IRVING IN THREE VOLS. VOL. I. NEW YOEK: G. P. PUTNAM & CO., 10 PARK PLACE. 1856. Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1855, By G. P. PUTNAM & CO., la the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States for the Southern District of New York. -&&*> 7• Girts. X'l"^—-r.. ,■■"• li.~Wejt .ricLr, U. Greats Swamp IS Jojto blrLObii. 16.SaU.Li£h.- IT. 1 hi*M*ifylluri. iS.JfeiiacaMLca.. Lump . ISJMonon^ixHe, ■la.Camp . jVhvrti the ^Ulftp i ilacMpAjatSfS A.J). 1/55. FORTTJr qvt.i (XLO-w-Fittshutiili ) •>•„;<<"'..-'/' >n U47 . return of peace. The open avowal of some of these plans, and vague rumors of others, more than ever irri- tated the jealous feelings of the colonists, and put the dragon spirit of New England on the alert. In 1760, there was an attempt in Boston to collect duties on foreign sugar and molasses imported into the colonies. Writs of assistance were applied for by the custom-house officers, authorizing them to break open ships, stores, and private dwellings, in quest of articles that had paid no duty ; and to call the assistance of oth- ers in the discharge of their odious task. The mer- chants opposed the execution of the writ on constitu- tional grounds. The question was argued in court, where James Otis spoke so eloquently in vindication of American rights, that all his hearers went away ready to take arms against writs of assistance. " Then and there," says John Adams, who was present, " was the first scene of opposition to the arbitrary claims of Great Britain. Then and there American Independence was born." Another ministerial measure was to instruct the provincial governors to commission judges. Not as theretofore " during good behavior," but " during the king's pleasure." New York was the first to resent this blow at the independence of the judiciary. The lawyers appealed to the public through the press, against an act which subjected the halls of justice to the prerogative. Their appeals were felt beyond the bounds of the province, and awakened a general spirit of resistance. Thus matters stood at the conclusion of the war. One of the first measures of ministers, on the return 1763.] PAPER CHAINS ON THE COLONIES. 331 of peace, was to enjoin on all naval officers stationed on the coast of the American colonies the performance, under oath, of the duties of custom-house officers, for the suppression of smuggling. This fell ruinously upon a clandestine trade which had long been connived at between the English and Spanish colonies, profitable to both, but especially to the former, and beneficial to the mother country, opening a market to her manufac- tures. " Men-of-war," says Burke, " were for the first time armed with the regular commissions of custom- house officers, invested the coasts, and gave the col- lection of revenue the air of hostile contribution. # * # # They fell so indiscriminately on all sorts of contraband, or supposed contraband, that some of the most valuable branches of trade were driven vio- lently from our ports, which caused an universal con- sternation throughout the colonies." * As a measure of retaliation, the colonists resolved not to purchase British fabrics, but to clothe themselves as much as possible in home manufactures. The de- mand for British goods in Boston alone was diminished upwards of £10,000 sterling in the course of a year. In 1764, George Grenville, now at the head of government, ventured upon the policy from which Wal- pole had so wisely abstained. Early in March the eventful question was debated, " whether they had a right to tax America." It was decided in the affirma- tive. Next followed a resolution, declaring it proper to charge certain stamp duties in the colonies and planta- * Burke on the state of the nation. 332 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1763. tions, but no immediate step was taken to carry it into effect. Mr. Grenville, however, gave notice to the American agents in London, that he should introduce such a measure on the ensuing session of Parliament. In the mean time, Parliament perpetuated certain du- ties on sugar and molasses — heretofore subjects of complaint and opposition — now reduced and modified so as to discourage smuggling, and thereby to render them more productive. Duties, also, were imposed on other articles of foreign produce or manufacture im- ported into the colonies. To reconcile the latter to these impositions, it was stated that the revenue thus raised was to be appropriated to their protection and security ; in other words, to the support of a standing army, intended to be quartered upon them. We have here briefly stated but a part of what Burke terms an " infinite variety of paper chains," ex- tending through no less than twenty-nine acts of Par- liament, from 1660 to 1764, by which the colonies had been held in thraldom. The New Englanders were the first to take the field against the project of taxation. They denounced it as a violation of their rights as freemen ; of their char- tered rights, by which they were to tax themselves for their support and defence ; of their rights as British subjects, who ought not to be taxed but by themselves or their representatives. They sent petitions and re- monstrances on the subject to the king, the lords, and the commons, in which they were seconded by New York and Virginia. Pranklin appeared in London at the head of agents from Pennsylvania, Connecticut and South Carolina, to deprecate, in person, measures so 1765.] STAMP ACT. 333 fraught with mischief. The most eloquent arguments were used by British orators and statesmen to dissuade Grenville from enforcing them. . He was warned of the sturdy independence of the colonists, and the spirit of resistance he might provoke. All was in vain. Gren- ville, " great in daring and little in views," says Horace Walpole, " was charmed to have an untrodden field before him of calculation and experiment." In March, 1765, the act was passed, according to which all instru- ments in writing were to be executed on stamped pa- per, to be purchased from the agents of the British government. What was more : all offences against the act could be tried in any royal, marine, or admiralty court throughout the colonies, however distant from the place where the offence had been committed ; thus interfering with that most inestimable right, a trial by i ur y- It was an ominous sign that the first burst of op- position to this act should take place in Virginia. That colony had hitherto been slow to accord with the re- publican spirit of New England. Pounded at an earlier period of the reign of James I., before kingly prerogative and ecclesiastical supremacy had been made matters of doubt and fierce dispute, it had grown up in loyal attachment to king, church, and constitution ; was aristocratical in its tastes and habits, and had been remarked above all the other colonies for its sympathies with the mother country: Moreover, it had not so many pecuniary interests involved in these questions as had the people of New England, being an agricultural rather than a commercial province; but the Virginians are of a quick and generous spirit, readily aroused on 334 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1765 all points of honorable pride, and they resented the stamp act as an outrage on their rights. Washington occupied his seat in the House of Bur- gesses, when, on the 29th of May, the stamp act be- came a subject of discussion. We have seen no previ- ous opinions of his on the subject. His correspondence hitherto had not turned on political or speculative themes ; being engrossed by either military or agricul- tural matters, and evincing little anticipation of the vortex of public duties into which he was about to be drawn. All his previous conduct and writings show a loyal devotion to the crown, with a patriotic attachment to his country. It is probable that on the present oc- casion that latent patriotism received its first electric shock. Among the Burgesses sat Patrick Henry, a young lawyer, who had recently distinguished himself by pleading against the exercise of the royal prerogative in church matters, and who was now for the first time a member of the House. Rising in his place, he intro- duced his celebrated resolutions, declaring that the General Assembly of Virginia had the exclusive right and power to lay taxes and impositions upon the in- habitants, and that whoever maintained the contrary should be deemed an enemy to the colony. The speaker, Mr. Robinson, objected to the resolu- tions, as inflammatory. Henry vindicated them, as justified by the nature of the case ; went into an able and constitutional discussion of colonial rights, and an eloquent exposition of the manner in which they had been assailed ; wound up by one of those daring flights of declamation for which he was remarkable, and 1765.] SPEECH OF PATRICK HENRY. 335 startled the House by a warning flash from history : " Caesar had his Brutus ; Charles his Cromwell • and George the Third — (' Treason! treason!' resounded from the neighborhood of the Chair) — may profit by their examples," added Henry. " Sir, if this be trea- son (bowing to the speaker), make the most of it ! " The resolutions were modified, to accommodate them to the scruples of the speaker and some of the members, but their spirit was retained. The Lieu- tenant-governor (Fauquier), startled by this patriotic outbreak, dissolved the Assembly, and issued writs for a new election ; but the clarion had sounded. " The resolves of the Assembly of Virginia," says a corre- spondent of the ministry, " gave the signal for a gen- eral outcry over the continent. The movers and sup- porters of them were applauded as the protectors and assertors of American liberty." * * Letter to Secretary Conway, New York, Sept. 23.— Parliamentary Register, CHAPTER XXVIII. THE COLONIES — PORTENTOUS CEREMONIES AT BOSTON AND NEW YORK — NON-IMPOETATION AGREEMENT AMONG THE MERCHANTS — WASHING- TON AND GEORGE MASON — DISMISSAL OF GRENVILLE FROM THE BRITISH CABINET FRANKLIN BEFORE THE HOUSE OF COMMONS — REPEAL OF THE STAMP ACT — JOY OF WASHINGTON — FRESH CAUSES OF COLONIAL DISSENSIONS — CIRCULAR OF THE GENERAL COURT OF MASSACHUSETTS EMBARKATION OF TROOPS FOR BOSTON — MEASURES OF THE BOS- TONIANS. Washington returned to Mount Vernon full of anxious thoughts inspired by the political events of the day, and the legislative scene which he witnessed. His recent letters had spoken of the state of peaceful tran- quillity in which he was living; those now written from his rural home show that he fully participated in the popular feeling, and that while he had a presenti- ment of an arduous struggle, his patriotic mind was revolving means of coping with it. Such is the tenor of a letter written to his wife's uncle, Francis Dan- dridge, then in London. " The stamp act," said he, "engrosses the conversation of the speculative part of the colonists, who look upon this unconstitutional method of taxation as a direful attack upon their liber- 1765.J OPPOSITION TO THE STAMP ACT. 337 ties, and loudly exclaim against the violation. What may be the result of this, and of some other (I think I may add ill-judged) measures, I will not undertake to determine; but this I may venture to affirm, that the advantage accruing to the mother country, will fall greatly short of the expectation of the ministry; for certain it is, that our whole substance already in a manner flows to Great Britain, and that whatsoever con- tributes to lessen our importations must be hurtful to her manufactures. The eyes of our people already begin to be opened ; and they will perceive that many luxuries, for which we lavish our substance in Great Britain, can well be dispensed with. This, conse- quently, will introduce frugality, and be a necessary incitement to industry. ****** As to the stamp act, regarded in a single view, one of the first bad consequences attending it, is, that our courts of judicature must inevitably be shut up ; for it is im- possible, or next to impossible, under our present cir- cumstances, that the act of Parliament can be com- plied with, were we ever so willing to enforce its exe- cution. And not to say (which alone would be suffi- cient) that we have not money enough to pay for the stamps, there are many other cogent reasons which prove that it would be ineffectual." A letter of the same date to his agents in London, of ample length and minute in all its details, shows that, while deeply interested in the course of public affairs, his practical mind was enabled thoroughly and ably to manage the financial concerns of his estate and of the estate of Mrs. Washington's son, John Parke Custis, towards whom he acted the part of a faithful vol. i.— 22 338 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1765. and affectionate guardian. In those days, Virginia planters were still in direct and frequent correspond- ence with their London factors ; and Washington's let- ters respecting his shipments of tobacco, and the re- turns required in various articles for household and personal use, are perfect models for a man of business. And this may be remarked throughout his whole career, that no pressure of events nor multiplicity of cares prevented a clear, steadfast undercut rent of attention to domestic affairs, and the interest and well-being of all dependent upon him. In the mean time, from his quiet abode at Mount Vernon, he seemed to hear the patriotic voice of Pa- trick Henry, which had startled the House of Burgesses, echoing throughout the land, and rousing one legis- lative body after another to follow the example of that of Virginia. At the instigation of the General Court or Assembly of Massachusetts, a Congress was held in New York in October, composed of delegates from Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, and South Carolina. In this they denounced the acts of Parliament imposing taxes on them without their con- sent, and extending the jurisdiction of the courts of admiralty, as violations of their rights and liberties as natural born subjects of Great Britain, and prepared an address to the king, and a petition to both Houses of Parliament, praying for redress. Similar petitions were forwarded to England by the colonies not represented in the Congress. The very preparations for enforcing the stamp act called forth popular tumults in various places. In Bos- 1765.] POPULAR AGITATION. 339 ton the stamp distributor was hanged in effigy; his windows were broken ; a house intended for a stamp office was pulled down, and the effigy burnt in a bon- fire made of the fragments. The lieutenant-governor, chief justice, and sheriff, attempting to allay the tumult, were pelted. The stamp officer thought him- self happy to be hanged merely in effigy, and next day publicly renounced the perilous office. Various were the proceedings in other places, all manifesting public scorn and defiance of the act. In Virginia, Mr. George Mercer had been appointed dis- tributor of stamps, but on his arrival at Williamsburg publicly declined officiating. It was a fresh triumph to the popular cause. The bells were rung for joy ; the town was illuminated, and Mercer was hailed with acclamations of the people.* The 1st of November, the day when the act was to go into operation, was ushered in with portentous solemnities. There was great tolling of bells and burning of effigies in the New England colonies. At Boston the ships displayed their colors but half-mast high. Many shops were shut ; funeral knells resound- ed from the steeples, and there was a grand auto-da-fe, in which the promoters of the act were paraded, and suffered martyrdom in effigy. At New York the printed act was carried about the streets on a pole, surmounted by a death's head, with a scroll bearing the inscription, " The folly of Eng- land and ruin of America." Colden, the lieutenant- governor, who acquired considerable odium by recom- * Holmes's Annals, vol. ii., p. 138. 340 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1765. mending to government the taxation of the colonies, the institution of hereditary Assemblies, and other tory measures, seeing that a popular storm was rising, retired into the fort, taking with him the stamp papers, and garrisoned it with marines from a ship of war. The mob broke into his stable ; drew out his chariot ; put his effigy into it ; paraded it through the streets to the common (now the Park), where they hung it on a gallows. In the evening it was taken down, put again into the chariot, with the devil for a companion, and escorted back by torchlight to the Bowling Green; where the whole pageant, chariot and all, was burnt under the very guns of the fort. These are specimens of the marks of popular repro- bation with which the stamp act was universally nulli- fied. No one would venture to carry it into execution. In fact, no stamped paper was to be seen; all had been either destroyed or concealed. All transactions which required stamps to give them validity were sus- pended, or were executed by private compact. The courts of justice were closed, until at length some con- ducted their business without stamps. Union was be- coming the watch-word. The merchants of New York, Philadelphia, Boston, and such other colonies as had ventured publicly to oppose the stamp act, agreed to import no more British manufactures after the 1st of January unless it should be repealed. So passed away the year 1765. As yet Washington took no prominent part in the public agitation. Indeed he was never disposed to put himself forward on popular occasions, his innate mod- esty forbade it ; it was others who knew his worth that 1765.] FRANKLIN BEFORE THE COMMONS. 341 called him forth ; but when once he engaged in any public measure, he devoted himself to it with con- scientiousness and persevering zeal. At present he remained a quiet but vigilant observer of events from his eagle nest at Mount Vernon. He had some few inti- mates in his neighborhood who accorded with him in sentiment. One of the. ablest and most efficient of these was Mr. George Mason, with whom he had occa- sional conversations on the state of affairs. His friends the Fairfaxes, though liberal in feelings and opinions, were too strong in their devotion to the crown not to regard with an uneasy eye the tendency of the popular bias. From one motive or other, the earnest attention of all the inmates and visitors at Mount Vernon was turned to England, watching the movements of the ministry. The dismissal of Mr. Grenville from the cabinet gave a temporary change to public affairs. Perhaps nothing had a greater effect in favor of the colonies than an examination of Dr. Franklin before the House of Commons, on the subject of the stamp act. "What," he was asked, "was the temper of Amer- ica towards Great Britain, before the year 1763 ? " " The best in the world. They submitted willingly to the government of the crown, and paid, in all their courts, obedience to the acts of Parliament. Numerous as the people are in the several old provinces, they cost you nothing in forts, citadels, garrisons, or armies, to keep them in subjection. They were governed by this country at the expense only of a little pen, ink, and paper. They were led by a thread. They had not only a respect, but an affection for Great Britain, for 342 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1766. its laws, its customs, and manners, and even a fondness for its fashions, that greatly increased the commerce. Natives of Great Britain were always treated with par- ticular regard; to be an Old-England man was, of itself, a character of some respect, and gave a kind of rank among us." " And what is their temper now? " " Oh ! very much altered." " If the act is not repealed, what do you think will be the consequences ? " " A total loss of the respect and affection the people of America bear to this country, and of all the com- merce that depends on that respect and affection." " Do you think the people of America would sub- mit to pay the stamp duty if it was moderated ? " " No, never, unless compelled by force of arms."* The act was repealed on the 18th of March, 1766, to the great joy of the sincere friends of both coun- tries, and to no one more than to Washington. In one of his letters he observes : " Had the Parliament of Great Britain resolved upon enforcing it, the conse- quences, I conceive, would have been more direful than is generally apprehended, both to the mother country and her colonies. All, therefore, who were instrumental in procuring the repeal, are entitled to the thanks of every British subject, and have mine cor- dially."! Still, there was a fatal clause in the repeal, which declared that the king, with the consent of Parliament, had power and authority to make laws and statutes of * Parliamentary Register, 1766. f Sparks. Writings of Washington, ii., 345, note. 1766.] THE MUTINY ACT. 343 sufficient force and validity to " bind the colonies, and people of America, in all cases whatsoever." As the people of America were contending for prin- ciples, not mere pecuniary interests, this reserved power of the crown and Parliament left the dispute still open, and chilled the feeling of gratitude which the repeal might otherwise have inspired. Further aliment for public discontent was furnished by other acts of Par- liament. One imposed duties on glass, pasteboard, white and red lead, painters' colors, and tea ; the du- ties to be collected on the arrival of the articles in the colonies ; another empowered naval officers to enforce the acts of trade and navigation. Another wounded to the quick the pride and sensibilities of New York. The mutiny act had recently been extended to Amer- ica, with an additional clause, requiring the provincial Assemblies to provide the troops sent out with quar- ters, and to furnish them with fire, beds, candles, and other necessaries, at the expense of the colonies. The Governor and Assembly of New York refused to com- ply with this requisition as to stationary forces, insist- ing that it applied only to troops on a march. An act of Parliament now suspended the powers of the Gov- ernor and Assembly until they should comply. Chat- ham attributed this opposition of the colonists to the mutiny act to "their jealousy of being somehow or other taxed internally by the Parliament; the act," said he, "asserting the right of Parliament, has cer- tainly spread a most unfortunate jealousy and diffi- dence of government here throughout America, and makes them jealous of the least distinction between 344 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1766 this country and that, lest the same principle may be extended to taxing them." * Boston continued to be the focus of what the min- isterialists termed sedition. The General Court of Massachusetts, not content with petitioning the king for relief against the recent measures of Parliament, especially those imposing taxes as a means of revenue, drew up a circular, calling on the other colonial Legislatures to join with them in suitable efforts to ob- tain redress. In the ensuing session, Governor Sir Francis Bernard called upon them to rescind the reso- lution on which the circular was founded, — they refused to comply, and the General Court was consequently dissolved. The governors of other colonies required of their Legislatures an assurance that they would not reply to the Massachusetts circular,' — these Legislatures likewise refused compliance, and were dissolved. All this added to the growing excitement. Memorials were addressed to the lords, spiritual and temporal, and remonstrances to the House of Com- mons, against taxation for revenue, as destructive to the liberties of the colonists ; and against the act sus- pending the legislative power of the province of New York, as menacing the welfare of the colonies in general. Nothing, however, produced a more powerful effect upon the public sensibilities throughout the* country, than certain military demonstrations at Boston. In consequence of repeated collisions between the people of that place and the commissioners of customs, two * Chatham's Correspondence, vol. iii., p. 189-192. 1766.! CONVENTION AT BOSTON. 345 regiments were held in readiness at Halifax to embark for Boston in the ships of Commodore Hood whenever Governor Bernard, or the general, should give the word. "Had this force been landed in Boston six months ago," writes the commodore, " I am perfectly persuaded no address or remonstrances would have been sent from the other colonies, and that all would have been tolerably quiet and orderly at this time throughout America." * Tidings reached Boston that these troops were em- barked, and that they were coming to overawe the people. What was to be done ? The General Court had been dissolved, and the governor refused to con- vene it without the royal command. A convention therefore, from various towns, met at Boston, on the 22d of September, to devise measures for the public safety; but disclaiming all pretensions to legislative powers. While the convention was yet in session (September 28th), the two regiments arrived, with seven armed vessels. " I am very confident," writes Commodore Hood from Halifax, " the spirited measures now pursuing will soon effect order in America." On the contrary, these " spirited measures " added fuel to the fire they were intended to quench. It was resolved in a town meeting that the king had no right to send troops thither without the consent of the As- sembly; that Great Britain had broken the original compact, and that, therefore, the king's officers had no longer any business there. f The " selectmen " accordingly refused to find quar- * Grenville Papers, vol. iv., p. 362. f Whately to Grenville. Gren. Papers, vol. iv., p. 389. 346 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1766 ters for the soldiers in the town ; the council refused to find barracks for them, lest it should be construed into a compliance with the disputed clause of the mutiny act. Some of the troops, therefore, which had tents, were encamped on the Common ; others, by the gov- ernor's orders, were quartered in the state-house, and others in Paneuil Hall, to the great indignation of the public, who were grievously scandalized at seeing field- pieces planted in front of the state-house; sentinels stationed at the doors, challenging every one who passed ; and, above all, at having the sacred quiet of the Sabbath disturbed by drum and fife, and other nilitary music. CHAPTER XXIX. CHEERFUL LIFE AT MOUNT VERNON — WASHINGTON AND GEOEGE MASON — CORRESPONDENCE CONCERNING THE NON-IMPORTATION AGREEMENT — FEELING TOWARD ENGLAND — OPENING OF THE LEGISLATIVE SESSION — SEMI-REGAL STATE OF LORD BOTETOURT — HIGH-TONED PROCEEDINGS OF THE HOUSE — SYMPATHY WITH NEW ENGLAND — DISSOLVED BY LORD BOTETOURT — WASHINGTON AND THE ARTICLES OF ASSOCIATION. Throughout these public agitations, Washington en- deavored to preserve his equanimity. Removed from the heated throngs of cities, his diary denotes a cheer- ful and healthful life at Mount Vernon, devoted to those rural occupations in which he delighted, and varied occasionally by his favorite field sports. Some- times he is duck-shooting on the Potomac. Repeatedly we find note of his being out at sunrise with the hounds, in company with ©Id Lord Fairfax, Bryan Fairfax, and others ; and ending the day's sport by a dinner at Mount Vernon, or Belvoir. Still he was too true a patriot not to sympathize in the struggle for colonial rights which now agitated the whole country, and we find him gradually carried more and more into the current of political affairs. A letter written on the 5th of April, 1769, to his 348 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1769. friend, George Mason, shows the important stand he was disposed to take. In the previous year, the mer- chants and traders of Boston, Salem, Connecticut, and New York, had agreed to suspend for a time the im- portation of all articles subject to taxation. Similar resolutions had recently been adopted by the merchants of Philadelphia. Washington's letter is emphatic in support of the measure. "At a time," writes he, " when our lordly masters in Great Britain will be sat- isfied with nothing less than the deprivation of Ameri- can freedom, it seems highly necessary that something should be done to avert the stroke, and maintain the liberty which we have derived from our ancestors. But the manner of doing it, to answer the purpose effectu- ally, is the point in question. That no man should scruple, or hesitate a moment in defence of so valuable a blessing, is clearly my opinion ; yet arms should be the last resource — the dernier ressort. We have already, it is said, proved the inefficacy of addresses to the throne, and remonstrances to Parliament. How far their attention to our rights and interests is to be awakened, or alarmed, by starving their trade and manufactures, remains to be tried. " The northern colonies, it appears, are endeavoring to adopt this scheme. In my opinion, it is a good one, and must be attended with salutary effects, provided it can be carried pretty generally into execution. * * * That there will be a difficulty attending it every where from clashing interests, and selfish, designing men, ever attentive to their own gain, and watchful of every turn that can assist their lucrative views, cannot be denied ; and in the tobacco colonies where the trade 1769.] NON-IMPORTATION PROJECT. 349 is so diffused, and in a manner wholly conducted by factors for their principals at home, these difficulties are certainly enhanced, but I think not insurmountably increased, if the gentlemen in their several counties will be at some pains to explain matters to the people, and stimulate them to cordial agreements to purchase none but certain enumerated articles out of any of the stores, after a definite period, and neither import, nor purchase any themselves. * * * I can see but one class of people, the merchants excepted, who will not, or ought not, to wish well to the scheme, — namely, they who live genteelly and hospitably on clear estates. Such as these, were they not to consider the valuable object in view, and the good of others, might think it hard to be curtailed in their living and enjoyments." This was precisely the class to which Washington belonged ; but he was ready and willing to make the sacrifices required. " I think the scheme a good one," added he, " and that it ought to be tried here, with such alterations as our circumstances render absolutely necessary." Mason, in his reply, concurred with him in opinion. "Our all is at stake," said he, "and the little conve- niences and comforts of life, when set in competition with our liberty, ought to be rejected, not with reluctance, but with pleasure. Yet it is plain that, in the tobacco colonies, we cannot at present confine our importations within such narrow bounds as the northern colonies. A plan of this kind, to be practicable, must be adapted to our circumstances; for, if not steadily executed, it had better have remained unattempted. We may re- trench all manner of superfluities, finery of all descrip- 350 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1769. tions, and confine ourselves to linens, woollens, &c., not exceeding a certain price. It is amazing how much this practice, if adopted in all the colonies, would lessen the American imports, and distress the various trades and manufactures of Great Britain. This would awa- ken their attention. They would see, they would feel, the oppressions we groan under, and exert themselves to procure us redress. This once obtained, we should no longer discontinue our importations, confining our- selves still not to import any article that should here- after be taxed by act of Parliament for raising a reve- nue in America ; for, however singular I may be in the opinion, I am thoroughly convinced, that, justice and harmony happily restored, it is not the interest of these colonies to refuse British manufactures. Our supplying our mother country with gross materials, and taking her manufactures in return, is the true chain of connection between us. These are the bands which, if not broken by oppression, must long hold us together, by maintain- ing a constant reciprocation of interests!' The latter part of the above quotation shows the spirit which actuated Washington and the friends of his confidence; as yet there was no thought nor de- sire of alienation from the mother country, but only a fixed determination to be placed on an equality of rights and privileges with her other children. A single word in the passage cited from Washing- ton's letter, evinces the chord which still vibrated in the American bosom : he incidentally speaks of Eng- land as home. It was the familiar term with which she was usually indicated by those of English descent ; and the writer of these pages remembers when the endear- 1769.] LORD BOTETOURT. 351 ing phrase still lingered on Anglo-American lips even after the Revolution. How easy would it have been before that era for the mother country to have rallied back the affections of her colonial children, by a proper attention to their complaints. They asked for nothing but what they were entitled to, and what she had taught them to prize as their dearest inheritance. The spirit of liberty which they manifested had been derived from her own precept and example. The result of the correspondence between Wash- ington and Mason was the draft by the latter of a plan of association, the members of which were to pledge themselves not to import or use any articles of British merchandise or manufacture subject to duty. This paper Washington was to submit to the consideration of the House of Burgesses, at the approaching session in the month of May. The Legislature of Virginia opened on this occasion with a brilliant pageant. While military force was arrayed to overawe the republican Puritans of the east, it was thought to dazzle the aristocratical descendants of the Cavaliers by the reflex of regal splendor. Lord Botetourt, one of the king's lords of the bed-chamber, had recently come out as governor of the province. Junius described him as " a cringing, bowing, fawning, sword-bearing courtier." Horace Walpole predicted that he would turn the heads of the Virginians in one way or other. " If his graces do not captivate them, he will enrage them to fury ; for I take all his douceur to be enamelled on iron."* The words of political * Grenville papers, iv., note to p. 830. 352 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1769. satirists and court wits, however, are always to be taken with great distrust. However his lordship may have bowed in presence of royalty, he elsewhere conducted himself with dignity, and won general favor by his en- dearing manners. He certainly showed promptness of spirit in his reply to the king on being informed of his appointment. "When will you be ready to go?" asked George III. "To-night, sir." He had come out, however, with a wrong idea of the Americans. They had been represented to him as factious, immoral, and prone to sedition ; but vain and luxurious, and easily captivated by parade and splen dor. The latter foibles were aimed at in his appoint- ment and fitting out. It was supposed that his titled rank would have its effect. Then, to prepare him for occasions of ceremony, a coach of state was presented ,o him by the king. He was allowed, moreover, the quantity of plate usually given to ambassadors, where- upon the joke was circulated that he was going " pleni- po to the Cherokees." * His opening of the session was in the style of the royal opening of Parliament. He proceeded in due parade from his dwelling to the capitol, in his state coach, drawn by six milk-white horses. Having deliv- ered his speech according to royal form, he returned home with the same pomp and circumstance. The time had gone by, however, for such display to have the anticipated effect. The Virginian legislators penetrated the intention of this pompous ceremonial, and regarded it with a depreciating smile. Sterner • Whately to Geo. Grenville. Grenville papers. 1769.J ADDRESS TO THE KING. 353 matters occupied their thoughts ; they had come pre- pared to battle for their rights, and their proceedings soon showed Lord Botetourt how much he had mistaken them. Spirited resolutions were passed, denouncing the recent act of Parliament imposing taxes ; the power to do which, on the inhabitants of this colony, "was legally and constitutionally vested in the House of Bur- gesses, with consent of the council and of the king or of his governor, for the time being." Copies of these resolutions were ordered to be forwarded by the speak- er to the Legislatures of the other colonies, with a request for their concurrence. Other proceedings of the Burgesses showed their sympathy with their fellow-patriots of New England. A joint address of both Houses of Parliament had recently been made to the king, assuring him of their support in any further measures for the due execution of the laws in Massachusetts, and beseeching him that all persons charged with treason, or misprision of trea- son, committed within that colony since the 30th of December, 1767, might be sent to Great Britain for trial. As Massachusetts had no General Assembly at this time, having been dissolved by government, the Legis- lature of Virginia generously took up the cause. An address to the king was resolved on, stating, that all trials for treason, or misprision of treason, or for any crime whatever, committed by any person residing in a colony, ought to be in and before his majesty's courts within said colony 5 and beseeching the king to avert from his loyal subjects those dangers and miseries which would ensue from seizing and carrying beyond vol. l— 23 354 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1769. sea any person residing in America suspected of any crime whatever, thereby depriving them of the inesti- mable privilege of being tried by a jury from the vici- nage, as well as the liberty of producing witnesses on such trial. Disdaining any further application to Parliament, the House ordered the speaker to transmit this address to the colonies' agent in England, with directions to cause it to be presented to the king, and afterwards to be printed and published in the English papers. Lord Botetourt was astonished and dismayed when he heard of these high-toned proceedings. Repairing to the capitol on the following day at noon, he sum- moned the speaker and members to the council cham- ber, and addressed them in the following words : " Mr. Speaker, and gentlemen of the House of Burgesses, I have heard of your resolves, and augur ill of their effects. You have made it my duty to dissolve you, and you are dissolved accordingly." The spirit conjured up by the late decrees of Par- liament was not so easily allayed. The Burgesses ad- journed to a private house. Peyton Randolph, their late speaker, was elected moderator. Washington now brought forward a draft of the articles of association, concerted between him and George Mason. They formed the groundwork of an instrument signed by all present, pledging themselves neither to import, nor use any goods, merchandise, or manufactures taxed by Par- liament to raise a revenue in America. This instru- ment was sent throughout the country for signature, and the scheme of non-importation, hitherto confined to a few northern colonies, was soon universally 1769.] LORD BOTETOURT UNDECEIVED. 355 adopted. For his own part, Washington adhered to it rigorously throughout the year. The articles proscribed by it were never to be seen in his house, and his agent in London was enjoined to ship nothing for him while subject to taxation. The popular ferment in Virginia was gradually allayed by the amiable and conciliatory conduct of Lord Botetourt. His lordship soon became aware of the erroneous notions with which he had entered upon office. His semi-royal equipage and state were laid aside. He examined into public grievances ; became a strenuous advocate for the repeal of taxes ; and, author- ized by his despatches from the ministry, assured the public that such repeal would speedily take place. His assurance was received with implicit faith, and for a while Virginia was quieted. CHAPTER XXX. HOOD AT BOSTON — THE GENERAL COURT REFUSES TO DO BUSINESS UNDER MILITARY SWAY — RESISTS THE BILLETING ACT — EFFECT OF THE NON- IMPORTATION ASSOCIATION — LORD NORTH PREMIER — DUTIES REVOKED EXCEPT ON TEA — THE BOSTON MASSACRE — DISUSE OF TEA — CONCILIA- TORY CONDUCT OF LORD BOTETOURT — HI8 DEATH. " The worst is past, and the spirit of sedition broken," writes Hood to Grenville, early in the spring of 1769.* When the commodore wrote this, his ships were in the harbor, and troops occupied the town, and he nattered himself that at length turbulent Boston was quelled. But it only awaited its time to be seditious according to rule ; there was always an irresistible " method in its madness/' In the month of May, the General Court, hitherto prorogued, met according to charter. A committee immediately waited on the governor, stating it was im- possible to do business with dignity and freedom while the town was invested by sea and land, and a military guard was stationed at the state-house, with cannon pointed at the door ; and they requested the governor, as his majesty's representative, to have such forces re- * Grenville Papers, vol. iii. 1770.J THE ASSEMBLY PROROGUED. 357 moved out of the port and gates of the city during the session of the Assembly. The governor replied that he had no authority over either the ships or troops. The Court persisted in refusing to transact business while so circumstanced, and the governor was obliged to transfer the session to Cambridge. There he addressed a message to that body in July, requiring funds for the payment of the troops, and quarters for their accommodation. The Assembly, after ample discussion of past grievances, resolved, that the establishment of a standing army in the colony in a time of peace was an invasion of natu- ral rights ; that a standing army was not known as a part of the British constitution, and that the sending an armed force to aid the civil authority was unprece- dented, and highly dangerous to the people. After waiting some days without receiving an an- swer to his message, the governor sent to know whether the Assembly would, or would not, make provision for the troops. In their reply, they followed the example of the Legislature of New York, in commenting on the mutiny, or billeting act, and ended by declining to fur- nish funds for the purposes specified, " being incompati- ble with their own honor and interest, and their duty to their constituents." They were in consequence again prorogued, to meet in Boston on the 10th of January. So stood affairs in Massachusetts. In the mean time, the non-importation associations, being generally observed throughout the colonies, produced the effect on British commerce which Washington had anticipa- ted, and Parliament was incessantly importuned by 358 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1770. petitions from British merchants, imploring its inter- vention to save them from ruin. Early in 1770, an important change took place in the British cabinet. The Duke of Grafton suddenly resigned, and the reins of government passed into the hands of Lord North. He was a man of limited ca- pacity, but a favorite of the king, and subservient to his narrow colonial policy. His administration, so eventful to America, commenced with an error. In the month of March, an act was passed, revoking all the duties laid in 1767, excepting that on tea. This single tax was continued, as he observed, " to maintain the parliamentary right of taxation," — the very right which was the grand object of the contest. In this, however, he was in fact yielding, against his better judgment, to the stubborn tenacity of the king. He endeavored to reconcile the opposition, and per- haps himself, to the measure, by plausible reasoning. An impost of threepence on the pound could never, he alleged, be opposed by the colonists, unless they were determined to rebel against Great Britain. Besides, a duty on that article, payable in England, and amount- ing to nearly one shilling on the pound, was taken off on its exportation to America, so that the inhabitants of the colonies saved ninepence on the pound. Here was the stumbling-block at the threshold of Lord North's administration. In vain the members of the opposition urged that this single exception, while it would produce no revenue, would keep alive the whole cause of contention; that so long as a single external duty was enforced, the colonies would consider their rights invaded, and would remain unappeased. Lord 1770.J THE BOSTON MASSACRE. 359 North was not to be convinced ; or rather, he knew the royal will was inflexible, and he complied with its be- hests. "The properest time to exert our right of taxa- tion, ,, said he, " is when the right is refused. To tem- porize is to yield; and the authority of the mother country, if it is now unsupported, will be relinquished for ever : a total repeal cannot be thought of, till Amer- ica is prostrate at our feet." * On the very day in which this ominous bill was passed in Parliament, a sinister occurrence took place in Boston. Some of the young men of the place in- sulted the military while under arms ; the latter resent- ed it; the young men, after a scuffle, were put to flight, and pursued. The alarm bells rang, — a mob assembled; the custom-house was threatened; the troops, in protecting it, were assailed with clubs and stones, and obliged to use their fire-arms, before the tumult could be quelled. Pour of the populace were killed, and several wounded. The troops were now removed from the town, which remained in the highest state of exasperation; and this untoward occurrence received the opprobrious, and somewhat extravagant name of " the Boston massacre." The colonists, as a matter of convenience, resumed the consumption of those articles on which the duties had been repealed; but continued, on principle, the rigorous disuse of tea, excepting such as had been smuggled in. New England was particularly earnest in the matter ; many of the inhabitants, in the spirit of their Puritan progenitors, made a covenant to drink * Holmes's Airer. Annals, vol. ii, p. 173. 360 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1770. no more of the forbidden beverage, until the duty on tea should be repealed. In Virginia the public discontents, which had been allayed by the conciliatory conduct of Lord Botetourt, and by his assurances, made on the strength of letters received from the ministry, that the grievances com- plained of would be speedily redressed, now broke out with more violence than ever. The Virginians spurned the mock-remedy which left the real cause of complaint untouched. His lordship also felt deeply wounded by the disingenuousness of ministers which had led him into such a predicament, and wrote home demanding his discharge. Before it arrived, an attack of bilious fever, acting upon a delicate and sensitive frame, en- feebled by anxiety and chagrin, laid him in his grave. He left behind him a name endeared to the Virginians by his amiable manners, his liberal patronage of the arts, and, above all, by his zealous intercession for their rights. Washington himself testifies that he was in- clined " to render every just and reasonable service to the people whom he governed." A statue to his mem- ory was decreed by the House of Burgesses, to be erected in the area of the capitol. It is still to be seen, though in a mutilated condition, in Williams- burg, the old seat of government, and a county in Virginia continues to bear his honored name. CHAPTER XXXI. EXPEDITION OF WASHINGTON TO THE OHIO, IN BEHALF OF SOLDIERS* CLAIMS — UNEASY STATE OF THE FRONTIER — VISIT TO FOET PITT — GEOEGE OEOGHAN — HIS MISHAPS DURING PONTIAO's WAR — WASHING- TON DESCENDS THE OHIO — SCENES AND ADVENTURES ALONG THE RrVEE — INDIAN HUNTING CAMP — INTERVIEW WITH AN OLD SACHEM AT THE MOUTH OF THE iKANAWHA — RETURN — CLAIMS OF STOBO AND VAN BRAAM — LETTER TO COLONEL GEORGE MUSE. In the midst of these popular turmoils, Washington was induced, by public as well as private considera- tions, to make another expedition to the Ohio. He was one of the Virginia Board of Commissioners, ap- pointed, at the close of the late war, to settle the mili- tary accounts of the colony. Among the claims which came before the board, were those of the officers and soldiers who had engaged to serve until peace, under the proclamation of Governor Dinwiddie, holding forth a bounty of two hundred thousand acres of land, to be apportioned among them according to rank. Those claims were yet unsatisfied, for governments, like indi- viduals, are slow to pay off in peaceful times the debts incurred while in the fighting mood. Washington be- came the champion of those claims, and an opportunity now presented itself for their liquidation. The Six Nations, by a treaty in 1768, had ceded to the British 362 LIFE OP WASHINGTON. [1770. crown, in consideration of a sum of money, all the lands possessed by them south of the Ohio. Land offices would soon be opened for the sale of them. Squatters and speculators were already preparing to swarm in, set up their marks on the choicest spots, and establish what were called pre-emption rights. Wash- ington determined at once to visit the lands thus ceded; affix his mark on such tracts as he should select, and apply for a grant from government in be- half of the " soldiers' claim." The expedition would be attended with some de- gree of danger. The frontier was yet in an uneasy state. It is true, some time had elapsed since the war of Pontiac, but some of the Indian tribes were almost ready to resume the hatchet. The Delawares, Shawnees, and Mingoes, complained that the Six Na- tions had not given them their full share of the consid- eration money of the late sale, and they talked of exacting the deficiency from the white men who came to settle in what had been their hunting-grounds. Traders, squatters, and other adventurers into the wil- derness, were occasionally murdered, and further trou- bles were apprehended. Washington had for a companion in this expedition his friend and neighbor, Dr. Craik, and it was with strong community of feeling they looked forward peace- ably to revisit the scenes of their military experience. They set out on the 5th of October with three negro attendants, two belonging to Washington, and one to the doctor. The whole party was mounted, and there was a led horse for the baggage. After twelve days' travelling they arrived at Fort 1770.] VISIT TO FORT PITT. 363 Pitt (late Fort Duquesne). It was garrisoned by two companies of royal Irish, commanded by a Captain Edmonson. A hamlet of about twenty log-houses, in- habited by Indian traders, had sprung up within three hundred yards of the fort, and was called " the town." It was the embryo city of Pittsburg, now so popu- lous. At one of the houses, a tolerable frontier inn, they took up their quarters; but during their brief sojourn, they were entertained with great hospitality at the fort. Here at dinner Washington met his old acquaint- ance, George Croghan, who had figured in so many capacities and experienced so many vicissitudes on the frontier. He was now Colonel Croghan, deputy-agent to Sir William Johnson, and had his residence — or seat, as Washington terms it — on the banks of the Allegany River, about four miles from the fort. Croghan had experienced troubles and dangers during the Pontiac war, both from white man and sav- age. At one time, while he was convoying presents from Sir William to the Delawares and Shawnees, his caravan was set upon and plundered by a band of backwoodsmen of Pennsylvania — men resembling In- dians in garb and habits, and fully as lawless. At another time, when encamped at the mouth of the Wabash with some of his Indian allies, a band of Kickapoos, supposing the latter to be Cherokees, their deadly enemies, rushed forth from the woods with hor- rid yells, shot down several of his companions, and wounded himself. It must be added, that no white men could have made more ample apologies than did 364 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1770. the Kickapoos, when they discovered that they had fired upon friends. Another of Croghan's perils was from the redoubt- able Pontiac himself. That chieftain had heard of his being on a mission to win off, by dint of presents, the other sachems of the conspiracy, and declared, signifi- cantly, that he had a large kettle boiling in which he intended to seethe the ambassador. It was fortunate for Croghan that he did not meet with the formidable chieftain while in this exasperated mood. He subse- quently encountered him when Pontiae's spirits were broken by reverses. They smoked the pipe of peace together, and the colonel claimed the credit of having, by his diplomacy, persuaded the sachem to bury the hatchet. On the day following the repast at the fort, Wash- ington visited Croghan at his abode on the Allegany River, where he found several of the chiefs of the Six Nations assembled. One of them, the "White Mingo by name, made him a speech, accompanied, as usual, by a belt of wampum. Some of his companions, he said, remembered to have seen him in 1753, when he came on his embassy to the French commander; most of them had heard of him. They had now come to wel- come him to their country. They wished the people of Virginia to consider them as friends and brothers, linked together in one chain, and requested him to mform the governor of their desire to live in peace and harmony with the white men. As to certain unhappy differences which had taken place between them on the frontiers, they were all made up, and, they hoped, for- gotten. 1770.] VOYAGE DOWN THE OHIO. 365 Washington accepted the " speech-belt," and made a suitable reply, assuring the chiefs that nothing was more desired by the people of Virginia than to live with them on terms of the strictest friendship. At Pittsburg the travellers left their horses, and embarked in a large canoe, to make a voyage down the Ohio as far as the Great Kanawha. Colonel Croghan engaged two Indians for their service, and an inter- preter named John Nicholson. The colonel and some of the officers of the garrison accompanied them as far as Logstown, the scene of Washington's early diplo- macy, and his first interview with the half-king. Here they breakfasted together ; after which they separated, the colonel and his companions cheering the voyagers from the shore, as the canoe was borne off by the cur- rent of the beautiful Ohio. It was now the hunting season, when the Indians leave their towns, set off with their families, and lead a roving life in cabins and hunting-camps along the river ; shifting from place to place, as game abounds or decreases, and often extending their migrations two or three hundred miles down the stream. The women were as dexterous as the men in the management of the canoe, but were generally engaged in the domestic labors of the lodge while their husbands were abroad hunting. Washington's propensities as a sportsman had here full play. Deer were continually to be seen coming down to the water's edge to drink, or browsing along the shore ; there were innumerable flocks of wild tur- keys, and streaming flights of ducks and geese; so that as the voyagers floated along, they were enabled 366 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1770, to load their canoe with game. At night they en- camped on the river bank, lit their fire, and made a sumptuous hunter's repast. Washington always rel- ished this wild-wood life; and the present had that spice of danger in it, which has a peculiar charm for adventurous minds. The great object of his expedi- tion, however, is evinced in his constant notes on the features and character of the country ; the quality of the soil as indicated by the nature of the trees, and the level tracts fitted for settlements. About seventy-five miles below Pittsburg the voy- agers landed at a Mingo town, which they found in a stir of warlike preparation — sixty of the warriors being about to set off on a foray into the Cherokee country against the Catawbas. Here the voyagers were brought to a pause by a report that two white men, traders, had been murdered about thirty-eight miles further down the river. Re- ports of the kind were not to be treated lightly. Indian faith was uncertain along the frontier, and white men were often shot down in the wilderness for plunder or revenge. On the following day the report moderated. Only one man was said to have been killed, and that not by Indians ; so Washington deter- mined to continue forward until he could obtain correct information in the matter. On the 24th, about 3 o'clock in the afternoon, the voyagers arrived at Captema Creek, at the mouth of which the trader was said to have been killed. As all was quiet and no one to be seen, they agreed to en- camp, while Nicholson the interpreter, and one of the Indians, repaired to a village a few miles up the creek 1770.J kiashuta' s hunting camp. 367 to inquire about the murder. They found but two old women at the village. The men were all absent, hunt- ing. The interpreter returned to camp in the evening, bringing the truth of the murderous tale. A trader had fallen a victim to his temerity, having been drowned in attempting, in company with another, to swim his horse across the Ohio. Two days more of voyaging brought them to an Indian hunting camp, near the mouth of the Mus- kingum. Here it was necessary to land and make a cere- monious visit, for the chief of the hunting party was Kiashuta, a Seneca sachem, the head of the river tribes. He was noted to have been among the first to raise the hatchet in Pontiac's conspiracy, and almost equally vindictive with that potent warrior. As Washington approached the chieftain, he recognized him for one of the Indians who had accompanied him on his mission to the French in 1753. Kiashuta retained a perfect recollection of the youthful ambassador, though seventeen years had ma- tured him into thoughtful manhood. With hunter's hospitality he gave him a quarter of a fine buffalo just slain, but insisted that they should encamp together for the night ; and in order not to retard him, moved with his own party to a good camping place some dis- tance down the river. Here they had long talks and council-fires over night and in the morning, with all the " tedious ceremony," says Washington, " which the Indians observe in their councillings and speeches/' Kiashuta had heard of what had passed between Washington and the "White Mingo," and other sachems, at Colonel Croghan's, and was eager to ex- 368 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1770. press his own desire for peace and friendship with Vir- ginia, and fair dealings with her traders; all which Washington promised to report faithfully to the gov- ernor. It was not until a late hour in the morning that he was enabled to bring these conferences to a close, and pursue his voyage. At the mouth of the Great Kanawha, the voyagers encamped for a day or two to examine the lands in the neighborhood, and Washington set up his mark upon such as he intended to claim on behalf of the soldiers' grant. It was a fine sporting country, having small lakes or grassy ponds abounding with water-fowl, such as ducks, geese, and swans. Flocks of turkeys, as usual ; and, for larger game, deer and buffalo ; so that their camp abounded with provisions. Here Washington was visited by an old sachem, who approached him with great reverence, at the head of several of his tribe, and addressed him through Nicholson, the interpreter. He had heard, he said, of his being in that part of the country, and had come from a great distance to see him. On further dis- course, the sachem made known that he was one of the warriors in the service of the French, who lay in ambush on the banks of the Monongahela, and wrought such havoc in Braddock's army. He de- clared that he and his young men had singled out Washington, as he made himself conspicuous riding about the field of battle with the general's orders, and had fired at him repeatedly, but without success ; whence they had concluded that he was under the pro- tection of the Great Spirit, had a charmed life, and could not be slain in battle. 1770.] HAZARDS OF THE VOYAGE. 369 At the Great Kanawha Washington's expedition down the Ohio terminated; having visited all the points he wished to examine. His return to Port Pitt, and thence homeward, affords no incident worthy of note. The whole expedition, however, was one of that hardy and adventurous kind, mingled with practical purposes, in which he delighted. This winter voyage down the Ohio in a canoe, with the doctor for a com- panion and two Indians for crew, through regions yet insecure from the capricious hostility of prowling sav- ages, is not one of the least striking of his frontier " experiences/' The hazardous nature of it was made apparent shortly afterwards by another outbreak of the Ohio tribes ; one of its bloodiest actions took place on the very banks of the Great Kanawha, in which Colonel Lewis and a number of brave Virginians lost their lives. NOTE. In the final adjustment of claims under Governor Dinwiddie's pro- clamation, Washington, acting on behalf of the officers and soldiers, obtained grants for the lands he had marked out in the course of his visit to the Ohio. Fifteen thousand acres were awarded to a field- officer, nine thousand to a captain, six thousand to a subaltern, and so on. Among the claims which he entered were those of Stobo and Van Braam, the hostages in the capitulation at the Great Meadows. After many vicissitudes they were now in London, and nine thousand acres were awarded to each of them. Their domains were ultimately purchased by Washington through his London agent. Another claimant was Colonel George Muse, Washington's early instructor in military science. His claim was admitted with difficulty, for he stood accused of having acted the part of a poltroon in the campaign, and Washington seems to have considered the charge well founded. Still he appears to have been dissatisfied with the share of land assigned him, and to have written to Washington somewhat rudely on the subject. His letter is not extant, but we subjoin Wash- vol. I.— 24 370 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1773. ington's reply almost entire, as a specimen of the caustic pen he could wield under a mingled emotion of scorn and indignation. "Sir, — Your impertinent letter was delivered to me yesterday. As I am not accustomed to receive such from any man, nor would have taken the same language from you personally, without letting you feel some marks of my resentment, I advise you to be cautious in writing me a second of the same tenor; for though I understand you were drunk when you did it, yet give me leave to tell you that drunken- ness is no excuse for rudeness. But for your stupidity and sottishness you might have known, by attending to the public gazette, that you had your full quantity of ten thousand acres of land allowed you ; that is, nine thousand and seventy-three acres in the great tract, and the remainder in the small tract. " But suppose you had really fallen short, do you think your su- perlative merit entitles you to greater indulgence than others ? Or, if it did, that I was to make it good to you, when it was at the option of the governor and council to allow but five hundred acres in the whole, if they had been so inclined ? If either of these should happen to be your opinion, I am very well convinced that you will be singu- lar in it ; and all my concern is that I ever engaged myself in behalf of so ungrateful and dirty a fellow as you are." N". B. — The above is from the letter as it exists in the archives of the Department of State at Washington. It differs in two or three particulars from that published among Washington's writings. CHAPTER XXXII. LOED DUNMOEE GOVERNOE OF VIRGINIA — PIQUES THE PBIDE OF THE VIR- GINIANS — OPPOSITION OF THE ASSEMBLY — OOE RESPONDING COMMITTEES — DEATH OF MISS CUSTIS — WASHINGTON'S GUAEDIANSHIP OF JOHN PAEKE CUSTIS — HIS OPINIONS AS TO PREMATURE TRAVEL AND PEEMA- TURE MAERIAGE. The discontents of Virginia, which had been partially soothed by the amiable administration of Lord Bote- tourt, were irritated anew under his successor, the Earl of Dunmore. This nobleman had for a short time held the government of New York. When appointed to that of Virginia, he lingered for several months at his former post. In the mean time, he sent his military secretary, Captain Toy, to attend to the despatch of business until his arrival; awarding to him a salary and fees to be paid by the colony. The pride of the Virginians was piqued at his lin- gering at New York, as if he preferred its gayety and luxury to the comparative quiet and simplicity of Williamsburg. Their pride was still more piqued on his arrival, by what they considered haughtiness on his part. The spirit of the "Ancient Dominion " was 372 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1773. roused, and his lordship experienced opposition at his very outset. The first measure of the Assembly, at its opening, was to demand by what right he had awarded a salary and fees to his secretary without consulting it ; and to question whether it was authorized by the crown. His lordship had the good policy to rescind the un- authorized act, and in so doing mitigated the ire of the Assembly ; but he lost no time in proroguing a body, which, from various symptoms, appeared to be too in- dependent, and disposed to be untractable. He continued to prorogue it from time to time, seeking in the interim to conciliate the Virginians, and soothe their irritated pride. At length, after repeated prorogations, he was compelled by circumstances to convene it on the 1st of March, 1773. Washington was prompt in his attendance on the occasion ; and foremost among the patriotic members, who eagerly availed themselves of this long wished for opportunity to legislate upon the general affairs of the colonies. One of their most important measures was the appointment of a committee of eleven persons, " whose business it should be to obtain the most clear and authentic intelligence of all such acts and resolu- tions of the British Parliament, or proceedings of ad- ministration, as may relate to or affect the British colonies, and to maintain with their sister colonies a correspondence and communication." The plan thus proposed by their "noble, patriotic sister colony of Virginia," * was promptly adopted by * Boston Town Records. 1773.] DEATH OF MISS CUSTIS. 373 the people of Massachusetts, and soon met with gene- ral concurrence. These corresponding committees, in effect, became the executive power of the patriot party, producing the happiest concert of design and action throughout the colonies. Notwithstanding the decided part taken by Wash- ington in the popular movement, very friendly relations existed between him and Lord Dunmore. The latter appreciated his character, and sought to avail himself of his experience in the affairs of the province. It was even concerted that Washington should accompany his lordship on an extensive tour, which the latter intended to make in the course of the summer along the western frontier. A melancholy circumstance oc- curred to defeat this arrangement. We have spoken of Washington's paternal conduct towards the two children of Mrs. Washington. The daughter, Miss Custis, had long been an object of ex- treme solicitude. She was of a fragile constitution, and for some time past had been in very declining health. Early in the present summer, symptoms indicated a rapid change for the worse. Washington was absent from home at the time. On his return to Mount Ver- non, he found her in the last stage of consumption. Though not a man given to bursts of sensibility, he is said on the present occasion to have evinced the deepest affliction ; kneeling by her bedside, and pour- ing out earnest prayers for her recovery. She expired on the 19th of June, in the seventeenth year of her age. This, of course, put an end to Washington's intention of accompanying Lord Dunmore to the fron- tier ; he remained at home to console Mrs. Washing- 374 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1773. ton in her affliction, — furnishing his lordship, however, with travelling hints and directions, and recommending proper guides. And here we will take occasion to give a few brief particulars of domestic affairs at Mount Vernon. For a long time previous to the death of Miss Custis, her mother, despairing of her recovery, had centered her hopes in her son, John Parke Custis. This rendered Washington's guardianship of him a delicate and difficult task. He was lively, susceptible and impulsive ; had an independent fortune in his own right, and an indulgent mother, ever ready to plead in his behalf against wholesome discipline. He had been placed under the care and instruction of an Episcopal clergyman at Annapolis, but was occasionally at home, mounting his horse, and taking a part, while yet a boy, in the fox-hunts at Mount Vernon. His education had consequently been irregular and imperfect, and not such as Washington would have enforced had he pos- sessed over him the absolute authority of a father. Shortly after the return of the latter from his tour to the Ohio, he was concerned to find that there was an idea entertained of sending the lad abroad, though but little more than sixteen years of age, to travel under the care of his clerical tutor. Through his judicious interference, the travelling scheme was postponed, and it was resolved to give the young gentleman's mind the benefit of a little preparatory home culture. Little more than a year elapsed before the sallying impulses of the youth had taken a new direction. He was in love ; what was more, he was engaged to the 1773.] EARLY TRAVEL AND EARLY MARRIAGE. 375 object of his passion, and on the high road to matri- mony. Washington now opposed himself to premature marriage as he had done to premature travel. A cor- respondence ensued between him and the young lady's father, Benedict Calvert, Esq. The match was a satis- factory one to all parties, but it was agreed, that it was expedient for the youth to pass a year or two previously at college. Washington accordingly accompanied him to New York, and placed him under the care of the Rev. Dr. Cooper, president of King's (now Columbia) College, to pursue his studies in that institution. All this occurred before the death of his sister. Within a year after that melancholy event, he became impatient for a union with the object of his choice. His mother, now more indulgent than ever to this, her only child, yielded her consent, and Washington no longer made opposition. " It has been against my wishes," writes the latter to President Cooper, " that he should quit college in order that he may soon enter into a new scene of life, which I think he would be much fitter for some years hence than now. But having his own inclination, the desires of his mother, and the acquiescence of almost all his relatives to encounter, I did not care, as he is the last of the family, to push my opposition too far; I have, therefore, submitted to a kind of necessity." The marriage was celebrated on the 3d of Febru- ary, 1774, before the bridegroom was twenty-one years of age. 376 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1773. NOTE. We are induced to subjoin extracts of two letters from Washington relative to young Custis. The first gives his objections to premature travel ; the second to premature matrimony. Both are worthy of consideration in this country, where our young people have such a general disposition to " go ahead."- To the reverend Jonathan Boucher (the tutor of young Custis). * * * * ccj canno t help giving it as my opinion, that his education, however advanced it may be for a youth of his age, is by no means ripe enough for a travelling tour ; not that I think his becoming a mere scholar is a desirable education for a gen- tleman, but I conceive a knowledge of books is the basis upon which all other knowledge is to be built, and in travelling he is to become acquainted with men and things, rather than books. At present, however well versed he may be in the principles of the Latin language (which is not to be wondered at, as he began the study of it as soon as he could speak), he is unacquainted with several of the classic authors that might be useful to him. He is ignorant of Greek, the advantages of learning which I do not pretend to judge of; and he knows nothing of French, which is absolutely necessary to him as a traveller. He has little or no acquaintance with arithmetic, and is totally ignorant of the mathematics — than which, at least, so much of them as relates to surveying, nothing can be more essentially necessary to any man possessed of a large landed estate, the bounds of some part or other of which are always in controversy. Now, whether he has time between this and next spring to acquire a suffi- cient knowledge of these studies, I leave you to judge ; as, also, whether a boy of seventeen years old (which will be his age next No- vember), can have any just notions of the end and design of travel- ling. I have already given it as my opinion that it would be precipitating this event, unless he were to go immediately to the university for a couple of years ; in which case he could see nothing of America ; which might be a disadvantage to him, as it is to be expected that every man, who travels with a view of observing the laws and customs of other countries, should be able to give some description of the situation and government of his own." The following are extracts from the letter to Benedict Calvert, Esq., the young lady's father: " I write to you on a subject of importance, and of no small em barrassment to me. My son-in-law and ward, Mr. Custis, has, as I L773.] EARLY MARRIAGE. 377 have been informed, paid his addresses to your second daughter ; and having made some progress in her affections, has solicited her in mar- riage. How far a union of this sort may be agreeable to you, you best can tell ; but I should think myself wanting in candor, were 1 not to confess that Miss Nelly's amiable qualities are acknowledged on all hands, and that an alliance with your family will be pleasing to his. " This acknowledgment being made, you must permit me to add, sir, that at this, or in any short time, his youth, inexperience, and unripened education are, and will be, insuperable obstacles, in my opinion, to the completion of the marriage. As his guardian, I con- ceive it my indispensable duty to endeavor to carry him through a regular course of education (many branches of which, I am sorry to say, he is totally deficient in), and to guide his youth to a more advanced age, before an event, on which his own peace and the hap- piness of another are to depend, takes place. * * * If the affec- tion which they have avowed for each other is fixed upon a solid basis, it will receive no diminution in the course of two or three years; in which time he may prosecute his studies, and thereby render himself more deserving of the lady, and useful to society. If, unfortunately, as they are both young, there should be an abatement of affection on either side, or both, it had better precede than follow marriage. " Delivering my sentiments thus freely, will not, I hope, lead you into a belief that I am desirous of breaking off the match. To post- pone it is all I have in view ; for I shall recommend to the young gentleman, with the warmth that becomes a man of honor, to con- sider himself as much engaged to your daughter, as if the indissolu- ble knot were tied ; and as the surest means of effecting this, to apply himself closely to his studies, by which he will, in a great measure, avoid those little flirtations with other young ladies, that may, by dividing the attention, contribute not a little to divide the affection." CHAPTER XXXIII. LORD NOETH's BILL FAVORING THE EXPOETATION OF TEAS — SHIPS FEEIGHTED WITH TEA TO THE COLONIES — SENT BACK FEOM SOME OF THE POETS — TEA DESTROYED AT BOSTON — PASSAGE OF THE BOSTON POET BILL — SESSION OF THE HOUSE OF BURGESSES — SPLENDID OPENING — BURST OF INDIGNATION AT THE POET BILL — HOUSE DISSOLVED — EE- SOLUTIONS AT THE EALEIGH TAVEEN — PEOJEOT OF A GENEEAL CON- GBESS — WASHINGTON AND LOED DUNMOEE — THE POET BLLL GOES INTO EFFECT — GENEEAL GAGE AT BOSTON — LEAGUE AND COVENANT. The general covenant throughout the colonies against the use of taxed tea, had operated disastrously against the interests of the East India Company, and produced an immense accumulation of the proscribed article in their warehouses. To remedy this, Lord North brought in a bill (1773), by which the company were allowed to export their teas from England to any part what- ever, without paying export duty. This, by enabling them to offer their teas at a low price in the colonies, would, he supposed, tempt the Americans to purchase large quantities, thus relieving the company, and at the same time benefiting the revenue by the impost duty. Confiding in the wisdom of this policy, the company disgorged their warehouses, freighted several 1773.] . DESTRUCTION OF THE TEA. 379 ships with tea, and sent them to various parts of the colonies. This brought matters to a crisis. One senti- ment, one determination, pervaded the whole continent. Taxation was to receive its definitive blow. Who- ever submitted to it was an enemy to his country. From New York and Philadelphia the ships were sent back, unladen, to London. In Charleston the tea was unloaded, and stored away in cellars and other places, where it perished. At Boston the action was still more decisive. The ships anchored in the harbor. Some small parcels of tea were brought on shore, but the sale of them was prohibited. The captains of the ships, seeing the desperate state of the case, would have made sail back for England, but they could not obtain the consent of the consignees, a clearance at the custom-house, or a passport from the governor to clear the fort. It was evident the tea was to be forced upon the people of Boston, and the principle of taxation established. To settle the matter completely, and prove that, on a point of principle, they were not to be trifled with, a number of the inhabitants, disguised as Indians, board- ed the ships in the night (18th December), broke open all the chests of tea, and emptied the contents into the sea. This was no rash and intemperate proceeding of a mob, but the well-considered, though resolute act of sober respectable citizens, men of reflection, but deter- mination. The whole was done calmly, and in perfect order; after which the actors in the scene dispersed without tumult, and returned quietly to their homes. The general opposition of the colonies to the prin- ciple of taxation had given great annoyance to govern- 380 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1774. tnent, but this individual act concentrated all its wrath upon Boston. A bill was forthwith passed in Parlia- ment (commonly called the Boston port bill), by which all lading and unlading of goods, wares, and merchan- dise, were to cease in that town and harbor, on and after the 4th of June, and the officers of the customs to be transferred to Salem. Another law, passed soon after, altered the charter of the province, decreeing that all counsellors, judges, and magistrates, should be appointed by the crown, and hold office during the royal pleasure. This was followed by a third, intended for the sup- pression of riots; and providing that any person in- dicted for murder, or other capital offence, committed in aiding the magistracy, might be sent by the gov- ernor to some other colony, or to Great Britain, for trial. Such was the bolt of Parliamentary wrath fulmi- nated against the devoted town of Boston. Before it fell there was a session in May, of the Virginia House of Burgesses. The social position of Lord Dunmore had been strengthened in the province by the arrival of his lady, and a numerous family of sons and daugh- ters. The old Virginia aristocracy had vied with each other in hospitable attentions to the family. A court circle had sprung up. Regulations had been drawn up by a herald, and published officially, determining the rank and precedence of civil and military officers, and their wives. The aristocracy of the "Ancient Do- minion" was furbishing up its former splendor. Car- riages and four rolled into the streets of Williamsburg, with horses handsomely caparisoned, bringing the 1774.] HOUSE or BURGESSES. 381 wealthy planters and their families to the seat of gov- ernment. Washington arrived in Williamsburg on the 16th, and dined with the governor on the day of his arrival, having a distinguished position in the court circle, and being still on terms of intimacy with his lordship. The House of Burgesses was opened in form, and one of its first measures was an address of congratulation to the governor, on the arrival of his lady. It was* followed up by an agreement among the members to give her ladyship a splendid ball, on the 27th of the month. All things were going on smoothly and smilingly, when a letter, received through the corresponding com- mittee, brought intelligence of the vindictive measure of Parliament, by which the port of Boston was to be closed on the approaching 1st of June. The letter was read in the House of Burgesses, and produced a general burst of indignation. All other business was thrown aside, and this became the sole subject of discussion. A protest against this and other recent acts of Parliament was entered upon the journal of the House, and a resolution was adopted, on the 24th of May, setting apart the 1st of June as a day of fasting, prayer, and humiliation ; in which the divine interposition was to be implored, to avert the heavy calamity threatening destruction to their rights, and all the evils of civil war ; and to give the people one heart and one mind in firmly opposing every injury to Amer- ican liberties. On the following morning, while the Burgesses were engaged in animated debate, they were sum- 382 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1774, nioned to attend Lord Dunmore in the council cham- ber, where he made them the following laconic speech : " Mr. Speaker, and Gentlemen of the House of Bur- gesses : I have in my hand a paper, published by order of your House, conceived in such terms, as reflect highly upon his majesty, and the Parliament of Great Britain, which makes it necessary for me to dissolve you, and you are dissolved accordingly." As on a former occasion, the Assembly, though dis- solved, was not dispersed. The members adjourned to the long room of the old Raleigh tavern, and passed reso- lutions, denouncing the Boston port bill as a most dan- gerous attempt to destroy the constitutional liberty and rights of all North America ; recommending their countrymen to desist from the use, not merely of tea, but of all kinds of East Indian commodities; pro- nouncing an attack on one of the colonies, to enforce arbitrary taxes, an attack on all; and ordering the committee of correspondence to communicate with the other corresponding committees, on the expediency of appointing deputies from the several colonies of British America, to meet annually in General Congress, at such place as might be deemed expedient, to deliberate on such measures as the united interests of the colonies might require. This was the first recommendation of a General Congress by any public assembly, though it had been previously proposed in town meetings at New York and Boston. A resolution to the same effect was passed in the Assembly of Massachusetts before it was aware of the proceedings of the Virginia Legislature. The measure recommended met with prompt and gen- 1774.J PROJECT OF A GENERAL LEAGUE. 383 eral concurrence throughout the colonies, and the fifth day of September next ensuing was fixed upon for the meeting of the first Congress, which was to be held at Philadelphia. Notwithstanding Lord Dunmore's abrupt dissolu- tion of the House of Burgesses, the members still con- tinued on courteous terms with him, and the ball which they had decreed early in the session in honor of Lady Dunmore, was celebrated on the 27th with unwavering gallantry. As to Washington, widely as he differed from Lord Dunmore on important points of policy, his intimacy with him remained uninterrupted. By memorandums in his diary, it appears that he dined and passed the evening at his lordship's on the 25th, the very day of the meeting at the Raleigh tavern. That he rode out with him to his farm, and breakfasted there with him on the 26th, and on the evening of the 27th attended the ball given to her ladyship. Such was the well-bred decorum that seemed to quiet the turbulence of popu- lar excitement, without checking the full and firm ex- pression of popular opinion. On the 29th, two days after the ball, letters arrived from Boston giving the proceedings of a town meeting, recommending that a general league should be formed throughout the colonies suspending all trade with Great Britain. But twenty-five members of the late House of Burgesses, including Washington, were at that time remaining in Williamsburg. They held a meeting on the following day, at which Peyton Randolph presided as moderator. After some discussion, it was deter- mined to issue a printed circular, bearing their signa- 384 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1774 tures, and calling a meeting of all the members of the late House of Burgesses, on the 1st of August, to take mto consideration this measure of a general league. The circular recommended them, also, to collect, in the mean time, the sense of their respective counties. Washington was still at Williamsburg on the 1st of June, the day when the port bill was to be enforced at Boston. It was ushered in by the tolling of bells, and observed by all true patriots as a day of fasting and humiliation. Washington notes in his diary that he fasted rigidly, and attended the services appointed in the church. Still his friendly intercourse with the Dunmore family was continued during the remainder of his sojourn in Williamsburg, where he was detained by business until the 20th, when he set out on his re- turn to Mount Vernon. In the mean time the Boston port bill had been carried into effect. On the 1st of June, the harbor of Boston was closed at noon, and all business ceased. The two other parliamentary acts altering the charter of Massachusetts were to be enforced. No public meetings, excepting the annual town meetings in March and May, were to be held without permission of the governor. General Thomas Gage had recently been appointed to the military command of Massachusetts, and the carrying out of these offensive acts. He was the same officer who, as lieutenant-colonel, had led the advance guard on the field of Braddock's defeat. Fortune had since gone well with him. Rising in the service, he had been governor of Montreal, and had succeeded Amherst in the command of the British forces on this 1774.] GENERAL GAGE AT BOSTON. 385 continent. He was linked to the country also by domestic ties, having married into one of the most respectable families of New Jersey. In the various situations in which he had hitherto been placed he had won esteem, and rendered himself popular. Not much was expected from him in his present post by those who knew him well. William Smith, the historian, speaking of him to Adams, " Gage," said he, " was a good-natured, peaceable, sociable man while here (in New York), but altogether unfit for a governor of Massachusetts. He will lose all the character he has acquired as a man, a gentleman, and a general, and dwindle down into a mere scribbling governor — a mere Bernard or Hutchinson." With all Gage's experience in America, he had formed a most erroneous opinion of the character of the people. "The Americans," said he to the king, " will be lions only as long as the English are lambs ; " and he engaged, with five regiments, to keep Boston quiet ! The manner in which his attempts to enforce the recent acts of Parliament were resented, showed how egregiously he was in error. At the suggestion of the Assembly, a paper was circulated through the province by the committee of correspondence, entitled " a solemn league and covenant," the subscribers to which bound themselves to break off all intercourse with Great Bri- tain from the 1st of August, until the colony should be restored to the enjoyment of its chartered rights ; and to renounce all dealings wijh those who should refuse to enter into this compact. The very title of league and covenant had an omi- vol. i. — 25 386 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1774 nous sound, and startled General Gage. He issued a proclamation, denouncing it as illegal and traitorous. Furthermore, he encamped a force of infantry and artillery on Boston Common, as if prepared to enact the lion. An alarm spread through the adjacent coun- try. " Boston is to be blockaded ! Boston is to be reduced to obedience by force or famine ! " The spirit of the yeomanry was aroused. They sent in word to the inhabitants promising to come to their aid if neces- sary ; and urging them to stand fast to the faith. Affairs were coming to a crisis. It was predicted that the new acts of Parliament would bring on "a most important and decisive trial. ,, CHAPTER XXXIV. WASHINGTON OHAIEMAN OF A POLITICAL MEETING COBEESPONDENOE WITH BETAN FAIEFAX — PATEIOTIO EESOLUTIONS — WASHINGTON'S OPINIONS ON PUBLIC AFFAIES — NON-IMPOBTATION SCHEME — CONVEN- TION AT WILLIAMSBUEG WASHINGTON APPOINTED A DELEGATE TO THE GENEEAL CONGE ESS — LETTEE FEOM BEY AN FAIEFAX — PEE- PLEXITIES OF GENEEAL GAGE AT BOSTON. Shortly after Washington's return to Mount Vernon, in the latter part of June, he presided as moderator at a meeting of the inhabitants of Fairfax County, where- in, after the recent acts of Parliament had been dis- cussed, a committee was appointed, with himself as chairman, to draw up resolutions expressive of the sen- timents of the present meeting, and to report the same at a general meeting of the county, to be held in the court-house on the 18th of July. The course that public measures were taking, shocked the loyal feelings of Washington's valued friend, Bryan Fairfax, of Tarlston Hall, a younger brother of George William, who was absent in Eng- land. He was a man of liberal sentiments, but at- tached to the ancient rule ; and, in a letter to Wash- ington, advised a petition to the throne, which would 388 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1774. give Parliament an opportunity to repeal the offensive acts. " I would heartily join you in your political senti- ments," writes Washington in reply, " as far as relates to a humble and dutiful petition to the throne, pro- vided there was the most distant hope of success. But have we not tried this already? Have we not addressed the Lords, and remonstrated to the Com- mons? And to what end? Does it not appear as clear as the sun in its meridian brightness, that there is a regular, systematic plan to fix the right and practice of taxation upon us? ***** Is not the attack upon the liberty and property of the people of Boston, before restitution of the loss to the India Com- pany was demanded, a plain and self-evident proof of what they are aiming at ? Do not the subsequent bills for depriving the Massachusetts Bay of its charter, and for transporting offenders to other colonies or to Great Britain for trial, where it is impossible, from the nature of things, that justice can be obtained, convince us that the administration is determined to stick at nothing to carry its point ? Ought we not, then, to put our vir- tue and fortitude to the severest tests ? " The committee met according to appointment, with Washington as chairman. The resolutions framed at the meeting insisted, as usual, on the right of self-gov- ernment, and the principle that taxation and represen- tation were in their nature inseparable. That the various acts of Parliament for raising revenue ; taking away trials by jury ; ordering that persons might be tried in a different country from that in which the cause of accusation originated; closing the port of 1774.] RESOLUTIONS OF THE COMMITTEE. 389 Boston ; abrogating the charter of Massachusetts Bay, &c., &c., — were all part of a premeditated design and system to introduce arbitrary government into the colo- nies. That the sudden and repeated dissolutions of Assemblies whenever they presumed to examine the illegality of ministerial mandates, or deliberated on the violated rights of their constituents, were part of the same system, and calculated and intended to drive the people of the colonies to a state of desperation, and to dissolve the compact by which their ancestors bound themselves and their posterity to remain dependent on the British brown. The resolutions, furthermore, re- commended the most perfect union and co-operation among the colonies ; solemn covenants with respect to non-importation and non-intercourse, and a renunciation of all dealings with any colony, town, or province, that should refuse to agree to the plan adopted by the Gen- eral Congress. They also recommended a dutiful petition and remonstrance from the Congress to the king, asserting their constitutional rights and privileges; lamenting the necessity of entering into measures that might be displeasing ; declaring their attachment to his person, family, and government, and their desire to continue in dependence upon Great Britain; beseeching him not to reduce his faithful subjects of America to despera- tion, and to reflect, that from our sovereign there can be but one appeal. These resolutions are the more worthy of note, as expressive of the opinions and feelings of Washington at this eventful time, if not being entirely dictated by 390 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1774. him. The last sentence is of awful import, suggesting the possibility of being driven to an appeal to arms. Bryan Fairfax, who was aware of their purport, addressed a long letter to Washington, on the 17th of July, the day preceding that in which they were to be reported by the committee, stating his objections to several of them, and requesting that his letter might be publicly read. The letter was not received until after the committee had gone to the court-house on the 18th, with the resolutions revised, corrected, and ready to be reported. Washington glanced over the letter hastily, and handed it round to several of the gentle- men present. They, with one exception, advised that it should not be publicly read, as it was not likely to make any converts, and was repugnant, as some thought, to every principle they were contending for. Washington forbore, therefore, to give it any further publicity. The resolutions reported by the committee were adopted, and Washington was chosen a delegate to represent the county at the General Convention of the province, to be held at Williamsburg on the 1st of August. After the meeting had adjourned, he felt doubtful whether Fairfax might not be dissatisfied that his letter had not been read, as he requested, to the county at large; he wrote to him, therefore, ex- plaining the circumstances which prevented it ; at the same time replying to some of the objections which Fairfax had made to certain of the resolutions. He reiterated his belief that an appeal would be ineffect- ual. " What is it we are contending against ? " asked he ; "Is it against paying the duty of threepence per 1774.] LETTER TO BRYAN FAIRFAX. 391 pound on tea because burdensome? No, it is the right only, that we have all along disputed; and to this end, we have already petitioned his majesty in as humble and dutiful a manner as subjects could do. Nay, more, we applied to the House of Lords and House of Commons in their different legislative capaci- ties, setting forth that, as Englishmen, we could not be deprived of this essential and valuable part of our con- stitution. ***** "The conduct of the Boston people could not justify the rigor of their measures, unless there had been a requisition of payment, and refusal of it ; nor did that conduct require an act to deprive the govern- ment of Massachusetts Bay of their charter, or to exempt offenders from trial in the places where offences were committed, as there was not, nor could there be, a sin- gle instance produced to manifest the necessity of it. Are not all these things evident proofs of a fixed and uniform plan to tax us ? If we want further proofs, do not all the debates in th$ House of Commons serve to confirm this ? And has not General Gage's conduct since his arrival, in stopping the address of his council, and publishing a proclamation, more becoming a Turk- ish bashaw than an English governor, declaring it trea- son to associate in any manner by which the commerce of Great Britain is to be affected, — has not this exhib- ited an unexampled testimony of the most despotic sys- tem of tyranny that ever was practised in a free gov- ernment ? " The popular measure on which Washington laid the greatest stress as a means of obtaining redress from government, was the non-importation scheme; 392 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. • [1774. " for I am convinced," said he, " as much as of my existence, that there is no relief for us but in their dis- tress ; and I think — at least I hope — that there is pub- lic virtue enough left among us to deny ourselves every thing but the bare necessaries of life to, accomplish this and." At the same time, he forcibly condemned a suggestion that remittances to England should be with- held. "While we are accusing others of injustice," said he, " we should be just ourselves ; and how this can be whilst we owe a considerable debt, and refuse payment of it to Great Britain, is to me inconceivable : nothing but the last extremity can justify it." On the 1st of August, the Convention of represen- tatives from all parts of Virginia assembled at Wil- liamsburg. Washington appeared on behalf of Fairfax County, and presented the resolutions, already cited, as the sense of his constituents. He is said, by one who was present, to have spoken in support of them in a strain of uncommon eloquence, which shows how his latent ardor had been excited on the occasion, as elo- quence was not in general among his attributes. It is evident, however, that he was roused to an unusual pitch of enthusiasm, for he is said to have declared that he was ready to raise one thousand men, subsist them at his own expense, and march at their head to the relief of Boston.* The Convention was six days in session. Resolu- tions, in the same spirit with those passed in Fairfax County, were adopted, and Peyton Randolph, Richard Henry Lee, George Washington, Patrick Henry, Rich- * See information given to the elder Adams, by Mr. Lynch of South Carolina. — Adams's Diary. 1774.] LETTER FROM BRYAN FAIRFAX. 393 ard Bland, Benjamin Harrison, and Edmund Pendle- ton, ware appointed delegates, to represent the people of Virginia in the General Congress. Shortly after Washington's return from Williams- burg, he received a reply from Bryan Fairfax, to his last letter. Fairfax, who was really a man of liberal views, seemed anxious to vindicate himself from any suspicions of the contrary. In adverting to the partial suppression of his letter by some of the gentlemen of the committee : "I am uneasy to find," writes he, " that any one should look upon the letter sent down as repugnant to the principles we are contending for ; and, therefore, when you have leisure, I shall take it as a favor if you will let me know wherein it was thought so. I beg leave to look upon you as, a friend, and it is a great relief to unbosom one's thoughts to a friend. Besides, the information, and the correction of my errors, which I«may obtain from a correspondence, are great inducements to it. For I am convinced that no man in the colony wishes its prosperity more, would go greater lengths to serve it, or is, at the same time, a better subject to the crown. Pray excuse these com- pliments, they may be tolerable from a friend."* The hurry of various occupations prevented Wash- ington, in his reply, from entering into any further dis- cussion of the popular theme. " I can only in general add," said he, " that an innate spirit of freedom first told me that the measures which the administration have for some time been, and now are violently pursu- ing, are opposed to every principle of natural justice; * Sparks. Washington's Writings, vol. ii., p. 329. 394 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1774. whilst much abler heads than my own have fully con- vinced me, that they are not only repugnant to natural right, but subversive of the laws and constitution of Great Britain itself. * * * * I shall conclude with remarking that, if you disavow the right of Par- liament to tax us, unrepresented as we are, we only differ in the mode of opposition, and this difference principally arises from your belief that they (the Par- liament I mean), want a decent opportunity to repeal the acts ; whilst I am fully convinced that there has been a regular systematic plan to enforce them, and that nothing but unanimity and firmness in the colo- nies, which they did not expect, can prevent it. By the best advices from Boston, it seems that General Gage is exceedingly disconcerted at the quiet and steady conduct of the people of the Massachusetts Bay, and at the measures pursuing by the other gov- ernments. I dare say he expected to force those op- pressed people into compliance, or irritate them to acts of violence before this, for a more colorable pretence of ruling that, and the other colonies, with a high hand." Washington had formed a correct opinion of the position of General Gage. Prom the time of taking command at Boston, he had been perplexed how to manage its inhabitants. Had they been hot-headed, impulsive, and prone to paroxysm, his task would have been comparatively easy ; but it was the cool, shrewd common sense, by which all their movements were re- gulated, that confounded him. High-handed measures had failed of the anticipated effect. Their harbor had been thronged with ships ; their town with troops. The port bill had put an end L774.J TOWN MEETINGS KEPT ALIVE. 395 to commerce ; wharves were deserted, warehouses closed ; streets grass-grown and silent. The rich were growing poor, and the poor were without employ ; yet the spirit of the people was unbroken. There was no uproar, however; no riots; every thing was awfully systematic and according to rule. Town meetings were held, in which public rights and public measures were eloquently discussed by John Adams, Josiah Quincy, and other eminent men. Over these meet- ings, Samuel Adams presided as moderator; a man clear in judgment, calm in conduct, inflexible in reso- lution ; deeply grounded in civil and political history, and infallible on all points of constitutional law. Alarmed at the powerful influence of these assem- blages, government issued an act prohibiting them after the 1st of August. The act was evaded by con- voking the meetings before that day, and keeping them alive indefinitely. Gage was at a loss how to act. It would not do to disperse these assemblages by force of arms ; for, the people who composed them mingled the soldier with the polemic; and, like their prototypes, the covenanters of yore, if prone to argue, were as ready to fight. So the meetings continued to be held pertinaciously. Paneuil Hall was at times unable to hold them, and they swarmed from that revolutionary hive into old South Church. The liberty tree became a rallying place for any popular movement, and a flag hoisted on it was saluted by all processions as the em- blem of the popular cause. Opposition to the new plan of government assumed a more violent aspect at the extremity of the province, and was abetted by Connecticut. " It is very high," 396 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1774. writes Gage, (August 27th,) "in Berkshire County, and makes way rapidly to the rest. At Worcester they threaten resistance, purchase arms, provide pow- der, cast balls, and threaten to attack any troops who may oppose them. I apprehend I shall soon have to march a body of troops into that township." The time appointed for the meeting of the General Congress at Philadelphia was now at hand. Delegates had already gone on from Massachusetts. " It is not possible to guess," writes Gage, " what a body com- posed of such heterogeneous matter will determine; but the members from hence, I am assured, will pro- mote the most haughty and insolent resolves ; for their plan has ever been, by threats and high-sounding sedi- tion, to terrify and intimidate. ,, CHAPTER XXXV. meeting of the first congress — opening ceeemonies — eloquence of patrick henry and heney lee — deolaeatoey resolution — bill of eights — state papees— chatham's opinions of congress — Washington's correspondence with capt. Mackenzie — views with respect to independence — departure of fairfax for ENGLAND. When the time approached for the meeting of the General Congress at Philadelphia, Washington was joined at Monnt Vernon by Patrick Henry and Ed- mund Pendleton, and they performed the journey to- gether on horseback. It was a noble companionship. Henry was then in the youthful vigor and elasticity of his bounding genius; ardent, acute, fanciful, eloquent. Pendleton, schooled in public life, a veteran in council, with native force of intellect, and habits of deep reflec- tion. Washington, in the meridian of his days, ma- ture in wisdom, comprehensive in mind, sagacious in foresight. Such were the apostles of liberty, repairing on their august pilgrimage to Philadelphia from all parts of the land, to lay the foundations of a mighty empire. Well may we say of that eventful period, " There were giants in those days." 398 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1774. Congress assembled on Monday, the 5th of Sep- tember, in a large room in Carpenter's Hall. There were fifty-one delegates, representing all the colonies excepting Georgia. The meeting has been described as " awfully sol- emn." The most eminent men of the various colonies were now for the first time brought together; they were known to each other by fame, but were, person- ally, strangers. The object which had called them together, was of incalculable magnitude. The liberties of no less than three millions of people, with that of all their posterity, were staked on the wisdom and energy of their councils.* " It is such an assembly," writes John Adams, who was present, " as never before came together on a sud- den, in any part of the world. Here are fortunes, abilities, learning, eloquence, acuteness, equal to any I ever met with in my life. Here is a diversity of reli- gions, educations, manners, interests, such as it would seem impossible to unite in one plan of conduct." There being an inequality in the number of dele- gates from the different colonies, a question arose as to the mode of voting; whether by colonies, or by the poll, or by interests. Patrick Henry scouted the idea of sectional distinc- tions or individual interests. " All America," said he, "is thrown into one mass. Where are your land- marks — your boundaries of colonies? They are all thrown down. The distinctions between Virginians, Pennsylvanians, New Yorkers and New Englanders, * Wirt's Life of Patrick Henry, p. 224. 1774.] PRATERS IN CONGRESS. 399 are no more. / am not a Virginian, but an Ameri- can."* After some debate, it was determined that each colony should have but one vote, whatever might be the number of delegates. The deliberations of the House were to be with closed doors, and nothing but the re- solves promulgated, unless by order of the majority. To give proper dignity and solemnity to the pro- ceedings of the House, it was moved on the following day, that each morning the session should be opened by prayer. To this it was demurred, that as the dele- gates were of different religious sects, they might not consent to join in the same form of worship. Upon this, Mr. Samuel Adams arose, and said : " He would willingly join in prayer with any gentle- man of piety and virtue, whatever might be his cloth, provided he was a friend of his country;" and he moved that the reverend Mr. Duche, of Philadelphia, who answered to that description, might be invited to officiate as chaplain. This was one step towards unan- imity of feeling, Mr. Adams being a strong Congrega- tionalist, and Mr. Duche an eminent Episcopalian cler- gyman. The motion was carried into effect ; the invi- tation was given and accepted. In the course of the day, a rumor reached Phila- delphia that Boston had been cannonaded by the Brit- ish. It produced a strong sensation ; and when Con- gress met on the following morning (7th), the effect was visible in every countenance. The delegates from the East were greeted with a warmer grasp of the hand by their associates from the South. * J. Adams' Diary. 400 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1774. The reverend Mr. Duche, according to invitation., appeared in his canonicals, attended by his clerk. The morning service of the Episcopal church was read with great solemnity, the clerk making the responses. The Psalter for the 7th day of the month includes the 35th Psalm, wherein David prays for protection against his enemies. " Plead my cause, O Lord, with them that strive with me : fight against them that fight against me. " Take hold of shield and buckler, and stand up for my help. " Draw out, also, the spear, and stop the way of them that persecute me. Say unto my soul, I am thy salvation," &c, &c. The imploring words of this psalm, spoke the feel- ings of all hearts present ; but especially of those from New England. John Adams writes in a letter to his wife : " You must remember this was the morning after we heard the horrible rumor of the cannonade of Bos- ton. I never saw a greater effect upon an audience. It seemed as if heaven had ordained that psalm to be read on that morning. After this, Mr. Duche unex- pectedly struck out into an extemporary prayer, which filled the bosom of every man present. Episcopalian as he is, Dr. Cooper himself never prayed with such fervor, such ardor, such earnestness and pathos, and in language so eloquent and sublime, for America, for the Congress, for the province of Massachusetts Bay, and especially the town of Boston. It has had an excellent effect upon every body here," * * John Adams's Correspondence and Diary. 1774] OPENING OF THE FIRST CONGRESS. 401 It has been remarked that Washington was espe- cially devout on this occasion — kneeling, while others stood up. In this, however, each no doubt observed the attitude in prayer to which he was accustomed. Washington knelt, being an Episcopalian. The rumored attack upon Boston/rendered the ser- vice of the day deeply affecting to all present. They were one political family, actuated by one feeling, and sympathizing with the weal and woe of each individual member. The rumor proved to be erroneous ; but it had produced a most beneficial effect, in calling forth and quickening the spirit of union, so vitally important in that assemblage. Owing to closed doors, and the want of reporters, no record exists of the discussions and speeches made in the first Congress. Mr. Wirt, speaking from tra- dition, informs us that a long and deep silence followed the organization of that august body; the members looking round upon each other, individually reluctant to open a business so fearfully momentous. This "deep and deathlike silence" was beginning to be- come painfully embarrassing, when Patrick Henry arose. He faltered at first, as was his habit ; but his exordium was impressive; and as he launched forth into a recital of colonial wrongs, he kindled with his subject, until he poured forth one of those eloquent appeals which had so often shaken the House of Bur- gesses, and gained him the fame of being the greatest orator of Virginia. He sat down, according to Mr. Wirt, amidst murmurs of astonishment and applause, and was now admitted, on every hand, to be the first orator of America. He was followed by Richard vol i.— 26 402 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1774. Henry Lee, who, according to the same writer, charmed the House with a different kind of eloquence, chaste and classical ; contrasting, in its cultivated graces, with the wild and grand effusions of Henry. "The superior powers of these great men, however," adds he, " were manifested only in debate, and while gen- eral grievances were the topic ; when called down from the heights of declamation to that severer test of intel- lectual excellence, the details of business, they found themselves in a body of cool-headed, reflecting, and most able men, by whom they were, in their turn, com- pletely thrown into the shade." * The first public measure of Congress was a resolu- tion, declaratory of their feelings with regard to the recent acts of Parliament, violating the rights of the people of Massachusetts, and of their determination to combine in resisting any force that might attempt to carry those acts into execution. A committee of two from each province reported a series of resolutions, which were adopted and promul- gated by Congress, as a "declaration of colonial rights." In this were enumerated their natural rights to the enjoyment of life, liberty, and property ; and their rights as British subjects. Among the latter was participation in legislative councils. This they could not exercise through representatives in Parliament; they claimed, therefore, the power of legislating in their provincial Assemblies; consenting, however, to such acts of Parliament as might be essential to the * Wirt's Life of Patrick Henry. 1774.] DECLARATION OF COLONIAL RIGHTS. 403 regulation of trade ; but excluding all taxation, inter- nal or external, for raising revenue in America. The common law of England was claimed as a birthright, including the right of trial by a jury of the vicinage ; of holding public meetings to consider griev- ances ; and of petitioning the king. The benefits of all such statutes as existed at the time of the coloniza- tion were likewise claimed ; together with the immuni- ties and privileges granted by royal charters, or secured by provincial laws. The maintenance of a standing army in any colony in time of peace, without the consent of its Legislature, was pronounced contrary to law. The exercise of the legislative power in the colonies by a council appointed during pleasure by the crown, was declared to be un- constitutional, and destructive to the freedom of Ameri- can legislation. Then followed a specification of the acts of Parlia- ment, passed during the reign of George III., infring- ing and violating these rights. These were : The sugar act ; the stamp act ; the two acts for quartering troops ; the tea act ; the act suspending the New York Legisla- ture; the two acts for the trial in Great Britain of offences committed in America ; the Boston port bill ; the act for regulating the government of Massachusetts, and the Quebec act. "To these grievous acts and measures," it was added, "Americans cannot submit ; but in hopes their fellow-subjects in Great Britain will, on a revision of them, restore us to that state in which both countries found happiness and prosperity, we have, for the pres- ent, only resolved to pursue the following peaceable measures : 404 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1774. "1st. To enter into a non-importation, non-con- sumption, and non-exportation agreement, or association. "2d. To prepare an address to the people of Great Britain, and a memorial to the inhabitants of British America. " 3d. To prepare a loyal address to his majesty." The above-mentioned association was accordingly formed, and committees were to be appointed in every county, city, and town, to maintain it vigilantly and strictly. Masterly state papers were issued by Congress in conformity to the resolutions : viz., a petition to the king, drafted by Mr. Dickinson, of Philadelphia ; an address to the people of Canada by the same hand, inviting them to join the league of the colonies ; another to the people of Great Britain, drafted by John Jay, of New York ; and a memorial to the inhab- itants of the British colonies by Richard Henry Lee, of Virginia.* The Congress remained in session fifty-one days. Every subject, according to Adams, was discussed " with a moderation, an acuteness, and a minuteness equal to that of Queen Elizabeth's privy council."f The papers issued by it, have deservedly been pro- nounced masterpieces of practical talent and political wisdom. Chatham, when speaking on the subject in the House of Lords, could not restrain his enthusiasm. " When your lordships," said he, " look at the papers transmitted to us from America; when you consider * See Correspondence and Diary of J. Adams, vols. ii. and ix. ♦ Letter to William Tudor, 29th Sept., 1114, 1774.] MASTERLY STATE PAPERS. 405 their decency, firmness, and wisdom, you cannot but respect their cause, and wish to make it your own. For myself, I must declare and avow that, in the mas- ter states of the world, I know not the people, or sen- ate, who, in such a complication of difficult circum- stances, can stand in preference to the delegates of America assembled in General Congress at Philadel- phia." From the secrecy that enveloped its discussions, we are ignorant of the part taken by Washington in the debates ; the similarity of the resolutions, however, in spirit and substance, to those of the Fairfax County meeting, in which he presided, and the coincidence of the measures adopted with those therein recommended, show that he had a powerful agency in the whole pro- ceedings of this eventful assembly. Patrick Henry, being asked, on his return home, whom he considered the greatest man in Congress, replied : " If you speak of eloquence, Mr. Rutledge, of South Carolina, is by far the greatest orator ; but if you speak of solid in- formation and sound judgment, Colonel Washington is unquestionably the greatest man on that floor." How thoroughly and zealously he participated in the feelings which actuated Congress in this memorable session, may be gathered from his correspondence with a friend enlisted in the royal cause. This was Captain Robert Mackenzie, who had formerly served under him in his Virginia regiment during the French war, but now held a commission in the regular army, and was stationed among the British troops at Boston. Mackenzie, in a letter, had spoken with loyal abhor- rence of the state of affairs in the " unhappy province " 406 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1774. of Massachusetts, and the fixed aim of its inhabitants at " total independence." " The rebellious and numer- ous meetings of men •in arms," said he, "their scandal- ous and ungenerous attacks upon the best characters in the province, obliging them to save themselves by flight, and their repeated, but feeble threats, to dispos- sess the troops, have furnished sufficient reasons to Gen- eral Gage to put the town in a formidable state of defence, about which we are now fully employed, and which will be shortly accomplished to their great morti- fication." " Permit me," writes Washington in reply, " with the freedom of a friend (for you know I always es- teemed you), to express my sorrow that fortune should place you in a service that must fix curses, to the latest posterity, upon the contrivers, and, if success (which, by the by, is impossible) accompanies it, execrations upon all those who have been instrumental in the exe- cution. * * * * When you condemn the con- duct of the Massachusetts people, you reason from effects, not causes ; otherwise you would not wonder at a people, who are every day receiving fresh proofs of a systematic assertion of an arbitrary power, deeply planned to overturn the laws and constitution of their country, and to violate the most essential and valuable rights of mankind, being irritated, and with difliculty restrained from acts of the greatest violence and in- temperance. " For my own part, I view things in a very differ- ent point of light from the one in which you seem to consider them; and though you are led to believe, by venal men, that the people of Massachusetts are rebel- 1774.] WASHINGTON TO CAPT. MACKENZIE. 407 lious, setting up for independency, and what not, give me leave, my good friend, to tell you that you are abused, grossly abused. * * * * I think I can announce it as a fact, that it is not the wish or interest of that government, or any other upon this continent, separately or collectively, to set up for independence ; but this you may at the same time rely on, that none of them will ever submit to the loss of their valuable rights and privileges, which are essential to the happi- ness of every free state, and without which, life, liber- ty, and property, are rendered totally insecure. "These, sir, being certain consequences, which must naturally result from the late acts of Parliament relative to America in general, and the government of Massachusetts in particular, is it to be wondered at that men who wish to avert the impending blow, should attempt to oppose its progress, or prepare for their defence, if it cannot be averted ? Surely I may be allowed to answer in the negative; and give me leave to add, as my opinion, that more blood will be spilled on this occasion, if the ministry are determined to push matters to extremity, than history has ever yet furnished instances of in the annals of North America ; and such a vital wound will be given to the peace of this great country, as time itself cannot cure, or eradi- cate the remembrance of." In concluding, he repeats his views with respect to independence : " I am well satisfied that no such thing is desired by any thinking man in all North America ; on the contrary, that it is the ardent wish of the warm- est advocates for liberty, that peace and tranquillity, 408 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1774. upon constitutional grounds, may be restored, and the • horrors of civil discord prevented." * This letter we have considered especially worthy of citation, from its being so full and explicit a declaration of Washington's sentiments and opinions at this criti- cal juncture. His views on the question of indepen- dence are particularly noteworthy, from his being at this time in daily and confidential communication with the leaders of the popular movement, and among them with the delegates from Boston. It is evident that the filial feeling still throbbed toward the mother country, and a complete separation from her had not yet entered into the alternatives of her colonial children. On the breaking up of Congress, Washington has- tened back to Mount Vernon, where his presence was more than usually important to the happiness of Mrs. Washington, from the loneliness caused by the recent death of her daughter, and the absence of her son. The cheerfulness of the neighborhood had been dimin- ished of late by the departure of George William Pair- fax for England, to take possession of estates which had devolved to him in that kingdom. His estate of Belvoir, so closely allied with that of Mount Vernon by family ties and reciprocal hospitality, was left in charge of a steward, or overseer. Through some acci- dent the house took fire, and was burnt to the ground. It was never rebuilt. The course of political events which swept Washington from his quiet home into the current of public and military life, prevented William * Sparks. Washington's Writings, vol. ii., p. 899. 1774] A CONNECTION SEVERED. 409 Fairfax, who was a royalist, though a liberal one, from returning to his once happy abode, and the hos- pitable intercommunion in Mount Vernon and Belvoir was at an end for ever. CHAPTER XXXVI. GAGE'S MIL1TAEY MEASUEES — REMOVAL OF GUNPOWDER FROM THE ARSENAL — PUBLIC AGITATION — ALARMS IN THE COUNTRY OIYIL GOVERNMENT OBSTRUCTED — BELLIGERENT SYMPTOMS — ISRAEL PUT- NAM AND GENERAL CHARLES LEE, THEIR CHARACTERS AND STORIES — GENEE AL ELECTION — SELF-CONSTITUTED CONGRESS HANCOCK PEE3IDENT — ADJOURNS TO CONCORD — REMONSTRANCE TO GAGE — HIS PERPLEXITIES — GENERALS ARTEMAS WARD AND SETH POMEROY COMMITTEE OF SAFETY — COMMITTEE OF SUPPLIES — RESTLESSNESS THROUGHOUT THE LAND — INDEPENDENT COMPANIES IN VIRGINIA — MILITARY TONE AT MOUNT VERNON — WASHINGTON'S MILITARY GUESTS — MAJOR HORATIO GATES — ANECDOTES CONCERNING HIM — GENERAL CHARLES LEE — HIS PECULIARITIES AND DOGS — WASHINGTON AT THE RICHMOND CONVENTION — WAR SPEECH OF PATRICK HENRY — WASHING- TON'S MILITARY INTENTIONS. The rumor of the cannonading of Boston, which had thrown such a gloom over the religious ceremonial at the opening of Congress, had been caused by measures of Governor Gage. The public mind in Boston and its vicinity, had been rendered excessively jealous and sensitive by the landing and encamping of artillery upon the Common, and Welsh Eusiliers on Fort Hill, and by the planting of four large field-pieces on Boston Neck, the only entrance to the town by land. The country people were arming and disciphning themselves 1774.J SACKING OF THE ARSENAL. 41] in every direction, and collecting and depositing arms and ammunition in places where they would be at hand in case of emergency. Gage on the other hand, issued orders that the munitions of war in all the public mag- azines should be brought to Boston. One of these magazines was the arsenal in the north-west part of Charlestown, between Medford and Cambridge. Two companies of the king's troops passed silently in boats up Mystic River in the night; took possession of a large quantity of gunpowder deposited there, and con- veyed it to Castle Williams. Intelligence of this sack- ing of the arsenal flew with lightning speed through the neighborhood. In the morning several thousands of patriots were assembled at Cambridge, weapon in hand, and were with difficulty prevented from marching upon Boston to compel a restitution of the powder. In the confusion and agitation, a rumor stole out into the country that Boston was to be attacked ; followed by another that the ships were cannonading the town, and the soldiers shooting down the inhabitants. The whole country was forthwith in arms. Numerous bodies of the Connecticut people had made some marches before the report was contradicted.* To guard against any irruption from the country, Gage encamped the 59th regiment on Boston Neck, and employed the soldiers in intrenching and fortify- ing it. In the mean time the belligerent feelings of the in- habitants were encouraged, by learning how the rumor of their being cannonaded had been received in the * Holmes's Annals, ii., 191. — Letter of Gage to Lord Dartmouth. 412 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1774. General Congress, and by assurances from all parts that the cause of Boston would be made the common cause of America. " It is surprising," writes General Gage, " that so many of the other provinces interest them- selves so much in this. They have some warm friends in New York, and I learn that the people of Charles- ton, South Carolina, are as mad as they are here." * The commissions were arrived for those civil officers appointed by the crown under the new modifications of the charter : many, however, were afraid to accept of them. Those who did, soon resigned, finding it impossible to withstand the odium of the people. The civil government throughout the province became ob- structed in all its operations. It was enough for a man to be supposed of the governmental party, to incur popular ill will. Among other portentous signs, war^hawks began to appear above the horizon. Mrs. Cushing, wife to a member of Congress, writes to her husband: "Two of the greatest military characters of the day are visit- ing this distressed town. General Charles Lee, who has served in Poland, and Colonel Israel Putnam, whose bravery and character need no description." As these two men will take a prominent part in coming events, we pause to give a word or two concerning them. Israel Putnam was a soldier of native growth. One of the military productions of the Prench war; seasoned and proved in frontier campaigning. He had served at Louisburg, Port Duquesne, and Crown Point ; * Gage to Dartmouth, Sept. 20. 1774] GENERALS PUTNAM AND LEE. 413 had signalized himself in Indian warfare; been cap- tured by the savages, tied to a stake to be tortured and burnt, and had only been rescued by the interference, at the eleventh hour, of a French partisan of the Indians. Since the peace, he had returned to agricultural life, and was now a farmer at Pomfret, in Connecticut, where the scars of his wounds and the tales of his ex- ploits rendered him a hero in popular estimation. The war spirit yet burned within him. He was now chair- man of a committee of vigilance, and had come to Bos- ton in discharge of. his political and semi-belligerent functions. General Charles Lee was a military man of a differ- ent stamp ; an Englishman by birth, and a highly cul- tivated production of European warfare. He was the son of a British officer, Lieutenant-colonel John Lee, of the dragoons, who married the daughter of Sir Henry Bunbury, Bart., and afterwards rose to be a general. Lee was born in 1731, and may almost be said to have been cradled in the army, for he received a commission by the time he was eleven years of age. He had an irregular education; part of the time in England, part on the continent, and must have scrambled his way into knowledge ; yet by aptness, diligence, and ambition, he had acquired a considerable portion, being a Greek and Latin scholar, and acquainted with modern languages. The art of war was his especial study from his boyhood, and he had early opportunities of practical experience. At the age of twenty-four, he commanded a company of grenadiers in the 44th regiment, and served in the Erench war in America, where he was brought into military companionship with Sir William Johnson's 414 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1774. Mohawk warriors, whom he used to extol for their manly beauty, their dress, their graceful carriage and good breeding. In fact, he rendered himself so much of a favorite among them, that they admitted him to* smoke in their councils, and adopted him into the tribe of the Bear, giving him an Indian name, signify- ing " Boiling Water." At the battle of Ticonderoga, where Abercrombie was defeated, he was shot through the body, while lead- ing his men against the French breastworks. In the next campaign, he was present at the siege of Tort Niagara, where General Prideaux fell, and where Sir William Johnson, with his British troops and Mohawk warriors, eventually won the fortress. Lee had, prob- ably, an opportunity on this occasion of fighting side by side with some of his adopted brethren of the Bear tribe, as we are told he was much exposed during the engagement with the French and Indians, and that two balls grazed his hair. A military errand, afterwards, took him across Lake Erie, and down the northern branch of the Ohio to Fort Duquesne, and thence by a long march of seven hundred miles to Crown Point, where he joined General Amherst. In 1760, he was among the forces which followed that general from Lake Ontario down the St. Lawrence ; and was present at the surrender of Montreal, which completed the con- quest of Canada. In 1762, he bore a colonel's commission, and served under Brigadier-general Burgoyne in Portugal, where he was intrusted with an enterprise against a Spanish post at the old Moorish castle of Villa Velha, on the banks of the Tagus. He forded the river in 1774.] GENERAL CHARLES LEE. 415 the night, pushed his way through mountain passes, and at 2 o'clock in the morning, rushed with his gren- adiers into the enemy's camp before daylight, where every thing was carried at the point of the bayonet, assisted by a charge of dragoons. The war over, he returned to England, bearing testimonials of bravery and good conduct from his commander-in-chief, the Count de la Lippe, and from the king of Portugal.* Wielding the pen as well as the sword, Lee under- took to write on questions of colonial policy, relative to Pontiac's war, in which he took the opposition side. This lost him the favor of the ministry, and with it all hope of further promotion. He now determined to offer his services to Poland, supposed to be on the verge of a war. Recommenda- tions from his old commander, the Count de la Lippe, procured him access to some of the continental courts. He was well received by Frederick the Great, and had several conversations with him, chiefly on American affairs. At Warsaw, his military reputation secured him the favor of Poniatowsky, recently elected king of Poland, with the name of Stanislaus Augustus, who admitted him to his table, and made him one of his aides-de-camp. Lee was disappointed in his hope of active service. There was agitation in the country, but the power of the king was not adequate to raise forces sufficient for its suppression. He had few troops, and those not trustworthy ; and the town was full of the disaffected. " We have frequent alarms," said Lee, * Life of Charles Lee, by Jared Sparks. Also, Memoirs of Charles Lee, published 111 London, 1792. 416 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1774. " and the pleasure of sleeping every night with our pistols on our pillows/' By way of relieving his restlessness, Lee, at the suggestion of the king, set off to accompany the Polish ambassador to Constantinople. The latter travelled too slow for him ; so he dashed ahead when on the fron- tiers of Turkey, with an escort of the grand seignior's treasure ; came near perishing with cold and hunger among the Bulgarian Mountains, and after his arrival at the Turkish capital, ran a risk of being buried under the ruins of his house in an earthquake. Late in the same year (1766), he was again in England, an applicant for military appointment, bear- ing a letter from king Stanislaus to king George. His meddling pen is supposed again to have marred his fortunes, having indulged in sarcastic comments on the military character of General Townshend and Lord George Sackville. " I am not at all surprised," said a friend to him, " that you find the door shut against you by a person who has such unbounded credit, as you have ever too freely indulged in a liberty of declaiming, which many invidious persons have not failed to inform him of. The principle on which you thus freely speak your mind, is honest and patriotic, but not politic.'' The disappointments which Lee met with during a residence of two years in England, and a protracted attendance on people in power, rankled in his bosom, and embittered his subsequent resentment against the king and his ministers. In 1768, he was again on his way to Poland, with the design of performing a campaign in the Russian service. "I natter myself," said he, "that a little 1774] GENERAL CHARLES LEE. 417 more practice will make me a good soldier. If not, it will serve to talk over my kitchen fire in my old age, which will soon come upon us all." He now looked forward to spirited service. "I am to have a command of Cossacks and Wallacks," writes he, " a kind of people I have a good opinion of. I am determined not to serve in the line. One might as well be a churchwarden." The friendship of king Stanislaus continued. " He treats me more like a brother than a patron," said Lee. In 1769, the latter was raised to the rank of major-gen- eral in the Polish army, and left Warsaw to join the Russian force, which was crossing the Dniester and advancing into Moldavia. He arrived in time to take part in a severe action between the Russians and Turks, in which the Cossacks and hussars were terribly cut up by the Turkish cavalry, in a ravine near the city of Chotzim. It was a long and doubtful conflict, with various changes; but the rumored approach of the grand vizier, with a hundred and seventy thousand men, compelled the Russians to abandon the enterprise and recross the Dniester. Lee never returned to Poland, though he ever re- tained a devoted attachment to Stanislaus. He for some time led a restless life about Europe — visiting Italy, Sicily, Malta, and the south of Spain ; troubled with attacks of rheumatism, gout, and the effects of a " Hungarian fever." He had become more and more cynical and irascible, and had more than one " affair of honor," in one of which he killed his antagonist. His splenetic feelings, as well as his political sentiments, were occasionally vented in severe attacks upon the ministry, vol. i. — 27 418 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1774. full of irony and sarcasm. They appeared in the pub- lic journals, and gained him such reputation, that even the papers of Junius were by some attributed to him. In the questions which had risen between England and her colonies, he had strongly advocated the cause of the latter ; and it was the feelings thus excited, and the recollections, perhaps, of his early campaigns, that had recently brought him to America. Here he had arrived in the latter part of 1773, had visited various parts of Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, taking an active part in the political agitations of the country. His caustic attacks upon the ministry; his conversational powers and his poignant sallies, had gained him great reputation ; but his military renown rendered him espe- cially interesting at the present juncture. A general, who had served in the famous campaigns of Europe, commanded Cossacks, fought with Turks, talked with Frederick the Great, and been aide-de-camp to the king of Poland, was a prodigious acquisition to the patriot cause ! On the other hand, his visit to Boston was looked upon with uneasiness by the British officers, who knew his adventurous character. It was surmised that he was exciting a spirit of revolt, with a view to put- ting himself at its head. These suspicions found their way into the London papers, and alarmed the British cabinet. " Have an attention to his conduct," writes Lord Dartmouth to Gage, " and take every legal method to prevent his effecting any of those dangerous pur- poses he is said to have in view." Lee, when subsequently informed of these suspi- cions, scoffed at them in a letter to his friend, Edmund 1774.] PROVINCIAL CONGRESS AT CONCORD. 419 Burke, and declared that he had not the " temerity and vanity " to aspire to the aims imputed to him. " To think myself qualified for the most important charge that ever was committed to mortal man," writes he, " is the last stage of presumption ; nor do I think the Americans would, or ought to confide in a man, let his qualifications be ever so great, who has no property among them. It is true, I most devoutly wish them success in the glorious struggle ; that I have expressed my wishes both in writing and viva voce ; but my errand to Boston was mere curiosity to see a people in so singular circumstances ; and I had likewise an am- bition to be acquainted with some of their leading men ; with them only I associated during my stay in Boston. Our ingenious gentlemen in the camp, there- fore, very naturally concluded my design was to put myself at their head." To resume the course of events at Boston. Gage, on the 1st of September, before this popular agitation, had issued writs for an election of an Assembly to meet at Salem in October ; seeing, however, the irritated state of the public mind, he now countermanded the same by proclamation. The people, disregarding the coun- termand, carried the election and ninety of the new members thus elected met at the appointed time. They waited a whole day for the governor to attend, admin- ister the oaths, and open the session ; but as he did not make his appearance, they voted themselves a pro- vincial Congress, and chose for president of it, John Hancock, — a man of great wealth, popular, and some- what showy talents, and ardent patriotism ; and emi- nent from his social position. 420 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1774. This self-constituted body adjourned to Concord, about twenty miles from Boston ; quietly assumed su- preme authority, and issued a remonstrance to the gov- ernor, virtually calling him to account for his military operations in fortifying Boston Neck, and collecting warlike stores about him, thereby alarming the fears of the whole province, and menacing the lives and property of the Bostonians. General Gage, overlooking the irregularity of its organization, entered into explanations with the Assem- bly, but failed to give satisfaction. As winter ap- proached, he found his situation more and more critical. Boston was the only place in Massachusetts that now contained British forces, and it had become the refuge of all the " tones " of the province : that is to say, of all those devoted to the British government. There was animosity between them and the principal inhabi- tants, among whom revolutionary principles prevailed. The town itself, almost insulated by nature, and sur- rounded by a hostile country, was like a place besieged. The provincial Congress conducted its affairs with the order and system so formidable to General Gage. Having adopted a plan for organizing the militia, it had nominated general officers, two of whom, Artemas Ward and Seth Pomeroy, had accepted. The executive powers were vested in a committee of safety. This was to determine when the services of the militia were necessary ; was to call them forth, — to nominate their officers to the Congress, — to commission them, and direct the operations of the army. Another committee was appointed to furnish supplies to the 1774.] MILITARY MOVEMENTS. 421 forces when called out ; hence, named the committee of supplies. Under such auspices, the militia went on arming and disciplining itself in every direction. They asso- ciated themselves in large bodies, and engaged, verbally or by writing, to assemble in arms at the shortest notice for the common defence, subject to the orders of the committee of safety. Arrangements had been made for keeping up an active correspondence between different parts of the country, and spreading an alarm in case of any threat- ening danger. Under the direction of the committees just mentioned, large quantities of military stores had been collected and deposited at Concord and Worces- ter. This semi-belligerent state of affairs in Massachu- setts produced a general restlessness throughout the land. The weak-hearted apprehended coming troubles : the resolute prepared to brave them. Military mea- sures, hitherto confined to New England, extended to the middle and southern provinces, and the roll of the drum resounded through the villages. Virginia was among the first to buckle on its armor. It had long been a custom among its inhabitants to form themselves into independent companies, equipped at their own expense, having their own peculiar uni- form, and electing their own officers, though holding themselves subject to militia law. They had hitherto been self- disciplined ; but now they continually resorted to Washington for instruction and advice ; considering him the highest authority on military affairs. He was frequently called from home, therefore, in the course of 422 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1774 the winter and spring, to different parts of the country to review independent companies ; all of which were anxious to put themselves under his command as field- officer. Mount Vernon, therefore, again assumed a military tone as in former days, when he took his first lessons there in the art of Avar. He had his old campaigning associates with him occasionally, Dr. Craik and Captain Hugh Mercer, to talk of past scenes and discuss the possibility of future service. Mercer was already be- stirring himself in disciplining the militia about Fred- ericksburg, where he resided. Two occasional and important guests at Mount Vernon, in this momentous crisis, were General Charles Lee, of whom we have just spoken, and Major Horatio Gates. As the latter is destined to occupy an impor- tant page in this memoir, we will give a few particulars concerning him. He was an Englishman by birth, the son of a captain in the British army. Horace Wal- pole, whose christian name he bore, speaks of him in one of his letters as his godson, though some have in- sinuated that he stood in filial relationship of a less sanctified character. He had received a liberal educa- tion, and, when but twenty-one years of age, had served as a volunteer under General Edward Corn- wallis, governor of Halifax. He was afterwards cap- tain of a New York independent company, with which, it may be remembered, he marched in the campaign of Braddock, in which he was severely wounded. Eor two or three subsequent years he was with his company in the western part of the province of New York, receiving the appointment of brigade major. He 1774.] MAJOR HORATIO GATES. 423 accompanied General Monckton as aide-de-camp to the West Indies, and gained credit at the capture of Mar- tinico. Being despatched to London with tidings of the victory, he was rewarded by the appointment of major to a regiment of' foot; and afterwards, as a special mark of royal favor, a majority in the Royal Americans. His promotion did not equal his expecta- tions and fancied deserts. He was married, and wanted something more lucrative ; so he sold out on half-pay, and became an applicant for some profitable post under government, which he hoped to obtain through the influence of General Monckton and some friends m the aristocracy* Thus several years were passed, partly with his family in retirement, partly in London, paying court to patrons and men in power, until, finding there was no likelihood of success, and having sold his com- mission and half-pay, he emigrated to Virginia in 1772, a disappointed man; purchased an estate in Berkeley County, beyond the Blue Ridge; espoused the popular cause, and renewed his old campaigning acquaintance with Washington. He was now about forty-six years of age, of a florid complexion and goodly presence, though a little inclined to corpulency ; social, insinuating, and somewhat spe- cious in his manners, with a strong degree of self- approbation. A long course of solicitation ; haunting public offices and antechambers, and " knocking about town," had taught him, it was said, how to wheedle and flatter, and accommodate himself to the humors of others, so as to be the boon companion of gentlemen, and " hail fellow well met " with the vulgar. Lee, who was an old friend and former associate in 424 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1774. arms, had recently been induced by him to purchase an estate in his neighborhood in Berkeley County, with a view to making it his abode, having a moderate com- petency, a claim to land on the Ohio, and the half-pay of a British colonel. Both of these officers, disap- pointed in the British service, looked forward probably to greater success in the patriot cause. Lee had been at Philadelphia since his visit to Bos- ton, and had made himself acquainted with the leading members of Congress during the session. He was evidently cultivating an intimacy with every one likely to have influence in the approaching struggle. To Washington the visits of these gentlemen were extremely welcome at this juncture, from their military knowledge and experience, especially as much of it had been acquired in America, in the same kind of warfare, if not the very same campaigns in which he himself had mingled, Both were interested in the popular cause. Lee was full of plans for the organization and disciplining of the militia, and occasionally accompa- nied Washington in his attendance on provincial re- views. He was subsequently very efficient at Annapo- lis in promoting and superintending the organization of the Maryland militia. It is doubtful whether the visits of Lee were as interesting to Mrs. Washington as to the general. He was whimsical, eccentric, and at times almost rude ; negligent also, and slovenly in person and attire ; for though he had occasionally associated with kings and princes, he had also campaigned with Mohawks and Cossacks, and seems to have relished their "good breeding." What was still more annoying in a well 1775.] PATRICK HENRY. 425 regulated mansion, lie was always followed by a legion of dogs, which shared his affections with his horses, and took their seats by him when at table. " I must have some object to embrace," said he misanthropically. " When I can be convinced that men are as worthy objects as dogs, I shall transfer my benevolence, and become as stanch a philanthropist as the canting Addison affected to be." * In his passion for horses and dogs, Washington, to a certain degree, could sympathize with him, and had noble specimens of both in his stable and kennel, which Lee doubtless inspected with a learned eye. During the season in question, Washington, according to his diary, was occasionally in the saddle at an early hour following the fox-hounds. It was the last time for many a year that he was to gallop about his beloved hunting-grounds of Mount Vernon and Belvoir. In the month of March the second Virginia Con- vention was held at Richmond. Washington attended as delegate from Fairfax County. In this assembly, Patrick Henry, with his usual ardor and eloquence, advocated measures for embodying, arming and disci- plining a militia force, and providing for the defence of the colony. " It is useless," said he, " to address fur- ther petitions to government, or to await the effect of those already addressed to the throne. The time for supplication is past; the time for action is at hand. We must fight, Mr. Speaker," exclaimed he emphati- cally; " I repeat it, sir, we must fight ! An appeal to arms, and to the God of Hosts, is all that is left us ! " * Lee to Adams. Life and Works of Adams, ii., 414. 426 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775, Washington joined him in the conviction, and was one of a committee that reported a plan for carrying those measures into effect. He was not an impulsive man to raise the battle cry, but the executive man to marshal the troops into the field, and carry on the war. His brother, John Augustine, was raising and dis- ciplining an independent company ; Washington offered to accept the command of it, should occasion require it to be drawn out. He did the same with respect to an independent company at Richmond. "It is my full intention, if needful," writes he to his brother, " to devote my life and fortune to the cause!' * * Letter to John Augustine. Sparks, ii., 405. CHAPTER XXXVII. INFATUATION IN BRITISH COUNCILS — COLONEL GBANT, THE BEAGGAET — COEECIVE MEASUEES — EXPEDITION AGAINST THE MILITAET MAGAZINE AT CONCOED — BATTLE OF LEXINGTON — THE GET OF BLOOD THEOUGH THE LAND — OLD SOLDIEES OF THE FEENOH WAE — JOHN STAEE — ISEAEL PUTNAM — EISING OF THE TEOMANEY — MEASUEES OF LOED DUNMORE IN VIRGINIA — INDIGNATION OF THE VIEGINIANS — HUGH MEECEE AND THE FEIENDS OF LIBEETT — AEEIVAL OF THE NEWS OF LEXINGTON AT MOUNT VEENON — EFFECT ON BEYAN FAIRFAX, GATES, AND WASHINGTON. While the spirit of revolt was daily gaining strength and determination in America, a strange infatuation reigned in the British councils. While the wisdom and eloquence of Chatham were exerted in vain in behalf of American rights, an empty braggadocio, elevated to a seat in Parliament, was able to captivate the attention of the members, and influence their votes by gross mis- representations of the Americans and their cause. This was no other than Colonel Grant, the same shallow soldier who, exceeding his instructions, had been guilty of a foolhardy bravado before the walls of Port Du- quesne, which brought slaughter and defeat upon his troops. Prom misleading the army, he was now pro- moted to a station where he might mislead the councils of his country. We are told that he entertained Par- 428 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775. liament, especially the ministerial side of the House, with ludicrous stories of the cowardice of Americans. He had served with them, he said, and knew them well, and would venture to say they would never dare to face an English army ; that they were destitute of every requisite to make good soldiers, and that a very slight force would be sufficient for their complete re- duction. With five regiments, he could march through all America ! How often has England been misled to her cost by such slanderous misrepresentations of the American character! Grant talked of having served with the Americans ; had he already forgotten that in the field of Braddock's defeat, when the British regulars fled, it was alone the desperate stand of a handful of Virgin- ians, which covered their disgraceful flight, and saved them from being overtaken and massacred by the sav- ages ? This taunting and braggart speech of Grant was made in the face of the conciliatory bill of the venera- ble Chatham, devised with a view to redress the wrongs of America. The counsels of the arrogant and scorn- ful prevailed ; and instead of the proposed bill, further measures of a stringent nature were adopted, coercive of some of the middle and southern colonies, but ruin- ous to the trade and fisheries of New England. At length the bolt, so long suspended, fell ! The troops at Boston had been augmented to about four thousand men. Goaded on by the instigations of the tories, and alarmed by the energetic measures of the whigs, General Gage now resolved to deal the latter a crippling blow. This was to surprise and destroy their 1775.] DESIGN ON THE MAGAZINE AT CONCORD. 429 magazine of military stores at Concord, about twenty miles from Boston. It was to be effected in the night of the 18th of April, by a force detached for the pur- pose. Preparations were made with great secrecy. Boats for the transportation of the troops were launched, and moored under the sterns of the men-of-war. Grena- diers and light infantry were relieved from duty, and held in readiness. On the 18th, officers were stationed on the roads leading from Boston, to prevent any intel- ligence of the expedition getting into the country. At night orders were issued by General Gage that no per- son should leave the town. About ten o'clock, from eight to nine hundred men, grenadiers, light infantry, and marines, commanded by Lieutenant-colonel Smith, embarked in the boats at the foot of Boston Common, and crossed to Lechmere Point, in Cambridge, whence they were to march silently, and without beat of drum, to the place of destination. The measures of General Gage had not been shrouded in all the secrecy he imagined. Mystery often defeats itself by the suspicions it awakens. Dr. Joseph Warren, one of the committee of safety, had observed the preparatory disposition of the boats and troops, and surmised some sinister intention. He sent notice of these movements to John Hancock and Sam- uel Adams, both members of provincial Congress, but at that time privately sojourning with, a friend at Lex- ington. A design on the magazine at Concord was suspected, and the committee of safety ordered that the cannon collected there should be secreted, and part of the stores removed. 430 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775. On the night of the 18th, Dr. Warren sent off two messengers by different routes, to give the alarm that the king's troops were actually sallying forth. The messengers got out of Boston just before the order of General Gage went into effect, to prevent any one from leaving the town. About the same time a lantern was hung out of an upper window of the north church, in the direction of Charlestown. This was a preconcerted signal to the patriots of that place, who instantly des- patched swift messengers to rouse the country. In the mean time, Colonel Smith set out on his nocturnal march from Lechmere Point, by an unfre- quented path across marshes, where at times the troops had to wade through water. He had proceeded but a few miles when alarm guns, booming through the night air, and the clang of village bells, showed that the news of his approach was travelling before him, and the people were rising. He now sent back to General Gage for a reinforcement, while Major Pitcairn was detached with six companies to press forward, and se- cure the bridges at Concord. Pitcairn advanced rapidly, capturing every one that he met, or overtook. Within a mile and a half of Lexington, however, a horseman was too quick on the spur for him, and galloping to the village, gave the alarm that the redcoats were coming. Drums were beaten; guns fired. By the time that Pitcairn en- tered the village, about seventy or eighty of the yeo- manry, in military array, were mustered on the green near the church. It was a part of the " constitutional army," pledged to resist by force any open hostility of 1775.J A DISASTROUS TRIUMPH. 431 British troops. Besides these, there were a number of lookers on, armed and unarmed. The sound of drum, and the array of men in arms, indicated a hostile determination. Pitcairn halted his men within a short distance of the church, and ordered them to prime and load. They then advanced at double quick time. The major, riding forward, waved his sword, and ordered the rebels, as he termed them, to disperse. Other of the officers echoed his words as they advanced : " Disperse, ye villains ! Lay down your arms, ye rebels, and disperse ! " The orders were disregarded. A scene of confusion ensued, with firing on both sides ; which party commenced it, has been a matter of dispute. Pitcairn always maintained that, finding the militia would not disperse, he turned to order his men to draw out, and surround them, when he saw a flash in the pan from the gun of a countryman posted behind a wall, and almost instantly the report of two or three muskets. These he supposed to be from the Americans, as his horse was wounded, as was also a soldier close by him. His troops rushed on, and a promiscuous fire took place, though, as he declared, he made repeated signals with his sword for his men to forbear. The firing of the Americans was irregular, and without much effect; that of the British was more fatal. Eight of the patriots were killed, and ten wounded, and the whole put to flight. The victors formed on the common, fired a volley, and gave three cheers for one of the most inglorious and disastrous triumphs ever achieved by British arms. Colonel Smith soon arrived with the residue of the 432 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775. detachment, and they all marched on towards Concord, about six miles distant. The alarm had reached that place in the dead hour of the preceding night. The church bell roused the inhabitants. They gathered together in anxious con- sultation. The militia and minute men seized their arms, and repaired to the parade ground, near the church. Here they were subsequently joined by armed yeomanry from Lincoln, and elsewhere. Exertions were now made to remove and conceal the military stores. A scout, who had been sent out for intelligence, brought word that the British had fired upon the people at Lexington, and were advancing upon Con- cord. There was great excitement and indignation. Part of the militia marched down the Lexington road to meet them, but returned, reporting their force to be three times that of the Americans. The whole of the militia now retired to an eminence about a mile from the centre of the town, and formed themselves into two battalions. About seven o'clock, the British came in sight, ad- vancing with quick step, their arms glittering in the morning sun. They entered in two divisions by differ- ent roads. Concord is traversed by a river of the same name, having two bridges, the north and the south. The grenadiers and light infantry took post in the centre of the town, while strong parties of light troops were detached to secure the bridges, and destroy the military stores. Two hours were expended in the work of destruction without much success, so much of the stores having been removed, or concealed. During all this time the yeomanry from the neighboring towns 1775.] RETALIATION. 433 were hurrying in with such weapons as were at hand, and joining the militia on the height, until the little cloud of war gathering there numbered about four hundred and fifty. About ten o'clock, a body of three hundred under- took to dislodge the British from the north bridge. As they approached, the latter fired upon them, killing two, and wounding a thud. The patriots returned the fire with spirit and effect. The British retreated to the main body, the Americans pursuing them across the bridge. By this time all the military stores which could be found had been destroyed; Colonel Smith, therefore, made preparations for a retreat. The scattered troops were collected, the dead were buried, and conveyances procured for the wounded. About noon he commenced his retrograde march for Boston. It was high time. His troops were jaded by the night march, and the morning's toils and skirmishings. The country was thoroughly alarmed. The yeor manry were hurrying from every quarter to the scene of action. As the British began their retreat, the Americans began the work of sore and galling retalia- tion. Along the open road, the former were harassed incessantly by rustic marksmen, who took deliberate aim from behind trees, or over stone fences. Where the road passed through woods, the British found themselves between two fires, dealt by unseen foes, the minute men having posted themselves on each side among the bushes. It was in vain they threw out flankers, and endeavored to dislodge their assailants j each pause gave time for other pursuers to come within vol. i.— 28 434 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775. reach, and open attacks from different quarters. Poi several miles they urged their way along woody defiles, or roads skirted with fences and stone walls, the retreat growing more and more disastrous; some were shot down, some gave out through mere exhaustion; the rest hurried on without stopping to aid the fatigued, or wounded. Before reaching Lexington, Colonel Smith received a severe wound in the leg, and the situation of the retreating troops was becoming extremely criti- cal, when, about two o'clock, they were met by Lord Percy, with a brigade of one thousand men, and two field-pieces. His lordship had been detached from Boston about nine o'clock by General Gage, in compli- ance with Colonel Smith's urgent call for a reinforce- ment, and had marched gaily through Boxbury to the tune of " Yankee Doodle," in derision of the " rebels." He now found the latter a more formidable foe than he had anticipated. Opening his brigade to the right and left, he received the retreating troops into a hollow square ; where, fainting and exhausted, they threw themselves on the ground to rest. His lordship showed no disposition to advance upon the assailants, but con- tented himself with keeping them at bay with his field- pieces, which opened a vigorous fire from an eminence. Hitherto the Provincials, being hasty levies, without a leader, had acted from individual impulse, without much concert ; but now General ' Heath was upon the ground. He was one of those authorized to take com- mand when the minute men should be called out. That class of combatants promptly obeyed his orders, and he was efficacious in rallying them, and bringing 1775.] THE CHASE. 435 them into military order, when checked and scattered by the fire of the field-pieces. Dr. Warren, also, arrived on horseback, having spurred from Boston on receiving news of the skir- mishing. In the subsequent part of the day, he was one of the most active and efficient men in the field. His presence, like that of General Heath, regulated the infuriated ardor of the militia, and brought it into system. Lord Percy, having allowed the troops a short in- terval for repose and refreshment, continued the retreat toward Boston. As soon as he got under march, the galling assault by the pursuing yeomanry was recom- menced in flank and rear. The British soldiery, irrita- ted in turn, acted as if in an enemy's country. Houses and shops were burnt down in Lexington; private dwellings along the road were plundered, and their inhabitants maltreated. In one instance, an unof- fending invalid was wantonly slain in his own house. All this increased the exasperation of the yeomanry. There was occasional sharp skirmishing, with blood- shed on both sides, but in general a dogged pursuit, where the retreating troops were galled at every step. Their march became more and more impeded by the number of their wounded. Lord Percy narrowly escaped death from a musket-ball, which struck off a button of his waistcoat. One of his officers remained behind wounded in West Cambridge. His ammuni- tion was failing as he approached Charlestown. The Provincials pressed upon him in rear, others were ad- vancing from Boxbury, Dorchester, and Milton ; Colonel Pickering, with the Essex militia, seven hundred strong, 436 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775. was at hand ; there was danger of being intercepted in the retreat to Charlestown. The field-pieces were again brought into play, to check the ardor of the pursuit ; but they were no longer objects of terror. The sharpest firing of the Provincials was near Prospect Hill, as the harassed enemy hurried along the Charlestown road, eager to reach the Neck, and get under cover of their ships. The pursuit terminated a little after sunset, at Charlestown Common, where General Heath brought the minute men to a halt. Within half an hour more, a powerful body of men, from Marblehead and Salem, came up to join the chase. " If the retreat," writes Washington, " had not been as precipitate as it was, — and God knows it could not well have been more so, — the ministerial troops must have surrendered, or been totally cut off." The distant firing from the mainland had reached the British at Boston. The troops which, in the morn- ing, had marched through Roxbury, to the tune of Yankee Doodle, might have been seen at sunset, hounded along the old Cambridge road to Charlestown Neck, by mere armed yeomanry. Gage was astounded at the catastrophe. It was but a short time previous, that one of his officers, in writing to friends in Eng- land, scoffed at the idea of the Americans taking up arms. "Whenever it comes to blows," said he, "he that can run the fastest, will think himself well off, believe me. Any two regiments here ought to be decimated, if they did not beat in the field the whole force of the Massachusetts province." How frequent- ly, throughout this Revolution, had the English to pay 1775.] JOHN STARK. 437 the penalty of thus undervaluing the spirit they were provoking ! In this memorable affair, the British loss was seventy-three killed, one hundred and seventy-four wounded, and twenty-six missing. Among the slain were eighteen officers. The loss of the Americans was forty-nine killed, thirty-nine wounded, and five miss- ing. This was the first blood shed in the revolutionary- struggle ; a mere drop in amount, but a deluge in its effects, — rending the colonies for ever from the mother country. The cry of blood from the field of Lexington, went through the land. None felt the appeal more than the old soldiers of the French war. It roused John Stark, of New Hampshire — a trapper and hunter in his youth, a veteran in Indian warfare, a campaigner under Abercrombie and Amherst, now the military oracle of a rustic neighborhood. Within ten minutes after re- ceiving the alarm, he was spurring towards the sea- coast, and on the way stirring up the volunteers of the Massachusetts borders, to assemble forthwith at Bed A ford, in the vicinity of Boston. Equally alert was his old comrade in frontier ex- ploits, Colonel Israel Putnam. A man on horseback, with a drum, passed through his neighborhood in Con- necticut, proclaiming British violence at Lexington. Putnam was in the field ploughing, assisted by his son. In an instant the team was unyoked ; the plough left in the furrow j the lad sent home to give word of his father's departure ; and Putnam, on horseback, in his working garb, urging with all speed to the camp. Such was the spirit aroused throughout the country. The 438 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775. sturdy yeomanry, from all parts, were hastening toward Boston with such weapons as were at hand ; and happy was he who could command a rusty fowling-piece and a powder-horn. The news reached Virginia at a critical moment. Lord Dunmore, obeying a general order issued by the ministry to all the provincial governors, had seized upon the military munitions of the province. Here was a similar measure to that of Gage. The cry went forth that the subjugation of the colonies was to be attempted. All Virginia was in combustion. The standard of liberty was reared in every county ; there was a general cry to arms. Washington was looked to, from various quarters, to take command. His old comrade in arms, Hugh Mercer, was about marching down to Williamsburg at the head of a body of reso- lute men, seven hundred strong, entitled " The friends of constitutional liberty in America," whom he had organized and drilled in Fredericksburg, and nothing but a timely concession of Lord Dunmore, with respect to some powder which he had seized, prevented his being beset in his palace. Before Hugh Mercer and the Friends of Liberty disbanded themselves, they exchanged a mutual pledge to reassemble at a moment's warning, whenever called on to defend the liberty and rights of this or any other sister colony. Washington was at Mount Vernon, preparing to set out for Philadelphia as a delegate to the second Congress, when he received tidings of the affair at Lexington. Bryan Fairfax and Major Horatio Gates, were his guests at the time. They all regarded the 1775.] DIFFERENT EFFECTS OF THE TIDINGS. 439 event as decisive in its consequences ; but they regard- ed it with different feelings. The worthy and gentle- spirited Fairfax deplored it deeply. He foresaw that it must break up all his pleasant relations in life ; array- ing his dearest friends against the government to which, notwithstanding the errors of its policy, he was loyally attached and resolved to adhere. Gates, on the contrary, viewed it with the eye of a soldier and a -place-hunter — hitherto disappointed in both capacities. This event promised to open a new avenue to importance and command, and he deter- mined to enter upon it. Washington's feelings were of a mingled nature. They may be gathered from a letter to his friend and neighbor, George William Fairfax, then in England, in which he lays the blame of this " deplorable affair " on the ministry and their military agents ; and concludes with the following words, in which the yearnings of the patriot give affecting solemnity to the implied resolve of the soldier : " Unhappy it is to reflect that a broth- er's sword has been sheathed in a brother's breast; and that the once happy and peaceful plains of Ame- rica are to be either drenched with blood or inhabited by slaves. Sad alternative ! But can a virtuous man hesitate in Ids choice ? " CHAPTER XXXVIII. ENLISTING OF TEOOPS IN THE EAST CAMP AT BOSTON — GENEEAL AETEMAS WAED — SCHEME TO SUEPEISE TICONDEEOGA — NEW nAMPSHIEE GEANTS — ETHAN ALLEN AND THE GEEEN MOUNTAIN BOYS — BENEDICT AENOLD — APFAIE OF TICONDEEOGA AND CEOWN POINT — A DASH AT ST. JOHN'S. At the eastward, the march of the Revolution went on ' with accelerated speed. Thirty thousand men had been deemed necessary for the defence of the country. The provincial Congress of Massachusetts resolved to raise thirteen thousand six hundred, as its quota. Cir- cular letters, also, were issued by the committee of safety, urging the towns to enlist troops with all speed, and calling for military aid from the other New Eng- land provinces. Their appeals were promptly answered. Bodies of militia, and parties of volunteers from New Hamp- shire, Rhode Island, and Connecticut, hastened to join the minute men of Massachusetts in forming a camp in the neighborhood of Boston. With the troops of Connecticut, came Israel Putnam ; having recently raised a regiment in that province, and received from its Assembly the commission of brigadier-general. 1775.] GENERAL ARTEMAS WARD. 441 Some of his old comrades in French and Indian war- fare, had hastened to join his standard. Such were two of his captains, Durkee and Knowlton. The lat- ter, who was his especial favorite, had fought by his side when a mere boy. The command of the camp was given to General Artemas Ward, already mentioned. He was a native of Shrewsbury, in Massachusetts, and a veteran of the seven years' war — having served as lieutenant-colonel under Abercrombie. He had, likewise, been a mem- ber of the legislative bodies, and had recently been made, by the provincial Congress of Massachusetts, commander-in-chief of its forces. As affairs were now drawing to a crisis, and war was considered inevitable, some bold spirits in Con- necticut conceived a project for the outset. This was the surprisal of the old forts of Ticonderoga and Crown Point, already famous in the French war. Their situa- tion on Lake Champlain, gave them the command of the main route to Canada ; so that the possession of them would be all-important in case of hostilities. They were feebly garrisoned and negligently guarded, and abundantly furnished with artillery and military stores, so much needed by the patriot army. This scheme was set on foot in the purlieus, as it were, of the provincial Legislature of Connecticut, then in session. It was not openly sanctioned by that body, but secretly favored, and money lent from the treasury to those engaged in it. A committee was appointed, also, to accompany them to the frontier, aid them in raising troops, and exercise over them a degree of su- perintendence and control. 442 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775. Sixteen men were thus enlisted in Connecticut, a greater number in Massachusetts, but the greatest acces- sion of force was from what was called the " New Hamp- shire Grants." This was a region having the Connecticut River on one side, and Lake Champlain and the Hud- son River on the other — being, in fact, the country forming the present State of Vermont. It had long been a disputed territory, claimed by New York and New Hampshire. George II. had decided in favor of New York ; but the Governor of New Hampshire had made grants of between one and two hundred town- ships in it, whence it had acquired the name of the New Hampshire Grants. The settlers on those grants resisted the attempts of New York to eject them, and formed themselves into an association, called "The Green Mountain Boys." Resolute, strong-handed fel- lows they were, with Ethan Allen at their head; a native of Connecticut, but brought up among the Green Mountains. He and his lieutenants, Seth War- ner and Remember Baker, were outlawed by the Leg- islature of New York, and rewards offered for their apprehension. They and their associates armed them- selves, set New York at defiance, and swore they would be the death of any one who should attempt their arrest. Thus Ethan Allen was becoming a kind of Robin Hood among the mountains, when the present crisis changed the relative position of things as if by magic. Boundary feuds were forgotten amid the great ques- tions of colonial rights. Ethan Allen at once stepped forward, a patriot, and volunteered with his Green Mountain Boys to serve in the popular cause. He was 1775.] BENEDICT ARNOLD. 443 well fitted for the enterprise in question, by his experi- ence as a frontier champion, his robustness of mind and body, and his fearless spirit. He had a kind of rough eloquence, also, that was very effective with his followers. " His style," says one, who knew him personally, " was a singular compound of local barba- risms, scriptural phrases, and oriental wildness; and though unclassic, and sometimes ungrammatical, was highly animated and forcible." Washington, in one of his letters, says there was " an original something in him which commanded admiration." Thus reinforced, the party, now two hundred and seventy strong, pushed forward to Castleton, a place within a few miles of the head of Lake Champlain. Here a council of war was held on the 2d of May. Ethan Allen was placed at the head of the expedition, with James Easton and Seth Warner as second and third in command. Detachments were sent off to Skenesborough (now Whitehall), and another place on the lake, with orders to seize all the boats they could find and bring them to Shoreham, opposite Ticonde- roga, whither Allen prepared to proceed with the main body. At this juncture, another adventurous spirit arrived at Castleton. This was Benedict Arnold, since so sadly renowned. He, too, had conceived the project of surprising Ticonderoga and Crown Point ; or, per- haps, had caught the idea from its first agitators in Con- necticut, — in the militia of which province he held a captain's commission. He had proposed the scheme to the Massachusetts committee of safety. It had met with their approbation. They had given him a colonel's 444 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775. commission, authorized him to raise a force in Western Massachusetts, not exceeding four hundred men, and furnished him with money and means. Arnold had enlisted but a few officers and men when he heard of the expedition from Connecticut being on the march. Pie instantly hurried on with one attendant to overtake it, leaving his few recruits to follow, as best they could : in this way he reached Castleton just after the council of war. Producing the colonel's commission received from the Massachusetts committee of safety, he now aspired to the supreme command. His claims were disregarded by the Green Mountain Boys ; they would follow no leader but Ethan Allen. As they formed the majority of the party, Arnold w r as fain to acquiesce, and serve as a volunteer, with the rank, but not the command of colonel. The party arrived at Shoreham, opposite Ticonde- roga, on the night of the 9th of May. The detachment sent in quest of boats had failed to arrive. There were a few boats at hand, with which the transportation was commenced. It was slow work ; the night wore away ; day was about to break ; and but eighty-three men, with Allen and Arnold, had crossed. Should they wait for the residue, day would dawn, the garrison awake, and their enterprise might fail. Allen drew up his men, addressed them in his own emphatic style, and announced his intention to make a dash at the fort, without waiting for more force. " It is a des- perate attempt," said he, "and I ask no man to go against his will. I will take the lead, and be the first 1775. j ARRIVAL AT TICONDEROGA. 445 to advance. You that are willing to follow, poise your firelocks." Not a firelock but was poised. They mounted the hill briskly, but in silence, guided by a boy from the neighborhood. The day dawned as Allen arrived at a sally port. A sentry pulled trigger on him, but his piece missed fire. He retreated through a covered way. Allen and his men followed. Another sentry thrust at Easton with his bayonet, but was struck down by Allen, and begged for quarter. It was granted on condition of his leading the way instantly to the quarters of the com- mandant, Captain Delaplace, who was yet in bed. Being arrived there, Allen thundered at the door, and demanded a surrender of the fort. By this time his followers had formed into two fines on the parade- ground, and given three hearty cheers. The comman- dant appeared at his door half-dressed, " the frightened face of his pretty wife peering over his shoulder." He gazed at Allen in bewildered astonishment. " By whose authority do you act ? " exclaimed he. " In the name of the great Jehovah, and the Continental Con- gress ! " replied Allen, with a flourish of his sword, and an oath which we do not care to subjoin. There was no disputing the point. The garrison, like the commander, had been startled from sleep, and made prisoners as they rushed forth in their confusion. A surrender accordingly took place. The captain, and forty-eight men, which composed his garrison, were sent prisoners to Hartford, in Connecticut. A great supply of military and naval stores, so important in the present crisis, was found in the fortress. Colonel Seth Warner, who had brought over the 446 LIFE OF WASHINGTCW& fl77b, residue of the party from Shoreham, was now sent with a detachment against Crown Point, which surren- dered on the 12th of May, without firing a gun ; the whole garrison being a sergeant and twelve men. Here were taken upward of a hundred cannon. Arnold now insisted vehemently on his right to command Ticonderoga; being, as he said, the only officer invested with legal authority. His claims had again to yield to the superior popularity of Ethan Allen, to whom the Connecticut committee, which had accompanied the enterprise, gave an instrument in writing, investing him with the command of the fortress, and its dependencies, until he should receive the orders of the Connecticut Assembly, or the Conti- nental Congress. Arnold, while forced to acquiesce, sent a protest, and a statement of his grievances to the Massachusetts Legislature. In the mean time, his chagrin was appeased by a new project. The detach- ment originally sent to seize upon boats at Skenes- borough, arrived with a schooner, and several batteaux. It was immediately concerted between Allen and Ar- nold to cruise in them down the lake, and surprise St. John's, on the Sorel River, the frontier post of Canada. The schooner was accordingly armed with cannon from the fort. Arnold, who had been a seaman in his youth, took the command of her, while Allen and his Green Mountain Boys embarked in the batteaux. Arnold outsailed the other craft, and arriving at St. John's, surprised and made prisoners of a sergeant and twelve men; captured a king's sloop of seventy tons, with two brass six-pounders and seven men; took four batteaux, destroyed several others, and then, 1775.] A DASH AT ST. JOHN'S. 447 learning that troops were on the way from Montreal and Chamblee, spread all his sails to a favoring breeze, and swept up the lake with his prizes and prisoners, and some valuable stores, which he had secured. He had not sailed far when he met Ethan Allen and the batteaux. Salutes were exchanged ; cannon on one side, musketry on the other. Allen boarded the sloop ; learnt from Arnold the particulars of his suc- cess, and determined to push on, take possession of St. John's, and garrison it with one hundred of his Green Mountain Boys. He was foiled in the attempt by the superior force which had arrived ; so he returned to his station at Ticonderoga. Thus a partisan band, unpractised in the art of war, had, by a series of daring exploits, and almost with- out the loss of a man, won for the patriots the command of Lakes George and Champlain, and thrown open the great highway to Canada. CHAPTER XXXIX. SECOND SESSION OF CONGEESS — JOHN HANCOCK — PETITION TO THE KING — FEDEEAL UNION — MILITAKY MEASUEES — DEBATES ABOUT THE AEMY — QUESTION AS TO COMMANDEE -IN-CHIEF — APPOINTMENT OF "WASHINGTON OTHEB APPOINTMENTS — LETTEES OF WASHINGTON TO HIS WIFE AND BEOTHEE — PBEPAEATIONS FOE DEPAETUEE. The second General Congress assembled at Philadel- phia on the 10th of May. Peyton Randolph was again elected as president; but being obliged to re- turn, and occupy his place as speaker of the Virginia Assembly, John Hancock, of Massachusetts, was eleva- ted to the chair. A lingering feeling of attachment to the mother country, struggling with the growing spirit of self- government, was manifested in the proceedings of this remarkable body. Many of those most active in vin- dicating colonial rights, and Washington among the number, still indulged the hope of an eventual recon- ciliation, while few entertained, or, at least, avowed the idea of complete independence. A second "humble and dutiful" petition to the king was moved, but met with strong opposition. 1775.] A FEDERAL UNION FORMED. 449 John Adams condemned it as an imbecile measure, calculated to embarrass the proceedings of Congress. He was for prompt and vigorous action. Other mem- bers concurred with him. Indeed, the measure itself seemed but a mere form, intended to reconcile the half- scrupulous; for subsequently, when it was carried, Congress, in face of it, went on to assume and exercise the powers of a sovereign authority. A federal union was formed, leaving to each colony the right of regu- lating its internal affairs according to its own individ- ual constitution, but vesting in Congress the power of making peace or war; of entering into treaties and alliances ; of regulating general commerce ; in a word, of legislating on all such matters as regarded the security and welfare of the whole community. The executive power was to be vested in a council of twelve, chosen by Congress from among its own members, and to hold office for a limited time. Such colonies as had not sent delegates to Congress, might yet become members of the confederacy by agreeing to its conditions. Georgia, which had hitherto hesi- tated, soon joined the league, which thus extended from Nova Scotia to Florida. Congress lost no time in exercising their federated powers. In virtue of them, they ordered the enlist- ment of troops, the construction of forts in various parts of the colonies, the provision of arms, ammuni- tion and military stores ; while to defray the expense of these, and other measures, avowedly of self-defence, they authorized the emission of notes to the amount of three millions of dollars, bearing the inscription of vol. i.— 29 450 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775. " The United Colonies ; " the faith of the confederacy being pledged for their redemption. A retaliating decree was passed, prohibiting all sup- plies of provisions to the British fisheries ; and another, declaring the province of Massachusetts Bay absolved from its compact with the crown, by the violation of its charter ; and recommending it to form an internal gov- ernment for itself. The public sense of Washington's military talents and experience, was evinced in his being chairman of all the committees appointed for military affairs. Most of the rules and regulations for the army, and the measures for defence, were devised by him. The situation of the New England army, actually be- sieging Boston, became an early and absorbing consider- ation. It was without munitions of war, without arms, clothing, or pay; in fact, without legislative counte- nance or encouragement. Unless sanctioned and assist- ed by Congress, there was danger of its dissolution. If dissolved, how could another be collected? If dis- solved, what would there be to prevent the British from sallying out of Boston, and spreading desolation throughout the country ? All this was the subject of much discussion out of doors. The disposition to uphold the army was gen- eral; but the difficult question was, who should be commander-in-chief? Adams, in his diary, gives us glimpses of the conflict of opinions and interests within doors. There was a southern party, he said, which could not brook the idea of a New England army, commanded by a New England general. " Whether this jealousy was sincere," writes he, " or whether it 1775.] GENERAL CHARLES LEE. 451 was mere pride, and a haughty ambition of furnishing a southern general to command the northern army, I cannot say ; but the intention was very visible to me, that Colonel Washington was their object ; and so many of our stanchest men were in the plan, that we could carry nothing without conceding to it. There was another embarrassment, which was never publicly known, and which was carefully concealed by those who knew it : the Massachusetts and other New Eng- land delegates were divided. Mr. Hancock and Mr. Cushing hung back ; Mr. Paine did not come forward, and even Mr. Samuel Adams was irresolute. Mr. Hancock himself had an ambition to be appointed commander-in-chief. Whether he thought an election a compliment due to him, and intended to have the honor of declining it, or whether he would have ac- cepted it, I know not. To the compliment, he had some pretensions ; for, at that time, his exertions, sac- rifices, and general merits in the cause of his country, had been incomparably greater than those of Colonel Washington. But the delicacy of his health, and his entire want of experience in actual service, though an excellent militia officer, were decisive objections to him in my mind." General Charles Lee was at that time in Philadel- phia. His former visit had made him well acquainted with the leading members of Congress. The active* interest he had manifested in the cause was well known, and the public had an almost extravagant idea of his military qualifications. He was of foreign birth, however, and it was deemed improper to confide the supreme command to any but a native-born American. 452 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775. In fact, if he was sincere in what we have quoted from his letter to Burke, he did not aspire to such a signal mark of confidence. The opinion evidently inclined in favor of Wash- ington ; yet it was promoted by no clique of partisans or admirers. More than one of the Virginia delegates, says Adams, were cool on the subject of his appoint- ment ; and particularly Mr. Pendleton, was clear and full against it. It is scarcely necessary to add, that Washington in this, as in every other situation in life, made no step in advance to clutch the impending honor. Adams, in his diary, claims the credit of bringing the members of Congress to a decision. Rising in his place, one day, and stating briefly, but earnestly, the exigencies of the case, he moved that Congress should adopt the army at Cambridge, and appoint a general. Though this was not the time to nominate the person, " yet," adds he, " as I had reason to believe this was a point of some difficulty, I had no hesitation to declare, that I had but one gentleman in my mind for that im- portant command, and that was a gentleman from Vir- ginia, who was among us, and very well known to all of us ; a gentleman, whose skill and experience as an officer, whose independent fortune, great talents, and excellent universal character, would command the ap- probation of all America, and unite the cordial exer- tions of all the colonies better than any other person in the Union. Mr. Washington, who happened to sit near the door, as soon as he heard me allude to him, from his usual modesty, darted into the library-room. Mr. Hancock, who was our president, which gave me 1775.] WASHINGTON COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF. 453 an opportunity to observe his countenance, while I was speaking on the state of the colonies, the army at Cam- bridge, and the enemy, heard me with visible pleasure ; but when I came to describe Washington for the com- mander, I never remarked a more sudden and striking change of countenance. Mortification and resentment were expressed as forcibly as his face could exhibit them." "When the subject came under debate, several delegates opposed the appointment of Washington; not from personal objections, but because the army were all from New England, and had a general of their own, General Artemas Ward, with whom they ap- peared well satisfied ; and under whose command they had proved themselves able to imprison the British army in Boston ; which was all that was to be expected or desired." The subject was postponed to a future day. In the interim, pains were taken out of doors to obtain a unanimity ; and the voices were in general so clearly in favor of Washington, that the dissentient members were persuaded to withdraw their opposition. On the 15th of June, the army was regularly adopted by Congress, and the pay of the commander- in-chief fixed at five hundred dollars a month. Many still clung to the idea, that in all these proceedings they were merely opposing the measures of the minis- try, and not the authority of the crown ; and thus the army before Boston was designated as the Continental Army, in contradistinction to that under General Gage, which was called the Ministerial Army. In this stage of the business, Mr. Johnson, of 454 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775. Maryland, rose, and nominated Washington for the station of commander-in-chief. The election was by ballot, and was unanimous. It was formally announced to him by the president, on the following day, when he had taken his seat in Congress. Rising in his place, he briefly expressed his high and grateful sense of the honor conferred on him, and his sincere devo- tion to the cause. " But," added he, " lest some un- lucky event should happen unfavorable to my reputa- tion, I beg it may be remembered by every gentleman in the room, that I this day declare, with the utmost sincerity, I do not think myself equal to the command I am honored with. As to pay, I beg leave to assure the Congress that, as no pecuniary consideration could have tempted me to accept this arduous employment, at the expense of my domestic ease and happiness, I do not wish to make any profit of it. I will keep an exact account of my expenses. Those, I doubt not, they will discharge, and that is all I desire." " There is something charming to me in the con- duct of Washington," writes Adams to a friend ; " a gentleman of one of the first fortunes upon the conti- nent, leaving his delicious retirement, his family and friends, sacrificing his ease, and hazarding all, in the cause of his country. His views are noble and disin- terested. He declared, when he accepted the mighty trust, that he would lay before us an exact account of his expenses, and not accept a shilling pay." Four major-generals were to be appointed. Among those specified were General Charles Lee and General Ward. Mr. Mifflin, of Philadelphia, who was Lee's especial friend and admirer, urged that he should be 1775.] OTHER APPOINTMENTS. 455 second in command. " General Lee," said he, " would cheerfully serve under Washington; but considering his rank, character, and experience, could not be ex- pected to serve under any other. He must be aut se- cundus, aut tiullus." Adams, on the other hand, as strenuously objected that it would be a great deal to expect that General Ward, who was actually in command of the army in Boston, should serve under any man; but under a stranger he ought not to serve. General Ward, ac- cordingly, was elected the second in command, and Lee the third. The other two major-generals were, Philip Schuyler, of New York, and Israel Putnam, of Connecticut. Eight brigadier-generals were likewise appointed ; Seth Pomeroy, Richard Montgomery, Da- vid Wooster, William Heath, Joseph Spencer, John Thomas, John Sullivan, and Nathaniel Green. Notwithstanding Mr. Mifflin's objection to having Lee ranked under Ward, as being beneath his dignity and merits, he himself made no scruple to acquiesce ; though, judging from his supercilious character, and from circumstances in his subsequent conduct, he no doubt considered himself vastly superior to the provin- cial officers placed over him. At Washington's express request, his old friend, Major Horatio Gates, then absent at his estate in Virginia, was appointed adjutant-general, with the rank of brigadier. Adams, according to his own account, was ex- tremely loth to admit either Lee or Gates into the American service, although he considered them officers of great experience and confessed abilities. He appre- 456 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775. hended difficulties, he said, from the " natural preju- dices and virtuous attachment of our countrymen to their own officers." " But," adds he, " considering the earnest desire of General Washington to have the assistance of those officers, the extreme attachment of many of our best friends in the southern colonies to them, the reputation they would give to our arms in Europe, and especially with the ministerial generals and army in Boston, as well as the real American merit of both, I could not withhold my vote from either." The reader will possibly call these circumstances to mind when, on a future page, he finds how Lee and Gates requited the friendship to which chiefly they owed their appointments. In this momentous change in his condition, which suddenly altered all his course of life, and called him immediately to the camp, Washington's thoughts re- curred to Mount Vernon, and its rural delights, so dear to his heart, whence he was to be again exiled. His chief concern, however, was on account of the distress it might cause to his wife. His letter to her on the subject is written in a tone of manly tenderness. "You may believe me," writes he, "when I assure you, in the most solemn manner, that, so far from seeking this appointment, I have used every endeavor in my power to avoid it, not only from my unwilling- ness to part with you and the family, but from a con- sciousness of its being a trust too great for my ca- pacity ; and I should enjoy more real happiness in one month with you at home, than I have the most distant prospect of finding abroad, if my stay were to be seven times seven years. But as it has been a kind of des- 1775.] LETTER OF WASHINGTON TO HIS "WIFE. 457 tiny that has thrown me upon this service, I shall hope that my undertaking it is designed to answer some good purpose. * * * * " I shall rely confidently on that Providence which has heretofore preserved, and been bountiful to me, not doubting but that I shall return safe to you in the Fall. I shall feel no pain from the toil or danger of the cam- paign ; my unhappiness will flow from the uneasiness I know you will feel from being left alone. I therefore beg that you will summon your whole fortitude, and pass your time as agreeably as possible. Nothing will give me so much sincere satisfaction as to hear this, and to hear it from your own pen." And to his favorite brother, John Augustine, he writes : " I am now to bid adieu to you, and to every kind of domestic ease, for a while. I am embarked on a wide ocean, boundless in its prospect, and in which, perhaps, no safe harbor is to be found. I have been called upon by the unanimous voice of the colonies to take the command of the continental army ; an honor I neither sought after, nor desired, as I am thoroughly convinced that it requires great abilities, and much more experience, than I am master of." And subse- quently, referring to his wife : " I shall hope that my friends will visit, and endeavor to keep up the spirits of my wife as much as they can, for my departure will, I know, be a cutting stroke upon her ; and on this ac- count alone I have many disagreeable sensations." * On the 20th of June, he received his commission from the president of Congress. The following day was fixed upon for his departure for the army. He reviewed previously, at the request of their officers, 458 LIFE OP WASHINGTON. [1775, several militia companies of horse and foot. Every one was anxious to see the new commander, and rarely has the public beau ideal of a commander been so fully an- swered. He was now in the vigor of his days, forty- three years of age, stately in person, noble in his de- meanor, calm and dignified in his deportment ; as he sat his horse, with manly grace, his military pres- ence delighted every eye, and wherever he went the air rang with acclamations. CHAPTER XL. MORE TEOOPS AEEIVE AT BOSTON — GENEBALS HOWE, BUEGOYNE, AND CLINTON — PROCLAMATION OE GAGE — NATUEE OF THE AMEBIC AN AEMT SCOBNFUL CONDUCT OF THE BEITISH OFFICERS — PEOJECT OF THE AMEEICANS TO SEIZE UPON BEEED's HILL— PUTNAM'S OPINION OF IT SANCTIONED BY PEESOOTT — NOCTUBNAL MAECH OF THE DETACHMENT — FOBTIFTING OF BUNKEb's HILL — BEEAK OF DAT, AND ASTONISHMENT OF THE ENEMY. While Congress had been deliberating on the adoption of the army, and the nomination of a commander-in- chief, events had been thickening and drawing to a crisis in the excited region abont Boston. The provin- cial troops which blockaded the town prevented sup- plies by land, the neighboring country refused to fur- nish them by water ; fresh provisions and vegetables were no longer to be procured, and Boston began to experience the privations of a besieged city. On the 25th of May, arrived ships of war and transports from England, bringing large reinforce- ments, under Generals Howe, Burgoyne, and Henry Clinton, commanders of high reputation. As the ships entered the harbor, and the "rebel camp " was pointed out, ten thousand yeomanry be- leaguering a town garrisoned by five thousand regulars, Burgoyne could not restrain a burst of surprise and 460 LIFE OP WASHINGTON. [1775. scorn. "What!" cried he, "ten thousand peasants keep five thousand king's troops shut up ! Well, let us get in, and we'll soon find elbow-room." Inspirited by these reinforcements, General Gage determined to take the field. Previously, however, in conformity to instructions from Lord Dartmouth, the head of the war department, he issued a proclamation (12th June), putting the province under martial law, threatening to treat as rebels and traitors all malcon- tents who should continue under arms, together with their aiders and abettors; but offering pardon to all who should lay down their arms, and return to their allegiance. Prom this proffered amnesty, however, John Hancock and Samuel Adams were especially ex- cepted ; their offences being pronounced " too flagitious not to meet with condign punishment." This proclamation only served to put the patriots on the alert against such measures as might be expect- ed to follow, and of which their friends in Boston stood ready to apprise them. The besieging force, in the mean time, was daily augmented by recruits and vol- unteers, and now amounted to about fifteen thousand men distributed at various points. Its character and organization were peculiar. As has well been observed, it could not be called a national army, for, as yet, there was no nation to own it ; it was not under the author- ity of the Continental Congress, the act of that body recognizing it not having as yet been passed, and the authority of that body itself not having been ac- knowledged. It was, in fact, a fortuitous assemblage of four distinct bodies of troops, belonging to different provinces, and each having a leader of its own election. 1775.] NATURE OF THE AMERICAN ARMY. 461 About ten thousand belonged to Massachusetts, and were under the command of General Artemas Ward whose head-quarters were at Cambridge. Anothei body of troops, under Colonel John Stark, already mentioned, came from New Hampshire. Rhode Island furnished a third, under the command of General Na- thaniel Greene. A fourth was from Connecticut, under the veteran Putnam. These bodies of troops, being from different colo- nies, were independent of each other, and had their several commanders. Those from New Hampshire were instructed to obey General Ward as commander- in-chief ; with the rest, it was a voluntary act, rendered in consideration of his being military chief of Massa- chusetts, the province which, as allies, they came to defend. There was, in fact, but little organization in the army. Nothing kept it together, and gave it unity of action, but a common feeling of exasperated pa- triotism. The troops knew but little of military discipline. Almost all were familiar with the use of fire-arms in hunting and fowling j many had served in frontier cam- paigns against the French, and in " bush fighting " with the Indians ; but none were acquainted with reg- ular service,' or the discipline of European armies. There was a regiment of artillery, partly organized by Colonel Gridley, a skilful engineer, and furnished with nine field-pieces ; but the greater part of the troops were without military dress or accoutrements ; most of them were hasty levies of yeomanry, some of whom had seized their rifles and fowling-pieces, and turned out in their working clothes and homespun country 462 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775. garbs. It was an army of volunteers, subordinate through inclination and respect to officers of their own choice, and depending for sustenance on supplies sent from their several towns. Such was the army spread over an extent of ten or twelve miles, and keeping watch upon the town of Boston, containing at that time a population of seven- teen thousand souls, and garrisoned with more than ten thousand British troops, disciplined and experienced in the wars of Europe. In the disposition of these forces, General Ward had stationed himself at Cambridge, with the main body of about nine thousand men, and four companies of artillery. Lieutenant-general Thomas, second in command, was posted, with five thousand Massachu- setts, Connecticut and Bhode Island troops, and three or four companies of artillery, at Boxbury and Dor- chester, forming the right wing of the army ; while the left, composed in a great measure of New Hampshire troops, stretched through Medford to the hills of Chelsea. It was a great annoyance to the British officers and soldiers, to be thus hemmed in by what they termed a rustic rout with calico frocks and fowling-pieces. The same scornful and taunting spirit prevailed among them, that the Cavaliers of yore indulged toward the Covenanters. Considering episcopacy as the only loyal and royal faith, they insulted and desecrated the " sec- tarian" places of worship. One was turned into a riding school for the cavalry, and the fire in the stove was kindled with books from the library of its pastor. The Provincials retaliated, by turning the Episcopal 1775.] PROJECTED ENTERPRISE. 463 church at Cambridge into a barrack, and melting down its organ-pipes into bullets. Both parties panted for action ;* the British through impatience of their humiliating position, and an eager- ness to chastise what they considered the presumption of their besiegers ; the Provincials through enthusiasm in their cause, a thirst for enterprise and exploit, and, it must be added, an unconsciousness of their own military deficiencies. We have already mentioned the peninsula of Charlestown (called from a village of the same name), which lies opposite to the north side of Boston. The heights, which swell up in rear of the village, overlook the town and shipping. The project was conceived in the besieging camp to seize and occupy those heights. A council of war was held upon the subject. The arguments in favor of the attempt were, that the army was anxious to be employed; that the country was dissatisfied with its inactivity; and that the enemy might thus be drawn out to ground where they might be fought to advantage. General Putnam was one of the most strenuous in favor of the measure. Some of the more wary and judicious, among whom were General Ward and Dr. Warren, doubted the expediency of intrenching themselves on those heights, and the possibility of maintaining so exposed a post, scantily furnished, as they were, with ordnance and ammunition. Besides, it might bring on a gen- eral engagement, which it was not safe to risk. Putnam made light of the danger. He was confi- dent of the bravery of the militia if intrenched, having seen it tried in the old French war. "The Ameri- 464 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775 cans," said he, " are never afraid of their heads ; they only think of their legs ; shelter them, and they'll fight for ever." He was seconded by General Pomeroy, a leader of like stamp, and another veteran of the French war. He had been a hunter in his time ; a dead shot with a rifle, and was ready to lead troops against the enemy, "with, five cartridges to a man." The daring counsels of such men are always capti- vating to the inexperienced; but in the present in- stance, they were sanctioned by one whose opinion in such matters, and in this vicinity, possessed peculiar weight. This was Colonel William Prescott, of Pepe- rell, who commanded a regiment of minute men. He, too, had seen service in the French war, and acquired reputation as a lieutenant of infantry at the capture of Cape Breton. This was sufficient to constitute him an oracle in the present instance. He was now about fifty years of age, tall and commanding in his appearance, and retaining the port of a soldier. What was more, he had a military garb ; being equipped with a three- cornered hat, a top wig, and a single-breasted blue coat, with facings, and lapped up at the skirts. All this served to give him consequence among the rustic militia officers with whom he was in council. His opinion, probably, settled the question j and it was determined to seize on and fortify Bunker's Hill and Dorchester Heights. In deference, however, to the suggestions of the more cautious, it was agreed to postpone the measure until they were sufficiently sup- plied with the munitions of war to be able to maintain the heights when seized. Secret intelligence hurried forward the project. 1775.] PROJECT TO SEIZE THE HEIGHTS. 465 General Gage, it was said, intended to take possession of Dorchester Heights on the night of the 18th of June. These heights lay on the opposite side of Bos- ton, and the committee were ignorant of their locali- ties. Those on Charlestown Neck, being near at hand, had some time before been reconnoitered by Colonel Richard Gridley, and other of the engineers. It was determined to seize and fortify these heights on the night of Friday, the 16th of June, in anticipation of the movement of General Gage. Troops were draught- ed for the purpose from the Massachusetts regiments of Colonels Prescott, Prye and Bridges. There was also a fatigue party of about two hundred men from Putnam's Connecticut troops, led by his favorite officer, Captain Knowlton ; together with a company of forty- nine artillery men, with two field-pieces, commanded by Captain Samuel Gridley. A little before sunset the troops, about twelve hun- dred in all, assembled on the common, in front of Gen- eral Ward's quarters. They came provided with packs, blankets and provisions for four-and-twenty hours, but ignorant of the object of the expedition. Being all paraded* prayers were offered up by the reverend Presi- dent Langdon, of Harvard College ; after which they all set forward on their silent march. Colonel Prescott, from his experience in military matters, and his being an officer in the Massachusetts line, had been chosen by General Ward to conduct the enterprise. His written orders were to fortify Bunker's Hill, and defend the works until he should be relieved. Colonel Richard Gridley, the chief engineer, who had likewise served in the Trench war, was to accompany vol. i.— 30 466 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775. him and plan the fortifications. It was understood that reinforcements and refreshments would be sent to the fatigue party in the morning. The detachment left Cambridge about 9 o'clock, Colonel Prescott taking the lead, preceded by two ser- geants with dark lanterns. At Charlestown Neck they were joined by Major Brooks, of Bridges' regiment, and General Putnam; and here were the waggons laden with intrenching tools, which first gave the men an indication of the nature of the enterprise. Charlestown Neck is a narrow isthmus, connecting the peninsula with the main land ; having the Mystic River about half a mile wide, on the north, and a large embayment of Charles River on the south or right side. It was now necessary to proceed with the utmost caution, for they were coming on ground over which the British kept jealous watch. They had erected a battery at Boston on Copp's Hill, immediately opposite to Charlestown. Pive of their vessels of war were sta- tioned so as to bear upon the peninsula from different directions, and the guns of one of them swept the isthmus, or narrow neck just mentioned. Across this isthmus, Colonel Prescott conducted the detachment undiscovered, and up the ascent of Bun- ker's Hill. This commences at the Neck, and slopes up for about three hundred yards to its summit, which is about one hundred and twelve feet high. It then declines toward the south, and is connected by a ridge with Breed's Hill, about sixty or seventy feet high. The crests of the two hills are about seven hundred yards apart. ' On attaining the heights, a question rose which of Reduced from the British. Map. a flan § piths M(gf«i $ct BUNKERS HILL, on the 17^ of June 1775. BETWEEN HIS HAJESTYS TUDOPS, TOBER. THE COMMAND OE M& GENERAL HOWE AND THE REBEL EORCES. Uy Xieu* PAGE of the Engineers, fy Who ndtd a&Aide. dt Campio fyrremlHotvein that Ac/ton * ft 7** Cans gr<^ erway NarrowPass Bunker's _Hi]l ..'sHill. MaultonsTi VIEW OF CHABLESTOW 6c, TWUBMCQKmLL£08T0N.-Frcus of 'Bunkers t\Bwdi Will an , \ an nror which hathetn perpetuaitd. (\.V. Putna .>>-: REFUJUSJSTC-ESTO THEPLA.JST. A to CompU'fGrenVIOllTofligUlnf^Cy-ZButtiucoMritS. B FMkearJmutnc behind U StoneWciU . C Fight lnf?movcd forward covcrd by a break in. the Ground-. ^ iTkeBatt V-rnoved forward fromtfu Stone Wall c\ joined hv aiadher from tlicLines. \lting covered by the rising of the Hill thorn the lire oftheSedoubt . E.F AMedge Icing part of the Fcbels &e fences onlyMiskct proof. ^y G Redoubt CrFntrencTvuent proof 'against our field Fteces. H J? Situation of ourFicld Pieces with the direction of their Hit . ^^ I Artillery moved forward .the J'J direction of the Fire shewn in dotted Lines. V^i, I.P Fire of the And lery against i.r\ellcdqcY.toco\crflie Attack upon theirLtfl v\' V s "** }LTht Order our Iroops -woo :i 'd probai A- h : o