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 CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 OF 
 
 EDMUND BURKE & WILLIAM WINDHAM
 
 CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 OF 
 
 EDMUND BURKE & WILLIAM WINDHAM 
 
 WITH OTHER ILLUSTRATIVE LETTERS FROM 
 THE WINDHAM PAPERS IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM 
 
 EDITED BY 
 J. P. GILSON, M.A. 
 
 ASSISTANT KEEPER OF MSS. IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM 
 
 CAMBRIDGE: 
 PRINTED AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS 
 
 MCMX
 
 CTambriligE: 
 
 PRINTED BY JOHN CLAY, M.A. 
 AT THE UNIVERStTY PRESS
 
 SAi'Vi'A UAiUJAiLA 
 
 B1 A 
 
 DEDICATED AND PRESENTED 
 
 TO 
 
 THE PRESIDENT AND MEMBERS 
 
 OF 
 
 BY THEIR OBEDIENT SERVANT 
 
 ARTHUR JAMES BALFOUR 
 
 4, Carlton Gardens 
 29 Sep/. 1910.
 
 MCMX. 
 
 THE EARL OF ROSEBERY, K.G., K.T. 
 
 PRESIDENT. 
 
 HIS EXCELLENCY HON. WHITELAW REID. 
 
 DUKE OF DEVONSHIRE. 
 
 DUKE OF PORTLAND, K.G., G.CV.O. 
 
 DUKE OF NORTHUMBERLAND, K.G. 
 
 DUKE OF BUCCLEUCH, K.G., K.T. 
 
 DUKE OF ROXBURGHE, K.T., M.V.O. 
 
 MARQUESS OF BATH. 
 
 MARQUESS OF SALISBURY. 
 
 EARL OF PEMBROKE AND MONTGOMERY, G.CV.O. 
 
 EARL OF ILCHESTER. 
 
 EARL OF POVVIS. 
 
 EARL BEAUCHAMP, K.C.M.G. 
 
 EARL BROWNLOW. 
 
 EARL OF CAWDOR. 
 
 EARL OF ELLESMERE. 
 
 EARL OF CREWE, K.G. 
 
 EARL OF PLYMOUTH. 
 
 EARL OF CRAWFORD AND BALCARRES, K.T. 
 
 LORD CH. FREDERICK BRUDENELL-BRUCE. 
 
 LORD ZOUCHE. 
 
 LORD ALDENiIaM. 
 
 RIGHT HON. ARTHUR JAMES BALFOUR, M.P. 
 
 SIR WILLIAM REYNELL ANSON, BART., M.P. 
 
 SIR EDWARD MAUNDE THOMPSON, G.C.B. 
 
 LT.-COL. SIR GEORGE LINDSAY HOLFORD, K.C.V.O., CLE. 
 
 INGRAM BYWATER, ESQ. 
 
 SYDNEY RICHARDSON CHRISTIE-MILLER, ESQ. 
 
 GEORGE BRISCOE EYRE, ESQ. 
 
 ALFRED HENRY HUTH, ESQ., Vice-President. 
 
 MONTAGUE RHODES JAMES, ESQ. 
 
 ANDREW LANG, ESQ. 
 
 CHARLES BRINSLEY MARLAY, ESQ. 
 
 JOHN MURRAY, ESQ., Treasurer. 
 
 CHARLES W. DYSON PERRINS, ESQ. 
 
 HENRY YATES THOMPSON, ESQ. 
 
 MICHAEL TOMKINSON, ESQ. 
 
 VICTOR WILLIAM BATES VAN DE WEYER, ESQ. 
 
 WILLIAM ALDIS WRIGHT, ESQ. 
 
 ai
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 From 1783 to the Outbreak of the French Revolution. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Add. 37843, f. I. 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 5 May 1783 ... I 
 
 f- 3- 
 
 » i> 
 
 10 June „ 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 f. S- 
 
 »» »i 
 
 14 Oct. 1784 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 f. 7- 
 
 >• »i 
 
 15 .. 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 f. 9. 
 
 »» J) 
 
 7 May 1785 
 
 
 
 S 
 
 f. II. 
 
 J) »» 
 
 21 Nov. ,, 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 Add. 37873, f. 159. 
 
 Windham to . 
 
 26 Nov. 1788 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 Add. 37843, f. 15. 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 25 Dec. „ 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 Burke Corr. in. 88. 
 
 » 11 
 
 24 Jan. 1789 
 
 
 
 II 
 
 CHAPTER H. 
 From the Outbreak of the Revolution to the Declaration of War. 
 
 Add. 37843, f. 15. 
 „ f. 19. 
 Add. 37873. f- 172- 
 Add. 37843, f. 21. 
 Add. 3784s, f. 5. 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 Windham to J. Gurney. 
 
 Burke to . 
 
 Portland to Windham. 
 
 27 Sept. 1789 
 27 Oct. 1790 
 2 May 1792 
 7 Aug. „ 
 13 Oct. „ 
 
 20 
 21 
 25 
 30 
 31 
 
 CHAPTER HI. 
 From the Beginning of the War to Windham's Acceptance of Office. 
 
 Add. 37848, f. 55 
 
 Windham to Hippisley. 
 
 28 March 1793 
 
 
 
 33 
 
 Add. 37844, f. 7 
 
 Pitt to Windham. 
 
 14 June 
 
 
 
 41 
 
 Add. 37S52, f. 212. 
 
 Sir G. EUiot to Windham. 
 
 4 Aug. 
 
 
 
 43 
 
 „ f. 216. 
 
 » 11 
 
 T -» 
 
 ■^0 '» ') 
 
 
 
 47 
 
 *Burke Corr. iv. 132. 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 lo I) >I 
 
 
 
 49 
 
 Add. 37843, f. 23. 
 
 )i >i 
 
 20 „ 
 
 
 
 50 
 
 *BurkeCorr. iv. 134. 
 
 i> )> 
 
 23 ., 
 
 
 
 SI 
 
 Add. 37845, f. 13. 
 
 Windham to Portland. 
 
 3 Sept. „ 
 
 
 
 52 
 
 » f- "2 
 
 Spencer to Windham. 
 
 14 .. 
 
 
 
 55 
 
 „ f. 114. 
 
 )> J) 
 
 18 „ 
 
 
 
 58
 
 X 
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 Add. 37852, f. 220. 
 ,, f. 221^. 
 
 Add. 37S48, f. 297. 
 Add. 37844, f. II. 
 
 .. f. 13- 
 
 Add. 37843, f. 25. 
 
 *BurkeCorr. iv. 179. 
 Add. 37843, f. 29. 
 
 *Burke Corr. iv. 177. 
 
 * .. „ 189. 
 Add. 37843, f. 31. 
 Add. 37845, f. 119. 
 
 *BurkeCorr. iv. 192. 
 
 * ,. ), 201. 
 Add. 37844, f. 15. 
 
 *Burke Corr. iv. 205. 
 
 Add. 37843, f. 33. 
 
 Add. 37845, f- 17- 
 
 Add. 37844, f. 19. 
 
 Add. 37843, f. 35. 
 
 Add. 37845, f. 39. 
 
 Add. 37843, f. 37- 
 
 ,. f- 39- 
 
 „ f. 41. 
 
 Add. 37845, f. 41. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Sir G. Elliot to Windham. 
 
 2 Oct. 1793 ... 60 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 2 „ 
 
 
 
 
 62 
 
 Burke to Hippisley. 
 
 3 „ 
 
 
 
 
 63 
 
 Windham to Pitt. 
 
 II „ 
 
 
 
 
 . 68 
 
 Pitt to Windham. 
 
 13 „ 
 
 
 
 
 70 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 End Oct. , 
 
 
 
 
 71 
 
 Windham to Burke. 
 
 I Nov. , 
 
 
 
 
 73 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 4 „ 
 
 
 
 
 75 
 
 About 5 „ 
 
 
 
 
 76 
 
 Windham to Burke. 
 
 7 .. 
 
 
 
 
 77 
 
 Burke to Windham. About 8 „ , 
 
 
 
 
 79 
 
 Spencer to Windham. 
 
 II „ 
 
 
 
 
 82 
 
 Windham to Burke. 
 
 14 „ 
 
 
 
 
 87 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 25 „ 
 
 
 
 
 89 
 
 Windham to Pitt. 
 
 16 Dec. 
 
 
 
 
 91 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 8 Jan. 1794 
 
 
 
 93 
 
 Rich. Burke to Windham. 
 
 8 „ ,, 
 
 
 
 94 
 
 Portland to Windham. 
 
 II „ „ 
 
 
 
 95 
 
 Windham to Pitt. 
 
 20 „ 
 
 
 
 104 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 I Feb. „ 
 
 
 
 los 
 
 Portland to Windham. 
 
 16 April ,, 
 
 
 
 107 
 
 Rich. Burke to Windham. 
 
 — June „ 
 
 
 
 108 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 10 „ „ 
 
 
 
 109 
 
 Rich. Burke to Windham. 
 
 19 „ » 
 
 
 
 109 
 
 Portland to Windham. 
 
 3 July „ 
 
 
 
 
 III 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 First Period of the Coalition. Fitzwilliam and Ireland. 
 
 Spencer to Windham. 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 Add. 37845, f. 127, 
 *Burke Corr. iv. 227 
 
 Add. 37843, f. 43. „ „ 
 
 II '• 45- „ ', 
 
 „ f- 47- >i „ 
 
 „ f- 49- >, „ 
 
 Add. 37874, f. 83. Fitzwilliam to Windham. 
 
 Add. 37845, f. 47. Portland to Windham. 
 
 Add. 37874, f. 85. Windham to Fitzwilliam. 
 
 f. 88. Mansfield to Windham. 
 
 Add. 37845, f. 49. Portland to Windham. 
 
 Add. 37843, f. 51. Burke to Windham. 
 
 *Windh. Diary,p. 328. „ ,, 
 
 ,, ,, P*32i* ,, ,, 
 
 Add. 37845, f. 59. Portland to Windham. 
 „ f- 61. 
 
 12 
 
 Aug. 
 
 1794 
 
 15 
 
 ,, 
 
 »» 
 
 17 
 
 ,, 
 
 ij 
 
 28 
 
 Sept. 
 
 )) 
 
 7 
 
 Oct. 
 
 9) 
 
 8 
 
 Si 
 
 )> 
 
 II 
 
 )l 
 
 J» 
 
 1 1 
 
 J) 
 
 J) 
 
 12 
 
 )) 
 
 )) 
 
 12 
 
 J) 
 
 )J 
 
 13 
 
 J> 
 
 ») 
 
 15 
 
 n 
 
 5» 
 
 16 
 
 a 
 
 >> 
 
 i6 
 
 Ji 
 
 )» 
 
 18 
 
 » 
 
 J> 
 
 19 
 
 1) 
 
 J) 
 
 ii6 
 117 
 118 
 
 120 
 121 
 121 
 122 
 124 
 
 "S 
 126 
 128 
 128 
 129 
 131 
 139 
 139
 
 
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 , 
 
 XI 
 
 PAGE 
 
 *Windh. Diary, p. 330. 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 20 Oct. 1794 
 
 140 
 
 * ,. .. P-333- 
 
 ,, ,, 
 
 28 „ „ . . 
 
 142 
 
 Add. 37843, f. 
 
 53- 
 
 ,> ,, 
 
 22 Dec. „ 
 
 144 
 
 *Burke Corr. iv. 
 
 251- 
 
 ,j ,, 
 
 30 >, „ • • 
 
 145 
 
 Add. 37843, f. 
 
 55- 
 
 ,j ,» 
 
 7 Jan. 1795 • 
 
 148 
 
 f- 
 
 57- 
 
 ,, ,, 
 
 8 ,, „ • • 
 
 150 
 
 f- 
 
 59- 
 
 ,j ,, 
 
 No date . . 
 
 151 
 
 Add. 3787s, f. 
 
 I. 
 
 Fitzwilliam to Windham. 
 
 I March „ 
 
 153 
 
 f- 
 
 5- 
 
 Windham to Fitzwilliam. 
 
 s ,. .. • • 
 
 154 
 
 Add. 37843, f. 
 
 61. 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 6 „ „ . . 
 
 15s 
 
 f- 
 
 65- 
 
 Burke to Mrs Crewe. 
 
 ») n • • 
 
 156 
 
 f. 
 
 67. 
 
 ,, ,, 
 
 13 „ - • • 
 
 158 
 
 f. 
 
 63- 
 
 n ,, 
 
 ,, ,, ■ • 
 
 158 
 
 f- 
 
 69. 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 I April „ 
 
 160 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Assistance to the Emigre. 
 
 Add. 37843, f. 
 
 71- 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 9 June I 
 
 795 
 
 
 
 . 162 
 
 )l ^' 
 
 73- 
 
 j» ., 
 
 27 „ 
 
 1) 
 
 
 
 . 164 
 
 JJ ^* 
 
 75- 
 
 ,j ,, 
 
 30 July 
 
 ») 
 
 
 
 . 166 
 
 U ^' 
 
 77- 
 
 ,1 ,, 
 
 4 Sept. 
 
 )? 
 
 
 
 . 166 
 
 JJ *' 
 
 79- 
 
 ,, M 
 
 15 ,. 
 
 )» 
 
 
 
 . 167 
 
 J J ^' 
 
 81. 
 
 Burke to Portland. 
 
 3 Oct. 
 
 JJ 
 
 
 
 169 
 
 )) *• 
 
 83- 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 10 „ 
 
 »» 
 
 
 
 171 
 
 Add. 37844^ f- 
 
 104. 
 
 Windham to Pitt. 
 
 16 „ 
 
 ») 
 
 
 
 172 
 
 )» *• 
 
 106. 
 
 Pitt to Windham. 
 
 18 „ 
 
 51 
 
 
 
 174 
 
 Add. 37843. f- 
 
 85- 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 17 Nov. 
 
 5> 
 
 
 
 175 
 
 » *• 
 
 88. 
 
 ,, ,, 
 
 29 „ 
 
 yj 
 
 
 
 178 
 
 J J I* 
 
 90. 
 
 Burke to Woodford. 
 
 29 „ 
 
 >) 
 
 
 
 181 
 
 )) ** 
 
 94- 
 
 ^Vindham to Burke. 
 
 17 Jan. 
 
 1796 
 
 
 
 185 
 
 )» 1' 
 
 97- 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 19 „ 
 
 )» 
 
 
 
 188 
 
 )» ^* 
 
 99. 
 
 " ,, 
 
 6 March 
 
 )i 
 
 
 
 189 
 
 J) *• 
 
 lOI. 
 
 ,j ,, 
 
 7 ., 
 
 )) 
 
 
 
 190 
 
 )) ^' 
 
 103. 
 
 ,1 jj 
 
 28 „ 
 
 ») 
 
 
 
 190 
 
 Add. 37844, f- 
 
 122. 
 
 Windham to Pitt. 
 
 27 April 
 
 I) 
 
 
 
 191 
 
 Add. 37843, f- 
 
 105. 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 2 June 
 
 n 
 
 
 
 194 
 
 n I* 
 
 107. 
 
 ,, ,» 
 
 7 „ 
 
 M 
 
 
 
 195 
 
 Jj *■ 
 
 109. 
 
 ,, ,, 
 
 I Aug. 
 
 >j 
 
 
 
 196 
 
 Add. 37845, f. 
 
 144. 
 
 Spencer to Windham. 
 
 24 „ 
 
 J) 
 
 
 
 197 
 
 Add. 37876, f. 
 
 214. 
 
 Dundas to Windham. 
 
 24 „ 
 
 )i • 
 
 
 
 198 
 
 >) ** 
 
 218. 
 
 Windham to Dundas. 
 
 25 >, 
 
 ii 
 
 
 
 200 
 
 Add. 37843, f. 
 
 III. 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 27 „ 
 
 ») 
 
 
 
 201
 
 Xll 
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 First Negotiations for Peace. 
 
 Add. 
 
 37843, f. 113. 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 II Sept. 
 
 1796 
 
 
 f- "S- 
 
 »i ,, 
 
 I Nov. 
 
 
 
 » f- 117- 
 
 ji 11 
 
 11 „ 
 
 
 Add. 
 
 37876, f. 251. 
 
 William Elliot to Windham. 
 
 22 „ 
 
 
 Add. 
 
 37843, f. 119. 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 25 » 
 
 
 
 „ f. 121. 
 
 Burke to Woodford. 
 
 9 Dec. 
 
 
 
 ,, f- 123. 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 18 „ 
 
 
 *Burk 
 
 eCorr. iv. 401. 
 
 Windham to Burke. 
 
 20 „ 
 
 
 * 
 
 404- 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 23 .. 
 
 
 » 
 
 „ 412. 
 
 Windham to Burke. 
 
 24 n 
 
 
 Add. 
 
 37843, f- 125- 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 25 » 
 
 
 PAGE 
 202 
 204 
 205 
 206 
 209 
 211 
 
 213 
 216 
 217 
 222 
 223 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 Burke's Last Days. The Naval Mutiny. 
 
 Add. 37843. f- 127- 
 *Burke Corn iv. 424. 
 
 Add. 37876, f. 298. 
 *BurkeCorr. iv. 427. 
 
 Add. 37843, f. 135. 
 *Burke Corn iv. 429. 
 
 Add. 37845. f- 155- 
 *Burke Corn iv. 439. 
 
 Add. 37843. f- 174- 
 Add. 37844, f. 267. 
 Add. 37843, f. 187. 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 5 Jan. 
 
 1797 
 
 
 
 225 
 
 Windham to Burke. 
 
 17 ,. 
 
 »> 
 
 
 
 228 
 
 Windham to Addington. 
 
 6 Feb. 
 
 J» 
 
 
 
 230 
 
 Windham to Burke. 
 
 11 ,. 
 
 )) 
 
 
 
 232 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 12 „ 
 
 J) 
 
 
 
 233 
 
 Windham to Burke. 
 
 17 ,. 
 
 )J 
 
 
 
 235 
 
 Lady Spencer to Windham. 
 
 20 April 
 
 )J 
 
 
 
 236 
 
 Windham to Burke. 
 
 25 .. 
 
 yf 
 
 
 
 238 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 26 „ 
 
 JJ 
 
 
 
 241 
 
 Canning to Windham. 
 
 12 May 
 
 j> 
 
 
 
 243 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 16 „ 
 
 7) 
 
 
 
 244 
 
 The asterisk marks those which have been printed before. 
 
 CORRIGENDA. 
 
 p. 4, 1. 14, for Thomas Sadler read James Sadler, 
 p. 43, 1. 13, /or war official read unofficial, 
 p. 244, 1. 18, for 10"' J/ay read 16'" May.
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 THE nucleus of this volume consists of fifty-three hitherto unpub- 
 lished letters of Edmund Burke to William Windham, and eight 
 to other persons, taken from the Windham Papers acquired in 1909 
 by the British Museum. In order to exhibit the correspondence as 
 a whole, and to make it intelligible to those who may not be inti- 
 mately acquainted with the details of the history of the period with 
 which it is concerned, it has been necessary to add to these more 
 than an equal number of other letters. In the first place thirteen 
 more letters of Burke to Windham have been reprinted either from 
 the correspondence of Burke, published by Lord Fitzwilliam, or from 
 Windham's Diary, published by Mrs Henry Baring, the originals of 
 which do not in either case appear to have returned to the collection. 
 Next are added ten letters of Windham to Burke, only one of which 
 is new; so that the total of the Burke- Windham correspondence proper 
 now amounts to seventy-six letters, the extreme dates being 1 783 and 
 1 797, though the main interest centres on the last nine years, the 
 period between the outbreak of the French Revolution and the death 
 of Burke. The remaining forty-two letters are selected also from 
 the Windham Papers with a view to illustrating the subjects men- 
 tioned in Burke's letters, and with the intention of reducing to a 
 minimum the intervention of the editor between the original corre- 
 spondence and the reader. Many of these letters are important 
 documents, worthy of publication for their own sake, and all, so far 
 as I am aware, are hitherto unpublished. They will serve to give 
 an idea of the wealth of material in the collection recently acquired 
 by the nation, but it will be undet-stood that as the selection is made 
 for a restricted purpose, and with prescribed limits of space, they are 
 by no means exhaustive even for the period which they cover, which 
 is only a small part of Windham's political career. I think however 
 that the introduction of these letters will be found of value as illus- 
 
 B.-W. c. b
 
 XIV INTRODUCTION 
 
 trating the various characters of the principal persons of the party, 
 and will make a better picture of the state of English politics during 
 the war against revolutionary France than could be obtained from 
 a volume which was restricted to the letters of one or two persons, 
 however eminent or however brilliant as writers. For the brief 
 explanatory remarks interpolated between the letters and for the 
 notes I have drawn upon the Diary and several other sources, the 
 most important being the charming and well-edited correspondence 
 of Lord Minto, a book which no one should fail to read, and which 
 no one can lay down until he has acquired a singularly vivid impres- 
 sion of a statesman of great ability and most attractive character, as 
 well as of two equally delightful ladies, in Elliot's wife and her 
 sister. Lady Malmesbury. The reader will be disappointed to find 
 in these pages only three new letters from a correspondent so free 
 as Sir Gilbert Elliot shows himself from the stiffness by which most 
 eighteenth century letters are marred, but Elliot's absence in Corsica 
 removed him, after 1 794, from the main current of home politics, and 
 his correspondence on Mediterranean affairs would have carried us 
 too far from the topics of Burke's letters. 
 
 In reality we might say that the letters in this volume have but 
 a single subject. If we look upon the first nine letters as merely 
 introductory the shadow of the French Revolution is over all the 
 rest, and Burke's attitude is the same from the first to the last : an 
 attitude to which that of Windham and his chief Whig associates 
 becomes gradually assimilated. But the one subject is presented 
 in an infinite variety of aspects. 
 
 Should we seek to analyse the principles of Whiggism as held 
 by the opposition in the early part of Pitt's administration and to 
 discover how they operated to pull the party in different directions 
 and finally to rend it asunder, we may perhaps find a rough and 
 ready scheme by examining these principles as interpreted by three 
 or four of the leading spirits of the opposition. In the Duke of 
 Portland Whiggism may be said to be mainly a party sentiment. 
 This appears in his definition of the party as "an union of any 
 number of persons of independent means and fortunes formed and 
 connected together by their belief in the principles upon which the
 
 INTRODUCTION XV 
 
 revolution of 1688 was founded and perfected and their attachment 
 to the present form of our government, to all its establishments and 
 orders, religious and civil." At the first glance such a definition 
 comes dangerously near to the blindest kind of conservatism. If 
 not reactionary, it at least helps us little towards a theory of poli- 
 tical progress. Really it seems hardly a caricature to say that his 
 view is confined within a vicious circle, that the Whig party is 
 necessary to the country because it upholds the principles of the 
 glorious revolution, and the revolution was glorious because — it 
 brought into power the " natural aristocracy of the country," the 
 Whig families. At any rate the party is a prime consideration ; 
 and we must realise this perfectly honest prepossession in order to 
 understand the Duke's prolonged hesitation before he would commit 
 himself to an obviously inevitable rupture with Fox. That Europe 
 should present a united front against anarchy was eminently desir- 
 able, but it seemed to him a matter of almost equal moment that 
 these persons of independent fortunes should present a united front 
 at home against a tyrannical sovereign and self-seeking politicians 
 not of the Whig tradition. In Fox's Whiggism one cannot fail to see 
 that the guiding principle is a liberal sentiment, a generous enthu- 
 siasm for liberty, which is prompt to admire and sympathise with 
 all that is best in the French revolutionary spirit and, if not blind 
 to its dangers, ever hopeful for the ultimate victory of liberty over 
 tyranny and cruelty. His optimism appears in a conversation re- 
 corded by Pelham in January 1794, when Fo.x advocated overtures 
 for peace with France, urging "that any government which would 
 succeed to the existing one in France would be more aristocratical 
 or monarchical, and consequently less likely to engage in a fresh 
 war upon any advantages we might gain in negotiation with the 
 existing government." Events were to give the fullest justification 
 to Pelham's description of this as a " specious argument, involving 
 an opinion that the existing government was the worst possible 
 for us'." On the other hand, when the Duke of York, a few weeks 
 later, told Pelham that in 1792 he had urged upon Fox to join 
 
 ' From this Pelham drew the fair conclusion that if it were indeed so we were 
 warranted in supporting any other, that is to say, the royalists.
 
 XVI INTRODUCTION 
 
 Pitt's administration, and had been much shocked by the reply 
 that there was something to be said for such a course because, if 
 there was a war, as seemed inevitable, and he, Fox, remained in 
 opposition, he must of course be against it, Pelham's comment is 
 that the feelinar of course does the Duke credit, but that he cannot 
 think Fox's meaning was rightly understood. Allowing for human 
 weakness and all that may be said against the character of this 
 particular man, Charles Fox, we may still endorse Pelham's doubts. 
 Party was much to Fox, as it must be to all politicians of influence, 
 but it was not the main principle of his actions. In Burke Whig- 
 gism was more of an intellectual philosophy, not indeed lacking in 
 enthusiasm, far from it, but restricting enthusiasm to the attainment 
 of objects unquestionably right and universal, the preservation of 
 order and property, liberty of conscience and purity of political 
 motive. In Windham we shall see a disciple of Burke's philosophy, 
 but a disciple in whom the sentiment for liberty is at first stronger 
 than the apprehension of the dangers of anarchy. When the 
 anarchy becomes a fact and Burke's anticipations are realised, the 
 sentiments of pity and terror overwhelm the sentiment of liberty, 
 and Burke and Windham are again at one. What is more, they 
 stand in regard to one part of the problem, whether right or 
 wrong, almost alone ; for it is not easy to point to any other leading 
 statesman of the time as being definitely, consistently and willingly 
 committed to the restoration of the French monarchy as a main 
 object of policy. Portland, Spencer and Grenville really differ 
 only in degree, in their conception of the objects of the war, from 
 Pitt or Dundas. It is to all of them a war forced upon us by the 
 government of France, against which we are entitled to defend 
 ourselves, and to join with our allies in exacting indemnities to 
 cover our expenses, and pledges to be held as security for the 
 better conduct of France for the future. 
 
 In obtaining these we are doubtless entitled to make use of 
 royalist assistance, but prudence will confine the aid afforded to them 
 within narrow limits in view of possible future changes in our 
 relations with the de facto government. They are not of course 
 to be treated quite on the footing of deserters from the enemy's
 
 INTRODUCTION XVll 
 
 army, for their situation and sufferings ought to command our 
 respect and sympathy, but politically speaking we cannot disguise 
 from ourselves that they are an embarrassment to our policy. They 
 compel us to commit ourselves upon points which we would much 
 rather leave open. They may, if we are not careful, involve us 
 in inconsistencies. At Toulon, for example, we seem to stand for the 
 constitution of 1789, while in Brittany we join in the proclamation 
 of Louis XVIII without any proviso as to limitations upon his 
 power. Other practical difficulties of detail continually crop up. 
 How, for instance, are the irregular forces of invading emigres to 
 be financed ? By assignats issued in the name of the French king .'' 
 They would be too dangerous to the otherwise willing country-people 
 among whom the invaders are to act, and on whom they must depend 
 for most of their supplies. By English gold ? The same objection 
 applies. By genuine republican assignats .-* With every endeavour 
 it is found impossible to purchase a sufficient quantity in the 
 Netherlands or elsewhere. By forged republican assignats? It is 
 the method the emigres themselves prefer, but it is very awkward, 
 and we must take the greatest pains to know nothing of the way in 
 which they actually carry the money we give them : it is of course 
 their affair, and if any ministerial person knows anything it must 
 be only some discreet Mr Nepean, rarely to be betrayed, even in 
 a secret letter\ into mentioning that the amount of assignats to 
 be taken is settled but not yet " what part of them ought to be real." 
 Again, should we land a force of our own on hostile territory, we 
 can always be prepared, in case of failure, to take it off again ; but in 
 this Chouan warfare, if anything goes wrong, it is not merely the 
 force we brought that has to be rescued but the poor folk of all the 
 country-side who joined with them. We can neither provide fc 
 them nor, without remorse, abandon them to their fate. These are 
 samples of the difficulties that attend us in France. In the colonies 
 and on the sea we may seek our indemnities with less risk, and the 
 captures we make are far more likely to remain our permanent 
 possessions. These are almost overwhelming arguments, and the 
 principles to which they lead were in the main approved by the 
 ' 31 Aug. 1794, Add. MS. 37874, f. 56.
 
 XVlll INTRODUCTION 
 
 country and adopted by Pitt in the conduct of the war. Not 
 impossibly they are the only principles upon which the war could 
 have been conducted. The question involves too many might-have- 
 beens to be answered with any confidence, and we are bound to 
 respect the opinions of the pilot who weathered the storm — if indeed 
 he can be said to have weathered it, who died in one of its blackest 
 hours, when less than two-thirds of its course, counting from i 793 
 to 181 5, had been run. At any rate, whether right or wrong, 
 Burke's policy was wholly different. It has been described as a 
 policy founded upon fright, and certainly Burke's alarm at the 
 advance of " French principles " in England was real and was 
 exaggerated, but there is another side to it. His war-policy was not 
 timid but courageous, perhaps impractically venturesome. Captures 
 of islands and descents upon outlying and vulnerable parts of the 
 French dominions might be convenient, but they did not commend 
 themselves to him, because the damage they inflicted upon the enemy 
 could never be vital. No advantage was worth gaining which did 
 not lie directly on the road to Paris. We were not at war with 
 France but with a usurping government. France, as represented 
 actively by the Emigres, passively by the silent masses of the people 
 suffering under Jacobin tyranny, was our friend and ally, to be 
 assisted with our whole force. A plan of campaign was to be 
 adopted which left no thought of retreat. Sympathy with the 
 revolutionaries in England was to be repressed with stern measures 
 if necessary, but in the main to be countered by stirring up a patriotic 
 enthusiasm for the war, and a sympathetic enthusiasm for the royalist 
 cause, which would silence the minority. The possibility or im- 
 possibility of exciting such a feeling at home seems to me the really 
 incalculable element in the problem whether Fo.x or Burke or Pitt 
 was right. The historian, essaying with difficulty, even at this 
 distance of time, to take an impartial view of the controversy, will 
 feel pretty sure that Burke's alarm of danger at home was exaggerated. 
 He will see this most clearly perhaps in those very events which 
 seemed to contemporaries to touch the bottom of national despair. 
 The mutiny of the sailors of our lately victorious fleet appeared 
 at the time to foreshow the loss of our one remaining weapon against
 
 INTRODUCTION XIX 
 
 revolution. To the historian it seems rather that the moderation of 
 the sailors' original demands and their speedy return to discipline, 
 after what seemed to many a weak surrender by the government, 
 were examples of national good sense even in its lowest classes, and 
 of a spirit of self-control that might be trusted never to fall into the 
 excesses of the French, and that they foreshadowed rather the real 
 and final defeat of the French revolutionary danger to England 
 at Trafalgar. But admitting this can we still be sure that English 
 self-control and moderation in reform would have been equally safe 
 had Fox been in power? Rather I think we must say that it was 
 British self-control and national caution and common-sense which 
 precluded the possibility of Fox coming into power until the danger 
 was abated. But as to the scheme in Burke's mind, was the patriotic 
 enthusiasm a possibility ? If Burke had been a second Chatham, in 
 the country as well as in the cabinet a great war-minister, would he 
 have been able to inspire in the people a confidence strong enough 
 to loosen their purse-strings for unprecedented expenditure, to the 
 extent required for effectively supporting by British arms the 
 royalists of La Vendue and Brittany, at the same time that we were 
 providing millions in subsidies for the allies ? It is perhaps an even 
 more difficult question than those others which follow upon it. If he 
 had succeeded in finding the money, was sufficient military capacity 
 forthcoming to make effective use of it .'' Would the ablest dis- 
 positions on our part have availed to counterbalance that factor which 
 in the event appears to have determined the course of history for 
 half a generation to come, I mean the genius of Bonaparte ? If the 
 Bourbons had actually been restored would the second revolution, 
 which was doubtless inevitable, have been in the form of a gradual 
 and peaceable change ? Who shall answer any of these with 
 confidence ? But if we cannot forget that great and unforeseeable 
 factor, neither can we forget the long line of accidents through 
 which the genius of Napoleon came into play, a chain of events so 
 remarkable that had all the possible consequences of his dictatorship 
 been present to the mind of a British statesman, we must neverthe- 
 less suppose that he would have been amply justified in acting upon 
 the belief that the chances of it were too remote to be worth taking
 
 XX INTRODUCTION 
 
 into account. We have to consider that in the earlier stages of the 
 war Napoleon is still in his Corsican period, so bent upon purely 
 Corsican affairs as actually in 1792 to have outstayed his leave and 
 lost his commission in the French army. After being restored to it, 
 and as late as August 1 793, we find him still talking to Lucien about 
 the possibility of abandoning it in order to take service under the 
 British East India Company, as affording better prospects of 
 advancement to a good artillery officer than he looked for in France. 
 At the end of 1 793 his opportunity for obtaining at home the 
 distinction he longed for came, it is true, but are we sure that it was 
 not the inadequate use by Great Britain of the advantage gained at 
 Toulon which gave him the opportunity ? Yet a few weeks later 
 Bonaparte as a Corsican became in name a British subject, and 
 though actually and actively employed in the French army of Italy, 
 he still had a crisis to pass through in which we may well speculate 
 on what his course might have been, had a slight impulse 
 from without been present to determine it, for in July occurred 
 the execution of his principal French patrons, the Robespierres, and 
 the danger of his sharing their fate was considerable. He was, in 
 fact, suspended from his functions and for a time imprisoned. It 
 would of course be possible to carry the chain of possibilities still 
 further. There were narrowly-won victories in the campaign of 
 1796, and hairbreadth escapes in his career at least as late as the 
 return from Egypt in 1798. But in the main we may well feel that 
 England's opportunity was in the first two years of the war. Greater 
 activity in the West might indeed have hampered Bonaparte's 
 victorious campaigns of Italy, but, on the other hand, the pressure 
 might merely have brought down upon the invaders a hand heavier 
 even than that of Hoche. After October 1795 the chances of our 
 hypothetical Chatham Redivivus were probably at an end, the 
 expenditure of the hundreds of millions still to be added to the 
 national debt before 181 5 a necessity, such as no mere variation of 
 British policy which could have been made in Burke's lifetime would 
 have materially altered. 
 
 J. P. GILSON.
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 FROM 1783 TO THE OUTBREAK OF THE 
 FRENCH REVOLUTION. 
 
 The first two letters of the correspondence refer to Windham's brief 
 tenure of the Chief Secretaryship of Ireland. It is not necessary 
 here to enter fully into the history of this episode. In going to 
 Ireland as secretary to Lord Northington Windham had his first 
 introduction into political office, but it was an entry by a blind alley. 
 The cause or the excuse of his speedy return was a severe attack of 
 ill health. In a private letter to Hippisley Windham speaks of it 
 rather as the excuse. It may, however, be doubted whether that lack 
 of self-confidence, and difficulty in steady application, which are such 
 marked characteristics of his earlier period and colour so strongly 
 the Diary, were not, to a greater extent than he knew, due to 
 physical causes. In any case it is certain that he had accepted an 
 uncongenial office^ under pressure from his friends and with great 
 reluctance. 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37843, ff. I, 2.) 
 
 Charles Street, 
 
 Tuesday, May 5, 1783. 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 When I spoke to you of our friend Marlay% w''^ was 
 
 almost at the Instant of your entering into office, though I did throw 
 
 out something concerning his Irish connexions, I dwelt chiefly upon 
 
 ' As to contemporary views of this office what Sir Gilbert Elliot wrote to his wife 
 concerning one of Windham's successors in the Secretaryship in 1787 is to the point: 
 " Fitzherbert's taste is so good and delicate, and his health so bad and delicate, that 
 I think he cannot possibly survive it. That office requires nerves and bad taste, as 
 Windham proved by flying from it." 
 
 ' Richard Marlay, Dean of Ferns, afterwards Bishop of Clonfert, 1787, and of 
 Waterford 1795 — 1802. 
 
 B.-W. C. T
 
 2 BURKE TO WINDHAM 
 
 that which I felt most, and was sure you would feel most, his abilities, 
 his honour and integrity, and the wonderful kindness, sociability and 
 pleasantness of his Nature, w'''^ has won him the Love of all that 
 know him, and that remember him to be invariable in those qualities 
 for a much longer course of years than they ought to have taken 
 to carry him to the highest things in his profession. I spoke then to 
 your Sentiments ; now permit me to say a word to you as a poli- 
 tician. I really think it would be highly advantageous to my Lord 
 Lieutenant to attach Marlay to his person, to make him the Object 
 of his particular protection and as it were the man of his own Choice. 
 You know he is Uncle to Grattan, and you must be sensible how 
 much the success of Lord Northington's administration will depend 
 not only on Grattan's formal assistance but upon his cordial and 
 earnest support, and I am misinformed about him if he is not a man 
 to be much more taken with an attention of this sort, than any 
 compliance with a regular request, w'''^ he is well entitled to make, 
 and w*^'^ when he makes, wld. not be refused ; though the doing it 
 will not be a favour in the same kind and of the same effect with 
 that I propose. M'' Grattan is not only a great Card himself, but 
 the whole fund of L<* Northington's friends in Ireland are so closely 
 united with him, that an Obligation conferred on him will very much 
 affect them all. He is likewise so very well with the Duke of 
 Leinster and Connolly', that though they may have persons nearer 
 to them in politicks (w'=^ by the way I don't know) I do not believe 
 they have any Church man nearer to their Esteem and affections. 
 The Lord Lieutenant's second choice is usually given to an Irish 
 Interest, and I conceive it would be a very well understood thing, 
 if Lord Northington should appear to anticipate the wishes of 
 people of great weight on that side of the Water, by paying them 
 the Compliment of making the Dean of Femes his second Chaplain 
 without any previous sollicitation on their part ; M^ Dixon has 
 the first claim, and the most forcible upon every principle, now 
 Dr Farrant is taken off your hands by the Duke of Pordand. 
 Excuse, my d'" Windham, the Freedom w'^'' your great partiality 
 
 > Thomas ConoUy, Irish M.P. for co. Londonderry, an influential politician and 
 afterwards one of the strongest supporters of the Union.
 
 BURKE TO WINDHAM 3 
 
 has encouraged me to take with you : the Interest of one of the 
 oldest friends I have in the world is certainly one of my Motives 
 in pressing this affair, but a regard to you, and your honour and 
 satisfaction, and the advantage of a Government, in the success of 
 w'^'^ the Duke of Portland, the dearest and most honour'd name to 
 me that exists, is so deeply concern'd is far from being excluded. 
 
 I am ever with the most sincere regard and Esteem, 
 
 My d'" Sir, 
 Your most faithful and obed^ humble Ser* 
 
 Edm. Burke. 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37843, f. 3-) 
 
 June 10, 1783'. 
 
 My dear Wyndham, 
 
 I suppose you by this time gone through all the Cere- 
 monies of your inauguration. When that or any other troublesome 
 Business abates, be so good to yourself, to me, and to my friend, 
 to pass some of your time with Lord Inchiquin^ He is a man of 
 the first Rank, and nearly allied to those of the first Rank in that 
 Country. You will find him a man of the very best political and 
 social principles, honest, candid, sincere, friendly. Let me add that 
 he has for near twenty years been very particularly partial to me. 
 So cultivate him and I shall be obliged to you. 
 
 I believe I mention'd to you young Leland, the son of D'" Leland', 
 an author with whose Works and reputation you are are* acquainted. 
 Pray see and countenance this young Gentleman. It is all that I 
 am desired to do ; and pray let me have the credit of having obey'd 
 
 ' Endorsed, Received 21='. 
 
 ' Murrough O'Bryen, 5th Earl of Inchiquin, afterwards ist Marquis of Thomond. 
 
 ' Dr Thomas Leland, the historian of Ireland. 
 
 « sic.
 
 4 BURKE TO WINDHAM 
 
 his father's Commands in this particular. God bless you and give 
 you a good deliverance. When you have been jumbled a little into 
 the Country, pray let me hear from you. 
 
 Ever my d^ Sir, 
 most sincerely and affectionately y" 
 
 Edm. Burke. 
 
 Pray make my humble duty to my Lord Lieutenant. 
 
 The two Burke letters of 1784 and the three of 1785 are not 
 of much importance, but they illustrate the growth of a political 
 connexion between Windham, now (since April 1784) a member 
 of parliament, and Fox, Burke and the Duke of Pordand. One 
 of them has another interest particularly appropriate to the present 
 time. It refers to Windham's participation in^ one of the earliest 
 balloon ascents made in England, that of ThomaG * Sadler. Burke 
 goes perhaps too far in calling Windham "the first rational being 
 that has ever taken flight," but it would not be too much to say 
 that he was the most self-conscious of the early aeronauts. The 
 original notes in which he described his sensations during the 
 voyage are preserved in Add. MS. 37925. Later in the same 
 year (Aug. — Sept. 1 785) Burke and Windham travelled together 
 in Scotland. 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37843, f. 5-) 
 
 Beaconsfield, 
 
 Thursday, 14 Oct. 1784. 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 The Duke of Portland intends to be here on Sunday. 
 I know how much it will add to his satisfaction if you should find 
 it convenient to meet him here on that day : and I believe you will 
 like your Company. 
 
 I have been in town for a day or two. I dined at Foxes 
 anniversary. The meeting was numerous and they were very
 
 BURKE TO WINDHAM 5 
 
 Steady and in very good humour with one another, with him and 
 with their cause. As to any plan of Conduct in our Leaders there 
 are not the faintest Traces of it, nor does it seem to occurr to them 
 that any such thing is necessary. Accordingly every thing is left 
 to accidents : and I thought Fox had great Faith in the Chapter of 
 that Scripture. He was well and in good spirits. My Brother, he 
 and I dined at S"" Joshua Reynolds'. 
 
 M^^ Burke and Richard salute you affectionately. 
 
 I am, My dear Sir, 
 Your most faithful and obed'' humble Ser'' 
 
 Edm. Burke. 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37843, f. 7-) 
 
 Beconsfield, 
 
 Friday, Oct. 15, 1784. 
 My de.\r Sir, 
 
 I have written to you by the Post to beg y"" Company 
 here on Sunday. The D. of Portland is to be with us. I cannot 
 promise you any body else positively. But he is muUorum instar, 
 in his own intrinsick value and in his regard to you. 
 
 Ever most sincerely yours 
 
 Edm. Burke. 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37843, f. 9-) 
 
 [Endorsed, May -jth, 1785.] 
 My d'= Sir, 
 
 What time will you receive the congratulations of your 
 Terrestial friends on your return to mortality ? O pater anne
 
 6 BURKE TO WINDHAM 
 
 aliquas iterumque ad tarda reverti corpora ? ' the rest does not 
 
 hold exactly in the words. I really long to converse with you on 
 this Voyage, as I think you are the first rational being that has 
 taken flight. 
 
 Adieu Star triumphant and some Pity show 
 On us poor batlers militant below. 
 
 Y^® sincerely 
 
 Edm. Burke. 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37843, f. II.) 
 
 Monday morn. 
 
 [Endorsed, Nov. 2\st, 1785.] 
 
 My d'' Sir, 
 
 My Brother tells me that you still remain in town, and 
 not in the best health. These are things not unnaturally sorted. 
 You have missed the good season of the Duke of Portland, so that 
 we have fewer inducements to lead you hither. However even in 
 Winter the air of this place is not so smoaky as that of London, 
 and M''^ Burke thinks this house not the worst Hospital for con- 
 valescents. Besides the pleasure you will give those who love and 
 value you sincerely will be a sort of medicine to such a constitution 
 
 as yours. 
 
 Ever most faithfully 
 
 Y'-^ &c. 
 
 Edm. Burke. 
 
 I send this by a friend going to town. 
 
 No letters of Burke's to Windham for 1786 or 1787 are pre- 
 served, but casual references in the Diary show that the intercourse 
 
 ' Virgil, Aen. vi. 719, 720: 
 
 O pater anne aliquas ad caelum hinc ire putandum est 
 Sublimes animas, iterumque ad tarda reuerti 
 Corpora ?
 
 WINDHAM TO 
 
 was by no means intermitted, though it did not always run quite 
 smoothly. Sometimes, it appears (25 April 1787), they "talked 
 more than I could have wished about India, though not in any 
 way that was improper." On the 28th of the same month, upon 
 the topic of the Prince of Wales' marriage to Mrs Fitzherbert, 
 Burke "descanted in a strain of superior wisdom," but on 3 May 
 following was "peevish and impatient in the morning because I 
 would not stay when he supposed he had something to say to me." 
 Early in 1788 it was decided that Windham should take part in 
 the impeachment of Hastings, but there was considerable delay 
 before the occasion came. In the autumn he travelled for about 
 twelve weeks in France and Switzerland. The following letter to 
 an unidentified correspondent seems worth inserting in reference to 
 the important events which occurred soon after his return. 
 
 Windham to . 
 
 (Add. MS. 37873, f. 159.) 
 
 Hill Str., 
 
 Nov. 26, 1788. 
 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 I wish it had occurred to me sooner, that from motives 
 at least of general anxiety, if not from any concerns of business 
 capable of being affected by such causes, you might have been glad 
 to receive the best accounts that were to be had of the King's 
 situation. It has been the fashion hitherto, and till lately was not 
 an improper one, to speak of his Majesty's disorder in such obscure 
 terms, as left the nature of it quite uncertain ; or if it was mentioned 
 more particularly, to describe it as a fever. It were much to be 
 wished that fever had more to do with it ; but the fact has long 
 been understood to be, that whatever fever his Majesty has had, 
 has been only symptomatick, and not at all the cause of his dis- 
 order, which is pure and original insanity. The symptoms of this 
 have been increasing by slow degrees, and for a considerable period. 
 There is reason to think that before his journey to Cheltenham some 
 of these had appeared and been noted ; and there is no doubt that.
 
 8 WINDHAM TO 
 
 immediately after, the appearances were so strong at his lev^e, that 
 the foreign ministers all remarked them, and thought them of such 
 consequence as instantly to write an account of them to their 
 courts. The immediate occasion of the Physicians being called in, 
 and means being taken to prevent his Majesty from being seen any 
 more in publick, is said to have happened during an airing he was 
 taking in a Phaeton with the Princess Royal. — If there were any 
 hopes of the King's recovery from this state, so speedily as to render 
 the substitution of any other government unnecessary, his situation 
 could not be concealed with too much care ; but the moment that 
 ceases to be the case, too much care cannot be taken to make it 
 known publickly and authentically. The greatest aggravation, which 
 such a calamity could receive, — and a calamity certainly it is so far 
 as relates to the feelings of every one who hears it, — would be, 
 that it sh'' be subject to any doubt and suspicion. If the King of a 
 country is completely out of his mind, whatever sorrow may be felt 
 for the moment, the extent of the evil is, however, known : It is, 
 for the time it lasts, just as if the King were dead. The same 
 persons must upon all principles of reason, and all views of the 
 Constitution, carry on the Government, as if the King were actually 
 dead. Should he again be restored completely to his senses, the 
 case is then equally clear: He must be restored completely to his 
 government. Whatever other opinions are broached or thrown out 
 in conversation by persons on either side, that seems to me to be 
 the plain sense of the matter, as one may possibly have to declare 
 or act upon at least before many days. — The only case of danger 
 and distress is where the sanity or insanity of a Monarch should be 
 not clearly ascertained, or not generally known. To guard against 
 that in the instance now before us, I think accounts should have 
 been given less ambiguous, less sophisticated, and less false, than 
 have been industriously propagated for some time past : and what- 
 ever motives of delicacy and prudence might have prevailed at 
 first, as undoubtedly there were many, the case seems now to be 
 so decided, the actual insanity to be. so complete, and the hopes of 
 it ever ceasing so small, that any attempt further to disguise it will 
 lye open to very uncreditable suspicions.
 
 WINDHAM TO 
 
 I have troubled you with these particulars, thinking that you and 
 M'' Hatfield might be anxious at least to know upon this subject, 
 what is to be had on good authority, and am 
 
 Dear Sir, your very obedient 
 
 and faithful humble serv*^ 
 
 W. Windham. 
 
 The " plough " mentioned in Burke's next letter is presumed to 
 be some part of the Warren Hastings affair. 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37843. f- 1 3-) 
 
 Christmas Day, 1788. 
 
 My dear Sir 
 
 I am not very much pleased, as you may believe, with 
 losing yours and Foxes company. It was some loss to you, I am 
 persuaded, as you love to gratifye your friends ; and as I was 
 resolved to keep completely aloof from all politicks of any sort, 
 to give some sort of truce to your Minds. Alas! I may not see 
 
 either of you tomorrow. This cursed but much spittle must 
 
 be swallowed, tho' it create Bile elsewhere. I will not say the 
 whole, but I am sure, the much greater part of the Evil arises 
 from the spirit of intrigue, and of a Trust in the fidelity of Perfidy 
 and fraud. Well ! Well ! Well ! 
 
 However, on comparing every thing, I think we may reckon 
 on seeing you. We had prepared our Infirmary for Fox, — every 
 Room thoroughly warmed, and the Hall too, that the Passages 
 might not defeat the good effect of the Rooms. As to him I think, 
 either the same or some other Business of not half the importance 
 of what might be serviceable to his health may detain him. If, 
 unfortunately, things should so turn out, that he cannot come, 
 suppose you bring S"" Gilbert^ with you. I hope he has been hard 
 and fast at finishing his Ideas. I am exceedingly happy, that you 
 
 ^ Elliot, afterwards Earl of Minto. 
 B.-w. c. 2
 
 lO BURKE TO WINDHAM 
 
 have set your hand to this plough — for Httle and triffling as it is, 
 if men not occupied in higher things will decline it, men, even such 
 men as you, must undertake it. But things more fit for you will 
 call you, and you will not decline them. — This news from Norwich 
 gives me very great pleasure. Your remark is certainly right, now 
 is the time to push ; and I am sure if we looked to the publick, 
 instead of individuals, these individuals would be forced to submit to 
 the publick, whom we cannot gain by any efforts of ours. 
 
 Adieu. I take it for granted that you will get this before twelve — 
 your answer you will bring yourself. Adieu. A thousand thanks for 
 what you are doing, and that the highest principles make you submit 
 to low drudgery. 
 
 ever y''^ 
 
 Edm. Burke. 
 
 The long letter which follows has been printed before, nor can 
 it be said that anything in the unpublished Windham correspond- 
 ence throws any important new light on the minds of his political 
 associates during the crisis of the regency question. Luckily, how- 
 ever, the published letters of Sir Gilbert Elliot and other authorities 
 have made the state of affairs sufficiently clear. The " strong 
 expectation of things coming about," or in other words that the 
 Prince, as Regent, would bring in the Whigs, and the consequent 
 attempts at provisional Cabinet making are fully set out in Elliot's 
 private letters to his wifeS and quite recently Mr Sichel's publica- 
 tion, in his Sheridan, of a sort of diary by Georgiana, Duchess of 
 Devonshire, for this period, has added a large amount of detail to 
 our information. The singular fact that at this time Burke was 
 not considered suitable for high office even by those who sincerely 
 believed it "impossible to do too much for him" has been thoroughly 
 discussed by Lord Morley. 
 
 ^ See especially the letter of lo Jan. 1789, Life and Letters of Lord Minto, i. p. 260, 
 quoted by Lord Morley in his Burke (Engl. Men of Letters), p. 138.
 
 burke to windham i i 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 (Burke Corr. in. 88.) 
 
 Beconsfield, 
 
 Jati. 24, 1789. 
 
 I Stayed at Brooks' on Tuesday night in hopes of seeing you, 
 until after twelve. I had a good deal of discourse with Pelham', 
 who gave me leave to flatter myself that you and he might dine with 
 me and pass a night here between this and Monday. We have 
 means of feeding you, though without our cook, but the dairy-maid 
 is not a bad hand at a pinch ; and we have just killed a sheep, 
 which, though large and fat, is, I believe, full six years old, and very 
 fine meat. I have already, I think, received some small benefit to 
 my health by coming into the country; but this view to health, 
 though far from unnecessary to me, was not the chief cause of my 
 present retreat. I began to find that I was grown rather too 
 anxious ; and had begun to discover to myself and to others a 
 solicitude relative to the present state of affairs, which, though their 
 strange condition might well warrant it in others, is certainly less 
 suitable to my time of life, in which all emotions are less allowed ; 
 and to which, most certainly, all human concerns ought in reason to 
 become more indifferent, than to those who have work to do, and a 
 good deal of day, and of inexhausted strength to do it in. I sin- 
 cerely wish to withdraw myself from this scene for good and all ; but, 
 unluckily, the India business binds me in point of honour ; and, whilst 
 I am waiting for that, comes across another of a kind totally different 
 from any that has hitherto been seen in this country, and which has 
 been attended with consequences very different from those which 
 ought to have been expected in this country, or in any country, from 
 such an event. It is true I had been taught by some late proceedings, 
 and by the character of the person principally concerned, to look for 
 something extraordinary. With a strong sense of this, my opinion 
 was that the prince ought to have dotie what has been said it was 
 his right to do ; and which might have been as safely done as was 
 
 ' Hon. Thomas Pelham, afterwards 2nd Earl of Chichester.
 
 12 BURKE TO WINDHAM 
 
 unsafely said. He ought himself to have gone down to the House 
 of Lords, and to them by himself, and to the House of Commons 
 by message, to have desired the advice and assistance of the two 
 Houses. His friends would then have been the proposers, and his 
 enemies the opposers, which would have been a great advantage. 
 The proceedings in council ought also to have originated from him ; 
 whereas we admitted the official ministers as the king's C07ijidential 
 servants, when he had no confidence to give. The plans originated 
 from them. We satisfied ourselves with the place of objectors and 
 opposers, — a weak post always ; and we went out with the spirit — 
 (if it may be so called) of inferiority, and of a mere common oppo- 
 sition, with the Prince of Wales, Regent in designation, and future 
 King, at our head ; he unable to support us, and we unable to 
 support him. Though I went to town strongly impressed with this 
 idea, which I stated to Fox, when I saw him in his bed, and to 
 others, it met so ill a reception from all to whom I mentioned it, and 
 it seemed then a matter of course, that the men who remained in 
 place, (as Pitt and the Chancellor did,) without character or efficiency 
 in law, were under an exclusive obligation to take the lead ; and 
 some were of opinion that they ought to be called upon and stimu- 
 lated to the production of their plans, I was really overborne with 
 this, I may say, almost universal conceit ; so much so, that I gave 
 over pressing my own, and wrote to my brother, then here, that I 
 found it necessary to give it up, and even to change it ; and on this 
 he wrote me a strong remonstrance. Afterwards I was little con- 
 sulted. This error of ours (if such it was) is fundamental, and 
 perhaps the cause of all our subsequent disasters. I don't trouble 
 you with these remarks as complaining of what was done, or as 
 laying too much weight on my first opinions. In truth, things have 
 turned out so contrary to all my rational speculation in several 
 instances, that I dare not be very positive in what appears to me 
 most advisable, nor am I at all disposed very severely to censure 
 the proceedings most adverse to my own ideas. I throw out these 
 things to you, and wish to put you in possession of my thoughts, 
 that, if they meet with a reception in your mind, you may urge them 
 in time and place with a force which for many reasons (perhaps
 
 BURKE TO WINDHAM 1 3 
 
 some of personal fault, or defect, or excess in myself, but most 
 certainly from a sort of habit of having what I suggest go for 
 nothing,) I can no more hope for. I look back to any thing that 
 has been done or omitted, for no other purpose than to guide our 
 proceedings in future. In the first place I observe that though there 
 have been a very few consultations upon particular measures, there 
 have been none at all de summa rerum. It has never been dis- 
 cussed, whether, all things taken together, in our present situation, 
 it would not be the best or least evil course, for the public and 
 the prince, and possibly in the end for the party, that the prince 
 should surrender himself to his enemies and ours. Of one thing 
 I am quite certain, that if the two Houses animated by a number 
 of addresses to the prince and of instructions to the members should 
 be bold enough to reserve all their pretended principles (as in case 
 of such addresses, and instructions they certainly will do) and 
 demand of the prince-regent to keep in these ministers, I believe it 
 will be found very difficult, if not absolutely impossible, to resist such 
 a requisition. It has always hitherto been thought wise, rather to 
 foresee such an extremity, and to act in the foresight, than to submit 
 to it when it happens ; to make peace whilst there is some faint 
 appearance of choice left on the subject, has hitherto been the policy. 
 If that surrender should be thought necessary, then it will be for 
 the consideration of our friends, how to do it in the manner most 
 honourable to themselves, and the best fitted to make an impression 
 on the public ; and this, I think, would best be done in the way of 
 a strong, well-reasoned memorial on the subject, advising the prince, 
 for the sake of the public tranquillity, and to prevent further outrages 
 on the constitution, to yield to the present exigence, thanking him for 
 the justice he was willing to do to the king's subjects, and for his 
 equity in delaying so long to yield to so wicked a proscription as 
 that projected. This, in my poor judgment, ought to be signed 
 by all the lords and commoners amongst us, and possibly by other 
 notables in the country; and then, without a formal secession, to 
 absent ourselves from parliament until favourable circumstances 
 should call us to it. I am far from being certain that this method 
 (this of yielding,) would not be the best, considering who the prince
 
 14' BURKE TO WINDHAM 
 
 is, and who, and of what stuff, we are. But if we choose the other 
 way, which is at all events to fight it out, against a majority in the 
 two Houses and a very great, bold, and active party without doors 
 making, for aught I know, the majority of the Nation, then I am 
 sure we ought to prepare ourselves for such a combat in a different 
 manner, and to act in it with a very different spirit, from any thing 
 which has ever yet appeared amongst us. In the first place we 
 ought to change that tone of calm reasoning which certainly does 
 not belong to great and affecting interests, and which has no effect 
 but to chill and discourage those, upon whose active exertions we 
 must depend much more than on their cold judgment. Our style 
 of argument, so very different from that by which Lord North was 
 run down, has another ill-effect. I know it increases the boldness 
 of some of those who are thus bold, less from the courage of their 
 original temperament than from the air of inferiority, debasement, 
 and dejection, under which we have appeared for some years past. 
 In daring every thing they see they risk nothing. Far from appre- 
 hending any mischief from our future just resentment, they are not 
 troubled with any degree of present disgrace, or even with a hard 
 word, or a reflection on their character, — two or three trifling 
 instances excepted. I suppose a more excellent speech than Fox's 
 last has never been delivered in any House of Parliament ; full of 
 weighty argument, eloquently enforced, and richly, though soberly 
 decorated. But we must all be sensible that it was a speech which 
 might be spoken upon an important difference between the best 
 friends, and where the parties had the very best opinion of each 
 other's general intentions for the public good. AP" Pitt commended, 
 as he had reason to do, the singular moderation of a speech M'" Fox 
 had made before, with an oblique reflection on those who had 
 debated in another manner. If a foreseen coalition with M'' Pitt 
 should make this style of debate advisable for M'" Fox, the word 
 ought to be given to others, who may bring much mischief on them- 
 selves, when such a coalition shall be made, for having spoken of 
 M'' Pitt's conduct as highly corrupt, factious, and criminal ; and in 
 the mean time, they may be considered as hot and intemperate 
 zealots of a party, with the main springs of whose politics they are
 
 BURKE TO WINDHAM 1 5 
 
 not acquainted, so far as to the general style of debate. I will 
 trouble you, on this point, with a word on the use we may make of 
 the degree of strength we possess in both Houses : — We are a 
 minority; but then we are a very large minority; and I never knew 
 an instance in which such numbers did not keep a majority in con- 
 siderable awe. This was the case in a parliament of recognized 
 authority. But in the present case it is universally admitted that 
 the acts of the two Houses are not legal, but to be legalized here- 
 after, and that our proceedings are not founded upon any thing but 
 necessity. The submission therefore of the smaller number to the 
 greater is a mere voluntary act, and not an acquiescence in a legal 
 decision. I see no sort of reason to hinder us from protesting on 
 the journals ; or if they prevent us from that, from publishing strong 
 manifestoes signed with our names. Our conduct cannot be more 
 irregular than theirs. If it is objected that this principle might 
 lead us a great deal further, I confess it ; but then, their principle 
 would lead them further too ; and they have, in fact, gone to ten 
 times worse and more serious lengths against the substance and the 
 solid maxims of our government, than we can be suspected of going, 
 who, should we take the steps I suggest, only trespass against form 
 and decorum. But whilst they neither attend to form or to substance, 
 and while we are the slaves of form, it is self evident that we do not 
 engage upon equal terms. I do not dwell upon this point so much 
 for the sake of this measure (which I wish rather we did not think 
 forbidden than that I pressingly recommend) but for another and 
 more serious reason. When I consider the change of M'" Pitt's 
 language, I am convinced that an intention is entertained of 
 addressing the prince to keep him in power. To the last day's 
 debate he constantly spoke of himself as virtually out of place, and 
 of M"" Fox as minister in certain designation. That day he totally 
 changed his note. His friend M"" Rolle had arrived with his address 
 from Devonshire. Are any on our part to advise the prince not to 
 comply with that address ? Or are we to consider ourselves as 
 bound by the faith which M"" Sheridan has held on the part of the 
 prince that he will comply with the requisition of the House of 
 Commons ? To what to attribute the two voluntary declarations
 
 1 6 BURKE TO WINDHAM 
 
 made by Sheridan on that subject, especially the last, I am wholly 
 at a loss. If the prince has authorized him to speak in this manner, 
 all that I have said, or have to say, on this side of the alternative, is 
 vain and useless. We must submit, and there is an end of it. Even 
 without this declaration, the difficulty in opposing such an address, 
 though from an House framed on principles directly contradictory 
 to those addresses, would be very great. I should contend as much 
 as any one, perhaps more, for the constitutional propriety of the 
 king's submitting, in every part of his executive government to the 
 advice of parliament. But this, like every other principle, can bear 
 a practical superstructure of only a certain weight. If the two 
 Houses, without any sort of reason, merely from faction and caprice, 
 should attempt to arrogate to themselves, under the name of advice, 
 the whole power and authority of the crown, the monarchy would be 
 an useless incumbrance on the country, if it were not able to make a 
 stand against such attempts. If, then, such a stand is to be made, 
 my opinion is, first, that the way ought to be prepared for it by 
 a previous strong remonstrance to the House of Commons from 
 Westminster against their whole proceedings. I am told we may 
 depend upon Westminster. If we may, then I think it, from its 
 vicinity and the habitation in it of so many people from all parts of 
 the kingdom (which make it a sort of general representative of the 
 whole), of more importance than any other whatsoever, if properly 
 used, and if the means are taken, which were taken on the accession 
 of the present royal family, by the Duke of Newcastle and others, to 
 keep up and direct a spirit capable of seconding their petitions and 
 addresses. I am not in general very fond of these things ; but on 
 occasions they must be used, and I hope they are not among the artes 
 perditae. They have the monied interest ; let us use the interest of 
 those whose property is their freedom. Other places will probably 
 follow ; but so far as I can discern no attempt has yet been made to 
 do more than merely to prevent the corporations, or people, from 
 appearing against us, Bristol excepted, where my brother and his 
 friends in the corporation attempted more but did not succeed. I 
 should recommend that the same should be attempted where it might 
 be more likely to succeed; but what I contend for in all these
 
 BURKE TO WINDHAM 1 7 
 
 attempts is, that we should not at all hold ourselves on the defensive ; 
 a part which in such affairs as these has never failed to bring ruin 
 on those who have chosen to occupy it. The people, to be animated, 
 must seem to have some motive to action ; and accusation has more 
 to engage their attention than apology, which always implies at least 
 a possibility of guilt; — it is something abject at best. In order to 
 prevent where we can do no better, or to act where we can act, I am 
 clear that none but a corps of observation ought to attend parliament. 
 We ought to give over all thoughts of division ; and the members 
 who have any interest ought to be sent down to their several 
 districts. It was the present king and the present ministers who 
 have made, and who continue, this parliament out of doors. It is 
 now fixed, and it is for us to take our advantage of the actual state 
 of the country, which is to the best of their power employed against 
 us ; at least until we shall be furnished with the means of establish- 
 ing the constitutional bodies of the kingdom in the degree of sober 
 independence, and decent respect, which they ought to enjoy. 
 Whilst these and other obvious measures are going on abroad, the 
 great security for their success, or the great remedy for their failure, 
 is in the conduct of the prince himself. On that more depends than 
 on all the rest. All his actions, and all his declarations, ought to be 
 regular, and the consequences of a plan ; and if he refuses to comply 
 with the addresses, he ought, once for all, to give them an answer, 
 which should be as much reasoned as his situation will admit, and 
 which will serve for a manifesto. All his written proceedings must 
 be so many manifestoes ; for he will not be in government by being 
 appointed regent, but only in a situation to contend for it. Dead, 
 cold, formal pieces, containing no sentiment to interest the feelings, 
 and no animated argument to go to the understanding, may serve 
 well enough when power is secure and able to stand on its own 
 foundations ; but in this precarious show of government, a party 
 must be made, and it must be made as parties are formed in other 
 cases. There is not one rule, principle or maxim of a settled 
 government that would be useful to us, — that of general good con- 
 duct excepted. That which I should chiefly rely upon, in all these 
 manifestoes, is a sentiment of dignity and independence, and an 
 
 B.-W. c. X
 
 1 3 BURKE TO WINDHAM 
 
 indifference to the object unless it can be held on those terms. If 
 this, indeed, be not supported by a degree of courage, either natural 
 or infused, and a real resolution rather to forfeit every thing than 
 his own honour, and the safety of those embarked with him in the 
 same bottom, to be sure, such a style of speaking would be unsuitable 
 and mischievous ; but if the conduct and declarations are of a piece, 
 I think they can hardly fail of success in the end ; — I say in the 
 end, for we deceive ourselves woefully if we are not at the very 
 opening of a dreadful struggle. All these and every thing else 
 however depend upon that ; which if nobody has spirit and integrity 
 enough to inculcate into the prince, he is, and we are, ruined. He 
 must marry into one of the sovereign houses of Europe. Till then 
 he will be liable to every suspicion, and to daily insult. He will 
 not be considered as one of the corps of princes, nor aggregated to 
 that body, which people here, more even than in other countries, 
 are made to look at with respect. There must be a queen for the 
 women, or a person to represent one, else this queen will have them 
 all. I say this independently of the suggestion concerning M""s Fitz- 
 herbert, which I know to have great weight, and much the greatest 
 in the extremities of the kingdom. No king in Europe, who is not 
 married, or has not been so : no prince appears settled, unless he 
 puts himself into the situation of the father of a family. 
 
 I began this with a notion that I could bring all I had to say 
 into a few short heads ; but I have been drawn into a length that I 
 did not expect. One thing or other has taken me off; so that I 
 must deliver myself the letter which I thought was to bring you 
 hither. Perhaps what I have thrown down is of litde moment ; at 
 any rate it is in safe hands, — it is in the hands of one who will 
 pardon and will conceal my weakness. Adieu. 
 
 And believe me ever sincerely and 
 affectionately yours 
 
 Edm. Burke.
 
 Windham's diary 19 
 
 Of Windham's two speeches on this business of the Regency- 
 Bill, the second, as we learn from the Diary (10 Feb.), was made in 
 response to a direct request from Burke, but in the month following 
 (12 March) their friendship was endangered by Burke's intemperate 
 vehemence on a private matter, a discussion on the affair of Baretti's 
 trial. " I must endeavour," Windham notes, "to obliterate from my 
 mind the impression which passion so unreasonable and manners 
 so rude would be apt to leave." Later in the same year, 1789, 
 Windham was again travelling in France, 12 Aug. to 9 Sept., but 
 the Diary does not tell us much to satisfy the natural curiosity 
 expressed by Burke in the first letter of the next chapter. The 
 travellers had been warned of some danger, but do not seem to have 
 actually experienced anything worse than a slight difficulty about 
 passports. 
 
 3—2
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 from the outbreak of the revolution to the 
 declaration of war. 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37843, f. 1 5-) 
 
 Beconsfield, 
 
 Sepr. 27, 1789. 
 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 It is very true that I promised myself the satisfaction of 
 seeing you very soon after your return from the Land of Liberty. I 
 am sure I was very glad of your safe return from it : for though I 
 had no doubt of your prudence, where no duty called you to the 
 utterance of dangerous truths, yet I could not feel perfectly at my 
 ease for the situation of any friend, in a Country where the people, 
 along with their political servitude, have thrown off the Yoke of Laws 
 and morals. I could certainly wish to talk over the details and 
 circumstances with you. But the main matter consists in the results, 
 and in the general impression made upon you by what you have seen 
 and heard : and this you have been so kind to communicate. 
 That they should settle their constitution, with*^ much struggle, on 
 paper, I can easily believe ; because at present the Interests of 
 the Crown have no party, certainly no armed party, to support 
 them ; But I have great doubts whether any form of Government 
 w*^'^ they can establish will procure obedience ; especially obedi- 
 ence in the article of Taxation. In the destruction of the old 
 Revenue constitution they find no difficulties— but with what to 
 supply them is the Opus. You are undoubtedly better able to judge; 
 but it does not appear to me that the National Assembly have one 
 Jot more power than the King ; whilst they lead or follow the 
 popular voice, in the subversion of all orders, distinctions, privileges, 
 impositions, Tythes and rents, they appear omnipotent, but I very
 
 BURKE TO WINDHAM 21 
 
 much question, whether they are in a condition to exercise any 
 function of decided authority — or even whether they are possessed 
 of any real dehberative capacity, or the exercise of free Judgment in 
 any point whatever : as there is a Mob of their constituents ready to 
 Hang them if they should deviate into moderation, or in the least 
 depart from the spirit of those they represent. What has happened 
 puts all speculation to the blush ; but still I should doubt, whether 
 in the End France is susceptible of the Democracy that is the Spirit, 
 and in a good measure too, the form, of the constitution they have 
 in hand. It is, except the Idea of the Crown being Hereditary, 
 much more truly democratical than that of North America. My son 
 has got a letter from France which paints the miserable and pre- 
 carious situation of all people of property in dreadful colours. Indeed 
 the particular details leave no doubt of it. Pray let me hear from 
 you again, for I fear it will not be in my power to go to you or to 
 our friend Dudley North — and I wish much to know whether the 
 maneuvres of the Enemies of honour and common sense have made 
 any way at Norwich ; for I had much rather you were the Spectator, 
 than the victim of popular madness. Adieu my d'" friend and believe 
 me ever with the most sincere attachment truly y'"^ 
 
 Edm. Burke. 
 
 If we cannot tell much of what was in Windham's mind as to the 
 early stages of the Revolution, by the time of the next letter it was 
 beginning to be known to his circle, and was soon to be known to all 
 the world, what Burke thought of it. 
 
 & 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 (Add MS. 37843, f. 1 9-) 
 
 Oct. 27, 1790. 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 I have seen a letter of yours to S'" Joshua Reynolds, 
 
 which was one of the pleasantest I ever read, except in one short 
 
 sentence, or rather part of a sentence. The pleasant part, you may 
 
 think, was your desire of the publication of my Letter' of which you 
 
 ^ Reflections on the Revolution in France.
 
 22 BURKE TO WINDHAM 
 
 had seen the beginning. But though this was flattering to me on every 
 account, I hope you will think I speak of the general Tenour of your 
 Letter, and not the little which touched my selfish feelings. If you 
 had seen the middle and end as well as the beginning of my Book, 
 you would have given me such Lights, as might [make] you perhaps 
 the less repent of your wish of my holding up my hand to be tried 
 by my Country. God send me a good deliverance. To you I do 
 not send it to be tried, but to be protected : It goes to an Asylum 
 and not to a Court of Justice ; for I should be sorry, that you were 
 as well qualified to be my Judge by your impartiality, as your are by 
 your penetration and your skill. You dropped a word as if you 
 thought I had not been quite fair in some of my representations. 
 This gave me a good deal of uneasiness. In this View I looked 
 over what I had written with some attention. It is possible enough, 
 that in the infinite variety of matter contained in my general subject 
 I may have made some mistakes, and I wrote sometimes in circum- 
 stances not favourable to accuracy. I wrote from the Memory of 
 what I had read : and was not able always to get the documents 
 from whence I had been supplied, when I wished to verifye my facts 
 with precision. But I hope my errors will be found to be rather 
 mistakes than misrepresentations. I am quite sure that in most of 
 my statements, I have rather shot short of the mark than beyond it. 
 However, where I have erred, I wish to be corrected : and shall' 
 certainly if the Letter (now a Book) which I send you should come 
 to a new Edition, I shall thankfully avail myself of the advice I may 
 receive from you. Accept then this mark of my sincere respect and 
 affection, the last I sincerely hope of the kind, with which I shall 
 ever trouble my friends or the publick. Adieu and believe all here 
 your' very sincerely yours and that I am with the most perfect 
 
 attachment, 
 
 My d'- Sir, 
 
 y'' most faithful and obed* humble ser*^ 
 
 Edm. Burke. 
 
 I send the Book to your house in Hill Street. 
 
 ' sic.
 
 WINDHAM S DIARY 23 
 
 An extract from the Diary (p. 2 1 2) gives Windham's opinion on 
 the completed tract. 
 
 "On Thursday I conceive it was, that a material incident hap- 
 pened — the arrival of M"" Burke's pamphlet. Never was there, I 
 suppose, a work so valuable in its kind, or that displayed powers 
 of so extraordinary a nature. It is a work that may seem capable 
 of overturning the National Assembly, and turning the stream of 
 opinion throughout Europe. One would think that the author of 
 such a work would be called to the government of his country by 
 the combined voice of every man in it. What shall be said of the 
 state of things when it is remembered that the writer is a man / 
 
 decried, persecuted and proscribed ; not being much valued even 
 by his own party, and by half the nation considered as little better 
 than an ingenious madman ! " 
 
 How far-reaching were the actual effects of the pamphlet on the 
 public opinion, not only of this country but of all Europe, has been 
 so eloquently set forth by Lord Morley, that it would be useless to 
 dwell upon it here'. 
 
 Notwithstanding the admiration above expressed for Burke's 
 political principles as exhibited in the Reflections the time was not 
 yet come for Windham to adopt them so unreservedly as to separate 
 himself from Fox, and that a parting between Burke and Fox was 
 imminent became soon alarmingly evident. The increasing vehe- 
 mence of Burke's language in the Letter to a Member of the National 
 Assembly (Jan. 1791) and Fox's open disapproval of both tracts 
 made the danger clear to all, but they were still ostensibly in unison 
 on 29 March, when Windham rose to answer Pitt on the armament 
 aofainst Russia and was " well satisfied that Burke's rising at the 
 
 ' Among the tributes of admiration which it evoked at home was an address from 
 graduates of Oxford University conveyed to him through Windham. The answer to 
 this, dated 21 Dec. 1790, is in form a letter to Windham, but it is naturally in a 
 different tone from the private correspondence, and as it has been more than once 
 printed {Corr. ni. p. 180, and Prior's Life, 1826, 11. p. 108) it does not seem necessary 
 to reproduce it here. In point of fact the value of the compliment from the University 
 was spoilt, to Burke's mind, by the failure of an attempt made at this time to procure 
 for him the offer of an honorary degree. So much so, that when, in 1792, the degree 
 was eventually offered, Burke refused to accept it.
 
 24 WINDHAlVl'S DIARY 
 
 same time gave me an opportunity to remain silent." Fox's speech 
 of 15 April' in which he called the new French constitution "the most 
 stupendous and glorious edifice of liberty which had been erected on 
 the foundation of human integrity in any time or country," made it 
 purely a question of time how soon an open rupture would take 
 place'. The state of tension is shown by the Diary for 22 April 
 when Windham " had a good deal of conversation with Sir Gilbert 
 [Elliotl on the discussion intended to be introduced by Burke rela- 
 tive to the Canada Bill ; on which subject we agreed so little and 
 Sir Gilbert did in my opinion show so much asperity that we parted, 
 I am afraid, not quite in charity with each other. Burke was there, 
 but I was glad to avail myself of the conversation in which I had 
 been engaged in the corner of the room, so as to go away without 
 speaking to him." On 6 May the well-known scene in the House 
 of Commons between Burke and Fox took place, and Windham's 
 entry, " Fatal day of rupture with Burke," indicates on which side 
 he felt himself to be. On the 15th he found it necessary to decline 
 an invitation from Lord Petre until he learnt that Burke would not 
 be there. Next day however he expresses his satisfaction at 
 receiving in the House "some overtures of reconciliation from 
 Burke," but in the following letter to Gurney there is evidence 
 both of the persistence of a partial estrangement between them for 
 the next twelve months, and of the earliest stages of a fresh under- 
 standing based upon their joint resistance to what they thought 
 inopportune proposals for parliamentary reform. 
 
 1 Speeches (181 5) iv. p. 195. 
 
 '^ It only failed to follow immediately because the House insisted on a division 
 taking place at once. It is curious that Windham says nothing of this incident in his 
 Diary for 15 April. He had spoken earlier in the debate, and perhaps he left the 
 House before it was concluded.
 
 windham to gurney 2$ 
 
 Windham to John Gurney. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37873, f. 172.) 
 
 Hill Str., 
 
 May 2"^, 1792. 
 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 My mind is so full of the measures which made the 
 subject of our debate on Monday' — that I can hardly forbear writing 
 or speaking to any friend, who[m] I think likely to have ideas at all 
 similar to my own upon the subject; though my declaration upon the 
 occasion was not exactly what some of the people since have put in 
 my mouth : that whenever or in whatever shape a motion for Parlia- 
 mentary Reform was brought forward, I would oppose it (such a 
 declaration exceeding even my objections to Parliamentary Reform, 
 and being such as no man hardly would make). Yet nothing can be 
 more decided than my hostility to the measures now pursuing, nor 
 than my determination to oppose them to the utmost extremity. 
 
 You will not be surprised at this declaration, when I tell 
 you, as I did to the House — though they have omitted, I see, in the 
 papers that part of what I said — that in my opinion this is little short 
 of the commencement of Civil Troubles. I can consider it as nothing 
 but the first big drops of that storm, which having already deluged 
 France is driving fast to this Country. I have in general been far 
 from adverse to the principles and course of the French Revolu- 
 tion. So much otherwise indeed, that from the beginning almost 
 M^ Burke and I have never exchanged a word on the subject. But 
 when an attempt is made to bring the same principles home to us, 
 principles in a great measure extravagant and false, and which at 
 best have no practical application here, I shall ever prove myself as 
 violent an opposer of them as M'" Burke or any one can be. 
 
 It is as the commencement of changes similar to those that have 
 taken place in France, that I view the measures now declared ; 
 though far from being so considered or intended on the part of the 
 authors of them, or of the greater number possibly of those by whom 
 they may be supported. I think, however, that this is the conclusion 
 
 ' Charles Grey's notice of motion for reform, made in accordance with a resolution 
 of the Association of Friends of the People, 26 April 1792. 
 
 B.-w. c. 4
 
 26 WINDHAM TO GURNEY 
 
 to which they are directly and rapidly tending ; and which can only 
 be prevented by a timely alarm spread among all people who may 
 think the happiness which this country has hitherto enjoyed too 
 valuable to be risked on experiments, hitherto unconfirmed by any- 
 thing like an adequate trial, nor recommended even by any theory 
 (if theory on such subjects were worth a farthing) that has been 
 known in the world till within these half-dozen years. 
 
 M'' Grey and some other Gentlemen, men very respectable both 
 for their talents and characters and with whom I am most closely 
 connected, seeing this danger, and feeling about it as I do myself, 
 are of opinion, or rather were (for I am not sure whether already 
 some of them do not begin to be alarmed), that the only way to avert 
 this danger was to anticipate its arrival, and by timely concession, 
 and changes temperately and judiciously made, to quiet the minds 
 of people, and defeat the projects of those who may wish for changes 
 of a different character. Undoubtedly this is a Policy very easily 
 understood, and that may in various cases be the best to be 
 pursued. It would have been happy had this been followed in the 
 case of America ; it would have been wise to have done the same 
 thing in the case of Ireland ; it is to be wished that the same course 
 were pursued with respect to the Catholicks of Ireland at this 
 moment. But this Policy, though often good, is, like every other 
 prudential measure, very often not so, and the question is whether 
 it is so or not in the present instance. I am setting aside for the 
 present all consideration of the measures themselves which they 
 propose, viz. : the enlarging the representation, and shortening the 
 duration of Parliament, — the former of which may possibly in a very 
 moderate degree be desirable rather than not, and the latter of which 
 I conceive to be clearly hurtful ; I am considering them merely with 
 a view to the effect which they propose by them, of defeating the 
 schemes of those who mean nothing short of a complete overthrow 
 of the present constitution. Now for this purpose I am persuaded 
 they will produce an effect directly the reverse of that which their 
 authors intend ; and this opinion I ground upon the consideration, 
 that their reform, should they ever introduce it, would only be one 
 of many thousands which others have proposed, who of consequence
 
 WINDHAM TO GURNEY 27 
 
 will be as little satisfied with M"" Grey's Reform or Constitution, as 
 He or they may now be with the present one. You cannot with one 
 measure satisfy all schemes. Your measures can be but one ; your 
 schemes are infinite, many of them the most discordant and opposite. 
 Does He suppose for instance, that by any plan which He will 
 recommend He will satisfy those who say that every Government is 
 an usurpation upon the rights of man, in which every Individual has 
 not a vote ? Does He suppose, that He can ever form a House of 
 Commons, from which influence, much of it undue, will be excluded, 
 or on which such influence, whether existing or not, may not always 
 be charged ? When the principle of change, such as that now 
 adopted, is once established, of change not founded on a comparison 
 ot a specifick grievance with a specifick remedy, but proceeding on a 
 general speculation of benefit to arise from this or that mode of 
 constituting a Parliament, what is there that is to put a stop to it, till 
 we run the full career of all that the speculators of the present day 
 may wish to drive us to ? We must not shut our eyes to the fact, 
 that there is at this time a spirit very generally diffused, as it has 
 been very wickedly excited, of changing the present constitution of 
 things without any distinct view of what is to be substituted in its 
 room. The promoters of this spirit call the means which they apply 
 an appeal to reason. But to whose reason do they appeal .'' To 
 the reason of those who they know can be no judges of the question. 
 To the reason of the very lower orders of the Community, whom it 
 is easy to make discontented, as their situation must ever render 
 them too apt to be, but whom no man, not meaning to betray them, 
 would ever erect into judges of the first moral principles of govern- 
 ments, or of the advantages or disadvantages of great political 
 measures. It will be well worth the while of people not indifferent to 
 their own interests, whatever experiments they may wish [to] make 
 with those of other people, to consider, whether this Practice of 
 teaching all the world to submit to nothing, but what their reason 
 can satisfy them of the truth of, may not proceed in time to lengths 
 which they will not much like ; and whether they do not conceive, 
 that upon this doctrine of natural rights arguments might be brought, 
 such at least as an audience of labouring men may think satisfactory, 
 
 4—2
 
 28 WINDHAM TO GURNEY 
 
 why there should be an equality of property as well as an equality of 
 voting. Hints of this sort have already been thrown out, I think 
 in M"" Payne's pamphlet^ I am sure it would not be difficult to 
 improve them in a way to make them circulate among the lower 
 people, as rapidly as arguments about the Principles of Government 
 are said now to do among the workmen at Sheffield. They have 
 already abolished in France all titles and distinctions, a species of 
 property surely as innocent as any that can be conceived, and which 
 on being given to one man does not seem to take anything from 
 another. They have abolished likewise in great measure the right 
 of persons to dispose of their property by will. What are all the 
 laws of property but the mere creatures of arbitrary appointment ? 
 and who shall be able to derive any one of them by a regular deduc- 
 tion from natural rights, so at least as not to admit endless disputes 
 about the authenticity of the pedigree ? Suppose some one should 
 take it into their head to write a work addressed to the labouring 
 people, exposing to them the iniquity of that system which condemns 
 half the world to labour for the other, and pleading for such a parti- 
 tion of goods as may give to every one a competence, and leave to 
 none a superfluity : I am certainly not meaning to say that such 
 arguments would be good ones ; I am not meaning to say that they 
 might not be easily answered, but I should be sorry to undertake 
 to answer them in an auditory such as composes the majority of 
 every parish in England. For some time the habitual respect, 
 which the laws have taught for property, would perhaps prevail ; but 
 when you have once well taught men to consider the power from 
 which such laws proceed, as all usurpation ; how much longer will 
 the respect remain for regulations, unfavourable to their interests, 
 which that power has ordained ? How long will men acquiesce in 
 laws, which condemn them to poverty, when they are to be maintained 
 on no other ground than such agreement as they can discern in 
 them with natural rights ? Why publications of this sort should not 
 be put forth I don't see. You cannot punish them on any principles, 
 which permit the publication of many works now circulating ; and 
 you cannot dispute the competency of the common people to judge 
 ' Thomas Paine's The Rights of Man, published in 1791 and 1792.
 
 WINDHAM TO GURNEY 29 
 
 of the question of property, when you allow them to be judges of 
 what are certainly not less difficult, the first principles of Govern- 
 ment. 
 
 But I will not tire you nor myself by going on with this subject, 
 on which one might write volumes without stating all the wildness 
 and danger of the principles now abroad. My own serious opinion 
 is that unless men of all descriptions unite to say that they will not, 
 on mere general hopes of improvement, consent to change a state of 
 things which has produced, and is still producing, a degree of happi- 
 ness security and liberty unknown hitherto in the world, we shall, 
 before we are aware of it, be involved in all the horrors of civil 
 confusion. If we are, it will be an example of human folly and mad- 
 ness, such as the world has never yet exhibited. That a nation 
 great and happy as this is, raised to a degree of splendour, that has 
 made us the admiration of the world, enjoying the most perfect liberty 
 united with all the blessings of order, possessing at this moment 
 peculiar advantages from the distracted state of many countries 
 around us, and seeing in no country any one advantage that we do 
 not enjoy ourselves in a superior degree, — that such a nation should 
 at once, upon the mere assurance of certain persons, that they can 
 make us better, put all these blessings to hazard and risk the falling 
 into universal confusion, is a degree of extravagance, which can be 
 called by no name but that of madness. In such madness, as it 
 appears to me, I for one will not be a partaker. I hope that among 
 my friends at Norwich there are many that are in the same senti- 
 ments. Such sentiments are I am sure very much wanted : and 
 there is nowhere that I should so much wish to find them, as among 
 persons with whom I am otherwise so much connected. 
 
 Believe me to be. Dear Sir, 
 
 your very faithful humble servant 
 
 W. Windham.
 
 30 BURKE ON THE OXFORD CHANCELLORSHIP 
 
 In 1792 the Duke of Portland was elected Chancellor of Oxford 
 University. The following is probably part of a circular letter 
 written by Burke to friends on the occasion. 
 
 Burke to . 
 
 (Add. 37843, f- 21.) 
 [Headed, "Extract of a Letter from M'' Burke."] 
 
 , Beconsfield, 
 
 Aug. 7, 1792. 
 
 I had before heard of the nominating the Duke of Portland to 
 succeed Lord Guildford in the Chancellorship of the University. I 
 wish most heartily that my interest in that Learned Body were equal 
 to my Zeal for its Welfare ; and that Zeal would direct every particle 
 of that Interest to the Support of the Duke of Portland. I know his 
 Grace's attachment to the University, to the Church of England and 
 to the cause of Literature, Virtue, and orderly, manly, and well- 
 understood Freedom, on the principles of this antient tried con- 
 stitution, against all innovation whatsoever : and I am thoroughly 
 persuaded that a greater Service to these important Objects, at this 
 critical time, cannot be done than by the Election of the Duke of 
 Portland to this Office. The Man, the time and the Object all speak 
 for it. If I were at all intitled to take that Liberty, I would sollicit 
 you on the occasion — and if I have any friends whose presence at 
 Oxford, on this occasion I may not know, I beg the favour of you, 
 most earnestly, and with my most humble Respects, to inform them 
 of my opinion and wishes with regard to this matter of no small 
 moment I am persuaded both to the Church, and the State. I have 
 the honour to be with the greatest Respect and regard 
 
 My dear Sir, 
 your most faithful and Obed'^ humble Serv* 
 
 Edm. Burke.
 
 portland to windham 3i 
 
 Duke of Portland to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37845. f- S-) 
 
 BULSTRODE, 
 
 Saturday Even. 13 Oct. 1792. 
 My dear Windham, 
 
 I am not without my fears that this Letter may increase 
 the gloom into which the D. of Brunswick's Return' has very 
 naturally thrown you, because you will find no contradiction or any 
 explanation of the Event but what you have already seen in the 
 Papers, which in my apprehension very sufficiently accounts for it, 
 because since it took place I have not received a single line of intel- 
 ligence from any person whatever. I met a person belonging to the 
 Sec'^ of State's Office the beginning of this week, who assured me 
 that every-body now knew as much of France as Ministers did, and 
 probably more, for that Thelusson' received the earliest and best 
 information from thence, and he believed that what came to the 
 Sec''^ of State's Office was the last and the worst. All I have to 
 send you therefore are my hopes, and they are confident and not 
 wholly unfounded, that there is too large a portion of good sense, 
 or self-interest, or indolence, or indecision, or dislike of novelty, or 
 attachment to old Habits, or in short something, that if it is not 
 good sense will be a substitute for it, which will prevent our being 
 overrun by French Principles ; and as for French Arms my dread 
 of them will not disturb me much, for I do not believe that anything 
 could so effectually animate and unite us as an armed attempt from 
 France to force us to accept Anarchy. You see that I am of opinion 
 that we have both vigor and wisdom sufficient to resist such an 
 
 ' The retreat of the allies after Valmy, due to the strateg)- of Dumouriez and 
 Kellermann. 
 
 ^ Peter Thellusson, father of the first Lord Rendlesham. Of French Protestant 
 origin, he came to London from Geneva and acquired there a very considerable fortune 
 in trade. His eccentric will, by which the money was tied up to accumulate for his 
 remote descendants, was regarded as a national danger. It was supposed that before 
 it became available for spending it might amount to 140 millions of pounds, and 
 legislation was carried through to prevent such arrangements in future. In the event 
 however it dwindled to a moderate sum.
 
 32 PORTLAND TO WINDHAM 
 
 attempt and that opinion is founded on the very general diffusion 
 and distribution of property, the perfect security in which it is en- 
 joyed, the great opulence and prosperity of the Country, and the 
 superabundance of employment and wages for the Manufacturers of 
 all descriptions, who are the most and indeed the only turbulent part 
 of our community. The Army, small as it is, I believe to be perfectly 
 safe and to be depended upon, and quite sufficient to support the 
 Civil Power, which with the countenance it will derive from the 
 military is very able, with the assistance of the well disposed part of 
 the Community, to preserve good order and defeat any hostile designs 
 or undertakings against the present Constitution of our Government. 
 I am sure there are Men in this country (and there does not appear 
 to have been one in France), for though it has been the system of the 
 present Reign to annihilate them, in that it has not succeeded, and 
 they still exist — and I trust and believe those will be found enough 
 to save the Country, even from being attempted. I do not know 
 whether you will concur with me on this point, and perhaps it is as well 
 you should not, for too much and too general Confidence might ruin 
 us. Do you therefore continue to despond and to exert yourself, 
 and I will be sanguine and not idle. 
 
 Yours ever 
 
 Portland.
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 FROM THE BEGINNING OF THE WAR TO WINDHAM'S 
 ACCEPTANCE OF OFFICE. 
 
 A USEFUL summary of the political situation at the end of 1792 
 and the beginning of 1 793 is afforded by the following letter from 
 Windham to his old friend John Coxe Hippisley. Hippisley, of 
 whom we shall soon hear more, had left England in the late autumn 
 for Italy, where he had access to influential quarters through his 
 brother-in-law, a Roman nobleman. In the meantime the Convention 
 had, on i Feb., declared war against the rulers of England and 
 Holland, and the British declaration had followed ten days later. 
 The defeat and defection of Dumouriez were only incidents in a 
 series of disasters to the French in the first few months of the war. 
 
 Windham to J. Coxe Hippisley. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37848, f. 55-) 
 
 London, 
 March 28"", 1793- 
 
 My dear Hippisley, 
 
 I have already much to answer for in having delayed so 
 long to write at a time when you must be so impatient for letters, 
 and when you have given yourself such a claim to them from me by 
 the numerous ones which I have received. It is the sense of my 
 obligations in that respect, and the ideas conceived of what I ought 
 to do in return, that has till now repressed my endeavours, and 
 threatens without care to throw me into as bad a state as during the 
 time of your absence in India. Experience of that danger makes 
 me resolve to break my chains by times ; I have accordingly seized 
 my pen this morning, determined to write a page before I pull off 
 my night cap ; and not to go out of the House, till I have got upon 
 
 B.-W. c. 5
 
 34 WINDHAM TO HIPPISLEY 
 
 paper such a quantity as I may venture to send off by next post, 
 should I be unable even to make any additions to it. 
 
 Where shall I begin ? and what order shall I follow ? What 
 shall I consider as most important ? and where shall I consider 
 you as most uninformed, and most desirous therefore of information 
 from me ? The points probably most necessary will be those that 
 you can least learn from publick accounts ; and such will be the 
 general history of our domestick and party politicks, particularly as 
 affecting that class of men about whom you are most interested. 
 
 You know what the state of my mind was respecting the 
 
 situation of Europe, and the progress to be apprehended of those 
 
 changes, which were gaining daily new strength, and which were 
 
 never likely to stop of themselves, till they effected the dissolution 
 
 of all the subsisting governments. The reasons for these fears went 
 
 on increasing, in respect both of the progress of the French arms, 
 
 and of the correspondent opinions in this country, till some time, as 
 
 I recollect, after your departure. They seemed then to be brought 
 
 to a sort of crisis, at which some immediate explosion was to be 
 
 apprehended. I am not sure whether this was before or just after 
 
 your departure, but it was towards the end of November. You 
 
 must consider this as a sort of fixed point, with reference to which 
 
 the history of these times is to be graduated. The despondency of 
 
 those who have been distinguished since as the sect of alarmists 
 
 was then at its lowest ebb. — Among those who happened to be 
 
 at that time in London I was among the most eager for calling 
 
 together whatever force of counsel could be collected, in order to 
 
 consider what should be done. The general opinion was that an 
 
 intimation should be given to Ministry, serving in one view as a 
 
 menace, and in another as an encouragement, that those by whom 
 
 they had been supported, at the time of the Proclamation, would not 
 
 fail them in any measures which they might think it necessary to 
 
 take in the present circumstances ; and that, in the opinion of the 
 
 persons comprehended under that description, measures vigorous and 
 
 decisive, both internal and external, ought to be taken. This was 
 
 accordingly done ; and though the intimation so conveyed was not 
 
 so explicit nor so strong as I could have wished, it is not impos-
 
 WINDHAM TO HIPPISLEY 35 
 
 sible, that on that little circumstance much of the subsequent conduct 
 of Government : much, in consequence, of that of the dispositions 
 and plans of Foreign powers ; and much therefore, in the end, of 
 the fate of Europe, may have turned. I have always been a great 
 tracer of the effect of little things ; and the opinion, that this step, 
 seemingly so inconsiderable, may have led to consequences thus 
 important, is a reflexion of great comfort and satisfaction to me who 
 had some share in it, and who rejoice so much in those consequences. 
 The sentiments of Fox in the mean while remained in a great 
 measure unknown. He had been absent from Town during the 
 greater part of the summer, and little more was known of his 
 Opinion, than what I had collected in a short conversation in my 
 way from Norfolk to London, previous to the retreat of the com- 
 bined Army, and to those events which made so large a part of the 
 present crisis. My own expectations were not very sanguine ; and 
 the result of three or four conversations, to which He seemed to be 
 dragged rather unwillingly, gave me an early impression, that our 
 difference was not of a temporary or superficial sort, but was such as 
 was likely to lead us, without some unexpected turn of things, wider 
 and wider from each other. It was not a difference capable of being 
 reduced to specifick points, and of being confined therefore within 
 precise limits, but a general difference of feeling that pervaded all our 
 sentiments on the present state of the world. This opinion, admitted 
 as you may suppose with great reluctance, and at first with consider- 
 able hesitation, has alass ! been growing stronger and stronger, as 
 the scene has opened ; till now that we have passed the question of 
 war, without being able to find in that an occasion of union, there 
 is nothing as far as the eye can reach, that affords a prospect of our 
 coming together. — The situation in which we stand, and the persons 
 comprized in one or other description, you know probably, partly 
 from the accounts of the debates, and partly from private letters. — It 
 may be more necessary to say something of the situation and senti- 
 ments of the D. of P. — For his sentiments, they have been on all 
 occasions, except on the bill now depending to prevent treasonable 
 Correspondence &c., the same as Sir Gilbert's and mine ; who have 
 never differed yet in any instance. — His opinions and feelings on the 
 
 5—2
 
 36 WINDHAM TO HIPPISLEY 
 
 Affairs of France, his ideas of the State of this Country, his wishes 
 for war, and his intentions of supporting Ministry, till he was talked 
 out of them by other counsellors, were all the same as ours. But his 
 situation is such as no nicety of conduct can make consistent with itself, 
 and as has been the parent of all his difficulties and all his perplexities, 
 and of such loss of personal consequence as it will be difficult 
 Ever to repair. He has conceived that his present difference with 
 Fox could be treated as a difference on a particular point ; and be 
 reconciled with a continuance of party connection. The consequence 
 of which is, that He is acting in party with a man with whom He 
 never agrees, and is joining with him to overturn the power of those 
 by whom his own system is supported. One of the effects of this 
 situation, illustrating the original falseness of the conception, is that 
 He can take no step to aid and cooperate with those with whom he 
 concurs in opinion. To obviate so strange a consequence was the 
 object of that conference, which produced the declaration from Sir 
 Gilbert Elliot', about which you have heard probably a good deal, 
 and which has drawn upon him a great deal of enmity from that side. 
 — It was proposed to the D. to put himself at the head of those 
 whose sentiments he agreed with ; and to allow them still to consider 
 themselves as acting under their original Chief. To this it was 
 thought at first that we had an explicit consent ; but all was afterwards 
 embroiled, and confused, till in point of fact we all find ourselves 
 now acting without a leader, and with no other concert than that 
 which we have been able to make out among ourselves. 
 
 The only meetings therefore of the party, that have taken place 
 on our side, have been at my house". Much against my will I have 
 
 ' On the second reading of the Alien Bill, 28 Dec. 1792. Fox and his associates 
 complained, not unfairly, that the Duke's approbation of the bill should have been 
 made known to them for the first time not by his own mouth but by a speech of Sir 
 Gilbert Elliot in the Hoiise of Commons, see Lord John Russell's Life of Fox, 11. 
 pp. 317 — 318. The authorisation for Elliot's declaration was obtained on 24 Dec. by 
 a deputation from a meeting held at Lord Malmesbury's the previous day, see Life and 
 Letters of Lord Minto, n. p. 92. 
 
 "I.e. after 28 Dec. 1792. The dates of the meetings Windham in his Diary 
 characteristically records that he did not remember, but one seems to have been on 
 9 Feb. Sir Gilbert EUiot, whose opinion of the Duke of Pordand's unsteadiness at 
 this time was expressed with even greater vigour, writing to his wife on 20 Dec. 1792,
 
 WINDHAM TO HIPPISLEY 37 
 
 been obliged to act as a sort of head of a party, much in the same 
 way, as some Colonel or Serjeant may now be doing with the remains 
 of Dumouriez's army. This however can last only for a short time : 
 it may serve to keep us together for a while ; but if the D. cannot 
 be prevailed upon to return to his station, of which I see at present 
 no prospect, and hardly indeed the opportunity, we must dwindle 
 away and be dispersed in various channels till the very name and 
 idea of the party will be lost. The credit and consequence that has 
 been lost by this conduct, first of F. and then of the D. is dreadful 
 to think of. Had F. determined to have taken part with us, at the 
 close of last year ; had he disclaimed the Fr[iends] of the People, and 
 sided with those who had certainly the best claim to be considered 
 as his friends, there is hardly a doubt, that He might at this time, 
 have been minister. Had he even taken part with us at the begin- 
 ning of this sessions there is little doubt, though more than before, 
 that his authority in the country might have been equally or nearly 
 as great. As it is, He has put himself in a situation in which as far 
 as can be foreseen nothing less than a Revolution can ever make him 
 Minister. The D. of P. upon a smaller scale has judged equally 
 wrong, and with consequences equally injurious. By this attempt of 
 continuing to act with F., while they differed on questions such as those 
 now depending. He has disappointed the expectations of his friends 
 and of the publick, and lost much of that reputation for firmness and 
 decision, which is so necessary to the head of a party, and may be 
 so wanted hereafter for the purpose of recovering F. The opinion 
 that the D. had a will and a judgement of his own, and could firmly 
 act up to that judgement, would be the best cure for that distrust, 
 which otherwise may for ever exclude F. from Office. The situation 
 of the D. was, I confess, difficult. To have taken the course which 
 I recommended would undoubtedly have changed what was one party 
 into two, with each its head and members and separate functions ; 
 acting without enmity to each other, but moving in different direc- 
 tions, and forming each its own system. But the course which is 
 
 says that " Windham stands higher at present, both in the House and in the country 
 than any man I remember." After this it seems an anti-climax to add, as he does, 
 that " I think he might have a cabinet office if he liked."
 
 38 WINDHAM TO HIPPISLEY 
 
 now taken leaves no party at all. The only body that lives and 
 acts is an heterogeneous mass, formed hardly in any degree of the 
 materials of the D. of P.'s friends, (though it has derived from them 
 its life and energy) and pursuing habits and instincts altogether its 
 own. It is a little gilded and venemous insect, with great force of 
 wing, which has sprung from the carcase of the old party, which it 
 leaves to moulder and grow putrid in the Eyes of the publick. If I 
 were a man of Ambition and activity, and talents for such a situation, 
 now is the time when I might become a great leader, all the world 
 being ready to hail the course I have taken, and which I laboured 
 with most earnest endeavours to make the course also of the D. of 
 P. I have no such dispositions, did I possess even the powers, so 
 that the party seems to be melting away, with no one growing up to 
 replace it, but such as must derive all its strength and sentiment 
 from the misfortunes and mischiefs of the country. 
 
 This is the best picture which I can give you of the state of 
 Internal Politicks as confined to publick men. The evils of this I 
 feel less acutely, from the consideration of the {promising appearance 
 which things seem to assume upon the Continent, where the progress 
 of the mischief is at least stopt, with as good hopes of further reduc- 
 tion of it, as can be entertained in a business of such extent and 
 complexity. — The representation which you made of the state of 
 opinions in the Southern parts of France, combined with other 
 accounts, confirming the same ideas, makes a very considerable part 
 of the hopes which I allow myself to indulge. You will have heard 
 all the accounts which we have as yet got of the complete success of 
 the Austrian arms in Brabant, such as give full assurance for the 
 security of Holland, and leave little or no doubt of the entire 
 evacuation of Flanders. We know as yet for certain (March 27*) 
 only of the victory of the i8*''\ There are accounts seemingly 
 pretty authentick of a continuation of the same successes, amounting 
 to nearly an entire dispersion of the whole of the French Army. 
 
 What we want now is a naval force in the Mediterranean such 
 as might give heart and protection to the sentiment which you 
 describe as existing in that part of France. Similar aid is wanting 
 
 ' Defeat of Dumouriez at Neerwinden, followed by the evacuation of Belgium.
 
 WINDHAM TO HIPPISLEV 39 
 
 towards Brittany, where as you will see by the French papers a very 
 general dissatisfaction prevails. In both these cases indeed there 
 must be a land force to cooperate with that by sea ; and such I 
 conclude in the course of the summer must be found. At all events 
 an English fleet should be, or rather should have been, in the Medi- 
 terranean, to give that succour and protection, which I conceive all 
 the countries upon those shores are looking for at our hands, and 
 which it would be a proud distinction in us to grant. I long to 
 think that Rome, our common mother, should owe her safety, if 
 danger must approach her, to the protecting justice of Great Britain. 
 
 Amidst so much said of our political differences it may be 
 necessary to state in what degree they affect private and individual 
 intercourse. You may imagine that those who lived together chiefly 
 as Politicians do not continue much to do so when their Politicks 
 disagree. The secession likewise from the Whig Club, of which you 
 may have seen an account in the papers, has been a subject of 
 greater complaint than any difference in voting or speaking. But 
 none of these have led in my case to any change of manner in 
 private, nor in my own mind to any change of private regard. I 
 retain all my former opinions and kindness for F., though I see with 
 regret, that his sentiments and wishes, on the changes now going on 
 in the world, are more remote from mine than I had formerly sup- 
 posed. The list of the persons who side with him on these points, 
 you know pretty well by the list of the Division. Those who do 
 not appear there may be presumed in general to be on the other 
 side. Of persons not in Parliam*^, and whose opinions you would 
 feel interested about, I am happy to tell you that Fullarton' approves 
 entirely of what I have done; as He informed me some time since 
 in a letter, for which I must take care that He does not hear of my 
 acknowledgements from you, before He gets them from myself In 
 the same letter, which He wrote from Scotland, He inquires whether 
 I have heard [from]" you. 
 
 It is no small satisfaction to me likewise to find that Pelham 
 
 ' Col. William Fullarton, whose distinguished service in India is not so well 
 remembered as his later quarrel with Major-General Picton in Trinidad. 
 " Paper torn.
 
 40 WINDHAM TO HIPPISLEY 
 
 thinks upon the whole in the same way. If you see him, you will 
 perhaps tell him what I say in this respect, as well as on the other 
 matters in this letter. I intend indeed to write to him. 
 
 Matters of private news, not connected with publick, I don't 
 undertake for ; and there is but little encouragement, when the 
 Principal that I know is of a sort so dreadfully melancholy, as the 
 death of Lady Herbert\ which happened the other day, about three 
 weeks after her lying in, and when, though she had been in danger, 
 hopes were, I believe, entertained of her recovery. An article 
 of a different sort, though not a compensation for the other, is 
 the marriage that is to take place soon, between Lady Charlotte 
 Bentinck, and Charles Greville". It is a love match conceived long 
 since, and in which all parties seem to have acted so well as to make 
 it rather a matter of regret, so far as her fortune must be sacrificed 
 to her happiness, than of blame in any quarter. If any one is to be 
 blamed, it seems to be the Duchess, who placed in the way of a 
 young woman so retired as Lady Charlotte a man having qualities 
 so likely to recommend him to her regard as Charles Greville. The 
 very name might be sufficient to turn the heads of half a boarding 
 school. 
 
 Today I go to the House to debate this Treason bill. To- 
 morrow I mean to set out for the recess to Norfolk. I could not 
 have gone in peace, if I had not thanked you for your letters, includ- 
 ing that which contained the Pope's representation. And begging 
 all kind remembrances and wishes to M''^ H. and your party, 
 
 Farewell, let me hear often, 
 
 W. W.' 
 
 ' Elizabeth, daughter of Topham Beaucleik, married in 1787 George Augustus, 
 Lord Herbert, afterwards nth Earl of Pembroke. 
 
 " The first child of the marriage was Charles Cavendish Fulke Greville, the 
 diarist. Elliot thought the elder Charles Greville " a very disagreeable coxcomb, with 
 very little merit to recommend him excepting his face." 
 
 ^ (Endorsed): — "Having shewed this letter to L'' Minto, he spoke of it to 
 M"^ Windham, who desired to read it and assented to Lord Minto's request to have a 
 copy of it. It remained in M' Windham's possession till his death, and I have 
 since received it from M^^ Windham. J. C. Hippisley. Jan. 20, 1812."
 
 PITT TO WINDHAM 4 1 
 
 From the foregoing letter, taken in conjunction with those in 
 Elliot's Life and the letters of Portland and Spencer which will be 
 given under the latter part of this year and beginning of the next, 
 the relations of the Windhamites among themselves will appear fairly 
 clear. What is not quite so easy to make out is Windham's relation 
 to the ministry. As early as the beginning of March 1793 Burke, 
 Windham and Elliot desired a conference with Pitt on the subject of 
 the war, and had a long interview with Pitt and Dundas which 
 was " more like a cabinet " than any council which Elliot had ever 
 attended \ Actual overtures for incorporation in the ministry, as we 
 gather from the Diary, began in the middle of June, but their precise 
 nature is not set forth at large. The fourteenth of June is noted in 
 the Diary as " the day of my receiving the first note from Pitt, just 
 as I was setting out to Wycombe. It was the next day, Saturday, 
 that I must have gone there." The invitation to this meeting was 
 as follows. 
 
 Pitt to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37844, f. 7-) 
 
 Downing St., 
 Friday, June 14"', 1793. 
 
 M'" Pitt presents his compliments to M'" Windham, and wishes 
 much, if M"^ Windham will give him leave, to have some conversation 
 with him before Monday on the subject of the Motion of which 
 M"" Fox has given Notice for that day. It would also be a great 
 satisfaction to M'" Pitt to have an Opportunity, if it is not disagreeable 
 to M'' Windham, of stating confidentially to him some circumstances 
 arising out of the present state of Politics, and which M'' Pitt rather 
 wishes to communicate Personally to himself than thro' any other 
 Channel. It is hardly necessary to add that if M'" Windham has the 
 Goodness to comply with M'' Pitt's wishes in this respect, any thing 
 which may pass will not transpire any where, without M'' Windham's 
 
 ' Life and Letters of Lord Minto, 11. p. 121. Burke and Elliot also conferred with 
 ministers on the Traitorous Correspondence Bill on 25 March, but Windham, though 
 expected, did not come. On 3 May was founded a political dining-cluh including 
 Lord Malmesbury, Lord Beauchamp, Lord Porchester, Burke, Windham and Elliot. 
 
 B.-w. c. 6
 
 4? PITT TO WINDHAM 
 
 particular Permission. M"" Pitt will be at Leisure any hour either 
 tomorrow or Sunday, at which M'" Windham would find it convenient 
 to call in Downing Street. 
 
 On the 17th Windham "saw Pitt; finished Mudge' ; and made 
 speech (a singularly bad one) on Fox's motion^ Went home and 
 supped with Burke." On 18 June "Lord Spencer, I think, called 
 in the morning and declared against acceptance. Certainly felt it as 
 a great load off my mind. My feel, both before and after, a suffi- 
 cient proof of the state of my mind with respect to a real liking of 
 the object. Lord Spencer went out of town in the evening." On 
 19 June "Interview with Pitt* to give my answer: not wholly 
 satisfied with my own statements, they were at least much inferior 
 to his." From Elliot we learn that the overtures included the offer 
 to Windham of an eventual Secretaryship of State, although "there 
 were great difficulties in changing in the present circumstances, in 
 the midst of a war the correspondence of which was conducted 
 through that office," and to Spencer of the Lord Lieutenancy of 
 Ireland. That the impression gathered by Pitt and Dundas, and 
 regarded by them as "perfectly satisfactory" was that Windham's 
 " mind was made up to think it must come to his accepting office, 
 but that it might be better some time hence," and that Lord 
 Spencer's refusal of Ireland, "on private grounds of family conveni- 
 ence," was also no bar to a future arrangement. To Elliot himself 
 was held out first the government of Madras, which he refused ; 
 then, but less definitely, the office, eventually given to Windham, of 
 Secretary at War, with a seat in the cabinet, and lastly the Irish 
 Secretaryship. His adverse views of the last-named office we have 
 already had occasion to notice. 
 
 In the interval between these negotiations and the date of the 
 following letter, Windham carried out, in the company of Col. Fullar- 
 
 ^ Report on the claim of Thomas Mudge to rewards for improvements in chrono- 
 meters. Possibly Pitt's conversation related in part to this topic. 
 
 For an address in favour of peace with France. Windham and Burke both spoke. 
 
 ^ Th,e note making this appointment is in Add. MS. 37844, but is not worth repro- 
 duction.
 
 SIR G. ELLIOT TO WINDHAM 43 
 
 ton, a project originally conceived by Elliot and himself earlier in 
 the year, of a visit to the army in F"landers. He left England on 
 the tenth of July, was present under a fairly hot fire at some work 
 in the trenches and saw the surrender of Valenciennes, but charac- 
 teristically tormented himself afterwards with regrets because he had, 
 very wisely, refrained from exposing himself to useless danger in 
 accompanying an attack on a covered way. He returned to England 
 on 6 August. 
 
 Whether Pitt had any hand in advising this journey does not 
 appear, but it seems not impossible that the result of it, upon Wind- 
 ham's peculiar type of mind, was to stimulate his inclination towards 
 active participation in the measures taken by Government against 
 the French, and the part which he played as war, official intermediary 
 between the Government and the Emigres served to strengthen this 
 inclination. A stronger stimulus however was probably supplied by 
 the example and precept of Sir Gilbert, who accepted, early in 
 August, a commission from the ministry to go to Dunkirk, in the 
 event of its surrender, to provide for the administration of the 
 occupied territory. When the raising of the siege at the beginning 
 of September caused this scheme to fall through, Elliot's destination, 
 as we shall see, was at once changed to Toulon. 
 
 Sir Gilbert Elliot to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37852, f. 212.) 
 
 MiNTO, 
 
 4"* Au^. 1793. 
 
 My dear Windham, 
 
 I cannot tell you how much I am obliged to you for 
 your letter, nor how much pleasure it has given me. I am extremely 
 glad that you was present at the catastrophe and that your specimen 
 of military life has thus been complete in all its parts. I enjoy as 
 highly as it is possible to enjoy, per alium, all the pleasure and all 
 the sorts of pleasure, which this expedition has given you. I need 
 not tell you that I should have liked to be there, nor that my relish 
 of the thing would have been amazingly heighten'd by a participation 
 in it with you. But there is nothing like envy in my regret for this 
 
 6—2
 
 44 SIR G. ELLIOT TO WINDHAM 
 
 loss ; for on the contrary the enjoyment you have had in it is not 
 only agreeable to me in itself, but is a sort of compensation to me 
 for my own absence. Your way of seeing and enjoying such things, 
 I am willing to flatter myself, is so much akin, to my own, that I feel 
 as if it was gone in the family, though it did not fall to my own 
 share. I am exceedingly gratified indeed by your understanding so 
 justly the sort and degree of interest I take in all that concerns you, 
 not only in your welfare, in your fame, in your interests, but even in 
 your own feelings about yourself I am so highly delighted in the 
 unlimited confidence you are willing to place in me, of which you 
 could offer no proof more perfect than your readiness to have told 
 me faithfully your feelings in the trenches, even if they had been 
 different from what they proved. If they had been of the other sort 
 and you had told me so, I should have given you credit for courage, 
 not less in degree, and of a much higher kind, than that which no 
 man could doubt in you but yourself even without the experiment. 
 For as the mind is superior to matter, so is magnanimity, or the valour 
 of the mind, to that of the nerves. But I am still better pleased 
 to know that you have both. I know that you resolve almost all 
 questions of conduct, small as well as great, into questions oi duty; 
 and if you sometimes hesitate when others see no room for doubt, it 
 is in a great degree because you are more anxious to be right, and 
 the chance of being wrong is more uneasy to you than to almost any 
 man I have ever known. I honour this principle too highly to quarrel 
 even with any little Error in the going of the machine that may be 
 incident to it. My indulgence is indeed the cheaper, as I cannot 
 refuse myself the justice to claim kindred with you here also. But 
 I have thought of a compensation piece, or rather a balance', to 
 steady these little fluctuations, and to render the motion more uniform, 
 which I dedicate to you as a Patron of such improvements, hoping 
 to give no offence to Sir George Shuckborough or the Astro- 
 nomer Royal. The invention has this presumption in its favour, 
 that it is perfectly simple. It is only a certain degree oi hardiness 
 in acting on what appears to be right on Balance. Suppose a scale 
 of Right in which 20 is the highest number. Take then an alterna- 
 ' The metaphors are suggested by Windham's work on the Mudge committee.
 
 SIR G. ELLIOT TO WINDHAM 45 
 
 tive to decide on, of which one side shall stand in the scale at 10 — the 
 other at 9 — I say act on 10 as firmly as if 9 did not exist. You will 
 say the hesitation is occasion'd by the difficulty of observing correctly 
 at what number each side stands ; — not by want of firmness afterwards. 
 I am not sure of this. Hesitation is often occasioned by what you 
 say, and then it is right; but there is also in many cases a subsequent 
 hesitation, and fluctuation, as if the two sides of the question were 
 pulling, not uniformly and constantly one ag*^ the other, so that the 
 strongest should be sure of prevailing, but separately, and alter- 
 nately, so that though the strongest pulls furthest at each pull, yet 
 in the interval of its action, the weaker pulls back again, and great 
 part of the work must be perpetually repeated, and then the question 
 is determined not by who pulls strongest but who pulls last. 
 When I mention'd your anxiety to be right I did not mean to talk 
 of any error, on the contrary it is to this excellent part of your 
 character that a great proportion of the homage which the whole 
 world is paying you ought to be ascribed ; and amongst the rest, it 
 is to this virtuous principle that for one I profess to give the very 
 high esteem which you know I have for you, although I beg you to 
 remember that I claim friendship and affection with you on many 
 other grounds of private endearment and early habits. I mention'd 
 your anxiety on these points, only to say that I enter entirely into it 
 on this occasion ; and am therefore very happy to give you my clear 
 suffrage both for what you have done, and what you have omitted. 
 You was certainly right to visit the Trenches. You would have 
 certainly been most exceedingly culpable for mounting a breach, or 
 otherwise exposing your life to considerable, and, in your case, wholly 
 gratuitous, and impertinent hazard. I f others did so, in my opinion 
 they were wrong ; but no two cases are alike on this question, and 
 taking all circumstances into the account, Publick and private, it 
 would have been more blameable in you than any Englishman, or 
 perhaps any other man alive. — It is now time to talk to you of some- 
 thing else, not less important perhaps than the scene you have left, 
 tho' less splendid and animating. But it is the proper sphere of 
 your action ; and one in which you are not a spectator, but called by 
 God who gave you the means, by the world which wants the use of
 
 46 SIR G. ELLIOT TO WINDHAM 
 
 them, by yourself and friends, towards both of whom you have an 
 account to render, to perform a principal part. I seem to be threat- 
 ening you with the subject at large ; but altho' I wish to do so, and 
 I know I could find no time more favourable than when you are just 
 returned from witnessing great exertions in the same common cause, 
 and must therefore be the more impressed with the duty and desire 
 to be doing yourself, and to take your share in these great concerns 
 of the world, yet I must for want of time confine myself to one part 
 of the subject which does not admit of delay. 
 
 I left London the day before you. On my arrival here I 
 reflected on what had passed between us concerning Lord Spencer 
 and the possibility of his acceptance. This was not known to 
 Ministers, who thought on the contrary the thing over. They 
 might therefore take such steps towards another arrangement, or 
 might fix some much worse choice. Thinking as I do, that Lord 
 Spencer's filling that most important and critical station is of real 
 and urgent consequence to that country, to this country, and con- 
 sidering the sort of danger to be apprehended from thence, to the 
 rest of the world, I judged it absolutely necessary to let Dundas 
 know iki^ possibility of his going to Ireland. I did so by letter, but 
 with every sort of caution which could prevent Lord Spencer from 
 being committed. I desired M'' D. to wait for your return before any 
 step should be taken towards renewing the proposition to Lord 
 Spencer. He promises to do so, in his answer, but presses me to 
 lose no time after your arrival, in getting you to bring the subject 
 forward. If you receive this letter in Town you had much better 
 see Pitt, or Dundas, on the subject immediately. If not you will I 
 am sure feel the importance of the matter sufficiently to use such 
 means as occur to you with L^' S. instantly. The Irish arrangement 
 stands entirely still on this account, and Gov'' is naturally, I believe, 
 impatient to settle it. I rec"^' your letter this morning and have time 
 for no more. I presume you will be in England before this letter 
 reaches London. Ly Malmesbury is here on her way to Kinnaird, 
 Sir David Carnegie's. L^ Elliot sends you her kindest comp* and 
 is happy to hear that your tour has given you so much satisfaction, 
 but she will not repent of my having resisted the same temptation.
 
 SIR G. ELLIOT TO WINDHAM 47 
 
 I hope when you answer this to hear that your health has not sufifer'd, 
 and that you have recovered the extraordinary fatigue you have been 
 exposed to. 
 
 Do not delay the Irish business ; but if you have leisure, pray 
 write your present thoughts and intentions on what relates to your 
 own situation. The enemies of all good, as you so well call them, 
 seem to have hopes from Ireland. Your stout co-operation in 
 England will be wanted, and I confess I look forward with comfort 
 to the prospect of acting in concert with you, tho' on a different 
 stage ; possibly of corresponding directly with you on this great 
 work. 
 
 Believe me ever, My dear Windham, 
 
 Most affectionately yours 
 
 Gilbert Elliot. 
 
 Lord Spencer need not, and I think should not, know of my letter 
 to Dundas. 
 
 Sir Gilbert Elliot to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37852, f. 216.) 
 
 MiNTO, 
 
 13/// Aug* 1793. 
 My dear Windham, 
 
 Not having heard from you I presume you are taking 
 
 steps with Lord Spencer, and that you will not write till you can tell 
 
 me the result. I am so far off that a great delay will be occasion'd 
 
 by making me the medium of your communication with Dundas on 
 
 this subject ; and as I advised you to go directly to him, I have now 
 
 advised him to see or write to you on the subject. I thought it right 
 
 to let you know, however, that I have done so. The more I hear of 
 
 Ireland the more important I think L"^ Spencer's mission, and the 
 
 more anxious I am for his acceptance of it. 
 
 You know, or if not, I tell you in confidence that Lord Malmes- 
 
 bury is extremely desirous of Ireland. I shall speak to you quite 
 
 frankly on the subject. Lord Spencer's character and name is of the
 
 48 SIR G. ELLIOT TO WINDHAM 
 
 sort that is wanted there, and being united with understanding and 
 Talents, I consider him as precisely what the occasion calls for, and 
 cannot help feeling that the country has a strong claim to his services. 
 If it should happen however that they cannot be obtained, and he is 
 put out of the question, not knowing any other person of the same 
 description on whom the choice can fall, I presume it will be made 
 on a different principle, and they will either fix on ■s.ovn^ friend oi -a. 
 negative quality ; or employ some able man of business. The latter 
 would be the better principle, provided character is not too much 
 forgot in the choice. Looking through the Peerage, 1 believe 
 impartially that they will find none so well qualified by ability, official 
 habits, and the great talent of knowing and conciliating men, as 
 Lord Malmesbury. The entire cordiality and confidence between 
 him and me would undoubtedly be another very favourable and 
 useful point, and if there may be supposed any difference between 
 his general views and mine of Publick Principles and dutys, I will 
 venture to say that in the sort of business which belongs to that 
 office, he will be more likely to approach to me, than to draw me 
 after him. In a word, after L*' Spencer I should prefer him, and 
 I am perswaded he is amongst the best, if not the best qualified. I 
 feel however the impossibility of my suggesting either him or any 
 other. I mention all this to you, both for the sake of saying every- 
 thing to you which I think, and also that if you should happen to 
 agree with me and an opportunity should occur in which that opinion 
 might drop from you, it might not be lost. I pledge my Faith and 
 Honour to you in the meanwhile that L'^ Malmesbury shall never 
 know of his name having been mention'd to you unless it should 
 hereafter prove agreeable to you ; so you can feel yourself under no 
 embarrassment of delicacy on this subject. I long to have Valen- 
 ciennes in detail from you ; but that will not be tomorrow. 
 
 Believe me ever, My Dear Windham, 
 Your most affectionate 
 
 Gilbert Elliot. 
 Minto — Hawick by Carlisle.
 
 burke to windham 49 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 (Burke Corr. iv. 132.) 
 
 Beconsfield, 
 
 Aug. 18, 1793. 
 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 It is with no small affliction I find that what I feared as 
 probable is at length become certain, and that, after fluctuating a 
 long time without any system, we have adopted one that, in my 
 opinion, is completely ruinous. I know very well that it may be 
 defended on many plausible topics and principles. All routine, both 
 political and military, is in its favour. It is not, however, the better 
 for that ; because neither the present politics, nor the present war, 
 are war and politics of routine. France is strong at arm's length. 
 She is, I am convinced, weakness itself, if you can get to grapple 
 with her internally. If you keep on the frontier — if you should even 
 gain all the frontier — she may, if you are resolved to give her time, 
 (which is giving her everything,) make another frontier ; it is indeed 
 nearly ready made. 
 
 As to getting Dunkirk, it is getting nothing at all. It is a retro- 
 grade proceeding. But I shall trouble myself no more in a business, 
 in which I can do little or nothing more than give uneasiness to 
 myself and others. Three things are requisite, all subject to great 
 uncertainty, to make this plan produce any of the effects zae wish 
 from it : — First, That this Nation will be satisfied to continue the war 
 for another year, when it is evident no real impression is made on 
 the body of the French system : — Second, That the allies will hold 
 together : — Third, That they all will, a year hence, mean the ruin 
 of the system in France. All these must happen to make this 
 scheme of war answer any other than the end of a defensive ; in the 
 present state of things, with regard to France, the most absurd of 
 all imaginations. If no other is possible we must submit. 
 
 I remember in the last war, at the taking of St Eustatius, the 
 most general illumination in my memory. Now ! It looks as if the 
 ministers were afraid of the people's growing too fond of their 
 measures. This American is an ugly and thorny affair. It was in 
 
 B.-VV. c. 7
 
 50 BURKE TO WINDHAM 
 
 time of war, I was always of opinion, we should feel the loss of the 
 Colonies. 
 
 I am very sorry we cannot see you, — but I do not know whether 
 we are to regret it either. The efforts of the enemy in your counties 
 ought to be resisted. 
 
 Ever most truly and affectionately yours 
 
 Edm. Burke. 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37843, f- 23-) 
 
 BeCONS FIELD, 
 
 Aug. 20, 1793. 
 
 My d" Sir, 
 
 You may easily believe that your letter of yesterday 
 (which I received before I went to bed last night) did not tend to set 
 my mind much at ease, except with regard to the few words you say 
 of Pelham. It is very material that a man of his importance by all 
 titles should be quite right. There is but one point of view in which 
 this strange proceeding with regard to Dunkirk can give one any 
 comfort : That however is not very probable. There is some resem- 
 blance between great absurdity and deep design. To be sure the 
 road from Crevecoeur (to which the D. of York advanced in order to 
 retreat) is within a triffle as near to Paris as to Dunkirk ; and, if 
 Cambray were taken, is as little liable to molestation from any 
 strong places of the Enemy or rather less so. But I shall say some- 
 thing more upon this subject by and by. For a great deal depends 
 on it. 
 
 M""^ Crewe^ is here, and very busy on a Charitable Scheme. I 
 wish her success. She stays here tomorrow. Can you come ? 
 
 My d-- S'", ever afif^^y Y^ 
 
 Edm. Burke. 
 
 ' Frances Anne, wife of John Crewe, afterwards ist Baron Crewe, and the subject 
 of the famous Whig toast, " True Blue and Mrs Crewe."
 
 BURKE TO WINDHAM 5I 
 
 M"^ Burke and I dined at Lord Grenville's yesterday. Pitt dined 
 there on his way to Somersetshire. Not one word of Politicks. 
 They did not open, and I did not press. 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 (Burke Corr. iv. 134.) 
 
 August 23, 1793. 
 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 I am very happy in this advantage, though, with you, I 
 wish it had been less dearly bought. Since this unfortunate object 
 of Dunkirk is chosen, it is of the last importance that we should not 
 add to the disgrace of a bad choice, that of an unfortunate execution. 
 This stroke, I must take it for granted, was necessary for our advanc- 
 ing to Dunkirk. It looks as if neither we, nor the Dutch, were 
 sufficiently apprised of the real force of the enemy. 
 
 What a dreadful affair is this of St Domingo. In horror with 
 regard to the act, and as a cause of indignation against the actors, it 
 exceeds the late massacre of Paris. The systematic plan of exter- 
 mination the Jacobins have pursued in that fine island, and which 
 they intended for every other island, seems to me to form the top 
 of the climax of their wickedness. Their partisans here affect to 
 shudder if twenty men are killed in a skirmish, and yet they are 
 enthusiasts in favour of those who have reduced sedition, assassina- 
 tion, general robbery, general massacre and general combustion, into 
 a sort of regular art and a sort of morality. Every day we live will 
 convince thinking men, that there are evils to which the calamities 
 of war are blessings. Well! we have done very properly in a 
 vigorous opposition to Jacobinism under the plausible disguise of 
 peace. Had it gone on, in my opinion, the burning down of half of 
 London, after the massacre of half its inhabitants, would have been a 
 cheap composition for the whole kingdom. I do not flatter myself, 
 that the English branch of the Jacobin family is a jot better than the 
 French. If it were fifty per cent, better, I should still think it a 
 most abominable thing. We must continue to be vigorous alarmists. 
 M' Coke's conduct shows to what the spirit of faction may carry a 
 
 7—2
 
 52 BURKE TO WINDHAM 
 
 man. But these rich men must not be suffered to be a prey to their 
 own folly and madness. I trust in God, that some will be found 
 who will provide better for their safety than they do themselves. 
 These squirrels are charmed by the rattlesnake, and would jump into 
 his mouth. Save your neighbour. Cape saxa manu, cape robora 
 pastor, etc. etc^. They ask what they are toget by this war } Why! the 
 wretches, they get their existence, — they get the power of playing 
 the fool with impunity by it, — and is that nothing ? 
 
 God bless you, and many thanks. We have got the turtle, and 
 thank M^** Lukin. 
 
 Ever faithfully yours, 
 
 Edm. Burke. 
 
 Windham to Duke of Portland. 
 
 (Add. MS. 3784s. f- I3-) 
 
 Felbrigg, 
 
 Sept. 3rd, 1793. 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 I was more unfortunate than your Grace can conceive in 
 missing the pleasure of seeing you at my return from the Continent. 
 Lord William had told me so confidently, that you would certainly 
 be at Welbeck, that I was careless about inquiring the first day of 
 my arrival ; and the day afterwards, I think, had the mortification of 
 finding that, if I /lad inquired, I should have been in time. 
 
 Among my reasons of regret on this occasion is the missing an 
 opportunity of talking to your Grace on subjects which however 
 little pleasant to me, I am sure, and probably even to your Grace, 
 are not for that reason less necessary to be considered. I fear the 
 return of such questions as that which I mentioned to your Grace at 
 the close of the last Session : which, though laid asleep for the 
 present, will probably be brought up again : and I wish to put myself 
 in as good a state as I can for forming a firm and satisfactory judge- 
 ment upon them. The situation, beyond all comparison, most 
 agreable to me would be that of a mere member of Parliament, 
 
 ' Virgil, Georg. ni. 420.
 
 WINDHAM TO PORTLAND 53 
 
 maintaining from time to time my own opinion in debate, and giving 
 to Ministry, in a cause which I approved, the benefit of a support, 
 which would become of some value from its total exemption from 
 the suspicion of any undue motive. The thought of any closer 
 connection is one from which I shrink with perfect dread ; yet I am 
 far from being convinced that it may not be necessary ; and for that 
 reason am anxious to be provided as much as possible with the 
 opinions and views of those, to whose judgements I am accustomed 
 to look up, and with a view to whose conduct I should wish to 
 regulate my own. 
 
 It is plain that the plan of those who are friendly in different 
 degrees to the French system, is to endeavour to rescue it from 
 final overthrow by rendering the war unpopular here, and thus to 
 destroy the confederacy which at present threatens it and which, 
 when once dissolved, is never likely to be again united. If this plan 
 succeeds, there is an end, in my opinion, to all hopes of maintaining 
 the constitution of this country, or of preserving anything like 
 regular and orderly government in any country in Europe. Should 
 it even fail, I do not conceive it will fail so completely, or the 
 success of the opposite system be so entire, as not to leave Europe 
 exposed for a series of years to the danger which now threatens it, 
 and not to require all the exertions which wise and well-intentioned 
 men can use, to keep down the operation of opposite principles. 
 The differences therefore that now separate people in their political 
 conduct are not only of the most important kind, but likely, as I 
 conceive, to be of very long continuance. To me it seems that the 
 world in my time is not likely to be in [a] state in which, with such 
 opinions as I conceive Fox to have, and with such persons as He 
 will probably be for ever connected with, I could wish to see him 
 Minister of this country. The only choice, therefore, that will be 
 left to me and others who are of that opinion, will be either to remain 
 a third body, or rather a third independent collection of individuals, 
 supporting Ministry but not joining them ; or to incorporate our- 
 selves, at some period, and in some circumstances, with those to 
 whom, as party-men, we have hitherto been opposed. This question, 
 on which there is probably much diversity of opinion, among those
 
 54 WINDHAM TO PORTLAND 
 
 even who admit it to be the only one remaining, and on which much 
 may be said on both sides, might safely perhaps be deferred and left 
 to the decision of future circumstances, if it was not for that part 
 which involves the consideration of Ireland. The situation of Ireland 
 is so important and so critical, that it forms an epoch by itself and 
 may be a reason for anticipating a decision, which otherwise it might 
 be very desirable to keep for some time in suspense. 
 
 The views which open on this occasion, if Ministry are fairly 
 desirous on their part of establishing a government on a firm and 
 Constitutional basis and restoring to the Aristocracy of the country 
 the influence which they have so much contributed to strip it of and 
 if it is thought on the other, that such a union ought to take place, 
 would be of course, that some person of proper consideration should 
 go to Ireland, while a corresponding weight, sufficient to ensure an 
 honourable support, should be placed in the Cabinet here. Persons 
 proper for all those stations are certainly not wanting, nor would an 
 arrangement for their admission seem to be difficult, supposing 
 Ministry to have a real view to the Interests of the country, and not 
 to be seeking merely to break and disunite those, who might in 
 future be opposed to them. The wishes of ministry have hitherto 
 seemed to point only to L^i Spencer ; but if the grounds, on which 
 this wish has been formed, have been good, it would apply not more 
 to him than to others of similar description, could they be induced 
 to take that situation. At all events L'* Spencer would hardly be 
 induced to place himself there, nor could well indeed be advised to 
 do so, without a better assurance of support at home, than there 
 appears at present the means of forming. If Ministers are not 
 sincere or not honest in their views, — an opinion which I should 
 have no particular difficulty in admitting — nothing remains but to 
 continue the course which one is at present pursuing : but if the fact 
 be otherwise, and that they are really desirous, though for purposes 
 of their own, of forming an administration on its true bottom, it is a 
 matter certainly to be well considered, whether such a disposition 
 ought to be frustrated and an opportunity lost which may never 
 again return with equal advantage to the country. 
 
 I am sure I am as impartial upon this subject as a person can
 
 SPENCER TO WINDHAM 
 
 55 
 
 well be, as impartial at least, if I may make a good bull, on one side : 
 for there is really nothing, that I dread so much, as the necessity of 
 taking any part in a measure which I seem to be recommending; 
 though I have brought myself to the state of being ready to do what- 
 ever should be necessary, I am very far from having prepared myself 
 equally in point of inclination. My likings are all the other way, 
 and are yielded only to arguments which I don't know well how to 
 resist. 
 
 If Welbeck were not so distant, or my desire so strong of enjoy- 
 ing for some time a state of perfect retirement, I should like to wait 
 upon your Grace and talk over these matters more fully than can be 
 done by letter. Your Grace, however, may be as well satisfied not 
 to hear of them ; and it may be necessary rather to apologise, for 
 having said so much, than to regret the want of an opportunity of 
 saying more. At all events I will desist here. It would have been 
 pleasant to me to have seen your Grace when I came fresh from 
 seeing Lord William ; and to have told you how much his character 
 appears to advantage, as it is more and more discovered. Though 
 such testimonials you must have had from many other persons, I am 
 happy to add mine to the number. The Duchess I hope is well. 
 Let me beg your Grace to believe me ever 
 
 Your most obedient and faithful Humble servant 
 
 W. Windham. 
 
 Earl Spencer to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37845, f. 112.) 
 
 Oxford, 
 
 Sep. 14, 1793. 
 Dear Windham, 
 
 I met with your Letter of the 1 2^^ here on my way back 
 to Althorp from Hampshire, and having a leisure quarter of an hour 
 before bed time avail myself of it to thank you. I confess I expected 
 pretty much that the Person' whose opinion you speak of in it would 
 
 ' The Duke of Portland ?
 
 56 SPENCER TO WINDHAM 
 
 entertain those sentiments, and perhaps, though I entirely agree 
 with you in not having the least hope of a Reunion with the Quarter 
 alluded to, they are such as I cannot be surprised at or altogether 
 disapprove, considering all circumstances ; for that Person, having 
 always professed so strong a diffidence of those in power, has surely 
 no great reason for wishing a connection with them from anything 
 that has happened very lately, and on the contrary may probably be 
 less inclined to it, from what must at least to him have appeared in 
 the Light of Endeavours to detach from him as many as possible of 
 those of his friends whose sentiments are the most like his own, and 
 who were the persons most likely to have co-operated with him in 
 support of those sentiments. I agree with you in being decidedly 
 of Opinion that I could not go the least out of my way upon a hope of 
 Reunion with the other Gentleman^ whose opinions, if they are really 
 such as his late conduct would lead one to infer, are such as I should 
 be extremely sorry to give any countenance to. The other part of 
 your intelligence may possibly be true, and if it is, will (as it appears 
 to me) circumscribe the Part we have to take within very narrow 
 Limits indeed, as it will put it out of our power to think of any other 
 than an unconnected support of Governm*, while at the same Time 
 the State of affairs will probably call for a support the most decided. 
 Since you wrote, your opinion upon the Dunkirk Expedition will 
 not have been rendered more favourable, though I am in hopes, by 
 the News of today's Papers, that it is not so bad as we had great 
 reason to apprehend ; but if the Plan was a bad one, the Execution 
 of it does not appear to have made amends for the Error, and I am 
 afraid that all those who wish to defend the Continuation of the War, 
 will be a little put to it to give a good Account of the Conduct of 
 it. I have not heard since from the Army, and I conclude that my 
 correspondent either does not like to write unpleasant Accounts, or 
 that he has lately been too much upon Duty to have an opportunity 
 of writing. The Accounts from Toulon- seem to be confirmed in 
 
 • Fox? 
 
 "^ Occupied by Lord Hood, in concert with the Royalists there, 29 Aug. 1793. It 
 was rendered untenable in November by Bonaparte's skilful disposition of his artillery, 
 and was abandoned, after the arsenal and ships had been burnt, on 19 Dec. following.
 
 SPENCER TO WINDHAM 57 
 
 the Papers of today, with so many particulars that I hope we shall 
 find them true, but I don't quite understand what is to be done about 
 it, as I have no idea of L'^ Hood's having land force sufficient to 
 defend the Place, and the Manner in which it seems to have been 
 taken would, I should think, scarce permit of his making the sort of 
 use of the capture that an Englishman could wish, that is to take 
 possession of, or destroy, their ships and naval stores there. I hope 
 however his Lordship will send a more distinct and intelligible 
 account of his Transactions than your friend Sir James Murray^ 
 does, who I really think improves in obscurity and mysteriousness 
 every dispatch he writes. I am very glad you have not yet sent me 
 back C. Fitzroy's Letter, as it will be another opportunity for you to 
 write something with it, and now I have drawn you into a correspond- 
 ence, I shall be very unwilling, I assure you, to lose any occasion of 
 encouraging you to the continuance of it. 
 
 I was in Town for a day last Saturday, and I saw Sir Gilb* Elliott 
 in the Street ; I was in a great Hurry at the Time, or I should have 
 stopt to speak with him ; what can have brought him up from 
 Scotland so soon ?" 
 
 I hear that Pari* is to meet on the 29'''^ of October ; I hope I 
 shall be able to see you before that time, and shall be glad to know 
 whether you are to be at Felbrigge about the 6*^ of that month, 
 because I am not quite sure whether I could not then contrive to call 
 on you for a day. 
 
 Yours very faithfully 
 
 Spencer. 
 
 ' Afterwards Murray-Pulteney, 7th Baronet, Adjutant to the Duke of York in 
 Flanders. 
 
 ' He had come up in connexion with the Dunkirk scheme, but a few days later 
 (17 Sept.) his destination was altered to Toulon. In his letter of the i8th announcing 
 this to Windham he adds the hope that " as the gruel thickens, or to speak without 
 metaphor, as the danger of the world increases, you will come to think action the first 
 duty and responsibility pretty nearly a point of honour." He started on 18 Oct. and 
 landed at Toulon 19 Nov. 
 
 B.-w. c.
 
 58 SPENCER TO WINDHAM 
 
 Earl Spencer to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37845. f- 114.) 
 
 S''^ Albans, 
 
 Sep. 18, 1793. 
 
 Dear Windham, 
 
 I sit down to write to you without having very well 
 considered in my own Mind what I am to write, but having a little 
 leisure cannot avoid communicating the apprehensions I have been 
 forced into from observing the very awkward predicament in which 
 we seem to have got, the difficulties of which appear to increase 
 and grow more complicated every day. I was this morning for a 
 few hours in London, where dissatisfaction and dejection seemed to 
 me very apparent in the face and language of every one I happened 
 to meet with. The late total failure of the Dunkirk scheme has 
 been a great cause of this and the very censureable neglect or 
 mismanagement or perhaps both together so conspicuous in the 
 Admiralty has not a little added to it ; it is currently reported that 
 the Duke of Richmond has justified his own share of the business 
 in a manner unanswerable, by producing the minutest and exactest 
 detail of all the Orders received and executed in his department ; 
 the necessary consequence of his justification appears to be 
 L"^ Chatham's condemnation, and between them they have been the 
 mean of crowning a rash and ill concerted plan with a lame and 
 inefficient Execution. My chief reason for making all these reflec- 
 tions is that I foresee that we shall by and by, when these matters 
 are, as they certainly will be, brought before the publick with all the 
 exaggeration and aggravation that malice and ability can give them, 
 find ourselves in a most distressing position, either obliged to defend 
 what we cannot in conscience think defensible, or if we join in the 
 clamour, which I very much fear will soon become a popular one, 
 give strength to those whose strength will be the Ruin and Subver- 
 sion of everything which we most wish to preserve. It will be too
 
 SPENCER TO WINDHAM 59 
 
 much, I doubt, to expect from M*" Pitt, that he will have publick 
 spirit enough to sacrifice his Brother if he is really to blame, and if 
 he does not sacrifice him, I shall be almost afraid in the present 
 circumstances of his falling himself; but if he does fall, where are 
 we to look to supply his place ? Only to those who would (if they 
 are in truth acting upon principle) plunge us into a System, which 
 would lead, for aught I know, to all the Horrors and Miseries of 
 France : for as to looking for any third Party, of strength and weight 
 enough to make head against the joint Abilities of Pitt and Fox with 
 all their respective supports and appendages, it would, I think, in the 
 present state of the Country, be perfectly chimerical. To set against 
 all the bad part of our Prospect, I see nothing but Toulon, and there 
 is something about that which I am a little at a loss whether to be 
 satisfied with or no ; I have always had a great aversion to engaging 
 in defence of any particular System of French Politicks, and L*^ Hood's 
 declarations are directly and absolutely in favour of the Constitution 
 of 1789, which Constitution, if we are to trust to Burke, whose 
 predictions have been verified by Experience, contained in it the 
 seeds of all the bitter fruit that followed. How do we know that if 
 all France, or at least a great majority of the country, were to declare 
 themselves for that Constitution and it should in consequence be 
 established and sworn to as it was in 1 789, how do we know that it 
 might not tend like the former one to the very same confusion and 
 excesses which the ill-contrived balance of that Constitution gave 
 rise to before ? I own I am as much puzzled to determine in my 
 own Mind whether to be glad or sorry for the Capture of Toulon, 
 circumstanced as it is, as ever I was in my Life ; and I am much 
 tempted to think that perhaps the best event of that undertaking for 
 England would be that they should do something which might 
 justify L"^ Hood in destroying their Fleet and Arsenal there notwith- 
 standing the Treaty. You see, my dear Windham, that I am taking 
 a very great Liberty with you, by actually thinking upon Paper to you, 
 for I am now writing, just as they occur to me, the crude Ideas that 
 suggest themselves upon what I hear and read in the Newspapers. 
 I should be happy if these Ideas of mine might draw from you some 
 better conceived and better digested opinions, and lead you to point
 
 6o SPENCER TO WINDHAM 
 
 out some plan of operation for us in the ensuing parliamentary 
 Campaign, which we might pursue with Credit from the publick, with 
 satisfaction to ourselves and with advantage to the Cause we wish to 
 
 support. 
 
 Yours very sincerely 
 
 Spencer. 
 
 Sir Gilbert Elliot to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37852, f. 220.) 
 
 Spring Gardens, 
 
 2 Ocf. 1793. 
 
 My dear Windham, 
 
 I am still here, and do not expect to set out for Toulon 
 before Thursday the 10'''^ inst. I promised, not to you, but to 
 myself that I should write you a long letter, but have had my 
 thoughts, as well as the whole of my time, forced another way, and 
 now I flatter myself that I may yet have the pleasure of talking over 
 with you, instead of writing, many things that appear to me extremely 
 interesting. In this hope however, you may very well tell me that 
 I perhaps reckon without my host, as it depends wholly on your 
 doing what you may think it very unreasonable to expect, and what 
 at this moment you have possibly no thoughts of — it is nothing less 
 than your coming to Town. I will tell you very fairly, as I must 
 do very shortly, that I really wish you extremely to come, and that 
 the occasion is, I am persuaded, sufficiently grave to incur this 
 sacrifice of your present comfortable leisure for a few days. It has 
 got very much about that you are not only dissatisfied with some 
 things that have passed during this campaign, but that you have 
 expressed so indiscriminately that opinion, as to evince something 
 like an intention of following it up in publick. The greatest possible 
 uneasiness is entertain'd on that account by those, who may indeed 
 have a sufficient personal interest in the question, but who also think
 
 SIR G. ELLIOT TO WINDHAM 6 1 
 
 such a measure certain of producing the most fatal consequences to 
 the common cause. It is the duty of a private as well as a publick 
 friend to offer an opinion, if it is decided, on matters of real moment. 
 Therefore, my dear Windham, excuse me ; consider me as speaking 
 still as one linked in Publick as well as private friendship with you, 
 and not as already enter'd on my diplomatick functions, if I say that 
 I most deliberately and entirely agree with them in thinking that what 
 they apprehend would be fatal to the publick cause and interest. In 
 one opinion you will I am sure agree with me, as soon as it is stated, 
 viz. that not only a Publick and formal opposition in Pari* on these 
 grounds, but that any intimation of a strong opinion from yoii on 
 that subject, is a measure, and cannot be classed as the casual 
 conversation of indifferent men. If it is a measure, it should be 
 taken on deliberation, and as a fair decision of your Judgment. For 
 this reason it is that I wish you to come to Town — to enquire where 
 your information may be authentick, and to deliberate with those 
 with whom you are accustom'd to hold counsel what your conduct 
 should be, or any result of your inquiries — Dundas knows I meant to 
 write this letter, but he does not know what I say to you. I mention 
 this only that I may not seem even to myself to avail myself of your 
 kindness and of our friendship for the purposes of others, without 
 telling you distinctly all circumstances. In truth I feel that this 
 question is not only so very important for the Publick, but so full of 
 delicacy with regard to yourself that I have no hesitation in pressing 
 you to come. — If you do come, I must hojje on a thousand other 
 grounds that it may be before I lose this last opportunity of embrac- 
 ing you, and carrying with me your advice and good wishes. — 
 Believe me ever, 
 
 My dear Windham, Your most affectionate 
 
 Gilbert Elliot.
 
 62 burke to windham 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37852, f. 22 1*'.) 
 [2 Oct. 1793; written at the foot of Elliot's letter.] 
 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 I do most heartily concur with our friend in every Idea 
 he has upon the subject. God knows how much I feel the late 
 disastrous events ; which, bad as they are in some points, are all to 
 be set to rights by Vigour and prudence. Let us endeavour to 
 repair our ruins. Let us give a remedy to our sufferings. Let us 
 correct our Errours — but in the name of the common Cause, let us 
 not give advantage to those, who would turn occasional misfortunes 
 into permanent calamities, and convert the mistakes committed on 
 good principles into but too judicious means of promoting the worst. 
 I most heartily wish to see you ■ 
 
 and am most truly yours 
 
 Edm. Burke. 
 
 Several allusions in Burke's letters in the latter part of this 
 year refer to the recipient of the following letter. Mr (afterwards 
 Sir John) Coxe Hippisley, whom we have already met with in 
 this correspondence as the recipient of Windham's long letter of 
 28 March 1793, is perhaps best known from his having been at a 
 later date the channel of negotiations whereby the last of the Stuarts 
 became the recipient of a pension from George III. His activities 
 in the years 1 793 — 4 are fully described in a voluminous correspond- 
 ence with Windham \ They were partly directed towards obtaining 
 assistance from the papal court for Lord Hood and Sir Gilbert Elliot 
 in dealing with the problems which beset British administrators in 
 the Mediterranean, especially after the fall of Toulon, and partly to 
 a scheme for opening direct communication between the British 
 government and the papacy. 
 
 ' Add. MSS. 37848, 37849.
 
 burke to hippisley 63 
 
 Burke to Hippisley. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37848, f. 297, a copy'.) 
 
 London, 
 
 3 Ocf. 1793. 
 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 I am much obliged to you for your kind remembrance ; 
 and the value of the favour is much inhanced by what otherwise is a 
 matter of sincere concern to me, I mean the ill state of your health 
 when you honoured me with a letter from Rome. 
 
 M'" Windham is at his House at Fellbrigge. He takes at present 
 but little part in public affairs, to which however the publick wish 
 and opinion very loudly call him at this Crisis. The majority of 
 the nation concurs with what I believe to be the desire of Ministry, 
 that he should serve his Country in office as well as in Parliament. 
 
 As to what you have done with regard to the supply of his 
 Majesties Fleet in the Mediterranean, there can be no doubt of its 
 propriety. Tho' I trust we cannot now want a supply of any kind 
 of provisions or stores, circumstances may happen to render the 
 good disposition of the Government of the Country where you reside 
 of great use to the general cause. Nobody can be so very squeamish 
 as to refuse Benefits (nothing else will ever be offered by his Holi- 
 ness) because they come from the Pope. He would be an Admiral, 
 of perhaps wonderfull Theological Talents, but of not quite such 
 splendid Military Qualities, who should scruple the receipt of these 
 Indulgences called Mtmitions de Guerre et de Bouche from a prince- 
 prelate that believes in Purgatory. I should not think a great deal 
 better of a statesman at home, who from a disposition to Polemick 
 Divinity, was so indifferently qualified for the conduct of any other 
 kind of Warfare. But we have no such Admiral and no such 
 Ministers. 
 
 I confess I would, if the matter rested with me, enter into much 
 more distinct and avowed political connections with the Court of 
 Rome than hitherto we have held. If we decline them, the Bigotry 
 
 ' Marked by Hippisley as " received from Lord Grenville, with a letter dated 
 29''* October, at Rome, 20 Nov. 1793."
 
 64 BURKE TO HIPPISLEY 
 
 will be on our part and not on that of his Holiness : some mischief 
 has happened, and much good has, I am convinced, been prevented, 
 by our unnatural alienation. If the present state of the World has 
 not taught us better things, our Errour is very much our fault. This 
 good correspondance could not begin more auspiciously than in the 
 person of the present Sovereign Pontiff, who unites the Royal and 
 the sacerdotal Characters with advantage to both. He is indeed a 
 Prelate whose dignity as a Prince takes nothing from his Humility 
 as a Priest, and whose mild condescension as a Christian Bishop, 
 far from impairing in him, exalts the awful and imposing authority 
 of the secular Sovereign. 
 
 With regard to Monsignor Erskine\ I am certain that all his 
 designs are formed upon the most honorable and the most benevolent 
 publick principles. I have a very high respect for his Talents and his 
 Virtues. It is that respect which produces in my mind very serious 
 doubts, whether it would be altogether prudent for him to appear in 
 London, until! his presence is not only suffered, but desired, by the 
 King's servants. Without this authority, any marks of attention 
 paid to him would be only personal. It is impossible too, but that 
 even these marks of attention paid to him should be the less im- 
 portant and the less worthy of him, on account of a publick character. 
 When that character is owned it certainly adds to personal considera- 
 tion : but when it is not recognised, it produces a contrary effect, 
 and as certainly detracts something from what would be otherwise 
 due to the Merits of the Individual. Monsignor and you will have 
 the goodness to pardon me for offering my advice upon this subject. 
 Your Judgment is far superior to mine. I have only the advantage 
 of being on the spot, and consequently of knowing the mass of the 
 Country with a little more accuracy than it is possible for you to do 
 at Rome. 
 
 I have now to say a word or two upon a subject in your Letter 
 equally serious. I am sorry, though not at all surprized, that you 
 should have received so groundless a report of the state of Ireland 
 
 ' Monsignor Charles Erskine was sent by the Pope to England with a view to 
 the opening of unofficial communication with the British Government according to 
 Hippisley's suggestions.
 
 BURKE TO HIPPISLEY 65 
 
 as to represent the Catholics there as in a state of revolt, or of 
 some disposition towards it, so as to make an application to his 
 Holiness or to any other person, abroad or at home, necessary or 
 even expedient towards bringing that great and respectable part of 
 his Majesty's subjects to a sense of their Duty to their King and 
 Country. I am satisfied (indeed I know it) that no descrii^tion of 
 men in either Kingdom is, from affection and principles, more firmly 
 and faithfully attached to the King's person and authority than the 
 Catholics of Ireland. None but persons very inconsiderate, or very 
 malevolent, could represent them in any other light to you or to any 
 other person. 
 
 Let me add, that they foully wrong the Bishops and Clergy of 
 that Communion in Ireland, who represent them as wanting any 
 remonstrance to stimulate them to their duty in preaching Loyalty to 
 the King and obedience to the Laws. I speak from knowledge, 
 that far from being defective in that respect, perhaps they have gone 
 beyond their strict duty, and weaken'd their influence by appearing 
 to be more concerned for the support of Government than 
 attentive to the sufferings of their people. Not one clergyman of 
 that persuasion has been convicted, or I believe so much as suspected, 
 of fomenting the late disturbances, or of being indifferent about 
 them ; some of them have been grievously hurt in their persons and 
 in their poor property from riotous outrage ; and their places of 
 worship, which the Laws had opened, have been, in some parishes, 
 shut up by the Lawless Multitude. These disorders (greater un- 
 doubtedly than any good man would wish them) have been, and I 
 am afraid from not always the best Intentions, much exaggerated in 
 the representation. The simple Truth is, that whatever their extent 
 or violence might have been, these Tumults had no connexion with 
 Religion or Politics. They had their origin in the establishment of 
 the Militia in a new form. This form did in reality press hard on 
 the poorer sort of people in certain particulars, and for that reason 
 was considerably amended by Parliament, which seldom fails sooner 
 or later to redress every Grievance, and to correct every Error into 
 which by inadvertance it may fall. In part too the discontent arose, 
 
 B.-W. C. Q
 
 66 BURKE TO HIPPISLEY 
 
 as in such cases is not uncommon, from a misconception of the 
 Intentions of the legislature in the formation of that new establishment. 
 I remember very well that in the formation of a similar establish- 
 ment in this Kingdom there were Tumults in many parts of the 
 Country, and they were carried to as great an height as those which 
 have lately disturbed the peace of Ireland. When the popular mind 
 is inflamed upon any one subject it is usual to call to recollection and 
 to blend with the original cause of uneasiness all other subjects of 
 disquietude which had rankled more silently in the breasts of the 
 people. But these matters of complaint were altogether of a Local and 
 oeconomical Nature. In these the Peasantry of the Country thought 
 they had suffered some Grievances. On these complaints I am not 
 called by any particular Duty to decide. The persons guilty of the 
 disorders which have arisen on these grounds or pretexts have been 
 punished. The spirit of Riot has been got under. If any real 
 Grievance exists, I have no doubt that it will be redressed by the 
 same competent authority by which the irregular mode of seeking 
 relief has been punished. The Catholick clergy have nothing to do 
 with the Business, and the less they meddle with it the better. As 
 to the Laity of that Communion, they who represent their Conduct 
 invidiously, and thereby produce an officious interference from abroad 
 to quiet disorders, the principle of which is not properly stated, will 
 be the very first to employ the circumstances of that interference, of 
 which they are the cause, as a matter of new crimination against the 
 Catholic Prelates, as introd[uc]ing the interposition of a foreign autho- 
 rity in the secular affairs of that Kingdom. Nothing, I am persuaded, 
 is more remote from the Intention of the Ministers of the court of 
 Rome. But the Clergy of Ireland ought to be aware of the Machi- 
 nations of subtle and designing politicians, who have more than 
 once laid Traps for their simplicity, into which with inconsiderate 
 good intentions they have fallen headlong. 
 
 It is very true, that the late disorders, as almost all the disorders 
 which for fifty years I remember, have happened chiefly among 
 Catholics ; and for a very plain reason. They 2X& popular Tumults, 
 and of course, must necessarily happen amongst those who form in
 
 BURKE TO HIPPISLEY 67 
 
 the far greater part of Ireland nineteen in twenty of the people of 
 the lowest class. This has been produced by the steady and uniform, 
 but, in my opinion, most injudicious operation of the Laws and 
 policy of that Kingdom for near two hundred years past just to this 
 time. This circumstance is not generally known, and it gives to 
 malicious men an opportunity of attributing to the religion what 
 belongs to the condition. 
 
 You have by some correspondent been led into an Errour. You 
 are not to blame. On the contrary, your zeal, under the impression 
 you have received, is much to be commended. I am quite certain, 
 that the same sentiment of patriotism and benevolence, which led 
 you to take the steps you have taken under your first impression, 
 will induce you to show this Letter to the parties concerned. I hope 
 it also from my confidence in your friendship. I hope at the same 
 time you will be pleased to give them a cautionary information (not 
 always superfluous to foreigners), that I speak with no other authority 
 than may be supposed to attend the opinions of a private man of 
 some experience and observation ; and that my Character of a 
 Member of parliament adds little or nothing to the weight of what 
 I say. It is necessary that they should advert to our constitution. 
 Members of Parliament, within their walls, and acting in their place, 
 exercise (each his part of) a public function of the first importance ; 
 and therefore usually obtain an high degree of respect to their persons 
 and character ; But, what is not perhaps so generally known abroad, 
 these are functions of a nature peculiar to our constitution, and do 
 not resemble foreign official powers. Considered as effective voices in 
 any matter of State, they are nothing more than any other of the 
 King's Subjects. Liable to Legal Responsibility, the whole of our 
 active government, without the exception of any part or province, is 
 in the Ministers of the Crown ; and strangers ought not to look upon 
 anything as bearing the stamp of publick character from any but them. 
 The rest is only the sentiment of private men, obtaining more or less 
 weight from the reasons they give and the opinions entertained of 
 their prudence. 
 
 I hope to hear better tidings of your health. Will Burke is 
 perfectly sensible of your kind recollection of him and joins with
 
 68 BURKE TO HIPPISLEY 
 
 M'"^ B. and my son in our best wishes for M""^ H. and Miss Stuart's 
 health and happiness. 
 
 I am with sincere respect and regard, 
 
 My dear Sir, y"" most obedient and faithful humble ser* 
 
 (signed) E. Burke. 
 
 Windham to Pitt. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37844, f- II-) 
 Sir, 
 
 II Oct., 1793. 
 
 I believe the best way of communicating the contents of 
 the inclosed letter from M^ Hippisley will be to send the letter itself 
 There is no abridgement of it, that I can make, that will save so much 
 to your time and trouble, as it may chance to lose in the effect by not 
 laying the subject so well before you. The matter really seems to 
 be important, and to contain hints which it will be wholly unnecessary 
 in me to recommend to your early consideration. I may take the 
 liberty of mentioning that M"" Hippisley is a man of uncommon 
 activity, of considerable address, of great zeal in the service either of 
 his friends or of the Publick, by no means wanting in Judgement, and 
 very advantageously circumstanced for promoting such subjects as 
 his letter relates to. A sister of M'"^ Hippisleys is married to a 
 Roman nobleman, and several years ago M"" Hippisley had formed 
 many acquaintance at Rome during the course of a year's residence 
 there. In a private letter to me he has confessed his wishes, that in 
 case of any acknowledgement made of these friendly dispositions in 
 the Pope, or any message sent, as the foundation of future inter- 
 course. He might be made the channel of communication. I simply 
 lay the fact before you, leaving it to your discretion to act upon it, or 
 not, as you shall see occasion. I most sincerely wish, that the views 
 which he has opened may be found capable of being realised ; so as 
 not only to procure to us commercial advantages, but to place us in 
 the situation of becoming the protectors of the Italian states, and
 
 WINDHAM TO PITT 69 
 
 (odd as the idea may seem) the supporters, within certain limits, of 
 the Papal power. 
 
 As the opportunity is presented to me, I cannot help offering my 
 congratulations on the successes at Toulon, as also on the choice of 
 the person about to be sent out there to conduct' our political 
 concerns in that very new and critical situation^ I really doubt, 
 whether in the compass of the three Kingdoms a person could be 
 found so furnished at all points with the powers and properties neces- 
 sary for that very delicate service. I rejoice accordingly not a little at 
 Sir G. E. having undertaken it. On the same principle, and with the 
 same views, I am perfectly well pleased to remain myself in the 
 situation in which I have acted hitherto, and in which it appears to 
 me, in the present state of things, that my support of the same cause 
 is likely to be most effectual. 
 
 In the affairs of our Armies in the North' I wish I had the same 
 congratulations to offer*. From the moment that I had reason to 
 believe (I know not how truly) that the plan of our operations in 
 that quarter did not bring with it the full appreciation of the best 
 military judgements on the spot, I must confess I was full of alarms. 
 I hope our success at the other end of France, as well as in the 
 Expedition now fitting out, will serve to cover and heal this wound ; 
 and keep the publick opinion right upon the subject of the war, 
 where its steadiness is most to be doubted, which is the point wherein 
 a failure is most to be apprehended. You have received from Norwich 
 probably an account of a seditious paper which made its appearance 
 immediately on the miscarriage at Dunkirk, but which drooped and 
 died away on the news of the success of Toulon : so little true is it, 
 that the progress of arms has no influence on that of opinions. 
 
 ' Interlined "have the conduct [of]." 
 
 - Interlined in place of " very new and critical situation," " part of the world." 
 
 ' Interlined in place of "our Armies in the North," "the Northern armies." 
 
 * Interlined in place of " I had " etc., " the same cong. could be offered."
 
 70 riTT TO WINDHAM 
 
 Pitt to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37844, f. 13.) 
 
 HOLLWOOD, 
 
 Sunday, Oct. tith, 1793. 
 
 Sir, 
 
 I received yesterday the favour of your obliging Letter 
 enclosing several Papers from M'' Hippisley, the substance of which 
 I had before learnt in some Measure, but less fully, from the Lord 
 Chancellor. Allow me to return you my thanks for the Communi- 
 cation, and at the same time to beg your Permission to retain the 
 Papers for a few days, in order to examine them more at Leisure 
 than I have yet been able to do. I partake thoroughly in your 
 sentiments both with respect to Toulon, and to the Person with 
 whom the Political concerns arising out of the Possession of that 
 place are entrusted. 
 
 This Event seems to me to furnish a better Opening than would 
 have presented itself in any other Way for facilitating the Restoration 
 of regular Government in France, and for terminating the War 
 satisfactorily, perhaps speedily. In Sir Gilbert Elliott's hands, I am 
 sure every Advantage will be improved to the utmost. I need not 
 say how happy I should have been if your Concurrence of Opinion on 
 the great Questions now depending had led you also to take an 
 active share in conducting the Affairs of Government. At least 
 however I have the satisfaction of knowing from Experience how 
 much the Public may benefit by your Exertions even in your present 
 Situation. The Check before Dunkirk is certainly much to be 
 regretted. But unless any Impression should be produced by it at 
 home to impede the Vigor of future Operations, The mischief will 
 I trust be little felt in the general Scale of the War. We expect in 
 a few Days important Accounts from Maubeuge. Success in that 
 Quarter would in a great measure relieve us from any further 
 Anxiety on the Side of the Netherlands, and lead to further vigorous 
 Measures, either before the end of this Campaign or very early in the 
 next. I have enquired about the Paper transmitted from Norwich
 
 PITT TO WINDHAM 7 1 
 
 which I understand was immediately referred to the Attorney- 
 General. 
 
 I have the honor to be with great regard, Sir, 
 
 Your obedient and faithful Servant 
 
 W. Pitt. 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37843, f- 2S-) 
 
 [End of Oct., 1793.] 
 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 I do not exactly know, though I think I can partly guess, 
 in what manner the present situation of things appears to you. To 
 me it is a subject of the most serious anxiety. I went to Bright- 
 helmstone, thinking to pass from thence to Portsmouth, and on, 
 thro' Winchester, home. But the news of the fresh defeat' in the 
 Netherlands brought me hither. Yesterday a sort of message came 
 from Macbride- announcing that this defeat has been followed on 
 the part of the Allies with a great and decisive Victory. I have seen 
 the Lieutenant dispatched by Macbride with this News, which has 
 many particulars inducing one to believe that it is founded. But as 
 the account particularizes neither time nor place, I am obliged, how- 
 ever reluctantly, to suspend my entire reliance on its Truth. This 
 day will clear up the matter. 
 
 I trust that the good Event of this affair will enable us {though 
 such an Event rarely disposes us), to a calm and unprejudiced review 
 of the whole plan of the War — which in my opinion has been totally 
 wrong — and that the bad military plan has arisen from the false 
 political principles on which it is formed. If we have succeeded, 
 I must consider it as a great escape. No Victory, however great, 
 can reconcile my mind to this Business of Maubeuge ; no more than 
 it could to the affair of Dunkirk, where indeed Victory was in a 
 
 ^ Raising of the siege of Maubeuge, consequent upon Jourdan's victory at 
 Watignies, 16 Oct. 1793. 
 
 " Rear Admiral John Macbride, commanding in the Downs.
 
 72 BURKE TO AVINDHAM 
 
 manner impossible. I feel no great pleasure in the Expedition 
 against Martinico — if that should be, as I greatly fear it is, finally 
 resolved upon. All these, and many more considerations, give me, 
 at times, more uneasiness than I am able to express. But the fault 
 is not wholly in our ministry, the whole body of the Alliance is 
 concerned in it. Kings can never be brought to a decision, in the 
 way they proceed in, by any Victory or Victories. However, I wish 
 you to consider these Hints of mine as for your own breast : into 
 which I wish more fully to unbosom mine — praying to God that no 
 hasty word from you or me may give an advantage to the Jacobin 
 Enemy here. If we criticize, let us criticise to amend, to help, to 
 supply — even possibly to encourage. But let us strengthen the 
 principles we support, and give no advantage to those who find fault 
 with conduct, because they are utterly irreconcileable to principles. 
 Our principles are Antijacobin. We cannot be neuter. We are on 
 the Stage ; and cannot occasionally jump into the Pitt or Boxes to 
 make observations on our brother Actors. Such are those, at home 
 or abroad, who abhor Jacobinism as we do, and who act against it, 
 bona fide, though with a thousand Errours. I have written some- 
 thing to the Ministers, and I have twice seen them, and spoken my 
 sentiments very freely and very fully. I think we do not disagree 
 in any principle nor in any Measure ; but in the time and the order 
 in which Measures are to be taken and pursued, to be sure we differ 
 — and this I take to be a very important part of the consideration. 
 Here I am without any assistance, out of my own walls, to correct or 
 to advise me, or to co-operate with me. In the world as well as in the 
 House of Commons, no motion is received that is not seconded. I do 
 most earnestly wish to see you. Clouds lower all over the Horizon 
 which alarm, but do not dispirit me if you keep up your Vigour. Heu 
 quianam tanti cinxerunt aethera nimbi ! — quidve pater Neptune 
 paras' ? 
 
 Do not you think the new act of Regicide the smallest part of the 
 wickedness ? Oh ! God ! the charge ! and the last article particularly. 
 All this is but the unfolding of the Germ of Jacobinism. For God's 
 sake come to town. Again and again I want consolation and assist- 
 
 ' Virgil, Aen. v. 13.
 
 BURKE TO WINDHAM 73 
 
 ance. You cannot withdraw yourself from the World now, in the 
 Vigour of your Age and faculties, without a Crime. 
 
 I hear nothing to confirm the News. But there have been three 
 actions at La Vendee. The Royalists failed in one, Noirmoutier, 
 but succeeded in three others, all very important. 
 
 I am ever, my d"" Sir, with true regard, y''^ etc. 
 
 Edm. Burke. 
 
 Windham to Burke\ 
 
 (Burke Corr. iv. 179.) 
 
 Felbrigg, 
 
 Nov. I, 1793. 
 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 The desire of obeying your summons might be motive 
 sufficient to carry me to town, without allowing the reason which you 
 assign, if I could be sure that the meeting of parliament would be 
 delayed long enough to admit of my coming back again. Till it 
 shall be determined that parliament is not to meet till after Christmas, 
 I could wish to defer a little my going to London, that I may not 
 begin my winter residence sooner than is necessary. To go to town 
 from this distance, without a long period before one, must be going 
 for good. 
 
 I fear that good in that sense, is the only good that would attend 
 my going at present. I have no counsels to offer but what I must 
 learn from you ; nor any means of enforcing them, but what they 
 must have already from your authority. Authority, probably, of any 
 sort, can now do but little. What remains of the campaign, and of 
 the fate of the armies, must be determined probably by the events, 
 for the result of which I am waiting with the most anxious expecta- 
 tion. In a letter which I had from Brussels of the 21^* great anxiety 
 was expressed for the army of the Prince of Coburgh ; and what 
 was worse, the same was said to be felt in the army itself. 
 
 I have not the least doubt of what is right to be done by us ; 
 namely to maintain the war, in and out of parliament, by every 
 ^ The rough draft, 37843, flF. 27 — 28, differs slightly from the letter actually sent. 
 
 B.-w. c. 10
 
 74 WINDHAM TO BURKE 
 
 possible means. But I tremble to think, should disasters increase, 
 how long this may be in our power. Toulon and Weissenburgh, if 
 they keep to their mark, will, it may be hoped, preserve the balance 
 for this year. 
 
 The murder of the queen of France is an event that appears 
 more shocking (I know not certainly for what reason) than even 
 that of the king. The length of her sufferings, though urged com- 
 monly with a contrary view, makes one less endure that they should 
 terminate at last in death. One hoped for some period in reserve, 
 that might have softened the memory of her past woes, and brought 
 some retribution of happiness in this life ; a little longer respite and 
 relief, one hoped, might have reached her. All is now extinct! An 
 act of such savage and unrelenting cruelty, — of such black and 
 unprovoked guilt, — I suppose is hardly to be paralleled ; as a case 
 can hardly be found of life ended in circumstances so dreadful, so 
 destitute of all external support, so beset with every thing to embitter 
 and sharpen the last agony. All that the imagination pictures of 
 death had been hers for long past ; — seclusion, silence, solitude, 
 ignorance of all that was passing, separation from all the visible 
 world. Her pursuers seem, beforehand, to have plunged her into 
 the tomb, that its horrors might have time to sink into her mind,— 
 might pervade and occupy every region of the soul. It was won- 
 derful how her courage was able to sustain so long a conflict ; or 
 how, in fact, she contrived to preserve her senses. It is a strong 
 proof of the vigour of her mind, and a presumption highly favourable 
 to the virtuousness of her character. She seems to have retained 
 her dignity and firmness to the last ; to have been wanting in nothing 
 that the occasion required ; to have sustained, throughout, the part 
 she was to act, worthily of herself, and of those whom she repre- 
 sented. The asserters of monarchy, as opposed to modern doctrines, 
 need wish for nothing better than such a contrast as is formed by 
 the conduct of the king and queen, compared with that of their 
 destroyers. 
 
 In this solitary place, I have little communication with the world, 
 except occasionally by letters, and know but little therefore of the 
 language generally talked. In fact, in matters of this sort, people
 
 WINDHAM TO BURKE 75 
 
 seldom talk any language but what they are taught ; and therefore 
 till they assemble in town, or parliament sets them a-going, they 
 have no very decided opinions. To me, the necessity for the war 
 seems so impossible not to be seen by the commonest understanding, 
 the motives for persevering in it to be so powerful, that I cannot but 
 think it must be the fault of those who should direct the public mind, 
 if the clamours against the war gain any great ground. The artifice 
 of those who wish to conceal and give effect to their wishes in favour 
 of the French system, under a pretended horror of war, is surely so 
 easily seen through, that it can never produce much effect. Our first 
 debates in Parliament must be directed, I think, to strip the mask 
 from this miserable hypocrisy; — it surely cannot be a difficult task. 
 
 I shall at all events come to town before Christmas. If parlia- 
 ment does not meet, I shall be desirous of coming very speedily. 
 
 Ever, my dear Sir, 
 
 Yours with the greatest truth 
 
 W. Windham. 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37843. f- 29-) 
 
 Beconsfield, 
 Nov. 4, 1793, an ara yei'. 
 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 I wrote to you when I was last in town, wishing, if 
 possible, to have some conversation with you on the present un- 
 pleasant state of the affairs of mankind. I must conclude that some 
 accident prevented my letter from coming to your hands — else I 
 cannot guess on what account I was not favoured with an answer. 
 Since then things look something so very like desperate about the 
 sole affair, I have much at heart, that I do not now wish to trouble 
 you to come up if some other affair does not bring you this way. O ! 
 poor Poitou ! Tho' I am overwhelmed by these Calamities, I am not 
 ' I.e. not yet superseded, in England, by the Republican calendar.
 
 76 BURKE TO WINDHAM 
 
 overpower'd ; and am ready for any good word or work. I suppose 
 you have read with some attention the proceedings against the late 
 Queen of France. Adieu, my dear Sir, — give me the consolation of 
 hearing from you, and believe me ever very faithfully and aff'^y yrs. 
 
 Edm. Burke. 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 (Burke Corr. iv. 177.) 
 
 [Afiou( 5 Nov} 1793-] 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 I can say nothing certain about the meeting of parlia- 
 ment ; but if I were to judge from the prorogation, which carries us 
 to the fifth, I think, of December, without stating that we were then 
 to meet for the dispatch of business, I should conclude we were not 
 to meet before the holidays. 
 
 You see by my last that I am not now so eager about your 
 coming to town as I was when I wrote before. I have nothing very 
 distinct to propose to you. I confess it would be a matter of support 
 and consolation to me that you should be in London ; and that I 
 might converse with you on the ideas which, from time to time, float 
 in my mind on the present very critical state of public affairs. I 
 find that all the demands of duty and all the feelings of resentment 
 and indignation that agitate me are no more than necessary to keep 
 my mind from sinking into a state of despondency. I do not easily 
 persuade myself, when I am stimulated out of that temper, that I 
 ought to wait for what I can do in my place in parliament, when 
 everything is gone by, and we are left only to praise or blame, to 
 defend or to extenuate, as long as there is a possibility that a hint 
 thrown in at a proper time may give such a direction to affairs as we 
 could wish. It is for that reason I think we ought to be on as 
 amicable terms with those who conduct them as we can, in order to 
 keep the communication for our sentiments open ; and that when we 
 suggest anything which at first may not be in agreement with their 
 plans, it may appear as the admonition of a friend, rather than the 
 reproach of an adversary. 
 
 ' Dated in the Correspondence October, but evidently between 4 and 7 November.
 
 BURKE TO WINDHAM 77 
 
 I do not know that I shall correspond with Sir Gilbert Elliot, 
 because I do not know that he at all desires that I should do so'. I 
 am very much afraid that he fell immediately into the hands of the 
 intriguers. This I am sure of, that I was not at all in his confidence, 
 or in that of the ministers, in any thing relating to his mission ; 
 though I spent a day with them and him, when we talked over, 
 much at large, the affairs of France and Europe, on the general 
 principles of which we had no very material difference. The having, 
 or not having, confidence, is a matter of fact. I shall converse with 
 you on these circumstances, which you may easily believe are not 
 very pleasant to me, when we meet. 
 
 Windham to Burke. 
 
 (Burke Corr. iv. 189.) 
 
 Felbrigg, 
 
 Nov. 7, 1793. 
 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 You will have received, before this, my answer to your 
 letter, and find that I am ready to come whenever my presence 
 shall be necessary or useful. Though you give me, for the present, 
 a dispensation, I am half inclined not to make use of it, but to yield 
 to the wish of being for a while nearer the centre of counsel and 
 intelligence. Your letter is written in a tone of dejection that makes 
 me apprehend something worse than has yet reached me, or suspect 
 that I have seen our situation more favourably than I ought. The 
 worst news is undoubtedly from La Vendee ; yet unless you have 
 further accounts, confirming those of the convention, I cannot 
 abandon my hopes upon the strength merely of what they say. 
 Besides the allowance to be made for exaggeration, and often for 
 total fabrication, the war of La Vendue does not seem to be of a 
 sort which temporary ill success will eradicate. One may hope that 
 
 ^ The precise occasion on which this new feehng of distrust had arisen does not 
 appear, but the real ground for it was doubtless in Elliot's acceptance of Pitt's policy 
 of supporting the adherents of the constitution of 1789, while Burke would hear of 
 nothing but an unconditional restoration of the monarchy.
 
 78 WINDHAM TO BURKE 
 
 the whole of that country is so thoroughly impregnated with hatred 
 and horror of the present system, for which new reasons, too, are 
 arising every day, that they never can do more than stop its effects 
 for the moment, and that the first opportunity will call them out 
 again with their original vigour. 
 
 In all other quarters our affairs seem to be going on with reason- 
 able success. No fears, I hope, are entertained, at least no new or 
 special ones, of our being forced from our hold on Toulon. The 
 progress of the northern armies must, of necessity, be slow ; they 
 are there riving the block at the knotty end. But I cannot but hope 
 that at the southern extremity the work will go on quicker, and that 
 a rent may be made by our operations there that will reach far into 
 France. 
 
 What is your opinion of the declaration' ? I think, in one 
 passage, they are yielding too much to the adversary, and by seeming 
 to give up part of the question, making the defence of the remainder 
 more difficult. Why is all right of interference in the affairs of 
 another country, even without the plea of aggression on the part of 
 that country, to be universally given up ? The more I have thought 
 upon that opinion, the more satisfied 1 have been, that it is a mere 
 arbitrary assumption wholly unsupported by anything in reason and 
 nature, and in direct repugnance to everything which the maintainers 
 of that doctrine would be compelled, and even ready, to allow. In 
 other respects it seems to be judicious, and it is certainly well drawn, 
 and I should hope would produce the best effects ; particularly if, as 
 I see in the papers just received, the Austrians have taken possession 
 of Alsace in the name of Louis XVII. 
 
 The poor departed queen ! How cheering would such intelli- 
 gence have been to her ! How much does one wish that she might 
 have lived to see herself and her son restored in part to their former 
 situation ; or rescued at least from the fangs of these hell-hounds ! 
 How painful is the reflection, that whatever good may now befal, she 
 no longer remains to enjoy it ! 
 
 From the delay occasioned at Ostend, the West India expedition 
 
 ' By the British Government, on the objects of the war, 29 Oct. 1793. It will be 
 found, among other places, in the Parliamentary History for 1794-
 
 WINDHAM TO BURKE 79 
 
 is, I suppose, laid aside. The opinion which you seem to have of it 
 has taught me not to regret its loss. The fever, too, that rages so 
 dreadfully in some of the islands, might itself have been a reason, I 
 should conceive, for not persisting in it. 
 
 M''^ Burke, I hope, and all your family are well. Let me beg you 
 to present my best respects, and to believe me. 
 
 Dear sir, Ever most truly yours 
 
 W. Windham. 
 
 The system of atheism will now, I think, not be denied. What 
 say the religious dissenters to this .'' The worthy bishop who believes 
 that the God of nature and liberty needs no intermediary, will 
 perhaps reconcile them. They are perfectly satisfied that there 
 should be no religion, provided there is no establishment. 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37843, f- 3I-) 
 
 {About 8 Nov., 1793.] 
 My Dear Sir, 
 
 I received your second very kind and very satisfactory 
 
 letter, just as I was going to thank you for your first. 
 
 I do confess, that I feel myself gradually sinking into something 
 
 like despondency. It is not from the events of War, which, as one 
 
 might expect, have been chequer'd. A little security towards a 
 
 defensive is promised to us in the Netherlands. The affair of 
 
 Weissenburg' seems to me one of the finest things in military 
 
 History. I can scarcely, as an operation of War, imagine anything 
 
 beyond it. But it is not from our defeats, that my hopes are 
 
 damped, but from our successes. If we had been only beaten, 
 
 better conduct and greater force, with our share of the Chances, 
 
 might set us right again. But I see nothing w''^ all the successes 
 
 we have had, and much greater than I dare to look for, can do 
 
 towards bringing things to the conclusion we wish, as long as the 
 
 plan we have pursued, and still pursue, is persevered in. When 
 
 ^ Captured by Wurmser, 15 Oct. 1793.
 
 8o BURKE TO WINDHAM 
 
 I have the pleasure of seeing you, we will talk over this matter 
 in the Detail. 
 
 I agree with you that the proclamation is well drawn ; perhaps 
 too well drawn, as it shews too much art. I admit that it seems, 
 more than anything else that has yet appeared, to depart from the 
 unfortunate plan of making war against France, and to direct it where 
 it ought to be directed, to the relief of the oppressed, and to the 
 destruction of Jacobinism. I wish however that nothing had been 
 said about indemnity. It is a thing unheard of in this stage of a 
 war ; and as in fact we have no pledge whatever in our hands but 
 Toulon, it looks as if we meant to keep that place, and the ships in 
 the harbour, for that indemnity, though surrendered to our faith 
 upon very different Terms. This previous demand of indemnity, 
 which has a sort of appearance (even so much as perhaps to hazard 
 the whole effect of the Declaration), of Fairness, is yet so very loose 
 and general that I scarce know what it is that we and the allied 
 Courts may not claim under it. The worst of the matter is, that 
 the only object which we have hitherto pursued, is the previous 
 security of this indemnification. 
 
 The thing however that perfectly sickens me in this Declaration 
 is its total disagreement with everything we have done or (so far as 
 I see) that we are going to town\ We promise protection and 
 assistance to those who shall endeavour the Restoration of Monarchy 
 in that country ; yet, though Poitou is in a manner at our door, and 
 they have for eight months carried on a War on the principles 
 we have pointed out — not a man, not a ship, not an article of stores 
 have been yet sent to these brave unfortunate people ; all the force 
 we can spare was destined for our indemnity; and when now released, 
 I do not know with what prudence, from the Flemish service, it is 
 intended again to go [to] the West Indies. No talk, nor no thought 
 of giving the least of the succour we stand engaged for, and which 
 common justice and common policy ought to have induced us to 
 send, though we were under no positive engagement at all. This, 
 joined with our refusing to recognise that Monarchy in those who 
 have a right to exercise its authority, is a defeasance to our 
 
 ' SIC.
 
 BURKE TO WINDHAM 8l 
 
 Declaration which nothing but a total Change of conduct can cancell. 
 However, though I am grieved beyond measure and mortified at 
 this proceeding, our only hopes are from these people. The conduct 
 of our late party is so absurd, contradictory and self destructive, that 
 I cannot easily express it. But on all these matters we shall talk 
 seriously when we meet, which I trust will be soon. Oh ! what you 
 say of the Queen in your two letters is like what I should expect 
 from your feelings on that the most dreadful scene that ever was 
 exhibited to the world ! Stupified as I was at the enormous wicked- 
 ness of the actors, as well as at the nature of it, which was worse, 
 in my opinion, than its magnitude, and astonished at the sustain'd 
 fortitude and patience of the sufferer, yet my indignation at the 
 unfeeling manner in which it has been received by the Princes 
 of her own House, has perhaps been the strongest of my Emotions 
 on this occasion. The wicked faction at Paris have [not] obtained 
 the only end they could have proposed to themselves by this savage 
 proceeding, the rendering vile and contemptible the Royal Character. 
 The execution of a King or Queen by the hands of the common 
 hangman, as the lowest and vilest of criminals, will produce no more 
 effect than one of the periodical hangings of the Old Baily. I am 
 quite of your mind that there is something that mingles more of 
 disgust and of compassion with our horrour in this Barbarity, even 
 more than in the murder of the King. In fact women, and such 
 women, are more out of the Field in such contentions as brought 
 on these Events — and the circumstances themselves were much 
 worse. Sure some Justice ought to be done to a Character which 
 does so much more than Justice to the nature we belong to. 
 
 Hippisley is perfecdy right in the principle of what he is doing. 
 But he ought not to have acted without authority. The thing, by 
 being new, if for no other Reason, and in direct defiance of the 
 whole Train of our Statutes, required great management, and 
 Monsignor Erskine ought not to come without previous arrange- 
 ment with this Court, even if this had not been a thing wholly out 
 of the ordinary Course. This additional Erskine (resembling very 
 much the rest) is addressed to the Calvinists, Catholicks, Democrates, 
 friends of the people. Cisalpine Clubbs, &c. The Pope's nuncio 
 
 B.-W. C. 11
 
 82 BURKE TO WINDHAM 
 
 addressed to a furious Antipapal party — and his nuncio to the K. of 
 England addressed to the Chairman of the Club of the Friends of 
 the People ! ! ! 
 
 I am ever with the truest affection and most sincere respect, 
 
 Y' faithful friend and humble ser'' 
 
 Edm. Burke. 
 
 Earl Spencer to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37845, f. II9-) 
 
 Wilderness, 
 
 Nov. II, 1793. 
 Dear Windham, 
 
 Though I cannot say that the general result of what I 
 am going to communicate to you is of any very considerable im- 
 portance, yet on the terms of perfect confidence with which you have 
 done me the Honour to treat me, and on which I hope nothing will 
 ever prevent our continuing, I think it indispensably necessary to 
 acquaint you that having come here on a visit to Lord Bayham' for 
 a night, I met Pitt. This meeting was not purely accidental, but 
 L*^ Bayham, who saw me in town at Lord Lucan's on Thursday, 
 asked me to come, and told me that Pitt was very desirous of having 
 an interview with me, which he thought might be brought about more 
 agreably to me in this mode than any other. I determined to 
 accept of the invitation, thinking that it might possibly be productive 
 of some good, and could not of any Harm, and at all events would 
 probably afford us some information on the present state of affairs. 
 I confess that the Result of it has not in this last point done a great 
 deal, and on either of the former considerations it seems to have 
 been as nearly as possible indifferent ; it has however given me the 
 opportunity of repeating to him what you had already expressed for 
 me, and of finding that for the present, with respect to any internal 
 arrangements, matters remain I think much as your conversation 
 
 ' Afterwards 2nd Earl Camden.
 
 SPENCER TO WINDHAM 83 
 
 with him at the end of the last Session left them, that is to say, still 
 open, but not ripe for any decisive Step. He began by saying that 
 he was desirous of having this conversation with me in order to 
 explain anything relating to the events of the last Summer that might 
 have left a wish for explanation on my Mind, and to give me any 
 confidential information I might desire to have, and he might be 
 able to give, respecting any such events and the general state of 
 affairs. He then seemed to expect me to point out the particular 
 objects on which I wished the conversation to turn ; and I own I felt 
 very awkwardly at the moment, owing rather to the finding myself 
 all at once in so very new a Situation to me, and I believe in 
 consequence of this I did not explain myself at first so clearly and 
 intelligibly as I could have wished. From this circumstance also it 
 probably arises that I am not able to give a very exact detail of what 
 passed between us on this branch of the subject, the general sub- 
 stance however I think was, that the idea of taking Dunkirk formed 
 originally a part of the general Plan of the Campaign, in which it was 
 hoped we might have got into possession of that Port (stated by him 
 to be a considerable object as being a Port, and, from the nearness 
 of its Situation to us, being more likely to give a favorable impression 
 of the War in this Country), of a strong line of Frontier from thence 
 all the way to Maubeuge inclusively, and even of having formed 
 something like a winter investment of Lisle. I collect from what he 
 said that it had been agreed that the Austrian Artillery should have 
 co-operated in the siege of Dunkirk, but as they insisted on conduct- 
 ing that of Quesnay at the same time, it became necessary for our 
 Army there to be supplied from hence ; and a Requisition was 
 accordingly sent, and answered in such a manner that he speaks 
 with great confidence of being able by a mere statement of dates 
 to satisfy us that every exertion that could be made was made ; as 
 to the want of Gun-boats, the fact is that they had no idea that they 
 would be wanted, till a requisition was sent for them from the Army 
 actually before Dtmkirk, and then of course they could not come in 
 time. All this, you see, in reality amounts to little more than saying 
 Dunkirk was attacked with an inadequate force, and of course that 
 all that we lost both in time, in stores, in expenses, in men and in
 
 84 SPENCER TO WINDHAM 
 
 reputation by it was absolutely en pure perte. I dwelt a good deal 
 (after I had recovered my nerves a little) and repeatedly, in the 
 course of our conversation, on the expediency, if it could possibly be 
 done, of making some satisfactory explanation at the opening of the 
 Session upon these points, as they are likely to have taken some 
 hold on the publick mind, and to have given strength to opposition 
 in general ; he did not say anything directly to this, but I think it 
 did not pass without exciting his Attention. He seems in general to 
 look on the French as being at present in a Situation less likely to 
 dispose them to yield than they were some months ago, owing 
 partly to the Surrender of Lyons, and partly to their successes in 
 La Vendue, which he apprehends to be more decisive than they 
 have ever been yet, though he did not seem to state any very clear 
 Intelligence having been received about them. The ships that were 
 sent away from Toulon to the other Sea-Ports, which was a Measure 
 that has excited some Curiosity and no inconsiderable Surprize with 
 many People, were sent by Lord Hood on his own authority, in 
 order to remove about 5000 Seamen from the Place, who were very 
 ill affected and who might have been capable of doing much Mischief, 
 more particularly before they were so much reinforced there as they 
 have since been. I think this is really the substance of what passed 
 with respect to past Transactions. With respect to the future, 
 I found him fully determined on the most vigorous exertions in the 
 Prosecution of the War, in which he seems to expect a very cordial 
 co-operation on the part of the Austrians ; on that of the Prussians 
 he is not so sanguine, and even went so far as to say he should not 
 be much surprized if they were to withdraw altogether from the 
 Confederacy ; the other Powers will act as they are paid. (The 
 Dutch, I think, we omitted to speak of.) He seems much inclined 
 to the Opinion that there will be little hope of putting an end to 
 the War without penetrating pretty far into the Interior of France, 
 and in order to that, it should seem that we must possess our- 
 selves of all the frontier strong Places (even including Lisle), 
 before we can advance with any security ; the ostensible Object of 
 the War is I suppose to be consonant to the Language of the 
 Declaration, namely such a Government in France as the rest of
 
 SPENCER TO WINDHAM 85 
 
 Europe may reasonably depend upon for its future Peace and 
 Security, hinting to them at the same time that a Monarchy of 
 some kind or other at least is the most likely to attain those ends. 
 On the Article of Expence he talked very openly, and said that he 
 should want at least 1 2 millions for the Supply of the Year (I suppose 
 of course the extra Supply for the War), but from the situation of the 
 Finances he hoped to be only obliged to lay absolutely new Taxes 
 to the amount of from three to 400,000, and he hopes to lay them in 
 a manner that shall not be much felt. He asked me whether I 
 happened to know anything of the D. of Portland's present Senti- 
 ments, I said I had heard that he was still disposed to support the 
 War ; in the course of this part of the Conversation, as he happened 
 to mention your Name, I thought it not a bad opportunity to find out 
 whether he had still any views similar to what he talked of with you 
 last summer on the subject of political arrangements, so I said that 
 you had according to his desire, as I believed, communicated to me 
 at that time the substance of what had passed between you, and that 
 I also believed you had expressed to him our joint opinion, that we 
 thought upon the whole that an unconnected Support of Government 
 would then have more weight and efficacy, than if we were to take a 
 share in any part of the administration ; I added that my opinion still 
 continued on that subject pretty much the same, and that instead of 
 having seen anything to alter it since, I found it rather confirmed by 
 circumstances that had happened. He answered that he was very 
 glad I had mentioned the subject, as it would give him an opportunity 
 of saying a word or two upon it ; though he should not have men- 
 tioned it first himself, because at the present moment there was no 
 opening that would enable him to make any proposal of the kind ; he 
 however hoped that I should still allow the matter to remain open, 
 and in case any occasion offered, such as to put it in his power to 
 make any such proposal, that he might have my leave to communi- 
 cate again with us upon the subject. This is as near as I can 
 recollect the substance of what passed between us in private ; on 
 this latter part of our conversation I particularly noticed that he 
 treated the Idea of a possibility of our coming into Office only on 
 the Supposition of our doing it jointly, and I took the more particular
 
 86 SPENCER TO WINDHAM 
 
 Notice of this, because in the conversation that I had at L** Lucan's 
 with L'' Bayham, which gave rise to this meeting, he had thrown out 
 something Hke a Hint, which at the same time he assured me he was 
 not commissioned to do, but which I think he never could have men- 
 tioned if it had not been concerted, that his Father L'^ Camden now 
 found it impossible for him to continue in Office, and that he had 
 no doubt but that if that situation would be agreable to me, the 
 members of the Administration would be very glad it should be filled 
 by me, but that at the same time there was not at present any opening 
 for any other Cabinet Office; my immediate Answer to this was, first 
 generally, the same sort of answer which I afterwards gave to Pitt, 
 but besides, that even if I did think the occasion called for my coming 
 into Office, I could not for a moment entertain an Idea of doing so 
 unaccompanied by you ; he again repeated that he had no com- 
 mission to mention the matter to me, and that he did not know 
 whether Pitt would mention it in the Interview we were to have ; 
 but I have myself very little doubt but that he was employed to feel 
 the ground a little before that Interview, and that finding me so 
 clearly determined on the Subject, Pitt took the Line I have already 
 described to you in our conversation. I took occasion to express, in 
 the course of what I said, my decided purpose of supporting Govern- 
 ment in a vigorous prosecution of the War, and indeed I do not now 
 see what other possible track we can pursue in order to arrive at a 
 desirable termination of it, for any appearance of relaxation in our 
 efforts now must unquestionably not only encourage the Enemy, but 
 tend to discourage and disunite all our Allies, whom it certainly is of 
 essential consequence, if possible, to keep together. I understand 
 from Pitt that the last private Accounts they have from the Prince of 
 Coburg mention his having rec*^ positive Orders from Vienna to do 
 every thing in his Power to force the Enemy to a general Action; it 
 is therefore a most anxious moment, for he had begun to take measures 
 accordingly, and the very next accounts may very possibly contain 
 something of infinite importance. The accounts in yesterday's 
 Extra^ Gazette from Toulon are, I think, very satisfactory, as they 
 seem to indicate a great deal of Spirit, and a very cordial union 
 among the different troops of the Garrison, which from all the
 
 SPENCER TO WINDHAM 87 
 
 reinforcements they have lately received appears to be very equal to 
 the defence of the Place ; there have also been some great dissen- 
 tions between the French and Americans, which may very probably 
 turn to good account. Upon the whole, notwithstanding the un- 
 favourable circumstances which in the course of this very long letter 
 I have alluded to, I feel inclined to be in pretty good Spirits, and if 
 we should happen to gain anything like a brilliant advantage to close 
 the Campaign in Flanders, it may have a surprising effect in making 
 people forget the former miscarriages, and join heartily in the 
 maintenance of what every day becomes more and more the general 
 cause of all that is good or estimable under the Sun. Pitt has 
 promised to write me word if any important Event should take place, 
 and of course you shall certainly hear from me again, if I should have 
 anything worth communicating. 
 
 I am quite ashamed of having been so long-winded, but I did 
 not well know how to abridge what I had to tell you, though after 
 all I believe you will not think there is much in it. I go down to 
 Althorp tomorrow and shall stay there till the beginning of Jan^. 
 Parliament I understand is to meet a few days before the Birthday. 
 
 Yours very faithfully and sincerely 
 
 Spencer. 
 
 Windham to Burke. 
 
 (Burke Corn iv. 192.) 
 
 Fellbrigg, 
 
 November 14, 1793. 
 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 I have just received your kind letter, which, besides the 
 satisfaction it affords me in other respects, has gratified me not a 
 little, by confirming an opinion which I had been expressing the 
 moment before, in a letter to M"" Townshend. I had been stating 
 to him my objections to that part of the declaration, where so much 
 is said about indemnification, and my fears of the effect it might
 
 88 WINDHAM TO BURKE 
 
 have in destroying the whole benefit proposed by the measure. It 
 is the vice of this administration, if it is not their wisdom, to be 
 conducting great concerns too much with an eye to small ones. 
 Dunkirk was to gratify the people here, by the idea of a security 
 gained to trade, and an increase in revenue by the suppression of 
 smuggling. The same idea too of indemnification was operating 
 there, that is set so forward in the present declaration. It is difficult 
 to say how far the comjaromise with the lower interests ought to be 
 carried. One knows that little things, wholly neglected, will defeat 
 the greatest ; and the consequences must be equally fatal if they are 
 attended to too much. One's fears of the present ministry lie on 
 this latter side. 
 
 By a letter which I have got just now, your apprehensions about 
 Poitou seem to be well founded. The ministers, as I understand, 
 describe the situation of affairs there as very bad ; or what perhaps 
 is hardly less discouraging, seem to know very little about it. What 
 can the meaning be, of their appearing to have done so little in 
 support of the stand made in that quarter? Is it want of activity? 
 Or want of address ? Or has the sending any relief really been 
 impracticable ? One cannot help suspecting here also that selfishness 
 may have had something to do ; and that they have not been equally 
 active, where success was to produce no immediate credit. I feel 
 rather sorry to find that the expedition to the West Indies seems 
 still to be intended. 
 
 The style of MonsS^'' Erskine's introduction is precisely such as 
 I should expect from Hippisley's counsels. I had many traces of it 
 in his letters to me. He has no idea of conducting a thing of this 
 sort, but in the way of a canvass ; and in seeking to conciliate all 
 interests, and to get support from every quarter. Such a mode of 
 proceeding may be the best for a job at the India House, but must 
 terribly disgrace a cause of this sort, even if it should procure a sort 
 of bastard success. It might not be impossible, by seeing Erskine 
 upon his arrival, to obviate part of this mischief. 
 
 My wish is so great of conferring with you on this and other still 
 more important subjects, that I must come, I think, before long, to 
 London, though I should return in a few days. The evil is, that
 
 WINDHAM TO BURKE 89 
 
 when one has got there, there come so many detainers, it becomes 
 impossible to get away. Let me in the mean time, beg you to 
 believe me, 
 
 My dear sir, Ever most truly yours 
 
 W. Windham. 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 (Burke Corr. iv. 201.) 
 
 Nov. 25, 1793. 
 
 Since I wrote last, the outside of affairs is a good deal mended, 
 but they will not bear inspection. Our politics want directness and 
 simplicity. A spirit of chicane, or something very like it, pre- 
 dominates in all that is done, either by our allies or by ourselves. 
 Westminster-hall has ruined Whitehall ; and there are many things 
 in which we proceed more like lawyers than statesmen. If this 
 distemper is not cured, I undertake to say, with the more positive 
 assurance, that nothing but shame and destruction can be the result 
 of all our operations in the field and in the cabinet. All the misfor- 
 tunes of the war have arisen from this very intricacy and ambiguity 
 in our politics ; and yet, though this is as visible as I think it is real, 
 I do not find the smallest disposition to make any alteration in the 
 system. I have the greatest possible desire of talking with you on 
 this subject. I think something ought to be done, and I know that 
 I cannot act alone. If I had not always felt this, all that has 
 happened within these three months would have convinced me of it. 
 The very existence of human affairs, in their ancient and happy 
 order, depends upon the existence of this ministry, but it does not 
 depend on their existence only in their ministerial situation and 
 capacity, but on their doing their duty in it. They are certainly 
 bewildered in the labyrinth of their own politics. What you observe 
 is most true ; they think they can defend themselves the better by 
 taking part of the ground of their adversary. But that is a woful 
 mistake. He is consistent and they are not. He is strengthened 
 
 B.-W. c. 12
 
 90 BURKE TO WINDHAM 
 
 by their concessions. He avails himself of what they yield, and 
 contends with advantage for the rest. As to the affairs of France, 
 into which they have entered at last, it is plain to me that they are 
 wholly confounded by their magnitude. The crimes that accumu- 
 lated on each other astonish them. These crimes produce the effects 
 which their authors propose by them. They fill our ministers, and I 
 believe the ministers of other courts, not with indignation and manly 
 resentment, but with an abject terror. They are oppressed by these 
 crimes — they cry quarter — and then they talk a feeling language of 
 mercy; but it is not mercy to the innocent and virtuous sufferers, 
 but to base, cruel, and relentless tyrants. I shall explain myself 
 more fully when we meet. People talk of the cruelty of punishing a 
 revolutionary tribunal, and the authors of the denunciation of an 
 infant king, concerning offences that the voice of humanity cannot 
 utter, in order to criminate his own mother, at the very moment 
 (this very moment) when they turn out of the house, which they 
 have given them in the king's name, and taken credit for it, six 
 hundred and eighty virtuous and religious men, in the beginning of 
 a winter which threatens no small rigour, without a place to hide 
 their heads in. I am mortified at all this, and I believe I express 
 myself with some confusion about it. But we must endeavour to 
 make our complaints rather effectual than loud. The other faction 
 is dreadful indeed. It consists of two parts ; one of which is feebly 
 and unsystematically right, the other regularly, uniformly, and 
 actively wrong ; and what is natural, that which is the most steady 
 and energetic gives the law to that which is lax and wavering. 
 The entire unfolding of the Jacobin system has made no change in 
 them whatsoever. Not one of them has been converted ; no, nor 
 even shaken ; and those who coincide with us in the absolute 
 necessity of this war (to which however they give but a very trim- 
 ming and ambiguous support) are become far more attached than 
 ever to their Jacobin friends, are animated with much greater rage 
 than ever against the ministers, and are become not much less 
 irritated against those of their old friends who act decidedly 
 and honestly in favour of their principles. This state of things 
 requires to be handled according to its true nature. If you and
 
 BURKE TO WINDHAM 9I 
 
 I take the steps we ought to take, there is yet a chance that all 
 may be right. For God's sake come, and come speedily, for no time 
 is to be lost ! 
 
 Ever most faithfully yours 
 
 Edmund Burke. 
 
 Windham to Pitt. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37844, f. ISO 
 
 16 Dec. 1793. 
 
 Sir 
 
 The only point on which it is material that I should 
 
 trouble you is that which relates to the communica" with the 
 
 P[rinces]. On this I could wish to state such facts only as I have 
 
 happened to hear, without repeating opinions with which you are 
 
 already acquainted. 
 
 The P[rince]s I understand are full of jealousy of this conference 
 which they understand is to precede any recognition of their title. 
 Their jealousy turns principally upon these points : — 
 
 A fear lest the purpose of this country should be to limit their 
 authority in order to keep Fr[ance] hereafter in a feeble and de- 
 pressed state. 
 
 A fear lest the ideas of the constitutionalists should be suffered 
 to prevail too much', in which their apprehension they are confirmed 
 by the terms of the agreement at Toulon. 
 
 A fear lest views of indemnification should operate too far, and 
 sacrifices be required of them inconsistent with their duty and 
 character. 
 
 A general apprehension, growing out of all the former, that the 
 Cabinet here is not in earnest in wishing to see them for the present 
 at the head of the Royalist party: but would rather that the cause 
 sh"^ to a certain length be carried on" without them. 
 
 ' Ideas — too much] altered from "the counsels of some constitutionalists, whom 
 they suppose to be in this country should be too much listened to." 
 
 ' That the cause — carried on] altered from "carry on the cause to a certain 
 length." 
 
 12 — 2
 
 92 WINDHAM TO PITT 
 
 These seem to be the principal heads of uneasiness, which 
 whether reasonable or not must be considered as very excuseable 
 in their situation. 
 
 The danger is, that in the state of ferment in which their friends 
 must be, and stimulated in particular, as C[omte] D'A[rtois] is, by 
 every feeling of duty and honour. He should take some rash step, 
 and without consulting anything but his sentiments and feelings 
 should throw himself upon the C[oast] of B[rittany] in the first vessel 
 that he can procure. 
 
 The person from whom I hear this principally, and who though 
 standing in an inferior situation to the D[uc] D'H[arcourt] is still 
 much' in their secrets, is persuaded nevertheless that they are much 
 disposed to be tractable, and would be quieted by a very general 
 assurance relative to the above points, conveyed to them by a person 
 in whose sincerity they could confide. 
 
 I know not that I can add anything to the simple exposition of 
 the fact, coupled with those opinions which I took the liberty [of^] 
 stating to you the other day. I am obliged at present to write 
 rather in a hurry, as I wish to leave town today. I regret now 
 rather that I missed the occasion of discoursing on any such points 
 more at leisure, which you and M^ D[undas] were so obliging as to 
 offer. 
 
 Another point occurs to me at this moment which I will just 
 mention : — the subject of my communications from M'' H[ippisleyJ. 
 By letters which I have just got from him. He expressed consider- 
 able apprehensions, giving at the same time his reasons for them, of 
 the assiduities and instances of the Russian Minister: Mg*" E., who 
 called upon [me] this morning, described to me, though without 
 complaint, some embarassments under which He felt himself, in not 
 being able to write to his court what hopes he might entertain 
 respecting some of the objects of his journey. He proposes in the 
 course of a week to set off for Scotland. 
 
 ' Interlined "greatly." - MS. to.
 
 burke to windham 93 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 (Burke Corr. iv. 205.) 
 
 Becoxsfield, 
 
 Jan. 8, 1794. 
 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 Taking it for granted that business of importance called 
 you to Norfolk, and has kept you there, I did not choose to break in 
 upon your business ; [n]or if you wished for a little repose did I choose 
 to disturb your quiet. Alas ! if I had done so, I could perhaps have 
 done little myself, and perhaps you could not have done much more 
 to prevent the disasters which are likely to fall upon Europe. 
 Toulon is not only a calamitous but, in my mind, a most disgraceful 
 affair. We really stand in need of men of capacity for matters of 
 the least difficulty. The whole stock of abilities in Europe perhaps 
 is not equal to the demand ; but we had resolved not to profit of 
 what there was. I have a strong opinion that Frenchmen are best 
 for French affairs. I have an opinion too, which I don't know 
 whether I can make equally evident ; it is, that the emigrants have 
 better parts than the people among whom they have taken refuge. 
 This I know would be reputed heresy, blasphemy, madness, etc. etc. 
 But I am almost convinced that such is the fact, and that we have 
 suffered all that we have suffered, in these two campaigns, by repel- 
 ling them and refusing to consult, and as much as possible in any 
 way to use them, in their own affairs. To this I attribute, amongst 
 other causes, but to this principally, our shameful flight from Toulon. 
 But if my speculations be false and unfounded, come and help me to 
 make them better. You will soon be wanted, and I really wish you 
 here before the birth-day. The earlier the better. I am not very 
 sanguine about the effect of anything ; but it is not our hopes, but 
 our duty, that is to call forth our exertion. I think just in this bad 
 state of our affairs we are doubly bound to show ourselves at court. 
 
 I am ever most truly and affectionately yours 
 
 Edmund Burke.
 
 94 BURKE TO WINDHAM 
 
 I do not believe the Christian army yet done up. But we do not 
 make a movement towards them ; we expect them to do everything 
 for us ; and then we will condescend to take the command of them, 
 and make them act under us and for our purposes. 
 
 Richard Burke to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37843, f. 33.) 
 
 JarC. 8, 1794. 
 
 My dear Windham 
 
 I left my father at Beaconsfield this morning : he agreed 
 with tne that it was full time you should come up. The events 
 which have happened furnish abundance of matter on which he 
 wishes to talk with you : And surely it is right that you should be in 
 town a few days before the Meeting^ Dreadful as the aspect of 
 things is, I do not like to despair, as the despair must be so very 
 comprehensive if it exists at all. The resources of the civilized 
 world cannot, one should hope, be exhausted tho' they have been so 
 much squander'd. But I am sure, unless things get into a different 
 train, both at home and abroad, we cannot be saved, if we can be so 
 upon any terms. What is to be done, or how we can contribute to 
 effect the proper line of action when we have found it, is the difficulty. 
 Consultation, however, may suggest something. And while you 
 have seats in Parliament, you are not wholly without resource. I 
 understand Lord Spencer is in town. There seems to be still some 
 possibility that the account which has been flying about for some 
 time of the Duke of Brunswick's victory may be true : a person who 
 is in correspondence with him asserts the fact from that correspond- 
 ence, giving particulars of the action, which he says took place 
 between the 28*^ and 30*^'^ But this is not compatible with 
 Wurmser's having crossed the Rhine, which I fear is too true. 
 
 Believe me most sincerely yours &c. 
 
 R. Burke. 
 
 ' Parliament met on 21 Jan.
 
 portland to windham 95 
 
 Duke of Portland to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37845, f. 1 7-) 
 
 BULSTRODE, 
 
 II fatf. 1794. 
 
 My dear Windham, 
 
 When I look at the date of your letter, and recollect the 
 sort of engagement I entered into at the time I returned you my 
 thanks for it, I feel it quite impossible to justify my silence. It is 
 very certain that the subject, on which I undertook to give you my 
 sentiments more at length, abounds with so many unpleasant vexa- 
 tions and distressing considerations, that I can not but say I was 
 always ready to avail myself of a pretext to lay it aside ; and I can 
 say with no less truth, that although the temper and habit of your 
 mind appeared to me necessarily to suggest to you many questions 
 and many cases of conscience respecting our publick conduct, the 
 line which it became and behoved us to follow in the present Crisis 
 seemed to me so plain and distinct, that even the jealousy of my 
 friendship for you did not give me a moment's apprehension of any 
 difference in our ultimate decision. 
 
 After all that has been said and written upon the subject, the 
 Question for our present determination reduces itself to the con- 
 sideration of what our Duty to the publick requires us to do as 
 Whigs, that is, as members of a Party, or, as unconnected Individuals 
 — Or, in other words, what are the most effectual means that can be 
 taken by us for the support of the Government and Constitution 
 of our Country and the general preservation and maintenance of 
 Religion, Law, Good Order, in short, of the principles and purposes 
 of Civil Society. 
 
 I know it has been very strongly urged, and by some for whose 
 judgement and disinterestedness I have the highest respect, that 
 our Duty calls upon us at this moment not only to co-operate or act 
 in conjunction with Ministers, but to make so perfectly a common 
 cause with them as to become members of their Administration by 
 accepting certain offices which there is very good reason to believe
 
 96 PORTLAND TO WINDHAM 
 
 are ready to be offered to us ; that every mode of support other than 
 this demonstrates a distrust and diffidence on the part of the Giver, 
 which cannot but be injurious to the existing Government, be the 
 hands what they may by which it is administered ; that support, to 
 be effectual, must be given completely and indiscriminately, and 
 cannot be dealt out by apportionment or measure ; that if given 
 partially it betrays an indecision and unsteadiness of Character in 
 the Givers, which in as much as it is prejudicial to them, equally 
 diminishes and weakens the effect, even of that portion of assistance 
 which is intended to be given ; so as to render it doubtful whether 
 it is not rather of disservice than of any utility or benefit to the 
 Publick. This subject has also been treated with ridicule as well as 
 with good and powerful argument ; but it is an abuse of your time 
 to take more notice of them, knowing as I do that there is not a 
 medium through which this subject could be seen in which it has not 
 been presented to your view ; that friendship, affection, partiality, 
 admiration for you, integrity and artifice have all been exerted to 
 the utmost to induce you to adopt this opinion ; and I only state 
 them to shew you, that I am not unmindful of the arguments which 
 have been used on this side of the question. 
 
 As I have been long in the habit of believing that certain 
 obligations or conditions or Duties are respectively attached to every 
 station or rank of life, I have no difficulty in admitting that the 
 acceptance of office under certain conditions is one of those to which 
 persons of our description are liable, but then I contend that the 
 judgement of those conditions, under, what I shall call, his innate 
 responsibility, rests with every individual. I am also decidedly of 
 opinion that the existence of a Whig Party is essential to the well 
 being of this Country, as well as to the preservation of its Constitution, 
 and allow me, my dear Windham, when the name of Whig has been 
 so prostituted and counterfeited as we have seen it, to deposit with 
 you in a very few words my definition of the Whig Party, which I 
 have always understood to be, an union of any number of persons 
 of independent minds and fortunes formed and connected together 
 by their belief in the principles upon which the Revolution of 1688 
 was founded and perfected, and by their attachment to the present
 
 PORTLAND TO WINDHAM 97 
 
 form of our Government, to all its establishments and Orders Reli- 
 gious and Civil ; and the test of whose Conduct as a Party must 
 consist in their never supporting, proposing, or resisting, any 
 measure, in or out of Parliament, to which, if they were possessed 
 of power, if they were the ministers of the country, they would not 
 give exactly the same treatment. 
 
 Considering these positions as the standard or scale by which I 
 am to try the propriety of the Conduct I am to hold upon all publick 
 occasions, it is certainly not from envy, and I hope as little from 
 resentment, that I feel myself under the necessity of adverting to 
 the present Administration. Whenever I have thought their measures 
 right I have supported them, and as often as I think so I will support 
 them. In the conduct of the present War, though there are cases 
 in which I may have thought some of them injudicious, and some 
 which have been unfortunate, they will not, in the present moment, 
 be arraigned or blamed by me ; nor shall any encouragement be 
 wanting on my part to bring the War to a successfull, a safe and 
 honorable termination. I shall advert to the conduct of the present 
 Administration no further, nor desire the principles of their formation 
 and conduct to be remember'd no otherwise, than as they may be 
 necessary to justify the opinion I mean to submit to you. It will 
 not be denied to me that the characteristic feature of the present 
 Reign has been its uniform and almost unremitting attention and 
 study to debase and vilify the natural Aristocracy of the Country, and 
 under the popular pretence of abolishing all party distinctions, to 
 annihilate, if possible, the Whig Party. For these express purposes 
 the present Ministry was formed, and that they have most religiously 
 adhered to and most exemplarily fulfilled the purposes of their 
 creation, every year of their existence would furnish us with abundant 
 instances, but their conduct at the time of the Regency would of 
 itself be sufficient, and I could be satisfied to confine myself to that 
 measure only, could I forget what passed no longer ago than the 
 latter end of the last Session with regard to the Election of the 
 16 Peers of Scotland. But to compress what occurs to me upon this 
 subject into the smallest possible compass, I will not insist at all 
 upon the objections which arise out of the Circumstances I have just 
 
 B.-W. c. 13
 
 98 PORTLAND TO WINDHAM 
 
 alluded to, and I will endeavour in the farther consideration of this 
 question to make the interest of the publick the main and sole ground 
 upon which my opinion shall be formed. 
 
 If the Case could admit of any exception, I should insist that 
 there never was a Crisis in which it was of so much importance as the 
 present, that the Characters of those who are admitted to responsible 
 situations in Government should be exempt from all suspicion of 
 being influenced by motives of interest ; that considering the pre- 
 dicament in which We have so long stood in opposition or contradis- 
 tinction to the present Ministers, it would be almost impossible for 
 any of Us, under any circumstances which have as yet come to my 
 Knowledge, to accede to, and suffer ourselves to be incorporated into 
 the present Administration, without making ourselves obnoxious to 
 such suspicions ; from whence I conclude that it is inconsistent with 
 the uniform tenor of our Conduct and incompatible with our duty to 
 the publick to accept any offer which there is any reason to imagine 
 will be made to us. The Conversations which passed about the time 
 of the late Chancellor's removal from his office, the Glass which 
 L^ Loughborough was desired by Dundas, and authorised by Pitt, 
 to hold up to us, the overtures which have been since made to You, 
 and the intimation of such a weight, of so many seats, in Cabinet as 
 
 might be sufficient to ensure an honorable support to L*^ S , if 
 
 He could be prevailed upon to undertake the Lieutenancy of Ireland, 
 are proofs to demonstration to me, that no intention has ever been 
 entertained, or perhaps conceived, of forming an Administration upon 
 such a Basis as would comprehend the collective strength of the 
 Country; that the ideas of strengthening government have not origi- 
 nated out of a wish or hope of Union, but, as I fear, out of a desire 
 to take advantage of the differences which have unhappily arisen 
 among Us, and with a view to make those divisions, which have been 
 the consequence of them, irreconcileable and irreparable. This at 
 least has been evidently the object of all the new Proselytes. When 
 a Conduct has been pursued so very reverse from that which I should 
 have thought the peculiarity and magnitude of the present Crisis 
 required, and which the Duty of persons in ministerial situations 
 imposed upon them, I own myself at a loss to give them credit for
 
 PORTLAND TO WINDHAM 99 
 
 that sincerity, or for any one of those motives, which will war- 
 rant me to suppose that any such inclination has ever been felt 
 by Pitt, as can secure us, were we to consent to listen to his over- 
 tures, from the reproach of having made a sacrifice of our principles, 
 or can give us admission to the publick service in such a way as to 
 ensure to Government the full benefit of the Influence we derive 
 from our Characters. If it was worth while to advert to the circum- 
 stances of the offer of the Marquisate of Rockingham to L*^ Fitz- 
 william and of the Garter to myself, there would appear in those 
 trifles a want of sincerity so perfectly unnecessary that one cannot 
 help wondering at it ; but when it cannot help discovering itself on 
 such very trivial occasions, you will allow that it must create an 
 impression not very favourable to the idea of trusting what ought to 
 be most dear to one to the Keeping of so inattentive and careless a 
 Manager. So much then for the sincerity which we are to look for 
 in these offers. One word now for the Candor ; and to you and me, 
 who each of us know a little of Ireland, it requires a measure of zeal 
 for the publick service, which I confess I am not possessed of, to 
 admit the state of that Country to be brought forward to be set in 
 the front of all their arguments by the present Ministers as the 
 inducement, the justification, the unanswerable reason for our inlisting 
 into their Corps, for our not hesitating to accede to their Administra- 
 tion. And is it impossible to refuse one's hand to Sylv*" Douglas and 
 decline the honor of being led by him through ranks of Renuncia- 
 tions, Commercial Propositions, Regency Measures, encouragements 
 and discouragements to Catholics and Reformers, alternate submis- 
 sions and resistances, new Jobs, new Boards and the whole Battle 
 Array of temporary expedients to the Head of the Council Table in 
 Ireland ? But here I will leave this part of the subject, a very 
 serious and most important one assuredly, and one which in my 
 more enthusiastick moments I have looked to as one of the earliest 
 and most certain instruments by which it might be hoped that the 
 salvation of this Country, as well as that, might be permanently 
 effected. But in considering the question of our acceding to the 
 present Administration it is not the expediency or propriety of 
 the measure as it concerns any of us personally that I trouble my 
 
 13—2
 
 lOO PORTLAND TO WINDHAM 
 
 head about ; it is solely the effect which it would have upon the 
 publick mind, and its tendency through that Organ to render Govern- 
 ment more or less respectable, concerning which I feel any way 
 interested. It must be allowed that there are several persons known 
 by the name of the Opposition or Whig Party who from the 
 respectability of their Characters possess a considerable share of the 
 good opinion and esteem of the Publick. Some of them certainly 
 owe this to their Talents and Abilities, but all of them are at least 
 as much indebted for it to the ingenuousness, the integrity, and 
 disinterestedness of their conduct. As long as they preserve this 
 title to the publick esteem, so long will they have it in their power, 
 either as Individuals or as Party men, to give very great assistance 
 and strength to Government by their avowed sanction and support 
 of the measures which Ministers may bring forward — in their private 
 Situations they can give energy to measures which want force, they 
 can controll and suppress others before they can have risen to a 
 state to be obnoxious, they can in many cases counteract popular 
 prejudices and engage and ensure popular favour ; from the confi- 
 dence they possess, from the impossibility of any jealousy or suspicion 
 attaching to them, they can give the tone to the publick mind, and 
 very nearly be able to place every measure of Administration in the 
 light in which they wish it to be seen. But let them accede to the 
 present Administration, let them take offices under M'' Pitt, and from 
 that moment their weight, their consideration, their very names are 
 lost. Will it ever from that moment be a question what may be the 
 Opinion of M'" Windham, L*^ Spencer, L** Fitzwilliam, or any other 
 person of that description ? Whether suspicion or distrust shall 
 follow that step, I don't here inquire, I will even suppose that the 
 publick will do you all perfect justice, — but you become involved in 
 the mass of Administration, you become the adherents and followers 
 of Pitt. You may be of some use in Council, but your Station in 
 publick Opinion is gone, it is lost, and, as far as I am able to judge, 
 can not in the present moment be compensated by any good which 
 may be done by your obtaining Seats in the Cabinet. As upon the 
 Party, the effects of this conduct cannot but be productive of very 
 material injury; and to one devoted to Party as I am, for the reasons
 
 PORTLAND TO WINDHAM IQI 
 
 which I have stated in the former part of this Letter, it can not but 
 appear certain to produce the most serious injuries to the true 
 interests of the Publick. It has of late been extremely convenient 
 to some persons, to whom it has at other times been as convenient 
 to be thought to be attached to the Whig Party, to suppose, and to 
 endeavour to make it generally believed, that the Party was broken 
 to pieces, that it was dissolved, that it had not any longer even 
 the means of existence ; and I am sorry to say but with too much 
 success. But according to my ideas of several of those who have 
 professed themselves members of it, according to my idea of its 
 Vital Principle, I shall deny the possibility of its dissolution. — It 
 must be as eternal, as I wish the Constitution of this Country to be. 
 It must be coexistent with the principles of Right and Wrong. 
 That it has suffer'd, that some of its most precious and most lovely 
 Ornaments have been torn from it, I admit and lament — the wound 
 it received last year in one of its most capital Branches is an event 
 which affects me with the deepest concern and affliction ; that no 
 support can be now, at this moment, expected from that Branch I 
 can not deny ; but let us hope that time may restore it to its Parent 
 Trunk, and that it may again strengthen and invigorate its native 
 Stock. If the existence of a Whig Party is as essential as I contend 
 it to be to the well being and prosperity of the State, and that the 
 inlisting with the present Ministers is productive of discredit and 
 weakness to that Party, I conceive that it can not well be denied, 
 under the actual circumstances of this Country, that a greater injury 
 could [not] befall the Cause of Government than would ensue by the 
 principal Members of that Party being induced to accept any offers 
 which can be held out to them by the present Ministry. I have 
 already said enough and perhaps more than enough upon this 
 subject, and yet I can not pass over an argument arising, as I under- 
 stand, out of the plans of the present opposition and the irreconcile- 
 able difference which is likely to continue for a very long period of 
 time between us and that description of person. Because a certain 
 number of Gentlemen, who have been in the habit of acting with us 
 for several years, happen now to differ from us so essentially, upon 
 points of very great and high moment and importance, as to have
 
 I02 PORTLAND TO WINDHAM 
 
 occasioned a complete separation or breach between us ; and because 
 upon these points a perfect Uniformity of Sentiment and Conduct has 
 prevailed between the Whigs and the present Ministers, it is urged 
 that the Whigs ought to accept offices (seats in the Cabinet, I under- 
 stand) if such should be offer'd them by the present Ministers. For 
 my own part, I must say that no such obligation can be admitted bv 
 me, any more than that such a conclusion is warranted by the pre- 
 mises I have just stated. I should really conceive a proposal on 
 the part of Administration to that effect to be particularly ill-timed 
 and in all respects very injudicious and ill-imagined. It would seem 
 on that part an admission of weakness which Our Conduct is intended 
 to render unnecessary, and would be a disregard or abandonment of 
 an Advantage which the liberality of that conduct would alone hold 
 out to them. In another light it can not be considered but as liable 
 to particular objection in the present moment, in as much as it would 
 subject them to the imputation, with which they have been so often 
 charged, of availing themselves with eagerness of these unhappy 
 differences to prejudice the characters of that Party, and of those 
 very persons, whom it is their interest to hold out to the publick 
 view as disposed to give them a disinterested and consequently the 
 most effectual support. So far with respect to the offer, now as to 
 the acceptance of it ; I can not discover, with all the attention I am 
 master of, any inducement or justification, which this unhappy 
 schism affords for it ; in my view of it (the Schism) it operates the 
 direct contrary way. I should infer that it rendered it necessary 
 for Us to be more reserved and guarded in our conduct towards 
 Administration, and to be more than ordinarily cautious in not giving 
 ground for suspicion or jealousies of an interested nature ; that, it 
 being but too probable that the opposition even to this War would 
 not be an unpopular conduct, and considering of whom that Opposi- 
 tion would be principally composed, comparisons would naturally be 
 made of their conduct with that of the Friends they had quitted ; and 
 that this consideration ought to be an additional argument against our 
 listening to any offer that would give color to suspicions, which I am 
 very sure the factious spirit which animates and actuates some of 
 those who compose that Opposition will not let them be backward
 
 PORTLAND TO WINDHAM IO3 
 
 in raising and propagating. I therefore must be allowed to say, that 
 to the best of my poor judgement I can not but rank this argument 
 on the side of those which I should urge for deprecating any such 
 offer in the present circumstances. There now remains, as I believe, 
 and as you must hope, only one more subject for consideration, and 
 on that I mean to say but very few words, as I conceive I have 
 already in a great measure anticipated what would be applicable to 
 it. But it having been asked, if a sincere disposition to form an 
 Administration upon what we consider its true bottom should really 
 exist, whether it should be frustrated ? I will acknowledge to you, 
 to whom I wish to speak without any reserve, that it is a question 
 which under the present circumstances would require the most cool 
 and serious consideration, and to which I am certainly not prepared 
 to give an answer. It does not however seem to me to be an 
 embarassment of which We are very immediately likely to feel the 
 weight, and in the mean time I have not the least hesitation in 
 declaring, that considering the proofs I have had of the sincerity 
 and candor of the present Ministers, and the judgement I have been 
 able to form of the Habits of their minds and their general train of 
 sentiments, it is my clear and decided opinion that the disposition, 
 such as it appears to me, ought most certainly to be frustrated, and 
 if possible the idea of it not suffer'd to exist, because it seems to me 
 incapable of producing any other effects than the ruin of those who 
 suffer themselves to be deluded by it, the inflicting a deeper wound 
 on the Cause of Whiggism than it has ever yet suffer'd, and preparing 
 a severer blow for the cause of Government than it has yet been 
 exposed to. 
 
 You are now possessed of my sentiments respecting the conduct 
 which it appears to me it would become us to hold in the present 
 crisis. I have laid them very fully before you, and without any 
 reserve. Should they be fortunate enough to meet your concurrence, 
 and that of any other person (I mean L<^ Spencer in particular) 
 or persons to whom you may think proper to communicate them, 
 I shall be extremely happy, and very ready to concert with you 
 the best means of giving them effect. You can not be more 
 anxious than I am to give the most effectual support to the War,
 
 I04 PORTLAND TO WINDHAM 
 
 to re-establish the Reign of Order, and to vindicate the cause of 
 Whiggism. I shall be in Town on Tuesday and hope to find 
 you there. 
 
 I am ever, My dear Windham, 
 
 most sincerely Yours ever 
 
 Portland. 
 
 Sir 
 
 Windham to Pitt. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37844, f. 19.) 
 
 [Endorsed, ya/i" 20'*, 1794.] 
 
 I should hardly think it necessary to trouble you with 
 any account of the meeting tonight at Burlington House, if a doubt 
 thrown out on the part of one of the company — and that too of a 
 sort perfectly consistent with the most entire radical agreement- — had 
 not produced some conversation, which rumour may easily improve 
 into a debate and make use of to raise a question as to the general 
 harmony and unanimity of the meeting. 
 
 The terms of the notes, if you have happened to see any of them, 
 will sufficiently speak the purpose for which the meeting was con- 
 vened : and the language of the D. of P. cannot be better described, 
 than by saying that it went to the full extent of that purpose. Were 
 you to suggest a speech which you' could wish him to deliver in the 
 H. of Lords, you could not devise expressions more forcible and 
 full than those which he made use of both upon the nature of the 
 war, the necessity of carrying it on, and the support to be [given] to 
 those who had the conduct of it. Excepting the single instance 
 which I have' * * * 
 
 ' which you] repeated in draft. ° draft incomplete.
 
 burke to windham io5 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37843, f- 35-) 
 
 Saturday [i Feb. 1794]- 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 Mons'' de Robrie^ as you know, was sent on a special 
 commission by the Royalists of Poitou to this Government. After 
 we had done him the honour of a prison on his arrival, he was at 
 last brought up under a King's Messenger's protection. Entering 
 into London, he is robbed of 143 Guineas and all his effects, and has 
 one of his teeth knocked out, by way of douceur, with the handle of 
 a Pistol. It was fifteen days after his arrival before he could see 
 M"^ Dundas. These people have thought proper to pay him not 
 a groat more than the value or thereabouts, of which he was 
 robbed — and for the rest of his payment, you see the letter he 
 receives from the great M'' Huskkisson", who pays him off in glory, 
 tintamarre, drum and trumpet. One hundred and forty-three 
 Guineas was a great sum for our poor Brethren of Poitou to furnish. 
 They clubbed for it, and many assignats were necessary to furnish 
 this sum. He counts his Baggage not^ to be worth not much less 
 than forty pound. They have given him an hundred and ten pound. 
 What Devil made them stop there I cannot conceive ; He was 
 entitled to nothing, or to his loss. This composition is the meanest 
 and foolishest thing I ever heard of. Surely, if the Royalists, our 
 allies and under our declared protection, are not to have their 
 Messengers maintain'd, by and by we can have no communication 
 with them. I send you a paper in the Gusto grande of our offices. 
 It will improve your style. Let me have it again. Can you call ? 
 Send me^ the letter again, if you cannot. I am ever aff*^^y 
 
 y""® &c. 
 
 Edm. Burke. 
 You will of Course be in the House this day. 
 
 ■ Chevalier de la Robrie, an emissary of the Vendee general Charette. He was 
 driven on to the Welsh coast by a storm and treated as a suspect person, see Pelham's 
 Diary, Add. MS. 33630, f. 5. 
 
 ' William Huskisson, afterwards the well-known statesman, had been appointed to 
 a special office under the Alien Act. 
 
 ^ Sic. * MS. Send me have. 
 
 B.-W. C. 14
 
 io6 pelham's diary 
 
 In Pelham's Diary, Sunday, 2 Feb., is the record "dined at 
 Burlington House with D. of Devon, Lord Mansfield, Spencer, 
 Tom Grenville, Windham, W. Ellis, Burke, Ch. Townshend and 
 F. Montagu. We agreed to meet every Thursday to consider the 
 state of affairs'." From about this time Windham appears to be the 
 recognised, though unofficial, channel of communication between the 
 French royalists and the British Government. On the 5th Pelham 
 notes "Windham had had a conference with Dundas and it was 
 settled that de la Robrie should have a small vessel of 36 tons, and 
 a fast sailer, at his disposal with 1500 stand of arms and other 
 warlike stores.... We discussed the advantage of establishing some 
 communication with the Princes and appointing a sort of committee 
 composed of the most respectable Frenchmen here, who might com- 
 municate with administration or, as he proposed, with W. and myself 
 in order to ascertain what Frenchmen were in England, what their 
 pursuits were, and if there were any who were not disposed to engage 
 in the service of the royalists, to consider them as persons that ought 
 to be watched, if not sent out of the country." A little later, i March, 
 is an important note of a meeting of the Portland whigs to advise the 
 administration as to the subsidy to the King of Prussia. " Burke 
 with his usual and inimitable sagacity of judgement saw at once the 
 pour et contre. He said that the K. of Prussia would be against us 
 if he was not heartily and contentedly with us, and that if we refused 
 the 60,000" upon the terms he offered we might expect he would 
 withdraw the 40,000 and perhaps be against us, and that independent 
 of the obvious disadvantage of beginning the campaign with such 
 diminution of force we were to apprehend the effects of his possessing 
 Mayence and Coblentz, by which he held the key of Germany and 
 the command of the Rhine." 
 
 ' The whole of this unpublished diary. Add. MSS. 33629 — 33631 is of considerable 
 political interest. It covers the period 30 Nov. 1793 — 6 March 1794. 
 
 * Prussia was already bound by treaty to supply 40,000 men and now offered to 
 supply 100,000 in consideration of a subsidy of two millions, whereof Great Britain 
 was to provide two-thirds and also to be security for Prussia's own quota of one-fifth.
 
 portland to windham i07 
 
 Duke of Portland to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37845, f. 39-) 
 
 London, 
 Wednesday, 16 April, 1794. 
 Dear Windham, 
 
 By wishing to do too much I have the mortification of 
 having done nothing. To own the truth, I had a great desire to be 
 authorised to say that your presence would be necessary in the course 
 of the Emigrant Bill, and for that rea.son postponed my thanks and 
 congratulations, which I have the most satisfactory assurances are 
 both equally and most amply due to You for the Event of Saturday at 
 Norwich, and in the mean time the Bill has escaped, notwithstanding 
 all the obstructions with which it was threatened, and will get into 
 our House today. From what I hear of it you have had a very 
 great loss indeed in missing Burke's speech upon it on last Friday ; 
 there is not a Jacobine, who pretends to taste, who dares, for his own 
 sake, to withhold from it his full tribute of applause, and I understand 
 it was given in Burke's best manner. You had also another loss of a 
 similar kind in not hearing L"^ Mansfield in answer to L'' Lauderdale's 
 motion for overhawling the sentences against Muir and Palmer^ He 
 completely overset all Lauderdale's Facts, his Law, his Arguments, 
 and his Inferences, and the best proof I can give you of its effect is, 
 that it appeared to be spoken as fast as any one could wish, and that 
 he was, after the first 5 minutes, as completely in possession of the 
 attention of his audience as any speaker ever was upon any occasion. 
 Accounts have been received today from Sir Cha** Grey, dated the 
 15*^ March from the camp before Cape Bourbon, in which he says 
 that the whole Island of Martinico is in his possession excepting the 
 Forts Bourbon and Royal, that the latter it was in his power to take 
 whenever he judged it necessary, but wishing to preserve the former 
 he should be sorry to be obliged to proceed to that extremity — since 
 his landing he has lost in killed 71, and in wounded 193 — and 3 
 missing. I suppose long before this the English Flag flies every- 
 where in that Island. Would to God I could see the true French 
 colours hoisted in Nantes, S*" Malo's or in any town in old France ; 
 
 ' Sentenced to transportation for sedition. 
 
 14 — 2
 
 I08 PORTLAND TO WINDHAM 
 
 this wish leads me naturally to represent to you that during your 
 absence from hence the poor Royalists will not have a friend, at least 
 not one that can say a word for them to Ministers, or who can 
 support the only cause that can be successfull ; for sure I am, that 
 neither the capture of Martinico nor of all the French Possessions in 
 the West Indies will have any effect here, or do one hundredth part 
 of the service which the Common Cause would derive from the real 
 French Army in the Vendee. Pray hold yourself engaged to dine 
 with me the first Trial Day after the Holidays, and I will ask some 
 true Royalist to meet you. The Clock strikes six. 
 
 Yours ever 
 P. 
 
 Richard Burke to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37843, f- 37-) 
 
 [Endorsed, /une, 1794] 
 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 My father does not seem much pleased with the idea of 
 the letter you mention'd, and which before I saw you this morning 
 I did not conceive the nature of However complimentary, it can be 
 considered in fact as little more than a compliment. With regard to 
 the lateness of the session Parliament has already been adjourned for 
 a week, during which time the business might have been done. To 
 say the truth, if some vote is not passed this session on the subject, 
 Nothing is done. Should it be found impracticable to do any thing 
 by vote this session, that becomes a conclusive reason why the 
 peerage should be given ; since nothing else can be conceived to 
 give a solid security or an earnest in public estimation tor a future 
 provision. This, with the letter (to which it would give a real 
 assurance), w^^ certainly be sufficient. 
 
 yours &c. 
 
 R. Burke,
 
 burke to windham io9 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37843, f- 39-) 
 
 Tuesday night \/une 10, 1794]. 
 My dear friend — much Joy to you on this Naval Victory' — tho' 
 very dearly bought. Can you be down pretty early tomorrow morn- 
 ing ? I am quite ashamed of putting you to such tasks — but the 
 facility and nobleness with which you submit to friendly offices and 
 the more triffling parts of Duty have no small Effect on mine and 
 some other minds. 
 
 Gods! with what nameless grace the generous Mind 
 Performs whate'er its virtue has designed. 
 
 It is Dryden translating some verses on Plutarch. God bless you 
 and again Joy which shoots across the gloom. 
 
 yrs ever 
 
 E. Burke. 
 
 Richard Burke to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37843, f- 41.) 
 
 June 19, 1794. 
 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 I am much obliged to you for your communication of the 
 intentions of Gov*^ with regard to my father, which, as far as the 
 pecuniary consideration goes, are fully adequate to my wishes. But 
 I cannot help expressing my surprise that there should be any thing 
 like a demur with regard to the peerage. It is not that I lay much 
 stress on what Sir G. Elliot conveyed to him from the Ministers on 
 that subject. I think his pretensions stand upon grounds much 
 stronger than any promises actual or implied. The terms used to 
 Sir G. Elliot might have been general, tho' he seem'd to attatch 
 a particular sense to them. They were certainly however not such 
 as to imply that the Ministers had very mean ideas with regard to 
 my father, and I did not conceive that what was consider'd as a debt 
 
 ' Lord Howe's victory, i June.
 
 no R. BURKE TO WINDHAM 
 
 due from the country and due to the opinion of Europe at large, 
 could be less than the peerage. However it is for the Ministers to 
 judge what they will do or not do. It is a matter absolutely in their 
 own breasts. It would be as ridiculous for my father at this time of 
 day to haggle about the recompence for his services, as it would have 
 [been] absurd in the Ministers to chaffer with him about the price 
 before those services were render'd ; services [for] which if the effects 
 of them could have been foreseen or could have been bargain'd for, (if 
 he was a man capable of bargaining) I do not believe any rewards 
 the country has to bestow would have been thought too much. But 
 in the retrospect things have a different appearance, especially when 
 impressions are no longer fresh, and when the man is going off the 
 stage and can be of use no further. It is therefore not unnatural 
 that difficulties should be made. I confess that if the thing were to 
 be judged of in the abstract, if my mother was not concern'd, and if 
 the arrangement of his affairs did not imply the sale of his place in 
 the country (in which so much of his as well as my mother's satis- 
 factions are involved) I should certainly agree with you, that it would 
 be more becoming the place and character m.y father sustains in the 
 world — foregoing all expectations from the public — to cut himself 
 down to the measure of his means (which, however moderate, are 
 more than human necessities require) than to consent to have his 
 services, which now stand in the first order, set down by a secondary 
 reward at a secondary standard. As matters stand however, some 
 sacrifice of dignity must be made to ease. And tho' I think he might 
 expect an otiuni aim dignitate, and that the peerage is not more than 
 his due, if I may say, the specific reward appropriate to his peculiar 
 services, yet if the Ministers think otherwise and think that services 
 like his can be paid in money — as far as my vote goes, I shall advise 
 him to submit, and I see nothing else for him to do but to take what 
 is given him with thankfulness and with as good a grace as he can. 
 
 I cannot think that the Ministers have sufficiently consider'd, or 
 that it can be their intention that what they do should lose so much 
 of its grace and effect with regard to the public, by what they with- 
 hold ; or that they have reflected what will be thought, when it comes 
 to be known that this was an object to my father and that it was
 
 R. BURKE TO WINDHAM I I I 
 
 refused on any grounds whatsoever. If they do not give it to him, 
 for God's sake, for what kind of services is it reserved, unless it's 
 determined that it should never be given to civil service, or only 
 follow in the common line of official promotion ? Who[m] do they 
 mean to make peers of in future ? I say nothing with regard to 
 the past, tho' I believe some might be found on the list whose 
 services are not more brilliant or their fortune more ample than his. 
 Indeed if it were a subject fit for me to discuss, I might compare his 
 services for effect and public benefit, with those of any single man 
 since the restoration. However this may end, I shall never forget 
 your active friendship on the occasion. And depend upon it that 
 He is sufficiently a philosopher, not only to bear the want of any 
 reward at all, but perhaps what is more difficult, chearfully to acquiesce 
 in that which does not come to his ideas. Believe me 
 
 most truly 
 
 yours &c. 
 
 R. B. 
 
 Duke of Portland to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37845, f. 4I-) 
 
 Thursday night, ^ July 1794. 
 near 12 o'clock. 
 
 Dear Windham, 
 
 My company had separated just before your Letter 
 arrived, as you may probably know already by having seen 
 L*^ Spencer and Grenville, who intended to call upon you in their 
 way home. I now regret your absence much more than I could have 
 imagined I could have had any reason to do, because, from what 
 I learn 'd from Grenville, I concluded that your mind was made up to 
 become a member of Cabinet and that the mode was become to you 
 a very secondary consideration. I can not but wish you to reconsider 
 this question, and to recollect that I may be under the necessity of 
 bringing your doubts forward tomorrow in a place where I should be
 
 I 1 2 PORTLAND TO WINDHAM 
 
 very sorry that any ground could be given for suspicion or appre- 
 hension of backwardness in any, and more particularly in so 
 conspicuous a Leader on our side as You certainly are. It would 
 be idle to attempt to refute arguments of which I am ignorant. 
 But I can not help asking whether the Opponent to your coming into 
 Administration considered that measure in its bearings upon the 
 general credit and character and interest of the Cause, and did give 
 and was capable of giving its due weight and appretiating the differ- 
 ence of the Office of Sec'^ of War as merely ministerial, or being 
 a real efficient Cabinet employment, upon which my opinion of the 
 propriety of your acceptance of it, principally, if not wholly, rests and 
 depends. There are persons, very wise and virtuous friends of ours, 
 and most active and zealous supporters of the Cause of Government, 
 who endeavoured to make Lord Fitzwilliam refuse to take an active 
 part in Administration. But they could not succeed. — I devoutly 
 pray that further reflection will make them equally unsuccessfull in 
 your case. 
 
 most sincerely 
 
 yours ever 
 
 P. 
 
 You will not forget that I must be at S' James s tomorrow by 
 half past 12.
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 FIRST PERIOD OF THE COALITION. FITZVVILLIAM 
 AND IRELAND. 
 
 On 20 July 1794 Burke received the thanks of the House of 
 Commons upon the conclusion of the Warren Hastings impeachment, 
 and directly afterwards retired finally from parliament. The ultimate 
 arrangement in regard to a pecuniary reward was a pension from the 
 Crown, not, as he would have preferred, a grant by parliament. On 
 II July, the day of the prorogation\ was matured the scheme for 
 incorporation of the Portland whigs in the ministry. The arrange- 
 ment was as follows : 
 
 Duke of Portland, Secretary of State for the Home Department, 
 vice Dundas'. 
 
 Earl Spencer, Privy Seal, vice Marquis of Stafford. 
 
 Earl Fitzwilliam, President of Council, vice Earl Camden. 
 
 Windham, Secretary at War', vice Sir George Yonge. 
 
 Loughborough had been Chancellor since 28 Jan. and Sir Gilbert 
 Elliot, as we have seen, was employed abroad. The scheme there- 
 fore was presumably sufficiently comprehensive to fulfil the Duke's 
 notion of a real basis, except in one particular, that of Ireland ; and 
 in that respect the arrangement was understood to be left open to 
 further changes as soon as certain hindrances to an immediate settle- 
 ment could be removed. To try to state exactly the nature of these 
 impediments, and of the understanding as to what was to take place 
 upon their removal, is to plunge into a matter of acute controversy, 
 in which we may more readily discern in the character of the actors 
 
 ^ The actual date of Earl Spencer's appointment was a few days later. 
 "^ Who had previously combined this office with the Board of Control. 
 "' But with a seat in the cabinet. Yonge was made Master of the Mint. 
 
 B.-W. C. 15
 
 114 CHANGES IN MINISTRY 
 
 the impossibility of their co-operation, than we can reconcile their 
 statements as to the matters of fact which were in dispute in the 
 following letters. Pitt, we are told, had promised Lord Westmorland, 
 the present Lord Lieutenant, before he went to Ireland, to give him 
 on his return a dignity equal to that which he had previously held, 
 viz. the Postmastership, and until this could be arranged was not at 
 liberty to recall him\ Portland, we are also informed, had been 
 most anxious to go to Ireland himself and when, under his friends' 
 representations that a subordinate position (for Ireland was subject to 
 the Home Department) was not admissible for their leader, he con- 
 sented to abandon this project, he at once thought of Fitzwilliam for 
 the ofifice^ The problem is why in these circumstances it should not 
 have been proposed at once that Westmorland should have the 
 Presidency of the Council and thus leave Ireland free to Fitzwilliam. 
 This was in fact the arrangement proposed by Pitt in October, and 
 rejected by Portland, who wished to give the Presidency to Lord 
 Mansfield ^ but it then seems to come forward as a new suggestion. 
 We are told that at Portland's first proposal Fitzwilliam had been 
 unwilling to go at once for domestic reasons, but it is clear that these 
 were not of a nature to make any long delay necessary, and within a 
 month (early in August) we find that Fitzwilliam is busy making- 
 arrangements with his Irish friends as if his going were beyond all 
 doubt, while Pitt still regards the matter as unsettled and looks 
 upon Fitzwilliam 's proceedings as equally premature and ill-judged. 
 Possibly, in leaving the matter open, Pitt, whose own choice of a 
 Whig Lord Lieutenant would have been Lord Spencer, still hoped 
 that Portland would find a colleague upon whose discretion he could 
 better depend. His misgivings as to Fitzwilliam were probably 
 shared by Windham. At any rate there is evidence in the Diary 
 that Windham regarded the settlement of July as in some way very 
 unsatisfactory. After mentioning under 4 July the offer of "the 
 place which I at present hold " he continues on the 5th " Went before 
 breakfast to Grenville and afterwards to Burke's, and afterwards to 
 
 • Letter of Elliot of Wells to Sir Gilbert Elliot, Life and Letters of Minto, u. p. 387. 
 " Letter of Lord Mansfield, 12 Oct. 1794. 
 ' Elliot's letter, as above.
 
 CHANGES IN MINISTRY 115 
 
 Burlington House, where I relinquished the objection made in my 
 letter of the night before and contented myself with apprising the 
 Duke with what I conceived to be the misunderstanding. Engaged 
 to dine with M"" Ellis at Twickenham. Fell in with Lord Spencer 
 on the road and proceeded in his carriage. At this time all seemed 
 likely to be at an end, it being found that what I apprehended had 
 completely taken place. 6*^'^ I found a message from the Duke, and 
 the conference that succeeded was of the most important nature. It 
 continued till two in the morning and ended in a way that left me full 
 of regret and dissatisfaction. Grenville and Lord Fitzwilliam, from 
 whom I parted at the top of Berkeley Square, went on together 
 without my feeling any wish to continue of their party." In the 
 meantime Spencer, very soon after taking office, had been sent on a 
 special mission to Vienna, and at the end of August Windham also 
 went abroad to convey "the resolution of the Cabinet" to the Duke 
 of York, Upon his return he found the difficulties of Ireland revived 
 in the acute form already described. 
 
 Before these events took place Burke had suffered by the death, 
 on 2 Aug., of his son Richard, aged thirty-six, the loss of one in 
 whom were centred not only his domestic happiness but also his 
 political hopes. Richard had succeeded his father as M.P. for 
 Malton on 18 July and was in expectation, it would seem, of some 
 office'. At any rate, as his father's representative he must have been 
 a person of some consequence in Parliament, although it is plain 
 from Elliot's private letters and Windham's Diary that he had as yet 
 failed to secure the general confidence of the party. 
 
 ' This seems hinted, but I think no definite statement exists. 
 
 15-
 
 il6 spencer to windham 
 
 Earl Spencer to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37845, f. 127.) 
 
 Vienna, 
 
 Aug. 12, 1794. 
 Dear Windham 
 
 I ought to have written to you a long while ago, but my 
 
 journey so entirely turned my head, and the occupation I have had 
 
 since I have been here has filled up so much of my time that I have 
 
 not been able till this moment, and in chusing this moment for the 
 
 purpose I do not treat you very well, for I am more than half asleep, 
 
 having been the whole evening plodding over the long Letter which 
 
 you will have the reading of from us in the Cabinet, which will very 
 
 probably produce something of the like effect on the Readers as it 
 
 has on the Writers of it ; at least I am sure, if you read it, as we 
 
 wrote it, at one o'clock in the morning, it cannot fail of doing so. 
 
 You will see by the Contents of it, what a long way we are come to 
 
 do, as far as it seems, very little, and you will not fail I daresay to 
 
 observe that as we have been driving for nothing, we are determined 
 
 you shall have at least a long reading for nothing. However as 
 
 I am sure you will have had enough of our dispatch already, I will 
 
 not give you a bad hash of it in my letter. 
 
 I promised Sir Sidney Smith to write to you something about 
 
 what he calls his Ideas, but my own Ideas have really been so turned 
 
 and twisted and jumbled about ever since, that I protest his have 
 
 been pretty nearly shaken out oi my head ; in general however, 
 
 I remember he said a good deal about French coasting Ships, which 
 
 by their being very flat bottomed can row in shoal water where none 
 
 of our Ships of War can follow them, and of course he is very desirous 
 
 of having a fleet of flat bottomed Vessels at his Command, to go and 
 
 knock them all to pieces. He does not seem to think much of the 
 
 Scheme about Calais, but he has an Idea that something might be 
 
 done at Havre ; he is certainly an odd eccentrick man, but he is very 
 
 clever, and has a great deal of contrivance about him, and if he could 
 
 any how be put into activity without giving offence to more regular 
 
 and orderly sort of Geniuses, who I believe all look upon him as a
 
 SPENCER TO WINDHAM I17 
 
 Fellow of the College of Physicians does upon a Quack Doctor, he 
 might be of great service. 
 
 I cannot write this without telling how very much both L^ S. and 
 myself are obliged to you for your very kind and friendly offer, which 
 she tells me you made her the other day, of an Ensigncy in the 
 Guards ; we are both as much obliged to you as if we had been in 
 the way of availing ourselves of it, and I am very glad it happened 
 so, as it gave you an opportunity of multiplying your satisfaction by 
 obliging somebody else besides us on the occasion. 
 
 Adieu, dear Windham, I wish much to be at home again and 
 among you all. I feel quite out of my Element here, and though 
 I don't know how much I might be in my Element if I were at home 
 in my new situation there, yet I cannot help thinking I should be 
 rather less of a Bear in a Boat than I feel myself in this still newer 
 character of a Negotiator. 
 
 Yours ever sincerely 
 
 Spencer. 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 (Burke Corn iv. 227.) 
 
 Aug- 15, 1794- 
 A Strange and unfounded report, I find, is rife all over Ireland, 
 that I am to be made Provost of the University of Dublin. If my 
 Richard had lived, for whom alone I could bear to take any charge. 
 I would not accept it on any account. But it is not for that reason 
 I mention it, but most earnestly and pressingly to put it to your 
 conscience, not to suffer this great, important, and (just now) most 
 critical of all trusts to be jobbed away in any manner whatsoever. It 
 ought not to be suffered to enter into any sort of political arrange- 
 ment. Religion, law and order depend upon this more than upon 
 anything I know. You ought to be informed that the University 
 sent over a deputation of their most respectable members to remon- 
 strate upon an arrangement contrary to the statutes which was some 
 time ago in agitation. The Provostship ought to be given to a
 
 Il8 BURKE TO WINDHAM 
 
 member only of the body ; and, for a thousand reasons, only to an 
 ecclesiastic. There are indeed few others in the body. The dispen- 
 sation from the statutes (a power unfortunately reserved to the 
 crown) as exercised must be considered as a great abuse, and never 
 was designed for such purposes. The body, I assure you, contains 
 persons of great solidity, great erudition, and very enlarged and 
 capable minds ; and, in that body, I trust none will be chosen on the 
 recommendation of the Irish government, but that the sense of the 
 body itself should guide the choice. I have no favourite, no con- 
 nexion, political or personal, to warp my judgment on this point. 
 The thing must pass through the Duke of Portland ; and I implore 
 his grace, who, I know, loves religion, morality, and real learning, 
 and has so great a trust in one great seminary of the Church of 
 Ertgland, that he will not suffer another to be perverted from its 
 purposes by any dispensations. The sure way is to follow the guide 
 which ordinary law gives. There a man is always at least justified. 
 The law is wiser than cabal or interest. This will do credit to the 
 Duke of Portland's administration. God direct him and all of you. 
 If I saw you, I could say much more on this subject, for though my 
 heart is very sick, it has still these things in it. 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37843, f. 43) 
 
 Sunday, Aug'- 17, 1794. 
 Beconsfield. 
 My dear Sir 
 
 I always knew you to have a mind formed for generosity 
 and friendship, and I have now experienced it in the way of all others 
 most acceptable to me, that is in your protection of Woodford'. My 
 Richard was very sollicitous for his establishment ; and the employ- 
 
 ^ Emperor John Alexander Woodford, appointed by Windham to be Inspector 
 General of Foreign Corps in the pay of Great Britain. He held the office till 1801, 
 and enjoyed Windham's full confidence; but in 1809, after the exposure of certain 
 abuses in contracts, in which his connivance was asserted, he found it necessary 
 to leave the country.
 
 BURKE TO WINDHAM I 19 
 
 merit which you have so very kindly bestowed upon him, entitHng 
 him to half pay, puts him out of anxiety for the future. It will be 
 a satisfaction to you to know, that besides giving to my mind and 
 poor Mrs Burke's a solid comfort, you serve a young man of very 
 great honour and great good nature as well as of excellent Talents 
 and much activity. There will appear in nothing you have done 
 any the least Trace of blind partiality. He is too the son of an 
 excellent father (of whom however I have not much personal know- 
 ledge), and who is, 1 believe, of remarkable ability in his profession, 
 I mean Col. Woodford. If he is what I hear of him, he is a sort of 
 man to be look'd to, for I fear we are not over rich in soldiership. 
 Again a thousand thanks for what you have done for his son. 
 
 I have been talking with our excellent D"" Walker King' (who 
 having been several times in Ireland with his father, the Dean of 
 Raphoe, has very just notions concerning that Country) about the 
 University. He tells me, indeed concurrently with the universal 
 opinion, that D"" Murray has for several years governed the College 
 as Vice-provost with the greatest credit, and indeed saved it from 
 utter ruin; and that he is in the highest Esteem with the whole body. 
 Now he is in the order of Gradation and would possess no power but 
 what in effect he has long exercised ; this would cut off all cabal 
 and all bickering, and be a plain and simple answer to every kind of 
 unstatutable applications from without and to all intrigues from 
 within ; not but that I believe, if the place were elective, they would 
 choose of themselves this respectable Divine. Be sure, my dear 
 friend, that I do not meddle in this affair from any predilection to 
 persons : I do not know D'" Murray personally. If I have any thing 
 personal in it, it is my earnest desire that every thing done in the 
 Duke of Portland's department should be done to his honour. 
 
 Adieu, my dear Sir, pardon all the perhaps improper Liberties 
 of your unhappy but most true friend 
 
 Edm. Burke. 
 
 Afterwards Bishop of Rochester, grandfather of the late Bishop of Lincoln.
 
 I20 BURKE TO WINDHAM 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37843, f. 45-) 
 
 Beaconsfield, Sept. 28', 1794. 
 
 My dear Sir 
 
 This will be delivered to you by M''^ Douglas Johnston. 
 I understand she is the widow of an old and very meritorious officer 
 who has not long since lost his life in the service, and that too in the 
 exercise of acts of humanity in an extraordinary personal attention 
 to the sick during the prevalence of an epidemick fever amongst the 
 Soldiers under his Command. I am perswaded that you will think 
 that Cases of this kind demand a very particular degree of favour 
 and protection ; and that nothing can so effectually reconcile your 
 mind to the many unpleasant circumstances that you must meet in 
 your Office, as the opportunities it sometimes affords of shewing an 
 humane requitable consideration of those whose Case is in general 
 hard enough. The families of those, the very nature of whose 
 services tends particularly to leave them fatherless, will, in your Eye, 
 be intitled to all the favour in the nature of things possible. It 
 would be to mark, what is of all things furthest from my Mind, 
 a distrust of the Benevolence of yours, if I pressed the matter 
 further. M'"'^ Johnston will herself wait upon you, and state the 
 particulars of her situation and the Object of her request. 
 
 I am ever with the greatest respect and affection 
 My d'' Sir, your most faithful 
 
 and most obliged humble Ser* 
 Edm. Burke. 
 
 1794.
 
 burke to windham 121 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37843, f- 47) 
 
 Nerot's Hotel, Tuesday afternoon. 
 {Oct. 7, 1794.] 
 My DEAR Friend, 
 
 Knowing your intentions with regard to a speedy return, 
 I have not been without uneasiness from the late violent Winds, for 
 I am still susceptible of fears and apprehensions. Thank God 
 however that this is removed, and that you are safe in London. 
 I am in London too. I am told that after the Grant of a Pension 
 from the Crown decorum requires that I should go to the Levee. 
 Not the acknowledgement, which I have as much satisfaction in 
 making as I can have in anything, but the going to a public place 
 is pretty painful to me. However, here I am to perform this act of 
 Duty. If you can call, I shall be happy to see — not to talk to you 
 of the affairs of the Continent which you have left, and from w'^^ no 
 good news, I fear, will ever come — but merely to take you by the 
 hand and congratulate you on your return to your Native Land, which 
 is the best of all and will I trust be the last devoured. Late may it 
 be, but eo-crtrai -^fjiapK — Adieu. I am ever affectionately 
 
 Y*" unhappy friend 
 
 Edm. Burke, 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37843, f. 49-) 
 
 Ocf. 8, 1794, Wednesday. 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 You have, among the many wise and honourable things 
 
 you have done, done nothing more wise nor more respectable to you 
 
 than the establishment of the Comte D' Hector's Corps'. There is 
 
 a man who, upon every principle by which you have been actuated, 
 
 ' I/iad VI. 448. 
 
 ^ Composed of royalists from the French navy. 
 B.-w. c. 16
 
 122 BURKE TO WINDHAM 
 
 whether of true military policy, Humanity or generosity, is recom- 
 mended to your attention ; that is the celebrated Albert de Rioms', 
 without dispute the first naval Commander in France. His reputation 
 is perhaps enough. But our friend the Comte de la Tour du Pin, 
 himself a naval man of great Knowledge as well as of Science in most 
 branches, will say more to you on the Subject. I never apologise to 
 you for putting you in mind of those who can add efificiency and lustre 
 to the publick service and do honour to yourself. On the contrary, 
 this is one of the best ways I have of shewing my sense of our 
 friendship and of my many obligations to you. Ever, my dear Sir, 
 
 Y^ unhappy faithful friend 
 
 Edm. Burke. 
 I go out of town today. 
 
 Fitzwilliam's indiscretion, in openly announcing, at a time when 
 his own appointment was not yet made, or even publicly promised, 
 the comprehensive alterations which he intended to make in the 
 persons of the Irish administration, brought on an acute crisis 
 immediately after Windham's return. Pitt was obliged to make 
 it clear that such measures as the removal of the Irish Chancellor, 
 Lord Fitzgibbon, were not contemplated in the agreement with 
 Portland. 
 
 Earl Fitzwilliam to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37874, f. 83.) 
 
 Grosvenor Sq., Ocf II, 1794. 
 Dear Windham, 
 
 As we enter'd into administration together and professedly 
 as members of one corps, I must not take the very important step of 
 retiring from Administration without giving you the earliest notice 
 of my intentions and my reasons for doing so — stripp'd of the history 
 
 ' Fran9ois (or Charles?) Hector d' Albert de Rioms.
 
 FITZWILLIAM TO WINDHAM 1 23 
 
 of the transactions which led to my suppos'd destination to Ireland, 
 all the particulars of which you are full as intimately acquainted with 
 as I am, nay, better, so much of the previous negociation having 
 pass'd through your hands, the story is not very long. I believe 
 (but I am not quite sure) that I may be permitted to go to Ireland, 
 but this permission is under conditions ; and the conditions are in 
 substance : that I step into L^ Westmoreland's old shoes — that I put 
 on the old trappings, and submit to the old chains. The men, and of 
 consequence the system of measures, to remain the same, with or 
 without my approbation, and without any consideration for my 
 responsibility to the King, the country, and my own reputation — 
 these are now the terms. Will any man say, would any man have 
 presum'd to have said last July, that at that time, when upon 
 negociation the management of Ireland was transfer'd to the care 
 of the D. of P., these were the terms or the spirit of the terms ? For 
 the safety and general good of Ireland, in my humble opinion, they 
 should not be insisted on ; for the honor of the Individual they must 
 be rejected by me ; and looking upon the proposal as a mark of 
 indignity offer'd to me, it would be fit for me to mark my sense 
 of it. But still what affects myself does not weigh most with me : 
 in consequence of the certainty I entertain'd of going to Ireland 
 I thought it a duty to look forward to the management of the 
 Country, and therefore invited the most respectable persons of the 
 Kingdom to communicate confidentially with me ; and upon the 
 credit of the situation I held myself out as intended to fill, I found 
 them willing to let me into many of their private thoughts and 
 opinions upon such things as I think they would not have open'd 
 themselves upon under other circumstances. To them I feel myself 
 bound in honor to atone for having misled them ; to my own character 
 I am bound to make clear in the most unequivocal and most overt 
 manner that if I have misled and duped, I have done so because I 
 was misled and duped myself No act will be so overt, none will so 
 unequivocally mark a sense of indignity and resentment, as a retreat 
 from that Government which I charge with having duped me. In 
 these sentiments and for these purposes I mean to take the earliest 
 opportunity of entreating his Majesty's permission to give in my 
 
 16 — 2
 
 124 FITZWILLIAM TO WINDHAM 
 
 resignation. The D. of P. and L** Mansfield are both acquainted 
 with my intention. L*^ Spencer's great distance prevents my com- 
 municating it to him. 
 
 Sincerely yours 
 
 Wentworth Fitzwilliam. 
 
 Duke of Portland to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37845, f. 47-) 
 
 Saturday, ii Oct". 1794. 
 
 7 P.M. 
 
 Dear Windham, 
 
 I have seen L^ Fitzwilliam, and He has written already 
 to Ponsonby and Grattan to inform them of his determination, or at 
 least to appoint them to meet Him for that purpose tomorrow. — To 
 crown the whole, when I came home, I found a letter from Douglas' 
 to King desiring to know what progress the King's Letters were in, 
 which appointed Him Sec"^ of State and the Bp. of Cloyne" Provost, 
 and urging King to forward them, as he (Douglas) intended setting 
 out for Ireland on Monday or Tuesday if the above should permit : 
 the whole of this must be stopped and given up, and the other 
 conditions so arranged as to ensure that being complied with in 
 a reasonable time, or I must see Pitt tomorrow or make an appoint- 
 ment with Him for the next day, to desire Him to apprize the King 
 that I think it my duty to lay the Seals at His Majesty's feet the 
 first time He comes to town. I am very sorry for it — and devoutly 
 wish I had never come into Office. 
 
 Yours ever 
 
 P. 
 
 ' Sylvester Douglas, afterwards Baron Glenbervie, was Chief Secretary to the 
 Lord Lieutenant, Jan. 1794 — Jan. 1795. The valuable sinecure office of Irish 
 Secretary of State was intended for him by Pitt or his Irish advisers, but in Portland's 
 view it could not fairly be given to one who was not a native of Ireland. 
 
 ' William Bennett.
 
 windham to fitzwilliam 12$ 
 
 Windham to Earl Fitzwilliam. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37874, f- 85-) 
 
 Private. Hill Str., Sunday morn. 
 
 [Oct. 12, 1794.] 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 I hope that in pursuit of a purpose pregnant with con- 
 sequences so very serious you will not suffer yourself to act from any 
 impulse of passion, nor under any misapprehension of the merits of 
 the case. Is the embarrassment that has arisen, fairly to be charged 
 to the account of Pitt ? and are the means of relieving it such in all 
 their parts, as He can properly be expected to furnish ? 
 
 The first consideration simply is, did Pitt, or did He not say from 
 the beginning, that He could not open the situation of Ireland till He 
 had provided for Lord W. another at his return, as good as that 
 which He held before his appointment ?— The second is, can Pitt 
 without dishonour suffer a proscription of those who are principally 
 marked out to enmity, (and will be represented as being wholly so,) 
 in consequence of their support of his former measures ? and has 
 not He some colour for saying that if a measure so strong as the 
 removal of the C. was intended, it ought to have been signified 
 when the terms of the arranorements were first settled ? 
 
 The evil has been, that things have been suffered to lye under 
 a supposed general understanding, which ought to have been dis- 
 tinctly brought forward, and which were not of that sort, that an 
 agreement to them should have been presumed. I really think, 
 to speak in fairness, that P. could hardly have been expected, when 
 He was augmenting his administration by a junction with another 
 party, to give up at one stroke all his friends on the other side of 
 the water to the mercy of those with whom He was connecting him- 
 self. Should you in such a case have thought such a conduct 
 warrantable in yourself? We must consider them not according 
 to their actual merits, but according to their merits as they appear 
 to him, or at least as He is bound to consider them. 
 
 What I wish is, that it should be considered fairly how much 
 change is absolutely necessary for carrying on the Government
 
 126 WINDHAM TO FITZWILLIAM 
 
 according to your own and the D. of P.'s ideas ; (for such a change 
 only can in any wise be insisted on ;) and then what means may be 
 desired for effecting that, without violating the protection which Pitt 
 is called upon to give to those who have supported uniformly his 
 former government. 
 
 The question of L^ Mans**^ is a separate consideration, and must 
 be decided by inquiring, which of the two, He or L*^ W., should in 
 reason be expected to give way. 
 
 If, after every endeavour used, these opposite considerations 
 must at last remain irreconcileable, there will at last be the con- 
 solation of thinking that the ruin which will ensue, and of which it 
 is difficult to foretell the extent, will not have happened but by the 
 unhappy course of things, and not for want of the exertions of those 
 whose duty it was to prevent it. 
 
 I am, My dear Lord, 
 
 Yours with all truth 
 
 W. Windham. 
 
 Lord Mansfield to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37874, f. 88.) 
 Private. Kenwood, Sunday night, Ocf". 12, '94. 
 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 I will make no apology for troubling you upon a subject 
 that is equally interesting to us both. I see with infinite concern that 
 we are upon the Brink of a Rupture, the Evil consequences of which 
 are such as I am sure no man living can calculate ; a few words of 
 explanation at the Time would have prevented a great Part of the 
 Mischief. I knew from the Duke of Portland from time to time 
 every thing that passed, and can safely venture to assert that had 
 He conceived it possible that He was not to have the entire and 
 perfect Management of all Irish Business, the Negotiation would 
 have instantly stopped. The Prospect of being of use in Ireland 
 
 ' I.e. whether he or Lord Westmorland should succeed Fitzwilliam as Lord 
 President. The office eventually found for Westmorland was that of Master of the 
 Horse, vice the Duke of Montrose, made Lord Justice General.
 
 MANSFIELD TO WINDHAM 127 
 
 was His great Inducement. He wished Himself to go thither, which 
 I for one combated to the utmost of my Power, being persuaded that 
 it was essential to the success of the arrangement which you well 
 remember I had so much at Heart, that He should hold a great 
 Responsible Situation in the Cabinet. His Desire of going to Ireland 
 is irrefragable Evidence of the Light in which he considered what 
 had passed upon the subject. Had He imagined that He was to 
 follow the same Plan that had been followed by Lord Westmoreland, 
 and was to work with the same Instruments, He would no more 
 have accepted the Lieutenancy of Ireland than He would have taken 
 the Government of Botany Bay. In consequence of the repeated 
 Sollicitations to Him not to think of Ireland for Himself, He re- 
 linquished that Idea, and then thought of Lord Fitzwilliam, who, 
 if it had not been for a Delicacy to Lady Fitzwilliam, would have 
 accepted instantly, and all this Mischief would have been prevented. 
 It was perfectly understood that Lord Westmoreland was to be 
 properly provided for, that is, that the moment an opportunity offer'd 
 of providing for Him properly in any Department, that opportunity 
 was to be seized, and He was to be consider'd as having a prior 
 claim to any other Person to a situation similar to that which He 
 formerly enjoyed; with Respect to the Chancellor of Ireland, I always 
 understood that it was a thing perfectly settled that the D. of Portland 
 was to have the entire management of all Irish Business, that it was 
 not to be merely nominally in His Department, but that the real 
 Manag* was to be in Him. It followed of necessary consequence 
 that the L^ Lieut, he named was not to use the Instr*^ he found, but 
 was to make use of other means, was in a word to connect Himself 
 with the Ponsonbys and their friends. Of all this I could give such 
 evidence as would be rec'^ in a Court of Justice. The fair and manly 
 manner in which M'' Pitt seems determined to support the War makes 
 me regret this Misunderstanding the more. I say it with heartfelt 
 anguish, my clear opinion is that if there should be a Rupture at 
 present the Country is undone. 
 
 I am, dear Sir, most faithfully yours 
 
 Mansfield.
 
 128 portland to windham 
 
 Duke of Portland to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37845, f. 49-) 
 
 Monday morn. 13 Ocf, i794- 
 Dear Windham, 
 
 I was just going to desire You to let me see you again 
 this mornS when Grattan sent me word that He wished to call upon 
 me. I expect Him every minute. If You should come while he is 
 here I would follow you to your office. This Business must be 
 decided, for otherwise Pitt can not, and we can have no chance of 
 preserving anything like Government in Ireland. 
 
 Yours ever 
 
 P. 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37843, f- 5I-) 
 
 Wednesday [? 15 Oct. 1794']. 
 Mv DEAR Sir, 
 
 Since I saw you, I have been full of uneasy and per- 
 plexing thoughts. Every thing which is done now will have 
 consequences of much more extent than the acts themselves seem 
 directly to import. For God's sake let nothing be precipitated. 
 I shall open myself to you most fully and confidentially. But 
 I don't like to trust the post. I don't like neither that you should 
 be from the scene of action. But if you send your servant hither 
 I shall send to you by him what I threw down last night. I am 
 
 ever your most faithful 
 
 unhappy friend 
 
 Edm. Burke. 
 
 I send this by M"" Browne. 
 
 ' Endorsed i?""? Oct. '94, but 17th was Friday.
 
 burke to windham 1 29 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 (Diary, p. 328.) 
 
 Beaconsfield, Oct. 16, 1794. 
 
 My dear Sir, — - 
 
 What I enclose to you with this is to yourself principally; 
 but if you enter into my ideas, it is ostensible to M'' Pitt and 
 M"" Dundas ; and if you will to the Chancellor. This I don't desire, 
 because in case of our agreement the arguments will come with far 
 more authority from yourself. But if you think that my opinions 
 would tend in any way to strengthen yours, you have my permission 
 to show them to any of the three, upon whom you conceive they are 
 the most likely to make an impression. M*" Pitt is surprised that 
 your friends should think of breaking the Ministry at such a time as 
 this ; sure it is equally surprising that he should do so by putting 
 them out of their offices, for it is plain they cannot stay in them 
 under the present circumstances. It is he who is chiefly responsible 
 (almost, indeed, wholly so) for carrying on the public business in 
 this dreadful season. It is his system and his power that are to be 
 supported; and I never knew a Minister that would not do a thousand 
 things to gain, and to keep, men convenient at least to the support 
 of his power and reputation, especially when the greatest interests 
 ever stated^ were depending. When he will do no one earthly thing 
 to keep them, they must think, and the world must think, he wants 
 to get rid of them. I wish you to speak fully to Dundas on this 
 business. I conceive all others ought to be postponed to it. I don't 
 know what part he has in the intrigue. But if he is clear of that, he 
 is open to reason, and is not without influence. You mistook me 
 about Grattan. I did not wish M'' Pitt to reason him into a derelic- 
 tion of opposition to Lord Westmoreland, for I well knew that 
 a dread of that opposition would be a principal inducement to M'' Pitt 
 to be reconciled to your friends ; I wished you to get the Duke of 
 Portland and Lord Fitzwilliam, with whom he was in confidence, and 
 to whom he came over in order to destroy the system of the junto 
 and to pledge himself to support them in opposition to it, to consult 
 
 ' ? staked. 
 
 B.-w. c. 17
 
 130 BURKE TO WINDHAM 
 
 with him what it was best for that purpose to do, whether to resign 
 or not, or what other course to take. I should have made a great 
 scruple of conscience to do anything whatever for the support, 
 directly or indirectly, of a set of men in Ireland, who, that conscience 
 well informed tells me, by their innumerable corruptions, frauds, 
 oppressions and follies, are opening a back door for Jacobinism, to 
 rush in expenses and to take us in the rear. As surely as you and 
 I exist, so surely this will be the consequence of their persisting in 
 their system. As to yourself, you have my most ardent prayers that 
 God would direct you, through your reason, to the best course. I am 
 glad that neither the Duke of Portland, nor Lord Fitzwilliam, nor 
 you, have called on me for my opinion on your conduct. Whatever 
 you do will be well intended and well advised. You will then smile 
 and ask me, why I am so free in my advice to M'" Pitt through you, 
 who has asked it as little as the rest ? Why, because the whole 
 depends on him. If he mistakes, so as to let this Ministry go to 
 pieces, we shall, along with him, be all undone. The Lieutenancy 
 of Ireland is an arrangement subservient to the reformation or to 
 the continuance of the abuses reigning in the country, and he who is 
 the real Minister can alone support or destroy them. I ought to 
 have sent my packet earlier. But I have been oppressed with such 
 sinkings and dejection of spirits, that in adding, after the coming of 
 your messenger, to what I wrote the night before, I have been 
 obliged to go into the open air from time to time to refresh myself, 
 and thus the time went away. This is dreadful ! dreadful ! beyond 
 the loss of a general battle. I now despair completely. I begin to 
 think that God, who most surely regards the least of His creatures 
 as well as the greatest, took what was dearest to me to Himself in 
 a good time. Adieu ! 
 
 Your ever faithful and obliged friend, and humble servant 
 
 Edmund Burke.
 
 burke to windham i3i 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 (Diary, p. 321.) 
 
 Od. 16, 1794. 
 
 My Dear Sir 
 
 My state of mind was not the most enviable before the 
 present unhappy misunderstanding. I cannot think without horror 
 on the effects of a breach in the Ministry in this state of our affairs 
 and just before the meeting of Parliament. It will complete our ruin! 
 Every honest man in every country in Europe will by this event be 
 cast into dismay and despair. It looks as if the hand of God was in 
 this, as it is strongly marked in all the rest. However, we must still 
 use our poor human prudence, and our feeble human efforts, as if 
 things were not, what I greatly fear they are, predetermined. I am 
 out of action, but not out of anxiety. I feel deeply for yourself — ■ 
 I feel for my other friends — I feel for the general cause. Ireland, the 
 country In which I was born, is the immediate subject of the dispute : 
 Lord Fitzwilliam, the man in the world I am most obliged to, is the 
 party chiefly concerned in it. To M*" Pitt — the other party — I have 
 strong and recent obligations. Before I had any such I was clearly 
 of opinion that his power and all the chance we have for the rescue 
 of Europe were inseparably connected. You know that, though 
 I had no part in the actual formation of the present system of 
 a coalesced Ministry, that no pains were wanting on my part to 
 produce the dispositions which led to it. You, of all men, therefore, 
 are the best judge how much I am in earnest that this horrible breach 
 should not be made. How to prevent it I know not; I cannot advise. 
 I can only make statements, which I submit entirely to your judg- 
 ment ; I do not write to anyone else, because you alone have desired 
 to hear my sentiments on this subject. I will trouble you with no 
 other view of the matter, than as it concerns the interest, the stability, 
 perhaps the existence, of M'' Pitt's power. I was one of those who 
 were of opinion that he could have stood merely on his own basis ; 
 but this was my private speculation, and hardly justified, I fear, by 
 the experience of mankind in cases any way similar. But to have 
 gone on without this new connection, and to bear the loss of it, are 
 two very different things. The accession of a great mass of reputa- 
 
 17 — 2
 
 132 BURKE TO WINDHAM 
 
 tion, taken out of a state of very perilous and critical neutrality and 
 brought to the decided support of the Crown and an actual participa- 
 tion in the responsibility of Measures rendered questionable by very 
 great misfortunes, were the advantages which M"" Pitt derived from 
 a coalition with you and your friends. I say nothing just now of 
 your weight in the country, and the abilities, which, in your several 
 ways, you possess. I rest only on your character and reputation for 
 integrity, independence, and dignity of mind. This is everything at 
 a moment when opinion (never without its effect) has obtained 
 a greater dominion over human affairs than ever it possessed ; and 
 which must grow just in proportion as the implicit reverence for 
 old institutions is found to decline. They who will say that the very 
 name which you and the Duke of Portland and Lord Fitzwilliam 
 and Lord Spencer have, as men of unblemished honour and great 
 public spirit, is of no use to the Crown at this time, talk like flatterers 
 who despise the understandings of those whose favour they court. 
 It is as much M"" Pitt's interest, as a faithful and zealous servant of 
 the Crown (as I am sure he is), to hold high your honour and 
 estimation with the public, as it is your own. Can it be preserved 
 if Lord Fitzwilliam continues in office, after all that has happened, 
 consistently with the reputation he has obtained, and which, as 
 a sacred trust for the King and country, he is bound to keep, as 
 well as for his own inward satisfaction ? I will not say that Lord 
 Fitzwilliam has not, in some respects, acted with a degree of 
 indiscretion. The question is, whether M"" Pitt can or ought to 
 take advantage of it to his own material prejudice ? You are better 
 acquainted than I am with the terms, actual or understood, upon 
 which the Duke of Portland, acting for himself and others, has 
 accepted office. I know nothing of them, but by a single conversa- 
 tion with him. From thence I learned that (whether authorised or 
 not) he considered without a doubt that the administration of Ireland 
 was left wholly to him, and without any other reserves than what are 
 supposed in every wise and sober servant of the Crown. Lord 
 Fitzwilliam, I know, conceived things exactly in that manner, and 
 proceeded as if there was no controversy whatever on the subject. 
 He hesitated a long time whether he should take the station ; but
 
 BURKE TO WINDHAM 1 33 
 
 when he agreed to it, he thought he had obHged the Ministry, and 
 done what was pleasant to the King, in going into an office of great 
 difficulty and heavy responsibility. He foresaw no other obstacles 
 than what were found in his own inclinations, the nature of the 
 employment, and the circumstances in which Ireland stands. He 
 therefore invited several persons to converse with him in all the 
 confidence with which men ought to open themselves to a person 
 of honour, who though not actually, was virtually in office. Whether 
 the Duke of Portland and Lord Fitzwilliam had reason for this entire 
 security, you are better able to judge than I am. I am sure they 
 conceived things in the light I state them, though I really think that 
 they never can reconcile it to the rigid rules of prudence with regard 
 to their own safety, or to an entire decorum with regard to the 
 other Cabinet Ministers, to go so far into detail as has been done, 
 until all the circumstances of the appointment were settled in a more 
 distinct and specific manner than they had been. But I am sure 
 they thought that a very large discretion was committed to them ; 
 and I am equally sure that their general places' (so far as I know 
 them) were perfectly upright and perfectly well understood for the 
 King's service and the good of his empire. I admit, and lament, 
 the error into which they have fallen. It must be very great, as 
 it seems M'' Pitt had no thought at all of a change in the Irish 
 Government; or, if he had, it was dependent on Lord Westmoreland's 
 sense of the fitness of some other office to accommodate him on his 
 resignation of the great place which, for five or six years, he has held. 
 This puts off the business sine die. These are some of the mischiefs 
 which arise from a want of clear explanation on the first digestion of 
 any political system. 
 
 If an agreement is wished, criminations and recriminations, charges 
 and defences are not the way to it. If the communication hitherto 
 has not been as full and as confidential as it ought to have been, let 
 it be so now. Let it be such as becomes men engaged in the same 
 cause, with the interest and with the same sense of the arduous trust 
 which, in the most critical of all times, has been delivered over to 
 them by their King and country. In this dreadful situation of things, 
 
 ' ? plans.
 
 134 BURKE TO WINDHAM 
 
 is it not clearly NF Pitt's interest, without considering whether he 
 has a case as against his colleagues or not, to keep up the reputation 
 of those who came to his aid under circumstances liable to mis- 
 construction ; liable to the exaggerated imputations of men, able, 
 dexterous, and eloquent ; and who came to him when the whole of 
 the affairs under his administration bore the worse aspect that can be 
 imagined ? I am well aware that there is a sort of politicians who 
 would tell M'" Pitt that this disgracing his colleagues would be to him 
 a signal triumph, and that it would be to the public a splendid mark 
 of his power and superiority. But alas ! it would be a triumph over 
 his own force. His paramount power is well understood. His 
 power is an object rather of envy and terror than of contempt. I am 
 no great dealer in general maxims. I am sensible how much the 
 best of them are controlled by circumstances. But I am satisfied, 
 that where the most real and solid power exists, there it is the most 
 necessary, every now and then, to yield, not only from the real 
 advantages of practicability, but from the advantages which attend 
 the very appearance of it. What is given up by power, is a mark of 
 moderation ; what is given up because it cannot be kept, is a mark of 
 servility and meanness. What coffee-house politician is so grossly 
 ignorant as not to know that the real seat of power is in M'' Pitt, and 
 in none of you who by the courtesy of England are called Ministers ? 
 Whatever he gives up will be manifestly for the King's service ; 
 whatever they yield will be thought to flow from a mean desire of 
 office, to be held without respect or consideration. If he yields any 
 point, he will be sure to put out his concessions, to be repaid to him 
 with usury. All this unfortunate notion of triumph, on the one part 
 and the other, arises from the idea that Ministry is not one thing, but 
 composed of separate and independent parties — a ruinous idea, which 
 I have done everything in my power to discourage, and with a 
 growing success. I can say almost with assurance, that if M'" Pitt 
 can contrive (and it is worth his while to contrive it) to keep his new 
 acquisition of friends in good humour for six months more, he will 
 find them as much of his party, and in my opinion, more surely^ 
 to be depended upon, than any which he has hitherto considered as 
 his own. It is of infinite importance to him to have it thought that
 
 BURKE TO WINDHAM 1 35 
 
 he is well connected with others besides those who are believed to 
 depend on him. 
 
 If it is once laid down, that it is true policy in M'' Pitt to uphold 
 the credit of his colleagues in administration, even under some 
 difference in opinion, the question will be, whether the present is not 
 a case of too much importance to be included in that general policy, 
 and that Lord Fitzwilliam may very well give up the lieutenancy, 
 and yet hold his office, without any disgrace. On that, I think, 
 there can be little difference in opinion. He must, to be sure, resign ; 
 and resign with every sentiment of displeasure and discontent. This 
 I have not advised him to do ; for, most certainly, I have had no 
 conversation with him on the subject ; and I am very glad I have 
 not had any such discourse. But the thing speaks for itself He 
 has consulted with many people from Ireland, of all descriptions, as 
 if he were virtually Lord-Lieutenant. The Duke of Portland has 
 acted upon that supposition as a fundamental part of his arrangement. 
 Lord Fitzwilliam cannot shrink into his shell again, without being 
 thought a light man, in whom no person can place any confidence. 
 If, on the other hand, he takes the sword, not only without power, 
 but with a direct negative put upon his power, he is a Lord- 
 Lieutenant disgraced and degraded. With infinite sorrow I say it — 
 with sorrow inexpressible — he must resign. If he does, the Duke of 
 Portland must resign too. In fact, they will both consider themselves 
 as turned out ; and I know it will be represented to them, because 
 I know it has been predicted to them, that their being brought into 
 office was no more than a stratagem, to make them break with their 
 friends and original natural connections, to make them lose all credit 
 with the independent part of the country, and then to turn them out 
 as objects of universal scorn and derision without party or adherents 
 to resort to ! I believe Lord Fitzwilliam has in his bureau one letter 
 to this effect — I well recollect that he was much affected by it, and 
 indeed doubtful of accepting — perhaps more than one. 1 am certain, 
 that whether they stay in under a state of degradation, or are turned 
 out, their situation will be terrible ; and such as will be apt to fill 
 men with rage and desperate resolutions. Both their coming in and 
 their going out will be reviled ; and they will be ridiculed and insulted
 
 136 BURKE TO WINDHAM 
 
 on both by the Opposition. They will affect to pity them. They 
 will even offer to pardon them. Amongst M'" Pitt's old adherents, 
 as perhaps you know as well as I do, there were many who liked your 
 coming in as little as M"" Fox or M'' Sheridan could do. They 
 considered M'' Pitt's enlarging his bottom as an interloping on their 
 monopoly. They will join the halloo of the others. If they can 
 persuade M'' Pitt that this is a triumph, he will have it. But may 
 God in His goodness avert the consequences from him and all 
 of us ! 
 
 " But why," will some say, "should not Lord Fitzwilliam take the 
 Lord- Lieutenancy, and let the Chancellor remain where he is ? He 
 will be good-humoured and subservient, and let the Lord- Lieutenant 
 do as he pleases." But after what has passed, the true question is, 
 which of these two is to govern Ireland. I think I know what a 
 Lord- Lieutenant of Ireland is, or I know nothing. Without a hearty 
 and effectual support of the Minister here, he is much worse than a 
 mere pageant. A man in the pillory is in a post of honour in com- 
 parison of such a Lord-Lieutenant. " But Lord Westmoreland goes 
 on very quietly." He does so. He has no discussions with the 
 junto who have annihilated English government. Be his abilities 
 and his spirit what they may, he has no desire of governing. 
 He is a Basha of Egypt, who is content to let the Beys act as they 
 think proper. Lord Fitzwilliam is a high-minded man, a man of 
 very great parts, and a man of very quick feelings. He cannot be 
 the instrument of the junto, with the name of the King's representa- 
 tive, if he would. If Lord Fitzwilliam was to be sent to Ireland, to 
 be exactly as Lord Westmoreland is, I undertake to affirm, that a 
 worst choice for that purpose could not be made. If he has nothing 
 to do but what Lord W^estmoreland does, neither ought Lord West- 
 moreland to be removed, nor the Chancellor, no, nor the Chancellor's 
 Train-bearer. Lord Fitzwilliam has no business there at all. He 
 has fortune enough. He has rank enough. Here he is infinitely 
 more at his ease, and he is of infinitely more use here than he can be 
 there, where his desire of really doing business, and his desire of 
 being the real representative of the Crown, would only cause to him 
 infinite trouble and distress. For it is not to know Ireland to say,
 
 BURKE TO WINDHAM 1 37 
 
 that what is called opposition is what will give trouble to a real 
 Viceroy. His embarrassments are upon the part of those who ought 
 to be the supports of English government ; but who have formed 
 themselves into a cabal to destroy the King's authority, and to divide 
 the country as a spoil amongst one another. Non regnum sed 
 magnum latrocinium : the motto which ought to be put under the 
 harp. This is not talk. I can put my hand on the instances, and 
 not a doubt would remain on your mind of the fact. His Majesty 
 has the patronage to the Pashalic, as the Grand Seignior has to that 
 of Egypt, and that is all. Such is the state of things. I think 
 matters recoverable in some degree ; but the attempt is to be made. 
 
 If Ireland be well enough, and safe enough, as it is ; if the 
 Chancellor and the Government of the junto is good for the King, 
 the country, and the empire, God forbid that a stone in that edifice 
 should be picked out to gratify Lord Fitzwilliam, or anybody else. 
 But if that kingdom, by the meditated and systematic corruption 
 (private, personal, not politic corruption) of some, and the headlong 
 violence and tyrannical spirit of others, totally destitute of wisdom, 
 and the more incurably so, as not being destitute of some flashy 
 parts, is brought into a very perilous situation, then I say, at a time 
 like this, there is no making questions about it mere discussions 
 between one branch and the other of administration, either in 
 England or Ireland. The state of Ireland is not like a thing without 
 intrinsic merits, and on which it may be safe to make a trial of skill, 
 or a trial of strength. It is no longer an obscure dependency of this 
 kingdom. What is done there vitally affects the whole system of 
 Europe. Whether you regard it offensively or defensively, Ireland is 
 known in France. Communications have been opened, and more 
 will be opened. Ireland will be a strong digue to keep out Jacobinism, 
 or a broken bank to let it in. The junto have weathered the old 
 European system of government there, and brought it into utter 
 discredit. I look in this affair to Ireland, and in Ireland to Great 
 Britain, and in Great Britain to Europe. The little cliques there are 
 to me as nothing. They have never done me a favour nor an injury. 
 But that kingdom is of great importance indeed. I regard, in this 
 point, all descriptions of men with great comparative indifference. 
 
 B.-w. c. i8
 
 138 BURKE TO WINDHAM 
 
 I love Lord Fitzwilliam very well ; but so convinced am I, on the 
 maturest reflection, of the perilous state into which the present junto 
 have brought that kingdom (on which, in reality, this kingdom, at 
 this juncture, is dependent), that if he were to go with a resolution 
 to support it, I would, on my knees, entreat him not to have a share 
 in the ruin of his country under the poor pretence of governing a 
 part of it. Oh ! my dear friend, I write with a sick heart and a wearied 
 hand. If you can, pluck Ireland out of the unwise and corrupt 
 hands that are destroying us. If they say, they will mend their 
 manners, I tell you, they cannot mend them ; and if they could, this 
 mode of doing and undoing, saying and unsaying, inflaming the people 
 with voluntary violence, and appeasing them with forced concession ; 
 their keeping the " word of promise to their ear and breaking it to 
 their hope" ; their wanton expenses, and their fraudulent economy ; all 
 these, and ten times more than these, but all of the same sort, are the 
 very things which have brought government in that country to the 
 state of contempt and incurable distrust under which it labours. It 
 cannot have its very distemper for its cure. You know me, I think, 
 enough to be quite sure that in giving you an opinion concerning 
 M"" Pitt's interest and honour, I have not an oblique regard, at his 
 expense, to the honour and interest of others. No ! I always thought 
 advice the most sacred of all things, and that it always ought to be 
 given for the benefit of the advised. I am now endeavouring to make 
 up my accounts with my Creator. I am, almost literally, a dying 
 man. I speak with all the freedom, and with all the clearness of 
 that situation. I speak as a man under a strong sense of obligation 
 to M^ Pitt, when I assure him, under the solemn sanction of that 
 awful situation, that my firm opinion is, that by getting rid of the new 
 accessions to his strength, and especially upon the ground of protec- 
 tion to certain Irish politicians, (at what distance of time I cannot say) 
 but he is preparing his certain ruin, with all the consequences of that 
 ruin, which I tremble to think on. God bless you all, and direct you 
 for the best ! 
 
 Ever, ever, your affectionate and unhappy friend 
 
 Edmund Burke.
 
 portland to windham 1 39 
 
 Duke of Portland to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37845, f. 59- ) 
 
 Sat: 18 Ocr. midnight. 
 
 Dear Windham, 
 
 You need not be under any apprehension upon the 
 subject of concessions — but notwithstanding I shall be much disap- 
 pointed if I don't see you tomorrow morning, and I wish you would 
 come soon after ten. Grattan is to be here at 12, and he is always 
 punctual. I find from D'' Laurence that Burke has been all this 
 morn^ writing to the Chancellor, and L. also tells me that B. has been 
 more agitated, and that his spirits have been more affected and 
 harried within these two last days than for some weeks past, and L. 
 supposes that it is to be intirely attributed to paragraphs which have 
 appeared in the papers respecting the Gov™*^. of Ireland. 
 
 Yours ever 
 
 P. 
 
 Duke of Portland to Windham, 
 
 (Add. MS. 37845, f. 61.) 
 
 Sunday, 19 Oct"^, i794- 
 half past 4 p.m. 
 
 Dear Windham, 
 
 Our Conference of this morning makes it absolutely 
 necessary that we should have another tomorrow, for otherwise 
 Grattan's apprehensions of a rupture will ruin every thing, and had 
 I sent him to Pitt we should have been completely demolished 
 wholesale and retail. I have therefore desired that we may have 
 another conference tomorrow, and that You and L**. Mansfield may be 
 of the party. We have agreed to meet at twelve o'clock. I depend 
 upon your coming and have sent to Lord Mansfield, of whose assist- 
 ance at all times and on all occasions We can have no doubt. 
 
 Yours ever 
 P. 
 18—2
 
 140 PORTLAND TO WINDHAM 
 
 Grattan can not fall into any snare, for he dines with me and can 
 not be entrapped between this and to morrow, but I am sure if Pitt 
 had got hold of him he would have got the complete dominion of 
 Ireland forever if he had so pleased. 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 (Diary, p. 330.) 
 
 Beaconsfield, 
 
 Oct. 20, 1794. 
 My Dear Sir, — 
 
 I had your letter. Everything is undone, if the matter 
 is put upon private and personal ground. If it be a question of 
 men and of favour, it is quite clear what men and what favour must 
 prevail ; and, as to the public opinion, it will be clamorously against 
 those who come in and go out lightly in the most critical seasons. I 
 have thought this matter over and over. I have looked back at our 
 former experience ; and I have considered the genius of the new 
 times. I have considered the character of the men you are come to 
 act with and your own character, as well as the character of the 
 Opposition and the bystanders. I have compared all these with the 
 situation of England and of Poland and of Europe. I never gave 
 anything in my life so thorough a sifting. The result is that I am 
 clearly and decidedly of opinion that the Duke of Portland, nor 
 Lord Fitzwilliam, nor yourself, ought to resign ; but to wait — for 
 what I foresee will be the case of some of you— to be turned out. 
 You are in a post of strength, if you know how to defend yourselves. 
 Whereas nothing but obloquy, unpopularity, disfavours above and 
 below, and complete impotence will follow you if you are once out ; 
 and never can you come in again, but on the ruins of your country. 
 But when I say the resignations ought not now to be thought of, I do 
 not say that the matters for which you contend ought to be aban- 
 doned ; but the very reverse. You are where you are, only to act 
 with rectitude, firmness, and disinterestedness, and particularly to 
 resist ad internecionem the corrupt system of Ireland, which goes
 
 BURKE TO WINDHAM I4I 
 
 directly to the ruin of the whole empire. I seemed to think in my 
 last letter, of the resignation of the Duke of Portland and Lord 
 Fitzwilliam as inevitable. That letter was the result of my second 
 thought. You know that in my [first], to which I am now come 
 back, I stated this position to you as a thing between the two alter- 
 natives. In substance perhaps my opinions are the same: go out 
 they must. I believe it is a thing that does not depend on them to 
 avoid — the question is on the manner of it. Clearly, the most 
 reputable thing in every point of view is that they should not commit 
 suicide, but be slain on their post in a battle against this Irish 
 corruption, which is another thing than the misapplication of so 
 much money. If indeed my opinion was wholly changed on reflec- 
 tion, why should I be ashamed of it in one of the most difficult 
 questions that ever was .-' Whatever is done, I am against all squab 
 proceedings, such as seem rather the effect of temper than principle. 
 They are very ill used — very ill indeed ; but their own conduct has 
 been such that they have put themselves in the wrong ; and it is not 
 by base yielding or by a stubborn perverseness they can get right, 
 but by producing such a body of principle as really actuates them, 
 and which will make their mode of proceeding, however irregular, 
 a thing of very subordinate importance. The closet must be resorted 
 to, with all sort of gentleness and attention ; the matter stated, the 
 substance given in, in writing ; opinion and direction rather asked 
 than resolution declared on their part ; lamentation rather than 
 blame. Honour and principle are never the worse for being con- 
 ducted with address. Two things — not to resign, not to abandon 
 the ground of dispute. With good conduct the whole may yet be 
 gained — points, office, all. But then the temper to be used, in my 
 mind, ought not to extend to the Irish job system. You can only 
 defend yourselves by open avowed unappeasable war against that, as 
 long as no temperaments of any kind are held out ; when they are, 
 their value will be considered. I shall write, I think, a note to this 
 purpose to Lord Fitzwilliam and the Duke of Portland. I wrote last 
 night a threnodia to the Chancellor ; but I did not enter into any 
 particular whatever: it would have been quite useless. He is a very 
 able good-humoured friendly man ; and for himself truly no great
 
 142 BURKE TO WINDHAM 
 
 jobber, but where a job of patronage occurs, quanquam ipsa in 
 morte tenctur. For in the article of death he would cry, " Bring the 
 job ! " Good God ! to think of jobs in such a moment as this ! 
 Why, it is not vice any longer : it is corruption run mad. Thank 
 you for the account of the few saved at Bois le Due — Pichegru has 
 more humanity than we have. Why are any of these people put 
 into garrison places ? It is premeditated and treacherous murder. 
 If an emigrant governor was indeed appointed, a better thing could 
 not be done. Then we should hear of a defence : it would, indeed, 
 be a novelty ; and one would think, for that reason, would be recom- 
 mended. But cowardice and treachery seem qualifications ; and 
 punishment is amongst the artes perditcB in the old governments. 
 I am very miserable — tossed by public upon private grief, and by 
 private upon public. Oh ! have pity on yourselves ! and may the 
 God, whose counsels are so mysterious in the moral world (even 
 more than in the natural), guide you through all these labyrinths. 
 Do not despair ! if you do, work in despair. Feel as little and think 
 as much as you can : correct your natural constitutions, but don't 
 attempt to force them. 
 Adieu, adieu ! 
 
 Yours ever 
 
 Edmund Burke. 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 (Diary, p. 333.) 
 
 October 28, 1794. 
 
 My Dear Sir 
 
 I am in a state of mind as near complete despair as a 
 man can be in ; yet whilst there remains the faintest possibility of 
 doing good, I think you, whose duty it is to act and who have 
 vigour of body and mind sufficient to that duty, ought to omit no 
 rational means of removing the evil which presses the most nearly, 
 and is the most within your reach. A mediator is wanted in this
 
 BURKE TO WINDHAM 1 43 
 
 business. I doubt whether you are exactly in that situation. I 
 think the Chancellor is. I feared he might be too much influenced 
 by the jobbery of his Irish connections, particularly that of Douglas. 
 But I rather think I wronged him. I have heard from him, and by 
 the strain he writes in I am sure he wishes this rupture to be made 
 up in some proper way, as you and I do. Now I apprehend he 
 may be a little crippled in this business of a useful go-between, if 
 there be not some confidence shown to him by our friends. I just 
 throw out this hint, not being able to say much more than what I 
 have already troubled you with at great length. How comes it that 
 I have heard nothing of Dundas in this business, no more than if 
 no such thing existed .•* and yet he must certainly tell for a great 
 deal in it. I know this affair can never come to any sort of amicable 
 conclusion, whilst they treat the matter in dispute exactly in the 
 spirit and upon the principles of ministers of adverse courts (and very 
 adverse courts too) debating on a matter in negotiation, and not as 
 members of the same Cabinet Council and servants of the same 
 King. The order of the questions and all this fencing tends to keep 
 alive the hostility. There is something of the worst tendency 
 imaginable in the whole mode of their carrying on business. God 
 bless you ! 
 
 Ever yours 
 
 Edmund Burke. 
 
 On 1 7 Dec. a further stage in the reconstruction of the ministry 
 was reached by the appointment of Earl Spencer as First Lord of 
 the Admiralty, and of Earl Fitzwilliam as Lord Lieutenant of 
 Ireland. Spencer was succeeded as Privy Seal by Lord Chatham, 
 who was thus happily withdrawn from active military operations. 
 As Fitzwilliam's appointment did not actually take effect till he 
 landed in Ireland, 5 Jan. 1795, the patched-up arrangement of the 
 difficulty remained for some weeks undisturbed.
 
 144 burke to windham 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37843, f. 53-) 
 
 Beconsfield, Dec. 22, 1794. 
 
 Monday night. 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 I make no apology at all when I recommend any thing 
 
 at all about Business or about men thro' you to your friends and 
 
 fellow-ministers. Indeed it is in general (though I would not be too 
 
 troublesome) the channel thro' which I should most wish my thoughts 
 
 to go. If you do not see the thing to be right or the person proper, 
 
 or the ground [be] preoccupied, why, you will do nothing, or they 
 
 will do nothing — and I shall be satisfied, having done my Duty and 
 
 taking it for granted that you, on your part, do yours as fairly and at 
 
 least as wisely. I have much respect and value for Lord Spenser, 
 
 and I believe he thinks so. I am sure our Navy is our all; and 
 
 much will depend upon good and apt subordinate Instruments. 
 
 Some people I know consider them as nothing ; but I am not of 
 
 that opinion : I consider them as every thing, or nearly so. It is 
 
 I fancy of moment that Lord Spenser should have a private 
 
 secretary skilful if possible in the naval trade. If he is not equipped 
 
 — I have a friend whom I would recommend. It is Capt" Creyk' — 
 
 a man of excellent Character in his profession ; of good Service ; 
 
 well educated and very intelligent. I think such a man would be 
 
 an acquisition to Lord Spenser. He has frequently applied for 
 
 professional employment — but without the shadow of professional 
 
 Objection, and with (on the contrary) expressions of approbation, 
 
 he has not got it. 
 
 May I beg you to recommend your old acquaintance and my 
 worthy friend and relation M"^ Edm<*. Nagle" to Lord Spenser's 
 protection ; and that he may not lose any way that he has made 
 under Lord Chatham. 
 
 When you please to retire for a day or two, here is a place not 
 incommodious to you. You will find your friends fewer by the 
 
 ' Richard Creyk, Captain R.N., 1782. 
 
 ' Knighted 1795, afterwards Admiral and K.C.B.
 
 BURKE TO WINDHAM I45 
 
 dreadful but just act of God ; but though miserable, they are still 
 not without sincerity and feeling for those whom they ought to love 
 and value. 
 
 Ever most truly your unhappy friend 
 
 Edm. Burke. 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 (Burke Corn iv. 251.) 
 
 December 30, 1794. 
 
 My dear Sir 
 
 I send this to you by Fred. North'. Many months have 
 not passed since I was in hopes of sending you another sort of 
 assistance than you are likely to receive from any hints I can give 
 you. I was in hopes of sending to you a person who would have 
 fought under you in this cause with a pure and ardent zeal, with 
 powerful abilities, and with a manly fortitude that I am convinced 
 never was exceeded, and I am persuaded was rarely matched amongst 
 the sons of men. But just as he was on the point of demonstrating 
 to the world what was so well known to me and to a few others, it 
 pleased the Great Disposer, who gave to him those powers and 
 dispositions, to determine upon some other sphere for their employ- 
 ment. Well ! with this loss I have not lost all interest in the fate of 
 all human concerns. No less than the whole of these depend on the 
 issue of the present counsels. You have my most ardent vows for 
 an auspicious beginning and a happy close to this session. You 
 remember the point I pressed to you with so much earnestness at 
 our parting. I should not have urged it with all that importunity, 
 if I did not know that you and your colleagues must meet several 
 who will hold to you a very different language. I am apprehensive 
 that resort will be had to those trivial maxims of an improvident 
 timidity, which some call prudence, to recommend to you a conduct 
 opposite to that which, with all the liberty of a sincere friendship, 
 
 ' Hon. Frederick North, afterwards 5th Earl of Guilford and celebrated as a 
 bibliophile. He was sent to Corsica as Secretary of State under Sir Gilbert Elliot. 
 
 B.-W. C. 19
 
 146 BITRKE TO WINDHAM 
 
 I recommend to all of you. Depend upon it that the party, whether 
 it be opposition or ministry, which is driven to act upon the defensive 
 in this session, will be ruined. Arms are not yet taken up ; but 
 virtually you are in a civil war. You are not people of differing 
 opinions in a public council ; — you are enemies, that must subdue or 
 be subdued, on the one side or the other. \{ your hands are not on 
 your swords, their knives will be at your throats. There is no 
 medium, — there is no temperament, — there is no compromise with 
 Jacobinism. 
 
 This is an unfortunate state of things ; but it is your state, and you 
 must conform to it. There will be a change of tone. Some designs, 
 without being at all abandoned, will appear to be postponed. But 
 all this is, on the one hand, to abate all salutary alarm on your side, 
 and on the other hand, it is to attack you with the greatest skill. 
 The country is not yet lost to you ; but it is in a very dubious state. 
 My clear opinion is that if you excite a spirit in the people, which in 
 part at least is ever the effect of art and management, it will carry you 
 through every thing. If you do not, you will sink under the very 
 weight of your own works. You and the people you neglect will 
 together have the lot of those who will choose to go to sleep on the 
 edge of Dover cliff. The public is on the very point of ruin, when 
 the government of the country is dishonoured by its tribunals. When 
 the laws protect those who conspire against those laws, and when 
 there is an army at hand to support them in all their enterprises, 
 what ordinary measures, taken out of the stores of daily routine, will 
 suffice for our preservation ? As yet the house is not fallen, but it is 
 completely undermined. If a spirit is once raised and (what is very 
 material) employed in its first fervours, such an association as was 
 set on foot in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, with scrutinies, tests, 
 and abjurations, suited to these times and these occasions, instead of 
 the old nonsense, may be adopted with success. After the revolution 
 such an association was copied from the proceedings in the time of 
 Elizabeth. God forbid that we should attempt to be wise by prece- 
 dent. But settled governments have not the bold resources of new 
 experimental systems. They must have some eye to example, if it 
 were only to encourage those whom every new measure in their own
 
 BURKE TO WINDHAM 1 47 
 
 defence frightens more than all the new measures of attack adopted 
 by their adversaries. But sure I am, that we ought to approach as 
 nearly as our circumstances will permit to the decisive character of 
 the new enemy we have to contend with abroad and at home. If 
 something of this kind is not done, and attended with a correspondent 
 course of systematic action, associations of another kind will by and 
 by be formed, and by the irresistible cry of the people you will be 
 forced to deliver yourselves, your king and your country, under the 
 false and insidious name of peace, bound hand and foot to the mercy 
 of the united Jacobins of France and England. Through the whole 
 session, from the sounding of the first trumpet, I recommend to you 
 to hold, not only a firm and resolved language, but a high criminating 
 tone, as far as the forms of Parliament will permit. I have much on 
 my mind upon this subject, particularly on your manner of conducting 
 the debate, so as to put it into a tactic for the mutual support of each 
 other. But North's chaise is at the door. I rejoice to find him 
 employed. I wish he may be able to find his kingdom in the map 
 of the British territories. Corsica may not be able to preserve Italy, 
 but without it I should give Italy for lost. Why, instead of Corsica, 
 is not North sent to Rome, to form an Italian league, and to raise an 
 army in the Ecclesiastic States (not yet exhausted with levies) for 
 the defence of that island in the first instance, and after, to throw in 
 wherever it may be wanted ? May God preserve you all in the great 
 conflict you are to go through, both at home and abroad ! 
 
 Ever, ever yours 
 
 Edm. Bukke. 
 
 A better year — may we have it — melioribus opto auspiciis. 
 
 19 — 2
 
 148 burke to windham 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37843, f- 55-) 
 
 Jarin 7, 1795. 
 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 Do not think I call for an answer when I trouble you 
 with a line : I know too well the value of your time ; and the dread- 
 fully critical nature of the affairs you are engaged in. Our friend 
 D"" Walker King, at breakfast this morning, read me an account of 
 your speech' from a paper called the Sun. I know that none of 
 these reporters do you justice. But here I think they have done 
 better than usual. As to you, you have done just what you ought ; 
 and just as you ought — with a full possession of yourself, firm, 
 rational, manly, with a proper notice of the foolish declamations 
 and low calumnies against you, and with a just animadversion, a 
 proper scorn of them. You have hit the true Method of defence ; 
 and in my opinion have done the adversary, (who sets himself at jj'^'m, 
 and who aims at nothing less than your life, property and fame, and 
 that pretty declaredly) more harm, and yourself more good, than by 
 any speech, amongst the many good ones, you have made in your 
 life. I think he must have sunk under it. But do not think that 
 he will not rise again and try his old arts — that he will most 
 assuredly ; and he will get his and your friend'- — -(a name you very 
 properly resolve to hang up in the townhall for a while) to retract 
 his moderation and join him in the attack. I expect others will 
 support you as they ought to do. But be that as it will ; be as true 
 to yourself as hitherto you have been ; and others will want support 
 more from you than you from them. Nothing pleased me more in 
 your speech than your develloping the little arts and schemes of 
 policy and the mean spirit and genius of the intrigue w'^'^ gives rise 
 
 ' On Sheridan's motion for the repeal of the suspension of the Habeas Corpus 
 Act, 5 Jan. 1795. 
 
 ^ Sheridan in the speech referred to had called attention to the breach now 
 declared between Windham and Fo-x. " He recollected that on a former occasion 
 he (W.) would not give up the title of ' friend ' till his right hon. friend had first given 
 him a hint for that purpose. He had not waited for the hint : he had now renounced 
 the title."
 
 BURKE TO WINDHAM 1 49 
 
 to the proceedings and speeches against you. Keep this always in 
 view, and your mind tense and alert with regard to these attacks, to 
 which, to your infinite honour, you will be more subject than any 
 other man. When anything comes on about Parliamentary reform, 
 or you foresee it, pray let nie know, that I may unlauderdale myself. 
 Will you condescend to read a few lines from me ; and add your own 
 Testimony that in our long acquaintance you never found me bold 
 enough to undertake for myself, or submissive enough to the M^il/s 
 of others, to be assiduously active, as the Lauderdale style expresses 
 it, in what is greatly miscalled Parliamentary reform ? 
 
 Pray stick to the Method of detecting the low policies and 
 stratagems which characterise Sheridanism. This is the right 
 handle. You are become, by being Patron of the emigrants, 
 enough of a French Chevalier, to be pleased with the praises of 
 any Lady, even of one old Lady. M''^ Burke is quite happy about 
 your speech. We were in truth, all of us, very anxious about you. 
 
 Have you read D'Yvernois' pamphlet' about the Revolution of 
 Geneva ? I don't know whether it be translated ; if not, with a 
 proper preface, it ought to be, and printed and circulated at the 
 Charge of Gov^ 
 
 Don't make any further apology about Juries. It is the Business 
 and the Privilege of the H. of C. to examine Courts of Judicature in 
 every part of their constitution and conduct. 
 
 Ever, my d"" Sir, 
 
 most faithfully y'" unhappy friend 
 Edm. Burke. 
 
 The preliminaries to the final stage of the Hastings Trial began 
 on 13 Jan. 1795, with the appointment of a committee to inspect the 
 journals as to the mode of giving judgment. The trial ended with 
 the acquittal on 23 April. 
 
 ^ Reflexions sur la Guerre. The author, Francois DTvernois, was knighted l>y 
 George III, 11 May 1796.
 
 150 BURKE TO WINDHAM 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37843, f- 57-) 
 
 Jarfi 8, 1795. 
 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 God knows what a bitterness I feel in my mouth in 
 returning to my Indian Vomit. But the very being of pubHck 
 Justice, perhaps of Pari*, itself, is concerned in it. The Lords 
 cannot go on with'' a Syllabus. It is a thousand to one they will 
 get that Rogue Cowper' to make one. One is preparing on our 
 side, which, as it goes on, I wish printed. Pray talk to Francis and 
 to M'" Pitt about it — to the Speaker of course. I have written to 
 him. I should hate to be obliged to pass my last hours in discrediting 
 the supreme Judicature of this Country. But this, if in some tolerable 
 way they do not do their Duty, I must do, and even leave it as a 
 Legacy, if I should not live to finish it. Justice is better than 
 Judicature ; and I see no one publick good that can arise from 
 handing down you and me and others our colleagues (to say nothing 
 of the House) in the infamous Light of false accusers — in order to 
 save the credit of Thurlow and Eyre and Buller &c. &c. &c. 
 
 I think the Lords had better be got to make another adjournment 
 (for reasons relative to themselves) whilst our Syllabus is printing. 
 I know you have little time — but I only wish you to help to put 
 things into train. 
 
 Various things have occurred to me relative to Sheridan's attack 
 on you. I may send some of them to you, as hints you may improve 
 on if you think it worth your while. 
 
 Adieu, God bless you. Y'' ever unhappy friend 
 
 Edm. Burke. 
 
 > Probably Henry Cowper, Assistant to the Clerk of the Parliaments, son of 
 General Spencer Cowper, the poet's cousin.
 
 BURKE TO WINDHAM 151 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37843. f- 59-) 
 
 {Jan. 1795.] 
 
 Sampson ! The Philistins be upon thee ! 
 
 Depend upon it that if some speedy, well combined and 
 steadily executed Measures are not adopted at this Crisis, you will 
 be overpowr'd by a Storm of Petitions from all Parts of England, 
 praying in a mixture of supplication and menace that we may be 
 delivered over bound hand and foot to the mercy of the united 
 Jacobins of England and France. That union is no longer pro- 
 blematical ; nor can we be any longer Lulled with the hope, that 
 property is a security, either against passion or delusion. 
 
 In my poor opinion, when the Norwich petition' is brought up, 
 the House ought to come to a strong and decisive resolution on the 
 subject ; not to impeach the right of Petition, but effectually to put 
 a Bar to the Hope of success to all Petitions of that kind. The 
 Resolution ought to be declaratory of a steady opinion and deter- 
 mination that no part of Europe, and least of all this part of it, is 
 safe, whilst any power under any Name exists in France professing 
 the principles and executing the Views and actuated by the policy 
 which has made the predominant Faction there so mischievous to 
 Religion, Laws, Manners, Commerce and the common Liberty and 
 independence of all Nations and all Governments ; to state the loss 
 of Holland and the utter ruin to all the Commerce and power of 
 G. B. from that loss, and the impossibility, whilst that and the other 
 places ravish'd from our Allies remain in their hands, for any sort of 
 secure peace to exist ; and that what they have seized upon by force, 
 never can be won from them by supplication. 
 
 Will they give these places up without an equivalent .^ What 
 equivalent have any of the Allies to offer except ourselves ? What 
 is our equivalent .'' The places we have taken in the West Indies for 
 the absolute security of our Colonies. What in that case shall hinder 
 them from doing, what they have threatened and are well able to 
 ' Against the war, presented 5 Feb. 1 795.
 
 152 BURKE TO WINDHAM 
 
 execute — that is to pour an hundred thousand Negroes and men of 
 Colour into our Islands, which agaipst that kind of force could not 
 make an hour's resistance ? I don't open this or the other Topics 
 at length. An hint is enough for you. 
 
 Why should not the two houses prepare a Manifesto, whether 
 in form of a Representation to the Crown or otherwise ? What 
 signifies the precedent ? Whilst this is in debate, both Houses 
 ought to be shut. The more unusual and the more alarming the 
 better. Nothing but security can do us mischief 
 
 " Nothing to us what Gov* prevails in France." — No certainly 
 not ; but it is of infinite consequence to us, what sort of Robbery 
 prevails in France, and what the genius, temper, policy and means 
 of that Robbery are. 
 
 I had thrown down many thoughts, in a very loose way, when 
 I heard of the loss of Holland ; a thing which however it was plain 
 enough must happen. But I have for some days thrown aside the 
 Paper, being very sure that my Ideas would not all be suited to the 
 Temper that prevails at present — and that something of an odd but 
 necessary composition of more fear and more courage would be 
 necessary to give them any sort of Effect. 
 
 Indeed you are, all ; you are eminently threaten'd with their 
 Guillotines. When Sheridan makes you responsible, it is not for 
 what you have done as Minister — but for your Votes as a Member 
 of Pari*, before you ever were in Office. Our Constitution cannot 
 make you responsible for this. It must be one of his Revolutionary 
 Tribunals — "there," says he, "sophistry and influence cannot save 
 you." No, unquestionably ; nor law, nor justice neither. I have thought 
 on what I wrote to you in the beginning of the Session. I am still in 
 the same opinions. I don't sign my name, lest you should think your- 
 self obliged to answer — which these hints don't require or perhaps 
 deserve. Adieu, God direct you all. You are in a new way — and 
 your New Wine cannot do in the Old Leathern Bottles. 
 
 Is the French Fleet at L'Orient ? I have been there. With 
 the Force you have at Falmouth, by crossing a little Country you may 
 burn them in the Harbour.
 
 WINDHAM S DIARY 1 53 
 
 On 1 8 Feb., after a cabinet dinner, Windham's Diary tells of 
 a lengthy discussion "on the important and delicate crisis formed by 
 the last letters of Lord Fitzwilliam, which the Duke of Portland had 
 showed to me at St. James's." The arrangement, whereby Fitzwilliam 
 went to Ireland deprived of the power to carry out those changes 
 which he had authorised his friends there to expect, had in fact 
 broken down, just as Burke had foreseen that it would. He had 
 landed on a Sunday and on the Wednesday following dismissed 
 John Beresford', a man who, in Fitzwilliam's own words spoken 
 to the House of Lords after his return, " filled a situation greater 
 than that of the Lord Lieutenant," and with whom " if he had con- 
 nected himself, it would have been connecting himself with a person 
 under universal heavy suspicions and subjecting his government to 
 all the opprobrium and unpopularity attendant upon his mal-adminis- 
 tration." This was not the spirit in which a coalition government 
 could be conducted, and it was apparently through Windham (in a 
 private letter from him to Fitzwilliam's secretary. Lord Milton, 
 about 2 Feb.) that the Lord Lieutenant was first informed of the 
 view which Pitt took of his action^ 
 
 Earl Fitzwilliam to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37875, f. I.) 
 
 Dublin Castle, March i" '95. 
 
 Sir 
 
 I had the honor of receiving your letter of the 24'^ ult : 
 expressing your wish for M'^ Grattan's presence in England, but 
 not specifying that of any other member of that cabinet which has 
 unanimously reprobated generally the measures of my administration, 
 and on that account has recall'd me. I have not recommended to 
 
 ' Second son of the Earl of Tyrone; his office. First Commissioner of Revenue, 
 conveys no idea of the power he wielded under Pitt's administration. 
 ' FitzwilHam's Second Letter to Lord Carlisle, p. 14. 
 
 B.-w. c. 20
 
 154 FITZWILLIAM TO WINDHAM 
 
 M'' Grattan to take the journey, but to wait till it is made the 
 unanimous request of that cabinet that he should do so. I have 
 the honor to be, with great respect, 
 
 Sir, your most obed. humble ser* 
 
 Wentworth Fitzwilliam. 
 
 Windham to Earl Fitzwilliam. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37875, f. 5.) 
 
 Hill St". March 5"" 1795. 
 
 My Lord, 
 
 I have received your Excellency's letter of the i'^'' Inst: 
 and am sorry to find that by an act of zeal, hasty perhaps and 
 injudicious, but certainly well-intended, I have exposed myself to 
 a reception which acts of that sort are apt at times to meet with. 
 
 With respect to disapprobation of measures, I know of none, to 
 which your Excellency can allude, except an opinion, which I cannot 
 but distinctly avow, that a great part of your Excellency's measures 
 have been in direct opposition to what I had understood to have 
 been agreed upon, either directly or by implication, in the conversa- 
 tion which took place in Downing Street, a little previous to your 
 Excellency's departure ; I mean particularly in the appointment of 
 M'' W. Ponsonby, the appointment of M'" G. Ponsonby, the removal 
 of M*" Beresford, and in the bringing forward the Catholick question, 
 so far as your Excellency approved of, or was concerned in, that 
 measure, before a communication could be had with this country. 
 
 If in this opinion I have the misfortune to differ with your 
 Excellency, I have the consolation, I believe, of agreeing with every 
 other person who was present at that conversation. 
 
 I have the honour to be, with great respect, 
 
 Your Excellency's most obedient Humble servant 
 
 W. Windham.
 
 burke to windham 155 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37843. f- 61.) 
 
 March 6 [1795]- 
 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 I beg you to return to me the two letters which I put 
 into your hands last night— as I must answer them by the unfaithful 
 post of this— that my correspondant may have my thoughts after the 
 previous perusal of Messers Lees' and Shawel What answer am 
 I to give about the Catholick Colleges? I have not yet seen the 
 D. of Portland. I have on that subject, as on that of the Protestant 
 Schools, had much serious talk with the dismounted Grattan and his 
 friend Forbes. Our ideas were in perfect union, but Cooke', Lees, 
 Hamilton^ and Griffiths" will be better heard than we on this 
 subject, or on any subject. I have long groaned at seeing that great 
 Kingdom delivered over to such hands. God bless you. 
 
 Ever y"" unhappy friend 
 
 Edm. Burke. 
 
 I have had, in two days, four hours conversation with M'' Dundas, 
 who heard me with a great deal of kindness and good Temper. 
 I am sure that what I said to him (which is said to M'" Pitt also thro' 
 him) was founded [on] a just observation of Facts and upon no 
 grossly misunderstood principles of policy, though coming thro' the 
 most imperfect organ in the world. I am sure it pointed to the 
 security of M'' Pitt's power, to w'^ there is not a man in this Kingdom 
 more inclined than myself. This I know, that if he makes it the 
 principle of his Adm" not to gain men, but to ruin those who being 
 aggregated to him seem to deviate from the exact path he prescribes ; 
 and if he goes on (at the advice of the stupidest and most interested 
 of mankind) to construe every equivocal appearance, owing to 
 
 1 Probably John Lees, Secretary to the Irish Post Office. 
 ^ Probably Robert Shaw, Accountant-General of the Post Office. 
 ' Edward Cooke, Irish Under-Secretary, Military Department. 
 * Sackville Hamilton, Irish Under-Secretary, Civil Department. 
 ' Perhaps Joseph Griffiths, Deputy Serjeant-at-Arms.
 
 156 BURKE TO WINDHAM 
 
 temper, negligence and unskilful management, into overt acts of 
 a settled design to subvert his power, He will thus himself suhve.vt 
 that power. You are never hereafter to look for strength hy Junction 
 except here and there a scatter'd individual : and for every one you 
 gain you lose two. I have said much, and my postscript is longer 
 than my Letter, but there is an Iliad of woe approaching. 
 
 The three letters of Burke to Mrs Crewe which follow doubtless 
 refer to this affair, but their exact dates and order are uncertain. 
 
 Burke to Mrs Crewe. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37483, f- 65.) 
 
 [March 1795 ?] 
 
 M^^ Burke, my dear Madam, has been employed by me the 
 greater part of this day in copying some Papers. She is fatigued and 
 she desires me to answer your Note. She has slept ill for some 
 Nights past. For my part, Rest had in a manner forsaken me for 
 a good while, till last night ; when, I thank God, I had as much 
 sleep as I pleased. To say the truth, I did not think it possible 
 that after my great domestick blow I should ever have felt pain and 
 anxiety from any other Cause. But I did not calculate rightly. For 
 a year past, and longer, I have done as much perhaps as ever man did 
 to bring and to keep people together. But I have been unfortunate. 
 All the means of conciliation I have used have become so many 
 causes of contention. In that contention, I am certain, I have had 
 no intentional share ; as certain, as that I have had my full share in 
 the Punishment. A great man may say, that this too is poetick 
 Justice ; and it may be so. I am little disposed to attack others, 
 and not much more so to defend myself. I have lived ; and now 
 I have nothing to do but to die. 
 
 The Gentleman you mention to have seen at L^ P.'s has always 
 had a very great share in my esteem. He did me the honour to call 
 at Nerot's Hotel in my absence. I pity him very much. I am quite
 
 BURKE TO MRS CREWE 1 57 
 
 sure he always acts on principle. But it is a most unfortunate thing, 
 when, without either personal Breach or party Hostility, an opinion 
 of Duty leads a man to execute a sentence of Punishment on a man 
 of good Character, with whom he has lived in terms of Amity, how 
 deserved soever the punishment may be. But every man will judge 
 best for himself. It was in a manner but the other day, and before 
 I knew that L'* M"' would go, that I spoke of Pelham as the 
 properest man in the world to go Secretary to the illustrious Culprit 
 who is now coming hither under an accusation ; and such are the 
 Revolutions of the world, that he now takes the Secretary's place 
 forfeited under the accusation. The world is much above my under- 
 standing. As to the proceedings about the marriage, I wish every 
 thing had looked more auspiciously. What delays the bride" ? An 
 hundred ardent Vows are uttered for an Eastern Gale. Is Pichegru's 
 passport necessary .'' Cannot a Prince get so much as a Wife without 
 the leave of Democracy ? I suppose this dreadful case stuns all the 
 great men into the most serious recollection — and the Prince is 
 retired to Kempshot to meditate on this great change. Has he seen 
 the Stadholder ? Dionysius is at Corinth. Well ! they all amaze 
 me, — Princes, Dukes, Marquises, Chancellor of the Exchequer, 
 Secretaries of State. My heart is sick ; my stomach turns ; my head 
 grows dizzy. The world seems to me to reel and stagger. The 
 Crimes of Democracy and the madness and folly of Aristocracy alike 
 frighten and confound me. The only refuge is in God, who sees 
 thro' all these mazes. Adieu ! God bless you ever. 
 
 E. B. 
 
 ' George Damer, Viscount Milton, afterwards 2nd Earl of Dorchester. Fitzwilliam 
 was in the odd position of having a son and a chief secretary each of them styled 
 Viscount Milton. 
 
 ' The Prince of Wales' bride, Caroline of Brunswick. She left Brunswick 30 Dec. 
 1794, but the squadron sent to meet her had to return, and she stayed at Hanover till 
 28 March, arriving in England 5 April. The marriage took place on the 8th.
 
 158 burke to mrs crewe 
 
 Burke to Mrs Crewe. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37843, f. 67.) 
 
 [Endorsed, 13 Mar. 1795-] 
 You write to me, my dear Madam, as if I were an Enemy to 
 conciliation. It happens to be the very reverse. I am not only 
 favourable to it ; but the only man, who, with as many Members of 
 the Cabinet as I could touch, moved Heaven and Earth to procure it. 
 Don't think to persuade me of the necessity of conciliation. I am 
 persuaded of it — and I think it yet possible, if I am listen'd to ; but 
 because I know I shall not be listen'd to, I do not think it possible, 
 at least not possible for me. What Ladies may do I know not. 
 I do know that they have many Blandishments and many charms 
 which it would be ridiculous for an old man, or an old woman such 
 as I may be called, to attempt. For God's sake do what you please 
 and what you [can]. I have written my Ideas to the D. of Devon, 
 to shew the D. of Port*^ if he pleases. To be sure the thing may be 
 settled. Let L'^ F. be desired to stay in Ireland and Lord Camden 
 to stay here. It may be settled in a moment. The rest is far above 
 me. Let the Ladies take it — and God send them success. 
 
 Burke to Mrs Crewe. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37843, f- 63.) 
 
 ^March 1795?] 
 
 My dear Madam, I came to Town but for a day ; and I am just 
 this instant setting off on my return. I thank you for the kindness 
 of your last Note. I don't thank you indeed for it, as if it were 
 anything new. It is habitual to you to be good and benevolent and 
 condescending to the miserable. The number of that description 
 seems to encrease every day and in every Class and situation of life. 
 I feel from the bottom of my heart for the distresses that touch you
 
 BURKE TO MRS CREWE 1 59 
 
 SO much to the quick for our worthy friend at Burlington House'. 
 I read the part of your letter that regards him, at Lord F.'s — where 
 I received it. He was exceedingly affected. So was Lady Fitz- 
 william. But how either of the parties can do anything towards the 
 alleviation of their common sufferings I know not. Lord F. assured 
 me that he felt with the utmost Tenderness for what his old friend 
 must suffer ; that his heart towards him was exactly in its old place ; 
 that the change in their relation was a cause of great grief to him ; 
 but not of the smallest degree of resentment ; that the Task he had 
 to go through was one imposed upon him by the most Tyrannical 
 necessity — and that if for private regards and feelings (which the 
 world would construe into something a great deal worse) he was to 
 abandon his Cause — he must not only forfeit his own Honour, but the 
 Honour and Character of his friends, who had so nobly supported his 
 Government, and indeed of the whole Kingdom of Ireland, that had 
 shewn uncommon marks of confidence in him — that if he were to 
 compromise in these points, no Englishman after him would be 
 trusted by the honourable and disinterested part of that Country.^ 
 These things he reiterated with great sensibility, but with great 
 Temper, over and over again — as indeed he had done at several 
 other times. It is a woful situation of things ; which time 
 and events (that do more to bring matters to rights than all our 
 endeavours) can alone rectifye. I must think that they who 
 saw, step by step, this excellent man led to his own suicide, for such 
 it is truly in a publick light, must be inexpressibly hard hearted not 
 to have taken some measures to prevent him from inflicting that 
 unheard of punishment, on his friend in the first instance, but in the 
 end much more surely and much more severely upon himself. God 
 bless you and forward all your wishes and labours for the wretched. 
 They are in the Great Hotels, in the Pompous Colonnades, in the 
 spacious Courts, in the Town Gardens, in the Titled Heads, and the 
 Hearts covered with purple Honours — in great fortunes and in high 
 offices — in what not outward shews of happiness ; as well as in the 
 Cottages of starving fugitives, which your kindness led you the other 
 day to visit, — with this woful difference, that to the unhappy of the 
 
 ' The Duke of Portland.
 
 l6o BURKE TO MRS CREWE 
 
 latter you may bring some relief — not to the former ; their sufferings 
 are out of the reach of your Charity. The Kings are all gone out of 
 Town. May heaven give us better days. Adieu, Adieu. 
 Put down Lady F. for a subscriber. 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37843, f- 69.) 
 
 Wednesday [i Apr. 1795]^ 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 The other Business naturally and properly occupies you, 
 yet the honour of the House of Commons, and of ourselves, in our 
 old pursuit of Hastings' delinquency cannot and ought not to escape 
 you. I wish you would have a word with the Speaker today if 
 possible on the Subject. 
 
 I am ever y""^ faithfully 
 
 Edm. Burke. 
 
 ' Endorsed, April 2, 1795.
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 ASSISTANCE TO THE EMIGRES. 
 
 The story of the failure of the Ouiberon Bay expedition (27 June^ — 
 21 July 1795), the most substantial effort made by Pitt's government 
 to carry out the war policy advocated by Burke and Windham, can- 
 not be told in the space available here, nor do we find references to 
 it in this correspondence occupying so great a place as we might 
 expect'. The apportionment of blame however for that failure, and 
 the consideration of the fatal defects of temper and tact in the leaders 
 of the expedition, would not help us to understand Burke's attitude 
 towards the war so much as do his letters upon topics, such as the 
 assistance to be given to refugees in England, which might seem of 
 comparatively little importance. Burke evidently distrusted Puisaye's 
 ability, probably doubted his honesty, but it was not these misgivings 
 that drove him to despair. It was the whole spirit in which the 
 British government was acting. Pitt's attitude was that of being 
 willing to spend money on the war when he felt that he could justify 
 the expense, as a good investment, before the cool judgement of the 
 House of Commons. Burke wished to see the country inflamed with 
 a whole-hearted indignation and a partisanship in the affairs of the 
 French that would have left it only open to the ministry to justify 
 what they had not done, not what they had done, to push on the war. 
 His passionate feeling for the French monarchists was as different 
 from Pitt's cool calculation as from Sheridan's sympathy with the 
 revolutionaries. 
 
 ' There is however in the Windham Papers an abundance of material which will 
 doubtless be used, in conjunction with the Puisaye Papers also in the Museum, to 
 illustrate this episode. See also Peiham's MS. Diary for interesting discussions of the 
 scheme when it was originally proposed in Fejj. 1794. 
 
 B.-w. c. 21
 
 l62 BURKE TO WINDHAM 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37843, f. 71.) 
 
 June 9 [1795]. 
 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 I have said so much to so little purpose to our friend 
 Elliot' about the scheme of the new Transportation of the unhappy 
 fugitive Clergy of France — that I don't know how I can justifye 
 myself in troubling you again on the Subject. But I am so strongly 
 impressed with the mischief of this new exile of the Reliquiae Danaum 
 that I cannot forbear once more to warn you against that measure, 
 both on their account and on yours. At this moment the popular 
 mind is in a very unsettled state — and I am as sure as I live, that a 
 vast migration, thro' the heart of the Kingdom, of strangers that will 
 be consider'd as no better than Vagrants, Enemies, and rivals of the 
 Poor in the Bounty of the Rich, will produce an ill effect, that no 
 ordinary consideration of military convenience can po.ssibly counter- 
 balance. I say nothing on the oeconomical part of the Question, though 
 it is evident that it will cost twice as much to have these unfortunate 
 people twice as ill off as they are at present — where they are fitted to 
 the situation, and the vicinage reconcil'd to them with all sort of good 
 will and mutual accommodation. This is a publick Hospital, and 
 applied to that use. I doubt as much the Justice as the policy of 
 turning people out of your Hospital, when you have once possessed 
 them of it. Charity has its own Justice, and its own Rules, as well 
 as any other part of human intercourse ; and if I give a Cottage to a 
 poor man to live in, I have no more right to turn him out of it than 
 if I had let it to him for Rent. There is nothing in these things 
 voluntary but the beginnings of them. But be that as it may — where 
 in the world can you arrange them ? I hear of Bolsover Castle. 
 This is like the D. of Portland's generosity. But is there at Bolsover 
 (which after all will be a new Exile to these wretches) the market 
 of all kinds which exists at Winchester .'' Excuse me, my dear friend, 
 
 • William Elliot, of Wells.
 
 BURKE TO WINDHAM 1 63 
 
 this importunity. I believe you will be the first to repent this 
 M easure. 
 
 I am ever most faithfully and affection'J" y'" 
 
 EoM. Burke. 
 
 What the Devil are you all doing about the Prince' ? If you are 
 not to consider him as a Prince, and keep him as such, by an 
 honourable establishment of a Court — there is no reason why you 
 should give him anything on his private and personal merits. What 
 is a Prince with^ people of distinction about him ? If he were 
 willing to give up this Establishment (and I am afraid he is but too 
 ready to do it) he ought not to be permitted so to do. Fatal ! fatal 
 Measure! Put the animal, if you will, to short allowance. But for 
 God's sake, save the Monarchy if you can ; which (neither in the 
 possession nor succession) can be anything, but by its attendance. 
 The D. of York may as well be commander-in-chief with'' a company 
 of Soldiers, as a King or P. of Wales what they are without a Court. 
 It ought not to go beyond decorum. But that ought to be. He is 
 not, and cannot be, as M' F[ox] and M*" S[heridan] sometimes repre- 
 sent him — a Gentleman. He is a prince or he is nothing. If you 
 Ministers are firm, the H. of Commons may be brought to reason — 
 and the Prince may, by suitable means, be put out of the reach of 
 future Debts. Why not put his Houses, Goods &c. out of the reach 
 of Executions ? They are purchased by the publick and are the 
 publick property ; and no private man, no not the Prince, ought to 
 have a power of alienating them. Use — as much as you please anci 
 even a little abuse — but no Dominion. Why not make it an act of 
 Bankruptcy in a Dealer — a misdemeanour in any other, to credit 
 him, except by an order under his own hand, countersigned by his 
 great officers .'* For his private expences let him have an handsome 
 privy purse. Abuse let there be ; but let there be limits to the Abuse. 
 These restraints are no humiliations. Just the contrary. They are 
 a part, a necessary part, a noble part, of greatness. They are only 
 the meanest beings in the Community whose Will is not worthy of 
 
 ' The subject of providing for the payment of the Prince of Wales' debts was 
 before the House of Commons from the ist to the 17th of June.
 
 1 64 BURKE TO WINDHAM 
 
 a Rule. — I really do not know what state these things are in. In 
 my poor Judgment the plan first stated by M'' Pitt was the best — 
 and there was then a Majority sufficient to carry it. Now all seems 
 at sea again. Let the allowance be what it will, a decent Establish- 
 ment ought to be kept up. So far from being necessarily expensive 
 it will lessen the general charge. 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37843, f- 73-) 
 
 Half past 10. Saturday even, 
 [?27 June 1795.] 
 
 My dear friend, 
 
 A thousand and a thousand thanks for your good news', 
 which would indeed have effaced a thousand Neglects, if any Neglects 
 there could have been on your part. There were none however. But 
 if there were, sin again, and again make the same attonement. 
 
 I pray to God that this Victory, opportune and important as you 
 well observe it is, may be attended with all its natural consequences. 
 Whatever others may be, I am not one of those who chicane about 
 the good they are about to partake of I wish Mons^ Puissaye every 
 kind of advantage and glory possible. God knows how much his 
 success is near my heart. If I have been mistaken in my man, O ! 
 pray let the mistake be attributed to its proper Cause, and its proper 
 author. I have told you the exact truth in my Letter ; and I should 
 be sorry you thought me the Instrument of the discontent of others. 
 The Enquiries were made by myself oi my own motion, and were the 
 fruits of my own extreme anxiety — and not the suggestions of any 
 human Creature. If the facts I went on are false, and that this 
 Gentleman has ever distinguished himself in a military Capacity, or 
 had high rank in the army, and was not a Democrate in the first 
 Assembly and afterwards, and was not a Brissotine Federalist, acting 
 under Wimpfen — then I am mistaken in my Materials — but I faith- 
 fully assure you that the enquiries were my own — and all the 
 conclusions which gave rise to my apprehensions my own entirely 
 ' Probably Lord Bridport's victory off L'Orient, 22 June.
 
 BURKE TO WINDHAM 1 65 
 
 and absolutely. It is three months (if you will recollect) since I was 
 full of alarm and apprehension on reading the extraordinary manifesto 
 which he thought proper to print, abusing and insulting all the French 
 officers of distinction on account of " Leur triste mediocrity." For 
 God's sake therefore, my dear Sir, put the saddle on the right Horse, 
 and do not be provoked by my folly to think that any persons are so 
 unnaturally bent on their own destruction as to wish ill success to this 
 Expedition, in which their last hopes are involved. Don't think that 
 even I can wish it ill success. My being is hardly more important to 
 me, than' the good Event of this operation. My reasonings may 
 be, and I suppose they are, since they differ from yours, perfectly 
 absurd ; but I am unfortunately but too capable of original and 
 idiopathick absurdity, and do not want to have it infused into me, 
 or to fall into the follies of others by sympathy. Indeed, indeed, 
 you are mistaken ; and though it would grieve me beyond description, 
 to be for a moment justly under your displeasure, it would grieve me 
 infinitely more, that I should be the unhappy means of others 
 incurring it unjustly. I confess I did feel uneasy when I found 
 a conjunto expedition, made for landing by force in an Enemies 
 Country, strongly fortified and, near the Coast (as I always under- 
 stood), highly disaffected to our Cause, under the Conduct of one 
 of whose military Capacity I never heard any account whatsoever : 
 because I always consider'd this sort of expedition to demand very 
 considerable abilities, much beyond others. But pray, again excuse 
 a weakness, arising not from a wish for ill success, but from a too 
 great anxiety for good success. Receive my hearty congratulations 
 on what is past ; my ardent wishes for what is depending ; and ten 
 thousand thanks for your wonderful exertions in this, the best of all 
 causes — in which you have not shewn more regard to the general 
 Interest, than humanity to many meritorious individuals. Adieu. 
 God bless your future endeavours — forgive me my weakness, and 
 
 believe me ever devotedly yours 
 
 Edm. Burke. 
 
 I shall soon write to you a word or two about poor Haviland. 
 
 ' MS. that.
 
 1 66 burke to windham 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37843, f. 75-) 
 
 Zo July [1795]. 
 
 My de.^r Sir, 
 
 I am at the Dregs of the Vessel, and I must drink what 
 is in it. How I shall break this dreadful affair' to the poor worthy 
 Creature, now the only remains of my family, I cannot conceive. 
 She is delicate in the extreme, and far gone with Child. If I could 
 conceal it from her by any arts of my own, her Mother-in-law would 
 not suffer it. In other respects the times are woful indeed. I sup- 
 pose the utmost I hear is but too true. Adieu ! thanks for your 
 most friendly attentions. Nothing could be more accommodating 
 than Dundas. He is always so. But the thing is not with him. 
 
 Ever y'" afflicted friend 
 
 Edm. Burke. 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37843, f- 77-) 
 
 Beconsfield. Sept. 4, 1795. 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 It is the vexatious Privilege of Ministers, among many 
 
 other Privileges not very pleasant, to be teized with applications. 
 
 A man like me, so many years in affairs and out of power, either 
 
 directly or by his friends runs up an arrear of kindness received by 
 
 many and never returned. I told you of a weakness I felt after as 
 
 near a loss in the West Indies, I don't say nearer, about poor 
 
 Cuppage'. There is one way, and I believe it is somewhat in your 
 
 power, to keep him from that expedition, which is to give him an 
 
 employment in the Barrack Line as one of Delancey's' deputies. It 
 
 is only during the War. It is commonly given to Officers; and 
 
 ' The death of Major Thomas Haviland, 45th Regiment. He had married Mary 
 Cecilia French, daughter of Burke's sister Juha. 
 
 » Captain (afterwards Colonel) William Cuppage, Royal Artillery, a second cousin 
 of Burke's. 
 
 ^ Major-General Oliver Delancey, Barrack-Master-General.
 
 BURKE TO WINDHAM 1 67 
 
 I believe formerly much to artillery Officers. No other class seem 
 to have naturally better pretensions to it — and Cuppage's Pretensions 
 are as good as any. He is of long standing, — and much service, 
 particularly in the long siege of Gibraltar, where he distinguished 
 himself and received a wound, the cure of which was long and his 
 suffering great — the recovery was indeed almost a Miracle. Can you 
 do anything in this way? If you can, I am sure you will ; for it is 
 a good natured act and for a worthy person, and will make an old 
 and attached friend of yours, sinking under age and calamity, a little 
 more quiet in Mind. 
 
 I am ever. My d"" Sir, 
 
 Most cordially yours 
 
 Edm. Burke. 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37843, f. 79-) 
 
 Sept. 15, 1795- 
 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 Though I talked to you of Botany Bay', I said not a 
 word about Penn or Wycomb. I really thought that as the Troops 
 who were to be barracked at Winchester had been ordered on foreign 
 service, that the project of the new exile of the French Clergy had 
 been laid aside. Even if necessary, it would have been expensive in 
 a great degree ; vexatious enough, and in its political Effects on the 
 publick mind not a little critical. But you were not got to London 
 before I received a Letter from a M*" Anderson, a clergyman at Penn', 
 whose Observatory and Experimental apparatus I wished much to 
 show you. I do not know whether in official Course I ought to 
 apply to you, or to the Duke of Portland, for relief. But I thought 
 it best to write to both of you. I have sent M^ Anderson's Letter to 
 the Duke. Some Barrack Master, as we are told, has come, just as 
 
 ^ Possibly this refers to Lewis, the guardsman, tried for riot at Charing Cross. On 
 8 Nov. Windham wrote to the Lord Chancellor suggesting the commutation of his 
 sentence to transportation for life, with a view to obtaining evidence against his 
 supposed instigators; see Add. MS. 37875, f. 251. 
 
 ' Rev. Benjamin Anderson, afterwards vicar of Penn.
 
 1 68 BURKE TO WINDHAM 
 
 if to mark quarters in an Enemies country. Not one word of con- 
 sultation with the two Clergymen, or with Lord Curzon's steward, or 
 with myself or any of the Farmers or Housekeepers of the parish. 
 From ninety to an hundred Beds are put up, where the aged, infirm 
 and healthy are all crow[d]ed together just like Prisoners of War, or 
 Soldiers not averaging one and twenty years in a Barrack, without 
 regard to propriety, convenience or common decency, to eat sleep 
 and discharge the miserable necessities of Nature all in the same 
 place, without common Room, eating place or Chappel. The 
 parishioners, as you see by M"" Anderson's Letter, are not without 
 apprehensions of contagion by having so many persons crowded 
 together. I am not to state these things to you. They have no 
 Firing, no Milk, no Butter, no Water, no Vegetables. Those who are 
 denied Flesh meat near one half the year ! This I admit is better 
 than the Jacobin prison preparatory to the Guillotine. But these 
 things cannot be mixed. An Hospitable House however straiten'd 
 from necessity, is not to resemble a noisome and pestilential prison. 
 I understand Wycomb prison is fitted up in the same manner. For 
 God's sake, would it do any harm to consult me, and make me the 
 Barrack Commissaries Aid de Camp in one Barrack in the Parish 
 I live in, the other in my near neighbourhood ? 
 
 Oh pray save us all ! 
 
 Moore of Moorehall ! 
 
 Free us entirely from this dreadful Visitation : 
 
 Or at least reduce their number to their accommodation'! 
 
 ' Adapted from the ballad of Moore of Moore Hall and the Dragon of Wantky : 
 
 " Oh save us, Moore of Moore-Hall 
 Thou peerless knight of these Woods 
 Do but slay this Dragon, who won't leave us a rag on ; 
 We'll give thee all our Goods." 
 Or, more probably, from Henry Carey's burlesque opera, T//e Dragon of Wantky (1763): 
 
 " Oh save us all ! 
 Moore of Moore-Hall ! 
 Or else this cursed Dragon 
 Will plunder our Houses, 
 Our Daughters and Spouses, 
 And leave us the Devil a rag on."
 
 BURKE TO WINDHAM 1 69 
 
 I don't consider, I assure you, the expence I must be at to 
 render their Captivity tolerable. It will be very great. But I shall 
 endeavour to bear it. Why may they not be in London with the 
 rest of their Brethren, to shift as they can ? Short follies are the 
 best — get off the Houses and sell the Beds as you can. Depend 
 upon it, the saving will be great, even incurring expence as you have 
 done. For God's sake look to this, and excuse the trouble I give 
 you. For fourteen years I have struggled in vain to save India 
 from oppression. Let me succeed for one poor Parish. 
 
 My dear Sir, ever affect'>' yours 
 
 Edm. Burke. 
 
 Burke to Duke of Portland. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37843, f. 81.) 
 
 Beconsfield, Ocl. 3, 1795. 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 We are much obliged to our excellent friend M''^ Crewe 
 and to your Grace for your early Care in preventing that severe 
 alarm we must have felt, on thinking on any dreadful accident that 
 had happen'd to her. Her loss would be great, not only to us, who 
 want abundantly all sorts of consolations, but to thousands of the 
 poor and necessitous, to whom she is so unwearied in her charitable 
 Patronage. We cannot guess of what nature the accident was : but 
 dreadful it must have been and truly alarming. This day the Post 
 does not go from hence, but I send this by the Coach, that no time 
 should be lost in shewing this incomparable person the interest we 
 take in her. We beg your Grace, that you will yourself frank the 
 enclosed to M''^ Crewe, or desire Mr J. King to do it, if your Grace 
 is pressed in time. We are on every account much obliged to your 
 Grace. You have thought of us in your absence, and our Table has 
 
 B.-W. C. 22
 
 lyo BURKE TO PORTLAND 
 
 found the effects of your fruit Garden. Your Grace is not a person 
 to be rich in anything for yourself alone. 
 
 The letter I wrote to your Grace was, as you rightly observe, 
 formal and official, as to the Secretary of State, because I expressed 
 the opinions of other Parishioners as well as my own. Certainly I 
 never thought that whatever was blameable in this cruel arrangement 
 was the fault of your Grace or any other Minister. Nor were the 
 second or third line of subordinates who executed it perhaps so much 
 to blame. They considered it only as a common Barrack for soldiers, 
 or a Jail for prisoners of War. In that light they did to their (sic) best 
 of their Judgment : as to the Tradesmen employed, they looked for 
 nothing but employment. I have since visited the House prepared 
 for one hundred and fifty at Wycombe. It was the Antelope Inn. It 
 is still a worse Habitation than that of Penn in every point of view. 
 The Death of the Persons to be confined in it, and the eftects of the 
 contagion to others, I conceive quite certain. Very many of the 
 Rooms to be so crowded are not above six foot three in height, and 
 four or five of them have no communication at all with the open air ; 
 their miserable Windows opening into a close corridore. None of the 
 Rooms are above seven foot high, as I conceive. There is no Room 
 whatsoever to sit in, to read, to work or to assemble ; no room to eat 
 in ; no Chappel. Since it has been bought on the part of Govern- 
 ment, it need not be lost. It will make a tolerable Barrack; 
 particularly if the Stables, turned into Bedchambers, be returned, 
 which at little expence they may be, back to their old destination. 
 Soldiers, who do not average five and twenty years old, who are 
 taken from the Classes of Life most inured to hardship, and who at 
 their exercises or at their amusements are almost always sud Dio, 
 may find that a very tolerable place to turn into and sleep in, which 
 would be no less than sorrow, disease and Death to old parochial 
 Clergymen, many of them broken with infirmity and affliction, as a 
 sedentary residence day and night, without any means of comfort, 
 religious worship, study or occupation. I am quite sure that an 
 additional allowance made to them, to find lodgings as they can in 
 London, on all accounts, if they are removed from Winchester, would 
 not amount to half the charge to Government incurred by this
 
 BtJRkE TO PORTLAND I7I 
 
 dreadful Prison. I have the honour to be with the most affectionate 
 and respectful attachment 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 Your Grace's most obedient and ever obliged unhappy old friend 
 
 Edm. Burke. 
 
 M""® Burke and William present their most respectful and grateful 
 compliments. 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37843, f- 83.) 
 
 Beconsfield, Oct. 10, 1795. 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 I have just received a letter from King', who was Cornet 
 
 in Loftus's Dragoons, that you have removed him from thence, and 
 
 promoted him to a Lieutenancy in the 26*^ Reg* Light Dragoons. 
 
 I feel most exceedingly obliged to you for your Patronage to this 
 
 young man, who, I am persuaded, will do no sort of discredit to it. 
 
 He is very well liked in the Corps from which your kindness has 
 
 transplanted him. His having obtained his first Commission by the 
 
 means of your late friend, my dear Son, who, if it had pleased God to 
 
 spare him, would have sollicited your goodness for this Object, has 
 
 made this promotion tenfold more pleasant to me. A thousand 
 
 thanks therefore for your goodness. It is pouring some balm into 
 
 an heart pierced with many wounds — whilst your own perhaps stands 
 
 in want of some for what you feel in the same kind with me. Our 
 
 publick Griefs are the same — as our principles and our Sentiments 
 
 have always concurred. 
 
 M""^ Burke and William, and Laurence" desire their most sincere 
 compliments ; and believe me ever most truly and affectionately, 
 My dear Sir, your most faithful and obed*" humble ser* 
 
 Edm. Burke. 
 
 Nagle desires to be respectfully remember'd. 
 
 ' Henry King, appointed Lieutenant, 26th Light Dragoons, 12 Aug. 1795. 
 ' French Laurence, the civilian. 
 
 22 — 2
 
 172 
 
 windham to pitt 
 Windham to Pitt. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37844, f. 104.) 
 
 Oct. 16, '95. 
 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 Though I have long seen and lamented the little disposi- 
 tion that there is, to give to the Royalist cause the sort of support 
 which I should think necessary : of v^^hich I cannot but consider the 
 late decision of the Cabinet as a new and unfortunate proof; yet 
 there is one species of assistance, which I thought it was agreed to 
 continue without abatement, during the continuance of the War. I 
 mean that of arms, ammunition and money. Are we however doing 
 any such thing ? Independent of the decision which I have just 
 been regretting, and which will have the effect, I fear, of lessening, 
 in an immense proportion, the facility of our communication with 
 Charette', there are no less than seven large enrolments of people, 
 that may not be improperly called armies, the lowest being 8,000, 
 and the highest 20, or 25, thousand, some' of which are in a situation 
 to be supplied from the money sent from Monsieur, even if Monsieur 
 should find the means of landing, and of taking that money with 
 him. These have long represented their capacity and disposition to 
 act, and to make important diversions, in favour of Charette, if they 
 could be assisted by means, and those not very considerable ones, of 
 assembling and putting their people in motion. The greatest part 
 of these are under the conduct of people perfectly well known to us, 
 and on whom entire reliance can be placed for a due application of 
 any sums entrusted to them. Some of these persons are here ; and 
 for the others there [are] agents ready, on whom an equal reliance 
 might be placed. 
 
 It becomes absolutely necessary to come to some resolution on 
 this point. For, as it is, these persons are acting under a persuasion 
 that no assistance, which this country can give them, of the sort 
 
 ' Frangois Athanase Charette de la Contrie, general of the royalists of La Vendee. 
 He was executed at Nantes, 1796. 
 " Sic. ? none.
 
 WINDHAM TO PITT 173 
 
 above described, and of which it could be sure of the appHcation, 
 would be withheld. To say the truth, I feel myself in a very un- 
 pleasant situation ; for having uniformly contributed to give this 
 persuasion, in some instances more directly, in others less so, if a 
 contrary determination is taken, or if this is not certain of being 
 acted upon, I must of necessity take the earliest steps to undeceive 
 them, that I may not be instrumental in leading them into an error 
 so fatal as that of expecting [aid] which they are not likely to receive. 
 My own case however in this respect is litde different from that of 
 any other member of the Government ; except inasmuch as I may 
 have had with many of the parties more personal communication ; 
 for nothing that I have conveyed to them differs from that which is 
 to be found in effect in various publick instruments, both written and 
 printed. We are all therefore interested in coming to some explicit 
 determination upon the subject ; and interested likewise, that this 
 should be done speedily, in order that no more precious time should 
 be lost, of which there has been already a great deal, if the intention 
 has been to give to the force still subsisting in Brittany all the effect 
 of which I think [it to] be capable. I am the more anxious to under- 
 stand distinctly what is intended with respect to their supplies, as 
 from a letter of M'' Dundas, of which an account was given me 
 yesterday, I am apprehensive that some idea is entertained of stop- 
 ping in degree even the article of supply. Perhaps indeed that 
 alone, seeing the great difficulty of conveying arms into the country, 
 will do very little : and that if other means are not employed, that 
 alone is hardly worth continuing. 
 
 Though the whole of the measure of evacuating differs so much 
 from my ideas of what is expedient, so far as I am at present 
 advised, that I [am] not very good counsel upon it, yet I cannot 
 help suggesting, that even with the order for bringing away the 
 troops, it may be very necessary to send out considerable supplies 
 of forage, of fuel, and even of temporary buildings ; as the wind may 
 very possibly be such as to make a long interval before the embarka- 
 tion, during which the troops for the want of those articles may be 
 very grievously distrest, and yet communication with the shore not 
 be so completely cut off as not to admit the articles being landed.
 
 174 WINDHAM TO PITT 
 
 With this view, whatever is so sent out should be put as much as 
 possible on board of small vessels. 
 
 I trouble you with this long letter, not knowing how soon you 
 are to be back. 
 
 &c. 
 
 W. W. 
 
 Pitt to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37844, f. 106.) 
 
 Walmer Castle, OcF 18, 1795. 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 I received your Letter this Morning, and tho' I cannot 
 but feel the Impossibility, under the present Circumstances, of risking 
 any further operations with our own Troops on the Coast of France, I 
 entirely agree with you in the Expediency of sending liberal Supplies 
 of Money, wherever We have reasonable ground to hope that they 
 will not be misapplied. I have accordingly given directions for 
 procuring as expeditiously as possible a further Sum of ;^ 100,000 in 
 dollars. 
 
 The Precaution you suggest, of sending Stores &c. for our own 
 Troops, with a view to their possible detention, is certainly highly 
 proper, and directions have been sent for providing the most neces- 
 sary Articles. I shall certainly be in Town on Tuesday. 
 
 Believe me, my dear Sir, 
 
 Yours most sincerely 
 
 W. Pitt.
 
 BURKE TO WINDHAM 1 75 
 
 The following letter refers to Windham's speech on the Treason- 
 able Practices Bill, i6 Nov. 1795. 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37843. f- 85.) 
 
 Nov. 17, 1795 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 When a man acts only like himself, and in his usual 
 manner, he hardly expects any thanks. You could not hear an 
 attack on a departed friend, and not say something in his favour, 
 without an injury to your natural Character and a violence to all your 
 feelings ; so I thank you for acting up to yourself. You could not 
 easily do more upon this, or upon any occasion. As to what you 
 have said of me, it belongs to your own partiality. I suppose you 
 were induced to do me so infinitely more than justice, from the 
 provocation given you by the large measure of injustice dealt out 
 to me so liberally by others. After seeing my young Oxen work, 
 under their Herefordshire Preceptor, till the Rain drove me in, I sat 
 down to write to you, not this, but another Letter a good deal more 
 full. In that I indulged in some reflexions that grew out of the 
 Debate. I could not finish it. Night, dinner, and my after-dinner's 
 Nap came upon me, and left me a little heavy. I had made some 
 progress in a Letter to Lord Grenville, who behaved handsomely in 
 the House of Lords ; in that I took some Notice (as much as he 
 deserved), of the Duke of Bedford. As to him I may say — Tecum 
 est mihi sermo Rubelli / Ah! my dear friend — you stood for me 
 that day in the place of your departed friend ; and I mix my Tears 
 for him with my grateful acknowledgments to you. I had one to 
 speak a word in that house for a person who had spoken many a 
 word for many a Man. You were but one : But there was multitude 
 in that Monad. 
 
 By the way does not Sheridan rather abuse the Privilege of his 
 new Kindred with the Duke of Pordand ; and make a little too free 
 with his Cousin } Seriously there never was so much indecency. 
 The Number of these Gentlemen iu the House is not yet very con- 
 siderable — but their Style seems to bespeak confidence in Numbers
 
 176 BURKE TO WINDHAM 
 
 elsewhere, within the Kingdom, or within the neighbouring Republick. 
 
 It was said, I know not by what Spartan, to an ambassador of I know 
 
 not what small commonwealth, " Friend, your Speech supposes an 
 
 Army!" Their speeches certainly do. If I knew nothing but from 
 
 the Papers, I should think they contrived to keep the Haul de Pavde. 
 
 M*" Pitt seems to have begun his speech in a perfectly proper manner ; 
 
 but it looks as if he were beat down by Clamours; and had abandon'd 
 
 the Ground he had so advantageously taken. This I am sure of, 
 
 that it is perfectly ridiculous, after all that has happen'd, to affect 
 
 to consider' the present traitorous machinations, or any other of the 
 
 evils of our time as attributable to a Mob. If that were all, tho' in 
 
 that Case I should not despise the danger, I should think it infinitely 
 
 less than I do. The body of the People is untainted in all Ranks, 
 
 and it is by far the most sound in the humblest of all ; But there is 
 
 no rank or class into which the Evil of Jacobinism has not penetrated; 
 
 and that disseminated contagion is infinitely more mischievous than 
 
 if it had seized upon the ivhole of any one description — for then the 
 
 whole of some other would be enabled to act with Union, energy and 
 
 vigour against it. But it will happen with us, I fear, as it has 
 
 happen'd in France, where the Crasis of the blood was everywhere 
 
 broke, curdled, and in a manner dissolved ; and this led to the 
 
 general Dissolution. — As to the Bills you have in hand, they are 
 
 good, so far as they go. Valeant qiiantum valere possunt. You 
 
 must make many more of them, and after all the whole body will be 
 
 effectual. Do you not trust too much in Laws, and take men too 
 
 little into your account ? Your Magistrates will not be able to 
 
 balance, or even to stand before the great men, who, by and by, 
 
 will attend those meetings, which your Bills permit and in vain 
 
 endeavour to regulate. They raise all the Clamour of the strongest 
 
 measure, and they are imbecillity itself. They will produce other 
 
 Bills, the Children not of their strength, but of their weakness ; and 
 
 will multiply like those feeble animals who increase in proportion to 
 
 their insignificance. "With the French Republick at your door — 
 
 your constitution cannot exist." It is too weak to protect itself — 
 
 Upon every trial you will make new discoveries of its impotence ; 
 
 ' Interlined in pencil "attribute."
 
 BURKE TO WINDHAM 1 77 
 
 and what is worse, of the debility of the materials that compose it. 
 If you attempt to change it, you will shake the Country on which 
 it stands to its very Centers ; and let in the very Evil you mean to 
 prevent. All I have to advise at present is that you will follow your 
 Bills for the safety of the King's Person &c. with an act of association, 
 like that in Queen Elizabeth's, and that in King William's reign, con- 
 triving if possible to discriminate, by some effectual Test, and what 
 is more effectual, by the Judicious choice of some Committees, of 
 weight enough to call upon the other Associators (always under 
 the sanction of Government for their acts, and their existence too) 
 to assist them with their whole posse. This will be absolutely 
 necessary towards making a regular party for the Constitution. 
 But still remember, I say all this protestando, that with a Fraternity 
 with the Regicide system of France neither any thing I can propose, 
 or that can come from Wisdom ten thousand times beyond mine, can 
 even adjourn our Ruin for a very short period. 
 
 Tread cautiously in this affair of Provisions. What did Judge 
 Ashurst mean by the Combinations he speaks of? That part of 
 his Speech in Westminster Hall seem'd to me more calculated to 
 inflame the people (if such speech he did make) than the Speeches 
 of all the Demagogues without. O ! sad, sad Work ! By the 
 way call to your Clerk Nagle for the Copy of the Memoire I 
 delivered to Mr Pitt. I suppose he thought nothing of it. It 
 certainly called for no answer. The Committee's report is all it 
 can be. The danger is their going further. What folly it is to re- 
 commend Potatoes to the People. They eat already all they have, or 
 can get. I had about 150 Bushels. I sell them at 20*^ by pecks and 
 half pecks. In a few days I shall not have a Potatoe to dispose of — and 
 none of my Neighbours have any ; all theirs are sold ; and tomorrow 
 or next day I shall send to London for a Ton or so at any price. 
 
 I began one Letter which I did not send on account of the length 
 it was growing to : and I have written to you one that is as long or 
 longer than what I would have added. Adieu. Good Night, and 
 God bless you. We shall remember you and your Collegues in our 
 private Evening prayer : to God I commend you. Again and again 
 Adieu. E. B. 
 
 B.-W. C. 23
 
 1 78 BURKE TO WINDHAM 
 
 On 23 Nov. 1795 Charles Sturt, member for Bridport, upon 
 bringing in a petition of some twelve thousand signatures, in the 
 name of the London Corresponding Society, against the Treason 
 and Sedition Bills, took occasion, by way of counterblast, to raise 
 a question of privilege in reference to a pamphlet entitled Thouglits 
 on the English Government, published anonymously, but well known 
 to be the work of John Reeves, the King's Printer, who was also 
 president of the Association against Republicans and Levellers. 
 Among the passages read was one in which Reeves spoke of the 
 government of England as essentially a monarchy: "the monarchy 
 is the ancient stock from which have sprung those goodly branches 
 of the legislature, the Lords and Commons, that at the same time 
 give ornament to the tree and afford shelter to those who seek 
 protection under it. But these are still only branches, and derive 
 their origin and their nutriment from their common parent ; they 
 may be lopped off, and the tree is a tree still ; shorn indeed of its 
 honours, but not, like them, cast into the fire. The kingly govern- 
 ment may go on in all its functions without Lords or Commons, it 
 has heretofore done so for years together, and in our times it does 
 so during every recess of parliament ; but without the king his 
 parliament is no more." This was sufficient to cause Sheridan to 
 describe it as " the foulest, the falsest, the dullest and the most 
 malicious libel that had ever come under the cognizance of the 
 house'." 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37843, f. 88.) 
 
 Wednesday Evening, half past nine. 
 Nov. 29, 1795. 
 
 Summum, Brute, nefas civilia Bella fatemur 
 sed quo fata vocant Virtus secura sequaturl — 
 
 The rest is a rant unworthy the Stoic School, and the person in 
 whose mouth it is put, and only excusable in a declaimer of five and 
 twenty, who sang it ante Culices Maronis. It is coming fast to that 
 
 ' Parliamentary History (i8i8), pp. 608 sqq. 
 ' Lucan, 11. 286.
 
 BURKE TO WINDHAM 1 79 
 
 point which you and I have long foreseen. As we have foreseen it, 
 it would be a shame indeed if we were not prepared for it, both in 
 the collectedness of our own minds, and in every precaution, which 
 in our situation belongs to us. After what has happen'd in France, 
 it would be a shame indeed if M"" Foxes Guillotin (I mean the 
 travelling Guillotin for me, the permanent for you), should come to 
 our Doors, without our having a previous struggle for our Necks, 
 and for what ought to be far more precious to us. I have this 
 morning paid M'" Dallimore six pound, eighteen and tenpence, for 
 bringing me from Herefordshire a fine pair of oxen, and training and 
 disciplining six of my own. I have now eight, with which all my 
 Tillage for the next year may go on sufficiently well : and I have 
 eight fine young Horses, fit for mounting heavy Cavalry, on which 
 I think I can put eight very handsome young men, whenever you 
 make your first requisition. Our parish is not quite five and twenty 
 hundred acres, as I imagine ; yet out of this little place, I have no 
 sort of doubt that with much good will, and a very little force, you 
 may have thirty heavy Horse and about twenty light. By this 
 scantling judge of England ; wherever you choose to pour the 
 English youth and the English steeds, upon the plains of Picardy 
 or of Britanny. For there and there alone, in my opinion, this civil 
 War, not of England but of Europe, may or can be fought with 
 advantage. However, I am willing to take my part of it wherever 
 you please. Tell this to M"" Pitt, and assure him that he has not 
 betray'd his Master by recommending his Bounty to me. It is true 
 that I labour under an infirmity that may possibly prevent me from 
 serving on Horseback : I have not mounted an Horse for several 
 years. But one can find his way to heaven on foot. However, I 
 am not sure, that in such a cause, I could not ride. If that should 
 prove so, I beg you to contrive matters so, that I may act under 
 young Elliot. I have nothing more to say on that head. When the 
 question is of War, I have only to obey orders. My knowledge 
 does not qualifye me for any thing more. 
 
 I turn to other matters in which, without being more skilfull, I 
 am more conversant. A great deal depends on your support of 
 Reeves. I have written you a long letter to which I sat down in 
 
 23—2
 
 l8o BURKE TO WINDHAM 
 
 about a couple of Hours after I received Woodford's. I ought to 
 have been up earHer, and then I should have answered it sooner. 
 I had but just time to run over his piece. My Letter was written in 
 great haste. It is in three Sheets, and I fear it is hardly Legible. 
 I sent it by Josiah Wade, a fine lad, and one that I think I can give 
 you, bred up by myself. He left this at four. As I wrote in haste, 
 there may be some marks of what the French call Humeur in my 
 Letter, but let that pass. I adhere to the substance of it. I am ready 
 to live and die for the Creed that you and M"" Pitt have subscrib'd. 
 I have never heard, during my service in Parliament, and it has been 
 an hot and tempestuous time, any thing like the Debate that I read 
 in this Sun that came to me this morning. The desperateness, the 
 Fury, the insolence of the Revolutionists has no example. When 
 they charged, some time ago, the King's Ministers with a plot 
 against his person' for the purpose of laying it on their Clubs, 
 which was done in both Houses, if you had refused to go on till 
 that matter of charge was clear'd up, either for your Punishment for 
 a double Treason of such atrocity, or for the just animadversion on 
 those who made so foul and scandalous a charge, you would not have 
 had yesterday's work, or rather the work of the day before, as I think 
 it was. I ran over the Newspaper very hastily this morning. 
 
 The author who was the subject of their attack was well chosen. 
 When they get rid of him, no Magistrate will act for you. No Man 
 of parts will write for you. He has considerable abilities. If indeed 
 he had left out all his dissertation on Dead men, and dead parties, 
 his Book would not have been the worse for it. 
 
 As to the Doctrine in the part complained of — it is neither more 
 nor less than the Law of the Land. If the Crown Lawyers abandon 
 it (I think too well of them to imagine they will), they betray the 
 Law, they betray their Trust, they betray their Master, they betray 
 their friends in Ministry, and (if it were worth mentioning after all 
 these) they betray themselves. The discreet M*" Adair-, and the 
 flourishing M*" Harding' come forth. The latter is the D. of Pordand's 
 
 ' 29 Oct. 1795, when the king's carriage was shot at as he went to open parliament. 
 - Serjeant James Adair, M.P. for Higham Ferrers. 
 ^ George Hardinge, M.P. for Old Sarum.
 
 BURKE TO WINDHAM l8l 
 
 creature, the last (sic) is M'' Pitt's — or the late Lord Camden's. Fine 
 work indeed. How they are alarmed about M"" Reeves' Heraldry 
 of the Constitution ! Whether the Lords and Commons or the King 
 should walk first in the procession ! Which is the Root, which 
 the Branches? In good faith they cut up the Root and the 
 Branches ! A fine Business of Law Grammar, which is the Sub- 
 stantive, which the Adjective ? When an Author lays down the 
 whole as to be revered and adhered to — at any former time would 
 any one have made a cause of quarrel, that he had given the Priority 
 to diny pari ? especially to that part which was attacked and exposed .'' 
 My opinion is, that if you do not kick this business out with scorn, 
 Reeves ought to petition and to desire to be heard by himself and 
 his Counsel. Shew this to M'' Pitt, if you think it right. 
 
 Adieu ! Adieu ! Ever y'"'* 
 
 E. Burke, or what remains of him and his. 
 
 Burke to Woodford. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37843, f- 9°-) 
 
 [29 Nov. 1795.] 
 I began my letter to M"" Windham with a Motto from Lucan 
 to entertain him, for I can do nothing more. I begin this with a 
 Motto from VirgiP. 
 
 cur, in Limine prinio 
 
 deficimus ? cur ante tubam tremor occupat artus .'* 
 
 The disposition you mention in your Letter, which I have just got 
 by Josiah Wade, seems to me a sad prelude to the Civil War with 
 which we are so boldly and declaredly threat'ned. You are a soldier, 
 and you know how much it is to shew a good Countenance in the 
 presence of an Enemy. Well then, we are to have no Civil War ? 
 but we are to have something worse — to go to the Guillotine of our 
 worthy sovereign Citizens without a struggle. God's will be done ! 
 
 ' Aen. XI. 423.
 
 I 82 BURKE TO WOODFORD 
 
 I have long thought that, though we have many persons of parts and 
 of Eloquence and of first rate Capacities for Business of all sorts, that 
 the animal called a Statesman was (against the Rule of the Schools), 
 — " a lost kind." I now find, what is worse than a want of Statesmen, 
 that there is a want of men. To be beat is not pleasant ; but to be 
 bullied is sad and ridiculous at once. 
 
 The thing is decided, and at the moment I write they are not in 
 the middle of a fight, but of a flight, and the Enemy has done some 
 good Execution on us for four or five hours. So that what I write 
 is only to amuse Windham whilst his Wounds are dressing. I have 
 only to say, that this same fear which some dignifye with the name 
 of Prudence is the worst of all providers for safety. I am a very 
 great admirer of Fear, — when it is in its proper place, that is long 
 before the danger ; but by no means when you are in the midst of it. 
 Why should not M"" Reeves petition ? Let them name a day for 
 them to hear him — and whilst that is pending let them go on with 
 their Bill. Instead of being frighten'd and confused with this Event, 
 if they had bespoken it, begged it, fasted and prayed for it, nothing 
 better, by any possibility, could have happen'd to them. It would 
 rouse the Nation. It would animate its languid attention. It would 
 call forth, what at present they hardly have, a party in their favour. 
 I hope they are cured of the delusive hope of national unanimity. 
 If they have not a party, they have not/mtg, and they have that 
 option and that only to make. Are they always to run away ? 
 
 An Exordium for M"" Reeves. 
 Sir, 
 
 It is a source of real consolation to me, in the midst of 
 great afflictions for the present and under some melancholy prognos- 
 tications for the future, that I appear before his Majesties most 
 dutiful and Loyal Subjects, the Commons of Great Britain in 
 Parliament assembled — that I appear before the representative 
 body of my fellow Subjects, all the Commons of Great Britain ; 
 and not before the representatives of the Sovereign People, real or 
 pretended, of this or any other Country, in National Convention 
 assembled.
 
 BURKE TO WOODFORD 1 83 
 
 This, Sir, is the Style of this Hon'''® House, renewed solemnly 
 every year at the foot of the Throne ; and this, which is your glory, 
 is my safety. Whilst we are all fellow-subjects, we are entitled to an 
 equal Law, and we derive from that equal Law an equal security ; 
 a security which is common to us all ; from the greatest Duke who 
 can appear in the Area before Westminster Hall, to me an humble 
 Magistrate of the City of Westminster, now at your Bar in defence 
 of myself against a charge of violating the Privileges of your House. 
 
 It is, Sir, an heavy charge — and just the last in the world that 
 I ever dreamed would have been made against me. I hope, instead 
 of violating, I would die to preserve your Privileges. They are 
 a sacred part of the Law of the Land, which at your humble prayer 
 his Majesty recognized at your Election, and at the Election and 
 his Royal approbation of every Speaker does continually grant and 
 recognize. I am a Magistrate, and I think I should fly in the Face 
 not only of this House, before which I prostrate myself with an 
 humble, and sincere, and truly filial reverence, but of his Majesty, 
 to whom, and to whom alone, I have sworn Allegiance, if I were 
 capable of infringing one of the most important of the Laws, which, 
 as a Magistrate, the King has appointed [me] to observe, and to 
 cause others to observe, and of which Laws, and above all, of this 
 High Law, the Privilege, Laws, Custom and Usage of Parliament, 
 his Majesty is a most vigilant Guardian and a most strenuous 
 asserter. I should be a Rebel to my King — if I intentionally failed 
 in fidelity and Duty to his faithful Commons. Permit me. Sir, to say 
 that we are all. King, Lords, Commons in Parliament assembled, and 
 Commons at large, embarked on one Common Bottom, and have one 
 Common Enemy. I have never known any Persons concern'd in 
 sinister Machinations against the King (for such there are, as you 
 well know and have publish'd to the world) that do not shew the 
 worst possible dispositions to this honourable House. Nor any of 
 these seditious persons (for I speak not of others, God forbid), who 
 under pretext of reforming you, but in reality to produce universal 
 confusion, do not shew a very dangerous ill-disposition towards the 
 Crown. lam not in neither the one nor the other of these descriptions. 
 The Book I wrote and freely acknowledge was with an Intent to
 
 184 BURKE TO WOODFORD 
 
 serve both ; and all the Doctrine it contains, with great submission 
 to the better Judgment of this House, is, I maintain it, agreeable 
 to the Laws and Constitution of my Country. 
 
 As to my expressions — I most humbly supplicate that this House 
 will demean itself towards me with that Magnanimity with w*^^ it 
 has passed over both matters and expressions of a far more doubtful 
 Nature. My Petition to this House, and my Language at the Bar 
 are, and ever shall be, very different from that of several Petitions 
 that lie quietly on your Table, and from that of several discussions 
 that are quietly vended throughout the Kingdom. 
 
 I understand, that some Metaphors in a general and merely 
 theoretical part of my printed Letter, are consider'd as Crimes. 
 I should have hoped that for Metaphors I should have been 
 called to answer before some Literary Academy (not the Academy 
 of France, which I utterly disclaim), and that I should have answer'd 
 to Criticks before the Tribunal of Criticism. For any wrong opinions 
 concerning the Antiquities of our Laws, I fancied I should only answer 
 before the Society of Antiquaries ; but finding my Mistake, but still 
 adhering to my principles, I renounce, abjure and detest all the 
 heretical pravity of my Metaphors. If they are not', as, I fear, 
 from mere carelessness some of them are, of less studied respect 
 than they ought to be towards this House [in regard] of antient 
 times and in theoretical abstraction, I renounce the abstractions, 
 the Theories, the Antiquities, and above all the wicked and depraved 
 Metaphors. I have heard of an Archbishop who would not promote 
 a very worthy Clergyman because, as he heard, he played at Whist 
 and Swabbers'- . That for an innocent game of Whist, it was very 
 tolerable. He plaid at it now and then himself; but as to those 
 wicked sivabbers, they were not to be endured. Now I renounce 
 the swabbers and the Metaphors. I most solemnly declare disrespect 
 
 ' The story is taken from Sm{t's/nfe//igencer{i-j28) and the Archbishop was Tenison. 
 The exact method of reckoning swabbers is not absolutely certain, but according to 
 " Cavendish " they appear to have been four cards (ace and deuce of trumps, ace of 
 hearts, knave of clubs) which, Hke honours, gave their possessors a right to a score, or 
 share of the stake, apart from the play of the hand, and they are supposed to have 
 survived in rural circles as late as 1873.
 
 BURKE TO WOODFORD I 85 
 
 was far from my heart. I give up my foolish Roots, and Trunks and 
 branches and all their vain foliage. I give them cheerfully to warm 
 your stoves. 
 
 Has, Vulcane, dicat Sylvas tibi Villicus Aemon ! 
 
 For the future I shall stick to my profession. We Lawyers do 
 not always make the best hand of a Metaphor. I have burned 
 my fingers with them. In future I shall avoid all Metaphors. 
 I shall stick to my precedent Book, my Entries and to my special 
 pleading, and shall never get beyond the safe style, of " absque Hoc, 
 quod, quod etc." Omnia si sic ! 
 
 This I think would put the House into good humour and make 
 them listen to the wholesome doctrine he would afterwards stand to. 
 But why do I trouble myself and you ? It is all over with us. The 
 Cape is a good acquisition — but for us there is no Cape of good 
 hope. 
 
 Windham to Burke. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37843, f- 94-) 
 
 JarfJ 17, 1796. 
 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 I send you another Pamphlet, which I took at first to be 
 a Twin-Brother of the one that you have lately been considering, 
 but which I find has no relation to it in the line of its descent ; 
 though it has a complete one in its character and lineaments, as well 
 as in the favour of those who become its Parents by adopting it. 
 I thought at first it had been Lord Auckland's, but I have under- 
 stood since that it is the work of another hand. They both work 
 however to the same end ; and I am sorry to find that their work is 
 approved and sanctioned by the same authorities. When you have 
 read to about the middle, you will see of what kidney the writer is, 
 and you will judge before that, that if the work is spoken of as a 
 production of considerable ability by the persons I have alluded to, 
 it must be from approbation of the sentiments, and not from their 
 
 B.-w. c. 24
 
 1 86 WINDHAM TO BURKE 
 
 being led away by any unusual merit in the composition. In that 
 respect its character might be contented to stand at Par between 
 praise and blame. Its general tendency is that which is the most 
 material ; which becomes more so from the approbation it seems 
 to meet with ; and which makes me desirous that you should have 
 it at this time under your consideration ; though I don't know that 
 it can add to, or alter anything in, what you are at present about. 
 
 The Moment of Peace is yet, I hope, so far distant, that chance 
 may still do much to save us from so dreadful a Catastrophe : I mean 
 of course Peace with a Jacobin Republick ; yet every thing has a 
 dreadful tendency that way : and the great impediment is wanting ; 
 a conviction of the extent of the danger which from that moment 
 will begin to operate against the Country. It really does not appear 
 to me, that from the moment that such a Peace is made the shame 
 and degradation of this Country will be any longer supportable. 
 I cannot but image to myself the circumstances of one of the 
 Regicides and Septembrizers opening his house in London as 
 Ambassador of the Republick, and finding it crowded (as he cer- 
 tainly will) by the wives and daughters of the first Nobility and 
 Gentry of the Country ; who will be initiated there in the doctrines 
 of Revolutionary Morality, and be ready to take Lessons in the 
 practice from the numberless able and agreable professors, who 
 will attend there for that purpose. It might be a curious question 
 of propriety, if any such were worth attending to, on what footing 
 the Ambassadress was to be ; and how the case of a Wife, remove- 
 able upon four days notice, should be distinguished from that of 
 a Mistress ? But it would be in vain to make any bones of such 
 distinctions ; and there is no doubt that Mad® de Fontenaye', should 
 Tallien be our Ambassador, will be as well received, and as much in 
 fashion as M® de Polignac, or the Princesse de Lamballe, or any 
 foreign woman of distinction that we have known in our time. 
 I daresay there will [be] a Fontenaye Cap that will prevail amongst 
 the women, as we remember the Nivernois hat to have done among 
 
 ' Nee Cabarus, of Bordeaux ; by sparing her Tallien became suspect, and in self- 
 defence accused Robespierre, whereby she was in some sense the first cause of the 
 chain of events which resulted in bringing the Terror to an end.
 
 WINDHAM TO BURKE I 87 
 
 the men. You know probably from Woodford in what manner a 
 IVf Bird who was sent over to endeavour to save the Due de Choiseul' 
 was received by La Croix^ the Minister for foreign Affairs; I mean 
 in what dress he found him ; and how lodged. He was in a mag- 
 nificent Hotel, approaching to the Character of a Palace ; and was 
 dressed in a black velvet Cloak lined with scarlet, a scarlet Vest, 
 scarlet Pantaloons ; wore a gold-hilted sword and a Hat a la Henri IV, 
 with a Panache of Tricolor feathers. I have not heard that they 
 dress their Ambassadors in any particular manner ; but I daresay 
 that it will happen so before long ; and that when the party shall be 
 a little more established in this Country we shall find that dress, 
 whatever it shall be, beginning to make its appearance here in the 
 same manner as the cropped heads. 
 
 Those who are desirous of Peace, and yet are not friends to the 
 French System, ground their hopes on the misery and dissention 
 likely to continue in that Country, and the effect which that will 
 have, both in disabling them from any attacks against us by open 
 Force ; and by furnishing an Antidote against the progress of their 
 Principles. This is the point which it will be necessary most to 
 labour. I fear that that security will not turn out to be what it is 
 expected ; though it will be very likely to secure this Country against 
 any immediate shock ; and to enable it to hold out during the lives 
 of the present possessors of power, whether King or Ministers : it 
 seems to me that the Country will then have contracted its death's 
 disease, and have imbibed a Jacobin-taint which will never leave it 
 till it has effected its destruction : it is very probable that the disorder 
 may not shew itself in any alarming way for a considerable time ; and 
 that during the interval the Country may seem to enjoy an unusual 
 degree of health and prosperity ; but the Complaint will, I apprehend, 
 be in the blood, not to be expelled but by some such violent courses 
 
 ' Claude Antoine Gabriel, Due de Choiseul. He was first imprisoned for aiding 
 in the flight to Varennes, then released in the amnesty, remained with the Queen till 
 her transference to the Temple, was proscribed and went into exile, was captured in 
 the Netherlands, escaped from Dunkirk prison, took service in an English expedition 
 to the Indies, was wrecked on the French coast near Calais and remained in prison 
 till 1800. 
 
 '' Charles La Croix, Minister of Foreign Affairs under the Directory. 
 
 24 — 2
 
 1 88 WINDHAM TO BURKE 
 
 as will endanger the existence of the whole frame ; and as, after all, 
 will never suffer us to recover that state of strength and vigour which 
 we once enjoyed. 
 
 I had intended, instead of sending you the Pamphlet, to have been 
 the bearer of it myself; but the necessity of returning on Monday to 
 the Birthday, and some engagements that detained me late Yesterday, 
 have made me defer my hopes till another opportunity, which I hope 
 however to be able to meet with before long. 
 
 I am, dear Sir, most truly and faithfully 
 
 Yours 
 
 [W. Windham]. 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37843- f- 97-) 
 
 Jan. 19, 1796. 
 
 My d'' Sir, 
 
 I thank you most sincerely for your Letter, tho' I had 
 rather have heard the same things from yourself It is exactly as 
 you say. Our moral world will be wasted by this Peace. The 
 Pamphlet you sent me I had seen before. I thought it Lord 
 Auckland's. It is a natural sequel of the October piece. In fact 
 it is pretty nearly the same — not quite I think so full of gross and 
 glaring contradictions — tho' at the bottom equally flimsy in the 
 arguments and profligate in the Sentiments. I send you some 
 of the sheets for Woodtbrd. I find they lay great weight on the 
 dresses, and they shall have a good dressing. Good God, what 
 a Hornet's nest of Enemies am I making to destroy my miserable 
 repose. But if this Fraternity is made, nothing is worth caring for. 
 Adieu and believe me ever, 
 
 My d'' Sir, most truly yours 
 
 Edm. Burke.
 
 burke to windham 1 89 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37843, f. 99) 
 
 Beconsfield, March 6, 1796. 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 What I was given to understand, but what I could not 
 
 beHeve, nor could you, has happen'd' — the House of Commons is 
 
 condemned in Costs and Damages by the East India Company. 
 
 We have charged Hastings with Robbery of the People of India. 
 
 Instead of punishing him we reward him with a second Robbery. 
 
 No account demanded of him. No reason asked why, with an 
 
 immense salary, when he might have been honestly rich, he is as 
 
 he says miserably poor ? Why no account of the Bribes .'* The 
 
 Lords may say, they will not convict him of them : but they have 
 
 not said, nor can they say, that he has accounted for the money, 
 
 tho' their Judgment has the infamy to say, that Bribery, and forgery 
 
 of Bonds to cover it, is a proper way of getting a Revenue — but no 
 
 account ! no account of any kind ! My dear Sir, I must not have 
 
 it said that we have compromised the matter by a Pension to the 
 
 accuser and another to the Accused. The house of Lords may say 
 
 we have made a false charge— so may the Bystanders — are we to 
 
 say it ourselves ? 
 
 I hope to have my Petition ready by the end of the week. 
 
 Your poor friend M''^ Burke is still very ill and cannot quit her 
 
 Room or her Couch. I have suspended the work on the peace. 
 
 It is not fit that any good should happen to this enormous Mass 
 
 of corruption, peculation, oppression. Robbery, prevarication in 
 
 Judgment, and direct perversion of Judgment. God's ways are 
 
 unsearchable. But I think the bolt will fall, and it is fit that it 
 
 should fall on me amongst the rest. Adieu, Adieu. 
 
 Ever y""^ 
 
 Edm. Burke. 
 
 ' At a General Court of the East India Company, 2 March 1796, the chairman 
 announced that a resolution of the Court of Directors granting to Hastings an annuity 
 of £,^,000 for 28^ years had been confirmed by the Board of Control.
 
 iqo burke to windham 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37843, f. loi.) 
 
 Beconsfield, March 7, 1796. 
 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 In the multiplicity of your affairs, it is natural you should 
 let slip from your Mind a thing of so little consequence as the appli- 
 cation I made you in favour of a man who has the misfortune of 
 being a relation of mine, and is therefore, with the very best possible 
 Character from every Officer he served under, seventeen years a 
 subaltern in the Militia. You will recollect that I wished you to 
 state this Case to His R' Highness the Duke of York, for a 
 Lieutenancy for him in an old Regiment — always on a Condition 
 that you are perfectly satisfied about his Character from his Officers. 
 Will a Memorial for him be necessary ? and you will be so good to 
 take such measures as you please about it. You will much oblige 
 me, and you will thereby pour, as on other occasions you have done, 
 some balm into a wounded Spirit and that is sick of many Griefs. 
 Adieu and believe me with most real respect and affection. 
 
 My d^ Sir, Your most faithful and obed*^ humble ser*- 
 
 Edm. Burke. 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37843, f. 103.) 
 
 Beconsfield, Easter Monday [28 Mar. 1796]. 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 I shall say but a few words. Pray lose no time in sending 
 me an order for the House at Penn. I shall be your Deputy Barrack- 
 Master. Francis open'd his plan' to me ; which necessarily led me, 
 
 ' For the better regulation of slaves in^the West Indies. On 1 1 April, in moving 
 for leave to bring in a Bill, Francis referred to Burke's plan as having been communi- 
 cated to Pelham and Windham, but added that as it was more comprehensive than his 
 own he had not availed himself of Windham's invitation to see it. Burke's plan is 
 presumably in substance the " Sketch of the Negro Code" printed in his Works (1852), 
 V. p. 591, but a MS. copy in the Windham Papers, Add. MS. 37890, f. 3, contains a 
 few additions in Burke's own hand.
 
 BURKE TO WINDHAM 1 91 
 
 if I were not to appear dry and discouraging to him, to give him 
 some Lines of my Ideas. He had but one Notion ; that indeed 
 perfectly agreed with mine — which was to giv^e property to the 
 Negroes, but as this was without any scheme whatsoever to 
 effectuate and support it, I referred him to the plan in your hands, 
 and I believe he will talk to you. I wish you to put yourself in 
 possession of your Ground — otherwise the whole will be blown up 
 by everyone running and snatching a piece here and there. God 
 bless you. I forgot to say that it would be but a proper Compliment 
 to Woodford for his Zeal in this Cause, that the money for the 
 School, if given on the military fund, should pass to me through 
 him. Ever most truly y^^ 
 
 Edm. Burke. 
 
 Windham to Pitt. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37844, f. 122.) 
 
 T.;r „ ^^'■''' ^7. 1796. 
 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 What was mentioned cursorily the other day, when I 
 had the pleasure of seeing you in Downing Street, has certainly a 
 great deal that is deserving of consideration, and contributes to fix 
 me in the opinion that the Business respecting the Royalists, though 
 in some Respects usefully placed in my Hands, may upon the whole 
 be better conducted if left to follow the course of the other military 
 service, and confined to those Departments to which alone it can 
 officially belong. 
 
 Two causes obstruct the success of these Measures in my hands : 
 — the necessity, which is unavoidable, of recurring in every Instance 
 to other Departments, even for the very Power by which any Measure 
 is originally to be put in motion ; and secondly the jealousy enter- 
 tained, that I am at times acting rather according to my own Ideas 
 than in Conformity to those which the Cabinet have finally adopted. 
 The Fact is really not so. Whatever my own ideas may be, I have
 
 192 WINDHAM TO PITT 
 
 never allowed myself to transgress that Line which the Cabinet have 
 thought it right to prescribe. But as long as the ground of suspicion 
 remains, the Apprehension may from time to time operate, and is 
 therefore among the Reasons which may induce the Opinion above 
 mentioned, namely that the Business respecting the Royalists may 
 go on better if left exclusively to the regular official Channels. I for 
 one shall be perfectly willing to place it there, having originally only 
 accepted this office as a sort of Chapel of Ease to M"^ Dundas, and 
 because it seemed to me that no one else was so likely to attend to 
 the Duties of it. 
 
 One Consideration only I wish to be strongly impressed — that 
 the Business in Question, by whomever conducted, must be altogether 
 a work of detail, requiring constant and minute attention, and 
 incapable of being carried on to any useful Purpose under the mere 
 effect of general Orders, however large and liberal those Orders may 
 be. Great Expeditions must in general owe their Success to their 
 force ; and may dispense therefore with any attention to detail, 
 except in those who are to follow up the execution of them in 
 their last and lowest stages. 
 
 But all the Assistance that we can at present give to the 
 Royalists, or have the immediate prospect of giving, must be the 
 Effect of Contrivance and Combination, and can be prepared in 
 the first instance by those only, who will submit to the pains of 
 conversing with the Persons who come from the Country ; of com- 
 municating by every opportunity with those who remain there ; of 
 examining their Plans ; of comparing their accounts ; of informing 
 himself minutely of the State of their Affairs ; of concerting with 
 them the Means of adapting the Measures to be taken here to the 
 corresponding Movements to be made in the Interiour. 
 
 All this neither M"" Dundas nor Huskisson can have time to 
 go through. I should recommend therefore earnestly to him to 
 appoint some one or two Persons — if Military Men, the better — who 
 may be entrusted with the Care of this Department and report the 
 results of their communications, and opinions, upon which He and 
 the Cabinet may afterwards decide. 
 
 In this way things will go on more regularly and possibly more
 
 WINDHAM TO PITT I93 
 
 advantageously, I am afraid, I must say, that they are not likely 
 to go on less so. — I much question indeed whether we are not now 
 too late, and whether the next News will not be that the army of 
 Scepeaux is gone the same way as those of Stofflet, Sapinaud and 
 Charette. We must determine however on the State of things such 
 as it now remains. 
 
 I have no wish but that the Cause may prosper, by whatever 
 means that end may be brought about, and if more is likely to be 
 done in the way that I have now proposed, I shall have an additional 
 Reason for regretting that I did not sooner free myself from a charge 
 of infinite Trouble, Anxiety and Vexation, in which I fear I have 
 done but little good, and in which I have for ever felt myself in the 
 painful situation of pressing importunately upon others' attention, 
 what they did not at least feel to be of the same importance that 
 I did. 
 
 The Enjoyment that I have been feeling since yesterday in the 
 Country does not dispose one less to the divesting oneself of any 
 Employment which makes the Necessity of closer Residence in 
 London. I should not however be influenced by this Consideration, 
 if I saw the possibility of being in any Degree useful to my Friends 
 the Chouans. I shall take care to return in time for the Debate 
 tomorrow, and am. 
 
 My dear Sir, yours very truly 
 
 William Windham. 
 
 In a letter to the same effect to Dundas', i May 1796, Windham 
 remarks " My ideas with respect to the whole of this subject do not 
 differ perhaps so much from yours as you have sometimes supposed. 
 I differ no doubt inasmuch as I would from the beginning have 
 made this the principal object of the war and considered all others, 
 unless I am to except the Cape of Good Hope, as subordinate.... 
 What I complain of is, not that we are following a wrong system, 
 but that we do not act up to the system that we profess :..., that 
 nobody shews any interest in the success of the Royalists ; nobody 
 
 ' Add. MS. 37876, f. 89. 
 
 B.-W. C. 25
 
 194 WINDHAM TO DUNDAS 
 
 will take the trouble to understand their affairs ; no one will willingly 
 hear any mention of them ; no one, except by compulsion, will take 
 any steps in their behalf. There is not the slightest want of the 
 most subordinate department of service that does not take place of 
 their most pressing demands. ...It is impossible, I know, for you to 
 follow all these details ; nor can they either be consistent with the 
 innumerable avocations of Huskisson ; it was for that reason that I 
 was willing, as you know, even before I came into Office, to take 
 upon myself a part of that business, knowing that I should at least 
 not be wanting in that species of Qualification that would result 
 from goodwill. The business however has not prospered in my 
 hands." 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37843, f. 105.) 
 
 Beconsfield, June 2, 1796. 
 My dear friend, 
 
 Thanks to the good part of Norwich". I think it was 
 the only Election in which I felt a real Interest. It was at least the 
 first and deepest Interest I felt. I have now only to tell you that 
 the D. of Bourbon has signified his pleasure, that he will come 
 hither to see our School on Monday. He dines here, and goes away 
 that night after his Jaunt to Penn — which will be in the morning. 
 If you could come hither on Sunday night, and go with them in the 
 morning to see Penn, it would be best of all ; I do not insist on your 
 returning with them. M'''^ Crewe is here ; and tells me she has 
 engaged you for Monday. So you must not tell her of this sollicitation. 
 They were to have been here tomorrow ; but they have put it off till 
 the day I mention. Perhaps Woodford may come with you. With 
 my best congratulations on a really important event ; 
 
 Ever most truly y™ 
 
 Edm. Burke. 
 
 ' Norwich returned Windham and Sir John Hobart to the new Parliament, 
 25 May 1796.
 
 BURKE TO WINDHAM 195 
 
 What the Devil? Fox and Home joinedM and Government 
 with* another to run at them ! I should not wonder if they 
 carried it ! 
 
 Burke to Windham, 
 
 (Add. MS. 37843, f. 107.) 
 
 Tuesday [7 June, 1796]. 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 I thank you for your kind sollicitude about M''^ Burke. 
 Except in the power of much motion she is tolerably well. In that 
 disability she continues much as she was. There is no perceptible 
 amendment. For myself I have my old windy complaints, which 
 are rather disagreeable than painful. I have too a spasmodick 
 affection in my right leg, which comes and goes I know not why or 
 how. The sore for which there is no salve gives me only a bad 
 quarter of an hour now and then. As to the publick, like our great 
 King and great Armies I take my safety in Flight and ignorance. 
 I never read the Newspaper ; and only hear now and then what 
 I cannot well prevent. One of the worst things I hear about the 
 future is the present Prince of Wales. There is a sort of rebellion 
 by anticipation. The Rehearsal is tolerably perfect. God's will be 
 done. Every thing, bating the loss of your presence, went off very 
 well. The Scene was really affecting. I like the Duke of Bourbon 
 extremely — he has a modest dignity and perfect good behaviour — 
 quales esse decet quos ardens purpura vestit". But his, poor man, is 
 stripped off M''^ Burke is very happy to hear of your intended 
 visit ; and the more as she just now learnt that you have prevailed 
 on Miss Lukin^ to come along with you. Adieu. 
 
 Believe me ever sincerely yours 
 
 Edm. Burke. 
 
 1 John Home Tooke stood for Westminster. Fox and the government candidate, 
 Sir Alan Gardner, were successful. 
 " Juvenal xi. 155. 
 • Windham's half-sister, or his niece. 
 
 25—2
 
 196 BURKE TO WINDHAM 
 
 Windham visited Burke at Beaconsfield on 18 July : " IVf** Crewe 
 and Laurence there... M"" B. far from well." 
 
 Burke to Windham, 
 
 (Add. MS. 37843, f. 109.) 
 
 Bath, Aug' i, 1796. 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 I take the Pen out of M'''' Burke's hands to express our 
 
 common and very warm sense of the Kindness of your Sollicitude 
 
 about my health. It is of some value, since such as you appear to 
 
 take an Interest in it. The value in other respects is not so apparent. 
 
 But if it pleases God it should be established for some short time, 
 
 I conclude it must be for some good purposes, great or small 
 
 according to the proportion an individual bears to the whole, as 
 
 a link in a chain infinite in extent and in duration. Of my Death 
 
 I ought to conclude the same. But I have said enough on this. 
 
 Remaining only for me to add, that though all the symptoms of my 
 
 complaint went on with an accelerated aggravation for the first days 
 
 after my arrival here, for these last four the progress of the evil, 
 
 I may say, has been stopped, and, weakness and emaciation excepted, 
 
 I am not at all worse than when you saw me. As to what you are 
 
 so good to expect from me, I can do nothing at present, being wholly 
 
 incapable of all application — and for what ? — Non si mens afforet 
 
 Hector ! If even you, in the full force of a youthful manhood, in an 
 
 high situation, with such Virtues, Talents, and Acquirements as God 
 
 has dispensed to very few living (if to any), can do nothing — if from 
 
 your meridian lustre the publick can reflect no light, what can be 
 
 done by the expiring snuff of my farthing Candle ? No, there is no 
 
 one thing which we can propose, that to those who shut their eyes to 
 
 the evil (and therefore cannot conceive what remedies are proportion'd 
 
 to it), that would not be thought monstrous, wild and extravagant. 
 
 Are we of the stuff of those who, with Hannibal in the Bowels of 
 
 Italy, would think of transferring the gross of our strength to Africk 
 
 and to Spain ? I go no further. — All must depend on individuals, a very 
 
 few individuals, now, as always it has done. If the Duumvirate' who 
 
 ' Pitt and Dundas.
 
 BURKE TO WINDHAM 1 97 
 
 direct all (you will pardon me if I do not call you a Minister) have not 
 the courage to look our situation in the face themselves, and to state it 
 to Parliament too; if they do not cease to consider what is to be said to 
 their adversaries there, as an eloquent Bar defence grounded on the 
 principles of those adversaries, rather than what ought to be done 
 against the grand adversary, then I say there is not for us a Ray of 
 Hope. Their talents are great indeed — but if they are thus directed, 
 better half, with a just direction, than the whole, than twice the 
 whole, in the present course. You talk of coming hither : to be 
 sure, if it can be done without detriment to the great concern, it will 
 be a great consolation to me. But indeed, my dear friend, the times 
 admit no secondary attentions. M"^ Burke — herself very lame and 
 rather worse at ease in her Limbs — desires a thousand grateful 
 remembrances to you and to the Ladies of your family. 
 
 Ever, ever y""® — the remains of 
 
 Edm. Burke. 
 
 Earl Spencer to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37845, f- I44-) 
 
 [Endorsed, 24 Aug. 1796.] 
 Dear Windham, 
 
 Though I am quite overwhelmed today with heat and 
 
 Business, I cannot drive back to Wimbledon without giving you one 
 
 Line, to express my sincere satisfaction at your being returned to 
 
 Town. The Moment is too critical not to require most imperiously 
 
 the attendance of everyone who has got a head upon his shoulders 
 
 to deliberate with, and any remnant of Nerves in his frame with 
 
 which to determine what it becomes a man to do. I am as yet 
 
 under the first description, but really can hardly be considered as 
 
 under the second, for in truth I am much nearer being knocked up 
 
 completely than ever I have been yet. We shall meet tomorrow at 
 
 a Cabinet adjourned from yesterday, when you will hear a good deal 
 
 which bears upon the topick mentioned in Burke's Letter about
 
 198 SPENCER TO WINDHAM 
 
 M'' Noble. I have appointed one of the comiss''^ of the Navy to 
 talk to him on the subject of Rohu's business' tomorrow morning, 
 and you shall hear the Result. 
 
 Yours ever sincerely 
 
 Spencer. 
 
 On 21 Aug. 1796, Windham wrote a very strong remonstrance 
 to Dundas upon the reduction of the corps of Mortemart and 
 Castries, of which proposal he had just received the first intima- 
 tion in a letter from the Duke of York. He took the strongfest 
 objection to the measure and also to the reduction of the emigr6 
 organisation known as the "cadres," which "were never intended for 
 any very efficient service, at least out of France, but were meant in 
 great measure as a means of honourable though scanty subsistence 
 for the persons who composed them." 
 
 Dundas to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37876, f. 214.) 
 
 Private Wimbledon, 
 
 2A,th Augt. 1796. 
 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 I have received your letter from Bath, and can assure 
 you with the utmost sincerity, both on publick and private considera- 
 tions, that nothing gives me more serious Regret than the misfortune 
 I labour under of differing from you essentially on the Subjects of 
 your letter. At the same time you must be aware that my letter 
 is merely a letter of Suggestions, subject to the opinion of others, 
 and of course perfectly open to any Representations you can urge 
 against it. I should not however deal with you in that Spirit of 
 openness and Candor, which I hope shall continue to carry me 
 through the remainder of my political life, as it has actuated the 
 past, if I did not state to you that I conceive your reasoning and 
 
 ^ Claims of a Breton, Vincent Rohu, employed by Sir John Warren as manager of 
 all the ckasse- marks ; see a letter of Warren's, Add. MS. 37876, f. 202, and Rohu's 
 petition, ib. f. 120.
 
 DUNDAS TO WINDHAM I99 
 
 feelings on the Subject to be very erroneous, and not justified in any 
 respect by the Circumstances of the respective cases to which your 
 letter refers. I have no objection to any liberality that the Generosity 
 of the Country may feel disposed to go to [to] Emigres of any 
 description or to the Cadres in particular, but I am positive that to 
 maintain them or any other corps in the form of Military Establish- 
 ment, without the power of calling upon them to discharge Military 
 Duty, is what the Country and Parliament neither can [n]or ought 
 to bear. This is the only point on which in the present Discussion 
 we differ. 
 
 I enclose to you two papers which I wish you well to consider, 
 and I am sure when you do so you will not conceive that the question 
 is whether the finances of the Country can afford a Shilling per day 
 to persons of the Description you give them. I put the Statement 
 in the strongest way you can desire for your argument, for in truth 
 the cadres do not in all amount to above 650 men, and to that 
 complement the establishment I enclose belongs. I wish not how- 
 ever to dwell on such Minutiae. I beg: to be understood as adverting- 
 to the Principle, not the Detail. I wish however to draw your 
 attention, if I can, to the whole of the Subject as now circumstanced. 
 If you had adverted to it in the light I conceive it ought to be 
 viewed, I scarcely think you would have inserted some Expressions 
 which have dropt from your Pen in writing your letter now before 
 me. But whatever differences of opinion we may hold, I trust 
 I shall ever continue to feel that I am with much Respect and 
 Regard, 
 
 yours very sincerely 
 
 and affect'y 
 
 Henry Dundas,
 
 200 WINDHAM TO DUNDAS 
 
 Windham to Dundas. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37876, f. 218.) 
 
 Thursday morn" 25//^ Au£' 1796. 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 I think you have either mistaken my letter, or I have 
 expressed myself inaccurately. 
 
 The general measure of the Reduction of the French Corps, 
 whether Regiments or Cadres, is a measure of prudence and policy, 
 any objections to which that I may feel may in great measure be 
 done away by modifications of which the measure is capable, or, 
 where they cannot be done away, may be yielded to the authority of 
 others. All these objections and their answers I shall be most 
 happy and desirous to discuss with you, with whom I know they 
 will be discussed in a spirit of perfect candour and liberality. — The 
 only point, on which, with my ideas of it, I feel it impossible to give 
 way, is the mode proposed and actually ordered for the reduction of 
 the Reg*"^ of Mortemart and Castries, which I can consider as neither 
 more nor less than a direct breach of their capitulation, and on this, 
 when it comes to be considered, I cannot persuade myself that there 
 can be two opinions\ 
 
 The expense of the Cadres, at the moment when I wrote, I did 
 not look upon to be so considerable as you state it, and as I have 
 since found it to be. I think however that your statement is a little 
 overdone". 
 
 I am, my dear Sir, with great truth and regard 
 
 your very Faithful Humble Servant 
 
 W. Windham. 
 
 ^ persuade — opinions] altered from "that you will disagree with me." 
 
 ^ at the moment — overdone] altered from " I had not considered at the moment 
 
 when I wrote as amounting nearly to so much as you state. I think in fact your 
 
 statement must be above the truth."
 
 burke to windham 20i 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37843, f. HI.) 
 
 [Endorsed, Aug. circ. 27, 1796.] 
 
 Your Letter has had the effect of powerful faith and has 
 removed a Mountain that lay upon my Breast. I am happy that the 
 Regiments have been saved from slaughter — and that the Cadres 
 will receive a tolerable capitulation — tho', merciful God ! is this a 
 time to get rid of officers, or even of soldiers .'' But really the 
 consolation nearest to me is that you have got out of the most 
 difficult of all situations with honour. As things go, to prevent 
 the worst is a great good. I really think it w*^ be proper for you 
 to have a very conciliatory, but at the same time a very serious 
 conversation with the D. of Y., that he may be made sensible that 
 these are not merely military or merely official arrangements, but 
 indissolubly connected with political considerations of the highest 
 importance. 
 
 As to my health, in which you take so kind an Interest — I believe 
 I am quite as well as my age and foregone infirmities will ever 
 permit me to be. The Physicians you mention are both of an 
 ability, and one of a kindness, not to be disputed. Chalybeates have 
 hitherto been as poisons to me. As to parties of amusement, they 
 seem unnatural and the thoughts of them are odious to me. I shall 
 stay here at least a week longer, if not more. That depends upon 
 M''® Burke's finding Benefit to her limbs from the Pump. She had 
 been advised to it from the beginning, but she could not be persuaded 
 to it, from her eagerness to attend to me beyond the necessity of the 
 case. To be sure to have you of the Party would be to me the 
 strongest of all inducements to the Scheme you recommend. Cazales 
 has been a good deal out of Order, but he gets better, and is infinitely 
 flatter'd by your remembrance. N° 1 1 presents its grateful compli- 
 ments to you and yours. Salute Woodford for me, and believe me 
 with affectionate and grateful attachment 
 
 ever y"^ 
 
 Edm. Burke. 
 
 B.-W. c. 26
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 first negotiations for peace. 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37843, f. II3-) 
 
 Bath, Sepf 11, 1796. 
 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 I am beyond measure mortified at not being able to meet 
 you at Oxford. But it will do, I hope, to see you at Beconsfield on 
 your return. There I tnust be, on Wednesday at dinner ; and as I 
 cannot leave this very early on Tuesday ; and as Oxford, besides a 
 worse Road is, I am told, twenty mile about, on that Road I cannot 
 compass my object on Wednesday. I bless God for it, I am much 
 better ; and this may be some satisfaction to the good nature of 
 friends on a private account — but as for the publick, a fear of 
 Enemies has multiplied them on ail sides, and a desire of concealing 
 appearances has aggravated the reality; and we seem to me to be 
 descending to the Center of ruin with so accelerated a motion, thro' 
 the thin medium of pusillanimity, disgrace, and humiliation, that it 
 seems to be an attempt to fight with the established Laws of Nature 
 to stop the course which things are taking. But on this we shall talk 
 more when we meet. We think national and home degradation a 
 sort of rescource. God almighty bless you and preserve you from 
 your share in the Embassy of M'' Grenville. Adieu, adieu. 
 
 Y'' unhappy but ever attach'* friend 
 
 Edm. Burke.
 
 WINDHAM S niARY 203 
 
 The state of Windham's mind in relation to the cabinet's decisions 
 and the mission of Lord Malmesbury to propose peace with France 
 was not a happy one. " Council again on Russian business," he 
 notes on 29 Sept., "decision that nothing further could be done with 
 respect to assurances to Nelson of keeping the Fleet in the Mediter- 
 ranean ;" and writing to Mrs Crewe next day^ he is in the depths of 
 pessimism : — " Where can Pelham have got the notions which you 
 describe .''... There can be no doubt about the matter. Peace made 
 and the Republic established, there is an end of the power, inde- 
 pendence, government, morals, of this country, as well as of every 
 other throughout Europe. ...Yet this is. ..what the booby politicians 
 in this country are all wishing for and holding out as the only means 
 by which our ruin is to be averted. It is really such a state of stupid 
 infatuation and desperate baseness as destroys all interest in the 
 country, and puts one, for one's relief and as the only means of 
 escaping from the pain of one's own reflections, upon the fatal 
 expedient of locking oneself up in insensibility and seeking one's 
 
 satisfactions only from private and personal gratifications Who is 
 
 right upon the subject of Irish politics I am not competent to say. 
 M"" B. is wrong by excess and exaggeration, I dare say ; but whether 
 he is so in the main I should much doubt." A month later he writes 
 to the same correspondent, 31 Oct.", "Your letter is so good, such a 
 genuine effusion of pure, virtuous feeling and native sense, that after 
 taking away the last page, in which there is something about Irish 
 politics, which in the intolerance of Beaconsfield might not pass, 
 I shall send thither the remainder, as the most gratifying praise that 
 M"" B. can receive. Do not imagine that in such a state of things 
 I shall be induced to take a new lease of my connection with the 
 Ministry, or do more than drag on in my present situation till I see 
 what turn things take. If I could have been sure that Lord 
 Malmesbury's despicable embassy would succeed, and that peace 
 must be the immediate consequence, I should have been out long 
 since. It does not appear to me at present, though in that one 
 must be regulated by circumstances, that I shall ever outlive, 
 ministerially, the arrival of a French ambassador in London. It is 
 ' Diary, p. 341. ' Diary, p. 344. 
 
 26 — 2
 
 204 WINDHAM TO MRS CREWE 
 
 enough to outlive the knowledge of an English minister in Paris. 
 But that alone, though conclusive as to honour, is not quite so as 
 to ruin. When the other event takes place, from that moment 
 we go sinking, lower and lower, into Jacobinism ; M"" Pitt however 
 remaining astride of the country, unless 
 
 by some good chance 
 The strong rebuff of a tempestuous cloud 
 Instinct with fire and nitre, hurries us' 
 
 either aloft or sideways, as it may happen, but with some violent 
 concussion that may throw M"" Pitt out of his seat and substitute 
 M'" Fox in his place, to be succeeded by Sheridan, by Home Took, 
 and so on through the long dynasty of murderous democrats and 
 proconsuls of France." 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37843, f. 115.) 
 
 Tuesday [i Nov. 1796]. 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 I was most unfortunately detain'd when you waited here 
 
 two hours for me. I proposed to go to the country directly ; but 
 
 when you have staid so long for me, it is fit that I should wait your 
 
 leisure. So here I continue this day, and am at your Service, to go 
 
 to you or to receive you here, when you please. The more I think 
 
 of it, the more I feel astonished that the Ministry can think of 
 
 putting the whole affairs of Europe blindfold into the hands of 
 
 Lord Malmesbury ; and is [it] at this time they are mad enough to 
 
 evacuate Corsica, and is it now that they are to look for a fleet 
 
 to confront that of Spain ? My head and heart are ready to split 
 
 at once. Adieu. 
 
 ¥•■« truly 
 
 Edm. Burke. 
 
 ' Paradise Lost, u. 11. 935 sqq. The quotation is not quite accurate.
 
 burke to windham 205 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37843, f- 1 1 7-) 
 
 Friday, Nov. ii, 1796. 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 It is worth being ill to become the subject of so much 
 
 indulgent and affectionate Sympathy as I have experienced from you. 
 
 I think I get better ; though I threw up something from my Stomach 
 
 today, and that with some difficulty, there was no blood — what came • 
 
 from me a day or two ago was very bloody, though without any 
 
 effort at all. D'' Brocklesby', who came kindly to visit me, thinks 
 
 nothing of that Circumstance, nor does D'' Smith, from whom I had 
 
 a letter today. So it will pass of[f] I trust, and leave me where it 
 
 found me, which, though it was in no very good state, is as much as 
 
 I can expect. I have not been out today — and at present change of 
 
 place is not very fit for me. 
 
 The City Business is curious enough. It is but a foretaste of 
 what M*" Pitt is to expect from his mistaken Politicks at home and 
 abroad. His favourite Commissary", who left us for Lord North, 
 and Lord North for him, contrives a Triumph for M"" Fox over him, 
 when he is led before the Triumphal Carr of his Enemy, cover'd over 
 with obloquy and mud ! Oh ! but the Newspaper says, these Mobs, 
 that drew the one and threw stones and dirt at the other, were hired 
 Mobs. Possibly it may be so, but I am sure such hirelings would 
 have fared but ill, if a general Sentiment, more mitigated indeed and 
 decent, did not go with those who committed outrages. — The whole 
 democratic corps was there. Why was that ."" Ought Wooden-head 
 to have been left to his own indiscretion } 
 
 Indeed M*" Pitt will daily feel the effect of his leaving himself 
 without a Cause, and without any independent and honourable 
 support. He cannot hinder the world from feeling that when he 
 
 ' Richard Brocklesby, M.D., an old schoolfellow of Burke's. He also attended 
 Dr Johnson. 
 
 ' Apparently Brook Watson, the new Lord Mayor ; but I am not able to explain 
 all the allusions in this passage. The Times account of Lord Mayor's Day mentions 
 that Prince Ernest's carriage was drawn by the mob to Guildhall, but says nothing of 
 any other disturbance.
 
 206 BURKE TO WINDHAM 
 
 assumes M'" Foxes principles, that M"" Fox had the advantage 
 of an earlier possession, and proposed peace when peace might 
 clearly be made with more advantage than it can be made at present. 
 The people, God knows, reason but little. But surely our shameful 
 Flight from the Mediterranean must be felt as the most disgraceful 
 Event, and possibly the most fatal, that has ever occurr'd in our 
 History. He would not suffer a spirit to be raised in favour of 
 himself and his Measures. He will find a spirit raised against 
 him and them, which he will endeavour in vain to resist. He will, 
 by and by, be as ill treated in his person in London as he is by 
 his substitute at Paris. Well ! God send you all well out of this 
 ugly scrape. 
 
 Believe me, my dear Sir, with sincere gratitude and affection 
 
 ever most truly and faithfully yours 
 
 Edm. Burke. 
 
 William Elliot to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37876, f. 251.) 
 
 Private. Dublin Castle, 
 
 22"^ November, 1796. 
 
 My dear Windham, 
 
 If I were conscious of having had an hour's leisure, 
 since your letter came into my hands, I should not be able to forgive 
 myself for having still to thank you for it ; but the arrangement of the 
 new Corps has brought me all on a sudden into a state of communi- 
 cation with half the Country Gentlemen of Ireland, and has so much 
 encreased the business of my Office, that for the last five or six 
 weeks I have had little time left for private correspondence. 
 
 I have not however been so entirely engrossed as not to have 
 looked with great anxiety and with great grief and shame at what 
 has been doing in England. You will believe how sincerely I 
 sympathize with you in your sentiments respecting this humiliating 
 mission to Paris, by which we have abandoned the true principle of
 
 W. ELLIOT TO WINDHAM 207 
 
 the War, and have recognized the usurpation which it was our object 
 to suppress. I have nevertheless considerable hopes that the pride 
 and ambition of France will avert from us the ruin of a Peace ; but 
 if we should be saved, we shall owe our preservation to the vices of 
 our Enemy, and not to our own virtue. 
 
 I had been led to fear, by some paragraphs in the Papers, and 
 also by some reports which I had from private quarters, that this 
 course of evil measures was likely to drive you from Office, but 
 I am glad to learn from your own authority that my intelligence 
 on this point was erroneous. If you were to quit your present 
 connexions, and were to stand alone, the situation would certainly 
 be dignified, but I much doubt its utility. Whilst you remain in the 
 Cabinet you may perhaps have opportunities of correcting in some 
 degree the spirit of Errour which seems to predominate in our 
 Councils. At least this appears to be the only chance; and I am 
 sure that it is the only motive which can induce your Friends to wish 
 that you should continue to expose yourself to such vexation as you 
 must have lately endured. 
 
 The letters on the Regicide Peace have been published most 
 opportunely. I have observed with great triumph and exultation 
 the effect which they have produced here. When they were first 
 announced in the papers, certain wise and cautious Statesmen were 
 much shocked at the imprudence of the Title. The fame of the 
 Author however compelled them to read the work, and its eloquence 
 forced them to admire it, and now I perceive they begin, though 
 rather reluctantly, to confess their acquiescence in the doctrine of it. 
 I am very anxious and impatient for the sequel of it, as 1 am sure it 
 will make a great impression on the publick mind, and may perhaps 
 move the nation to a right sense of its moral and political salvation. 
 
 I shall not enter into a detail of the condition of things in this 
 Country. You see the dispatches, and by them you perceive that 
 the North is in a state little short of Rebellion. With regard to my 
 own situation I shall only say that it accords very much with the idea 
 you seem to entertain of it. It is not suitable either to my taste, my 
 habits or my principles, and I shall endeavour to extricate myself 
 from it after the conclusion of the Session of Parliament. All this,
 
 208 W. ELLIOT TO WINDHAM 
 
 however, I have very particular reasons for wishing may not go 
 further than yourself and Burke. 
 
 I have not hitherto been able to procure any intelligence relative 
 to M'" Brabazon Smyth, but I will make further enquiries. 
 
 Some of the Embarkation returns, which you have called for, are 
 lost, but I send you all that we have, and I likewise send you an 
 abstract, which was made some time ago by a Clerk in the War 
 Office for his own private information, and which I believe 
 contains correctly the strength of the Regiments whose Embarka- 
 tion returns are missing, as it stood a few weeks previous to their 
 Embarkation. 
 
 As the Troops which were under General White were not on 
 this establishment, I cannot give you an exact account of the loss 
 they sustained at Cork ; but I believe it did not exceed the statement 
 which you will find in the enclosed note from D"" Kenny, who is at 
 the head of the Irish Medical Board, and is a very acute, intelligent 
 man. 
 
 I have mentfoned to Lord Camden your request for leave of 
 absence for General O'ConnelP, but it will not be granted unless he 
 can clear up a transaction which, if the points of it are true, is 
 certainly discreditable to him. Whilst it was understood that his 
 Regiment was to be reduced, a M'" O'Donaghue, the Quarter- Master 
 of the Regiment, proposed to resign his commission in favour of his 
 Brother, and obtained General O'Connell's consent to the arrange- 
 ment. The resignation accordingly took place, and General 
 O'Connell conformably to his promise recommended O'Donaghue's 
 Brother ; but before the appointment could be completed, he with- 
 drew his recommendation and named his own nephew, a child of six 
 years of age. — I send you copies of the letters on the subject that 
 you may enquire about it. 
 
 It is now past two in the morning, and I am too tired to write more 
 — so farewell. Pray recommend me to all my Friends but particularly 
 to M"" and M''^ Burke, and pray tell M'" Burke that I should have 
 written to him long ago if I had had anything good to have com- 
 municated to him. I should be very grateful to Woodford, if he 
 
 ' Count Daniel O'Connell.
 
 W. ELLIOT TO WINDHAM 209 
 
 would copy your Official Bulletins and send them to me, as these 
 anxious times make one very impatient for continental news. 
 Believe me with the most unalterable and unceasing attachment 
 most truly and affectionately yours 
 
 William Elliot. 
 
 You will perceive by O'Donoughue's last letter to me, that, since 
 it has been understood that the Brigade is not to be reduced, General 
 O'Connell has expressed his wish that O'Donoughue should retain 
 his Commission of Quarter-Master, as his continuance in the situation 
 will be of essential importance to the Regiment. This circumstance 
 however does not disperse the Cloud which hangs over the first part 
 of the transaction, and Pelham is anxious that the matter should 
 undergo further inquiry. 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37843, f- II9-) 
 
 J\^ov. 25, 1796. 
 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 I have not been very well, for which rea.son I have 
 
 written most of my Letters by Nagle's hand. But the little I shall 
 
 say now, though from a very full heart, full near to bursting, shall be 
 
 with my own — not because I distrust Nagle's prudence, nor care 
 
 a farthing whether my own Sentiments are known or not, but when 
 
 one tells one's private thoughts to a friend, that friend, by being the 
 
 mere object of communication and passive in it, does become in some 
 
 sort involved in the fault of the matter that is communicated. You 
 
 know what I think of the surrender of the Kingdom of Ireland to 
 
 Luttrel'. Portugal is now given, as publick report will have it, 
 
 to General Stuarf. What his military Capacity may be, whether 
 
 equal to that of the Gen' we formerly gave to that Kingdom, the 
 
 ' Henry Lawes Luttrell, 2nd Earl of Carhampton, Commander-in-Chief in Ireland. 
 ' Major-General Hon. Charle.s Stuart, 4th son of the Earl of Bute. 
 
 B.-w. c. 27
 
 2IO BURKE TO WINDHAM 
 
 Count of Lippe, I know not. It may be so — but whilst I lived 
 in the world I never heard of the military abilities of Gen' Stuart. 
 Of his civil dispositions his late proceedings in our quondam Kingdom 
 of Corsica afford a sufficient indication. This I am quite certain of, 
 that there is something strongly redolent of madness in that family, 
 which marks (in a general) a mischievous and malignant turn. 
 There is great pride, great impracticability, a propensity to obscure, 
 dark and puzzled Politicks. I look on Portugal as lost by this 
 appointment. He certainly will not be long well with that Court 
 and that Nation. He will despise and will quarrel with the emigrant 
 Corps, and in their discussions it is not difficult to foresee on which 
 side the decision of all controversies will be. We have abandoned 
 Italy politically, commercially, morally ; Spain is become our Enemy. 
 Our Negotiation at Paris will serve no purpose, but to discover the 
 limits of what it is we propose for the Emperor — for the accom- 
 modation of the Regicides (much abler politicians than we are) 
 in their scheme of opening a separate treaty with him ; and now our 
 last hold of the Continent — General Stuart is to secure to us. It is 
 all over. No experience of the fatal Effects of Jobbs will hinder 
 Jobbers from Jobbing to the last. I say there is manifest recognized 
 ability in the world and in our power, both at home and abroad — if 
 we were not resolved to throw it away. I know how delicate an 
 affair this must be to you ; both as to the person doing the Jobb, and 
 the person for whom it is done. They will say truly that all this is 
 personal. So it is. Every question of fitness for employment is 
 personal. But then the use and effect of that employment depend 
 wholly on the aptitude or unfitness of the Person. I commit this 
 delicate Business to your thoughts. But I say both nations are 
 betrayed if this man is sent. I fear you can do nothing. God 
 direct you. I can write no more. I am a good deal worse this day 
 or two past. 
 
 Yours with entire and affectionate attachment 
 
 Edm. Burke. 
 
 Wherefore write ? One day's Jobb defeats the Labours of a 
 year.
 
 burke to woodford 2 i i 
 
 Burke to Woodford. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37843, f. 121.) 
 
 Beconsfield, Ded" 9, 1796. 
 My dear Sir 
 
 The Renewal of your hopes gives us great and sincere 
 Joy, and we hope that is only a beginning to a Satisfaction most solid 
 and permanent. The Weather is sadly against you, as it is to all 
 who must submit to any Operation. I have read the Debate on the 
 Budget'. I think Pitt was less lofty and loud in his triumph than 
 I expected. As to Fox, he seemed in a perfect paroxism of Rage 
 and Fury. However, I cannot help remarking that the business of 
 La Fayette is not at this moment brought up for nothing. I take it 
 for granted the Ministers will negative so bold and absurd a pro- 
 position but I think the tone in which they take up the matter is 
 very material, and I wish you would let M'' Windham know that 
 I think so. M*" Fox has all along professed that we ought to have 
 nothing to do with the interior affairs of another Nation, however 
 oppressive they may [be]. Citizen La Fayette is not our fellow- 
 subject, nor do we know of any merit he has towards this Country. 
 If we forget his going from the King's Lev^e, where he was received 
 with distinction, to kindle up a War against his Majesty in America, 
 we may have occasion for that act of oblivion, and it may be right 
 for us to grant it. But when we forget this, we forget all that we as 
 Englishmen know about him. We well know what sort of subject 
 he was to his own Sovereign, whom he three times imprisoned. We 
 know his cruel and insolent treatment of the French Noblesse at 
 Paris when on the 28 of Feb>' '91 they attempted with their side- 
 arms to defend the King against one of the most atrocious attempts 
 that was made against his Life. — Are we to forget that this man, 
 in whose favour we want to break open the Emperor's prison, him- 
 self imprisoned the unhappy Foulon and delivered him over to 
 a wicked gang of his Brother conspirators, who put him to Death 
 
 ' 7 and 8 Dec. It was on the first reading of the Budget resolutions, on the 7th, that 
 Fox raised the question of La Fayette's rigorous imprisonment by the Emperor, which 
 was afterwards llie subject of a special motion by General Fitzpatrick on 16 Dec. 
 
 27 — 2
 
 212 BURKE TO WOODFORD 
 
 with all circumstances of the most unparalleled' cruelty ? — Are we to 
 trouble ourselves ab*^ his prison, who has been the cause of the 
 emprisonment of more than a million of innocent victims, multitudes 
 of whom have been dragged out of those Jails only to be massacred 
 in a manner inferior only to the cruelty exercised upon Foji/on" ? 
 Are we to prescribe to the Emperor what degree of resentment he 
 should shew to any of the persons who so cruelly insulted and 
 imprison'd one of his nearest Relations, who locked her up in a Jail 
 at Paris, out of which she never went but to another Jail, and thence 
 to a cruel execution ? What are his merits then towards us, towards 
 his Master and towards the Emperor ? I should rather have thought 
 that if M'' Fox was touched with the Fate of a person cruelly and 
 against the Laws of War imprison'd. He w'^ rather think of moving 
 an Address for an instruction to Lord Malmsbury in favor of his 
 meritorious Countryman Sir Sidney Smith* ; or if he was influenced 
 by general motives of Humanity that He would move that something 
 might be stipulated in the treaty of Peace for the 20,000 Priests that 
 are at this Hour kept in Prison in France, and support the pro- 
 position of La Crettelle Jun"" for their enlargement who*, he knows, 
 or may know if he pleases, are in prison and ready to perish for 
 famine. Why does he not move that Provision may be made in the 
 treaty for the return to their country and their property of the 
 innumerable Victims of La Fayette's rebellion, of which this country 
 is full, and who are scattered all over Europe, a heavy tax upon the 
 Humanity of Mankind ? — But, no, there is no Person worthy the 
 attention of a British Parliament but citizen La Fayette. With what 
 face can M'' Fox desire a national interference with the Emperor for 
 this man, at the very moment when He is opposing, as all along he 
 
 ' MS. unpairalled. The spelling is Nagle's ; the first part of the letter is all in his 
 hand. 
 
 " Murdered 22 July 1789. For the details see Carlyle, book v., ch. vni. 
 
 ' Taken prisoner 18 April 1796, in a privateer lugger which he had captured off 
 Havre, the tide having carried him out of reach of his ship. The French refused to 
 exchange him on the ground that he had destroyed the vessels at Toulon when not 
 holding a commission. As a matter of fact Lord Malmesbury had been charged with 
 instructions to take a strong line with the French government for Sir Sidney's release. 
 
 * MS. whom.
 
 BURKE TO WOODFORD 213 
 
 has opposed, the grant of any Loan or subsidy or assistance whatso- 
 ever to this Our Ally ? And who, in the moment of his Proposition, 
 instead of an attempt to sooth or soften him, speaks an insulting 
 language, such as was never heard before in this time, and before 
 this time never would have been tolerated in relation to an Ally 
 of this Country ? I think the manner in which this Business is to 
 be opposed is of very high importance, as I take it for granted there 
 is no idea of yielding to it publickly or privately. In the name of 
 God, what is the meaning of this project of M'" Pitt concerning the 
 further relief of the Poor ? What relief do they want, except that 
 which it will be difficult indeed to give, to make them more frugal 
 or more industrious ? I see he's running for popular plates with 
 M'' Fox. Adieu. Forgive all this trouble. M'-"* Burke cordially 
 salutes you". I am one day better another worse. Michaelmas with 
 all its Riggs' is not more tempestuous than the ^Eolian Cave of my 
 stomach. I find it difficult to apply to anything. Lord Malmsbury 
 fills me with despair, or rather those who have sent him. Are they 
 quite mad to found their Treaty on a Basis of Exchanges and 
 mutual Cessions? Why did M"" Pitt conceal the succours he gave 
 the Emperor ? Policy required they should be as publick as 
 possible. Why not state that he intends to give him a further 
 subsidy .'' 
 
 Faithfully and aff'^'^ yours 
 
 Edm. Burke. 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 (.4dd. MS. 37843, f. 123.) 
 
 Sunday, Dec. 18, 1796. 
 
 Though writing, my dear Sir, is not to me the pleasantest of all 
 
 operations, I should deny myself a very great pleasure, well 
 
 purchased by more pain than I have in writing a few Lines, if 
 
 I failed to thank you, in the name of time humanity, for what you 
 
 ' MS. releif. 
 
 " At this point Burke takes up the pen himself. 
 
 ^ Equinoctial gales. The word, used more than once by Burke, is quoted in 
 the Dialect Dictionary as surviving in Cheshire.
 
 214 BURKE TO WINDHAM 
 
 have done to expose the false and spurious. The whole drift of this 
 motion' is subservient to the general plan of making every power in 
 alliance with this Country odious. If M^ Fox were a cheerful 
 supporter of this alliance, and a person earnest in voting to the 
 Emperour the amplest supplies for the assertion of the Common 
 Cause, then it might possibly be supposed that this interposition 
 arose from an earnest Zeal for the Emperour's honour, and the 
 Interests of humanity. Nothing less. This alliance is, and has 
 been from the beginning, the object of his execration. As I should 
 have expected even from the report of your Speech in the Sun, the 
 impression it made on the House was great, and decisive. Laurence 
 told me that this impression did honour both to the speaker and to 
 the feelings of the House, which he states to have been, on both 
 sides, just what they ought to have been. Nothing can exceed the 
 Ability of that Speech ; and it was necessary it should be so ; as no 
 over abundant Zeal was shewn for the general Cause of sovereign 
 powers by those who had spoken before you. I do not think it was 
 necessary to be over earnest in disclaiming any part that our Court 
 was guessed to have had in that transaction. For the sake of Truth 
 it might be disclaimed ; but not as an imputation w'^** would have 
 reflected disgrace on our Court if it had been true. Some philosopher 
 (not of modern Paris) on hearing a Hymn of some Poet to Diana, 
 wished that the Poet should be rewarded with a Daughter resemblingr 
 the Diana he had described. I am sure that any Prince taking an 
 Interest in Citizen La Fayette well deserves that he should find so 
 loyal a subject and so faithful a Commander of his Guards and such 
 an active protector of himself and his family as Citizen La Fayette ! 
 What a Folly was the precedent of AsgiP } Was Asgil a person 
 
 ' General Fitzpatrick's, for an address praying for intervention in favour of 
 La Fayette. 
 
 " Captain Charles Asgill, afterwards 2nd Baronet. He was taken prisoner in the 
 American War, 1781, and chosen by lot from among the prisoners for retaliation, in 
 order to enforce Washington's demand for the surrender of Lippincott, who had 
 executed a Republican, Joseph Huddy, by order of a committee of loyalists. The 
 British authorities repudiated the execution of Huddy and instituted an enquiry into 
 Lippincott's responsibility. Louis XVI was induced to intervene in Asgill's favour 
 with Washington, who seems however to have already decided, as a result of the 
 enquiry, upon Asgill's release.
 
 BURKE TO WINDHAM 215 
 
 who had rebelled against any Sovereign ? Had Asgil imprison'd, 
 and deHvered over to Hangmen, any of the Queen of France's 
 relations? He was an innocent Gentleman without a pretence of 
 Crime, taken out by Ballot from some English Prisoners by General 
 Washington to be made a subject of retaliation. Compare the Cases. 
 Nothing but M'" Foxes wild enthusiasm for the Revolution in France 
 could make him think of the Case as a precedent. As to the pair of 
 Wretches' taken with this La Fayette, they are (if possible) more 
 detestable Rufifians than he. 
 
 The Fact is, that the minority here must consider the mere fact 
 of Rebellion to be the most transcendent of all merit. Be it so, with 
 them, if they please. But is that a plea that is likely to be prevalent 
 with Sovereigns.'' However, I shall always take it as an infallible 
 criterion of the principles and dispositions of any men of our time, 
 that they think a rebellion against such a prince as Louis the I6''^ 
 and at the moment too when he was making immense sacrifices of 
 his power to the establishment of order and Liberty, to be the most 
 meritorious of all actions, or an action of any merit at all. God save 
 me from falling into the merciful hands of those who think the 
 Business of Foulon and Bertier no act of cruelty. God save you 
 from their humanity and compassion. This has been a very bad day 
 with me. But I have begun to work. I see I must fortifye myself 
 on the point of the Nation's ability to prosecute the War. I would 
 not wish however to call much attention to the collection of materials 
 I wish you [to] procure for me. I think they may easily be had 
 at the Excise and Customs. I don't at all like the way in which I 
 left poor Woodford. I confess I feel alarmed for him. His cure 
 seems more dangerous even than the distemper. Again and again 
 I congratulate you on your manliness. 
 
 Ever truly y*"* 
 
 Edm. Burke. 
 
 ' La Tour Maubourg and Bureau de Pusy.
 
 2l6 WINDHAM TO BURKE 
 
 Windham to Burke. 
 
 (Burke Corr. iv. 401.) 
 
 Park Street, Westminster, 
 
 December 20, 1796. 
 
 My Dear Sir, 
 
 I hope in future, and so long as writing shall continue 
 painful, you will never abate my satisfaction in the receipt of your 
 letters by the reflection of their not {sic) being written in your own 
 hand. Expressions so kind, and approbation so flattering, can never 
 fail to be welcome, in whatever hand they may be conveyed. 
 
 The speech which you so obligingly commend is a source to me 
 of satisfaction, from better considerations than any opinion that I 
 entertain of its merit. In that respect it is of as little consequence as 
 need be. But its effect has been beyond both its merit and any 
 expectation that I could have formed from it ; and is a strong proof 
 of what may be done with the public mind, and how easily men may 
 be made to think and feel rightly, in innumerable cases where at 
 present they do not, were reason fairly applied to them. You cannot 
 conceive how many people I have had who have thanked me for 
 speaking their sentiments ; and what a quantity of right disposition 
 there has appeared upon this question, which would have absolutely 
 languished and died, and been lost, both now and for ever, if it had 
 not been revived, and animated, and sustained in life by this season- 
 able encouragement and protection. All that I have to regret is, 
 that, out of respect to others' cold caution, and from fear of meddling 
 with a subject not absolutely my own, 1 abstained from saying 
 anything on the situation of Sir Sydney Smith, whose case seemed 
 created for the purpose of confounding those who, being wholly 
 indifferent about him, were thus anxious for the fate of a stranger, 
 known only by his treason to his own sovereign. 
 
 Wilberforce, as you will perceive, appeared in his full lustre. 
 What a state is a country in, whose treasures are to be guided 
 by such counsellors ! There was a part, that I meant against him 
 and such Sitnulars of Virtue, that I am afraid did not receive its 
 proper application, and was very probably not repeated in the papers.
 
 WINDHAM TO BURKE 217 
 
 It might be understood of some higher personages than he. Upon 
 the whole, this speech, though nothing in itself, has done knight's 
 service, by counteracting that chapter of a sentimental novel, for 
 such Fitzpatrick's speech was, to which the House was about to 
 sacrifice its character, its policy, and its justice. 
 
 By accounts received today, that tyrant ally, against whom every 
 presumption is to be admitted, is going on rendering nearly as much 
 service to mankind as Wilberforce would do by his humanity ; and in 
 [? is] pushing the war with all possible vigour and success, both in 
 Italy and on the side of Kehl. I enclose you the official report. 
 There is at least the hope that if peace must be made, it will be upon 
 terms so disadvantageous to France, as, besides diminishing their 
 means and their authority, will put people so much out of conceit of 
 the government, as to facilitate any endeavours that may be made to 
 put things into a better state. 
 
 I will do the best I can about your queries, and am ever 
 
 My dear sir, most faithfully yours 
 
 W. Windham. 
 
 Burke to Windham. 
 
 (Burke Corr. iv. 404.) 
 
 Beconsfield, December 23, 1796. 
 My Dear Friend, 
 
 I make use of the saturnalian liberty with which you 
 have indulged your Davus at the close of this December. I write 
 with the hand of my friend and kinsman Nagle, who has indeed 
 been very helpful to me. His brother, a captain-lieutenant in 
 Mahony's chasseurs, whom you had seen at the Duke of York's 
 head-quarters, and who, we conceived, had been killed, is now 
 reported to be somewhere alive and a prisoner. I give no great 
 credit to the report, because, had he been alive, I think he must 
 B.-W. c. 28
 
 2l8 BURKE TO WINDHAM 
 
 have found some way of letting 4113 friends (though he might be 
 afraid of making known his connexion with me) have some inteUigence 
 of his situation. The report arises from a letter written by Count 
 Mahony himself to his brother in Ireland, the very day before the 
 Count was killed. I never heard before this time of Colonel Mahony 
 having been killed, and therefore the date of the letter (of which 
 I have not been informed) might go something towards clearing the 
 way for further inquiry into the fate of this young man. 
 
 Perhaps they may know something of the time at the Duke of 
 York's office, or at my Lord Grenville's, or from the secretary of 
 Count Starembergh'. If no intelligence can be had here (which 
 I think the most likely), could you prevail upon M'" Canning to 
 write to Colonel Crawford, or his brother, to set on foot an inquiry 
 on this subject ? for I shall be very well pleased to find this worthy 
 creature, in whom I took a very great interest, alive. 
 
 I have been looking in vain for a curious print, which I had in 
 my hand yesterday. It is concerning the imprisonment of La Fayette. 
 It is far from ill-executed. It was torn from a small pocket-book, 
 called the Minor s Pocket-book for the year 1797, to which it served 
 as a frontispiece. It is printed for Darton and Harvey, Gracechurch- 
 street ; it fronts a narrative, said to be taken from a monthly 
 magazine. It is, as you will see, a neat abstract of General 
 Fitzpatrick's speech, and finds nothing about Monsieur de la Fayette 
 worth relating, except the suffering of his family under Robespierre ; 
 and his exile in consequence of an attempt to save the life of Louis 
 the Sixteenth. I mention this, to let you see with what art and 
 system this business is worked up, and that the sentimental novel 
 is, in reality, a political contrivance, that has some more meaning 
 than the display of a hypocritical humanity. Why should it not be 
 a pretty subject for a series of prints like the " Rake's Progress," or 
 the " Harlot's Progress," to give the Rebel's Progress, in which the 
 heroic exploits and various fortunes of citizen La Fayette might 
 make an useful moral lesson to all English generals, who might be 
 inclined to imitate at home what they so greatly admire in their 
 friend abroad } By the way, I totally forgot from whom it was 
 
 ' Imperial Minister in London.
 
 BURKE TO WINDHAM 219 
 
 I heard a very accurate detail of the attempt made, with great 
 regularity and well-combined contrivance, by M*" Church and others 
 of the Fox party here, to effect the escape of that suffering hero 
 from Olmutz. I heard the name of the physician who was sent to 
 Vienna for the purpose, though I do not recollect it'. He was a 
 young physician of London, and insinuated himself so well into the 
 good graces of some persons of importance in the imperial court, 
 that when Mons. de la Fayette, having had his cue, sent to Vienna 
 to request, if possible, the assistance of an English physician, in 
 whose skill alone he pretended to have any confidence, this emissary 
 was sent to him without any difficulty. The governor of the castle 
 had the humanity to permit La Fayette, upon the doctor's represen- 
 tation of the necessity of air and exercise for his cure, to go out in 
 an open chaise with him for several days together ; until, all things 
 being settled for the escape, two horses were provided, upon one of 
 which the doctor mounted, and gave the other, with cash for his 
 journey, to the prisoner. The doctor got clear off; but the other, 
 falling into confusion and tumbling from blunder into blunder, was 
 discovered and carried before a Magistrate, who delivered him over 
 to the governor. This was the date of any unusual closeness and 
 rigour in his confinement ; and was the cause, as I take it, of the 
 precautions that are taken with regard to the entry and exit of all 
 persons who may visit him in his prison. It is right, of course, that 
 persons who have attempted to make their escape should be guarded 
 with double vigilance. I wish you would ask Laurence whether he 
 recollects from whom I had this detailed account, and the name of 
 the physician who was the principal actor in the business. Nagle 
 seems to think he has read some short account of it in a newspaper ; 
 but it is rather extraordinary, if it had been thus published, that 
 Fitzpatrick should have taken no notice of it, either to refute the 
 story, if it were public and not true, or to repel the inferences which 
 would arise, in order to diminish the effect of his tragical tale. 
 
 I think that the substance of what you have said, relative to the 
 humanity of politicians of the first or second order, is touched in the 
 
 ^ The real agents in La Fayette's unsuccessful attempt were an American, Francis 
 Kinloch Huger, and a German physician, Dr BoUmann. 
 
 28—2
 
 220 BURKE TO WINDHAM 
 
 account given of your speech in the Sun; and to me, the application 
 was very intelligible. As to M'" Pitt's speech, there was nothing at 
 all in it, but a dry point of law. Nothing was said but what might 
 have been urged if the case had been that of the most innocent, 
 virtuous and meritorious sufferer that had ever experienced the 
 severity of fortune. I am sure that the faction will not let the 
 matter rest here. I thank you for the bulletin ; but on considering 
 the whole matter, I think things still in a very trembling balance, 
 and the final result of the campaign still very doubtful. It is plain 
 that the Austrians were surprised at Kehl ; and that it was rather an 
 escape than a victory. For God's sake, why is the subsidy (or what- 
 ever it is) to the Emperor reduced to ^500,000, when the King of 
 Prussia, who had much less need of it, and did much less for it, had 
 fourteen hundred thousand a year, not as a loan, but as a subsidy ? 
 I am afraid we have too much in view a little fallacious economy, 
 which is, in war, little less than madness. I am afraid, too, that we 
 conduct war upon the principles of favouritism, and that we feed the 
 objects of our affections at the expense of our interests. I see 
 nothing said of a provision for the army of Conde, which has stood 
 the brunt of the war upon that side. The death of the Empress 
 of Russia seems to be a sad contretemps. What will become of the 
 French enterprize against Portugal, is now the first object of anxiety. 
 One sees that an active use of the smallest force may keep in check, 
 and possibly baffle, the greatest which chooses to act upon the mere 
 defensive, — a part always unsuitable to great force. Oh ! how open 
 to us was the French and Spanish force at Cadiz ! — of which place, at 
 the beginning of this century, we knew the value — active enterprize 
 directed against an enemy in his weak points. That expedition 
 failed from causes so evident, that a knowledge of them might have 
 assured against a second failure. The defeat of that expedition, not 
 abating the vigour of enterprize, gave us the glorious success at this 
 very Vigo. In itself this event was great, and might have been 
 improved into anything ; but as long as the war is conducted on its 
 present principles, our proceedings, at their best, can only baffle 
 some particular design of an enemy. They can never be followed 
 up so as vitally to affect him. I pray to God for the success of
 
 BURKE TO WINDHAM 221 
 
 Admiral Colpoys'; but I do not like, after having expended more 
 on the navy (perhaps twice as much as in any former war), that in 
 the two most essential naval ports of Europe we should be fairly 
 out-numbered by them. I believe that this Brest fleet is contemptibly 
 equipped and manned ; and hardly able to stand an engagement, or 
 even the sea and sky ; but as to this latter, they have the advantage 
 of the finest and most opportune ports in the world to run into ; so 
 that, if they should miss Vigo, they may get into Ferrol or Corunna, 
 where they may join the Spanish force intended against Portugal, 
 with nearly the same effect as from Vigo itself Alas ! Europe, for 
 us, hardly opens one hospitable port. Adieu ! 
 
 Things at St Domingo seem to have something of a pleasanter 
 aspect, but they are owing rather to the dissensions of the barbarians 
 themselves, than to any efforts of ours, which amount to no more than 
 a poor and uncertain defence of a line too long, too poorly manned, 
 to be of any real strength. I should have great satisfaction however 
 in this glimmering, if I did not know, with all the rest of the world, 
 that the final effect of our success or defeat will be nearly the same ; 
 and that we are spilling the blood of those planters whom we had 
 refused to protect, until they had become our subjects, as well as the 
 best blood of our own, and of the royalists of Europe, to make this a 
 more savoury morsel for the regicides. You will have the goodness 
 to excuse this letter, made up of the wanderings of an anxious mind 
 inhabiting a feeble body ; which dictates its dreams, whilst it is 
 stretched all its low length upon the couch of inaction. 
 
 I am glad to find that poor Woodford seems, to himself at least, 
 to mend. Poor Lord John Cavendish, who very kindly came to see 
 me a day or two before his death, is gone a little before me. The 
 world never produced a more upright and honourable mind ; with 
 very considerable talents, and a still more considerable improvement 
 of them. He retired from the world exceedingly irritated at the 
 triumph of his enemies, which was carried pretty high against him 
 personally ; and somewhat disgusted with the coldness of his friends, 
 
 ' Rear-Admiral John Colpoys, commanding in the channel. He was afterwards 
 at Spithead and St Helen's at the time of the mutinies, and saved the life of his first 
 lieutenant at imminent risk of his own.
 
 222 BURKE TO WINDHAM 
 
 who, at that time, showed little energy of mind, and considered his 
 retreat with too much indifference. No more last words of M'' Baxter, 
 but that I am most zealously and most affectionately 
 
 Yours, &c. &c. 
 
 Edm. Burke. 
 
 P.S. — I have found the print and send it to you enclosed. 
 
 Windham to Burke. 
 
 (Burke Corr. iv. 412.) 
 
 December 24, 1796. 
 
 My Dear Sir, 
 
 I cannot refuse myself the satisfaction of informing you, 
 that the news that you will see in the papers is true, and that 
 Lord Malmesbury is about to spend a happy Christmas with his 
 friends in London ; having received, pour toute Hponse to his terms, 
 a declaration that the republic could enter into no treaty for countries 
 attached by the constitution to France, and an order to quit France 
 in eight-and-forty hours. His exit will be as splendid as his entry. 
 He affords a brilliant example of the manner in which the ambassa- 
 dors of suppliant kings should be treated by a high-minded republic. 
 
 So should desert in arms be crowned ! 
 I fear however this new humiliation will only animate us to [persevere] 
 with new expedients and contrivances of meanness. At present, to be 
 sure, every avenue seems to be shut. We must go on with the war 
 perforce. But I much doubt whether even this necessity, and the 
 privation of all other means, will put us upon making any use of the 
 good dispositions of the interior. I have much to say to you upon 
 that : but I have already perhaps said more than I ought, considering 
 how ardently I ought to be supposed to wish for peace, even with the 
 power with which we thought it necessary that every country ought 
 to be at war. 
 
 Yours, dear sir, in great haste 
 
 W. W.
 
 burke to windham 223 
 
 Burke to Windham', 
 
 (Add. MS. 37843, f. I2S-) 
 
 Beaconsfield, 25 De(f, 1796. 
 My dear Friend, 
 
 I received your kind Letter. The return of Lord 
 Malmsbury is just in all its circumstances what it ought to be, 
 and indeed just what might be expected. This Mongrel has been 
 whipped back to the Kennel yelping and with his Tail between his 
 Legs. This will be a great triumph of Ministry, of Opposition, and 
 of the Nation at large. The Opposition only will be true to its 
 principles. Woeful fidelity and consistency, when such are the 
 principles. The rest will certainly fail on the tryal. Indeed they 
 have so much relyed on the certainty of Peace, and have provided, 
 if for any War, only a War at Home, that I do not see how they can 
 carry on any other with energy and effect. However, anything is 
 better than a Jacobin Peace. In every other posture of things there 
 are at least chances. I am quite sure that notwithstanding all that 
 Lord Malmsbury has suffered, both as a Negotiator and as a 
 Gentleman, that in order to justify himself in his first step, kicked in 
 as he has been and kicked out, He will still in the House of Lords 
 hold out some sort of Hopes. He will endeavour to keep open to 
 himself a road to some such infamous employment in future. You 
 know better than I do, who know nothing of the subject, what is to 
 be done with the Interiour of France, but of this I am sure, if nothing 
 can be done there, nothing can be done with effect anywhere. Un- 
 fortunately we have disabled ourselves of our best means, by sending 
 the French Royalists to Portugal, but that is no fault of yours, who 
 advized that measure in order to save these unhappy Corps from 
 being broke as Criminals with every sort of disgrace, or sent with 
 equal disgrace and with every sort of other ill consequence to the 
 West Indies. God Almighty bless you and support you in the, 
 endeavours which yet you will make use of for the salvation of your 
 Country and of betrayed Europe. For two Days I had recovered 
 
 ' In Nagle's hand.
 
 224 BURKE TO WINDHAM 
 
 (except in my flesh, which continues under a uniform decay) to my 
 astonishment, so that I hoped to resume my task with vigour, but 
 last Night my disorder returned on me with violence, and to-Day I 
 am as ill as ever. 
 
 By the way is it quite sure that the French squadron and force 
 are going at all to Portugal, and may not the Brazils be their object, 
 or something in America or the West Indies? I hope your Intelli- 
 gence is good. Once more, adieu. The cordial wishes of this 
 Season from all this House to you and the accomplished Ladies 
 of your Family, of whose partiality for us we are more proud than 
 that of a whole Academy of Letters. 
 
 Ever most devotedly yours 
 
 Edm. Burke.
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 BURKE'S LAST DAYS. THE NAVAL MUTINY. 
 
 On 17 Dec. 1796, five days before Lord Malmesbury's dismissal 
 from Paris, the French fleet of forty-four ships had left Brest, 
 carrying Hoche and his army of 18,000 men on their way to Ireland. 
 The story of their complete defeat by the weather, with slight aid 
 from the British Navy, cannot be told here. Thirteen ships were 
 lost (six by capture) and the last of those which survived returned to 
 a French port on 14 Jan. February, notable in naval annals for 
 the victory off Cape St Vincent, was marked also by the mistaken 
 treatment accorded by the Admiralty authorities to a petition sent 
 in to Lord Howe by the seamen of the fleet for an advance of pay. 
 They seem to have regarded it as the work of an external organisation, 
 in which they may have been right, and as not representing any 
 real widespread feeling among the men, in which they were certainly 
 wrong ; and no notice was therefore taken of it. The consequence 
 was seen on 15 April, when the new commander of the Channel 
 Fleet at Spithead gave orders to prepare for sea and the men refused. 
 Two days later a committee of delegates drew up petitions to the 
 Admiralty and to Parliament. 
 
 Burke to Windham \ 
 
 (Add. MS. 37843. f- 1 27-) 
 
 Jan. 5, 1797. 
 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 I have had two very bad days ; this last the worst. So 
 that I cou'd not work much even if I had the materials. This 
 difficulty at the Excise Ofi^ce I wish I had foreseen ; because while 
 
 ' Not in Burke's hand. 
 
 29 
 
 B.-W. C.
 
 226 BURKE TO WINDHAM 
 
 Parliament was sitting any Member might have moved for those 
 accounts. I never knew them refused. I should have no difficulty 
 of writing to M'' Long' myself upon the Subject, but I do not wish 
 to have my Scheme blown upon, and I know there is such a 
 connection between the Public Offices and the News-Papers, that 
 they would have the accounts full as early as I should. It is a vile 
 thing to see this communication constantly kept open, and as 
 constantly disowned. The use that I intend to make of these 
 accounts, if they come up to my Ideas, as I think they will, is to 
 finish my demonstration : That no class of the People hath as yet 
 felt the War in any sort of Privation. I am infinitely rejoiced to 
 hear that poor Woodford goes on with good appearances. 
 
 If Ireland was the Object of the Brest Armament (and it now 
 looks not improbable), what handsome provision has been made 
 for its defence ! No Depot of Force in any Central point. No 
 preconcerted arrangement. Agamemnon" General in the South 
 with Cooks for his Aid de Camps ; and so corpulent, that I am 
 told he cannot go on Horseback : had Hoche landed in Bantry Bay, 
 or in any Bay more commodious for his purposes, as many there are 
 on that coast, nothing could have hindered him from making himself 
 master of Cork ; of putting that pi ice under Contribution of Money 
 and provisions, and having routed the weak force in that part, from 
 Marching forward and beating all the rest in detail. The apparent 
 want of intelligence of the Enemy's design was truly deplorable ; 
 but if intelligence was received and credited, that the Enemy's 
 design pointed at Ireland, in the name of God, how did it 
 happen that no Fleet was off Ireland, to oppose the Enemy on his 
 approach, or, on failure, to intercept him on his return ? While the 
 Jacobin Fleet was at Anchor in Bantry Bay, Lord Bridport was at 
 Portsmouth, and Colpoys, after going God knows where, returns 
 himself into harbour. The French leave Bantry on the 27"* of 
 Dec'', and Lord Bridport sails from Portsmouth to look for them on 
 the f^ of this month ; if he meets any of them it is a miracle, and it 
 
 ^ Charles Long, afterwards Baron Farnborough, Joint Secretary to the Treasury. 
 The statistics were wanted for the T/iird Letter on a Regicide Peace. 
 ^ ? General William Dalrymple.
 
 BURKE TO WINDHAM 227 
 
 must be owing to the terrible condition which they are in. So much 
 for Intelligence, Foresight and Precaution. 
 
 For my own part, I never believed that the French could have 
 thought oi Ireland, equipped as they were in such a Tempestuous 
 Season ; because I could have no intelligence, and only grounded 
 myself upon conjecture of what it would have been rational for them 
 to do. I therefore concluded that they would get into the Ocean 
 as soon and as deep as they could, and make their way for Nova 
 Scotia, an Object infinitely important for them to possess. The 
 Season of the Year is I know adverse also for this ; but nothing cou'd 
 be worse for them than the Coast of Ireland, where they cou'd not 
 remain long without being a Prey to the English Naval force, let 
 their successes on Land be what they wou'd. But the fate of that 
 expidition (szc) is, I trust, now decided by an Arm stronger than ours, 
 and by a Wisdom capable of counteracting our Folly. — Yet, my dear 
 Friend, I do tremble, lest the boldness of these men in risquing every 
 thing, and our Negligence or Misfortune in not providing for any 
 thing, may not always find the Heavens so propitious. I confess 
 I tremble at the danger, whilst I am rejoicing in the escape. How- 
 ever I sincerely congratulate you upon it. I consider you so much 
 as a Friend, to whom I am used to disburthen myself, that I forget 
 I am writing to a Minister, with whom I ought to have managements 
 when I discuss anything relative to the conduct of his Colleagues. 
 The want of a steady intelligence both from Paris and from Brest is 
 a thing I cannot comprehend ; because I am sure it might have 
 been obtained. God bless you. I am very faint, and perhaps 
 peevish, but ever most truly yours 
 
 E. B. 
 
 29-
 
 228 windham to burke 
 
 Windham to Burke. 
 
 (Burke Corr. iv. 424.) 
 
 Park St., Westminster, Jan. 17, 1797. 
 My Dear Sir, 
 
 What I have understood of the state of your health for 
 
 some time past, and still more what I understand at this moment, 
 
 must supersede all that unwillingness to obtrude my advice upon 
 
 you, that has often restrained me, and make me urge my entreaties 
 
 and remonstrances with a degree of earnestness that I have never 
 
 hitherto allowed myself, but which the importance and urgency of 
 
 the case will no longer suffer me to forbear. 
 
 You must really, my dear sir, come fairly to the point of deciding, 
 in the first instance, whether you tvish to recover. If life is really 
 become so insipid or painful that you are really impatient for the 
 scene to close, and if you can reconcile that wish with the interest 
 you feel in the happiness of some of those whom you will leave 
 behind, or with the conviction which you cannot fail to entertain, 
 that your life is at this moment of more consequence than that, 
 probably, of any other man now living, or than it has been at any 
 preceding period (suppositions which I merely make for the sake of 
 form, and without a suspicion that they can all of them be true), then, 
 indeed, there is no room for further discussion. It is in vain to urge 
 a resort to such means as human precaution and prudence may point 
 out, if the end which they are to obtain is not wished. 
 
 But if such is not the case ; if duty, though not inclination, must 
 enjoin to you the preservation of a life which cannot cease but to the 
 infinite affliction of those whose happiness is most dear to you, and 
 with a loss to the world such as it could never have produced, or 
 been known at least to produce, at any other period, then surely you 
 will not have acted up to your own ideas, or to the expectations 
 which others would have reason to form of you, if you persist in 
 resisting those means, uncertain as they may be, which in the judg- 
 ment of any persons tolerably skilled may afford you any means of 
 relief. Such means have certainly not been wanting ; nor, should 
 the first fail, were others to be despaired of, had there been a fair
 
 WINDHAM TO BURKE 229 
 
 disposition to go in search of them. But in fact the first had not 
 failed. Bath, which every one had agreed to recommend — Bath, the 
 most simple and ready and easily resorted to — Bath had been tried 
 and succeeded on the trial to the full extent that had been hoped. 
 Can you, my dear sir, justify it to yourself, can you justify it to your 
 friends and those most dear to you, that you have suffered yourself 
 to be diverted by a repugnance founded on nothing but a dislike of 
 what you call going into public, to defer a repetition of that remedy, 
 till your disorder has now gained such ground, that no one certainly 
 can pretend to rely with equal confidence on the power of Bath 
 water to stop it ? 
 
 At all events let that, or whatever else may be thought preferable, 
 be tried without delay. I beg only and claim, in the name of myself 
 and of those whose claim must necessarily be far stronger, that you 
 will take without an instant's delay the best advice, and follow 
 implicitly what that advice shall recommend. For this purpose, if 
 you will not consent to come up to town, I shall set off on Thursday, 
 (the Birth-day must prevent my going tomorrow,) and if you do not 
 forbid it, endeavour to bring down D"" Blane\ in whom I feel a 
 considerable confidence, with me. Should he be of opinion with the 
 rest, then Bath is that which promises best. I shall be ready, putting 
 off an excursion, that I had some slight thoughts of, into Norfolk, 
 but to which however there were several objections, to accompany 
 you thither as soon as you please, and to stay with you till the 
 meeting of parliament. I shall endeavour also, before I come, to 
 see D'' Warren. 
 
 My dear Sir, though I hope and trust that your last decay of 
 flesh and strength is no more than that which you experienced 
 previously to your going to Bath first, and may be recovered by the 
 same means, I should certainly never think it necessary in talking to 
 you to dissemble any part of my apprehensions. It is on the 
 contrary in consequence of those apprehensions that I am thus 
 urgent, and thus solemnly adjure you, that you would suffer no time 
 to be lost. 
 
 ' Gilbert Blane, physician to George IV, both as Prince of Wales and as King ; 
 created a baronet in 181 2.
 
 230 WINDHAM TO BURKE 
 
 My fear of being too late for the post obliges me to close this 
 without saying more ; nor do I know indeed what more could be 
 said. The reason of the case lies in a very small compass. That 
 I have said so much is the result only of that earnest affection 
 with which 
 
 I am, my dear sir, 
 
 Most faithfully and anxiously yours 
 
 Wm. Windham. 
 
 Windham to Addington. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37876, f. 298.) 
 
 Bath, Fetf 6'\ 1797. 
 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 I had actually written a letter to you, proposing, in case 
 of your being at home and disengaged, to have the pleasure of 
 dining with you ; but the fear of being detain'd in London by 
 some unforeseen accident made me forbear to send it, and unwilling- 
 ness afterwards to call upon you on a sudden, so late in the day 
 as the time at which I found myself opposite to Woodley, made me 
 " turn the unwilling steeds another way," and resign an opportunity 
 w'^'' I had much counted upon, and w'^^ I fear it will be difficult 
 to replace in my return to London. 
 
 M'" Burke, to whom I shall deliver your obliging message, is 
 as well as I had any reason to expect, and so far better that his 
 Physician does not appear to think so ill of him as most of those 
 whom he had consulted, or who had been consulted about him in 
 London. It is however a very ambiguous and a very doubtful case, 
 and cannot fail to cause much anxiety to all who, like yourself, feel 
 the respect due to his virtues and talents, and the value of his life at 
 a crisis of human affairs such as the present. 
 
 This crisis, by the last dreadful ace''**, becomes more and more 
 alarming. It is plain that as long as the enemy can go on, they will 
 never abandon their schemes of Universal Empire, and, as part of 
 that scheme, their views for the destruction of this Country. If the
 
 WINDHAM TO ADDINGTON 23 1 
 
 Republick subsists, this Country must in my opinion be ultimately 
 destroy'd. The existence of a Republick in France on the principles 
 on w'^'^ this has been establish'd, and will continue to act, does not 
 seem to me to be compatible with the continuance of Monarchies in 
 countries adjoining ; but they wish the destruction of this country 
 beyond that of all others, and upon motives that apply to every 
 feeling of their minds, old or new. I do not say that it is impossible 
 that peace may be made with the Republick, and yet this country 
 not be undone, because peace and the continuance of the Republick 
 may not be the same thing. It is the final compatibility of the two, 
 that is of a Republick in France and Monarchy here, that seems to 
 me so impossible. 
 
 The inference to be drawn from this opinion, supposing the 
 opinion itself to be admitted, may be disputable. It may be said 
 that the prospect of destroying the Republick by War is less than of 
 its falling to pieces of itself in peace ; or that at all events our own 
 chance of preservation by peace is better than by attempting longer 
 to maintain the War. My opinions are not yet alter'd upon that 
 Subject, even if peace on the best terms on which we have ever 
 hoped to have it were in our power ; but in fact all discussion seems 
 likely to be spared upon that point, for the enemy will not give us 
 peace. It is a Bellunt Inter\ne\cinum, whether we will or no; 
 and as it now appears (as it might have done always) that a fleet 
 cannot protect us against Invasion, and as the Rampart formerly 
 establish'd for our protection in the Royalist armies is now levelled 
 with the ground, they will transfer this war, whenever a separate 
 peace with the Emperor or great success against his armies shall 
 leave them at liberty, to be carried on upon our own shores. Fatal 
 would seem to be that error, which supposed that there could be any 
 compromise with this power, and that we could at any time purchase 
 a peace by the sacrifice of part of our possessions ; in this hope 
 we pursued conquests with the sacrifice of our army ; but the 
 conquests, so far as they were made, having fail'd to effect the 
 purpose intended by them, we now find ourselves in the deplorable 
 state of being obliged to fight after our Weapons are gone. The 
 War continues but we have no longer an Army.
 
 232 WINDHAM TO ADDINGTON 
 
 If all this would animate us to right sentiments and inspire 
 us with what I cannot but think right opinions ; if it would be 
 the means of putting the war upon its proper footing, and make 
 us join hand and heart in co-operating with those of the Interior 
 of France to overturn this System ; then indeed I should think 
 that good might grow out of this evil ; but as I have no such 
 expectation I can only view the present state of things with very 
 despondent feelings and yield myself up with a sort of blind 
 insensibility to the fate that seems to await us. 
 
 Yours, dear Sir, very truly, 
 
 W. Windham. 
 
 Windham to Burke. 
 
 (Burke Corr. iv. 427.) 
 
 February 11, 1797. 
 
 My Dear Sir 
 
 I write this from Reading, where I arrived in time to 
 have proceeded to the Speaker's, from whom I have found a note, 
 offering me a bed, and informing me that I should probably meet 
 M' Pitt there. I feel however more disposed at present to remain 
 where I am ; and I should besides have lost the opportunity of 
 shooting back this Parthian arrow at you. I shall join them in the 
 morning, and try my hand, but with little prospect of the effect 
 it will produce, to raise our counsels to some nobler pitch than any 
 they have flown to hitherto. We soar no Pindaric heights ; and 
 I am afraid are now likely to sink lower and lower, and never to rise 
 again in the face of this Gallic falcon. 
 
 My hopes are in you and General Hoche. The recipes are 
 rather of an opposite nature, but may conspire to the same end. To 
 realize one part of them, as well as for every reason, public and 
 private, let me entreat you, my dear sir, to avail yourself of whatever 
 skill and prudence can do for your recovery, and as a main article
 
 WINDHAM TO BURKE 233 
 
 of that prudence at present, to put yourself fairly in the hands of 
 D'' Parry \ 
 
 With best respects to M''* B. and compliments to all who are 
 with you, 
 
 I am, my dear sir, 
 
 Your most faithful and affectionate humble servant 
 
 W. Windham. 
 
 Burke to WindhamI 
 
 (Add. MS. 37843, f. I35-) 
 
 B.ATH, 12 Feb^ [1797]- 
 
 My dear Friend 
 
 How can I find thanks any way proportioned to your 
 unwearied kindness ? I must be silent and restrain my bursts of 
 gratitude, as you desire me to restrain the bursts of my stomach. 
 In the latter I will do what I can. I received your Letter when 
 I was half the channel over in M'' Erskine's Pamphlet^, which would 
 have landed me safely in a good harbour of the Republick one and 
 indivisible, and that too, as M'' Erskine says, upon my own principles. 
 The Pamphlet is better written and less full of Vanity than I expected 
 to find it ; but it is the old matter new hashed up. France would 
 have been very good if she had not been provoked by the wickedness 
 of Great Britain and other powers, who are confederates not against 
 her Ambition but against her Liberty. That she was right in every 
 point and at all times and with all Nations. That the cure for all 
 disorders consists in your making your Representation at home as 
 like hers as possible — in making Peace with her by giving her all 
 that you offer and all that she demands. That by excluding her from 
 all the Continental powers she will become well disposed to you ; 
 and that you and she will become Guardians of Liberty throughout 
 
 ' Charles Henry Parry, a well-known Bath physician. 
 ' Not in Burke's hand. 
 
 * A View of the Causes and Consequences of the present War with France, by 
 Thomas Erskine, afterwards Lord Erskine. 
 
 B.-W. C. 30
 
 234 BURKE TO WINDHAM 
 
 the world. And as for our safety, it will be perfect, provided we do 
 nothing to provoke that irresistible power. And lastly, in which alone 
 I think with him, that for making such a peace it is proper that 
 M"^ Fox and his friends should come into power. I think this is 
 a just Analisys' of M'' Erskine's Pamphlet, which he says he has 
 formed on my opinions, not with relation to France but with relation 
 to America. I am to observe, once for all, that these Gentlemen 
 put the case of France and America exactly upon a Par, and always 
 have done so. I leave them to rejoice in that discovery, and in my 
 inconsistency, and the antidote they have found in one part of my 
 writings against the poison that exists in another. You will observe 
 that their alliance with France and a change in this Constitution are 
 things that always go hand in hand, and I think consistently enough. 
 The only point upon which he is strong, but on which I don't think 
 he makes the most, is M^" Pitt's having refused to make proffers of 
 Peace whilst our affairs were in a prosperous condition, when [alone i*] 
 he allows that any Peace at all can be made with the Regicide 
 powers that is likely to be safe and lasting. But M*" Pitt un- 
 fortunately is in the condition of "Paulo purgante;" — He cannot 
 make Peace and he will not make War. " Deus dabit his quoque 
 finem," which I believe I will not live to see. I wish [I] may live to 
 make my final protest against the proceedings of both factions. God 
 bless you, and preserve you to better times, for which bettering of 
 the times your preservation may be very essential. I continue just 
 as I was, with the difference of a bad Night. Doctor Parry has just 
 given me a purgative medicine, and I assure you I implicitly obey 
 his directions. I cannot yet walk or stand firm, but I can read upon 
 my back and dictate, as I do now, whilst all the great hunters are 
 driving their spears into a dead Boar. Once more God bless you, 
 and for the few moments I have to live, believe me devotedly 
 
 Yours 
 
 Edm. Burke. 
 
 ' The spelling is that of the amanuensis.
 
 windham to burke 235 
 
 Windham to Burke. 
 
 (Burke Corn iv. 429.) 
 
 Friday, six o'clock, Feb. 17, i797- 
 My Dear Sir, 
 
 You may imagine what our anxiety is, when your fate 
 almost may hang upon the report which each day may bring. 
 D'- Parry's opinion has every air of being right. God grant that 
 your strength may hold out, so as to give a fair chance to the 
 course he is pursuing. 
 
 In such a state of uncertainty about what is so infinitely precious, 
 one has no heart to talk much about other things j I should otherwise 
 like to tell you that the paper which villainy has thus brought out' is 
 received in a manner which could leave you nothing to regret, but 
 the havoc it is making with the character and credit of M'' Fox. 
 One hardly knows what to wish upon that subject ; but with respect 
 to you, nothing can be more satisfactory. M^' Pitt, with whom I first 
 saw it, when we met at the Speaker's, was not only highly gratified 
 with it (more perhaps than one would wish him to be), but thought 
 it a model of the sort of style in which it was written ; and which by 
 the way, when it suits the subject, is more forcible than any other, 
 and always accords more with the general taste. 
 
 Another satisfactory circumstance, which I should like to dilate 
 to you, in the midst of an ocean of calamitj-, is the manner in which 
 the fatal reverses in Italy have been received at Vienna. No 
 despondency, no change or relaxation of purpose ; a determination 
 to pursue the war to the last extremity. 
 
 The secretary of Sir Charles Whitworth too, who is come over 
 from Petersburgh, gives hopes of the Emperor of Russia. But 
 of that, when you hear that he is an illuming, your hopes, any 
 more than mine (notwithstanding many favourable circumstances), 
 
 will not be sanguine. 
 
 Ever, my dear sir, most faithfully yours 
 
 W. Windham. 
 
 > A private letter of Burke's to Portland in 1793, published in 1797 by an un- 
 authorised person under the title of Kfty-four Articles of Impeachment against the 
 Right Hon. C. /. Fox. It is printed, with its proper title. Observations on the Conduct 
 of the Minority, etc., in the Works (ed. 1852, vol. v. p. 68). ^
 
 236 lady spencer to windham 
 
 Lady Spencer to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37845, f. I55-) 
 
 Wimbledon, April 20"": '97. 
 My dear Mr Windham, 
 
 Lord Spencer in a note I have just rec*^ bids me tell you 
 
 that to his heart he feels your friendship and affection in the offer 
 
 you have made to him of going to Ports'*' to share with him the 
 
 difficulties of the sad, sad situation he is involved in at that alarming 
 
 post. So hurried is he, that he has not a moment to express to you 
 
 the thanks he owes you, but has desired me to convey them to you. 
 
 He thinks you need not distress yourself by coming to him and 
 
 being a witness to the terrifying scene now passing under his eyes — 
 
 for that you cou'd do no good as to the quieting the men, and that 
 
 as to himself he is so taken up by business, that he knows not 
 
 if a moment cou'd be passed in so pleasant a way, as it wou'd be 
 
 were you to go to him. — Alas ! my dear Sir, we none of us know the 
 
 end of this most awful affair. Lord S. writes in very low spirits 
 
 but " Hope travels through, nor leaves us till the last " as he says — 
 
 and let us hold her fast while we may. Dundas, whom I have just 
 
 seen, seems full as serious on the business as I am, and truly there is 
 
 food for thought in the present prospect of things. The quietness 
 
 of the men, tho' comfortable in some respects, yet in others is most 
 
 alarming — it proves a steadiness in them to accomplish their object, 
 
 which overpowers me, whatever it may do other people. They at 
 
 first agreed to be satisfied with L** Sp.'s concessions, but then got off 
 
 again by insisting on including the Marines — a most artful subterfuge! 
 
 By making this hitherto useful body of men a party in their demands 
 
 they ensure their concurrence in all of them. Thus situated, what 
 
 can be done to reduce this rebellious Spirit, I can not foresee. Of 
 
 course their demands have gone on increasing, and Lord S. tells 
 
 Dundas he can grant no more than he has done already, as he 710110 
 
 feels responsible for more than he shall feel comfortable under untill 
 
 he is sanctioned by Parliament. That a Mutiny of this extent shou'd 
 
 ' Endorsed, Received, Bath, 22°<'.
 
 LADY SPENCER TO WINDHAM 237 
 
 have been brewing for 3 months, and not one word of it to have 
 transpired, is most wonderful. Surely, surely it implies a strange 
 want of knowledge amongst the Officers. — Sir And. Douglas's illness 
 has been the cause of the whole I do believe. An Acting Captain 
 was put into the O. Charlotte in the meanwhile, and they never have 
 the influence, or the wish to act, as the real Captain wou'd do in 
 cases of this sort. Then the Queen's is a most dreadful crew, 
 owing to the childish fondness for his men of Sir Allan Gard[ner]. — 
 He excuses faults no other man wou'd do, from a culpable wish not 
 to do harm to any one belonging to him or his ship — foolish man ! 
 And then the Q. Charlotte was Lord Howe's Ship ! — I dare say no 
 more even to you — but indeed Benevolence is a hard virtue to 
 practice now-a-days. I know not if you will understand me or my 
 letter but I am just now a good deal agitated, and unfit to write 
 coherently. — God alone is to be looked to as our refuge. May He 
 in his Mercy, and for his blessed Son's sake, give us help and 
 assistance. Alas ! we pray to Him in our adversities — do we 
 acknowledge him sufficiently in our prosperities ? My dear M"" W. 
 Mon cceur est sur nies levres when I write or speak to you, and 
 you are good enough to excuse one — but I only write to you. 
 Adieu. 
 
 The committee over which Spencer presided sat at Portsmouth 
 from the i8th to the 23rd and agreed to recommend to Parliament 
 what was practically a concession of the men's terms, and were able 
 also to promise a pardon to the mutineers. The men returned to 
 duty, but still with some misgivings as to the sincerity of the 
 promises ; and the mutiny broke out again at St Helen's on 
 7 May, only to be pacified by the arrival of Lord Howe, with an 
 Act of Parliament for the increased wages and a proclamation of the 
 King's pardon, on the 14th.
 
 238 windham to burke 
 
 Windham to Burke. 
 
 (Burke Corr. iv. 439.) 
 
 FuLHAM, Apr. 25, 1797. 
 
 My dear Sir 
 
 I cannot help troubling you with a few lines to enforce 
 the purpose which you appeared to have formed when I left you, — 
 of putting out a short letter on the measures necessary to be taken 
 for the immediate safety of the country ; or, at least, with a view to 
 anything like a successful termination of the war. The danger is 
 coming thundering upon us, and, as far as I can perceive, will find us 
 miserably unprepared, in means as well as in spirit, for such a crisis 
 as it is likely to bring with it. When the fund of submission fails 
 us, we have no other ; and it seems that, liberally as we are disposed 
 to draw upon that resource, there is not much more that' it can yield 
 us. Though the East Indies should follow the West, though Ceylon 
 and the Cape should go the same road as Martinico, St Domingo, 
 and all the splendid possessions that we have purchased at the 
 expense of the forces by which they were to be retained, yet it is not 
 clear that the enemy will vouchsafe us peace ; and still less clear is 
 it, that the country could survive such a peace three years. 
 
 In this state it seems impossible, at least it is not to be wished, 
 that the country should go on long without some great struggle, — 
 a struggle to throw off this load of peccant matter that oppresses it, 
 and to set the vital powers free, if they yet retain sufficient force and 
 spring to recover us from the state of debility to which we are 
 reduced. The idea of a country perishing, as we are doing, not by 
 the course of nature, not by the decay of any vital part, hardly even 
 by disease or sickness, but by the constraint of a situation, in which 
 all our powers are rendered useless, and all our efforts serve only to 
 exhaust ourselves, is more horrible than any other mode of ruin ; 
 and recalls to one's thoughts what I recollect to have read of, a year 
 or two ago, of a man, who having wedged his hand in a rock on the 
 sea-shore was held there till the tide flowed over and drowned him. 
 We are fixed in a similar cleft ; and here, I fear, we shall remain 
 ' Misprinted (or miswritten ?) than.
 
 WINDHAM TO BURKE 239 
 
 Struggling and beating ourselves to pieces, till the great revolutionary 
 tide pours over us and whelms us, never to be heard of more. 
 
 I cannot but think therefore, at such a moment, a letter like that 
 which you had in contemplation would be of the most seasonable use, 
 by showing to the country a way in which its zeal and energy, if it 
 has any, may find vent. I have but little doubt that there is in the 
 country a considerable deal of energy ; at least, in comparison of 
 anything that has yet appeared. But it is the want of knowing how 
 to exert it that has repelled and kept it down. 
 
 The common feeling of people is, and that which sinks them into 
 inaction and despondency, that there is nothing to be done ; that 
 every means have been tried, or at least that none now remains. 
 The idea of offensive war is so totally lost ; the means of such a war 
 appear so totally exhausted; the ignorance of the people is so 
 complete, or rather their ideas are so false, of the state of things in 
 the maritime provinces, and of the effects to be produced there, if we 
 were really to direct our efforts on that side, that they never will 
 conceive of themselves the possibility of such a war, nor ever, I fear, 
 be brought to it, except by being made to understand that peace 
 is absolutely unattainable, and that an attack upon the coast of 
 France is the only means of defence. 
 
 It must after all be confessed, that when the whole force of 
 France and all its dependencies shall be transferred to this side, the 
 dispositions of the royalists, aided by all the efforts that we can make, 
 will find it sufficiently difficult to produce any effect. Still it is the 
 only chance, and that which affords you the benefit of other chances; 
 
 the commotions namely, which may be expected in other parts of 
 
 France, and which such diversion is most likely to bring on, as well 
 as turn to account. 
 
 I have not an idea, while I am stating this, that such a plan will 
 ever be attempted by the present Cabinet, nor would the attempt of 
 bringing the country to such ideas be made with most advantage 
 in their persons. But necessity may bring on something of the sort. 
 Attempts continually made on our coasts may lead in the end to 
 a return ; commotions in France may again raise the Vendee and 
 the Chouans; and thus a war be gradually formed in which the
 
 240 WINDHAM TO BURKE 
 
 royalists of both countries may find themselves united against that 
 union which has long taken place between the Jacobins of the two 
 countries. The difficulty, I fear, will be to find the royalists here. 
 It will hardly be in M'" Fox and his friends ; and I do not think that 
 among M'' Pitt's friends the spirit of royalty burns with too bright 
 a flame. 
 
 The business of the fleet is as well over as such a thing can be. 
 I am almost inclined to wish that the Admiralty had refused to 
 comply, and tried the bringing home Jervis's fleet to stop any 
 attempt of the mutineers to carry the fleet to the enemy ; depending 
 upon the dissensions that would have arisen among them and the 
 dread of consequences, when they had time to contemplate them, for 
 reducing them to submission in the meantime. 
 
 What news may be in London at present, I don't know, as I 
 write this from Fulham. The last gives the possibility of some turn 
 that may save the Emperor from immediate submission ; but it is 
 only a possibility. One anecdote of the Emperor I cannot forbear 
 mentioning. When his courtiers were besieging him with demands 
 for peace, and urging that Vienna must fall, he answered by saying, 
 "Eh bien ! est ce que Vienne est I'Empire.''" The Emperor and 
 Thugut however are the only persons who stand upon that ground. 
 I believe we also have an Emperor here to do the same : but where 
 is the Thugut .'' 
 
 Farewell ! my dear sir. To keep as distant as possible one of 
 the great Calamities of the time, take care of yourself; conform to 
 D'' Parry's directions ; and I should still be inclined to add, consent, 
 now that you are going on so well, to let D"" Eraser be prepared 
 with a knowledge of your case. I do not see what levity there 
 could be in this ; and I certainly see the chance at least of some 
 advantage. 
 
 I am, my dear sir, most truly yours 
 
 Wm. Windham. 
 
 Let me beg you to add my best respects to M'''' Burke, and 
 compliments to the rest of your family.
 
 burke to windham 24i 
 
 Burke to Windham ^ 
 
 (Add. MS. 37843, f. 1 74-) 
 
 Bath, 26"* April, 1797. 
 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 I have not been so ill since you left me as not to have 
 been able to make a beginning, if not a progress, in the execution of 
 your commands ; but to do anything without raising a Spirit (I mean 
 a National Spirit) with all the energy and much of the conduct of a 
 Party Spirit, I hold to be a thing absolutely impossible ; and I hold 
 it to be impossible to raise that Spirit whilst the Minister who ought 
 to excite it and direct it, and to employ it for the purposes of his own 
 existence, as well as that of his Master and his Country, is the very 
 person who oppresses it ; and who, with double the expence and 
 double the apparatus of every sort with which our most vigourous 
 Wars were ever carried on, is resolved to make no War at all. Our 
 only hope is in a submission to the Enemy by taking up the principles 
 of that Enemy at home, and by submit[t]ing to any terms which the 
 directing body of that Enemy abroad shall think fit to prescribe. 
 If they demand Portsmouth as a cautionary town, it will be yielded 
 to them ; and as to our Navy, that has already perished with its 
 discipline for ever. I have my thoughts upon a modification, without 
 a departure from the terms, of our late unhappy submission, but they 
 are of no moment, because no attention will be paid to them. What 
 cure for all this ? What but in that spirit " which might create a 
 Soul under the ribs of Death " ? But to this end it is absolutely 
 necessary that no terms within or without doors should be kept with 
 the French party in our Parliament ; who must be treated as public 
 Enemies, else they and the Head of the Republic abroad will 
 infallibly overpower all the feeble force of a flying resistance. But 
 can such a creature as I undertake the task, when the very Ministers, 
 whom I must by the necessity of the case support, will the very next 
 day, tho' without anything reciprocal on the part of their Enemies, 
 will [sic') calmly discuss with them the merits of the public measures as 
 
 ' In Nagle's hand. 
 
 B.-W. C. 31
 
 242 BURKE TO WINDHAM 
 
 if they were members of the same Cabinet, differing not in principle 
 but upon some points more or less ? Despairing as I do of anything 
 that can be executed under this prevalence of no spirit, I should not 
 at all despair of the people if they were roused. A Pamphlet has 
 been sent to me called " Reasons against National despondency \" 
 It is ably written, and with regard to myself personally it is in one 
 part very flattering, but it is all written upon the false principle of 
 decorum and management with the persons whose Politics it opposes. 
 This is the only tone which I suspect that those who support 
 Ministry will bear, because the conduct of Ministers makes them 
 look hourly for a change or for a compromise. Yet with all this 
 before me I will endeavour to execute what you desire, tho' as 
 disjoined from the rest of my plan it will lose something of its feeble 
 effect. Another great difficulty there is, which consists in this : that 
 the ministers must overthrow the whole legal establishment of their 
 Army, and that speedily ; else nothing can be done agreeably to our 
 plans. I am clearly of Opinion that as we stand at present we are 
 not in a posture, any more than a disposition, to take the only active 
 measure of defence which remains to us, namely to make an active 
 war in the territory of France. But I wish you would take a real 
 view of our applicable strength, which I am not in a condition to do, 
 and particularly with regard to what Cavalry could be got together 
 here or in Ireland, after the fatal measure of disbanding several 
 of the Corps of that kind which had been raised. Will you be so 
 good as to furnish me with the details of the killed and wounded in 
 this War on the Continent, as well as the List, if the Office contains 
 it, of the killed and wounded in the Seven Years War, both on the 
 Continent of Europe, in North America, and in the West Indies, 
 including ours and the Provincial troops at the Havannah ? I hope 
 I am not over-immersed in details, but I cannot well go on without 
 them. Unfortunately I cannot find that Quiberon Paper, but Nagle 
 and I have hunted for it in vain. God bless you and preserve you 
 to better times. 
 
 M^^ Burke always remembers you with affection and gratitude, 
 and I can never think of my miserable health without a proper sensi- 
 ' An answer to Erskine's View of the Causes.
 
 BURKE TO WINDHAM 243 
 
 bility to your uncommon solicitude about it. Except the difficulty of 
 opening my body, I am otherwise better, and have [had] no bad 
 night since you left us. Adieu, once more. God bless you. 
 
 Y'"^ ever affectionately 
 
 Edm. Burke. 
 
 The following verses were written before things came to their 
 apparent worst point. There was still need for further "negative 
 successes," for on 20 May broke out the more serious mutiny 
 at the Nore, this time undoubtedly the work of a " sea-lawyer," a 
 plausible scamp named Richard Parker, recently released from prison 
 on condition of joining the Navy. The mischief spread to the North 
 Sea fleet, then practically in presence of the enemy, and was only 
 gradually quelled by a vigorous use of such resources as remained to 
 the Admiralty in shore-batteries and the removal of the buoys and 
 marks without which unskilled seamen could hardly find their way 
 out of the Thames. It ended on 14 June in the surrender for trial 
 and execution of the ringleader. 
 
 G. Canning to Windham. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37844, f. 267.) 
 
 Spring Gardens. May 12, 1797. 
 Most Private. 
 
 Windham ! whene'er thy fervent mind 
 Some thought, uncommon, just, refined, 
 
 In happiest phrase expresses; 
 Thy vulgar audience stare and gape, 
 And shout, and chuckle, at the scrape 
 
 Of "Negative Sticcesses." 
 
 31—2
 
 244 CANNING TO WINDHAM 
 
 2. 
 
 Oh tell me ! does today's Event 
 Serve to illustrate what you meant ? 
 
 — Or will the Soldiers riot ? 
 Oh ! if the Guards have not rebell'd, 
 And if the naval fray is quell'd, 
 
 If Portsmouth yet is quiet ; — 
 
 3- 
 Come Windham ! celebrate with me 
 
 This day of joy and jubilee, 
 
 This day of no disaster ! 
 
 Our Government is not o'erturn'd — 
 
 Huzza ! — our Fleet has not been burn'd 
 
 Our Army's not our Master. 
 
 G. C. 
 
 Burke to Windham'. 
 
 (Add. MS. 37843, f- 187.) 
 
 Bath, i^'" May, 1797. 6/ 
 
 My dear Friend, ' 
 
 You cannot be very much at a loss for the cause of my 
 not answering your last Letter before this time, though its kindness 
 well deserved my most early attention ; but grief, shame, indignation, 
 and utter despair have so fermented in my mind, as to produce there 
 a disorder as strong as the fermentation which my food undergoes in 
 my miserable stomach. What could I give you but one of my mental 
 eructations ? There is an end of us. The Revolution is accomplished, 
 even before the Jacobin Peace. It has happened, as I long feared 
 it would, that the danger has commenced in the very foundations of 
 our false security. We have paid near ^600,000 a year for the 
 destruction of our Naval discipline and Naval fidelity for ever : and 
 this unfortunate measure of buying mutiny and insubordination in the 
 Navy has been followed by a beginning in the Army, which will run 
 through the whole ; and as most certainly it will be the measure, on 
 such a peace as they will make, to keep up a great Military and 
 
 ^ Not in Burke's hand.
 
 BURKE TO WINDHAM 245 
 
 Naval establishment, the expence will be enormous. Among the 
 people it will be a perpetual source of discontent ; and in proportion 
 as Troops and Seamen are idle and unemployed, in that proportion 
 will be their disposition to every species of insubordination. But 
 among all the parts of this fatal measure the Mission of my Lord 
 Howe has been by far the most mischievous. Had a great Naval 
 Commander been sent down — " Gravem pietate et mentis virum 
 quem " — to awe the seditious into obedience, it would have been the 
 best thing that could have been thought of; but to send the first 
 name in the Navy, and who had been but lately a Cabinet Minister 
 and First Lord of the Admiralty, at upwards of 70 years of age, 
 to hunt amongst mutineers for grievances, to take the Law from 
 Joice, a seditious Clubist of Belfast, and to remove by his orders 
 some of the principal Officers of the Navy, puts an end to all hopes 
 for ever. Such mischief need not to have been attended with so much 
 degradation. There is an amnesty for rebellion, but none for Officers 
 who do their duty. They, and they only, are punished and degraded. 
 The Mutineers now choose their own Officers, or have at least a 
 Negative on them, and all officers who go to sea are apprized of the 
 tenures by which they hold, and must, in future, comport themselves, 
 not as Naval Commanders, but as Candidates at an election. All 
 this is the fruit of the snug system of our plan in a Home defence. 
 I see by the Irish Gov* Newspapers that 8,000 men have been 
 either sent, or are sending, to Ireland to support a Military Govern- 
 ment there under the auspices of that junto to which both Kingdoms 
 are sacrificed. Do you really believe, or does any one believe, that 
 such a military Government can be supported by the joint finances 
 of both Nations ? I am sure Ireland can contribute little or nothing 
 towards it. I see they are making a run, through the most con- 
 temptible wretch on earth. Lord Dillon', and another, not much less 
 so, a M'' Day, at my friend Doctor Hussey-, upon account of his zeal 
 in strengthening his flock according to his principles against the 
 religious persecution which, under pretence of military discipline, 
 has been exercized against the Roman Catholic soldiery. Excuse 
 me if I speak my mind freely. These people have perfidiously 
 
 ' Charles, 1 2th Viscount Dillon. 
 
 ' Thomas Hussey, Bishop of Waterford and Lismore.
 
 246 BURKE TO WINDHAM 
 
 quarreled upon this very head with one of the worthiest, most 
 disinterested, most able and most zealous friends that Government 
 ever had. When the Duke of Portland sent him to Ireland, he 
 declared to His Grace in the fullest manner, that if it was intended 
 that he should go over for the purpose of deluding any of those of 
 his own communion, and particularly, the Catholic Military to whom 
 he was appointed Chaplain-General, into an acquiescence under 
 oppression or persecution, that He never would act that part ; and 
 explained himself in the same manner to M"^ Pelham. But I see 
 that the plan is to remove, and if possible to destroy, any of that 
 religion who will not be their tools in establishing a Jacobin indiffer- 
 ence to all religion ; and a hatred to the ruling one among the 
 common people, who are altogether composed of Catholics, and who 
 if they have not that religion, will have no other. It is all over with 
 the Peace and property of that Kingdom. Adieu, my dear friend, 
 and believe me ever faithfully and affectionately 
 
 y-rs 
 
 Edm. Burke. 
 
 There is nothing that gives me so much consolation as that 
 I have opened my mind very fully on Irish affairs to M'' Dundas, 
 in two conversations which lasted for four hours. I entered into the 
 minutest details concerning Ireland, to make him sensible of the 
 consequences of what was then doing, and I must do him the Justice 
 to say, that he heard me not only with great patience, but with the 
 utmost humanity and kindness, though I very soon found, that 
 neither my laborious remonstrance nor his indulgent hearing pro- 
 duced any effect whatsoever for the purpose I had so much at Heart — 
 the Peace of Ireland, its consolidation with this Kingdom, and a 
 direction of our common force against our common Enemy. 
 
 Here the letters to Windham end. The Correspondence contains 
 a few later letters to others (22-28 May), and the story of his illness 
 is told in the letters of his physicians and of Woodford in Add. MS. 
 37843. He died on 9 July 1797.
 
 INDEX 
 
 Adair, James, i8o 
 
 Addington, Henry, i6o, 232, 235; letter 
 
 to, from Windham, 1797, 230 
 Albert de Rioms, Francois (or Charles?) 
 
 Hector d', 122 
 Alsace, 78 
 America, British, 242 
 
 , United States of, 26, 49, 87, 234 
 
 Anderson, Rev. Benjamin, 167 sq. 
 Artois, Comte d', v. Charles Philippe 
 Asgill, Capt. Charles, 214 sq. 
 Ashurst, William Henry, judge, 177 
 Association, Burke's project for, 146, 
 
 177 
 Auckland, Lord, v. Eden, William 
 Austria, 84, 86, 211 sqq., 220, 235, 240 
 
 Balloon ascent, Windham's, 1785, 4, 5 
 Bantry Bay, 226 
 Baretti, Giuseppe, trial of, 19 
 Bayham, Lord, v. Pratt, John Jeffreys 
 Beaconsfield, resources of, for war, 179 
 Bedford, Duke of, v. Russell, Francis 
 Bennett, William, Bishop of Cloyne, 124 
 Bentinck, Lady Charlotte, marriage of, 
 
 1793' 40 
 
 , Lord William, 52 
 
 , William Cavendish, Duke of Port- 
 land, Prime Minister, 1783, 2, 3; visits 
 Burke, 1784, 1785, 4, 5, 6 ; Chancellor 
 of Oxford University, 29 sq. ; vacillation 
 of, 1793' 35 sqq.; unwilling to join 
 Ministry, 55 sq. ; but supports the war, 
 17,85; offered the garter, 99 ; Secretary 
 of State, 1794, 113; wishes to resign 
 on the Irish difificulty, 124; distress 
 of, at Fitzwilliam's recall, 1795, i5^j 
 letters to Windham, 1792-1794, 31, 
 95. I07' III' 124, 128, 139; letter 
 
 to, from Burke, 1795, 169; letter to, 
 
 from Windham, 1793, 52 
 Beresford, Hon. John, dismissed by Lord 
 
 Fitzwilliam, 1795, '53 
 Bertier de Sauvigny, Louis Benigne Fran- 
 
 gois, 215 
 Bingham, Charles, 1st Baron Lucas, 82, 86 
 Bird, Mr, 187 
 Bishop, a revolutionary, on the God of 
 
 Nature and Liberty, 79 
 Blane, Gilbert, afterw. ist Bart., 229 
 Bois-le-Duc, 142 
 Bollmann, Dr, 219 n. 
 Bolsover Castle, 162 
 Botany Bay, 167 
 Bourbon, Cape, 107 
 Bourbon, Louis Henri Joseph, Due de, 
 
 194 sq., 220 
 Brazil, 224 
 Brest, 221, 225 sqq. 
 Bridport, Lord, v. Hood, Alexander 
 Brighton, 71 
 Bristol, proposed address from, on the 
 
 Regency question, 1789, 16 
 Brittany, Royalist forces in, 39, 92, 164, 
 
 172 sqq., 193, 239 
 Brocklesby, Dr Richard, 204 
 Brooks' Club, 1 1 
 Browne, Mr, 128 
 Brunswick, Duke of, v. Charles William 
 
 Ferdinand 
 Buller, Sir Francis, 150 
 Bureau de Pusy, Jean Xavier, 215 n. 
 Burke, Edmund, not considered suitable 
 
 for high office, 1789, lo ; on the 
 
 Regency Bill, 1789, 11 — 18; opinion 
 of the French Constitution of 1789, 
 
 20 sqq. ; Reflections on the Revolution 
 in France, 21 ; Letter to a Member of
 
 248 
 
 INDEX 
 
 the National Assembly, 23 ; rupture 
 with Fox, 1791, 23 sq. ; at variance 
 with Windham on the earlier stages 
 of the French revolution, 23 sqq. ; 
 speech on Fox's motion for peace, 
 1793, 42 n. ; his prophecies of the 
 French constitution fulfilled, 59; speech 
 on Emigrant Bill, 107 ; thanked by the 
 House of Commons, 1794, 113; false 
 report of his being provost of Trinity 
 College, 1794, 117; proposes an 
 Association, 1794, 1795, 146, 177; 
 buys oxen for ploughing, 1795, 175, 
 179; memoire to Mr Pitt, 1795, 177; 
 his preparations for war, 1795, 179; 
 exordium for Reeves, 1795, 182; starts 
 a school for emigres at Penn, 1796, 
 190, 194 sq. ; sketch of a negro code, 
 190; exaggerated views of, on Ireland, 
 1796, 203 ; Letters on a Regicide Peace, 
 179 6- 1797, 207; Fifty-four Articles of 
 Impeachment against Rt. Hon. C. J. Fox, 
 improperly published, 1797, 235; letters 
 to and from, see Table of Contents 
 
 Burke, Mrs, 5 sq., 51, 68, 79, 149, 156, 
 171, 189, 195 sqq., 201, 213, 242 
 
 , Richard, brother of Edmund Burke, 
 
 5. 6, 12 
 , , son of Edmund Burke, 5 ; 
 
 death of, 1794, 115, 175; character 
 of, 145 ; letters to Windham, 1794, 94, 
 108 sq. 
 — , William, 67, 171 
 
 Cadiz, 220 
 
 Cadres, the, 198 sqq. 
 
 Calais, 116 
 
 Cambray, 50 
 
 Camden, Earls of, v. Pratt 
 
 Canning, George, 218; letter to Windham 
 in verse, 1797, 243 
 
 Cape of Good Hope, 185, 238 
 
 Carey, Henry, Dragon of Wantley, 168 
 
 Caroline of Brunswick, marries the Prince 
 of Wales, 1795, 157 
 
 Castries, Corps of, 198 sqq. 
 
 Catherine II, Empress of Russia, 220 
 
 Cavendish, Georgiana, Duchess of Devon- 
 shire, Diary of, 10 
 
 Cavendish, Lord John, 221 
 
 , William, 5th Duke of Devonshire, 
 
 106, 158 
 Cazales, Jacques Antoine Marie de, 201 
 Ceylon, 238 
 Charette de la Contrie, Frangois Athanase, 
 
 172, 193 
 Charles Philippe, Comte d'Artois, afterw. 
 
 Charles X, 92 ; see also France, 
 
 Princes of 
 Charles William Ferdinand, Duke of 
 
 Brunswick, retreats from Valmy, 1792, 
 
 31 ; repoited victory of, 1794, 94 
 Chatham, Earl of, v- Pitt, John 
 Choiseul, Claude Antoine Gabriel, Due de, 
 
 187 
 Chouans, the, 193, 239 
 Church, Mr, 219 
 
 Cloyne, Bishop of, v. Bennett, William 
 Coblenz, 106 
 Coburg, Frederick Josias, Prince of, 73, 
 
 86 
 Coke, Thomas William, afterw. Earl of 
 
 Leicester, 51 
 Colpoys, Rear-Adm. John, 221, 226 
 Conolly, Thomas, 2 
 Cooke, Edward, 155 
 Corsica, occupation of, 147, 204, 210 
 Corunna, 221 
 Cowper, Henry, 150 
 Craufurd, Col. Charles, 218 
 
 , Robert, afterw. General, 218 
 
 Crevecoeur, 50 
 
 Crewe, Frances Anne, afterw. Lady Crewe, 
 
 50, 194, 196; accident to, 1795, 169; 
 
 letters to, from Burke, 1795, 156, 158; 
 
 e.Ktr. of letters to, from Windham, 1796, 
 
 203 
 Creyk, Capt. Richard, 144 
 Cuppage, Capt. William, 166 sq. 
 
 Dallimore, Mr, 179 
 
 Dalrymple, Gen. William, 226 n. 
 
 Darner, George, Viscount Milton, 153, 
 
 157 
 Day, Mr, 245 
 Declaration by Britain of objects of the 
 
 war, 1793, 78, 80 
 Delancey, Major-Gen. Oliver, i66
 
 INDEX 
 
 249 
 
 Devonshire, address from, on the Regency, 
 
 1789. 15 
 , Duchess of, v. Cavendish, 
 
 Georgiana 
 , Duke of, V. Cavendish, WilUam 
 
 Dillon, Charles, 12th Viscount Dillon, 
 
 245 
 Dixon, Mr, 2 
 Douglas, Sir Andrew, 237 
 , Sylvester, afterw. Baron Glenbernie, 
 
 99, 124, 143 
 Dryden, John, 109 
 Dublin, Trinity College, Provostship of, 
 
 vacant, 1794, 117, 124 
 Dumouriez, Charles Francois Duperrier, 
 
 General, defeat and defection of, 1793, 
 
 33. 37 
 
 Dundas, Henry, 41, 46 sq., 61, 92, 113, 
 143, 155. 166, 173, 192, 246; letter to 
 Windham, 1796, 198; extr. of letters 
 to, from Windham, 1796, 193, 198; 
 letter to, from Windham, 1796, 200 
 
 Dunkirk, unsuccessful siege of, 43, 49 sq., 
 51, 56, 58, 69, 71, 83 
 
 Eden, William, ist Baron Auckland, 185, 
 188 
 
 Elizabeth, Queen, Association formed 
 under, 146, 177 
 
 Elliot, Anna Maria, Lady Elliot, afterw. 
 Countess of Minto, 46 
 
 , Sir Gilbert, afterw. ist Earl of Minto, 
 
 on Irish Secretaryship, i n.; engaged 
 on Hastings' impeachment, 1788, 9; 
 on the Regency question, 10; on the 
 Canada Bill, 1791, 24; opinions on 
 the war, 1793, 35 sq. ; declaration of 
 Whig policy by, 1793, 36; confers with 
 Ministers, 1793, 41 ; offers of office to, 
 1793, 42 ; proposed mission to Dunkirk, 
 changed to Toulon, 1793, 43; sent 
 to Toulon, 57, 69 sq. ; assisted by 
 Hippisley, 62 ; Burke not in his full 
 confidence, 77 ; on Burke's reward, 109; 
 letters to Windham, 1793, 43, 47, 60 
 
 , William, of Wells, 114 n., 162, 179; 
 
 letter to Windham, 1796, 206 
 Ellis, George, 115 
 
 , William, 106 
 
 B.-w. c. 
 
 Ernest, Prince, 205 n. 
 
 Erskine, Monsignor Charles, 64, 81, 88, 
 
 92 
 , Thomas, afterw. Lord Erskine, 
 
 View of the Causes of the War, 233, 
 
 242 n. 
 Eyre, Sir James, 150 
 
 Fane, John, E. of Westmorland, 114, 123, 
 125 sq., 136 
 
 Farrant, Dr, 2 
 
 Ferrol, 221 
 
 Fitzgerald, William Robert, 2nd Duke of 
 Leinster, 2 
 
 Fitzgibbon, John, Viscount Fitzgibbon, 
 Lord Chancellor of Ireland, 122 
 
 Fitzherbert, Alley ne, Irish Secretary, i n. 
 
 , Mrs, 7, 18 
 
 Fitzpatrick, Gen. Richard, 211 n., 214 n., 
 217 
 
 Fitzroy, Charles, afterw. Baron South- 
 ampton, 57 
 
 Fitzwilliam, Charlotte, Countess Fitz- 
 william, 159 sq. 
 
 , William Wentworth, Earl Fitz- 
 william, offered a raarquisate, 99; 
 President of the Council, 1794, 113; 
 indiscreet conduct of, 122 ; Burke's 
 obligations to, 131 ; Lord Lieutenant 
 of Ireland, 143 ; dismisses Beresford, 
 1795.153; recalled, 156 sqq.; letters to 
 Windham, 1794-1795, 122, 153; letters 
 to, from Windham, 1 794-1 795, 125, 154 
 
 Flanders, evacuated by the French, 1793, 
 
 38 
 
 Fontenaye, Madame de, i86 
 
 Forbes, George, 6th Earl of Granard, 155 
 
 Foulon, Josepii Francois, 2 n sq. 
 
 Fox, Charles James, trusts too much to 
 accident, 1784, 4, 5 ; ill-health of, 1788, 
 9 ; views and speech on the Regency, 
 1789, 12, 14; spoken of by Pitt as if 
 minister designate, 1789, 15 ; rupture 
 with Burke, 1791, 23 sq. ; speech on 
 the French constitution, 1791, 24; at 
 variance with Windham and Elliot, 
 '793' 35) ™otion in favour of peace, 
 1793, 42; alienation from his party, 
 56 ; Pitt or he the only possible 
 
 32
 
 250 
 
 INDEX 
 
 ministers, 59 ; on the Prince's debts, 
 
 1795, 163; elected for Westminster, 
 
 1796, 195 ; on the budget, 1796, 211 ; 
 Burke's tract against, improperly pub- 
 lished, 1797, 235 
 
 France, Burke's opinion of the constitu- 
 tion of 1789, 20 sqq. ; Windham's 
 travels in, 1788, 1789, 7, 19 ; Windham 
 at first not adverse to the revolution, 
 23 sqq. ; declaration of war with Eng- 
 land, 1793, 33; constitution of 1789, 
 59 ; Republican Calendar, 75 n. ; 
 emigrant clergy of, in England, 162, 
 167 sqq. 
 
 , Princes of, 81, 91, 106 
 
 Francis II, Emperor of Germany, 86, 
 211 sqq., 220, 235, 240 
 
 Francis, Philip, plan of slavery reform, 
 190 sq. 
 
 Fraser, Dr, 240 
 
 Frederick, Duke of York, 50, 201 
 
 Frederick William II, King of Prussia, 
 84, 106, 220 
 
 Friends of the People, Society of, 82 
 
 Fulham, 240 
 
 FuUarton, Col. William, 39, 42 
 
 Gardner, Sir Alan, 195 
 
 George III, Windham's account of illness 
 of, 1788, 7 ; attack upon, 1795, '^^ 
 
 George, Prince of Wales, afterw. George 
 IV, marriage with Mrs Fitzherbert, 7, 
 18 ; expected, as regent, to bring in 
 the Whigs, 1789, 10 sq. ; necessity for 
 his marrying a princess, 1789, 18; 
 marriage, 1795, 157 ; payment of debts 
 of, 179s, 163; unpopularity of, 195 
 
 Gibraltar, siege of, 167 
 
 Grattan, Henry, 2, 124, 128 sq., 139 sq., 
 153 sqq. 
 
 Granville, Thomas, 106, in, 114 sq., 202 
 
 , William Wyndham, Lord Grenville, 
 
 51. 175 
 Greville, Charles, marriage of, 1793, 40 
 Grey, Sir Charles, afterw. ist Earl Grey, 
 
 107 
 , Charles, afterw. 2nd Earl Grey, 
 
 25 sqq. 
 Grififiths, Joseph, 155 
 
 Gurney, John, letter to, from Windham, 
 1792, 25 
 
 Hamilton, Sackville, 155 
 
 Harcourt, Francois Henri, Due d', 92 
 
 Hardinge, George, 180 
 
 Harris, Harriet Maria, Lady Malmesbury, 
 46 
 
 , James, ist Baron, afterw. Earl of 
 
 Malmesbury, desires Irish Lord Lieu- 
 tenancy, 47 ; sent to treat with France, 
 1796, 203 sq., 212 sq., 222 sq. 
 
 Hastings, Warren, impeachment of, 7, 9, 
 II, 113, 149 sq., 160; grant to, from 
 the East India Company, 1796, 189 
 
 Hatfield, Mr, 9 
 
 Havana, 242 
 
 Haviland, Major Thomas, 165 sq. 
 
 Havre, 116 
 
 Hector, Comte d'. Corps of, 121 
 
 Henley, Robert, 2nd Earl of Northington, 
 Lord Lieut, of Ireland, i, 2 
 
 Herbert, Elizabeth, Lady, death of, 1793, 40 
 
 Herefordshire, oxen from, 175, 179 
 
 Hippisley, John Coxe, afterw. ist Bart., 
 62, 8i, 88 ; Windham forwards his 
 letter to Pitt, 1793, 68; character of, 
 68, 88; letter to, from Burke, 1793, 
 63; letter to, from Windham, 1793, S5 
 
 , Mrs, 68 
 
 Hobart, Sir John, 194 n. 
 
 Hoche, Lazare, Gen., 225, 232 
 
 Holland, 84, 151 sq. 
 
 Hood, Alexander, Baron Bridport, victory 
 off L'Orient, 1795, 164; misses the 
 French fleet, 1796, 226 
 
 , Samuel, ist Baron and Viscount 
 
 Hood, 56 n., 57, 59, 62, 84 
 
 Howe, Richard, ist Earl Howe, 109, 225, 
 
 237. 245 
 Huddy, Joseph, 214 n. 
 Huger, Francis Kinloch, 219 n. 
 Huskisson, William, 105, 192, 194 
 Hussey, Thomas, Bishop of Waterford 
 
 and Lismore, 245 
 
 Inchiquin, Earl of, v. O'Bryen, Murrough 
 India, conversation about, 1787, 7 ; v. also 
 Hastings, Warren
 
 INDEX 
 
 251 
 
 Ireland, Windham Chief Secretary for, 
 1 783, I ; Sir G. Elliott on Secretaryship 
 for, I n. ; importance of conciliating 
 Catholics of, 26 ; Catholics of not dis- 
 affected, 1793, 64 sqq. ; Lord Lieu- 
 tenancy of, offered to Lord Spencer, 
 i793i 42, 46 sqq., 54, 98; importance 
 of reforming the government, 98, 132 
 sqq. ; difficulty of filling the Lord 
 Lieutenancy, 1794, 113; Fitzwilliam 
 Lord Lieutenant of, 1794, 143; Fitz- 
 william's conduct in, 1795, 153 sqq.; 
 W. Elliot on the state of, 1796, 206 sq. ; 
 military government of, 245 
 
 Ivernois, Fran9ois d', Reflexions sur la 
 Guerre, 149 
 
 Italy, 62 sqq., 81, 88, 147, 210, 217 
 
 Jervis, John, Earl of St Vincent, 240 
 Johnston, Mrs Douglas, 120 
 
 Joice, , 245 
 
 Jourdan, Jean Baptiste, General, 71 
 
 Kehl, 217, 220 
 Kempshot, 157 
 Kenny, Dr, 208 
 King, Lieut Henry, 171 
 
 . J-i 169 
 
 , Dr Walker, 119, 148 
 
 La Cretelle, Jean Charles Dominique, 
 
 212 
 
 La Croix, Charles, 187 
 
 La Fayette, Marie Paul Roch Yves Gilbert 
 
 Metier, Marquis de, 211 sqq., 218 sq. 
 Lamballe, Marie Therese Louise de Savoie 
 
 Carignan, Princesse de, 186 
 La Tour du Pin, Comte de, 122 
 La Tour Maubourg, Marie Charles Cesar 
 
 Fay, Comte de, 215 n. 
 Lauderdale, Earl of, v. Maitland, James 
 Laurence, Dr French, 139, 171, 196, 219 
 Lees, John, 155 
 Leinster, Duke of, v. Fitzgerald, William 
 
 Robert 
 
 Leland, , son of Dr Thomas Leland, 3 
 
 Lennox, Charles, 3rd Duke of Richmond, 
 
 58 
 Lewis, , guardsman, 167 n. 
 
 Lille, 83 sq. 
 
 Lippe, Count of, 210 
 
 Lippincott, Capt., 214 n. 
 
 I^ondon Corresponding Society, 178 
 
 London, disturbances on Lord Mayor's 
 
 Day, 1796, 205 
 Long, Charles, afterw. Baron Farnborough, 
 
 226 
 L'Orient, 1 5 2 
 Loughborough, Lord, v. Wedderburn, 
 
 Alexander 
 Louis XVI, 74, 211, 214 n., 215 
 Lucan, quoted, 178 
 
 , Lord, V. Bingham, Charles 
 
 Lukin, Miss, 195, 224 
 
 , Mrs, 52 
 
 Luttrell, Henry Lawes, 2nd Earl of 
 
 Carhampton, 209 
 Lyons, 84 
 
 Macbride, Rear-Adm. John, 71 
 
 Mahony, Count, 217 sq. 
 
 Mainz, 106 
 
 Maitland, James, 8th Earl of Lauderdale, 
 
 107, 149 
 Malmesbury, Lady, v. Harris, Harriet 
 
 Maria 
 
 , Lord, V. Harris, James 
 
 Mansfield, Earl of, v. Murray, David 
 Marie Antoinette, trial and execution of, 
 
 72, 74> 76, 78, 81 
 Marlay, Richard, Dean of Ferns, i 
 Martinique, 72, 107 sq., 238 
 Maskelyne, Nevil, Astronomer Royal, 44 
 Maubeuge, 70, 83 
 Mediterranean, need of British force in, 
 
 1793' 38; Lord Hood's fleet there, 
 
 62 sqq. ; Nelson's request for assurances 
 
 about, 1796, 203 
 Militia reform in Ireland, 1793, 65 
 Milton, Viscount, v. Damer, George 
 Minor's Pocket Book, The, 218, 222 
 Montagu, Frederick, 106 
 Moore of Moorehall, Ballad of, 168 
 Morley, Right Hon. John, Lord Morley 
 
 of Blackburn, Burke ("Engl. Men of 
 
 Letters "), 10 n., 23 
 Mortemart, Corps of, 198 sqq. 
 Muir, Thomas, 107 
 
 32—2
 
 252 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Murray, David, 2nd Earl of Mansfield, 
 106; President of the Council, 1794, 
 114, 124, 126, 139 ; letter to Windham, 
 1794, 126 
 
 , afterwards Murray-Pulteney, Sir 
 
 James, 57 
 
 Dr Richard, Vice-provost of 
 
 Trinity College, 119 
 Mudge, Thomas, Committee on claims 
 of, 1793, 42 
 
 Nagle, Captain, 217 
 
 , Sir Edmund, 144, 171, 177, 217, 
 
 219, 242 
 Nantes, 107 
 
 Neerwinden, Battle of, 1793, 38 
 Negative successes, Canning's verses on, 243 
 Negroes, Plans of Burke and Francis for, 
 
 190 
 Nelson, Horatio, afterw. Viscount Nelson, 
 
 203 
 Newcastle, Duke of, v. Pelham-Holles, 
 
 Thomas 
 Nivernois hat, 186 
 Noble, Mr, 198 
 Noirmoutier, 73 
 Nore, mutiny at the, 243 
 North, Dudley Long, 21 
 , Frederick, Lord North, afterw. 2nd 
 
 Earl of Guilford, fall of his ministry, 14 
 Hon. Frederick, afterw. 5th Earl 
 
 of Guilford, 145, 147 
 Northington, Earl of, v. Henley, Robert 
 Norwich, 10, 21, 29, 69 sq., 107, 151, 194 
 Nova Scotia, 227 
 
 O'Bryen, Murrough, 5th Earl of Inchi- 
 
 quin, 3 
 
 O'Donoghue, , 208 
 
 O'Connell, Count Daniel, 208 sq. 
 
 Olmutz, 219 
 
 Ostend, 78 
 
 Oxen, use of, for ploughing, 175, 179 
 
 Oxford, 202 
 
 University, sends address to Burke, 
 
 1790, 23 n. ; Duke of Portland elected 
 
 chancellor of, 1792, 29 sq. 
 
 Paine, Thomas, Rights of Man, 28 
 
 Palmer, Thomas Fysshe, 107 
 
 Parker, Richard, 243 
 
 Parliament, reform of, C. Grey's motion 
 for, 1792, 25 
 
 Parliament, status of members of, 67 
 
 Parry, Dr Charles Henry, 233 sqq., 240 
 
 Paul, Emperor of Russia, 235 
 
 Pelham, Thomas, afterw. 2nd Earl of 
 Chichester, 11, 39 sq., 50, 209, 246; 
 Chief Secretary for Ireland, 1795, 157; 
 diary of, 105 n., 106, 161 n. 
 
 Pelham-Holles, Thomas, Duke of New- 
 castle, 16 
 
 Penn, accommodation of French clergy 
 at, 1795-1796, 167 sqq., 190 
 
 , school for emigres at, 194 sq. 
 
 Petre, Robert Edward, Lord Petre, 24 
 
 Pichegru, Charles, General, 142, 157 
 
 Pitt, John, 2nd Earl of Chatham, 58 sq. ; 
 Lord Privy Seal, 1794, 143 
 
 , William, position on the Regency 
 
 question, 1789, 12, 15 ; commends Fox's 
 moderation, 1789, 14; conferences of, 
 with the Whigs, 1793, 41 ; dines with 
 Burke at Lord Grenville's, 1793, 51; 
 he or Fox the only possible minister, 
 59 ; conversation with Earl Spencer, 
 
 1793, 82 sqq. ; financial arrangements 
 for 1794, 85 ; reconstructs his ministry, 
 
 1794, 113 ; plan for paying the Prince's 
 debts, 1795, 164; speech on the 
 Treasonable Practices Bill, 1795, ^7^j 
 his ministry a duumvirate, 196; popular 
 feeling against, 1796, 205 sq. ; speech 
 on the budget, 1796, 211 ; praises 
 Burke's articles against Fox, 235 ; letters 
 to Wijidham, i793-i795. 4i, 70, i74; 
 letters to, from Windham, 1 793-1796, 
 68, 91, 104, 172, 191 
 
 Pius VI, Pope, Hippisley's negotiations 
 
 with, 1793, 62 sqq., 81 
 Poitou, 75, 80, 88, 105 
 Polignac, Yolande Martine Gabrielle, 
 
 Duchesse de, 186 
 Ponsonby, George, 124, 154 
 
 , William Brabazon, 154 
 
 Portland, Duke of, v. Bentinck, William 
 
 Cavendish 
 Portsmouth, 71, 225, 236, 241, 244
 
 INDEX 
 
 253 
 
 Portugal, 209 sq., 220, 223 sq. 
 
 Potatoes, 177 
 
 Pratt, Charles, ist Earl of Camden, 82, 
 
 86, iSi 
 , John Jeffreys, Lord Bayham, afterw. 
 
 2nd Earl of Camden, 82, 158 
 Prussia, 84, 106, 220 
 Puisaye, Comte Joseph de, 161, 164 
 
 Quesnay, 83 
 
 Quiberon Bay, expedition to, 1795, '^i' 
 164 sq., 242 
 
 Reading, 232 
 
 Heasons against National Despondettcy, 242 
 
 Reeves, John, 178 sqq.; exordium written 
 
 by Burke for, 1795, 182 
 Reynolds, Sir Joshua, 5, 21 
 Richmond, Duke of, v. Lennox, Charles 
 Riggs, Michaelmas, 213 
 Rioms, Fran9ois Hector d'Albert de, 
 
 V. Albert 
 Robrie, Chevalier de la, 105 sq. 
 Rockingham, Marquisate of, offered to 
 
 Lord Fitzwilliam, 99 
 Rohu, Vincent, 198 
 Rolle, John, afterw. Baron Rolle, 15 
 Rome, duty of Gt. Britain to support, 
 
 1793) 39) Hippisley's negotiations at, 
 
 62 sqq., 81 
 Russell, Francis, 5th Duke of Bedford, 175 
 
 , Lord John, Life of Fox, 36 n. 
 
 Russia, 23, 92, 220, 23s 
 
 Sadler, James, aeronaut, 4 
 
 Saint Eustatius, taking of, 49 
 
 Saint Helen's, 237 
 
 Saint Malo, 107 
 
 Saint Vincent, Cape, 225 
 
 San Domingo, 51, 221, 238 
 
 SapinauddeBois-Huguet, Chevalierde, 193 
 
 Scepeaux, Marie Paul Alexandre Cifsar 
 
 Boisguignon, Vicomte de, 193 
 Scotland, travels of Burke and Windham 
 
 in, 1785, 4; Representative Peers of, 
 
 97 
 Seven Years' War, 242 
 Shaw, Robert, 155 
 Sheffield, 28 
 
 Sheridan, Richard Brinsley, 204 ; speaks 
 for the Prince on the Regency question, 
 1789, 15, 16; motion for repeal of 
 suspension of Habeas Corpus Act, 1 795, 
 148; attacks on Windham, 148, 150, 
 152 ; on the Prince's debts, 1795, 163 ; 
 kinship with the Duke of Portland, 175 ; 
 on Reeves' Libel, 1795, '7^ 
 
 Shuckburgh, Sir George, 44 
 
 Sichel, Walter, Life of Sheridan, 10 
 
 Slavery, plans of Burke and Francis for 
 reform of, 190 sq. 
 
 Smith, Dr, 205 
 
 , Sir William Sidney, 116, 212, 216 
 
 Smyth, Brabazon, 208 
 
 Spain, 204, 210 
 
 Spencer, George John, Earl Spencer, 94, 
 106, III, 114; negotiations concerning 
 acceptance of office by, 1793, 42 — 47, 
 54, 98; Lord Privy Seal, 1794, 113; 
 sent to Vienna, 115; First Lord of the 
 Admiralty, 143 ; goes to Portsmouth to 
 quell the mutiny, 1797, 236; letters to 
 Windham, 1793-1796, 55, 58, 82, 116, 
 
 197 
 , Lavinia, Countess Spencer, letter 
 
 to Windham, 1797, 236 
 Spithead, Mutiny at, 225, 236 
 Starhemberg, Count, 218 
 Stofflet, Nicolas, 193 
 Stuart, Hon. Charles, General, 209 sq. 
 — — , Miss, sister of Mrs Hippisley, 68 
 Sturt, Charles, 178 
 Sun, newspaper, 180, 214, 220 
 Swabbers, 184 
 Swift, Jonathan, 184 n. 
 Switzerland, Windham's travels in, 1788, 7 
 
 TaUien, Jean Lambert, 186 
 Tenison, Thomas, Archbishop of Canter- 
 bury, on Whist and Swabbers, 184 
 Thellusson, Peter, 31 
 Thugut, Franz Maria, Freiherr von, 240 
 Thurlow, David, ist Baron Thurlow, 150 
 Tooke, John Home, 195, 204 
 Toulon, British occupation of, 56 sq., 59, 
 
 69 sq. 74, 78, 80, 84, 86, 91, 93 
 Townshend, Charles, afterw. Baron 
 Bayning, 87, 106
 
 254 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Valenciennes, Windham at surrender of, 
 
 1793, 43 
 Valmy, battle of, 1792, 31 
 Vendee, La, 73, 77, 84, 108, 239 
 Vienna, 115 sq., 235, 240 
 Vigo, 220 sq. 
 
 Wade, Josiah, 180 sq. 
 Wales, Prince of, v. George 
 Warren, Sir John Borlase, 198 n. 
 
 , Dr Richard, 229 
 
 Washington, George, 215 
 Watignies, battle of, 71 n. 
 Watson, Brook, 205 
 
 Wedderburn, Alexander, ist Baron Lough- 
 borough, Lord Chancellor, 98, 113, 
 
 141, 143 
 Weissenburg, 79 
 West Indies, 78, 80, 107 sq., 151, 223 sq., 
 
 238, 242 
 Westminster, suggested address from, on 
 
 the Regency question, 1789, 17 
 Westmorland, Lord, v. Fane, John 
 Whig Club, 39 
 Whiggism, Duke of Portland's definition 
 
 of, 96 
 Whist and Swabbers, 184 
 White, General, 208 
 Whitworth, Sir Charles, 235 
 Wilberforce, William, 217 
 William III, Association formed under, 1 77 
 Winchester, 7 1 ; French clergy housed 
 
 at the King's House in, 1795, ^^2, 
 
 167 sqq. 
 Windham, William, Irish Secretary, 1783, 
 
 I ; M.P. for Norwich, 1784, 4; travels 
 
 in Scotland, 1785, 4; balloon ascent, 
 
 4, 5 ; takes part in Hastings' impeach- 
 
 ment, 7 ; travels in Switzerland and 
 France, 1788, 7; speeches on the 
 Regency, 1789, 19; again in France, 
 19 ; gradual change of opinion con. 
 cerning France, 23, 25 ; opposes Parlia- 
 mentary Reform, 1792, 25; acts as a 
 sort of leader of the \Vhigs, 1793, 36; 
 overtures of the Ministry to, 1793, 
 41 sq., 85 sq., 98 sq., iii ; draws report 
 on Mudge's claims, 1793, 42; speech 
 on Fox's motion for peace, 1793, 42 n. ; 
 visits the army in Flanders, 42 sq. ; 
 Secretary at War, 1794, 113; again 
 visits the army, 1794, 115; speech on 
 Sheridan's Habeas Corpus motion, 
 
 1795, 148; speech on the Treasonable 
 Practices Bill, 1795, 175; desires to 
 relinquish management of Royalist 
 affairs, 1796, 191 ; re-elected for Nor- 
 wich, 1796, 194; dissatisfied with peace 
 proposals, 1796, 203; speech on Gen. 
 Fitzpatrick's motion about La Fayette, 
 
 1796, 214 sqq.; Sir G. Elliot on the 
 character of, 44 ; letters to and from, 
 see Table of Contents 
 
 Woodford, Emperor John Alexander, 
 inspector of foreign corps, 118, 191, 
 194, 201, 208, 215, 221, 226; letters 
 to, from Burke, 1795, 1796, 181, 211 
 
 Woodley, 230 
 
 Wurmser, Dagobert Sigismund, Graf von. 
 General, 79 n., 94 
 
 Wycombe, accommodation of French 
 clergy at, 1795, 167 sqq. 
 
 Yonge, Sir George, 113 
 York, Duke of, v. Frederick 
 
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