LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA. Class CONCERNING THE COMMERCIAL RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES WITH ENGLAND. BY CITIZEN TALLEYRAND. Read at the National Institute, the 1 5th Germinal, in the Year V. TO WHICH IS ADDED AN ESSAY UPON THE ADVANTAGES TO BE DERIVED FROM NEW COLONIES IN THE EXISTING CIRCUMSTANCES. BY THE SAME AUTHOR. Read at the Institute, the 15th Messidor, in the year V. LONDON: I'RIKTED FOR LONGMAN, HURST, REES, AND ORV.E, PATERNOSTER-ROW. 1806. # 0* ^,V (^ , J. Wnglit, Fript«r, St, JoVin's-SquBre, Clerfcenwtl'- MEMOIR CONCERNING THE COMMERCIAL RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES WITH ENGLAND, JL HERE is no science more depen- dent on facts than political economy. Indeed, the art of collecting, arrang- ing, and drawing conclusions from them, constitutes almost the whole of the science And, in this point of view, it has, perhaps, more to expect A 2 from from observation than from genius. For, let the moment arrive when our knowledge must be put to the test, at the risk of evincing our ignorance, and the facts, which were before the ground- work of our knowledge, will then be- come the proof of it. Yet we must guard against the folly that would in all cases recur to first ex- periments ; and which arrogates to it- self the right of being ignorant of every thing, in order that it may take nothing upon credit. Nor should we be less anxious to discard that temerity, which, disdaining every thing positive, finds it convenient rather to guess than to examine. How must we proceed then? We should .should ever unite the result of our ob- servation to that of our reasoning. Doubtless we should admit the con- clusions arising from certain general facts which arc constant, which agree well together, and which are viewed in their full extent : but, at the same time, we ought to know how in the new questions, and even in the more ab- struse parts of some old ones, to call in the aid of novel, or recently observed facts. We should guard ourselves a- gainst first conclusions, the axioms of idleness and ignorance ; and should have the greatest distrust of those ge- neralising principles, which would em- brace every thing; or rather, correct- ing the meaning of a word which has A 3 been 6 been so much abused, should give the name of principle to that idea only, which is first in the order of our rea- soning, and not to the more general idea ; to that which precedes, and not to that which results. Struck with the force of these truths, to which every consideration calls us back, I have undertaken to present to that class of the Institute to which I have the honour to belong, some ob- servations made by me in America, the consequences resulting from which, have more than once struck me with astonishment. I have persuaded myself that some of these observations, verified through the whole extent of a country, still in its its early infancy, might be arranged amongst the facts of political economy, and be received there with the same in- terest which in natural history is grant- ed to the most simple of the produc- tions collected by a traveller. Unfortunately, the spirit of system is in the sciences w T hat the spirit of party is in common life : it finds cause to abuse facts themselves ; for it mis- represents their nature, and perverts their consequences. And this is a fur- ther reason, not indeed for disregard- ing them, but for learning to appre- ciate well, both what they are, and what they prove. It is said, proverbially, that facts can- not be disputed. If this proverb should A 4 ever 8 ever prove true, there will remain very few disputes amongst men. A remarkable fact in the histor} T of commerical relations, and which it has fallen to my lot to observe nearly, has served to convince me fully to how great a degree we ought to be atten- tive observers of what is, at the time that we occupy ourselves with the consideration of what will be, and of what must be. This fact is the con- stantly-increasing activity of the com- mercial relations betwixt the United States and England: an activity, which, on account of its causes and its conse- quences, has an equal relation to poli- tical economy, and to the philosophic history of nations. When When, after that bloody struggle, in which the French defended so well the cause of their new allies, the United States of America were free from the dominion of the English, every reason seemed to unite for the dissolution of those commercial connexions which had before existed between two por- tions of the same people. These rea- sons were, the remembrance of the op- pressions which had been heaped upon the Americans ; the still more recent recollection of the evils produced by a seven years war; the humiliation of depending again, for what they stood in need of, upon a country which had wished to subjugate them ; and all the titles of military rank still subsisting in every American family, calculated to perpe- 10 perpetuate defiance and hatred of Great Britain. If to these, we add that sentiment so natural, which should have induced the Americans to attach themselves, with confidence, to the French, their brethren in arms, and their liberators ; and if we observe that this sentiment had forcibly manifested itself, when war was declared between England and France ; that, at that period, the dis- course of the American people, a great majority of the public papers, the acts of the government itself, seemed to dis- cover a strong inclination towards the French nation, and an equally strong aversion to the English : all these rea- sons, so powerful when united, would lead 11 lead to this result, that the American commerce was for ever turned from its accustomed channel; or that, if it in- clined towards the side of England, it would require very trilling efforts to divert it entirely towards ourselves. Hence would result new inductions upon the nature of the relations be- tween a mother country and her colo- nies ; upon the influence of taste and habits; upon the most efficient causes of the prosperity of commerce ; upon the direction which it may receive from moral causes, combined with interest; and, in the last analysis, many political errors. Observation, close observation alone, can prevent these false conclusions. Whoever 12 AYhoever has well observed America, cannot doubt, that still she remains altogether English in the greater part of her habits ; that her ancient com- merce with England has increased, ra- ther than declined in activity, since the epoch of the independence of the United States ; and that, consequently, that independence, far from being of disadvantage to England, has benefited her in many respects. This is demonstrated by an undoubt- ed fact. America consumes annually more than three millions sterling of Ens- lish merchandize. Fifteen years ago, she did not consume half that quantity. Hence, there has been, on the side of England, an increase in the exporta- tion 13 tion of her manufactured goods, and an exemption from the expencc of the American government. This fact, in- scribed in the registers of the Custom- House, cannot be disputed; but, as I have already said, there is no fact which may not be abused. If we re- garded this as a necessary consequence of every rupture of colonies, even of sug-ar colonies, with their mother-coun- try, we should be strangely deceived. If, on the other hand, we should be in- clined to believe that it depended solely upon transient causes, and that it is easy to obtain a contrary result, we should not be the less in error. To escape both these errors, it is necessary to 14 to know thoroughly, and to scrutinize accurately, the causes of the fact. I must, without reserve, affirm, that the inconsiderate conduct of the an- cient government of France laid, in a greater degree than is imagined, the foundation of the success of England. If, after the peace which secured the independence of America, France had been sensible of the full advantage of her position, she would have continued, and would have sought to multiply the relations which, during the war, had been so happily established betwixt her and her allies, and which had been broken off with Great Britain: and thus, the ancient habits being almost forgotten, we might at least have con- tended 15 tended with some advantage against every thing which had a tendency to recal them. But what did France do at that period ? She was fearful that the same principles of independence, which she had protected by her arms in America, should introduce them- selves amongst her own people ; and, at the conclusion of peace, she discon- tinued and discouraged all connexion with that country. What did England do ? She forgot her resentment ; she re-opened speedily her ancient com- munications, and rendered them still more active. From that moment it was decided that America should serve the interests of England. In fact, what was wanting for that ? That she should 16 should wish it, and that she should be able to do it. Now the will and the power were united in this instance. That which determines the will is in- clination and interest. It appears at first strange, and almost paradoxical, to assert that the Americans have a bias from inclination towards England. But we should not forget that the Americans are a dispassionate people ; that victory and time have weakened their animosity, and that with them in- clination is reduced to simple habit. — Now all their habits assimilate them to the English. Identity of language is a fundamen- tal relation, on whose influence one cannot too deeply meditate. This identity 17 identity places between the men of these two countries a common charac- ter, which will make them always take to, and recognise each other; they will mutually think themselves at home, when they travel into each other's country ; they will have a reciprocal pleasure in the interchange of their thoughts, and in every discussion of their interests. But an insurmountable barrier is raised up between people of a different language, who cannot utter a word without recollecting that they do not belong to the same country ; betwixt whom every transmission of thought is an irksome labour, and not an enjoyment; who never come to un- derstand each other thoroughly ; and B with 18 with whom the result of conversation, after the fatigue of unavailing efforts, is to find themselves mutually ridicu- lous. In every part of America through which I have travelled, I have not found a single Englishman who did not feel himself to be an American ; not a single Frenchman who did not find himself a stranger. Nor should one be astonished to find this assimilation towards England, in a country, the distinguishing features of whose form of government, whether in the federal union or in the separate states, are impressed with so strong a resemblance to the great lineaments of the English constitution. Upon what does individual liberty rest at this day in 19 in America ? Upon the same founda- tions as English liberty ; upon the Habeas Corpus, and the trial by jury. Assist at the sittings of congress, and at those of the legislatures of the separate states : attend to the discus- cussions in the framing of national laws • whence are taken their quota- tions, their analogies, their examples ? From the English laws ; from the cus- toms of Great Britain ; from the rules of parliament. Enter into the courts of justice : what authorities do they cite? The statutes, the judgments, the decisions of the English courts Doubtless, if such men have not an in- clination towards Great Britain, we must renounce all knowledge of the in- B 2 rluence 20 Alienee of laws upon man, and deny the modifications which he receives from all that surrounds him. To no purpose do the names of republic and of monarchy appear to place between the two governments distinctions which it is not allowable to confound : it is clear to every man who searches to the bottom of ideas, that in the represen- tative constitution of England there is something republican, as there is some- thins: monarchical in the executive power of the Americans. This was es- pecially true, as long as the presidency of General Washington continued ; for the force of opinion attached to his person throughout the whole of Ame- rica, readily represents that kind of magical 21 magical power which political writers attribute to monarchies. That portion of the American nation in which we expect to meet with the fewest prejudices, the men who unite ease with instruction, those who were the movers of the revolution, and who, in instilling into the minds of the peo- ple a hatred of the English, ought, one should think, ever to have felt it them- selves ; these very men have insensibly been drawn back towards England by different motives/ Many of them were educated in Europe ; and at that pe- riod England alone was the Europe of the Americans. They have no compa- rative ideas of greatness, of power, of elevation, but such as are furnished B 3 them 22 them by objects drawn from England ; and, surprised themselves by the bold- ness of the step which they took in se- parating from that country, they are unconsciously brought back to it by an involuntary feeling of respect. They cannot dissemble, that without France they should never have suc- ceeded in shaking off the yoke of En- gland ; but, unfortunately, they think that the good offices of nations are the result of calculation only, and not of attachment ; they even say that the an- cient government of France, at the very time that it made sacrifices in their fa- vour, did more for their independence, than for their liberty ; that, after hav- ing assisted them in separating from England, 23 England, it intrigued to keep them disunited amongst themselves, in order that they might become emancipated, without lmving either wisdom to con- duct, or power to protect themselves. Thus inclination, or, if you please, habit, incessantly attracts the Ameri- cans towards England : interest does so still more ; for the first and most im- portant consideration in a new country is, without doubt, to increase its riches. The proof of such a general disposition manifests itself every where in Ame- rica : we find evidence of it in every part of their conduct. The customs, with regard to religion, are themselves strongly tinctured with it. I will men- tion the result of what I have observed B4 in ill this respect; its connexion with my subject cannot fail to be perceived. We know that, in England, religion has preserved a powerful influence over the mind ; that even the most indepen- dent philosophy has not there dared to divest itself of religious ideas ; that, from the time of Luther, all sects have found their way thither ; that all have maintained themselves, and that many have there taken their rise. We know the share which they have had in the great political changes ; in short, that all have been transplanted into Ame- rica, and that some of the states owe their origin to them. It appears, at first, as if these sects would, after their transmigration, pre- serve &5 serve their original state, and it is na- tural to conclude that they might like- wise agitate America. But how great is the surprise of the traveller, when he sees them all co-exist in that perfect calm which, as it would seem, can ne- ver be ruffled ; when, in the very same house, the father, the mother, the chil- dren, each follows peaceably, and without opposition, that mode of wor- ship which he prefers ! I have been more than once a witness of this spec- tacle, which nothing that I had ever seen in Europe could have prepared me to expect. On the days conse- crated to religion, all the individuals of the same family set out together ; each went to the minister of his own sect ; and 26 and they afterwards returned home, to employ themselves in common in their domestic concerns. This diversity of opinion did not produce any in their feelings, or in their other habits : there were no disputes, not even a question on the subject. Religion there seems to be an individual secret, which no one thinks that he has a right to doubt or to investigate. Thus, when there arrives in America, from any country of Europe, an ambitious sectary, eager to afford a triumph to his doctrine, by inflaming the minds of men, far from finding, as in other places, persons dis- posed to enlist under his banner, he is scarcely even perceived by his neigh- bours ; his enthusiasm is neither at- tractive 27 tractive nor interesting; he inspires neither hatred nor curiosity : in short, every one perseveres stedfastly in his own religious opinions, and uninter- ruptedly prosecutes his temporal con- cerns.* This apathy, which cannot be roused by the most furious spirit of prose- lytism, and which it is our present bu- siness to point out, not to account for, certainly takes its immediate rise from the * In a time of political factions this •would cease to be the case ; for then every sect would necessarily wish to be an auxiliary of such or such a party, as we have al- ready seen : but when these factions were once calmed, religion would immediately become in the United States what it is at this day ; which is as much as to say, that it has there no fanaticism as a constituent part of ite composition ; and that is an important thing. (Note of Citizen Talleyrand, io the month of Yen. rose, year 7,) 28 the perfect toleration of the different sects of religion. In America no form of worship is proscribed, no one esta- blished by law ; and, therefore, there are no disturbances about religion. — But this perfect toleration has itself a principle ; which is, that religion, al- though it is there every where a real sentiment, is more especially a senti- ment of habit : all the ardour of the moment is employed about the means of speedily improving worldly prospe- rity ; and hence results the chief cause of the entire calm of the Americans, respecting every thing which is not, according to this constitution of their minds, either a medium or an obstacle. We may remark further, that those Americans 29 Americans of the cities, who were not long since colonists, and consequently accustomed to regard themselves as strangers, must naturally have turned their activity towards commercial spe- culations, and have considered as sub- ordinate to these the labour of agricul- ture itself, by which, however, they were under the necessity of procuring imme- diate subsistence. Now such a prefe- rence, which supposes, in the first in- stance, an impatient desire of amassing a fortune, would not fail to increase that desire : for commerce, which ex- tends the relations of man to man, ne- cessarily multiplies his wants ; and agriculture, by confining him in the bo- som 30 som of his family, has an equal ten- dency to reduce them. America, whose population at pre- sent amounts to four millions, and is rapidly increasing, is but in her infan- cy with regard to manufactures : a few iron works, several glass-houses, some tan-yards, a considerable number of trifling and imperfect manufactories of kerseymere, a coarse kind of knitting, and in some places of cotton, serve rather to point out the feeble efforts that have been hitherto made, than to furnish the country with manufactur- ed articles of daily consumption. It results from this that she is under the necessity of importing from Europe not only a great part of what she con- sumes 31 sumes internally, but likewise a con- siderable portion of what she makes use of for her external commerce. Now all these articles are furnished to Ame- rica so completely by England, that there is reason to doubt whether, in the time of the most severe prohibition, England enjoyed more exclusively this advantage, with what were then her colonies, than she does at present with the independent United States. The causes of this voluntary mono- poly are, moreover, easy to be assign- ed. The immense quantity of manu- factured goods Avhich are sent out of England ; the division of labour, at the same time a cause and conse- quence of their immense production, and 32 and particularly the ingenious employ- ment of the mechanical powers, adapt- ed to the different processes of the ma- nufactures, have enabled the English manufacturers to lower the price of all the articles of daily use, below the rate at which other nations have hi- therto been able to afford them. Fur- ther, the great capitals of the English merchants enable them to give more credit than those of any other nation ; this credit is at least for a year, often for a longer time. The consequence is, that the American merchant who receives his wares from England, em- ploys scarcely any principal of his own in this commerce; but trades al- most entirely upon English capitals. Therefore, 33 Therefore, it is in fact England that engrosses the commerce of American consumption. Without doubt the English mer- chant must, in one way or other, in- demnify himself for the interest of the sums of which he allows so long a use : but as the orders succeed regu- larly, and are increasing every year, there is established a balance of regu- lar paymentsand of fresh credit, which leaves nothing in arrear but the first accommodation, the interest of which is to be gained from the succeeding or- ders, as well as from the former ones. This first debt establishes, as we see, a connexion between the English and American correspondent, which is dif- C ficult 34 ficult to be broken off. The former fears that, if he fail to send the goods ordered, he may overwhelm a debtor whose prosperity is the only security for his advances ; the American, on his part, is afraid of quitting a creditor, with whom he has too many old ac- counts to settle. It is almost impos- sible for any third nation to interfere with these reciprocal interests, strength- ened by long habit. Thus France, in her commerce with America, is reduc- ed to the supplying of a few products peculiar to her soil ; and does not en- ter into any competition with England in the sale of manufactured goods, which she would not supply to Ame- rica 35 rica either at so cheap a rate, or on such long credit. If it should be objected that, during our revolution, numberless exporta- tions of French merchandise were made to America : the answer is easy. Such exportations have nothing in common with a regular commerce : they were the hasty speculations of those who, frightened by the requisitions, by the maximum, and by all the disasters of the revolution, preferred any loss what- ever upon their merchandise sold in America, to the risk, or rather to the cer- tainty, of a greater loss, if they let them remain in France. It was the tumultu- ous eagerness of people who run away from their house when on fire, and to C 2 whom 36 whom every shelter is good ; and not the judicious exportation of merchants, who have made a calculation which the j realize. Further, these wares were sold ill; and the Americans considered the English goods as far preferable: which supplies us with a further argument in favour of Eng- land's maintaining her monopoly of American commerce. Thus the American merchant is united to England not only by the na- ture of his transactions, by the want of the trust which he there obtains, and by the pressure of the credit which he has already indulged in ; but still more by that necessity which the taste of the consumer irresistibly imposes upon him. This union is so real, and there results 37 results from it such constant commer- cial relations between the two coun- tries, that America has no true ex- change but with England : so that al- most all the bills which the Americans draw upon the continent are payable in London. Let us take care, however, in thus considering the Americans in a single point of view, not to judge of them in- dividually with two much severity. As individuals, we may find amongst them the seeds of every social quality: but as a people newly constituted, and formed of different elements, their na- tional character is not yet decided. Doubtless they remain English from ancient habit; but perhaps also be- C 3 cause 38 cause they have not yet had time to become completely Americans. It has been observed that their climate is not yet formed : their character is still less so. If we consider those populous cities filled with English, Germans, Irish, and Dutch, as well as with their indigenous inhabitants; those remote towns, so distant from one another; those vast uncultivated tracts of soil, traversed rather than inhabited by men who be- long to no country; what common bond can we conceive in the midst of so many incongruities ? It is a novel sight to the traveller, who, setting out from a principal city, where society is in perfection, passes in succession through <39 - through all the degrees of civilization and industry, which he finds constant- ly growing weaker and weaker, until in a few days he arrives at a mis-shapen and rude cabin, formed of the trunks of trees lately cut down. Such a journey is a sort of practical and living analy- sis of the origin of people arid states: we set out from the most compounded mixture, to arrive at the most simple ingredients : at the end of every day we lose sight of some of those inven- tions which our wants, as they have in- creased, have rendered necessary ; and it appears as if we travelled backwards in the history of the progress of the human mind. If such a sight lays a strong hold upon the imagination ; if C 4 we 40 we please ourselves by finding in the succession of space what appears to belong only to the succession of time, we must make up our minds to behold but few social connexions, and no com- mon character, amongst men who ap- pear so little to belong to the same as- sociation. In many districts the sea and the woods have formed fishermen, and wood-cutters. Now such men, pro- perly speaking, have no country ; and their social morality is reduced within a very small compass. It has long ago been said that man is the disciple of that which surrounds him ; and it is true. Hence he whose bounds are circumscribed by nothing but deserts, 2 cannot 41 cannot receive lessons with regard to the social comforts of life. The idea of the need which men have one of another does not exist in him ; and it is merely by decomposing the trade which he exercises, that one can find out the principles of his affections, and the sum of his morality. The American wood-cutter does not interest himself in any thing ; every sensible idea is remote from him. — Those branches so agreeably disposed by nature ; beautiful foliage ; the bright colour which enlivens one part of the wood ; the darker green which gives a melancholy shade to another: these things are nothing to him ; he pays them no attention : the number of strokes 4'J strokes of his ax required to fell a tree fills all bis thoughts. He never plant- ed ; he knows not the pleasures of it. A tree of his own planting would be good for nothing, in his estimation ; for it would never, during his life, be large enough to fell. It is by destruction that he lives ; he is a destroyer where- ver he goes. Thus every place is equally good in his eyes : he has no attachment to the spot on which he has spent his labour ; for his labour is only fatigue, and is unconnected with any idea of pleasure. In the effects of his toil he has not witnessed those gradual increases of growth, so captivating to the planter ; he regards not the desti- nation of his productions; he knows not 43 not the charm of new attempts : and if, in quitting the abode of many years, he does not by chance forget his ax, he leaves no resrret behind him. The vocation of an American fisher- man begets an apathy, almost equal to that of the wood-cutter. His affec- tions, his interest, his life, are on the side of that society to which it is thought that he belongs. But it would be a prejudice to suppose that he is a very useful member of it. For we must not compare these fishermen to those of Europe, and think that the fisheries here are, like them, a nursery for sea- men. In America, with the exception of the inhabitants of Nantucket, who fish for whales, fishing is an idle em- ployment. 44 ployment. Two leagues from the coast, when they have no dread of foul wea- ther, a single mile when the weather is uncertain, is the sum of the courage which they display ; and the line is the only instrument with whose use they are practically acquainted. Thus their knowledge is but a trifling trick ; and their action, which consists in constant- ly hanging one arm over the side of the boat, is little short of idleness. They are attached to no place ; their only connexion with the land is by means of a wretched house which they inha- bit. It is the sea that affords them nourishment: hence a few cod-fish, more or less, determine their country. If the number of these seems to dimi- nish 45 nish in any particular quarter, they emigrate, in search of another coun- try, where they are more abundant. — When it was remarked, by some poli- tical writers, that fishing was a sort of agriculture, the remark was brilliant, but not solid. All the qualities, all the virtues, which are attached to agricul- ture, are wanting in the man who lives by fishing. Agriculture produces a patriot in the truest acceptation of the word ; fishing can alone succeed in forming a cosmopolite. I have, perhaps, dwelt too long on a sketch of these manners: it may seem foreign to this memoir ; and yet it completes the object of it ; for I had to prove that it was not merely by 46 by reason of their origin, of their lan- guage, and of their interest, that the Americans so constantly find them- selves to be Englishmen — an observa- tion which applies more especially to the inhabitants of the cities. When I cast my eyes upon those people wan- dering amongst the woods, upon the shores of the sea, and by the banks of the rivers, my general observation was strengthened, with regard to them, by that indolence and want of a native character, which renders this class of Americans more ready to receive and to preserve the impression of a foreign one. Doubtless the latter of these causes will grow weaker, and even dis- appear altogether, when the constantly- increas- 4? increasing population shall, by the cul- tivation of so many desert lands, have brought the inhabitants nearer toge- ther. As for the other causes, they have taken such deep root, that it would, perhaps, require a French esta- blishment in America to counteract their ascendancy with any hopes of success. Undoubtedly such a political project should not be overlooked ; but it does not belong to the subject of this memoir. x I have proved that the Americans are English, both in their habits and in their wants : I am far from thence concluding that they have by inclina- tion remained subjects of Great Bri- tain, Every thing, it is true, draws them 48 them towards England, as an industri- ous nation ; but every thing ought to separate them from England, consi- dered as a mother-country. They may be willing to depend upon her com- merce, which they find to their advan- tage, without consenting to depend upon her authority, under which they have so severely suffered. They have rtot forgot what their liberty cost them ; and thev would not be so void of re- A/ flection as to consent to lose it, and to allow themselves to be led on by the ambition of individuals. They have no longer, it is true, the enthusiasm which destroys; but they have the good sense which preserves. They do not hate the English government : but this. this, no doubt, is from the consi- deration that it can never again be- come their own. They take especial care not to hate each other : together they fought, together they enjoy the fruits of their victory. Parties, fac- tions, hatreds, have all disappeared :* like * This was literally true when the present memoiiy was read to the Institute. If, since that time, parties have been formed afresh ; if there is one of them which, to its shame be it spcften, labours to replace America under the yoke of Great Britain ; this would confirm but too clearly what I have established in the course of this memoir, viz. that the Americans are still English. But every thing leads me to believe that that party will not triumph ; and that the wisdom of the French go- vernment has disconcerted its hopes : and I shall not have to retract the good which I have here said of a people, of whom I have a pleasure in recollecting that they are English only by habits which affect not their political independence, and not by a sentiment that D wonld 50 like good calculators the} r have proved that these produced no benefit. Hence nobody reproaches his neighbour with the existing state of things ; each en- deavours to turn them to his oavii ad- vantage : they are mariners arrived in a safe harbour, who think it at least useless to be incessantly asking each other why they embarked, and why they followed a particular course. In fine, to arrive at a complete proof of the fact which I advanced concern- ing the relations of the Americans with Great Britain, it was necessary to re- ject would cause them to regret the having effected that in- dependence. (Note of Citizen Talleyrand, in the month of Ven- tose. year VII.) 51 ject probabilities, and to discard ana- logies. Now, in demonstrative sciences especially, it is of consequence, at the risk of great mistakes, to guard oneself against what is merely probable. The knowledge of this fact itself might lead to false conclusions ; it might give reason to believe that the independence of colonies was an ad- vantage to their mother-cou ntries . But when we revert to its real causes, the consequence is reduced within nar^ rower limits. At present we can per- ceive in it nothing more than that the independence of the United States has been useful to England, and that it would be so to every state of the con- tinent which, on the one side, should D 2 offer 53 offer the same advantages to colonies of the same nature, and on the other should be seconded by similar faults in its neighbours. The developement of the causes of this fact has led to many ulterior con- sequences. In enumerating these causes, we have found reason to conclude succes- sively : 1st, That the first years which follow peace decide upon the commercial system of states ; and that if they neg- lect to seize the moment to draw their advantage from it, it turns out almost inevitably to their loss : 2dly, That commercial habits arc more difficult to break through than we 53 we imagine ; and that interest brings together in one day, and often for ever, those whom the most ardent passions had armed against each other for a se- ries of years : 3dly, That in the calculations of the relations of every kind which may ex- ist amongst men, identity of language is one of the most binding : 4thly, That religious toleration, in its fullest extent, is one of the most powerful guarantees of social tranquil- lity : for where liberty of conscience is respected, every other right cannot fail to be so : 5thly, That the spirit of commerce, which renders man tolerant through indifference, tends also to render him D 3 selfish 54 selfish through avidity; and especially that a people whose social character has been shaken by long agitations, ought, by means of wise institutions, to be drawn towards agriculture ; for commerce always keeps the passions in a state of effervescence, and agricul- ture uniformly calms them : Finally, That, after a revolution which has changed every thing, we should know how to forego our ha- treds, if we would not for ever renounce our happiness. AN AN ESSAY ON THE ADVANTAGES TO BE DERIVED FROM NEW COLONIES IN THE EXISTING CIRCUMSTANCES. X HOSE men who have meditated upon the nature of the relations which unite metropolitan countries to their colonies, those who are accustomed at a distance to read political events in their causes, have long been aware that the West India colonies will one day separate themselves from their mother countries ; and by a natural tendency, D 4 which 56 which the vices of Europeans have but too much accelerated, will either unite amongst themselves, or will at- tach themselves to the neighbouring continent. For thus it is decreed by that influence of events which deter^ mines the destiny of states, and which nothing can resist. If such events are inevitable, we should at least retard the epoch of them, and turn to our advantage the intervening time. Disastrous measures have earned de^ vastation into our colonies. Huma- nity, justice, policy itself, imperiously command, that by firm and wise mea- sures, we at length make an effort to re- pair the mischief. But 57 But in the mean time is it not right to cast our eyes upon other countries, and to prepare in them the establish- ment of new colonies, whose connex- ion with ourselves may be more natu- ral, more useful, and more durable? For it inevitably follows that the sys- tem of our interior government should introduce into our external relations changes analogous to itself. The necessary effect of a.' free con- stitution is to tend unceasingly to re- gulate every thing, both within and without itself, for the interest of man- kind. The necessary effect of an ar- bitrary government is to tend unceas- ingly to regulate every thing, both ex- ternally and internally, for the indivi- dual 58 dual interest of those who govern. According to these opposite tenden- cies, it is incontestible that nothing in common can long exist with regard to the means, as nothing in common can exist with regard to the object. Tyranny is irritated at expressions of discontent from the very moment that they shew themselves; indiffe- rence pays no attention to them ; good- ness receives them with interest ; po- licy searches for a counterpoise to them : now the counterpoise of discon- tent is hope. The ancients had imagined the river of oblivion, in which, at our exit from life, all our recollections were lost. The true Lethe at our exit from the revolution, is in every thing which opens 59 opens to men the road of expecta- tion. " Every change," says Machiavel, " lays the foundation for another/' This observation is just and profound. In fact, without speaking of the hatreds which they perpetuate, and of the motives for vengeance which they leave in our minds, revolutions which have shaken every thing, those espe- cially in which every one has taken part, leave behind them a general rest- lessness of mind, a necessity for change, an indifinite disposition for hazardous enterprises, and an ambition in the ideas, which tends unceasingly to alter, and to destroy. This is especially true when the re- volution 60 volution has been made in the name of liberty. " A free government" says Montesquieu, " that is, one always agitated, &c." It being impossible to put a stop to such an agitation, we must regulate it : it must be allowed to ex- ercise itself, not at the expence, but for the promotion of the public hap- piness. After the crises of revolutions, there are men worn out and grown old un- der the impression of misfortune, whose mind must in some sort be made young again. There are some who, no longer wishing to love their country, must be made sensible that fortunately it is im- possible to hate it. Without doubt time and good laws will 61 will produce happy changes : but there is need also of establishments con- trived with wisdom ; for the power of laws is limited, and time destroys alike both what is o-ood and what is bad. - When I was in America, I was struck by observing that after a revolution, very unlike indeed to our own, there remained such slight traces of ancient animosities, so little agitation, so little inquietude ; in short, that none of those symptoms were there to be found which every instant threaten the tran- quillity of states newly bursting into freedom. I did not fail soon to dis- cover one of the chief causes of it. Without doubt this revolution, like others, has left in the minds of men dispositions 62 dispositions to excite, or to receive, new troubles : but this need of agitation has been able to satisfy itself different- ly in a vast and new country, where adventurous projects allure the mind, where immense tracts of uncultivated lands give men a facility of going, to employ a fresh activity, far from the scene of their first dissentions, of plac- ing their hopes in fresh speculations, of throwing themselves at once into the midst of a crowd of new schemes ; in short, of amusing themselves by change of place, and thus of extinguishing within their bosoms the revolutionary passions. Happily the soil which we inhabit does not present the same resources : but 63 but new colonies, chosen and estalish- ed with discernment, may offer U3 them ; and this motive for occupying ourselves about such, adds great force to those which already solicit the at- tention of the public, on the subject of this kind of establishment. The different causes which gave rise to the colonies, in whose origin history has instructed us, were not of more urgent influence : the greater part of them were much less pure. Thus am- bition and the ardour of conquest car- ried the first colonies of the Pheni- cians*, and of the Egyptians, into Greece; violence that of the Tyrians to Carthage ;-j- the misfortunes of war that * Cecrops, Cadmus, Danaus. + DUlo. 64 that of the fugitive Trojans to Italy ;* commerce, and the love of riches, those of the Carthaginians to the isles •f* of the Mediterranean, and upon the coasts of Spain and Africa ; necessity those of the Athenians into Asia Mi- nor, J the people becoming too nume- rous for their limited and barren terri- tory; prudence that of the Lacedemo- nians to Tarentum, who by this means delivered themselves from some turbu- lent citizens; and urgent policy the numerous colonies of the Romans, § who shewed themselves doubly skilful in giving up to their colonists a por- tion of the conquered countries, both because * iEncas. + Syracuse. f Miletium, Ephesus. § A great number of small colonies, of which none became celebrated. 65 because they appeased the people, who incessantly demanded a new di- vision, and because they thus formed, of the discontented themselves, a sure guard in the countries which they had subdued. The ardour for plunder, and the fury of war (much more than excess of population) sent the colonies, pr rather the irruptions of the people of the North * into the Roman em- pire ; and a romantic piety, greedy of conquest, those of the Europeans into Asia.-f* After the discovery of America we saw the folly, the injustice, and the avaricious spirit of individuals, who, thirsting * Invasions of Huns, Goth?, Vandals, &c. + Crugades, E 66 thirsting after gold, threw themselves upon the first countries to which their balks conveyed them. The more greedy they were, the more they sepa- rated themselves from others: they wished not to cultivate, but to lay waste. Those indeed were not true colonists. Some time afterwards, re- ligious dissentions gave birth to more regular establishments : thus the Pu- ritans took refuge in the North of America ; the English Catholics in Maryland : the Quakers in Pensylva- nia : whence Smith concludes that it was not the wisdom, but rather the vices of the European governments, that peopled the new world. Other great emigrations are likewise owing 67 owing to a gloomy policy, or to a po- licy falsely denominated religious : thus Spain Rejected the M#«rs from her bosom ; France the Protes- tants; almost all governments the Jews : and every where the error which had dictated such deplorable counsels was recognised two late. They had discontented subjects, and they made enemies of them : these might have served their country, but were forced to injure it. This long experience ought not to be lost to us. The art of putting men . into their proper places is, perhaps, the first in the science of government : but that of finding the proper place for the discontented is, assuredly, the E 2 most 68 most difficult; and the presenting to their imagination distant objects, per- spective views, on whicM their thoughts and their desires may fix themselves, is, I think, one of the solutions of this difficulty. In the developement of the motives which have determined the establish- ment of a great number of the ancient colonies, we easily remark that at the very time that they were indispensable, they were voluntary ; that they were presented by the governments as an allurement, not as a punishment. We observe this idea especially to predo- minate in them, viz. that bodies poli- tic ought to reserve to themselves the means of placing to advantage, at a dis- 2 tance 69 tance from their immediate seat, that superabundance of citizens who, from time to time, threaten their tranquillity. Further, this necessity was founded in a vicious origin; it was either an ori- ginal Agrarian law, giving rise to threat- ning claims, which it became necessary to calm; or too exclusive a constitu- tion, which being made for one class, caused a dread of too great an increase of population in the others. It is by making ourselves masters of what was most pure in the views of the ancients, and by guarding against the application which has been made of them by the majority of modern na- tions, that it will be proper, in my opi- nion, to occupy ourselves in the first E 3 days 70 days of peace with this kind of esta- blishment, which, when well conceived, and well executed, may be the source of the most precious advantages, after so many agitations. And how many Frenchmen ought to embrace this idea with joy ! How many of them are there for whom, were it but for a few moments, a new sky has become an absolute necessity ! Those who, bereft of their nearest con- nexions, have lost by the stroke of the assassin all which rendered their native soil dear to them ; those for whom it has become unfruitful ; those who find in it nothing but regret, and those who find in it nothing but remorse ; the men who cannot resolve upon fixing their hope 71 hope in that place where they have ex- perienced their misfortunes; and that multitude of diseased politicians, those inflexible characters, whom no reverse can bend, those ardent imagi- nations, whom no reasoning can influ- ence, those fascinated spirits, whom no events can disenchant ; and those who always find themselves too constrained in their own country ; and the greedy and adventurous speculators ; and the men who are born to have their names attached to discoveries, to the found- ing of cities, and to the formation of civilized societies • he for whom France, as now constituted, is still too ao-ita- ted, and he for whom it is too calm ; those in short who cannot put up with E 4 equals, 72 equals, and those likewise who cannot brook any state of dependence. And let us not suppose that so many different and opposite elements would not unite : Have we not seen, of late years, since there have been po- litical opinions in France, men of all parties embark together, and go to run the same risks upon the uninhabited banks of the Scioto ? Are we ignorant of the empire which is exercised over the most irritable minds by time, by space, by a new country, by habits to be begun, by obstacles to be overcome in common, by the desire of injuring, giving place to the necessity of mutual- ly assisting each other, by suffering, which softens the soul, by hope, which com- 73 comforts it, by the pleasure of dis- coursing of a country which one has quitted, and even by that of complain- ing of it ? No, it is not so easy as we think it to hate for ever. This feeling often requires but a specious pretence for its extinction; it never resists so many causes conspiring to destroy it. Let us then hold it for certain that these discordancies of opinion, as well as those of character, form no obsta- cle to new colonies ; and would all be lost in a community of interests, if we knew how to take advantage of the er- rors and prejudices which have hitherto opposed the numerous attempts of this kind. It 74 It does not enter into the plan of this memoir to present all the details of a colonial establishment : my aim being only to rouse the attention of the public, and to draw towards this sub- ject more profound meditations, and the knowledge of all those who can present us with local information. Nevertheless, I shall not deny my- self the enunciation of some of the most simple principles, upon which these establishments should be found- ed : I have need to buoy myself up against the dread of witnessing the re- newal of disastrous attempts. I think we shall feel the necessity of establish- ing them in hot countries, for they are the only ones which give a quick re- turn 75 turn to those who employ their indus- try upon them ; in places productive of what we stand in need of, and want- ing what we possess ; for this is the first principle of union betwixt a mother- country and her colonies. We shall occupy ourselves, without doubt, in the formation of vast establishments, in order that men and their schemes may there be at their ease ; and they should be varied too, in order that every one may find there the situation and the labour that suits him. We should es- pecially take care not to allow a multi- tude of men to embark inconsiderately at once, before we have provided for the indispensable necessities of a first establishment; and we shall recollect that 76 that it was by the most idle want of foresight that the expeditions to the Mississippi in 1719, and to Cayenne in 1763, swallowed up so many thousands of Frenchmen. v Hitherto governments have formed to themselves a political rule not to send, for the foundation of their co- lonies, any but individuals without in- dustry, without capital, and without morals. A principle the most oppo- site possible to this must be adopted : for vice, ignorance, and misery can found nothing; they are calculated only to destroy. Colonies have often been made use of as a means of punishment, and those which might serve for this purpose have 77 have been imprudently confounded with those whose commercial relations ought to be the source of riches to the mother-country. We must carefully separate these two kinds of establish- ments ; let them have nothing common in their origin, as they have nothing similar in their destination ; for the im- pression which results from a polluted origin has effects which many genera- tions are scarcely sufficient to efface. But what will be the bonds of con- nexion between the new colonies and France ? History offers striking results to decide this question. The Greek colonies were independent ; they pros- pered in the highest degree. Those of Rome were always governed ; their progress 78 progress was scarcely any thing, and their names are hardly known to us. The solution rests upon the same point to this day, in spite of the difference of times and interests. I am aware that it is difficult to convince govern- ments, which know not how to quit their accustomed plans, that they will derive the benefit of their advances and protection without having recourse to co-ercive laws: but it is certain that the interest of the two countries, well understood, is the true bond which should unite them ; and this bond is very strong, when there is also a com- mon origin ; it is even preserved when the force of arms has deranged the con- nexion. This may be easily perceived in 79 in Louisiana, which remains French, although it has been under the domi- nion of the Spaniards for more than thirty years; and in Canada, although in the power of the English for the the same length of time : the colonists of these two countries were French- men ; they are so still, and an obvious bias inclines them always towards us. It is then from a previous knowledge of reciprocal interests, strengthened by the powerful tie of a common origin, that the establishment ought to be formed, and on the strength of this in- terest that we must reckon for the ad- vantages to be drawn from it. At a great distance every other relation be- comes in time illusory ; or it is more expensive 80 expensive than productive. Hence there should be no domination; no monopoly; always the force which protects, never that which oppresses ; justice, kind offices : these are the true calculations for states, as well as for individuals ; these are the source of reciprocal prosperity. In short, ex- perience and reason unite in rejection of those pusillanimous doctrines which suppose a loss wherever there has been made a gain. The true prin- ciples of commerce are the opposite of these prejudices; they promise to all people mutual advantages, and they invite them to enrich themselves all together by the exchange of their productions, by liberal and amicable com- 81 communications, and by the useful arts of peace. Further, the countries proper to re- ceive our colonies are in very great number ; many would fulfil our views exactly. Upon the supposition that our West- India islands should be exhausted, or that they should throw off our subjec- tion, some establishments along the coast of Africa, or rather in the islands which border upon it, would be easy and convenient. An author deserving regard on account of the views which manifest themselves in his works, and which are always inspired by a love of the public good, I mean Citizen Mont- linot, in a very excellent memoir which F be 82 he has just published, points out along this coast an Archipelago of isles, of which many, although fertile, are un- inhabited, and at our disposal. M. le Due de Choiseul, one of the men of our age with most of futurity in mind, who so early as the year 1769 foresaw the separation of America from England, and feared the partition of Poland, was endeavouring by means of negotiations at that time to pave the way for the cession of Egypt to France, in order that he might be ready to replace, by the same produc- tions, and by a more extended com- merce, the West-India colonies, at the time that they should be lost to us. It 83 It is with a similar view that the English government encourages so successfully the cultivation of sugar at Bengal; that it had, before the war begun, an establishment at Sierra Leo- na ; and that it was preparing one at Boulam. There is a further truth which we should not endeavour to con- ceal. The question, so injudiciously agitated, respecting the liberty of the negroes, whatever may be the remedy which wisdom may bring for the evils which have been the result of it, will introduce sooner or later a new system in the cultivation of the colonial pro- ducts. It is politic to be before-hand with these great changes : and the first idea which offers itself to the mind, Y 2 that 84 that which brings with it the greatest number of favourable suppositions, ap* pears to be, to attempt this cultivation in those very places where the cultiva- tor is born. I have barely pointed out some po- sitions ; there are others which I could also enumerate : but here especially to announce too much of what one means to do, is the way not to do it at all. — Besides, it belongs to the men who have travelled the most, and to the best purpose; to those who have carried into their researches an enlightened and un- wearied love of their country ; it is to our Bougainville, who had the glory to discover what it has been still glorious for the illustrious navigators of Eng- land 85 land to trace after him ; it is to Flcu- rieu, who has so perfectly observed all that he has seen, and so well eluci- dated, by his learned criticism, the ob- servations of others : it belongs to such men to tell the government, when they are interrogated by it, what are the places where a new country, a sa- lubrious climate, a fruitful soil, and the relations pointed out by nature, invite our industry, and promise us rich ad- vantages, for that day at least, when we shall have the good sense to carry there our knowledge and our labour only. From all that has been here ad- vanced, it follows, that every consider- ation urges us to occupy ourselves with new colonies : the example of the most wise 36 wise people, who have made them one of the greatest means of their tranquil- lity ; the necessity of preparing for the replacing of our present colonies, in order that we may not be found be- hind-hand with events; the conveni- ence of placing the cultivation of our colonial products nearer to their true cultivators; the necessity of forming with the colonies the most natural re- lations, more easy, no doubt, in new than in old establishments ; the advan- tage of not allowing ourselves to be outdone by a rival nation, for whom every one of our oversights, every in- stance of our delay in this respect, is a conquest ; the opinion of enlightened men, who have bestowed their atten- tion 87 tion and their researches upon this ob- ject: in short, the pleasure of being able to attach to these enterprises so many restless men who have need of projects, so many unfortunate men who have need of hope. 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