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THE
L U S I A
THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA,
OR,
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I
^^ I LI. I AM J I LIT S MiCKLK ESQ'
THE
L U S I
OR, THE'y
DISCOVERY OF --li^^B^iif
AN
EPIC POEM.
TRANSLATED FROM THE
ORIGINAL PORTUGUESE OF LUIS DE CAMOENS,
BY WILLIAM JULIUS MICKLE.
NEC VERBUM VERBO CURABIS REDDERE, FIDUS
INTERFRES. HOR. DE ART. POET.
VOL, I.
THE THIRD EDITION,
DUBLIN:
PRINTED BY GRAISBERRV AND CAMPBELl,
FOR JOHN ARCHER, N^ 80, DAME-STREET.
I 7? I
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more
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lala
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INTRODUCTION.
If a concatenation of events centered in one
great action, events which gave birth to the pre-
fent commercial fyftem of the world ; if thefe be
of the firft importance in the civil hiftory of man-
kind, the Lufiad, of all other poems, challenges
the attention of the philofopher, the politician,
and the gentleman.
In contradiftinclion to the Iliad and Eneid,
the Paradife Loft has been called the epic poem
of religion. In the fame manner may the Lufiad
be named the epic poem of commerce. The hap-
py completion of the moft important defigns of
Henry Duke of Vifco, Prince of Portugal, to
whom Europe owes both Gama and Columbus,
both the eaftern and the weftern worlds, confti-
tutes the fubjecl of that celebrated epic poem,
(known hitherto in England almoft only by
name) which is now offered to the Englifli
reader. But before we proceed to the hiftorical
introduction neceflary to elucidate a poem found-
ed on fuch an important period of hiftory, fome
attention is diie to the opinion of thofe theorifts
VOL. L a in
ii INTRODUCl ION.
in political philofophy, who lament that either
India was ever difcovered, and who alfert that
the increafe of trade is big with the real mifery
of mankind, and that commerce is only the pa-
rent of degeneracy, and the nurfe of every vice.
Much indeed may be urged on this lide of the
qucltion, but much alfo may be urged againfl
every inftitution relative to man. Imperfection,
if not necellary to humanity, is at leaft the cer-
tain attendant on every thing human. Though
fome part^f <he traffic with many countries re-
femble Solomon's importation of apes and pea*-
cocks ; diou^h t& (tiperfluiticS of life, the bau-
bles of the opulent, and even the luxuries which
enervate the irrefolute and adminifler difeafe, are
introduced by the intercourle of navigation; the
extent of the benefits which attend it, are to be
confidered, ere the man of cool reafon will ven-
ture to pronounce that the world i^ injured, and
rendered lefe virtuous and lefs happy by the in-
creafe of commerce.
If a view of the ftate of mankind, where com-
merce opens no intercourfe between nation and
nation, be neglected, unjuft conclufions will cer-
tainly follow^ Where the flate of barbarians,
and of countries under the different degrees of
civiiizaision, are candidly weighed, we may rea-
fonably expect a juft dccifion. As evidently as
the appointment of nature gives palture to the
• herds.
INTRODUCTION. iii
herds, fo evidently is man born for fociety. As
every other animal is in its natural ftate when in
the fituation vi^hich its inftincl requires; fo man,
when his reafon is cultivated, is then, and only
then, in the ftate proper to his nature. The life
of the naked favage, who feeds on acorns and
fleeps like a beaft in his den, is commonly called
the natural ftate of man ; but if there be any pro-
priety in this aflertion, his rational faculties com-
pofe no part of his nature, and were given not
to be ufed. If the favage therefore Uve in a ftate
contrary to the appointment of nature, it muft
follow that he is not fo happy as nature intended
him to be. And a view of his true charader will
confirm this conclufion. The reveries, the fairy
dreams of a Roufleau, may figure the |)aradifiacal
life of a Hottentot, but it is only in fiich dreams
that the fuperior happinefs of the barbarian ex-
ifts. The favage, it is true, is reluctant to leave
his manner of life ; but unlefs we allow that he
is a proper judge of the modes of living, his at-
tachment only exemplifies the amazing power of
habit in reconcilinof the human breaft to the
o
moft uncomfortable fituations. If the intercourfe
of mankind in fome inftances be introduclive of
vice, the want of it as certainly excludes the ex-
ertion of the nobleft virtues ; and if the 4^eds of
virtue are indeed in the heart, they often lie
dormant, and even unknown to the favage pof-
a 2 feifor.
iv INTRODUCTION.
feffor. The moll beautiful defcription of a tribe
of favages, which we may be alTured is from real
life, occurs in thefe words. And the five fpies of
Dan " came to Lailh, and faw the people that were
there, how they dwelt carelcfs after the manner of the
Zidoniafis, quiet a-nd fecure, a?id there was no magif-
trate in the land that might put them to Jhajne in any
thing And the fpies faid to their brethren,
Arifc, that we may go up againft them ; for we
have feen the land., and behold it is very good
and they came unto Lailh, unto a people that were
quiet and fecure, and they fmote them with the
edge of the fword, and burnt the city with fire ;
and there was no deliverer, becaufe it was far from
Zidon, and they had no bufinefs with any man^^
However the happy fimplicity of this fociety may
pleafe the man of fine imagination, the true phi-
lofopher will view the men of Laifh with other
eyes. However virtuous he may fuppofe one
generation, it requires an alteration of human
nature, to preferve the children of the next in
the fame generous eftrangement from the felfifli
pafTions, from thofe palllons which are the parents
of the acts of injuftice. When his wants are
eafily fupplied, the manners of the favage will be
iimple, and often humane, for the human heart
is not vicious without objects of temptation. But
thcfc will foun occur ; lie that gathers the greateft
quantity of fruit will be envied by the lels induf-
trious :
INTRODUCTION. v
trious : The uninformed mind feems infenfible of
the idea of the right of poffeflion which the labour
of acquirement gives. When want is preffing, and
the fupply at hand, the only confideration with
fuch minds is the danger of feizing it ; and where
there is no magijlrate to put to fhame in any things
depredation will foon difplay all its horrors. Let
it be even admitted that the innocence of the men
of Laifli could fecure them from the confequences
of their own unreftrained defires ; could even
this impoflibiHty be furmounted, ftill they are a
wretched prey to the firft invaders ; and becaufe
they have no bufinefs with any man, they will
lind no deliverer. While human nature is the
fame, the fate of Laifh will always be the fate of
the weak and defencelefs ; and thus the moft
amiable defcription of favage life, raifes in our
minds the ftrongeft imagery of the mifery and
impoflible continuance of fuch a flate. But
if the view of thefe innocent people terminate in
horror, with what contemplation fhall we behold
the wilds of Africa and America ? The tribes of
America, it is true, have degrees of policy greatly
fuperior to any thing underftood by the men of
Laifh. Great mailers of martial oratory, their
popular aiTemblies are fchools open to all their
youth. In thefe they not only learn the hiftory
of their nation, and what they have to fear from
the ftrength and defigns of their enemies, but
they
vi INTRODUCTION.
they alfo imbibe the moft ardent fpirit of war.
The arts of ftratagem are their ftudy, and the
molt athletic exercifes of the field their employ-
ment and delight. And what is their greateft
praife, they have Tiingijirates to put to JJ^ame. They
infiicl no corporeal punifhment on their country-
men, it is true, but a reprimand from an elder,
delivered in the alTembly, is efteemed by them a
deeper degradation, and feverer punifliment,
than any of thofe, too often moft impolitically
adopted by civihzed nations. Yet though pof-
feffed of this advantage, an advantage impoflible
to exift in a large commercial empire, and though
mafters of great martial policy, their condition,
upon the whole, is big with the moft ftriking de-
monftration of the mifery and unnatural ftate
of fuch very imperfect civilization. Multiply, and
rcplenijh tie earth, is an injunction of the beft poli-
tical philofophy ever given to man. Nature has
appointed man to cultivate the earth, to increafe
in number by the food which its culture gives,
and by this increafe of brethren to remove fome,
and 10 mitigate all the natural miferics of human
life. But in direct oppofition to this is the politi-
cal ftatc of the wild Americans. Their lands, lux-
uriant in climate, arc often defolate waftes, where
thoufands of miles hardly fupport a few hundreds
of favasfc hunters. Attachment to their own
O
tribe conftitutes their higheft idea of virtue ; but
this
INTRODUCTION. vii
this virtue includes the moft brutal depravity,
makes them efteem the man of every other tribe
as an enemy, as one with whom nature had placed
them in a ftate of war, and had commanded to
deftroy*. And to this principle, their cuftoms
and ideas of honour ferve as rituals and minifters*
The cruelties praflifed by the American favages
on their prifoners of war (and war is their chief
employment) convey every idea expreffed by the
word diabolical, and give a moft Ihocking view
of the degradation of human nature f. But
what
* This ferocity of favage manners afFords a philofophlcal ac-
count how the moft diftant and inhofpitable climes were firft peo-
pled. When a Romulus eredts a monarchy and makes war on
his neighbours, fome naturally fly to the wilds. As their families
increafe, the ftronger commit depredations on the weaker ; and
thus from generation to generation, they who either dread juft
punifhroent or unjuft cppreflion, fly farther and farther in fearch
of that protection which is only to be found in civilized fociety.
f Unlefs whe0 compelled by European troops, the exchange
of prifoners is never pradlifed by the American favages. — Some-
times, when a favage lofes a fon in war, he adopts one of the
captives in his ftead ; but this feldom occurs ; for the death of
the prifoner feems to give them much more latisfacflion. The
vidim is tied to a tree, his teeth and nails are drawn, burning
wood is held to every tender part, his roafted lingers are put into
the bowl of a pipe and fmoaked by the favages ; his tormentors
with horrid howls dance round him, wounding him at every turn
with their poignards ; his eyes are at laft thruft out, and he is
Jet loofe to ftagger about as his torture impels him. As foon as
he
viii INTRODUCTION.
what peculiarly completes the character of the
favage is his horrible fuperftition. In the moft
diftant nations the favage is in this the fame. The
terror of evil fpirits continually haunts him ;
his God is beheld as a relentlefs tyrant,
and is worlliipped often with cruel rites, always
with a heart full of horror and fear. In all the
numerous accounts of favage worfhip, one trace
of filial dependence is not to be found. The very
reverfe of that happy idea is the hell of the igno-
rant mind. Nor is this barbarifm confined alone
to thofe ignorant tribes, whom we call favages.
The vulgar of every country polTefs it in certain
degrees, proportionated to their opportunities of
converfation with the more enhghtened. All the
virtues and charities, which either dignify human
nature or render it amiable, are cultivated and
called forth into aclion by fociety. The favage
life on the contrary, if we may be allowed the
expreflion, inrtinclively narrows the mind ; and
thus, by the exclufion of the nobler feelings,
prepares
he Expires, his diflevered limbs are boiled in the war-kettle, and
devoured by his executioners. And fuch is the power of cuftom
and the ideas of honour, that the unhappy fufferer under all this
torment betrays no fign of fear or grief. On tlie contrary he up-
braids his executioners with their ignorance of the art of torment-
ing, and boafts how many of their kindred had found their grave
in his belly, whom he had put to death in a much feverer man-
ner.
INTRODUCTION. ix
prepares it, as a foil, ready for every vice. Sor-
did difpolition and bafe ferocity, together with
the moft unhappy fuperftition, are every vi^here
the proportionate attendants of ignorance and fe-
vere want. And ignorance and want are only
removed by intefcourfe and the offices of fociety.
So felf-evident are thefe pofitions, that it requires
an apology for inlifting upon them ; but the apo-
logy is at hand V He who has read knows how
many eminent writers *, and he who has con-
verfed
* The author of that voluminous work, Hijlo'ire Phllofophlque
ifS Politique des Etahlijfemens iff du Commerce des Europeens dans
les deux Indes^ is one of the many who aflTert that the favage is
happier than the civil life. His reafons are thus abridged : The
favage has no care or fear for the future, his hunting and fifhing
give him a certain fubfiftence. He fleeps foufid, and knows not
the difeafes of cities. He cannot want what he does not defire,
nor defire that which he does not know, and vexation or grief do
not enter his foul. He is not under the control of a fuperior in
his aflions ; in a word, fays our author, the favage only fufFers
the evils of nature.
If the civilized, he adds, enjoy the elegancies of life, have bet-
ter food, and are more comfortably defended againfl: the change
of feafons, it is ufe which makes thefe things neceflary, and they
are purchafed by the painful labours of the multitude who are the
bafis of fociety. To what outrages is not the man of civil life ex-
pofed ; if he has property, it is in danger ; and government or au-
thority is, according to this author, the greateft of all evils. If
there is a famine in the north of America, the favage, led by the
wind
X INTRODUCTION.
verfed knows how many refpeclable names, con-
nect the idea of innocence and happinefs with the
life of the favagc and the unimproved ruftic. To
fix
wind and the fun, can go to a better clime ; but in the horrors of
femine, war, or pcftilcncc, the ports and barriers of polifhed ftates
place the fubjeds in a prifon, where they mufl perifli — // rejleroit
encore — There ftill remains an infinite difference^betwcen the lot
of the civilized and the favage ; a difference, tottte enlierey all en-
tirely to the dtfadvantage of fociety, that injuftice which reigns in
the inequality of fortunes and conditions. " In fine, fays he, as
the wifli for independence is one of the firft inftindls of man, he
who can join to the pofienion of this primitive right, the moral fe-
curity of a fubfiftence, (which we were juft told the favage could
do) is -incomparably more happy than the rich man furrounded
with laws, fuperiors, prejudices, and fafhions, which endanger
his liberty." —
Such are the fentiments of Abbe Raynal, a writer whofe fpirited
manner, and interelling fubjefl, have acquired him many readers.
As he is not fingular in his eftimate of favage happinefs, his ar-
guments merit examination. And a view of the full tendency of
his affertions will fufficiently refute his conclufions. Nothing can
be more evident, than that if habit deftroy the relifh of the ele-
gancies of life, habit alfo will deftroy the pleafure of hunting and
fifliing, when thefe are the fole bufinefs of the favage. If the
favage has no care and no fuperior, thefe very circumftances na-
turally brutalize his mind, and render him vicious, fierce, and
felfifli. Nor is he fo free from care, as fome philofophers on their
couches of down are apt to dream. Becaufe hunting and fifhing
feem plcafant to us, are they alfo a pleafure to the wretch who in
all feafons mufl follow them for his daily fuftenance .-' You may as
well maintain that a poflilion, jaded with fatigue, and fliivering
with
INTRODUCTION, xi
fix the character of the fiivage is therefore necef-
fary, ere we examine the affertion, that " it had
been happy for both the old and the new worlds,
if
with wet and cold, is extremely happy, becaufe gentlemen ride
on horfeback for their pleafure That we cannot want what we
do not defire, nor defire what we do not know, are juft pofitions ;
but does it follow, that fuch a ftate is happier than that which
brings the wifhes and cares of civil life ? By no means ; For ac-
cording to this argument, infenfibility, and happinefs proceed in
the fame gradation, and of confequence an oyfter * is the happi-
eft of all animals. The advantages afcribed to the favage over
the civilized life, in the time of war and famine, in the equality,
of rank, and fecurity of liberty, offer an outrage to common
fenfe, and are ftriking inftances that no paradox is too grofs for
the reveries of modern philofophy. This author quite forgets
what dangers the favages are every where expofed to ; how their
lands, if of any value, are furc to be feized by their more pow-
erful neighbours, and millions of their perfons enflaved by the
more polifhed ftates. He quite forgets the infinite Ji^ancehefween
the refources of the focial and favage life ; between the com-
forts adminiftered by fociety to infirmity and old age, and the
miferable ftate of the favage when he can no longer purfue his
hunting and fifliing. He alfo quite forgets the infinite difference
between the difcourfe of the favage hut, and the ccena rleorum^
the friendfhip and converfation of refined and elevated under-
ftandings. But to philofophize is the contagion which infeds
the efprits forts of the continent ; and under the mania of this dif-
eafe, there is no wonder that common fenfe is fo oRen crucified.
It is only the reputation of thofe who fupport feme opinions that
will
• And our .mtJjor in reality goes as far, « Tem.in cet Ecoffhis^—Whnc'-'i 'hat
" Scotchman, iays he, who being left alone on tlie ifle of Fernandez, was
'• only
xii INTRODUCTION.
if the Eaft and Weft-Indies had never been difco-
vered." The bloodflied and the attendant mife-
ries which the unparalleled rapine and cruelties of
the
will apologife for the labour of refuting them. We may therefore,
it is hoped, be forgiven, if, en bagatelle^ we fmile at the triumph
of our author, who thus funis up his arguments : " yipres toutt
** un mot pent terminer ce grand proces — After all, one word will
** decide this grand difpute, fo llrongly canvafTed among philofo-
*• phcrs : Demand of the man of civil life, if he is happy ?
** Demand of the favage if he is miferable ? If both anfwer,
*• No, the difpute is determined." By no means ; for the beaft
that is contented to wallow in the mire, is by this argument in a
happier ftate than the man who has one wifh to fatisfy, however
reafonably he may hope to do it by his induftry and virtue.
'* only unhappy while his memoiy remained; but when his natural wants
" fo engroilcd him that he forgot his countr^', iiis language, his name, and
" even the articulation of words, this European, at the end of four years,
•' found himlelf eafed of the burden of focial life, in having the happinels
♦' to lole the ufe of refle(ftion, of thofe thoughts which led him back to the
" part, or taught him to dread the future." But this is as enoneous in fadt,
as fuch happinefs is falfc in pliilofophy. Alexander Selkirk fell into no
fuch ftate of happy idiotilm. By his own account he acquired indeed the
oreated tranquillity of mind, which arofe from religious fubmiflion to his
fate. He had witli him a bible, Ibmc books of mathematics and practical
divinity; the daily perufal of which both fortified his patience and amufed
his tedious hours. And he profcfTed that he feared he would never again
bcfo good achrillian. In hii domcrtic occonomy he fhewed every e.xertion
of an intelligent mind. When Cajit. Rogers found him in 1709, the ac-
counts Wiich he gave of the fpiings and vegetables of the ifland, were of
tlie greatcfl lervice to the (liip's company. And the captain found him lb
able ?. Tailor, that he immediately made liim mate of his Ihip. Having feen
Capt. Rogers's vedel at fca, he made a fire in the niglit, in confcqnence of
uhich a boat was fent to examine tlie lliorc. He laid he had fccn fome
Spaniards at difitrcnt times land on the ifland, but he had always fied from
them, judging they would certainly put him to death, in order to prevent
any account which he might be able to give of the South Seas. This is not
liie rtafoiiing of the man who has forgotten his name and his country.
And even iiis amufements dil'cover humour, and a mind by no means wrapt
up in dull or favage tran<juillity. He had taught a number of his tame
goats and cats to dance on their hinder legs; and he himfelf fung, and danc-
ed along with them. This he exhibited to Capt. Rogers and his company.
The
INTRODUCTION. xiii
the Spaniards fpread over the new world, indeed
difgrace human nature. The great and flouriih-
ing empires of Mexico and Peru, fteeped in the
blood of forty millions of their fons, prefent a
melancholy profped which muft excite the in-
dignation of every good heart. Yet fuch defola-
tion is not the certain confequence of difcovery.
And even ftiould we allow that the depravity of
human nature is fo great, that the avarice of the
merchant and rapacity of the foldier will over-
whelm with mifery every new difcovered country,
flill are there other, more comprehenfive views,
to betaken, ere we decide againft the intercourfe
introduced by navigation. When we weigh the
happinefs of Europe in the fcale of political phi-
lofophy, we are not to confine our eye to the
dreadful ravages of Attila the Hun, or of Alaric
the Goth. If the waters of a ftagnated lake are
difturbed by the fpade when led into new chan-
nels, we ought not to inveigh againft the altera-
tion becaufe the waters are fouled at the firft ;
we
The captain indeed fays he feemed to have forgotten part of his language,
as he fpoke his words by halves. But let it be remembered, that Selkirk
was born in a county of Scotland where the vu\ga.r fay, fat ir yee deeiii, and
far ir ya gatun, in place of -luljcit are you dobig, and ivhere are you going. Sel-
kirk, it is true, had been fome little wiiile on board Dampier's fhip, but
not to mention what little improvement of his fpeech might from thence
be received, certain it is that difufe of the acquired tongiie, as well as fud-
den padion, will recall the native dialeit. — It is no wonder, therefore, that
an Englillrman (hould think he fpoke his woids by halves. Selkirk had not
been full four years on the Ifland of Fernandez, and on his return to Eng-
land, the narrative which he gave of his fufferings afforded the hint of Robin-
fon Crufoe. ~*
xlv INTRODUCllON.
we are to wait to fee the ftrcamlets refine
and fpread beauty and utility through a thou-
fand vales which they never vifited before.
Such were the conquefts of Alexander j tempo-
rary evils, but civilization and happinefs follow-
ed in the bloody track. And though difgraced
with every barbarity, happinefs has alfo followed
the conquefts of the Spaniards in the other hcmif-
phere. Though the villainy of the Jefuits de-
feated their fchemes of civiUzation in many coun-
tries, the labours of that fociety have been crown-
ed with a fuccefs in Paraguay and in Canada,
which reflects upon their induftry the greateft
honour. The cuftoms and cruelties of many
American tribes ftill difgrace human nature ; but
in Paraguay and Canada the nadves have been
brought to relifh the blefllngs of ibciety and the
arts of virtuous and civil life. If Mexico is not
fo populous as it once was, neither is it fo barba-
rous ; the fhrieks of the hum.an victim donot now
refound from temple to temple ; nor does the hu-
man heart, held up reeking to the Sun, imprecate
the vengeance of heaven on the guilty empire*.
And,
* The innocent fimplicity of the Americans in their confe-
rences with the Spaniards, and the dreadful cruelties they f'uffered,
divert our view from their complete charader. But almoft every
thing was horrid in their civil cuftoms and religious rites. In
fome tribes, to cohcbit with their mothers, lifters, and daughters,
was efttenied the means of domeftic peace. In others, catamites
were
INTRODUCTION. xv
And, however impolitically defpotic the Spanifh
governments may be, ftill do thefe colonies enjoy
the opportunities of improvement, which in eve-
ry
were maintained in every village ; thefe went from houfe to houfe
as they pleafed, and it was unlawful to refufe them what viduals
they chufed. In every tribe the captives taken in war were mur-
dered with the moft wanton cruelty, and afterwards devoured
by the vidtors. Their religious rites were, if poffible, ftill more
horrid. The abominations of ancient Moloch were here outnum-
bered ; children, virgins, flaves, and captives, bled on different
altars, to appeafe their various gods. If there was a fcarcity
of human viftims, the priefts announced that the gods were dying
of thirft for human blood. And to prevent a threatened famine
the kings of Mexico were obliged to make - ir on the neighbour-
ing ftates, to fupply the altars. The prifoners of either fide died
by the hands of the prieft. But the number of the Mexican fa-
crifices fo greatly exceeded thofe of other nations, that the Tlaf-
calans, who were hunted down for this purpofe, readily joined
Cortez with about 200,000 men, and fired by the moft
fixed hatred, enabled him to make one great facrifice of the Mex-
ican nation. Without the afliftance of thefe potent auxiliaries
Cortez never could have conquered Mexico. And thus the bar-
barous cruelty of the Mexicans was the real caufe of their very
lignal deftru(5tion. As the horrid fcenes of Gladiators amufed
ancient Rome, fo their more horrid facrifices feem to have formed
the chief entertainment of Mexico. At the dedication of the
temple of Vitzuliputzli, A. D. i486, 64,080 human vidims
were facrificed in four days. And, according to the beft accounts,
their annual facrifices required feveral thoufands. The flculls of
the vidims fometimes were hung on firings which reached from
tree to tree around their temples, and fometimes were built up in
towers and cemented with lime. In fome of thefe towers An-
drew
xvl INTRODUCTION.
ry age arife from the knowledge of commerce
and of letters ; opportunities which were never
enjoyed under the dominion of Montezuma and
Atabalipa. But if from Spanifti, we turn our
eyes to Britifli America, what a glorious profpecl !
Here formerly on the wild lawn, perhaps twice
in the year, a few favage hunters kindled their
evening fire, kindled it more to prote<5t them
from evil fpirits and beafts of prey, than from
the
drew de Tapia one day counted * 136,000 flculls. When the
Spaniards gave to the Mexicans a pompous difplay of the great-
nefs of their monarch Charles V. Montezuma's orators in return
boafted of the power of their emperor, and enumerated among the
proofs of it, the great number of his human facrifices. He could
eafily conquer that great people, the Tlafcalans, they faid, but
he chufcs to preferve them to fupply his altars. During the war
with the Spaniards they increafed their ufual facrifices, till prieft
and people were tired of their bloody religion. Frequent embaffies
from different tribes complained to Cortez that they were weary
of their rites, and intreated him to teach them his law. And
though the Peruvians, it is faid, were more polifhed, and did not
facrifice quite fo many as the Mexicans, yet 200 children was the
ufual hecatomb for the health of the Ynca, and a much larger one
of all ranks honoured his obfequies. The method of facrificing
was thus : Six pricfts laid the vidtim on an altar, which was narrow
at top, when five bending him acrofs, the fixth cut up his ftomach
with a fharp flint, and while he held up the heart reeking to the
fun, the others tumbled the carcafe down a flight of flairs near the
alur, and immediately proceeded to the next facrifice. See
Acofta, Gomara, Carcri, the Letters of Cortez to Charles V.
&c. Sic.
• By multiplying the numbers, no uoubt, of the horizontal and perpen-
dicuUr roui into each oth'jr.
INTRODUCTION. xvii
the cold ; and with their feet pointed to it, llept
on -the ground. Here now .population fpreads
her thoulands, and fociety appears in all its blef-
fings of mutual * help, and the mutual lights of
intelleclual improvement. " What work of art,
*' or power, or public utility, has ever equalled
" the glory of having peopled a continent, with-
" out guilt or bloodflied, with a multitude of free
" and happy common-wealths, to have given
" them the beft arts of life and government !"
To have given a favage continent an image of the
Britifh conftitution is indeed the greateft glory of
the Britifh crown, " a greater than any other
" nation ever acquired;" and from the confe-
quences of the genius of Henry Duke of Vifeo,
did the Britifh American empire arife, an empire
which, unlefs retarded by the illiberal and inhu-
man fpirit of religious fanaticifm, will in a few
centuries, perhaps, be the glory of the world.
Stubborn indeed mufl be the Theorift, who
will deny the improvement, virtue, and happi-
nefs, which in the refult, the voyage of Colum-
bus has fpread over the Weftern World. The
happinefs which Europe and Afia have received
from the intercourfe with each other, cannot hi-
VoL. I. b therto,
* This was written ere the commencement of the unhappy
civil war in America. And under the influence of the fpirit of
the Britifh conilitution, that country may perhaps again defervs
this charaifler.
xviii INTRODUCTION.
therto, it muft be owned, be compared either
with the poirellion of it, or the fource of its .in-
creafe eftabHfiied in America. Yet let the marA
of the moll melancholy views eftimatc all the
wars and depredations which are charged upon
the Portuguefe and other European nations, ftill
will the Eaftern World appear conhderably ad-
vantaged by the voyage of Gama. If feas of
blood have been flied by the Portuguefe, nothing
new was introduced into India. War and depre-
dation were no unheard of ftrangers on the banks
of the Ganges ; nor could the nature of the civil"
eftabliflinients of the eailern nations fccure a lad-
ing peace. The ambition of their native princes
was only diverted into new channels ; into chan-
nels, which in the natural courfe of human af-
fairs, will certainly lead to permanent govern-
ments, eflablifhed on improved laws and juft do-
minion. Yet even ere fuch governments are
formed, is Afia no lofer by the arrival of Euro-
peans. The horrid maflacres and unbounded ra-
pine which, according to their own annals, fol-
lowed the viclories of their Afian conquerors,
were never equalled by the worft of their Euro-
pean vanquilhers. Nor is the eflablifhment of
improved governments in the eaft the dream of
theory. The fuperiority of the civil and milita-
ry arts of the Britifli, notwithftanding the hate-
ful character of fome individuals, is at this day
bchcid in India with all the aflonifliment of admi-
ration y
INTRODUCTION. xix
ration ; and admiration is always followed, though
often with retarded fteps, by the ftrong dcfire of
limilar improvement, l^ong after the fall of the
Roman empire, the Rorrian laws were adopted'
by nations which ancient Rome efteemed as bar-
barous. And thus, in the courfe of ages, the Bri-
tifh laws, according to every teft of probability,
will, in India, have a moft important cffecl, will
fulfil the prophecy of Camoens, and transfer to
the Britifli the high compliment he pays to his
countrymen j
Beneath their fway majeftic, wife, and mild,
Proud of her vigor's laws, thrice happier India fmiled.
In former ages, and within thefe few years,
the fertile empire of India has exhibited every
fcene of human mifery, under the undiftinguifh-
ing ravages of their Mohammedan and native
princes ; ravages only equalled in European hif-
tory by thofe committed under Attila, furnamed
the fcourge of God, and the deftroyer of nations.
The ideas of patriotifm and of honour were fel-
dom known in the cabinets of the eaftern princes
till the arrival of the Europeans. Every fpecies
of aflliilination was the policy of their courts, and
every act of unreftrained rapine and maflacre fol-
lowed the path of vidory. But fome of the Por-
tuguefe governors, and many of the Englifli offi-
cers, have taught them, that humanity to the
b 2 conquered
XX INTRODUCTION.
conquered is the beft, the trueft policy. The briTi^
tal ferocity of their own conquerors is now the
objcc]: of their greatell: dread ; and the fuperiority
of the Britifh in war has convinced their * princes^
that an alliance with the Britifh is the fureft gua-
rantee of their national peace and profnerity.
While the Englifli Eaft India Company are po>ief-
fed o( tlieir prefent greatnefs, it is in their power
to difl'ufc over the Eaft every bleffing which flows
from the wifeft and mcrft humane policy. Long
ere the Europeans arrived, a failure of the crop
of rice, the principal food of India, has fpread
the devaflations of famine over the populous plains
of Bengal. And never, from the feven years
famine of ancient Egypt to the prefent day, was
there a natural fcarcity in any country which did
not enrich the proprietors of the granaries. The
Mohammedan princes and Moorifh traders have
often added all the horrors of an artificial to a
natural famine. But however fome Portuguefe
or other governors may (land accufed, much
was left for the humanity of the more exalted po-
licy of an Albuquerque or a Caftro. And under
fuch European governors as thefe, the diftrelTes
of the Eaft have often been alleviated by a gene-
roiity of conduct, and a train of refources for-
merly
• M'iiammLtl All Klian, Nabob of the Cainalic, declared, " I met the
• Biitiih with that freedom of opcnncfs which they lo\'e, and I efteem it
" my hiinour, us well as ficarily, to be the ally of I'uch a nation o*
INTRODUCTION. xxi
inerly unknown in Afia. Abfurd and impracilca-
ble were that fcheme, whicli would introduce the
Britiih laws into India, without the decpeft re-
gard to the manners and circumftances peculiar
to the people. But that fpirit of liberty upon
which they are founded, and that fecurity of
property which is their leading principle, muft,
in time, have a wide and ftupendous efled. The
abject fpirit of Aliatic fubmiffion will be taught
to fee, and to claim thofe rights of nature, of
which the difpirited and paffive Gentoos could,
till lately, hardly form an idea. From this, as
naturally as the noon fucceeds the dawn, muft the
other blelfings of civilization arife. For though
the four great tribes of India, are almoft inacceflibie
to the introduction of other manners and of ether
literature than their own, happily there is in hu-
man nature a propenlity to change. Nor may
the political philofopher be deemed an enthuiiaft,
who would boldly prophefy, that unlefs the Britifli
be driven from India, the general fiiperiority
which they bear, will, ere many generations fliall
have paffed, induce the moft intelligent of India
to break the fliackles of their abfurd fupcrftitionG,
and lead them to partake of thofe advantages
which arife from the free fcope and due cultiva-
tion of the rational powers. In almv)rc every in-
ftance | the Indian inftitutions are not contrary
to
t Every man muft follow his father's traJe, and m;ift marry a daughter
of the fame occupation. Innumerable are their other barbarous refti iitions
of geniiisand inclination.
xxii INTRODUCTION.
to the feelinc;s and wiflies of nature. And igno-
rance and bigotry, their two chief pillars, can
never fccurc unalterable duration *. We have
certain proof, that the horrid cuftom of burn-
ing the \vi\Ts along with the body of the deceafed
hulband, has continued for upwards of 1500
years ; we are alfo certain, that within thefe
twenty years it has begun to fall into difufe. To-
gether wdth the alteration of this moft (Iriking
feature of Indian manners, other aflimilations to
European fcntiments have already taken place f .
Nor can the obftinacy even of the conceited
Chinefe always refift the defire of imitating the
Europeans, a people who in arts and in arms are
fo greatly fuperior to themfelves. The ufe of
the twenty-four letters, by which we can exprefs
every language, appeared at firft as miraculous
to the Chinefe. Prejudice cannot always deprive
that people, who are not deficient in felfifli cun-
ning, of the eafe and expedition of an alphabet ;
and it is eafy to forefee, that, in the courfe of a
few centuries, fome alphabet will certainly take
place of the 60,000 arbitrary marks, which now
render the cultivation of the Chinefe literature
not only a labour of the utmoft difficulty, but
even
* The impoflibility of alteration in the religion of the Bramins, is an
afTcrtion agaiiifl farts. The high antiquity and unadulterated famcnefs of
their religion, arc impofitions on Europe. For a clear demonflration of
this, fee the Enquiry, cScc. at the end of the Vllth Lufiad.
-(• Sec the above Enquiry, &c.
INTRODUCTION. xxiK
even the attainment of it, impoflible beyond a
very limited degree. And from the introduction
-of an alphabet, what improvements may not be
.expected from the laborious induftry of the
Chinefe ! Though moft obftinately attached to
their old cufloms, yet there is a tide in the man-
ners of nations which is fudden and rapid, and
which acls with a kind of inftinctive fury againfl
ancient prejudice and abfurdity. It was that
nation of merchants, the Phoenicians, which dif-
fufed the ufe of letters through the ancient, and
Commerce will undoubtedly diflufe the fame blef-
iings through the modern world.
To this view of the political happinefs, which is
fure to be introduced in proportion to civiliza-
tion, let the Divine add, Vv^hat may be reafonably
expected, from fuch opportunity of the increafe of
Religion. A factory of merchants, indeed, has
feldom been found to be the fchool of piety ; yet
when the general manners of a people become
allimilated to thofe of a more rational woi^ip,
fomething more than ever was produced by an in-
fant million, or the neighbourhood of an infant
colony, may then be reafonably expected, and
even foretold.
In eftimating the political happinefs of a people,
nothing is of greater importance than their capa-
city of, and tendency to, improvement. As a
dead lake, to continue our former allufion, will
remain
xxiv INTRODUCTION.
remain In the fame ftate for ages and ages, {o
would the bigotry and fuperftitions of the Eail
continue the fimc. But if the lake is begun to
be opened into a thoufand rivulets, who knows
over what unnumbered fields, barren before, they
may diffufe the bleflings of fertlHty, and turn a
dreary wildcrnefs into a land of fociety and
joy-
In contrail to this, let the Golden Coaft and
other immenfe regions of Africa be contem-
plated ;
Afric behold ; alas, what altered view !
Her lands uncultivated, and her fons untrue ;
Ungraced with all that fweetens human life,
Savage and fierce they roam in brutal ftrife ;
Eager they grafp the gifts which culture yields,
Yet naked roam their own negleded fields ....
C^nnun-iber'd tribes as beftial grazers ftray,
By laws unform'd, unform'd by Reafon's fway.
Far inward ftretch the mournful fteril dales,
Where on the parcht hill-fide pale famine wails.
LusiAD X.
Let us view what miUions of thefe unhappy fa-
vages are dragged from their native fields, and cut
off for ever from all hopes and the rights to which
human birth entitled them. And who would hefl-
tate to pronounce that negro the greateil of patri-
ots, who, by teaching his countrymen the arts of
fociety, fliould teach them to defend themfelves in
the pofTcfTion of their fields, their families, and
their own perfonal liberties ?
Evident
INTRODUCTION. xxv
Evident however as it is, that the voyages of
Gama and Columbus have already carried a fupc-
rior degree of happinefs, and the promife of in-
finitely more, to tlic Eaftern and Weftern
Worlds ; yet the advantages derived from the
difcovery of thefe regions to Europe may perhaps
be denied. But let us view what Europe was,
ere the genius of Don Henry gave birth to the
fpirit of modern difcovery.
Several ages before this period the feudal fyf-
tem had degenerated into the mofl abfolute ty-
ranny. The barons exercifed the moft defpotic
authority over their vafTals, and every fcheme of
public utility was rendered imprafticable by their
continual petty wars with each other ; and to
which they led their dependents as dogs to the
chace. Unable to read, or to write his own
name, the chieftain was entirely poiTeiTed by the
moft romantic opinion of military glory, and the
fons: of his domeftic minftrel conftituted his
higheft, idea of fame. The clafTics flept on the
flielves of the monaftcries, their dark, but happy
afylum ; while the life of the monks refemblcd
that of the fattened beeves which loaded their ta-
bles. Real abilities were indeed polTeiTed by a
Duns Scotus,- and a few others ; but thefe were
loft in the inoft trifling fubtleties of a fophiftry,
which they dignified with the name of cafuiftical
divinity. Whether Adam and Eve were created
with
xxvi INTRODUCTION.
with navels, and how many thoufand angels
might at the fame inftant dance upon the point of
the lineft needle without joflhng one another,
were two of the feveral topics of Hke importance
which excited the acumen and eno:a2:ed the con-
troverfies of the learned. While every branch of
philofophical, of rational invelligation, was thus
unpurfued and unknown, commerce, incompati-
ble in itfelf with the feodal fyftem, was equally
neglecled and unimproved. Where the mind is
enlarged and enlightened by learning, plans of
commerce will rife into aclion ; and thefe, in re-
turn, will, from every part of the world, bring
new acquirements to philofophy and fcience.
The birth of learning and commerce may be dif-
ferent, but their growth is mutual and depend-
ent upon each other. They not only aflift each
other, but the fame enlargement of mind which
is necclfary for the perfection in the one, is alfo
necefiary for perfeclion in the other ; and the
fame caufes impede, and are ahke deftructive of
both. The intercourse of mankind is the pa-
rent of each. According to the confinement
or extent of intercourfe, barbarity or civilization
proportionably prevail. In the dark monkifh
ages, the intercourfe of the learned was as much
impeded and confined as that of the merchant.
A few unwieldy vefl'els coafted the fliores of
Europe ; and mendicant friars and ignorant pil- '
grims
INTRODUCTION. xxvii
grims carried a miferable account of what was
pafling in the world from monaftery to monafte-
ry. What Do£lor had laft difputed on the Peri-
patetic philofophy at fome univerfity, or what
new herefy had laft appeared, not only comprifed
the whole of their literary intelligence, but was
delivered with little accuracy, and received with
as little attention. While this thick cloud of
mental darknefs overfpread the weftern world,
was Don Henry prince of Portugal born, born to
fet mankind free from the feodal fyftem, and to
give to the whole world every advantage, every
light that may poflibly be diffufed by the inter-
courfe of unlimited commerce ;
For then from ancient gloom emerg'd
The rifmg world of Trade : the Genius, then.
Of Navigation, that in hopelefs floth
Had flumber'd on the vaft Atlantic deep
For idle ages, ftarting, heard at laft
The Lufitanian Prince, who, heaven-inlpir'd
To love of ufeful glory rous'd mankiud,
And in unbounded Commerce mixt the world.
Thom,
In contraft to the melancholy view of human
nature, funk into barbarifm and benighted with
ignorance, let the prefent ftate of Europe be im-
partially eftimated. Yet though the great in-
creafe of opulence and learning cannot be denied,
there are fome who aflert, that virtue and happi-
nefs have as greatly declined. And the immenfe
overflow of riches, from the eaft in particular,
has
xxviii INTRODUCTION.
has been pronounced big with deftruction to the
Britifh empire. Every thing human,' it is true,
lias its dark as well as its bright Tide ; but let thefe
popular complaints be examined, and it will be
found, that modern Europe, and the Britifli em-
pire in a Very particular manner, have received
the greateft and moft folid advantages from the
modern enlarged fyftem of commerce. The ma-
sric of the old romances, which could make the
moft withered, deformed, hag, appear as the moft
beautiful virgin, is every day verified in popular
declamation. Ancient days are there painted in
the moft amiable fimplicity, and the modern in
the moft odious colours. Yet what man of for-
tune in England now lives in that ftupendous
grofs luxury, which every day was exhibited
in tW Gothic caftles of the old chieftains! Four
or five hundred knights and fquires in the domef-
tic retinue of a warlike Earl was not uncommon,
nor was the pomp of embroidery inferior to the
profufe wafte of their tables ; in both in fiances un-
equalled by all the mad excefles of the prefent
age.
While the Baron thus lived in all the wild
glare of Gothic luxury, agriculture was almoft
totally neglected, and his meaner vaflals fared har-
der, infinitely lefs comfortably, than the meaneft
induftrious labourers of England do now. Where
the lands are uncultivated, the peafants, ill-
cloathcd, ill-lodged, and poorly fed, pafs their
miferable
INTRODUCTION. xxlx
tniferable days in flotli and filth, totally ignorant
of every advantage, of every comfort which na-
ture lays at their feet. He who pafles from the
trading towns and cultured fields of England, to
thofe remote villages of Scotland or Ireland, which
claim this defcription, is aftoniflied at the com-
parative wretchednefs of their defl:itute inhabi-
tants ; but few confider, that thefe villages only
exhibit a view of what Europe was, ere the fpirit
of commerce diffufed the bleflings which naturally
flow from her improvements. In the Hebrides
the failure of a harveft almoft depopulates an
illand. Having little or no traffic to purchafe
grain, numbers of the young and hale betake
themfelves to the continent in queft of employ-
ment and food, leaving a few lefs adventurous
behind, to beget a new race, the heirs of the
famic fortune. Yet, from the fame caufe, from
the want of traffic, the kingdom of England has
often felt more dreadful effecls than thefe. Even
in the days when her Henries and Edwards
plumed themfelves with the trophies of France,
how often has famine fpread all her horrors over
city and village ? Our modern hiftories neglect
this characteriftical feature of ancient days ; but
the rude chronicles of thefe ages inform us, that
three or four times, in almoft every reign of con-
tinuance, was England thus vifited. The failure
of one crop was then feverely felt, and two bad
harvefts together were almoR infupportable. But
Commerce
xKx INTRODUCnON.
Commerce has now opened another fcene, has
armed government with the happieft power that
can be exerted by the rulers of a nation ; the
power to prevent every * extremity which may
poflibly arife from bad harvefts ; extremities,
■which, in foreign ages, were efteemed more
dreadful vifitations of the wrath of heaven, than
the peftilencc itfelf. Yet modern London is not
fo certainly defended againft the latter, its anti-
ent vifitor in almoft every reign, as the Common-
wealth by the means of commerce, under a juft
and humane government, is fecured againft the
ravages of the former. If, from thefe great out-
lines of the happinefs enjoyed by a commercial
over an ancom.mercial nation, we turn our eyes
to the manners, the advantages will be found
no lefs in favour of the civilized.
Whoever is inclined to declaim on the vices o
the prefent age, let him read, and be convinced,
that the Gothic ages were lefs virtuous. If the
fpirit of chivalry prevented effeminacy, it was
the fofter father of a ferocity of marmers, now
happily unknown. Rapacity, avarice, and effe-
minacy are the vices afcribed to the increafe of
com.merce ; and in fomc degree, it muft be con-
fcflfed, they follow her fteps. Yet infinitely more
dreadful, as every palatinate in Europe often felt,
were
♦Extremity; for it were both higlily unjuft and impolitic in Govern-
ment, to allow importation in fuch a degree as might be deflru£live of
domcllic agriculture, even whtu there is a real failure of the harveft.
INTRODUCTION. xxxi
were the effects of the two firft under the fcodal
Lords, than poffibly can be experienced under any
fyftem of trade. The virtues and vices of hu-
man nature are the fame in every age : they only
receive different modifications, and lie dormant
or are awaked into action under different circum-
ftances. The feodal Lord had it infinitely more
in his power to be rapacious than the merchant.
And whatever avarice may attend the trader, his
intercourfe with the reft of mankind lifts him
greatly above that brutifh ferocity which actu-
ates the favage, often the ruftic, and in general
characterifes the ignorant part of mankind. The
abolition of the feodal fyftem, a fyftem of abfo-
lute flavery, and that equality of mankind which
affords the protection of property, and every
other incitement to induftry, are the glorious
gifts which the fpirit of commerce, called forth
by prince Henry of Portugal, has beftowed upon
Europe in general ; and, as if directed by the
manes of his mother, a daughter of England,
upon the Britifh empire in particular. In the
vice of effeminacy alone, perhaps, do we exceed
our anceftors : yet even here we have infinitely
the advantage over them. The brutal ferocity
of former ages is now loft, and the general mind
is humanifed. The favas-e breaft is the native
foil of revenge ; a vice, of all others, ingrati-
tude excepted, peculiarly ftamped with the cha-
racter
xxxn INTRODUCTION.
racter of hell. But the mention of this was re-
ferved for the character of the favages of Europe.
The favage of every country is implacable when
injured, but among foriie, revenge has its mea-
fure. When an American Indian is murdered,
his kindred purfue the murderer, and foon as
blood has atoned for blood, the wilds of Ame-
rica hear the hoftile parties join in their mutual
lamentations over the dead ; and as an oblivion
of malice, the murdered and the murderer are
buried together. But the meaiure of revenge,
never to be full, was left for the demi-favages of
Europe. The vaflals of the feodal Lord entered
into his quarrels with the moft inexorable rage.
Juft or unjuft was no confideration of theirs. It
was a family feud ; no farther enquiry was made ;
and from age to age, the parties, who never in-
jured each other, breathed nothing but mutual
rancour and revenge. And adions, fuitable to
this horrid fpirit, every where confeffed its vi-
rulent influence. Such were the late days of Eu-
rope, admired by the ignorant for the innocence of
manners. Refentment of injury indeed is natu-
ral ; and there is a degree which is honeft, and
though warm, far from inhuman. But if it is
the hard^alk of humanifed virtue to preferve the
feeling of an injury unmixt with the flighteft cri-
minal wim^of revenge, how impoffible is it for
the favage to attain the dignity of forgivenefs,
the grcateil ornament of human nature ! As in
individuals.
INTRODUCTION. xxxiii
individuals, a virtue will rife into a vice, genero-
fity into blind profufion, and even mercy into
criminal lenity, fo civilifcd manners will lead the
opulent into efFeminacy. But let it be confidered,
this confequence is by no means the certain refuJt
of civilization. Civilization, on the contrary,
provides the moft effectual preventive of this
evil. Where clallical literature prevails, the man-
ly fpirit which it breathes muft be diffufed.
Whenever frivoloufnefs predominates, when re-
finement degenerates into whe^tever enervates
the mind, literary ignorance is fure to comphat
the effeminate character. A mediocrity of virtues
and of talents is the lot of the great majority of
mankind ; and even this mediocrity, if cultivated
by a liberal education, will infallibly fecure its
polTeffor againft thofe excelTes of efFeminacy which
are really culpable. To be of plain manners it is
not neceflary to be a clown, or to wearxoarfe
cloaths ; nor is it necelTary to lie on the ground
and feed like the favage, to be truly manly. The
beggar who, behind the hedge, divides his offals
with his dog, has often more of the real fenfua-
lift than he who dines at an elegant table. Nor
need we hefitate to aifert, that he who, unable to
preferve a manly elegance of manners, degene-
rates into the petit maitre, would have been, in
any age or condition, equally inligni Scant and
worthlefs. Some, when they talk of the debau-
VOL. I. , c chery
^?7
xxxiv INTRODUCTION.
chery of the prefent age, feem to think that the
former were all innocence. But this is ignorance
of human nature. The debauchery of a barba-
rous age is grofs and brutal ; that of a gloomy
fuperftitious one, fecret, excelTive, and murde-
rous ; that of a more poliftied one, not to make
an apology, much happier for the fair fex*, and
certainly in no circumftance fo big with political
unhappincfs. If one difeafe has been imported
from Spanifli Americaf tlk moft valuable medi-
cines have likewife been brought from thefe regi-
ons ; and diftempers, which were thought invin-
cible by our forefathers, are now cured. If the
luxuries of the Indies uflier difeafe to our tables,
the confequence is not unknown ; the wife and
the temperate receive no injury; and intempe-
rance has been the deftroyer of mankind in every
age. The opulence of ancient Rome produced a
luxury of manners which proved fatal to that
mighty
* Even that warm admirer of favage happinefs, the author of
the H'ijlo'ire Philofoph'ique iff Politique des Etahlijfemensy &c. con-
fefles, that the wild Americans feem deftitute of the feeling of
love — " In a little while, fays he, when the heat of paflion is
" gratified, they lofe all afFedion and attachment for their wo-
*• men, whom they degrade to the moft fervile offices." — A ten-
der remembrance of the firft endearments, a generous participa-
tion of care and hope, the compaffionate fentimcnts of honour,
all thofe delicate feelings, which arife into affisdion and bind at-
tachment, are indeed incompatible with the ferocious and nrofs
fenfations of the barbarian of any country.
INTRODUCTION. xxxv
mighty empire. But the effeminate fenfuaUfts of
thofe ages were men of no intellectual cultivation.
The enlarged ideas, the generous and manly feel-
ings infpired by liberal ftudy, were utterly un-
known to them. Unformed by that wifdom
which arifes from fcience and true philofophy,
they were grofs barbarians, dreffed in the mere
outward tinfel of civilization *. Where the en-
thufiafm of military honour characterifes the rank
of gentlemen, that nation will rife into empire.
But no fooner does conqueft give a continued lecu-
rity, than the mere foldier degenerates ; and the
old veterans are foon fucceeded by a new genera-
tion, illiterate as their fathers, but deftitute of
their virtues and experience. Polite literature
not only humanifes the heart, but alfo wonder-
fully ftrengthens and enlarges the mind. Moral
and political philofophy are its peculiar provinces,
and are never happily cultivated without its af-
liftance. But where icjnorance characterifes the
body of the nobility, the moft infipid dilTipation,!
and the very idlenefs and effeminacy of luxury,!
are fure to follow. Titles and family are then the
only merit ; and the few men of bufmefs who
furround
* The degeneracy of the Roman literature preceded the fate
of that empire, and the reafon is obvious. The men of fortune
grew frivolous, and fuperficial in every branch of knowledge, and
were therefore unable to hold the reins of empire. The degenera-
cy of literary talle is, therefore, the fureft proof of the general
declenfion.
xxxvi INTRODUCTION.
furround the throne, have it then in their power
to aggrandife themfelves by riveting the chains
of flavery. A ftately grandeur is preferved, but
it is only outward ; all is decayed within, and on
the firft ftorm the weak fabric falls to the duft.
Thus rofe and thus fell the empire of Rome,
and the much wider one of Portugal. Though
the increafe of wealth did indeed contribute to
that corruption of manners which unnerved the
Portuguefe, certain it is, the wifdom of legiflature
might have prevented every evil which Spain
and Portugal have experienced from their acqui-
fitions in the two Indies. Every evil which they
have fuffered from their acquirements arofe, as
fhall be hereafter demonstrated, from their gene-
ral ignorance, an ignorance which rendered them
unable to inveftigate or apprehend, even the firft
principles of civil and commercial philofophy.
And what other than the total eclipfe of th^ir
glory could be expected from a nobility, rude
and unlettered as thofe of Portugal are defcribed
by the author of the Lufiad, a court and nobility,
who fealed the truth of all his complaints againft
them., by fuffering that great man, the light of
their age, to die in an alms-houfe ! What but the
fall of their ftate could be expected from barbari-
ans like thefc ! Nor can the annals of mankind
produce one inftance of the fall of empire, where
the cliaracter of the grandees was other than that
afcribed to his countrymen by Camoens.
THE
J
THE
HISTORY
OF THE
DISCOVERY OF INDIA,
l\l O leflbn can be of greatec national irfiportance than
the hiftory of the rife and the fall of a commercial empire.
The view of what advantages were acquired, and of what
might have been ftill added ; the means by which fuch
empire might have been continued, and the errors by
which it was loft, are as particularly confpicuous in the
naval and commercial hiftory of Portugal, as if providence
had intended to give a lafting example to mankind ; a
chart, where the courfe of the fafe voyage is pointed out 5
and where the flielves and rocks, and the feafons of tem-
peft, are difcovered, and foretold.
VOL. I. B The
xxxW THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA.
The hlftory of Portugal, as a naval and commerciar
power, begins with the enterprizes of Prince Henry. But
as the improvements introduced by this great man, and
the completion of his defigns are intimately connedled
with the political ftate of his age and country, a concife
view of the progrefs of the power, and of the charafter of
that kingdom, will be necefTary to elucidate the hiftory
of the revival of commerce, and the fubject of the
Lufiad.
During the centuries, when the effeminated Roman
provinces of Europe were defolated by the irruptions of
northern or Scythian Barbarians, the Saracens, originally
of the fame race, a wandering banditti of Afiatic Scythia,
fpread the fame horrors of brutal conquefi: over the fineft
countries of the eaftem world. The northern conquerors
of the finer provinces of Europe embraced the Chriftian
religion as profefled by the monks, and, contented with
the luxuries of their new fettlements, their military fplrit
foon declined. Their ancient brothers, the Saracens,
on the other hand, having embraced the religion of Mo-
hammed, their rage of war received every addition which
may poflibly be infpired by religious enthufiafm. Not
only the fpoils of the vanquiflied, but their beloved para-
dife itfelf, were to be obtained by their fabres, by ex- .
tending the faith of their prophet by force of arms and
ufurpation of dominion. Strengthened and infpired by a
commiffion which they efteemed divine, the rapidity of
their
THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA. xxxv
their conquefts far exceeded thofe of the Goths and Van-
dals. A great majority of the inhabitants of every coun-
try which they fubdued, embraced their religion, imbibed
their principles, united in their views ; and the profefTors
of Mohammedifm became the moft formidable combina-
tion that ever was leagued together againft the refi: of man-
kind. Morocco and the adjacent countries, at this time
amazingly populous, had now received the doftrines of
the Koran, and incorporated with the Saracens. And the
Infidel arms fpread flaughter and defolation from the foutli
of Spain to Italy and the iflands of the Mediterranean.
All the rapine and carnage committed by the Gothic con-
querors were now amply returned on their lefs warlike
pofterity. In Spain, and the province now called Portu-
gal, the Mohammedans ere£led powerful kingdoms, and
their luft of conqueft threatened deftrudlion to every
Chriftian power. But a romantic military fpirit revived
in Europe, under the aufpices of Charlemagne. Several
religious military orders were eftabliflied. Celibacy, the
ftudy of religion, and the exercife of arms, were the con-
ditions of their vow, and the defence of their country and
of the faith, their ambition and fole purpofe. He who
fell in battle was honoured and ehvied as a martyr. And
moft: wonderful vidlories crowned the ardor of thefe reli-
gious warriors. The Mohammedans, during the reign
of Charlemagne, made a moft formidable irruption into
Europe, and France in particular felt the weight of their
fury J but the honour which was paid to the knights who
B 2 wore
xxxvl THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA.
wore the badge of the crofs, drew the adventurous youth
of every Chriftian power to the ftandards of that political
monarch, and in faft, (a circumftance however negle(Sled
by hiftorians) gave birth to the Crufades, the beginning
of which, in propriety, ought to be dated from his reign.
Few indeed are the hiftorians of this age, but enough re-
main to prove that though the writers of the old romance
have greatly difguifed it, though they have given full room
to the wilJcfl flights of imagination, and have added the
inexhauftible machinery of rnagic to the adventures of their
heroes, yet the origin of their fictions was founded on
hiftorical fa<n:3 *. And, however this period may thus
refemble the fabulous ages of Greece, certain it is, that
an Orlando, a Rinaldo, a Rugero, and other celebrated
names in romance, acquired great honour in the wars
which Vi^ere waged againft the Saracens, the invaders of
Europe. In thefe romantic wars, by which the power of
the Mohammedans was checked, feveral centuries elapfed,
when Alonzo, king of Caftile, apprehenfive that the whole
force of the Mohammedans of Spain and Morocco was
ready to fall upon him, prudently imitated the condufl
of Charlemagne. He availed himfelf of the fpirit of chi-
valry,
• Ariofto, who adopted the legends of the old romance, chufed this pe-
riod for the fubjeft of his Orlando Furiofo. Paris befieged by the Saracens,
Orlando and the other Chriftian knights aflcmble in aid of Charlemagne,
who are oppofcd in theii amours and in battle by Rodomont, Fcrraw, and
other infidel knights. That there was a noted Moorilh Spaniard, named
Ferraw, a redoubted champion of that age, wc have the teftimony of Mar-
cus Antonius SabcUicus, a writer of note of the fifteenth century.
THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA. xxxvH
ralry, and demanded leave of Philip I. of France, and of
other princes, that volunteers from their dominions might
be allowed to diftinguifh themfelves under his banners
againft the infidels. His defire was no fooner known,
than a brave romantic army thronged to his ftandards,
and Alonzo was vi^orious. Honours and endowments
were liberally diftributed among the champions, and to
one of the braveft of them, to Henry §, a younger fon of
the duke of Burgundy, he gave his daughter Terefa in
marriage, with the fovereignty of the countries fouth of
Galicia in dowry, commiffioning him to extend his do-
minions by the expulfion of the Moors. Henry, w'ho
reigned by the title of Count, improved every advantage
which offered. The two rich provinces of Entro Minho
t DourOf and Tra los Montesy yielded to his arms ; great
part of Beira was alfo fubdued ; and the Moorifh king of
Lamego became his tributary. Many thoufands of Chrif^
tians, who had lived in miferable fubje£tion to the Moors,
or in defolate independency on the mountains, took fliel-
ter under the generous protecSlion of Count Henry. Great
numbers alfo of the Moors changed their religion, and
chufed rather to continue in the land where they were
born, under a mild government, than be expofed to the
feverities and injuftlce of their native governors. And
thus, on one of the moft f beautiful and fertile fpots of
the
§ See the notes on page To and ii.
I Small indeed in extent, but fo rich in fertility, that it was called Me-
dulla Hiffanka, the marrtw of S fain. Vid. Refandii Antiq. Lufit. 1, iii.
xxxviii THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA.
the world, and in the fineft climate, in confequence of a
Crufade f againft the Mohammedans, was eftablifhed the
lovereignty of Portugal, a fovereignty which in time fpread
its influence over the world, and gave a new face to the
manners of nations.
Count Henry, after a fuccefsful reign, was fucceeded
by his infant fon Don Alonzo-Henry, who having fur-
mounted feveral dangers which threatened his youth t>
became the firft of the Portuguefe kings. In 1139 the
Moors of Spain and Barbary united their forces to reco-
ver the dominions from which they had been driven by
the Chriftians. According to the loweft accounts of the
Portuguefe writers, the army of the Moors amounted to
400^000 ; nor is ths number incredible, when we con-
fider what great armies they at other times brought to the
field ; and that at this time they came to take pofleflion
of the lands which they expelled to conquer. Don Alon-
zo, however, with a very fmall army, gave them battle
on tlie plains of Ourique, and after a ftruggle of fix hours,
obtained a moft glorious and complete § vi(n:ory, and
which \\ as crowned with an event of the utmofl: impor-
tance. On the field of battle Don Alonzo was proclaimed
king
t In propriety moft certainly a Crufade, though that term has never be-
fore been applied to this war.
j Sec the note on page 12.
§ I'or an account of this battle, and the coronation of the fiift king of
Poitugal, fee tlie note, p. 22.
THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA.'
king of Portugal by his vi£lorious foldiers, and'^ie in rcr
turn conferred the rank of nobility on the whole awny.
But the conftitution of the monarchy was not fettled,
nor was Alonzo invefted with the Regalia till fix years
after this memorable day. The government the Portu-
guefe had experienced under the Spaniards and Moors,
and the advantages which they faw were derived from their
own valour, had taught them a love of liberty, which
was not to be complimented away in the joy of viflory,
or by the Ihouts of tumult. Alonzo himfelf underftood
their fpirit too well to venture the leafl attempt to make
himfelf a defpotic monarch ; nor did he difcover the leaft
inclination to deftroy that bold confcioufnefs of freedona
which had enabled his army to conquer, and to ele<St him
their fovereign. After fix years fpent in farther vidlories,
in extending and fecuring his dominions, he called an
aflembly of the prelates, nobility and commons, to meet
at Lamego. When the afl'embly opened, Alonzo appear-
ed feated on the throne, but without any other mark of
regal dignity- And ere he was crowned, the conftitution
of the ftate was fettled, and eighteen fl:atutes were fo-
lemnly ' confirmed by oathf, as the charter of king and
people ; ftatutes diametrically oppofite to the jus divinum
of kings, to the principles which inculcate and demand
the unlimitted paffive obedience of the fubjecl.
Confcious
f The power of depofing, and of ele£ling their kings, under certain cir-
cumftances, is vefted in the people by tlie ftatutes of Lamego. See the
EOtes, p. aa and 23.
xl THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA.
Confcious of what they owed to their own valour, the
founders of the Portuguefe monarchy tranfmitted to their
heirs thofe generous principles of liberty which complete
and adorn the martial cli.iraccer. The arJour of the vo-
lunteer, an ardour unknow;i :o • he (lave and the merce-
nary, added to the moft romantic ideas of military glory,
chara£lerifed the Portuguefe under the reigns of their firft
monarchs. In almoft: continual wars with the Moors,
this fpirit, on which the exiftence of their kingdom de-
pended, rofe higher and higher ; and the define to ex-
tirpate Mohammedifm, the principle which animated the
wifli of vidlory in every battle, feemed to take deeper
root in every age. Such were the manners, and fuch the
principles of the people who were governed by the fuc-
ceflbrs of ALonzo the firft ; a fucceflion of great men,
who proved themfelves worthy to reign over fo military
and enterprifing a nation.
By a continued train of victories Portugal increafcd
confiderably in ftrength, and the Portuguefe had the ho-
nour to drive the R^ors from Europe. The invafions of
thcfe people were now requited by fuccefsful expeditions
into Africa. And fuch was the manly fpirit of thefe ages,
that the ftatutes of Lamego received additional articles in
favour of liberty j a convincing proof that the general he-
roifm of a people depends upon the principles of free-
dom. Alonzo IV. f though not an amiable character,
was
■\ For the charaflcr of this prince, fee the note, p. jj.
THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA. xli
Tras perhaps the greateft warrior, politician, and monarch
cf his age. After a reign of military fplendor he left his
throne to his fon Pedro, who from his inflexible juftice
was furnamed the Juft, or, the Lover of Juftice. The
ideas of equity and literature were now difTufed by this
great prince :}:, who was himfelf a polite fcholar, and moft
accompliflied gentleman. And Portugal began to perceive
the advantages of cultivated talents, and to feel its fupe-
riority over the barbarous politics of the ignorant Moors.
The great Pedro, however, was fucceeded by a weak
prince, and the heroic fpirit of the Portuguefe feemed to
exift no more under his fon Fernando, furnamed the
Carelefs..
But the general character of the people was too deeply
imprefled, to be obliterated by one inglorious reign ; and
under John I. f all the virtues of the Portuguefe flione
forth with redoubled luftre. Happy for Portugal, his fa-
ther beftowed a moft excellent education upon this prince,
which added to, and improving his great natural talents,
rendered him one of the greateft of monarchs. Confci-
ous of the fuperiorlty which his* own liberal education
ave
I For anecdotes of this monarch, fee the notes, p. 57 and 58.
•f This great prince was the natural fon of Pedro the juft. Some years
after the murder of his beloved fpoufe Inez de Caftro (of which fee the text
and notes, p. 48, &c.) left his father, whofe fevere temper he too well
knew, (hould force him into a difagreeable marriage, Don Pedro commen-
ced an amour with a Galician lady, who became the mother of John I. the
pfeferver of the Portuguefe mon^chy. See the not.es, p. 66 and 67/
xlii THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA;
gave him, he was afllduous to beftow the fame advantages
upon his children •, and he himfelf often became their
preceptor in the branches of fcience ar^d ufeful knowledge.
Fortunate in all his affiurs, he was moll of all fortunate in
his family. He had many fons, and he lived to fee them
men, men of parts and of a£lion, whofe only emulation
was to lliew affe«5lion to his perfon, and to fupport his
adminiftration by their great abilities.
There is ibmething exceedingly pleafing in the hiftory
of a family which fliews human nature in its moft exalted
virtues and moft amiable colours ; and the tribute of ve-
neration is fpontaneoufly paid to the father who diftin-
guifhes the different talents of his children, and places
them in the proper lines of a<5lion. All the fons of John
excelled in military exercifes, and in the literature of their
age ; Don Edward and Don * Pedro were particularly edu-
cated for the cabinet, and the mathematical genius of Don
Henry, one of his youngeft fons, received every encou-
ragement which a king and a father could give, to ripen
it into perfedion and public utility.
Hiftory
• The fons of John, who figure in hiflory, were Edward, Juan, Fer-
nando, Pedro, and Henry. Edward fiiccceded his father, (for whofe cha-
racter, fee the note p. 86 and 87.) Juan, diftinguillied both in the
camp and cabinet, in the reign of his brother Edward had the honour to
oppofc the wild expedition againft Tangier, which was propofed by his
brother Fernando, in whofe perpetual captivity it jnded. Of Pedro af-
terwards.
THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA. xliii
Hiftory was well known to Prince Henry, and his turn
of mind peculiarly enabled him to make political obferva-
tions upon it. The wealth and power of ancient Tyre
and Carthage fliewed him what a maritime nation might
hope ; and the flouriOiing colonies of the Greeks were
the frequent topic of his converfation. Where the Gre-
cian commerce, confined as it was, extended its influence,
the defarts became cultivated fields, cities rofe, and men
were drawn from the woods and caverns to unite in foci-
ety. The Romans, on the other hand, when they de-
flroyed Carthage, buried, in her ruins, the fountain of
civilization, of improvement and opulence. They extin-
guished the fpirit of commerce ; the agriculture of the
conquered nations, Britannia f alone, perhaps, excepted,
was totally negle£led. And thus, while the luxury of
Rome confumed the wealth of her provinces, her uncom-
mercial policy dried up the fources of its continuance.
The egregious errors of the Romans, who perceived not
the true ufe of their diftant conquefls, and the inexhauf^
tible fountains of opulence which Phoenicia had eftablifhed
in her colonies, inflru^led Prince Henry what gifts to be-
flow upon his country, and, in the refult, upon the whole
v/orld. Nor were the ineflimable advantages of commerce
the fole motives of Henry. All the ardour which the love
of
f The honour of this is due to Agricola, he employed his legions in cut-
ting down forefts and in clearing marlhes. And for federal ages after his
time, the Romans drew immeafe quantities of wheat froip their Britifli
province.
xliv THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA,
of his country could awake, confpired to ftimulate the na-
tural turn of his genius for the improvement of navi-
gation.
As the kingdom of Portugal had been wreftcd from the
Moors and eftablifhed by conqueft, fo its exiftence ftill de-
pended on the fuperiority of the force of arms ; and ere
the birth of Henry, the fuperiority of the Portuguefe na-
vies had been of the utmoft confequence to the protection
of the flate. Such were the circumftances which united to
jnfpire the defigns of Henry, all which were powerfully en-
forced and invigorated by the religion of that prince. The
defire to extirpate Mohammedifm was patriotifm in Portu-
gal. It was the principle which gave birth to, and fup-
ported their monarchy : Their kings avowed it, and
Prince Henry, the piety of whofe heart cannot be queftion-
ed, always profefTed, that to propagate the gofpel was the
great purpofe of his defigns and enterprizes. And how-
ever this, in the event, was f negleded, certain it is, that
the fd.me principles infpired, and were always profefled by
king Emmanuel, under whom the Eaftern World was dif-
covered by Gama.
The Crufades to refcue the Holy Land from the infidels,
which had already been, however unregarded by hiftori-
ans,
I Ncglcfted in the idea of tlie commanders ; the idea of Henry however
wa* greatly fulfilled. For the dominion of the Portuguefe in the Indian
fea cut the fincws of the Egyptian and other Mohammedan powers. But
of this afterwards.
THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA. xlr
ans, of the greateft political fervice to Spain and Portugal,
I) began now to have fome effect upon the commerce of Eu-
rope. The Hans Towns had received charters of liberty,
and had united together for the protedlion of their trade
againft the numerous pirates of the Baltic. A people of
Italy, known by the name of the Lombards, had opened
a lucrative traffic with the ports of Egypt, from whence
they imported into Europe the riches of the Eaft; and
Bruges in Flanders, the mart between them and the Hans
Towns, was, in confequence, furrounded with the bed
agriculture of thefe ages :{: : A certain proof of the depend-
ence of agriculture upon the extent of commerce. Yet
though thefe gleams of light, as morning ftars, began to
appear j it was not the grofs multitude, it was only the eye
of a Henry which could perceive what they prognofticated,
and it was only a genius like his which could prevent them
from again fetting in the depths of night. The Hans
Towns were liable to be buried in the vidlories of a ty-
rant, and the trade with Egypt was exceedingly infecure
and
II See the note on the Crufades, Lufiad VII.
I Flanders has been the fchool-miftrefs of hufbandry to Europe. Sir
Charles Lifle, a royalift, refided in this country feveral years during the
ufurpation of the Regicides; and after the reftoration, rendered England
the greateft fervice, by introducing tlic prcfent fyftem of agriculture. Where
trade increafes, men's tlioiights are fet in aftion ; hence the increafe of
food which is wanted, is fupplied by a redoubled attention to hufbandry ;
and hence it was that agricultnre was of old improved and difTufed by the
Phoenician colonies. Some theorifls complain of the number of lives
which are loft by navigation, but they totally forget that commerce is the
parent of population.
xlvi THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA.
and precarious. Europe was ftill enveloped In the dark
mifts of ignorance, and though the mariner's compafs was
invented before the birth of Henry, it was improved to no
naval advantage. Traffic ftill crept, in an infant ftate,
along the coafts, nor were the conftru(Slion of fhips adapt-
ed for other voyages. One fuccefsful Tyrant might have
overwhelmed the fyftem and extinguifhed the fpirit of
commerce, for it ftood on a much narrower and much
feebler bafis, than in the days of Phoenician and Grecian
colonization. Yet thefe mighty fabrics, many centuries
before, had been fwallowed up in the defolations of unpo-
Ktical conqucH;. A broader and more permanent founda-
tion of commerce than the world had yet feen, an univer-
fal bafis, was yet wanting to blefs mankind, and Henry
Duke of Vifeo was born to give it.
On purpofc to promote his defigns. Prince Henry was
by his father ftationed the Commander in chief of the Por-
tuguefe forces in Africa. He had already, in 141 2, three
years before the reduction of Ceuta ||, fent a fhip to make
difcoveries on the Barbary coaft. Cape Nam, § as its name
intimates, was then the Ne plus ultra of European naviga-
tion ; the fliip fent by Henry however pafled it fixty
leagues,
II At the rct]u<rtion of .Ceiita, and other engagements in Africa, Prince
Henry difplaycd a military genius and valour of the firfl magnitude. The
Important fortrefs of Ceuta was in a manner won by his own fword. Yet
though ct'cn pofTcfTcd by the enthufiafm of chivalry, his genius for naviga-
tion prevailed, and confined him to the rock of Sagrez.
§ Nam, in Portuguefc, a negative.
THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA. xlvli
leagues, and reached Cape Bojador. Encouraged by this
beginning, the Prince, while he was in Africa, acquired
whatever information the moft intelligent of the Moors of
Fez and Morocco could give. About a league and one half
from the Cape of St. Vincent, in the kingdom of Algarve,
Don Henry had obferved a fmall, but commodious fituatl-
on for a fea-port town. On this fpot, fuppofed the Pro-
montoriiim Sacrum of. the Romans, he built his town of
Sagrez, by much the beft planned and fortified of any in
Portugal. Here, where the view of the ocean, fays Faria,
infpired his hopes and endeavours, he eredled his arfenals,
and built and harboured his fliips. And here, leaving the
temporary buftle and cares of the ftate to his father and
brothers, he retired like a philofopher from the world, on
purpofe to render his ftudies of the utmoft importance to
its happinefs. Having received all the light which could
be difcovered in Africa, he continued unwearied in his
mathematical and geographical ftudies -, the art of fliip-
building received very great improvement under his direc-
tion, and the truth of his ideas of the ftrudture of the ter-
raqueous globe are now confirmed. He it was who firft
fuggefted the ufe of the compafs, and of longitude and la-
titude in navigation, and how thefe might be afcertained
by aftronomical obfervations ; fuggeftions and difcoveries
v;hich would have held no fecond place among the conjec-
tures of a Bacon, or the improvements of a Newton. Na-
val adventurers were now invited from all parts to the town
of Sagrez, and In 141 8 Juan Gonfalez Zarco and Triftran
Vaz
xlviii THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA.
Vaz fet fail on an expedition of difcovery, the circumftan-
ces of which gave us a ftriking picture of the ftate of navi-
gation, ere it was new-modelled by the genius of Henrjr.
Cape Bojador, fo named from its extent :j:, runs about
forty leagues to the weftward, and for about fix leagues
off land there is a moft violent current, which daihing up-
on the fhelves, makes a tempeftuous fea. This was deem-
ed impaffable, for it was not confidered, that by ftanding
out to the ocean the current might be avoided. To pafs
this formidable cape was the commlffion of Zarco and Vaz,
who were alfo ordered to proceed as far as they could to
difcover the African coaft, which according to the infor-
mation given to Henry by the Moors and Arabs, extend-
ed at leafl: to the equinoclial || line. Zarco and Vaz, how-
ever, loft their courfe in a ftorm, and were driven to a
little
^Forty leagues appeared as a vaft diftance to the failors of that age,
who named this Cape Bojador, from the Spanifh, byar, to compafs or go
about.
II It was known that the Arabian fca wafhed the cafiern fide of Africa:
it was furmifed therefore that a foulhern promontory bounded that con-
tinent. And certain it is, from the concurrent teftimony of all the wri-
ters who treat of Don Henry's difcoveries, that Africa was fuppofed to
terminate near to the equinoctial line. The account of Maico Paolo's
map, which it is faid, placed the fouthern Cape in its proper latitude,
fcems to have been propagated on purpofe to difcredit Prince Henry's re-
putation. The flory flands thus : Anthony Galvan relates, that Fran,
de Soufa Tavares told him that Don Ferdinand told him that in 1526, he
found, in the monaftery of Acobaga, a chart of Africa, lao years old,
which was faid to have been copied from one at Venice, which alfb was
believed to have been copied from one of Marco Paolo, which, according
to Ramufius, marked the Cape of Good Hope. Marco Paolo is faid to
have travelled into India and China in the fourteenth century.
THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA. xllx
little ifland, which in the joy of their deliverance they
named Puerto Santo, or the Holy Haven. Nor was
Prince Henry, on their return, lefs joyful of their dlfco-
very, than they had been of their efcape : A ftriking proof
of the miferable ftate of navigation ; for this ifland is only
about 1 60 leagues, the voyage now of three or four days
in moderate weather, from the promontory of Sagrez.
The Difcoverer of Puerto Santo, accompanied by Bar-
tholomew Pereftrello, were with three fliips fent out on
farther trial. Pereftrello, having fowed fome feeds, and
left fome cattle on Holy Haven, returned to Portugal ||.
But Zarco and Vaz directing their courfe fouthward, in
1419, perceived fomething like a cloud on the water, and
failing toward it, difcovered an illand covered with wood,
which from thence they named Madeira-}-. And this rich
and beautiful ifland, which foon yielded a confiderable re-
venue, was the firft reward of the enterprizes of Prince
Henry.
VOL. I. C If
II Unluckily alfo were left on this ifland two rabbits, whofe young lb
increafed, that in a few years it was found not habitable, every vegetable
being deftroyed by the great increale of thefe animals.
•|- The difcovery of Madeira by Prince Henry, was followed by the firft
fettlement of that ifland, fmce the days of Carthaginian commerce. The
Azores, Canaries, and Cape de Verde iflands, were frequented by that
trading people ; but fuch was the grofTnefs of the P.oman policy, that, af-
ter the fall of Carthage, the navigation to thefe parts ceafed. One Ma-
cham, an Englifhman, it is faid, {Harris's Voyages,) buried his miflrefs in
Madeira, in 1344. Some vedels driven by tempefl, had perhaps, before
the time of Don Henry, defcried the Madeira iflands, but the regular navi-
gation to them was unknown, till ellabli.lied by this great prmce. Vid.
Farla^ torn. I. c I.
1 THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA.
If the Duke of Vifeo's liberal ideas of eflablifliing colo-
nies, thofe finews of a commercial ftate, or his views of
African and Indian commerce, were too refined to ftrike
the grofs multitude •, yet other advantages refulting froni
his defigns, one would conclude, were fclf-evident. Na-
ture calls upon Portugal to be a maritime power, and her
naval fuperiority over the Moors, was in the time of Hen-
ry, the fureft defence of her exiftence as a kingdom. Yet
though all his labours tended to efhablifh that naval fupe-
riority on the fureft bafis, though even the religion of the
age added its authority to the cleareft political principles in
favour of Henry j yet were his enterprizes and his expe^ed
difcoveries derided with all the infolence of ignorance, and
all the bitternefs of popular clamour. Barren defarts like
Lybia, it was faid, were all that could be found, and a
thoufand difadvantages, drawn from thefe data, were fore-
feen and foretold. The great mind and better knowledge
of Henry, however, were not thus to be fliaken. Though
twelve years from the difcovery of Madeira had elapfed in
unfuccefsful endeavours to carry his navigation farther, he
was now more happy ; for one of his captains, named
Galianez, in 1434 pafled the Cape of Bojador, till then
invincible ; an a<5Lion, fays Faria, in the common opinion,
not inferior to the labours of Hercules.
Galianez, the next year, accompanied by Gonfalez Bal-
daya, carried his difcoveries many leagues farther. Ha-
ving put two horfemen on fliore, to difcover the face of
the
THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA. li
the country, the adventurers, after riding feveral hours,
faw nineteen men armed with javelins. The natives fled,
and the tv/o horfemen purfued, till one of the Portuguefe,
being wounded, loft: the firft: blood that v^-as facrificed to
the new fyflem of commerce. ATmall beginning, a very
fmall ftreamlet, fome perhaps may exclaim, but which
foon fwelled into oceans, and deluged the eafiern and wef-
tern worlds. Let fuch philofophers, however, be dcfired
to point out the defign of public utility, which has been
unpolluted by the depravity of the human pajlions. To
iuppofe that Heaven itfelf could give an inilitution which
could not be perverted, and to fuppofe no previous altera-
tion in human nature, is contradictory in propofition ; for
as human nature now exifts, power cannot be equally pof-
fefled by all, and whenever the feififh or vicious paffions
predominate, that pov/er will certainly be abufed. The
cruelties therefore of Cortez, and that more horrid barba-
rian Pizarrof, are no more to be charged upon Don Hen-
C 2 ry
f Some eminent writers, both at home and abroad, have of late endea-
voured to foften the charaifLer of Cortez, and have urged the neccility of
war for the (laughters he committed. Thefe authors have alfo greatly fof-
tened the horrid features of the Mexicans. If one, however, would trace
the true character of Cortez and the Americans, he mufl have recourfe to
the numerous Spanilh writers, who were either witnelles of the firft wars,
or foon after travelled in thofe countries. In thefe he will find many anec-
dotes which afford a light, not to be found in our modernifed hiftories. In
thefe it will be found, that Cortez (et out to take gold by force, and not
by eftablifhing any fyftem of commerce with the natives, the only juft
reafon of eff'ecting a fettlement in a foreign country. He was afked by va-
rious ftates, what commoditie? or drugs he wanted, and was promifeJ
abundant fupply. He and his Spaniards, he anfwered, had a dileal'e at
the-ir
lii THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA.
ry and Columbus, than the villanies of the Jefuits and
the horrors of the inquifition are to be afcribed to Him,
whofe precepts are fummed up in the great command, To
do to your neighbour as you would wifh your neighbour
to do to you. But if it is ftill alleged that he who plans
a difcovery ought to forefee the miferies which the vicious
will engraft upon his enterprize, let the objedbor be told,
that the miferies are uncertain, while the advantages are
real and fure j and that the true philofopher will not con-
fine his eye to the Spanifh campaigns in Mexico and Peru,
but will extend his profpeft to all the ineftimable benefits,
all the improvements of laws, opinions, and of manners,
which
their hearts, which nothing but gold could cure ; and he received intclli*
gence, that Mexico abounded with it. Under pretence of a friendly con-
ference, he made Montezuma his prifoner, and ordered him to pay tribute
to Charles V. Immenfe fums were paid, but the demand was boundlefs.
Tumults enfued. Cortez difplayed amazing gcneraidiip, and fome milli-
ons of thofe, who in enumerating to the Spaniards the greatnefs of Mon-
tezuma, boarted that his yearly lacrifices conlumed 20,000 men, were now
facrificed to the difeafe of Cortez's heart. Pizarro, however, in the bar-
barity of his foul, far exceeded him. There is a very bright fide of the
character of Cortez. If we forget that his avarice was the caufe of a moft
unjuft and moft bloody war, in every other rcfpeift he will appear as one
of the greateft of heroes. But Pizarro is a character completely deteftable,
dcftitute of every fpark of generofity. He maflacred the Peruvians, he
faid, becaufc they were barbarians, and he himfelf could not read. Ata-
balipa, amazed at the art of reading, got a Spaniard to write the word Di-
es (the Spunifh for God) on his finger. On trying if the Spaniards agreed
in what it fignified, he difcovered that Pizarro could not read. And Pizar-
ro in revenge of the contempt he perceived in the face of Atabalipa, or-
dered that prince to be tried for his life, for having concubines, and be-
ing an idolater, Atabalipa was condemned to be burned ; but on fubmlt-
liog to bajitifm, he was only hanged.
THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA. Jivi
which have been introduced by the intercourfe of univerfal
commerce.
&i 1440 Anthony Gonfalez brought fome Moors pri-
foners to Lifbon. Thefe he took two and forty leagues
beyond Cape Bojador, and in 1442 he returned to Africa
with his captives. One Moor efcaped from him, but ten
blacks of Guinea and a confiderable quantity of gold duft
were given in ranfom for two others. A rivulet at the
place of landing was named, by Gonfalez, Rio del Oro, or
the River of Gold. And the iflands of Adeget, Arguim,
and de las Garcas^ were now difcovered.
Thefe Guinea blacks, the firft ever {^tn in Portugal,
and the gold duft, excited other paffions befide admirati-
on. A company was formed at Lagos, under the aufpices
of Prince Henry, to carry on a traffic with the new difco-
vered countries ; and as the Portuguefe confidered them-
felves in a ftate of continual hoftility with the Moors,
about two hundred of thefe people, inhabitants of the
iflands of Nar and Tider, in 1 444, were brought prifoners
to Portugal. This was foon revenged. Gonzalo de Cin-
tra was the next year attacked by the Moors, fourteen
leagues beyond Rio del Oro, where with feven of his men
he was killed.
Thefe hoftile proceedings difpleafed Prince Henry, and
in 1446 Anthony Gonfalez and two other captains were
fent
liv THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA.
fent to enter into a treaty of peace and trafiic with the na-
tives of Rio del Oro, and alfo to attempt their converfion.
But thefe propofals were reje£led by the barbarians, one of
whom, however, came voluntarily to Portugal ; and Juan
Fernandez remained with the natives, to obferve their
manners and the produfts of the country. In the year fol-
lowing Fernandez was found in good health, and brought
home to Portugal. The account he gave of the country
and people affords a ftriking inftance of the mifery of bar-
barians. The land, an open, barren, fandy plain, where
the wandering natives were guided in their journeys by
the ftars and flights of birds; their food, milk, lizards,
locufts, and fuch herbs as the foil produced without cul-
ture ; and their only defence from the fcorching heat of
the fun fomc miferable tents which they pitched, as oc-
cafion required, on the burning fands.
In 1447 upwards of thirty fliips followed the route of
traffic which was now opened ; and John de Caftilla ob-
tained the infamy to ftand the firft on the lift of thofe
names whofe villainies have difgraced the f'pirit of com-
merce, and afforded the loudeft complaints againft the
progrefs of navigation. Diffatisfied with the value of his
cargo, he ungratefully feized twenty of the natives of Go-
mera, (one of the Canaries) who had affifted him, and
with v.'hom he was in friendly alliance, and brought them
as flaves to Portu^ral. But Prince Henry refented this out-
rage,
THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA. Iv
rage, and having given them fome valuable prefents of
clothes, reftored the captives to freedom and their native
country.
The converfion and reduction of the Canaries was alfo
this year attempted ; but Spain having claimed a right to
thefe iflands ||, the expedition was difcontinued. In the
Canary iflands was found a feodal cuftom ; the chief man (
or governor was gratified with the firft night of every
bride in his diflriiH:.
In 1448 Fernando Alonzo was fent ambaflador to the
King of Cabo Verde with a treaty of trade and converfion
which was defeated at that time by the treachery of the
natives. In 1449 the Azores were difcovered by Gonfalo
Velio, and the coafl fixty leagues beyond Cape Verde was
vifited by the fleets of Henry. It is alfo certain that fome
of his commanders palTed the equinoctial line. It was the
cuftom of his failors to leave his motto, Talent de Bien
Fa IRE, wherever they came ; and in 1525 Loaya, a Spa-
nifh captain, found that device carved on the bark of a
tree in the ifle of St. Matthew, in the fecond degree of
fouth latitude.
Prince
(j Sometimes before this period, 'John de Betancour, a Frenchman, under
the king of Caftile, had made a fettlement in the Canaries, which had
been difcovered, it is faid, about 1340, by fome Bifcaynecrs.
Ivi THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA.
Prince Henry had now with the moft inflexible perfe-
verance profecuted his dilcoveries for upwards of forty
years. His father, John I. concurred with him in his
views, and gave him every afllftance ; his brother King
Edward, during his fhort reign, was the fame as his fa-
ther had been ; nor was the eleven years regency of his
brother Don Pedro lefs aufpicious to him §. But the mif-
underftanding between Pedro and his nephew Alonzo V.
who took upon him the reigns of government in his feven-
teenth year, retarded the defigns of Henry, and gave him
much unhappinefsj. At his town of Sagrez, from whence
he had not moved for many years, except when called to
court on fome emergency of ftate, Don Henry, now in
his fixty-feventh year, yielded to the ftroke of fate, in the
year of our Lord 1463, gratified with the certain profpedl,
that the route to the eaftern world would one day crown
the enterprises to which he had given birth. He had the
happinefs to fee the naval fuperiority of his country over
the Moors eflablifhed on the moft folid bafis, its trade
greatly upon the increafe, and what he efteemed his great-
eft happinefs, he flattered himfelf that he had given a
mortal
§ The difficulties he furmounted, and theadiflance he received, are in-
conteflablc proofs, that an adventurer of inferior birth could never have
carried his defigns into execution.
\ Don Pedro was villainoufly accufed of treacherous defigns by his baftard
brother, the firft dul^e of Braganza. Henry left his town of Sagrcz, to
defend his brother at court, but in vain. Pedro, finding the young king in
the power of Braganza, fled, and foon after was killed in defending him-
felf againfl a party who were fent to feize him. His innocence, after his
death, was fully proved, and his nephew Alonzo V. gave him an honour-
able buridl.
THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA. Iva
mortal wound to Mohammed ifm, and had opened the
door to an univerfal propagation of Chriftianity and the
civilization of mankind. And to him, as to their prima-
ry author, are due all the ineftimable advantages which
ever have flowed, or will flow from the difcovery of the
greatefl: part of Africa, of the Eaft and Wefl: Indies. Eve-
ry improvement in the ftate and manners of thefe coun-
tries, or whatever country may be yet difcovered, is ftridl-
ly due to him ; nor is the difference between the prefent
ftate of Europe and the monkifli age in which he was born,
lefs the refult of his genius and toils. "What is an Alex-
ander II crowned with trophies at the head of his army,
compared with a Henry contemplating the ocean from his
window on the rock of Sagrez ! The one fuggefts the idea
of the evil daemon, the other of a tutelary angel.
From the year 1448, when Alonzo V. aflumed the
power of government, till the end of his reign in 1471,
little progrefs was made in maritime affairs, and Cape
Catharine was only added to the former difcoveries. But
under his fon John II. the defigns of Prince Henry were
profecuted with renewed vigour. In 148 1 the Portuguefe
built
II It has been faid by fome French writers, that the conquefls of Alex-
ander were intended to civilize, and unite the world in one grand intereft;
and that for this great purpofe he built cities and eltablilhed colonies in
Afia. Thofe, however, who have ftudied the true charafter of that vain-
glorious conqueror, the \\\\d delirium of his ambition, and his as wild fond-
nefs of Afiatic manners, will allow this refinement of dcfign to hold no
place in the motives of the pretended fon of Jupiter.
Iviii THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA,
built a fort on the Golden Coaft, and the King of Portu-
gal took the title of Lord of Guinea. Bartholomew Diaz,
in i486, reached the river, which he named dell Infante,
on the caftern fide of Africa ; but deterred by the ftorms
of that region from proceeding farther, on his return he
had the happinefs to be the difcoverer of the Promontory,
unknown for many ages, which bounds the fouth of Afric.
This, from the ftorms he there encountered, he named
the Cape of Tempejls \ but John elated with the promife of
India, which this difcovery, as he juftly deemed, includ-
ed, gave it the name of the Cape of Good Hope. The arts
and valour of the Portuguefe had now made a great im-
preffion on the minds of the Africans. The King of Con-
go, a dominion of great extent, fent the fons of fome of
his principal officers to be inftructed in arts and religion ;
and ambafladors from the King of Benin requefted teach-
ers to be fent to his kingdom. On the return of thefe his
fubjecls, the King and Qiieen of Congo, with 100,000 of
their people, were baptized. An ambaflador alfo arrived
from the Chrlftian Emperor of Abyffinia, and Pedro de
Covillam and Alonzo de Payva were fent by land to pene-
trate into the Eaft, that they might acquire whatever in-
telligence might facilitate the defired navigation to India.
Covillam and Payva parted at Toro in Arabia, and took
different routes. The former having vifited Conanor, Ca-
licut, and Goa in India, returned to Grand Cairo, where
he heard of the death of his companion. Here alfo he
met the Rabbi Abraham of Beja, who was employed for
the
THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA. lix
the fame purpofe by king John. Covillam fent the Rab-
bi home with an account of what countries he had feen,
and he himfelf proceeded to Ormuz and Ethiopia, but, as
Camoens exprefles it :
to his native fliore,
Enrich'd with knowledge, he returned no more.
JVIen, whofe genius led them to maritime affairs, began
now to be pofTelTed by an ardent ambition to diftinguifli
themfelves ; and the famous Columbus offered his fervice
to the King of Portugal. Every one knows the difcove-
ries of this great adventurer, but his hiftory is generally
mifunderftood*. It is by fome believed, that his ideas of
the
* Greatly mifunderftood, even by the ingenious author of the Account
of the European Settlements in America. Having mentioned the barbarous
ftate of Europe ; " Mathematical learning, fays he, was little valued or
" cultivated. The true fyftem of the heavens was not dreamed of. There
" was no knowledge at all of the real form of the earth, and in general
" the ideas of mankind were not extended beyond their fenfible horizon.
" In this ftate of affairs Cliriftopher Columbus, a native of Genoa, under-
" took to extend the boundaries which ignorance had given to the world.
" This man's defign arofe from the juft idea he had formed of the figure of
" the earth," — But this is all a miftake. Nor is the author of the Hifoire
Philofophiqiie, 8cc. lefs unhappy. Mifled by the common opinion of Colum-
bus, he has thus pompoufly cloathed it in the drefs of imagination — Ua
hommt oltfcur, fays he, plus avance que fort ftecle, &c. — thus literally, " An ob-
".fcure man, more advanced than his cotemporaiies in the knowledge of
" aftronomy and navigation, propofed to Spain, happy in her internal do-
" minion, to aggrandife herfelf abroad. Chriflojihcr Columbus felt, as if
" by inftinfl, tliat there mu(t be another continent, and tliat he was to diA
" cover it. The Antipodes, treated by reafon itfelf as a chimera, and by
" fuperftition as error and impiety, were in the eyes of this man of genius
" an
Ix THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA,
the fphere of the earth gave birth to his opinion, that there
muft be an immenfe unknown continent in the weft J,
fuch as America is now known to be ; and that his pro- ,
pofals were to go in fearch of it. But the fimple truth is,
Columbus,
*' an inconteftable truth. Full of this idea, one of the grandeft which could
" enter the human mind, he propofed, &c. The miniftcrs of this
" princefs (Ifabel of Spain) efteemed as a vifionary, a man who pretended
*' to diicover a world——." But this dream of difcovering a world never
entered the head of Columbus. And be it ours to reftore his due honours
to the Prince of Portugal. By the mod indubitable and concurrent tefli-
monv of all the Portiiguefe Hiftorians of this period, Henry had underta-
ken to extend the boundaries which ignorance had given to the world, and
had extended them much beyond the fenfible horizon, long ere Columbus
appeared. Columbus indeed taught the Spaniards the ufc of longitude and
latitude in navigation, but he himfelf learned thefe among the Portuguefe.
Every alteration here aicribed to Columbus, had almoft fifty years before
been effecfled by Henry. Even Henry's defign of failing to India was adopted
by Columbus. It was every where his propofal. When he arrived in the
Wefl Indies, he thought he had found the Ophir of Solomon \, and thence
thel'e iflands received their general name. And on his return he told John
11. that he had been at the iflands of India. When he landed in Cuba, he
enquired for Cipango, the name of Japan, according to Marco Paolo, and
by the miflake of the natives, who thought he laid Cibao, he was informed
of the richeft mines of Hifpaniola. And even on his fourth and laft voy-
age in 1502, three years after Gama's return, he promifed the king of
Spain to find India by a weftward pafTage. But though great difcoveries
rewarded his toils, his firft and lafl purpofe he never completed. It was
referred for Magalhaens to difcover the weftward route to the Eallem
World.
§ Gomara, and other Spanilh writers relate that while Columbus lived in
Madeira, a pilot, the only iurvivor of a (hip's crew, died at his houfe. This
pilot, they fay, had been driven to the Weft Indies or America by tempeft,
a id on his death-bed communicated the journal of his voyage to Colum-
bus. But this ftory, as it ftands at large, is involved in contradi^on with-
out proof, and is every where efleemed a fable of malice.
§ Pcttr .Martyr, ( who hved at that time at the Court of Spain)
V-: r. ! r.
THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA. Ixi
Columbus, who as we have certain evidence, acquired his
fkill in navigation among the Portuguefe, could be no
flranger to the defign long meditated in that kingdom, of
difcovering a naval route to India, which they endeavour-
ed to find by compaffing the coaft of Africa. According
to ancient geographers and the opinion of that age, India
was fuppofed to be the next land to the weft of Spain.
And the idea of difcovering a weftern pafTage to the Eaft,
is due to the genius of Columbus ; but no more : To dif-
cover India and the adjacent iflands of fpices, already fa-
mous over all Europe, was every where the avowed and
fole idea of Columbusf . A propofal of this kind to the
king of Portugal, whofe fleets had already pafled the cape
of Good Hope, and who efteemed the route to India as
almoft difcovered, and in the power of his own fubjedls,
could at the court of Lifbon expect no fuccefs. And the
offered fervices of the foreigner were rejected, even with
fbme degree of contempt. Columbus, however, met a
more favourable reception from Ferdinand and Ifabella,
the king and queen of Caftile. To interfere with the
route or difcoveries, opened and enjoyed by another pow-
er, was at this time efteemed contrary to the laws of nati-
ons. Columbus, therefore, though the objedl was one,
propofed.
f And fo deeply had ancient geography fixed this idea, that Sebaflian
Cabot's propofal to Hcniy VII. X497i was to difcover Cathay, and thence
India, by the north- weft. See Hakluit. torn. 3. p. 7. And Ramufius, Pre-
fat. torn. 3. — Columbus endeavoured, firft, to difcover India direftly by
-fhe weft, and afterwards, by the fouth-wcft.
Ixli THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA.
propofed, as Magalhaens afterwards did for the fame rea-
fon, to fleer the wellward courfe, and having in 1492 dif-
covered fome weftern iflands, in 1493, ^^ ^^'^ return to
Spain, he put into the Tagus with great tokens of the
riches of his difcovery. Some of the Portuguefe courtiers,
the fame ungenerous minds perhaps who advifed the re-
je(^ion of Columbus becaufe he was a foreigner, propofed
the aflafiination of that great man, thereby to conceal from
Spain the advantages of his navigation. But John, though
Columbus rather roughly upbraided him, looked upon
him now with a generous regret, and difmifled him with
honour. The king of Portugal, however, was alarmed,
left the difcoveries of Columbus fhould interfere with thofe
of his crown, and gave orders to equip a war fleet to pro-
tect his rights. But matters were adjufted by embaflles,
and that celebrated treaty by which Spain and Portugal
divided the Weftern and Eaftern Worlds between them-
felves.' The eaftern half of the world was allotted for the
Portuguefe, and the weftern for the Spanifti navigation.
A line from pole to pole drawn an hundred leagues to the
weft of the Azores, was their boundary : and thus each
nation had one hundred and eighty degrees, within which
they might eftablilh fettlements and extend their dil'cove-
ries. And a papal bull, which, for obvious reafons, pro-
hibited the propagation of the gofpcl in thefe bounds by
the fubje«Sts of any other ftate, confirmed this amicable
and extraordinary treaty.
Soon
THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA. Ixm
Soon after this, while the thoughts of king John were
intent on the difcovery of India, his preparations were in-
terrupted by his death. But his earneft defires and great
defigns were inherited, together with his crown, by his
coufin Emmanuel. And in 1497, the year before Colum-
bus made the voyage which difcovered the mouth of the
river Oronoko, Vafco de Gama failed from the Tagus on
the difcovery of India.
Of this voyage, the fubje(ft of the Lufiad, many parti-
culars are neceflarily mentioned in the notes ; we fhall
therefore only allude to thefe, but be more explicit on the
others, which are omitted by Camoens, in obedience to
the rules of the Epopoeia.
Notwithftanding the full torrent of popular clamour
againft the undertaking, Emmanuel was determined to
profecute the views of Prince Henry and John II. Three
floops of war and a ftore fhip manned with only 160 men
were fitted out ; for hoftility was not the purpofe of this
humane expedition. Vafco de Gama, a gentleman of good
family, who, in a v/ar with the French, had given fignal
proofs of his naval {kill, was commiffioned admiral and
general, and his brother Paul, for whom he bore the fin-
cereft affection, with his friend Nicholas Coello, were at
his requeft appointed to command under him. All the
enthufiafm of dcfire to accomplifh his end, joined with the
greateft heroifm, the quickeft penetration, and cooleft pru-
dence.
kiv THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA,
dence, united to form the character of Gama. On his
appointment to the command, he declared to the king
that his mind had long afpired to this expedition. The
king exprefled great confidence in his prudence and ho-
nour, and gave him, with his own hand, the colours
which he was to carry. On this banner, which bore the
crofs of the military order of Chrift, Gama, with great
cnthufiafm to merit the honours beftowed upon him, took
the oath of fidelity.
About four miles from Lifbon there is a chapel on the
fea fide. To this, the day before their departure, Gama
conducted the companions of his expedition. He was to
encounter an ocean untried, and dreaded as unnavigable
and he knew the force of the ties of religion on minds
which are not inclined to difpute its authority. The whole
night was fpent in the chapel, in prayei:| for fuccefs, and
in the rites of their devotion. On the next day, when the
adventurers marched to the fhips, the Ihore of Belem %
prefented one of the moft folemn and affedling fcenes per-
haps recorded in hiftory. The beach was covered with
the inhabitants of Li{bon. A numerous proceffion of
priefts in their robes fung anthems and offered up invoca-
tions to heaven. Every one beheld the adventurers as
brave innocent men going to a dreadful execution, as rufh-
ing upon certain death ; and the vafl: multitude caught the
fire
\ Or Btthlchem, Co named from the chapel.
THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA. Ixv
fire of devotion, and joined aloud in the prayers for fuc-
cefs. The relations, friends, and acquaintance of the
voyagers wept ; all were affedled ; the figh was general ;
Gama himfelf fhed fome manly tears on parting with his
friends ; but he hurried oyer the tender fcene, and haften-
ed aboard with all the alacrity of hope. Immediatgy he
gave his fails to the wind, ai)d fo much affected were the
many thoufands who beheld his departure, that they re-
mained immoveable on the fhore till the fleet, under full
fail, evaniflied from their fight.
It was on the 8th of July when Gama left the Tagus.
The flag fliip was commanded by himfelf, the fecond by
his brother, the third by Coello, and the ftore fhip by
Gonfalo Nunio. Several interpreters, fkilled in the Ethio-
pian, Arabic, and other oriental languages, went along
ivith them. Ten malefadlors, men of abilities, whofe fen-
ten ces of death were reverfed, on condition of their obe-
dience to Gama in whatever embaffies or dangers among
the barbarians he might think proper to employ them,
ivere alfo on board. The fleet, favoured by the weather,
pafTed the Canary and Cape de Verde iflands ; but had
nov/ to encounter other fortune. Sometimes flopped by
dead calms, but for the moft part toft by tempefls, which
increafed their violence and horrors as they proceeded to
the fouth. Thus driven far to fea, they laboured through
that wide ocean which furrounds St. Helena, in feas,
fays Faria, unknown to the Portuguefe difcoverers, none of
VOL. I. D whom
Ixvi THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA.
whom had failed fo far to the weft. From the 28th of
July, the day they palfed the ifle of St. James, they had
feen no fhore j and now on November the 4th they were
happily relieved by the fight of land. The fleet anchored
in a large bay *, and Cocllo was fent in fearch of a river,
where they might take in wood and frefh water. Having
found one convenient for their purpofe, the fleet made
toward it. and Gama, whofe orders were to acquaint
himfelf with the manners of the people wherever he
touched, ordered a party of his men to bring him fome of
the natives by force or ftratagem. One they caught as
he was gathering honey on the fide of a mountain, and
brought him to the fhips. He exprefled the greateft in-
difference for the gold and fine clothes which they fhewed
him, but was greatly delighted with fome glaffes and little
brafs bells. Thefe with great joy he accepted, and was
fet on fhore ; and foon after many of the blacks came for,
and were gratified with the like trifles ; and for which in
return they gave great plenty of their beft provifions. None
of Gama's interpreters, however, could underftand a word
of their language, or receive any information of India.
And the friendly intercourfe between the fleet and the na-
tives was foon interrupted by the imprudence of Velofo f,
a young Portuguefe, which occafioned a fcuffle, wherein
Gama's life was endangered. Gama and fome others
were on fliore taking the altitude of the fun, when in con-
fequence
• Now called St. Helen's. f Sec the note, p. lai.
THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA. Ixvli
equence of Velofo's ralhnefs they were attacked by the
)lacks with great fury. Gama defended himfelf with an
)ar, and received a dart in his foot. Several others were
ikewife wounded, and they found their fafety in retreat,
fhe fhot from the fliips facilitated their efcape, and Gama
ifteeming it imprudent to wafte his flrength in attempts
:ntirely foreign to the defign of his voyage, weighed an-
;hor, and fleered in fearch of the extremity of Afric
In this part of the voyage, fays Oforius, the herolfm of
jama was greatly difplayed. The waves fwelled like
nountains in height, the fhips feemed now heaved up to
he clouds, and now appeared as precipitated by gulphy
vhirlpools to the bed of the ocean. The winds were
>iercing cold, and fo boifterous that the pilot's voice could
eldom be heard, and a difmal, almoft continual darknefs,
vhich at that tempeftuous feafon involves thefe feas, add-
:d all its horrors. Sometimes the ftorm drove them
buthward, at other times they were obliged to ftand on
he tack, and yield to its fury, preferving what they had
jained with the greateft difficulty.
With fuch mad feas the daring Gama fought
For many a day, and many a dreadful night,
Incefiant labouring round the {Vormy Cape,
By bold ambition led Thomson.
D 2 During
IxvHi THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA.
During any gloomv interval of the ftorm, the failors,
wearied out with fatigue, and abandoned to defpair, fur-
rounded Gama, and implored him not to fufFer himfelf,
and thofe committed to his care, to perifh by fo dread-
ful a death. The impoffibility that men fo weakened
fliould ftand it much longer, and the opinion that this
ocean was torn by eternal tempefts, and therefore had
hitherto been, and was impafTable, were urged. But Ga-
ma's refolution to proceed was unalterable. A formidable
confpiracy was then formed againft his life ; but his bro-
ther difcovered it, and the courage and prudence of Ga-
ma defeated its defignf. He put the chief confpirators
and
fThe voyage of Gama has been called merely a coalHng one, and there-
fore much lefs dangerous and heroicnl than that of Columbus, or of Ma-
galhaens. But this, it is prefumed, is one of the opinions liallily taken up,
and founded oo ignorance. Columbus and Magalliaens undertook to na-
vigate unknown oceans, and fo did Gama ; with this difference, that the
ocean around the Cape of Good Hope, which Gama was to encounter,
was believed to be, and had been avoided by Diaz, as impaflable. Prince
Henry fuggefted that the current of Cape Bojador might be avoided by
{landing to fea, and thus that Cape was firft palled. Gama for this reafon
did not coafl, but flood to fea for upwards of three months of tempeftuous
weather. The tempefts which afflifled Columbus and Magalliaens, are by
their difTerent iiiftorians defcribed with circumftances of kfs horror and dan-
ger than thofe which attacked Gama. All the three commanders were en-
dangered by mutiny ; but none of their crews, fave Gama's, could urge the
opinion of ages, and the example of a living captain, that the dreadful
ocean which they attempted was unnavigable. Columbus and Magalhaens
always found means, afler deteillng a confpiracy, to keep the reft in hope,
but Gama's men, when he put tiie i)ilt)ts in irons, continued in the utmoft
I'cfpair. Columbus was indeed ill. obeyed; Miigalhaens fometimcs little
belter : but nothing, fave the wonderful authority of Gama's command,
*;ould have led his crew through the tempcft which he furmounted ere he
•loublcd the Cape of Good Hope. Columbus, with Lis crew, muft have
returned. The expedients with which he ufed to footh them, would, un-
der
THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA. Ixix
and all the pilots in irons, and he himielf, his brother,
Coello, and fome others, flood night and day to the
helms, and direcSled the courfe. At laft, after having
many days, with unconquered mind, withftood the tem-
peft and an enraged mutiny, (molem perfidia) the ftorm
fuddenly ceafed, and they beheld the Cape of Good Hope.
On November the 20th all the fleet doubled that pro-
inontory, and fteering northward, coafted along a rich
and
\3er his authority, have had no avail in the tempeft which Gama rode
through. From every circumftance it is evident that Gama had determin-
ed not to return, unlefs he found India. Nothing lefs than fuch refoluti-
on to perifli or attain his point could have led him on. But Columbus, ill
obeyed, indeed, returned from the mouth of the river Oronoko, before he
had made a certain difcovery lAihether the land was ifle or continent. When
Gama met a ftrong current off Ethiopia, he bore on, though driven from
his courfe. Columbus fleering fouthward in fearch of continent, met great
currents. He imagined they were the rifing of the fea towards the canopy
of heaven, which for aught he knew, fay the Authors of the Univerfal
Hillory, they might touch towards the fouth. He therefore turned his
courfe, and (leered to the weft. The pafling of the ilraits of Magellan,
however hazardous, was not attended with fuch danger as Gama experienc-
ed at the Cape, The attempt to crois the Pacific was greatly daring, but
his voyage in that fea was happy. The navigation of the flraits of Magel-
lan and the Pacific are in this country little known ; but the courfe of Ga-
ma is at this day infinitely more hazardous than that of Columbus. If Co-
lumbus found no pilots to conduct him, but eiicountered his greateft dan-
gers in founding his courfe among the numerous weftern iflands, Gama,
though in the Indian ocean aflifted by pilots, had as great trials of his va-
lour, and much greater ones of his prudence. The warlike (trength, and
deep treacherous arts of the Moors, were not found in the welt. All was
fimplicity among the natives there. The prudence and forefight of Gama
and Columbus were of the highert rate ; Magalhaens was in thefe fbme-
times rather inferior. He loft his own, and the lives of the greateft part
of his crew, by hazarding a land engagement at the advice of a judicial
aftrologer. See the note on this line ;
Ttf match thy deeds Jhall Mugalhaem afpire. Lusiad X,
Ixx THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA.
and beautiful fhore, adorned with large forefts and num-
berlefs herds of cnttlc. All was now alacrity ; the hope
that they had furmounted every danger revived their fpi-
rits, and the admiral was beloved and admired. Here,
and at the bay, which they named St. Bias, they took in
provillons, nnd beheld tliofc beautiful rural fcenes, de-
fcribed by Camoens. And here the flore floop, now of
no farther fervice, was burnt by order of the admiral. On
December the 8th a violent ftorm drove the fleet from
the fight of land, end carried them to that dreadful cur-
rent * which made the Moors deem it impoffible to dou-
ble the Cape. Gama, however, though unhappy in the
time of navigating thefe Teas, was fafely carried over the
current by the violence of a tempeft ; and having recovered
the fight of land, as his fafeft courfe, he fleered north-
ward along the coaft. On the loth of January they de-
fcried, about 230 miles from their lafh watering place,
fome beautiful iflands, with herds of cattle frifking in
the meadows. It was a profound calm, and Gama ftood
near to land. The natives of this place, which he named
Terra de Natal, were better drelTed and more civilized
than thofe they had hitherto feen. An exchange of pre-
fents was made, and the black king was fo pleafed with
the politencfs of Gama, that he came aboard his fhip to
fee him. On the 15 th of January, in the duflcofthe
evening, they came to the mouth of a large river, whofe
banks were fliaded with trees loaded with fruit. On the
return
• This current runs between the Cape from thence named Conicntes,
uod the foulh-weft extremity of Madagafcar.
I
THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA. Ixxi
return of day they faw i'everal little boats with palm-tree
leaves making towards them, and the natives came aboard
without hefitatlon or fear. Gama received them kindly,
gave them an entertainment, and fome filken garments,
which they received with viflble joy. Only one of them
however could fpeak a little broken Arabic. From him
Fernan Martinho learned, that not far diftant was a coun-
try where fhips, in fhape and fize like Gama's, frequently
reforted. Hitherto Gama had found only the rudeft
barbarians on the coafts of Africa, alike ignorant of India
and of the naval art. The information he here received,
that he was drawing near to civilized countries, gave the
adventurers great fpirits, and the admiral named this place
The River of Good Signs.
Here, while Gama careened and refitted his fhips, the
crews were attacked with a violent fcurvy, which carried
ofFfeveral of his men. Having taken in frefh provifions,
on the 24th of February he fet fail, and on the firft of
March they defcried four iflands on the coaft of Mozam-^
bic. From one of thefe they perceived {"even veflels in
full fail bearing toward them. Thefe knew Gama's fhips
by the admiral's enfign, and made up to her, fainting her
with loud huzzas and their inftruments of mufic. Gama
received them abroad, and entertained them with great
kindnefs. The interpreters talked with them in Arabic.
The ifland, in which was the principal harbour and trad-
ing town, they faid, was governed by a deputy of the
Jiing of Quiloa j and many Saracen merchants, they add-
ed,
Ixxli THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA.
ed, were fettled here, wlio traded with Arabia, India,
and other parts of the world. Gama was overjoyed, and
the crew with uplifted hands returned thanks to heaven.
Pleafed with the prefents which Gama fent him, and
imagining that the Portugucfe were Mohammedans from
Morocco, Zacocia the governor, drefled in rich embroi-
dery, came to congratulate the admiral on his arrival in
the Eaft. As he approached the fhips in great pomp,
Gama removed the lick out of fight, and ordered all thofe
in health to attend above deck, armed in the Portuguefe
manner -, for he forefaw what would happen when the
ISIohammedans ihould difcover their miftake. During
the entertainment provided for him, Zacocia feemed
highly pleafed, and afked feveral queftions about the
arms and religion of the ftrangers. Gama fhewed them
his arms, and explained the force of his cannon, but he
did not affect to know much about religion ; however he
frankly promifed to fhew him his books of devotion whene-
ver a few days refrefliment fhould give him a more con-
venient time. In the meanwhile he intreated Zacocia to
fend him fome pilots who might conduift him to India.
Two pilots were next day brought by the governor, a
treaty of peace was folemnly concluded, and every office
of mutual fricndfhip feemed to promife a lafting harmony.
But it was foon interrupted. Zacocia, as foon as he found
the Portuguefe were Chriftians, ufed every endeavour to
dcftroy them. The life of Gama was attempted. One
of
THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA. Ixxiii
of the Moorifh pilots deferted, and fome of the Portu-
guefe, who were on fhore to get frefh water, were at-
tacked by feven barks of the natives, but were refcued by
a timely affiftance from the fliips.
Befides the hatred of the Chriftian name, infpired by
their religion, thefe Mohammedan Arabs had other rea-
fons to wifh the deftruflion of Gama. Before this pe-
riod, they were almoft the only merchants of the Eaft.
Though without any empire in a mother country, they
were bound together by language and religion, and like
the modern Jews, were united together, though fcattered
over various countries. Though they efteemed the cur-
rent off Cape Corrientes, and the tempeftuous feas around
the Cape of Good Hope, as impaflable, they were the
fole mafters of the Ethiopian, Arabian, and Indian feas ;
and had colonies in every place convenient for trade on
thefe coafts. This crafty mercantile people clearly forefaw
the confequences of the arrival of Europeans, and every
art was foon exerted to prevent fuch formidable rivals from
effecting any fettlement in the Eaft. To thefe Moham-
medan traders, the Portuguefe, on account of their reli-
gion, gave the name of Moors.
Immediately after the flcirmifli at the watering-place,
Gama, having one Moorifh pilot, fet fail, but was foon
driven back to the fame ifland by tempeftuous weather. He
now refolved to take in frefli water by force. The Moors
perceived
Ixxiv THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA,
perceived his intention, about two thouland of whom ri-
ling from ambufh, attacked the Portuguefe detachment.
But the prudence of Gama had not been afleep. His
iTiips were ftationed with art, and his artillery not only
difperfed the hoftile Moors, but reduced their town,
which was built of wood, into a heap of afhes. Among
forae priloners taken by Paulus de Gama was a pilot, and
Zacocia begging forgivenefs for his treachery, fent ano-
ther, whofe flcill in navigation he greatly commended.
A war with the Moors was now begun. Gama perceiv-
ed that their jejiloufy of European rivals gave him nothing
to expe£l but fecret treachery and open hoftility ; and he
knew what numerous colonies they had on every trading
coaft of the Eaft. To imprefs them therefore with the
terror of his arms on their firfk a^ of treachery was wor-
thy of a great commander. Nor was he remifs in his at-
tention to the chief pilot, who had been laft fcnt. He
perceived in him a kind of anxious endeavour to bear near
fome little iflands, and fufpefling there were unfeen rocks
in that courfe, he confidently charged the pilot with guilt,
3nd ordere'd him to be feverely whipped. The punifli-
ment produced a confeffion, and promifes of fidelity.
And he now advifed Gama to fland for Qiiiloa, which he
alTured him was inhabited by Chriflians. Three Ethiopi-
an Chriftians had come aboard while at Zacocia's ifland,
and the current opinions of Prefter John's country in-
clined Gama to try if he could find a port, where he
might
THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA. Ixxr
might expert the affiftance of a people of his own religion.
A violent ftorm, however, drove the fleet from Quiloa,
and being now near Mombaze, the pilot advifed him to
enter that harbour, where, he faid, there were alfo many
Chriftians.
The city of Mombaza is agreeably fituated on an ifland,
formed by a river which empties itfelf into the fea by two
mouths. The buildings are lofty and of firm flone, and
the country abounds with fruit trees and cattle. Gama,
happy to find a harbour where every thing wore the ap-
pearance of civilization, ordered the (hips to caft anchor,
which was fcarcely done, when a galley in which were
100 men in Turkifh habit, armed with bucklers and fa-
bres, rowed up to the flag fhip. All of thefe feemed defi-
rous to come aboard, but only four, who by their drefs
feemed ofiicers, were admitted ; nor were thefe allowed,
till ftript of their arms. As foon as on board, they ex-
tolled the prudence of Gama in refufing admittance to
armed ftrangers ; and by their behaviour feemed defirous
to gain the good opinion of the adventurers. Their coun-
try, they boafted, contained all the riches of India, and
their king, they profeli'ed, was ambitious of entering into
a friendly treaty with the Portuguefe, with whofe renown
he was well acquainted. And that a conference with his
majefty and the offices of friendfiiip might be rendered
more convenient, Gama was requefted and advifed to en-
fer the harbour. As no place could be more commodious
••' for
Ixxvl THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA,
for the recovery of the lick, and the whole fleet was fick-
ly, Gama refolved to enter the port ; and in the mean-
while fent two of the pardoned criminals as an embafly to
the king. Thefe the king treated with the greateft kind-
nefs, ordered his olTicers to Ihew them the ftrength and
opulence of his city; and on their return to the navy, he
icnt a prcfcnt to Gama of the moft valuable fpices, of
which he boafted fuch abundance, that the Portuguefe,
he faid, if they regarded their own interefl, would feek
for no other India.
To make treaties of commerce was the bufinefs of Ga-
ma ; one fo advantageous, and fo defired by the natives,
was therefore not to be refufed. Fully fatisfied by the re-
port of his fpies, he ordered to weigh anchor, and enter
the harbour. His own fliip led the way, when a fudden
violence of the tide made Gama apprehenflve of running
aground. He therefore ordered his fails to be furled and
the anchors to be dropt, and gave a iignal for the others
to follow his example. This manoeuvre, and the cries of
the failors in executing it, alarmed the Mozambic pilots.
Confcious of their treachery, they thought their defign
was difcovered, and leapt into the fea. Some boats of
Mombaza took them up, and refiifing to put them orf
board, fet them fafely on fhore, though the admiral re-
peatedly demanded the reftoration of the pilots. Thefe
circumftances, evident proofs of treachery, were farther
confirmed by the behaviour of the king of Mombaza. In
the
THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA. Ixxvil
the middle of the night Gama thought he heard fome
noife, and on examination, found his fhips furrounded
by a great number of Moors, who, in the utmoft privacy,
endeavoured to cut his cables. But their fcheme was de-
feated ; and fome Arabs, who remained on board confeiT-
ed that no Chriftians were refident either at Quiloa or
Mombaza. The ftorm which drove them from the one
place, and their late efcape at the otlier, were now be-
held as manifeftations of the divine fixvour ; and Gama,
holding up his hands to heaven, afcribed his fafety to the
care of providence*. Two days, however, elapfed, be-
fore they could get clear of the rocky bay of Mombaze,
and having now ventured to hoift their fails, they fleered
for Melinda, a port, they had been told, where many
merchants from India reforted. In their way thither they
took a Moorifli velTel, out of which Gama felecled four-
teen prifoners, one of whom he perceived by his mien to
be a perfon of diftinclion. By this Saracen Gama was in-
formed, that he was near Melinda, that the king was
hofpitable, and celebrated for his faith, and that four fhips
from India, commanded by Chriftian mafters, were in
that harbour. The Saracen alfo offered to go as Gama's
melTenger to the king, and promifed to procure him an
able pilot to conduct him to Calicut, the chief port of
India.
As
* It afterwards appeared, that the Moorlfii king of Mombaza had been
informed of what happened at Mozambic, and mtended to revenge it by
the total deftruiftion of the fleet.
Ixxvlli THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA.
As the coaft of JNIelinda appeared to be dangerous,
Gama anchored at fome diftance from the city, and un-
willing to hazard any of his men, he landed the Saracen
on an ifland oppofite to the town. This was obferved,
and the ftranger was brought before the king, to whom
lie gave fo favourable an account of the politenefs and hu-
manity of Gama, that a prefent of feveral fheep, and
fruits of all forts, was fcnt by his majefty to the admiral,
who had the happinefs to find the truth of what his pri-
foner had told him, confirmed by the maflers of the four
fhips from India. Thefe were Chriftians from Cambaya.
They were tranfported with joy on the arrival of the
Portuguefe, and gave feveral ufefiil inftrudtions to the
admiral.
The city of Melinda was fituated in a fertile plain, fur-
rounded with gardens and groves of orange-trees, whofe
flowers difFufed a moft grateful odour. The paftures
were covered with herds, and the houfes built of fquare
ftones, were both elegant and magnificent. Defirous to
make an alliance with fuch a ftate, Gama requited the
civility of the king with the moft grateful acknowledg-
ments. He drew nearer the fhore, and urged his in-
ftruitions as apology for not landing to wait upon his ma-
jefty in pcrfon. The apology was accepted ; and the
kin^', whofe age and infirmities prevented himfelf, fent
his Ion to congratulate Gan\a, and enter into a treaty of
friendlhip. The prince, who had fometimes governed
under
THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA. Ixxix
under the dire<Stion of his father, came in great pomp.
His drefs was royally magnificent, the nobles who attend-
ed him difplayed all the riches of filk and embroidery,
and the mufic of Melinda re founded all over the bay.
Gama, to exprefs his regard, met him in the admiral's
barge. The prince, as foon as he came up, leapt into
it, and diftinguifliing the admiral by his babit, embraced
him with all the intimacy of old friendfhip. In their con-
verfation, which was long and fprightly, he difcovered
nothing of the barbarian, fays Oforlus, but in every-
thing fhewed an intelligence and politenefs worthy of his
high rank. He accepted the fourteen Moors, whom Ga-
ma gave to him, with great pleafure. He feemed to
view Gama with enthufiafm, and confefTed that the make
of the Portuguefe (hips, fo much fuperior to what he had
feen, convinced him of the greatnefs of that people. He
gave Gama an able pilot, named Melemo Cana, to con-
duct him to Calicut ; and requefted, that on his return
to Europe, he would carry an ambafiador with him to the
court of Lifbon. During the few days the fleet ftayed
at Melinda, the mutual friendfhip increafed, and a treaty
of alliance was concluded. And now, on April 22, re-
iigning the helm to his Ikilful and honeft pilot, Gama
hoifted fail and fleered to the north. In a few days they
pafTed the line, and the Portuguefe with extacy beheld
the appearance of their native fky. Orion, Urfa major
and minor, and the other ftars about the northern pole,
were
Ixxx THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA."
were now a more joyful difcovery than the fouth f pole
had formerly been to them. Having pafTed the meridian,
the pilot now ftood diretStly to the eaft, through the In-
dian ocean ; and after failing about three weeks, he had
the happinefs to congratulate Gama on the view of the
mountains of India. Gama, tranfported with extacy, re-
turned thanks to heaven, and ordered all his prifoners
to be fet at liberty, that every heart might tafte of the joy
of his fuccefsful voyage.
About two leagues from Calicut Gama ordered the fliips
to anchor, and was foon furrounded by a number of boats.
By one of thefe he fent one of the pardoned criminals to
the city. The appearance of (inknown veflels on their
coaft brought immenfe crowds around the ftranger, who
no
f A clrcumftance in the letters of Amerigo Vcfpucci cieferves remark.
Defctibing his voyage to America, having palled the line, fays he, " c come
deftderofo (fejjere Autore chefegnajft la J}eUa——At(\ico\is to be the namer and
difcoverer of the pole ftar of the other hemifphere, I loft my fleep many
nights ill contemplating the liars of the other pole." He then laments,
that as his inflrumcnts could not difcover any ftar of lefs motion than ten
degrees, he had not the fatisfadtion to give a name to any one. Bui as he
obferved four ftars, in form of an almond, which had but little motion, he
hoped in his next voyage he (hould be able to mark them out. — All tl.is is
truly curious, and affords a good comment on the temper of the man who
had the art to defraud Columbus, by giving his own name to America, of
which he challenged the difcovery. Near fifty years before the voyage of
Amcrii; > Vcfpucci the Portuguefe had crofTed the line ; and Diaz fourteen,
and Gama near three years before, liad doubled the Cape of Good Hope,
had diicovered feven ftars in the condcllation of the fouth pole, and from
the appi-arance of the four moft luminous, had given it the name of The
Crafs, a figure which it better refemblcs than that of an almond.
THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA. Jxxxi
no fooner entered Calicut, than he was lifted from his
feet and carried hither and thither by the concourfe.
Though the populace and the ftrangcr were alike earncft
to be underftood, their language was unintelligible to each
other,' till, happy for Gama in the event, a Moorifli mer-
chant accofted his meflenger in the Spanifh tongue. The
next day this Moor, who was named Monzaida, waited
upon Gama on board his fliip. He was a native of Tu-
nis, and the chief perfon, he faid, with whom John II.
had at that port contracted for military ftores. He was
a man of abilities and great intelligence of the world, and
an admirer of the Portuguefe valour and honour. The
engaging behaviour of Gama heightened his efi:eem into
the iincereft attachment. He offered to be interpreter
for the admiral, and to ferve him in whatever befides he
could poffibly befriend him. And thus, by one of thofe
unforefeen circumftances which often decide the greateft
events, Gama received a friend, who foon rendered him
the mod critical and important fervice.
At the firft interview, Monzaida gave Gama the fuUefi:
information of the clime, extent, cuftoms, religions, and
various riches of India, the commerce of the Moors, and
the charafter of the fovereign. Calicut was not only the
imperial city, but the greateft port. The king or Zamo-
rim, who refided here, was acknowledged as emperor by
the neighbouring princes; and as his revenue confifted
VOL. I. E chiefly
Ixxxii THE DISCOVERY ^OF INDIA.
chiefly of duties on merchandife, he had always encou-
raged the refort of foreigners to his harbours.
Pleafed with this promifing profpecl, Gama fent two of
his officers with Monzaida to wait on the Zamorim at his
palace of Pandarene, a few miles firom the city. They
were admitted to the royal apartment, ?.nd delivered their
embafly j to which the Zamorim replied, that the arrival
of the admiral of fo great a prince as Emmanuel, gave
him inexpreffible pleafure, and that he would willingly em-
brace the offered alliance. In the meanwhile, as their
prefent ftation was extremely dangerous, he advifed then^
to bring the fhips nearer to Pandarene, and for this pur-
pofe he fent a pilot to the fleet.
A few days after, the Zamorim fent his firft miniflier,
or Catual, attended by feveral of the Nayres, or nobility,
to conduct Gama to the royal palace. As an interview
with the Zamorim was abfolutely neceflary to complete
the purpofe of his voyage, Gama immediately agreed to it,
though the treachery he had already experienced, fince
his arrival in the eaftern feas, fhewed him the perfonal
danger which he thus hazarded. He gave the command
of the fliips during his abfence to his brother Paulus and
his friend Coello ; and in the orders he left them he dif-
played a heroifm, fuperior to that of Alexander when he
crofled the Granicus. That of the Macedonian was fero-
cious and frantic, the offspring of vicious ambition ; that
of
THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA. Ixxxiii
of Gama was the child of the ftrongefl: reafon, and the
moll: valorous mental dignity : It was the high pride of ho-
nour, a pride, which the man, who in the fury of battle
may be able to rufh on to the mouth of a cannon, may
be utterly incapable of, even in idea.
The revenue of the Zamorim arofe chiefly from the
traffic of the Moors ; the various colonies of thefe people
were combined in one intereli, and the jealoufy and con-
fternation which his arrival in the eaftern feas had fpread
among them, were circumftances well known to Gama :
and he knew alfo what he had to expe6l both from their
force and their fraud. But duty and honour required him.
to complete the purpofe of his voyage. He left peremp-
tory command, that if he was detained a prifoner, or any
attempt made upon his life, they fhould take no ftep to
fave him, to give ear to no mefTage which might come in
his name for fuch purpofe, and to enter into no negocia-
tion on his behalf. Though they were to keep fome boats
near the fhore, to favour his efcape if he perceived trea-
chery ere detained by force ; yet the moment that force
rendered his efcape impracticable, they were to fet fail,
and to carry the tidings of the difcovery of India to the
king of Portugal. For as this was his only concern, he
would fuffer no rjfk that might lofe a man, or endanger
the homeward voyage. Having left thefe unalterable or-
ders, he went afliore with the Catual, attended only by
twelve of his own men, for he would not weaken the na-
E 2 val
Ixxxi'v THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA,
val force, though he knew that the pomp of attendance
would have been greatly in his favour at the court of
India,
As foon as landed, he and the Catual were carried in
great pomp, in fofas, upon mens fhoulders, to the chief
temple ; and from thence, amid immenfe crowds, to the
royal palace. Xhe apartment and drefs of the Zamorim
were fuch as might be expefked from the luxury and wealth
of India. The emperor lay reclined on a magnificent
couch, furroundcd with his nobility and minifters of ftate.
Gama was introduced to him by a venerable old man, the
chief Brahmin. His majefty, by a gentle nod, appointed
the Admiral to fit on one of the fteps of his fofa, and
then demanded his embafl)'- It was againfl; the cuftom
of his country, Gama replied, to deliver his inftru6lions
in a public alTembly, he therefore defired that the king
and a few of his minifters would grant him a private au-
dience. This was complied with, and Gama, in a manly
fpeech, fet forth the greatnefs of his fovereign Emmanuel,
the fame he had heard of the Zamorim, and the defire
he had to enter into an alliance with fo great a prince ;
nor were the mutual advantages of fuch a treaty omitted
by the Admiral. The Zamorim, in reply, profeffed
great efteem for the frlendfliip of the king of Portugal,
and declared his readinefs to enter into a friendly alliance.
Ik- then ordered the Catual to provide proper apartments
for Gama in his houfe •, and having promifed another
conference.
THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA. Ixxxv
conference, he difmifTed the Admiral with all the appear-
ance of fincerity.
The chara£l:er of this monarch is ftrongly marked in
the hiftory of Portuguefe Afia. Avarice was his ruling
paffion ; he was haughty or mean, bold or timorous, as
his intereft rofe or fell in the balance of his judgment;
wavering and irrefolute whenever the fcales feemed doubt-
ful which to preponderate. He was pleafed with the prof-
peel of bringing the commerce of Europe to his harbours,
but he was alfo influenced by the threats of the Moors.
Three days elapfed ere Gama was again permitted to fee
the Zamorim. At this fecond audience he prel'ented the
letter and prefents of Emmanuel. The letter was receiv-
ed with politenefs, but the prefents were viewed with an
eye of contempt. Gama beheld it, and faid he only came
to difcover the route to India, and therefore was not
charged with valuable gifts, ere the h^iendihip of the ftate,
where they might chufe to traffic, was known. Yet that
indeed he brought the mod" valuable of all gifts, the ofler
of the friendflaip of his fovereign, and the commerce of
his country. He then entreated the king not to reveal
the contents of Emmanuel's letter to the Moors, and the
king with great feeming friendfhip defired Gama to guard
againfi: the perfidy of that people. And at this time, it
Is highly probable, the Zamorim was fincere.
Every
Ixxxvi THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA.
Every hour fince the arrival of Gama, the Moors had
held feerec conferences. That one man might not return
was their purpofe ; and every method to accomplifli this
was meditated. To influence the king againft the Portu-
guefcj.to afliiffinate Gama, to raife a general infurre£lion,
to deftroy the foreign navy, and to bribe the Catual, were
determined. And the Catual, the mafler of the houfe
where Gama lodged, accepted the bribe, and entered into
their intereft. Gama, however, was apprifed of all thefe
circumftances, by his faithful interpreter Monzaida, whofe
affection to the foreign Admiral the Moors hitherto had
not fufpecled. Thus informed, and having obtained the
faith of an alliance from the fovcreign of the lirft port of
India, Gama refolved to elude the plots of the Moors ;
and accordingly, before the dawn, he fet out for the fea
fhore, in hope to efcape by fome of the boats which he
had ordered to hover about the coaft.
But the Moors were vigilant. His abfence was Imme-
diately known ; and the Catual, by the king's order, pur-
fued and brought him back by force. The Catual, how-
ever, for it was neceflary for their fchemes to have the
fliips in their power, behaved with great politenefs to
the admiral, though now detained as a prifoner, and flill
continued his fpecious promifes to ufe all his intereft in
his behalf.
The
THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA. Ixxxvii
The eagernefs of the Moors now contributed to the
fafety of Gama. Their principal merchants were admitted
to a formal audience, when one of their orators accufed the
Portuguefe as a nation of falthlefs plunderers : Gama, he
faid, was an exiled pirate, who had marked his courfe
with depredation and blood. If he were not a pirate, ftill
there was no excufe for giving fuch warlike foreigners any
footing in a country already fupplied with all that nature
and commerce could give. He expatiated on the great fer-
vices which the Moorifh traders had rendered to Calicut,
or wherever they fettled ; and ended with a threat, that
all the Moors would leave the Zamorim's ports, and find
fome other fettlemqnt, if he permitted thefe foreignei's to
have any fhare in the commerce of his dominions.
However ftaggered with thefe arguments and threats,
the Zamorim was not blind to the felf-intereft and malice
of the Moors. He therefore ordered that the Admiral
ihould once more be brought before him. In the mean-
while the Catual tried many ftratagems to get the fhips in-
to the harbour ; and at laft, in the name of his mafter,
made an abfolute demand that the fails and rudders fhould
be delivered up, as the pledge of Gama's honefty. But
thefe demands were as abfolutely refufed by Gama, who
fent a letter to his brother by Monzaida, enforcing his
former orders in the ftrongefi: manner, declaring that his
fate gave him no concern, that he was only unhappy left
the fruits of all their labours and dangers Ihould be loft.
After
IxxxviH THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA.
After two clays fpent in vain altercation with the Catual,
Gama was brought as a prifoner before the king. The
king repeated his accufation, upbraided him with non-
compliance to the requefts of his minifter ; yet urged him,
if he were an exile or pirate, to confefs freely, in which
cafe he promiled to ta'ce him Into his fervice, and highly
promote him on account of his abilities. But Gama, who
with great fpirit had baffled all the itratagems of the Ca-
tual, behaved with the fame undaunted bravery before the
king. He aflerted his innocence, pointed out the malice
of the Moors, and the improbability of his piracy ; boafted
of the lafcty of his ileet, o£lei-ed his life rather than his
fails and rudders, and concluded with threats in the name
of his fovereign. The Zamorim, during the whole con-
ference, eyed Gama with the keeneft attention, and clear-
ly perceived in his unfaultering mien the dignity of truth
and the confcioufnefs that he was the Admiral of a great
Monarch. In their late addrefs, the Moors had treated
the Zamorim as fomewhat dependent upon them, and he
law that a commerce with other nations would certainly
leflen their dangerous importance. His avarice ftrongly
defired the commerce of Portugal, and his pride was flat-
tered in humbling the Moors. After many propofals, it
was at laft agreed, that of Gama's twelve attendants, he
fhould leave (^cven as hoflrages ; that what goods were
aboard his veflels fhould be landed, and that Gama fhould
be fafely condu<fted to his fliip ; after which the treaty of
commei-ce and alliance was to be finally fettled. And thus,
when
THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA. Ixxxlx
when the aflaffination of Gama feemed inevitable, the Za-
morim fuddenly dropt the demand of the fails and the
rudders, refcued him from his determined enemies, and
reftored him to liberty and the command of his fliips.
As foon as he was aboard j| the goods were landed, ac-
companied by a letter from Gama to the Zamorim, where-
in he boldly complained of the treachery of the Catual.
The Zamorim, in anfwer, promifed to make enquiry, and
to punifh him if guilty ; but did nothing in the affair. Ga-
ma, who had now anchored nearer to the city, every day
fent two or three different perfons on forne buiinefs to Ca-
licut, that as many of his men as poflible might be able to
give fome account of India. The Moors, in the meanwhile,
every day affaulted the ears of the king, who now began to
ivaver ; when Gama, who had given every proof of his
defire of peace and friendfhip, fent another letter, in which
he requefted the Zamorim to permit him to leave a conful
at Calicut, to manage the affairs of king Emmanuel. But
to this requeil, the moft reafonable refult of a commercial
treaty, the Zamorim returned a refufal full of rage and in-
dignation. Gama, now fully maflerofthe charadler of the
Zamorim, refolved to treat a man of fuch an inconftant
diflionourable difpoiition with a contemptuous Ulence.
This contempt was felt by the king, who yielding to the
advice of the Catual and the entreaties of the Moors, feized
the Portuguefe goods, and ordered two of the ihwen hof-
tages,
li Farla y Soufa.
xc THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA.'
tages, the two who had the charge of the cargo, to be put
ia irons. The Admiral remonftrated by the means of
Monzaida, but the king ftill perfifted in his treacherous
breach of royal faith. Repeated folicitations made him
more haughty ; and it was now the duty and intereft of
Gama to ufe force. He took a veflel in which were fix
Nayres or noblemen, and nineteen of their fervants. The
fervants he fet afhorc to relate the tidings, the noblemen
he detained. As foon as the news had time to fpread
through the city, he hoi (led his fails, and though with a
flow motion, feemed to proceed on his homeward voyage.
The city was now in an uproar ; the friends of the captive
noblemen furroundcd the palace, and loudly accufed the
policy of the Moors. The king. In all the perplexed dif-
trefs of a haughty, avaricious, weak prince, fent after Ga-
ma, delivered up all the hoftages, and fubmitted to his
propofals ; nay, even folicited that an agent fliould be left,
and even defcended to the meannefs of a palpable lie. The
two factors, he fald, he had put in irons, only to detain
them till he might write letters to his brother Emmanuel,
and the goods he had kept on fhore that an agent might
be fent to difpofe of them, Gama, however, perceived a
myfterious trifling, and, previous to any treaty, infifted up-
on the rcfloration of the goods.
The day after this altercation, Monzaida came aboard
the Admiral's fliip in great perturbation. The Moors, he
faid, had raifed great commotions, and had enraged the
king
THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA. xci
king againft the Portuguefe. The king's fhips were getting
ready, and a numerous Moorifh fleet from Mecca was dai-
ly expedled. To delay Gama till this force arrived was the
purpofe of the court and of the Moors, who were now con-
fident of fuccefs. To this information Monzaida added,
that the Moors, fufpeiTting his attachment to Gama, had
determined to aflaffinate him. That he had narrowly ef-
caped from them ; that it was impoffible for him to reco-
ver his efFecls, and that his only hope was in the protefti-
on of Gama. Gama rewarded him with the friendlhip he
merited, took him, with him, as he defired, to Lifbon,
and procured him a recompence for his fervices.
Almoft immediately after Monzaida, feven boats arriv-
ed, loaded with the goods, and demanded the reftorati-
on of the captive noblemen. Gama took the goods on
board, but refufed to examine if they were entire, ^nd alfo
refufed to deliver the prifoners. He had been promifed an
ambafTador to his fovereign, he faid, but had been fo of-
ten deluded, he could truft fuch a faithlefs people no long-
er, and would therefore carry the captives in his power, to
convince the king of Portugal what infults and injuftice his
AmbalTador and Admiral had fufFered from the Zamorim
of Calicut. Having thus difmifled the Indians, he fired
his cannon and hoifled his fails. A calm, however, de-
tained him on the coaft fome days, and the Zamorim feiz-
ing the opportunity, fent what veflels he could fit out,
twenty of a larger fize, lixty in all, full of armed men, to
attack
xcii THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA.
nttack him. Though Gama's cannon were well played,
confident of their numbers, they prefled on to board him,
when a fudden tempeft, which Gama's fhips rode out in
fafety, niiferably difperfed the Indian fleet, and complet-
ed their ruin.
After this victory, the Admiral made a halt at a little
ifland near the fliore, where he erected a crofs f, bearing
the name and arms of his Portuguefe majefty. And from
this place, by the hand of Monzaida, he wrote a letter to
the Zamorim, wherein he gave a full and circumftantial
account of all the plots of the Catual and the Moors. Still,
however, he profefTed his defire of a commercial treaty,
and promifed to reprefent the Zamorim in the beft light
to Emmanuel. The prifoners, he faid, fliould be kindly
ufed, were only kept as ambafTadors to his fovereign,
and fliould be returned to India when they were enabled
from experience to give an account of Portugal. The let-
ter he fent by one of the captives, who by this means ob-
tained his liberty.
The fame of Gama had now fpread over the Indian
feas, and the Moors were every where intent on his de-
ftru£tion.
t It was the cuflom of the firfl difcovcrers to crefl erodes on places re-
markable in their voyage. Gama erc<!^ed fix ; one, dedicated to St. Ra-
phael, at the river of Good Signs, one to St. George, at Mozambic, one
to St. Stephen, at Melinda, one to St. Gabriel, at Calicut, and one to
fit. Mary, at the ifland thence named, near Anchediva.
THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA. xciii
ftruflion. As he was near the fhore of Anchediva, he be-
held the appearance of a floating ifle, covered with trees,
advance towards him. But his prudence was not to be
thus deceived. A bold pirate, named Timoja, by linking
together eight veflels full of men, and covered with green
boughs thought to board him by furprize. But Gama's
cannon made feven of them fly -, the eighth, loaded with
fruits and proviflons, he took. The beautiful ifland of
Anchediva now offered a convenient place to careen his
fliips and refrefli his men. While he fliaid here, the firfl:
mlnifter of Zabajo king of Goa, one of the mofl: power-
ful princes of India, came on board, and in the name
of his maflier, congratulated the Admiral in the Italian
tongue. Proviflons, arms, and money were offered to
Gama, and he was entreated to accept the friendfliip of
Zabajo. The Admiral was ftruck with admiration, the
addrefs and abilities of the minifter appeared fo confpicu-
ous. He faid he was an Italian by birth, but in failing to
Greece, had been taken by pirates, and after various mis-
fortunes, had been neceflitated to enter into the fervice of
a Mohammedan prince, the noblenefs of whofe difpofition
he commended in the highefl: terms. Yet, with all his
abilities, Gama perceived an artful inquifitivenefs, that
namelefs fomething v.'hich does not accompany Ample ho-
nefty. After a long conference, Gama abruptly upbraid-
ed him as a fpy, and ordered him to be put to the
torture And this foon brought a confeflion, that he
was a Polonian Jew by birth, and was fcnt to examine the
ftrength
xclv THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA.
ftrength of the Portuguefe by Zabajo, who was muftering
all his power to attack them. Gama on this immediately
fet fail, and took the fpy along with him, who foon after
was baptized, and named Jafper de Gama, the Admiral
being his godfather. He afterwards became of great fer-
vice to Emmanuel.
Gama now flood weftward through _the Indian ocean,
and after being long delayed by calms, arrived off Maga-
doxa, on the coaft of Africa. This place was a principal
port of the Moors ; he therefore levelled the walls of the
city with his cannon, and burned and deftroyed all the
fhips in the harbour. Soon after this he defcried eight
Mooriflx veflels bearing down upon him ; his artillery, how-
ever, foon made them ufe their oars in flight, nor could Ga-
ma overtake any of them for want of wind. He now reach-
ed the hofpitable harbour of Melinda. His men, almoft
worn out with fatigue and licknefs, here received, a fecond
time, every afliftance which an accomplifhed and generous
prince could beftow. And having taken an ambaffador on
board, he again gave his fails to the wind, in truft that he
might pafs the Cape of Good Hope while the favourable
weather continued, for his acquaintance with the eaftern feas
now fuggefted to him, that the tempeftuous feafon was perio-
dical. Soon after he fet fail, his brother's fhip ftruck on a
land bank, and was burnt by order of the admiral. His
brother and part of the crew he took into his own fhip,
the reft he lent on board of Coello ; nor were more hands
now
THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA. xcr
now alive than were neccflary to man the two veflels which
remained. Having taken in proviflons at the illand of
Zanzibar, where they were kindly entertained by a Mo-
hammedan prince of the fame feci with the king of Melin-
da, they fafely doubled the Cape of Good Hope on April
26, 1499, and continued till they reached the ifland of
St. lago in favourable weather. But a tempefh here fepa-
rated the two Ihips, and gave Gam a and Coello an oppor-
tunity to fhew the goodnefs of their hearts, in a manner
which does honour to human nature.
The Admiral was now near the Azores, when Paulus
de Gama, long worn with fatigue and ficknefs, was unable
to endure the motion of the fhip. Vafco, therefore, put
into the ifland of Tercera, in hope of his brother's reco-
very. And fuch was his affedlion, that rather than leave
him, he gave the command of his fliip to one of his offi-
cers. But the hope of recovery was vain. John de Sa
proceeded to Lifbon with the flag fliip, while the admiral
remained behind to footh the death bed of his brother,
and perform his funeral rites. Coello, in the mean while,
landed at Lifbon, and hearing that Gama was not arrived,
imagined he might either be fhipwrecked, or beating about
in diftrefs. -Wrthout feeing one of his family, he immedi-
ately fet fail, on purpofe to bring relief to his friend and
admiral. But this generous defign, more the efFedt of
friendfliip than of juft confideration, was prevented by an
order from the king, ere his fliip got out of the Tagus.
The
xcvl THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA.
The particulars of the voyage were now difFufed by
Cocllo, and the joy of the king was only equalled by the
admiration of the people. Yet while all the nation was
fired with zeal to exprefs their efteem of the happy Admi-
ral, he himfclf, the man who was fuch an enthufiaft to the
fuccefs of his voyage, that he would willingly have facrific-
ed his life in India to fecurc that fuccefs, was now, in the
completion of it, a dejected mourner. The compliments
of the court and the Ihouts of the ftreet were irkfome to
him, for his brother, the companion of his toils and dan-
gers, was not there to fhare the joy. As foon as he had
waited on the king, he fliut himfelf up in a lonely houfe
near the fea fide at Bethlehem, from whence it was fome-
time ere he was drawn to mingle in public fife.
During this important expedition, two years and almoft
two months elapfed. Of i6o men who went ovit, only ^^
returned. Thefe were all rewarded by the king. Coello
was penfioned with loo ducats a year, and made a fidalgo,
or gentleman of the king's houfhold, a degree of nobility
in Portugal. The title of Don was annexed to the family
of Vafco dc Gama ; he was appointed admiral of the eaf-
tern feas, with an annual falary of 3000 ducats, and a
part of the king's arms was added to his. Public thankf-
givings to heaven were celebrated throughout the churches
of the kingdom, and feafts, interludes, and chivalrous en-
tertainments, the taftc of that age, dcmonftrated the joy
of Portugal.
As
THE DISCOVERY OF INDIA. xcvli
As the prophetic Song in the tenth Lufiad requires a
commentarv, we fliall now proceed to a compendious hil^
tory of the negociations and wars of the Portuguefe in In-
dia ; a hiftory, though very little known, yet of the ut-
moft importance to every commercial ftate, particularly to
that nation which now commands the trade of the Eaftern
World.
VOL. T. '^' THE
THE
HISTORY
RISE AND FALL
PORTUGUESE EMPIRE IN THE EAST.
X H E power, intereft, and difpofition of the Moors,
the mafters of the eaftern feas, pointed out to Emmanuel
what courfe he ought to follow, if he intended to reap
either honour or advantage from the difcovery of India.
The accumulated treachery of the Moors had kindled a
war ; force was now neceflary ; a fleet therefore of thirteen
fail and 1500 men was fitted out for India, and the com-
mand of it given to an experienced officer, Pedro Alvarez
de Cabral.
The
PORTUGUESE ASIA, xclx
The chief inftrudlions of Cabral, were to enter into a
treaty of frlendfliip with the Zamorim, and to obtain leave
to build a fort and faiflory near Calicut. But if he found
that prince ftill perfidious, and averfe to an alliance, he
was to proceed to hoftilities on the firft inftance of trea-
chery.
Cabral, in this voyage, was driven to America by a
tempeft, and was the firft who difcovered the Brazils. As
he doubled the fouth of Africa, he encountered a moft
dreadful ftorm ; the heavens were covered with pitchy
darknefs for many days, and the waves and winds vied
with each other in noife and fury. Four {hips were loft,
and all their crews periflied ; among whom was the cele-
brated Bartholomew Diaz, the difcoverer of the Cape of
Good Hope, which, as if prophetic of his fate, he had
named the Cape of Tempefts.
When Cabral reached the coaft of Zofala, he had only
fix fhips. Here he engaged and took two Moorifla vef-
fels, laden moftly with gold duft. But finding they be-
longed to the Xeque Foteyma, an uncle of the king of
Melinda, he not only reftored the prizes, but treated the
Xeque with the greateft courtefy. At Mozambique he
agreed with a pilot to conduct him to Quiloa. The king
of this place and the admiral had a pompous interview.
An alliance was folemnly concluded. But Homeris, bro-
ther to the king of Melinda, was at Quiloa j and by him
F 2 Cabral
c PORTUGUESE ASIA.
Cabral was informed of a treacherous preparation to attack
him. As his deftination was for Calicut, he delayed re-
venge, and proceeded to Melinda. Here he landed the
Melindian ambaflador, who had been fent to Portugal ;
and here his generous treatment of Foteyma ftrengthened
the friendfliip and good offices which had begun with
Gama.
"When he arrived at Calicut, whither he was conduced
by two Melindian pilots, he fent Ay res Correa on fhore
to fettle the manner how the Zamorim and the admiral
were to meet. Six principal Brahmins, whofe names were
brought from Portugal by the advice of Monzaida, were
given as hoftages for the fafety of the admiral ; and the
Indian noblemen, who had been carried away by Gama,
were returned. After much delay with the wavering Za-
morim, a commercial alliance, by which the Portuguefe
velTels were to receive their lading before thofe of any
other nation, was folemnly confirmed by oath, and a houfe
was appointed as a factory for the Portuguefe. Of this,
Correa, with feventy men under his command, in the
name of the king his mafter, took im^mediate pofTeffion.
If the fmalleft circumftances in the hiftory of an infant
colony are not attended to, the fecret fprings and princi-
ples of action efcape us, and we are fure to be led into
error. Cabral's fleet was to be laded with fpicery ; but
the Moorilli merchants, flill intent on the ruin of their
rivals
PORTUGUESE ASIA. ci
rivals the Portuguefe, did every thing in their power to
retard it, in hope of another rupture. While proraifes
to Cabral trifled away the time, the Zamorim defired his
afliftance to take a large fliip belonging to the king of
Cochin, who not only intended to invade his dominions,
he faid, but had alfo refufed to fell him an elephant,
which was now aboard that flaip. There were two Moor-
ifh agents with whom Cabral was obliged to tranfa^l bufi-
nefs. One of thefe named Cemireci, pretending great
friendfhip to the admiral, advifed him by all means to
gratify the Zamorim by taking the fhip of Cochin. This
veflel was large and full of foldiers, but Cabral appointed
one of his fmalleft, commanded by Pedro Ataide, not a
iixth part of her lize, to attack her. When Ataide firft
made towards the enemy, the Indian infulted him with
every fign of reproach ; but the Portuguefe cannon drove
her into the port of Cananor, a place forty miles to the
north of Calicut. Here fhe lay all the night, while Ataide
watched the mouth of the harbour j and fearing to be
burnt in the port, in the morning fhe again took to fea.
But Ataide foon came up with her, and by the dextrous
ufe of his artillery made her fteer what courfe he pleafed,
and at laft drove her in triumph before him into the har-
bour of Calicut.
This encounter was of great confequence to the Portu-
guefe. It not only raifed a high idea of their valour and
art of war, but it difcovered a fcene of treachery, and gave
them
cli PORTUGUESE ASIA,
them a moft beneficial opportunity to difplay their inte-
grity and honour. When Cabral converfed with the cap-
tives, he found that the ftory of tlie elephant and the in-
vafion were falfe, and that they had been warned by Ce-
mircci, that the Portuguefc, a fct of lawlefs pirates, in-
tended to attack them. On this, Cabral not only reftored
the fliip to the king of Cochin, but paid for what damage
{he had fuftained, and aflured him he had been abufed by
the villainy of the JNIoors.
The Zamorim profefled the greateft admiration of the
Portuguefe valour, yet while he pretended to value their
friendiliip at the higheft rate, he ufed every art to delay
the lading of their fhips. Twenty days was the time fti-
pulated for this purpofe j but three months were now
elapfed, and nothing done. Cabral feveral times com-
plained to the Zamorim of the infringement of treaty,
that many Moorifh vefTels had been fuftered to lade, while
he could obtain no cargo. The Zamorim complained of
the arts of the Moors, and gave Cabral an order, on pay-
ing for the goods, to unlade whatever Moorifh veflels he
pleafed, and to fupply his own. Cabral, however, was
apprehenflve of fome deep defign, and delayed to put this
order in execution. Correa, upon this, feverely upbraided
him with negleft of duty, and he at lafl feized a veflel
which happened to belong to one of the richeft of the
Moors. A tumult was immediately raifed, the Portuguefe
faiStory was fuddenly befet by four thoufand of that peo-
ple.
PORTUGUESE ASIA. clii
pie, and before any affiftancc could come from the fliips,
Correa, and the greateft part of his companionsj were
maflacred. Cabral, though greatly enraged, waited fuffi-
cient time to hear the excufe of the Zamorim ; but he
waited in vain. Ten large Moorifh velTels burnt in the
harbour, the city of Calicut bombarded one day, and 600
of its inhabitants flain, revenged the death of Correa.
The king of Cochin, when Cabral returned the fliip
which he had taken, highly pleafed with his honour, in-
vited him to traffic in his port. Cabral now failed thither,
and was treated in the moft friendly manner. A ftrong
houfe was appointed for a factory, and a treaty of com-
merce folemnly concluded. Ambafladors alfo arrived
from the kings of Cananor, Caulan, and other places, in-
treating the alliance of the Portuguefe, whom they invited
to their harbours.
About eight hundred years before this period, accord-
ing to tradition, Perimal, the fovereign of India, having
embraced the religion of Mohammed, in which he had
been inftru^led by fome Arabian merchants, refolved to
end his days as a hermit at Mecca. He therefore divided
his empire into difl'erent fovereignties, but rendered them
all tributary to the Zamorim of Calicut. From this port
Perimal fet fail, and the Arab merchants conceived fuch
a fuperftitious afi'eclion for this harbour, though not fo
commodious as many others around, that on the arrival
of
ciT PORTUGUESE ASIA.
of Gnma it was the great centre of the Moorifh commerce
in India. A dellre to throw off their dependence on the
Zamorim, without doubt had its influence in prompting
the tributary kings to invite the Portuguefe to their har-
bours. But it was impoffible they fhould have fo adled,
unlefs they had conceived a high idea of the Portuguefe
virtue and valour, which was thus rewarded by the friend-
fliip of fome powerful princes, who ever after remained
true to the caufe of Emmanuel.
When Ciibral was about to fail from Cochin, he re-
ceived information from the king, that the Zamorim,
with a large fleet, containing 15,000 foldiers, intended to
attack him. Cabral prepared for battle, and the Indian
fleet fled. He afterwards touched at Cananor, where he
entered into a friendly alliance. The king, fufpetTting
from the fmall quantity of fpicery which he bought, that
the Admiral was in want of money, intreated him to
give a mark of his frlendfhip by accepting, upon credit,
of what goods he pleafed. But Cabral fhewed a confide-
rable quantity of gold to the king's mefTengers, politely
thanked him, and faid he was already fufHciently loaded.
Having left factors on fhore, and received ambaffadors on
board, he proceeded on his Iiomeward voyage. Near
Melinda he took a large (hip, but finding fhe belonged to
a merchant, of Cananor, be fet her at liberty, and told
the commander, *' that the Portuguefe monarch was only
at war with the Zamorim and the Moors of Mecca, from
whom
PORTUGUESE ASIA. cv
whom he had received the greateft injuries and indigni-
ties." The king of Melinda, and other Mohammedan
princes, who had entered into aUiances with Gama and
Cabral^ were not of the tribe or confederacy of thofe who
had in different parts attempted the ruin of the Portu-
guefe. That people were now diftinguifhed by the name
of the Moors of Mecca, their principal harbour ; and
therefore to diftrefs that port became now a principal ob-
je6l of the Portuguefe.
Emmanuel, now fully informed by Cabral of the ftates
and traffic of the Indian Teas,' perceiving that the reinforce-
ment of three velTels, which he had fent under John de
Nova *, could little avail, fitted out twenty fhips, the
command of which warlike fleet was given to the cele-
brated Vafco de Gama. At the fame time the Pope iC-
fued a bull, in which he ftyled Emmanuel, Lord of the
Navigation, Conquells and Trade, of -Ethiopia, Arabia,
Perfia, and India.
Gama, having doubled the Cape of Good Hope, touch-
ed at Sofala, and » made a treaty with the Mohammedan
fovereigii
• This officer defeated a large fleet of the Zaniorim, but could not be fup-
pofed to effeft any thing of permanency. On his return to Europe, Nova dif-
covered the ifle of St. Helena. A Portuguefe, who in India had embraced
Mohammedifm, in contrition for his apoftacy became its firll inhabitant.
He defited to be left aOiore to do penance for his crime. Here he continu-
ed four years, and fay his knowledge of the fprings, and the vegetables and
fruit-trees which he planted, rendeied that ifle an ufcful place of watering
and rendezvous. He was named Fernando Lopez.
cvi PORTUGUESE ASIA,
fovereign of that rich country. Mozamblc was now go-
verned by a new monarch, who entreated an alliance with
the Portuguefe, which was granted ; and the ifle where
Gania had the battle with the Moors f , became, for long
after, a moft convaiient watering-place for the Portuguefe
navies. In revenge of the plots againft himfelf, and the
injuries received by Cabral, he battered the city of Qu^iloa
Avith his cannon, and made the king fubmit to pay tribute
to Emmanuel. As he proceeded for Calicut, he met a
large fhip of ^lecca, which, with many people of diftinc-
lion who were going on a pilgrimage to the tomb of their
prophet, had lately left that harbour. This veflel, after
an obftinatc ftruggle, in which 300 Moors were killed J,
he took and burnt. And from fome veflels of Calicut,
as he approached that port, he took about thirty prifo-
ners. As foon as he anchored near the city, the Zamo-
rim fent a mefiage to offer terms of friendfhip, to excufe
the maffacre of the Portuguefe under Correa, as the fole
a£lion of an enraged populace, with which government
had no concern ; and added, that the fate of the flup of
Mecca he hoped would fuffice for revenge. Gama, pre-
vious to any new treaty, demanded a 'rellitution of the
goods of v/hich the Portuguefe factory had been plundered,
and
+ See the firft Lufiad.
\ Twenty children were faved. Thcfe were fent to Lisbon, where they
were buptizcd, and educated in the fervice of Emmanuel. The Portuguefe
NM iters mention their capture, and the care taken of them, as the happiefl
foitune which could poflibly have attended them.
PORTUGUESE ASIA. cvii
and threatened to put his prifoners to death and batter the
city in cafe of refufal. After waiting fome time in vain for
an anfwer, Gama ordered his thirty prifoners to be hang-
ed, and their bodies to be fent afhore, together with a let-
ter, declaring war againft the Zamorim, in the name of
the king of Portugal. And next day, having for feveral
hours played his cannon upon the city, he fteered his
courfe for the more friendly port of Cochin.
Here the faftors who had been left by Cabral gave Ga-
ma the higheft character of the faith of the king, and his
earneft defire to cultivate the friendfhip of the Portuguefe ;
and their former alliance was mutually confirmed by the
king and the Admiral. The Zamorim, who with rage and
regret beheld the commerce of Europe carried to other
harbours, fent a Brahmin to Gama, while he was lading at
Cochin, intreating an oblivion of paft injuries, and a re-
newal of the league of amity. The Admiral, ftill deiirous
to cultivate friendfhip, gave the command of the fleet to
his coufin Stephen de Gama, and with two fliips only, in
order to try the Zamorim's fincerity, failed for Calicut ;
yet, left treachery fliould be intended, he ordered Vin-
cent Sodre with five fliips to follow him. On his arrival
at the city, he found that diflimulation was ftill the cha-
rafter of the fovereign. Four and thirty veflxls, full of
armed men, attacked Gama's fhip with great fury ; for the
other veffel he had fent to haften the fquadron of Sodre.
In this fituation nothing but a briflc wind could pofllbly
have
cviii PORTUGUESE ASIA,
have faved Gama ; and a brilk gale in this extremity arofe
and carried him beyond the reach of the fleet of Cahcut.
But having met the reinforcement of Sodre, he immediate-
ly returned, and totally deftroyed the fleet of the enemy.
Difappointed in war, the Zamorim now by entreaties
and threats endeavoured to bring the king of Cochin into
his intereft. But that prince, with the grcateft honour,
refufed to betray the Portuguefe ; and Gama having pro-
mifed to leave a fquadron to protedl his harbour, failed
with thirteen loaded ihips for the port of Cananor. On
his way thither, as he pafl: within a few miles of Calicut,
he was again vigoroufly attacked by twenty-nine vefliels,
fitted out by the Zamorim, on purpofc to intercept him.
Gama ordered three fliips, which had the leafl: loading, to
begin the engagement, and viclory foon declared in his fa-
vour. He then proceeded to Cananor, where he entered
into a treaty with the fovereign, who bound himfelf never
to make war on the king of Cochin, or to afllH: the Zamo-
rim. And Gama, having left fix fhips under the command
of Sodre, for the protection of Cochin and Cananor, failed
for Portugal, where, after a profperous voyage, he arrived
with twelve fliips, loaded with the riches of the Eafl:.
As foon as Gama's departure was known, the Zamorim
made great preparations to attack Cochin. It was the pur-
pofe of Emmanuel, that Sodre fliould be left with a fqua-
dron to cruife about the mouth of the Red Sea, and annoy
the
PORTUGUESE ASIA. clx
the Moors of Mecca j but Gama, whofe power was difcre-
tionary, ordered him not to leave Cochin, unlefs every
thing bore the appearance of peace with the Zamorim.
Sodre, however, though hoftility was every day expected,
prepared to depart. Diego Correa, the Portuguefe agent
left at Cochin, urged him in the ftrongell manner to do
his duty and continue at that port ; but in vain. While the
king of Cochin refolutely refufed, though advifed by many
of his council, to deliver up the Portuguefe refidents to the
Zamorim, Sodre, contrary to the orders of Gama, failed
for the Red Sea, in hope of the rich prizes of Mecca ; and
thus bafely deferted his countrymen, and a prince, whofe
faith to the Portuguefe had involved him in a war which
threatened deftrudtion to his kingdom.
The city of Cochin is iltuated on an ifland, divided from
the continent by an arm of the fea, one part of which, at
low water is fordable. At this pafs the Zamorim began
the war, and met fome defeats. At laft, by the force of
numbers and the power of bribery, he took the city, and
the king of Cochin fled to the ifland of Viopia. Yet,
though ftript of his dominions, he ftill retained his faith
to the Portuguefe. He took them with him to this place,
where a few men could defend themfelves j and though
the Zamorim offered to reftore him to his throne if he
would deliver them up, he replied, tiat kis enemy might
Jlrip
ex PORTUGUESE ASIA.
Jlr'ip him of his domhnotis and his life, but it ivas not iti his
power to deprive him of his fidelity.
"While Trlmumpara, king of Cochin, was thus fliut up
on a little rock, Sodre fuffered a punifhment worthy of his
perfidy. His fhip was beaten to pieces by a tempeft, and
he and his brother loil: their lives. The other comnrianders
conlidered this as the judgment of heaven, and haftened
back to the relief of Cochin : by ftrefs of weather, how-
ever, they were obliged to put into one of the Anchidivian
iflands. Here they were joined by Francis Albuquerque,
who, on hearing the fate of Cochin, though in the
rigour of the tempeftuous feafon, immediately fet fail for
that port. When the fleet appeared in fight of Viopia,
Trimumpara exclaiming Portugal, Portugal, ran in an ex-
tacy to the Portuguefe ; and they, in return, with fhouts
of triumph, announced the reflioration of his crown. The
garrifon left in Cochin by the Zamorim immediately fled.
Trimumpara was reftorcd to his throne without a battle,
and Albuquerque gave an infi:ance of his mafterly policy.
Together with the aflurances of the friendfliip of Emma-
nuel, he made the king of Cochin a prefent of 10,000 du-
cats. An a<n: which wonderfully excited the admiration
of the princes of India, and was a fevere wound to the
Zamorim.
Francis and Alonzo Albuquerque and Duarte Pacheco
were now at Cochin. The princes, tributary to Trimum-
para,
PORTUGUESE ASIA. cxi
para, who had deferted to the Zamorim, were feverely pu-
nifhed by the troops of Cochin, headed by the Portuguefe,
and their depredations were carried into the Zamorim 's
own dominions. A treaty of peace was at laft concluded,
on terms greatly advantageous to the Portuguefe com-
merce. But that honour which had been of the greatefl
benefit to their affairs, was now ftained. A fhip of Cali-
cut was unjuftly feized by the Portuguefe agent at Cochin ;
nor would Francis Albuquerque make reftitution, though
required by the Zamorim. Soon after this, Francis failed
for Europe, but gave another inftance of his infamy ere he
left India. The Zamorim had again declared war againft
the king of Cochin, and Francis Albuquerque left only one
fhip, three barges, and about one hundred and fifty men,
for the defence of Trimumpara^ but this fmall body was
commanded by Pacheco. Francis Albuquerque, and Ni-
cholas Coello celebrated in the Lufiad, failed for Europe,
but were heard of no more.
Anthony Saldanna and Roderic Ravafco were at this
time fent from Lifbon on purpofe to cruife about the
mouth of the Red Sea. The king of Meliada was engag-
ed in a dangerous war with the king of Mombaffa, and
Saldanna procured him* an honourable peace. But Ra-
vafco a(Sled as a lawlefs pirate on the coaft of Zanzibar.
Though the innocent Inhabitants were in a treaty of peace
with Gama, he took many of their fhips, for which he ex-
torted large ranfoms, and compelled the prince of Zanzi-
" bar
cxli PORTUGUESE ASIA.
bar to pay an annual tribute and own himfelf the vaflal of
Emmanuel. The Pope's Bull, which gave all the Eaft to
the king of Portugal, began now to operate. The Portu-
guefe efteemed it as a facred charter ; the natives of the
Eaft felt the confequcnce of it, and conceived a fecret jea-
loufy and diflike of their new mafters. The exalted policy
and honour of many of the Portuguefe governors delayed
the evil operation of this jealoufy, but the remedy was on-
ly temporary. The Portuguefe believed they had a right
to demand the vafialage of the princes of the Eaft, and to
prohibit them the navigation of their own feas. When
the ufurpatlon of dominion proceeds from a fixed principle,
the wifdom of the ableft Governor can only Ikin over the
mortal wound; for even the grofleft barbarians are moft
acutely fenllble of injuftice, and carefully remember the
breaches of honour.
Along with thefe Ideas of their right to claim dominion
and to conquer, the Portuguefe brought to India an image
of the degenerated conftitution of LiflDon. The Governor
acled under a few general inftru£lions, which contained
rather advices * than orders, againft v/hat countries he
lliould dlrecl the force of his arms. And in the executive
power he was arbitrary. The r«venue and regulations of
commerce were alfo left to hie difcretion ; fuch was the in-
fecure
• Sec the CommifTion of the Portuguefe Viceroys and the Nolkias, in
the Apijcndix. See alfo the letters of the king, queen, and prince of Por.
tugal to Jolin de Caftio, in Aiidrada's life of that Governor.
PORTUGUESE ASIA. cxUI
fecure and capricious plan of the Portuguefe commercial
eftablifhmcnt in India. It was (of all, the moft liable to
abufe) the worft of all Monopolies, a Regal one. Eve-
ry fhip which faiK^d from Portugal to India was the king's
property. Their Indian cargoes were depofited in the cuf-
:om-houfe of Lifbon, and managed, for the ufe of the
:rown, by the revenue officers. The tribute paid by the
i^aflal princes of Afia was the king's ; and the fa^Stories and
Forts were built and fupported at his charge X- In a word,
a military government was eftabliflied in India, and it was
the duty of the Governor to fuperintend his majefty's re-
i^enues and commercial monopoly.
The Zamorim had now colle£led a formidable power for
:he deftrudlion of Cochin. But before we mention the
wonderful vi^ories of Pacheco, it will be neceflary to give
fome account of the- land and maritime forces of the Eaft
And here it is to be lamented, that the Portuguefe authors
[lave given us but very imperfedl accounts of the military
irts of India. Yet it is to be gathered from them, that
:hough fire arms were not unknov/n, they were but very
iittle ufed before the arrival of the Portuguefe. Two na-
tives of Milan, who were brought to India by Gama on
Lis fecond voyage, deferted to the Zamorim, and were of
great fervice to him in making of powder and cafting of
cannon. The Perfians defpifed the ufs of fire arms, as un-
VOL. I. G manly j
f See Oforius, Faria, Barros, Caftanneda, Commentaries written by A!-
Uuqxierque's fon, Andrada's life of John de Caftro, &c. S^c.pajp.m in lads.
cxiv PORTUGUESE ASIA.
manly ; and the ufe of artillery on board of a fleet is fevc-
ral times mentioned as peculiar to the Moors of Mecca
The veflcls of the Zamorim were large barges rowed wit!
oars, and crowded with men, who fought with darts and
other mifiile weapons. We are told by Oforius, that th(
pilot of INIelinda, who conducted Gama to Calicut, defpif
ed the Aftrolabe, as if ufed to fuperior inftruments. W<
doubt, however, of his fuperior knowledge, for we kno\s
that he coafted northward to a particular limit, and then
ftood direcStly for the rifing fun. AVe are alfo told by the
Jefuits of the perfection of the Chinefe navigation, and
that they have had the ufe of the compafs for 3000 years ;
but this is alfo doubtful. Some have even fuppofed, that
Marco Paolo, or fome of the earlieft mercantile pilgrimSj
carried the loadftone to China ere its ufe in navigation was
fully known in Europe. Certain it is, that at this day the
Chinefe cannot arm the needle with the virtues of the load-
ftone, and of confequence have the compafs in great imper-
fe<5lion. In place of hanging the needle, they lay the load-
ftone upon cork, and fwim it in water. Vertomannus re-
lates, that travelling to Mecca, he faw the Arabs ufe the
compafs to direft them through the fandy deferts of Ara-
bia. But of this alfo we doubt ; for there is not a name
in any eaftern language, except the Chinefe, for that in-
ftrument ; nor do the Arabs know how to make one.
They purchafe them of Europeans, and the Italian word
Btijfola
PORTUGUESE ASIA. cxv
Biijfola is the name of the compafs among the Turks, and
all the natives of the Eafl:, on this fide of China.
While the Zamorim v/ns preparing his formidable ar-
mament againft Cochin, the fecurity which appeared on
the mien of Pacheco, prompted Trimumpara to fufpect
fome fraud : and he entreated that captain to confefs what
he intended. Pacheco felt all the refentment of honour,
and affbred him of victory. He called a meeting of the
principal inhabitants, and uttered the fevereft threats againft
any perfon who fhould dare to defert to the Zamorim, or
to leave the ifland f. Every precaution, by which the paf-
fage to the ifland of Cochin might be fecured, was taken by
Pacheco. The Portuguefe took the facrament, and devot-
ed themfelves to death. The king of Cochin's troops
amounted only to 5000 ; the fleet and army of the Zamo-
rim conllfted of 57,000 men. Yet this great army, though
provided with brafs cannon, and otherwife aflifted by the
two Milanefe engineers, was defeated by Pacheco. Se-
ven times the Zamorim ralfed new armies, fome of themi
more nuinerous than the firft, but all of them were defeat-
ed at the fords of Cochin, by the ftratagem.s and intrepi-
G 2 dity
' f Soon after this order, two fidiermen were brought before him, who had
been following their employment beyond the limits he had prefcribcd. Pa-
checo ordered them to be hani'ed in priion. The king pleaded for their
lives, but Pacheco in public was inexorable. In the night, however, he
^^fent the two filhermen to the king's palace, where he defned they might
\be concealed with the greatefl fecrecy ; and the fevcrity of their fate was
'publicly believed. Such was the' humanity and ftrift difcipiine of this
■ brave officer.
cKvii PORTUGUESE ASIA.
dity of Pacheco. Though the Zamorim in the latter bat-
tles expofed his own peribn to the greateft danger, and was
fometinics fprinkled with the blood of his attendants ;
though he had recourfe to poifon and every art of fraud,
all his attempts, open and private, were baffled. At laft,
in defpair of revenge, he refigned his crown, and fhut him-
felf up for the remainder of his days in one of his idol tem-
ples. Soon after the kingdom of Cochin was thus reftored
to profperity, Pacheco was recalled to Europe. The king
of Portugal paid the higheft compliments to his valour ; and
as he had acquired no fortune in India, in reward of his
fervices he gave him a lucrative government in Africa.
But merit always has enemies. Pacheco was accufed, and
by the king's order brought to Lifbon in irons : and thofe
hands which preferved the intereft of Portugnl in India,
were in Portugal chained in a dungeon a conliderable time,
ere a legal trial determined the juftice of this feverity. He
was at laft tried, and honourably acquitted ; but his merit
was thought of no more, and he died in an alms-houfe.
Merit thus repaid, is a fcvere wound to an empire. The
generous ardour of military fpirit cannot receive a colder
check, than fuch examples are fure to give it.
Before the departure of Pacheco, a fleet of thirteen fliips,
commanded by Lopez Soarez, arrived in India. The new
Zamorim beheld with regret the ruined condition of his
kingdom, his tributary princes not only now independent,
but poiTefTed of the commerce which formerly enriched
Calicut,
PORTUGUESE ASIA. cxvli
Calicut, the fatal confequence of his uncle and predecel^
for's obftinacy. Taught by thefe examples, he defired a
peace with the Portuguefe ; but Soarez would hear no-
thing till the two Milauefe deferters were delivered up.
This the Zamorim rerohitely refuftd. And Soarez, re-
gardlefs of the fate of forae Portuguefe who had been left
at Calicut by Cabral, battered the city two days, in place
of granting an honourable and commercial peace. Nor
was this his only political error. By {hewing fuch eager-
nefs to fecure the Mllancfe engineers, he told the Zamo-
rim the value of thefe European artifts. And that prince
foon after applied to the Soldan of Egypt, who fent him
four Venetians, able engineers, and mailers of the art of
the foundery of cannon.
In the ftately fpirit of conqueft Soarez traverfed the In?
dian feas, deftroyed many Calicutian and Moorifti veflels,
and made various princes pay tribute and confefs them-
felves the vaflals of Emmanuel. But the Soldan of Egypt
began now to threaten hoftilities, and a ftronger force of
the Portuguefe was neceffary. Francifco d'AImeyda, an
officer of diftinguilhed merit, was therefore appointed
Viceroy of India, and was fent with two and twenty fhips
to aflert his jurifdidlion. And according to the uncom-
mercial ideas of Gothic conqueft w^ith which he fet out,
he continued to acl. On his arrival at Quiloa, a meeting
between him and the king was appointed. Almeyda at-
tended, but the king did not, for a black cat, as he fet
out.
cxviii PORTUGUESE ASIA.
out, happened to crofs his Avay, and intimidated by this
e\il omen, he dedined the interview. On this, Ahneyda
levelled his city with, the ground, and appointed another
king, tributary to Emmanuel. Some late treacheries of
Mombafia were aifo revenged by the deflruftion of that
city and the vafTalage of its monarch. When the Vice-,
roy arrived in India, he defeated the king of Onor, built
forts and left garrifons in various place's. Triumpara,
king of Cochin, had now retired to fpend the evening of
his life in a Brahmin temple, and his nephew, who with
great pomp was crowned by Almeyda, acknowledged
himfelf the tributary of the king of Portugal.
The Soldan of Egypt was at this time one of the great-
eft princes of the world. Much of the lucrative coin-
merce of the Eaft had long flowed to the Weft through
his dominions. His fleets and, his armies were thus lEn-
dcred numerous and powerful, and bound by their politi-
cal religion, every Mohammedan prince, in a war with
the Chriftians, was his ally. A heavy revenge of the Cru-
fades was in meditation, and Europe miferably divided In
itfelf, invited its own ruin j when, as it is exprefled by
the Abbe Reynal, the liberties of mankind were faved by
the voyage of Vafco de Gama. The arrival of the Por-
tuguefe in the eaftern feas entirely unhinged the flirbngefl:
fences of the Mohcmmedan power ; and the finews of the
Egyptian and Turkifli ftrength were cut afunder by that
dcftnidtion of their commerce which followed the prefence
of
PORTUGUESE ASIA. cxix
of the Europeans. And thus alfo Europe is taught the
means which will for ever fecure her againft the ravages
of the Saracens, and other eaftern barbarians, whom flie
has already experienced as more cruel invaders, and whom
Greece ftill feels as more dreadful tyrants, than the Goths
and the Vandals f .
Enraged
f A view of the commerce of the Eaftern world, and the channels m
which it flowed, before the arrival of the Portuguefe, is thus accurately-
given by Faria y Sou/a. " Before thefe our difcoveries, the fpicery and
riches of the Eaftern world were brought to Europe with great charge and
immenfe trouble. The merchandize of the clove of Mahicca, the mace
and nutmeg of Banda, the Sandal-wood of Timor, the camphie of Borneo,
the gold and filvcr of Luconia, the fpices, drugs, dyes and perfumes, and all
the various riches of China, Java, Siam, and the adjacent kingdoms, center-
ed in the city of Malaca, in the golden Cherfonefus. Hither all the trad-
ers of the countries as far weft asEtliiopia and the Red Sea, reforted, and
bartered their own comniodities for thofe they received ; for filver and gold
were eftcemed as the leaft valuable articles. By this trade the great cities of
Calicut, Cambaya, Ormuz, and Aden, were enriched ; nor was Malaca the
only fource of their wealth. The weftern regions of Afia had full poftefllon
of the commerce of the rubies of Pegu, the filks of Bengal, the pearls of
Calicare, the diamonds of Narfinga, the cinnamon and rubies of Ceylon,
the pepper and every fpicery of Malabar, and wherever in the eaftern
iflands and Ihores Nature had lavifhed her various riches. Of the move v\ ef-
tern commerce Ormuz was the great mart, for from thence the eaftern com-
modities were conveyed up the Perfian gulph to Baflbra on the mouth of
the Euphrates, and frorn thence diftributed in caravans to Armenia, Tic-
bifond, Tartary, Aleppo, Damafcus, and the port of Barut on the Medi-
terranean, Suez on the Red Sea was alfo a moft important mart. Here
the caravans loaded and proceeded to Grand Cairo, from whence the Nile
conveyed their riches to Alexandria ; at which city^nd at Barut fome Eu-
ropeans, the Venetians in particular, loaded their veflels with the riches
of the eaftern world, which at immenfe prices they diftributed throughout
Europe." While thecafterh commerce flowed through thefe channels, the
eaftern kingdoms were wonderfully ftrengthened and enriched by it. By
the arrival of the Portuguefe every thing was rcverfcd, and the fafety of
Europe fecured.
cxx PORTUGUESE ASIA.
Enraged with the interruption which his trade had al-
ready received. The Soldan refolved to prevent its utter
ruin. He threatened the extirpation of all the Chriftians
in his dominions, if the court of Rome would not order
the king of Portugal to withdraw his fleets for ever from
the eaftcrn feas. One Maurus, a monk, was his ambaf-
fador to Rome and I^ilbon, but in place of promifes of
compliance, he returned with the feverer threats of Em-
manuel. War was now determined by the Soldan, and
a moft formidable fleet, fixty veflels of which were larger
than the Portuguefe, manned with Turks experienced in
war, were fent to the afliftance of the Zamorim. But
by the fuperior naval Ikill and romantic bravery of Al-
meyda and his fon Lorenzo, this mighty armament was
defeated.
At this time Triflan dc Cugna, and the celebrated Al-
phonfo Albuquerque, arrived in the Eaft, and carried war
and victory from Sofala to India. Allured by the honour
and commercial treaties of Gama and Cabral, feveral
princes of India invited thefe flrangers to their harbours.
But the alteration of the behaviour and claims of the Por-
tuguefe, had altered the fcntiments of the natives. Al-
jnoft: every port now oppofed the entrance of the Portu-
guefe, and the cargo of almofl: every fliip they loaded was
purchafed with blood. At the fack of the city of Lamo,
iome of the foldiers under Cugna cut off the hands and
cars of the women, to get tl^eir bracelets and ear-rings
with more expedition. But though thefc mifcreants, by
overloading
PORTUGUESE ASIA. cxxi
overloading their boat with their plunder, were all drown-
ed, this flain on the Portuguefe character made deftruc-
tive war againft the Portuguefe name and intereft. When
Albuquerque arrived before Ormuz, he fumaioned the
king to become the vafTal of Emmanuel, and to be happy
under the prote(ftion of fo great a prince. The king of
Ormuz, who expe£led fuch a vifit, had provided an army
of 33,000 men, 6000 of whom were expert archers, aux-
iliaries of Perfla. Yet thefe were defeated, by 460 dif-
ciplined men, well played cannon, and the dauntlefs va-
lour of Albuquerque. And the king of Ormuz fubmit-
ted to vafialage. Lords of the feas alfo, the Portuguefe
permitted no fhip to fail without a Portuguefe paflport.
Nor was this regarded, when avarice prompted that tlie
paflport was forged f . A rich fhip of Cananor was on
this pretence taken and plundered, and the unhappy crew,
to conceal the villainy, were fewed up in the fail-cloths
and drowned. Vaz, it is true, the commander of this
horrid deed, was broken. But the bodies of the Moors
were thrown on fhorc by the tide, and the king of Ca-
nanor, the valuable ally of Portugal, in revenge of this
treachery, joined the Zamorim, and declared war againfu
the Portuguefe. Another powerful armament, command-
ed by Mir Hocem, a chief of great valour, was fent by
the Soidan. Perfia alfo aflifted. And even the mountains
of
f Sometimes, in place of a pafs, the Moorifii vefTcIs canied their oun
letters of condemnation. As thus, The ovuner of thisjhip is a -very tvicktJ
Moor. I dsftre thefrjl Portuguefe Captain to ivhom this isfie-wn may make prhc
of ber. Vid. Faria.
cxxH PORTUGUESE ASIA,
of Dalmatia 1, by the connivance of Venice, were robbed
of their forefts, to build navies in Arabia to militate againft
tlie Portuguefe.
*t>^
Almeyda fent his brave fon Lorenzo to give battle to
Mir Hocem, but Lorenzo fell the vi£tim of his romantic
bravery. While the father prepared to revenge the death
of his fon, his recall, and the appointment of Albuquerque
to fucceed him, arrived from Europe; but Almeyda
refufed to refign till he had revenged his Ton's defeat. On
this, a difpute between the two governors arofe, of fatal
confequenc(^j|D thePortuguefeintereft in Afia. Albuquerque
was imprifoned, and future governors often urged this
example on both fides of the queftion, both to protraft
the continuance, and prefs the inftant furrender of office.
Almeyda, having defeated the Zamorim 'and his Egyptian
allies, failed for Europe §, crowned with military laurels.
But though thus plumed in the vulgar eye, his eftablilh-
rnents were contrary to the fpirit of commerce. He
fought, indeed, and conquered ; but he left more ene-
mies of the Portuguefe in the Eaft than he found there.
The honours he attained were like his, who having ex-
tinguished a few houfes on fire, marches out of a city in
triumph, forgetful of the glowing embers left in every
corner, ready to burft forth in a general flame. It was
left
I The timber was brought through the Mediterranean lo Cairo, and
from thence was carried by camels to the port of Suez.
§ See his fate, p. 129.
PORTUGUESE ASIA. cxxlil
left for the great Albuquerque to eftablifh the Portuguefe
empire in Afia on a furer bafis, on aiSts of mutual bene-
fit to the foreign colonifts and native princes.
Albuquerque, as foon as he entered upon his government,
turned his thoughts to the folid eftablifhment of the Por-
tuguefe empire. To extinguilh the power of Calicut, and
to ere6l a fortified capital for the feat of government, were
his firfl defigns •, and in thefe he v/as greatly afllfted,
both by the arms and the counfel of Timoja the pirate,
who, very much injured by the Indian princes, was glad
to enter into alliance with the Portuguefe. Don Fernando
Coutinho, previous to the advancement of Albuquerque,
had arrived in India, vefted with a difcretlonary power in-
dependent of the will of the governor. The natural con-
fequences of this extraordinary policy foon appeared.
With thirty veffels and 2400 men, Albuquerque and
Coutinho failed from Cofhin to befiege Calicut. It was
agreed, that the troops imder Coutinho fliould have the
honour to land firft. Thofe under Albuquerque, howe-
ver, galled by the enemy, leapt firft afiiore. Coutinho,
on this, roughly upbraided him : To conquer the feeble In-
dians, he faid, ivas tio fiich honour as fome boajled. And J.
will tell the king of Portugal^ he added, that 1 entered the
palace of the Zamorint nvith only my cane in my hand. Albu-
querque remonftrated the danger of raflinefs in vain.
Coutinho ordered Jafper de Gama, the Polonian Jew, to
conduct him to the palace ; to which, with 800 men, he
marched
cxxlv PORTUGUESE ASIA.
jTiarched in confufed fpeed. Albuquerque, whofe mag-
nanimity could revenge no infult when his country's inte-
reft was at flake in the hour of battle, followed in good
order with 6co men, and left others properly ftationed,
to fecure a retreat ; for he forefaw deftrudlion. Coutinho,
after fevcral attacks, at laft, with the lofs of many men,
entered the palace, and gave his foldicrs liberty to plunder.
All was now diforder among them. And Albuquerque,
who perceived it, entreated Coutinho, by meflage, to be-
ware of a fiercer attack. He was anfwered. He might take
care of the troops under his own command. After two hours
fpent in plundering the palace, Coutinho fet fire to it,
and marched out. But ere he could join Albuquerque,
both parties were furrounded by enraged multitudes.
Coutinho and his braveft officers fell ; Albuquerque was
wounded by arrows in the neck and left arm. At lafl,
ftruck on the breaft by a large ftone, he dropped down,
to appearance dead. On his Ihield he v/as carried off with
great difTiculty. All was confufion in the retreat, till the
body of referve, placed by Albuquerque, came up, and
repulfed the enemy. Albuquerque was carried on board
without hope of recovery. His health, however, was ref-
tored at Cochin, and the Zamorim allowed a fort to be
built near Calicut, and fubmittcd to the terms of peace
propofed by the Portuguefc governor.
The ifland of Goa, on the coaft of Decan, a moft com-
modious lituation for the feat of empire, and whofe prince
had
PORTUGUESE ASIA. . '^ ' cxx^. .,:.,.
had been treacherous to Gama, after various (i'!Bi(j3erate!' en-*
gagemcnts, was at laft yielded to Albuquerque. Ttc^arda.-
ing to his defign, he fortified it in the belt manner, and
rendered it of the utmoft confequence to the prefervation
of the Portuguefe power. He now turned his thoughts to
Malaca, the great mart of the eaftern half of the oriental
world. Under the government of Almeyda, Sequeira had
failed thither, and while about fettling a treaty with the
natives, narrowly efcaped a treacherous maflacre, in which
feveral of his men were flain. Albuquerque ofl'ered peace
and commerce, but demanded atonement for this injury.
His terms were rejected, and this important place, won by
moft aftonifliing viflories, was now added to the Portu-
guefe dominion.
Albuquerque now devoted his attention to the grand ob-
je£l of his wiflies, the permanent efVablifliment of the Por-
tuguefe dominion in Afia. His ideas were great and com.-
prehenlive j and his plan, perhaps, the beft ever produced
under an arbitrary government. His predeceflbr Almey-
da had the fame objeft in view, but he thought the con-
queft and fettlement of cities would weaken and divide the
Portuguefe ftrength. Superiority at fea he efteemed as the
fureft method to command all India ; and one fafe ftation,
where the flilps might winter, was all the eflablifhment he
defired. Albuquerque on the contrary, deemed the pof-
feffion of many harbours, and adjoining territory, as the
only effectual means to enfure the continuance of the na-
val
cxxvi PORTUGUESE ASIA,
val fuperiorlty. He efteemed the fupply of the regal mo-
nopoly, fays Oforius, as an inferior confideration ; to en-
large and render permanent the revenues of fovereignty
was his grand defign. As one tempeft might deftroy the
ftrength of their navy, v^hile there was only one harbour
to afford refuge, he confidered the Portuguefe dominion
not only as very infecure, but alfo as extremely precarious,
while they depended upon military and naval fupplies from
I/ifbon. To prevent and remedy thefe apparent evils was
therefore his ambition and for thefe purpofes he extended
his fettlements from Ormuz in Perfia to the Chinefe lea.
He eftabliftied cuftom-houfes in every port, to receive the
king's duties on merchandife ; and the vaft revenue which
arofe from thefe and the tribute of the vaffal princes, gave
a fanclion to his fyftem. At Goa, the capital of this new
empire, he coined money, conftituted a council chamber
for the government of the city, and here and at all his fet-
tlements he eredled courts of juftice §, and gave new regu-
lations to fuch as had been formerly eftabliflied. And that
this empire might be able to levy armies and build fleets in
its own defence, he encouraged the marriage of the Portu-
guefe
§ Utimtitirajah, a native of Java, and one of the greatcft men of Malaca,
was, together with his fon, and fon-in-law, detected in a confpiracy againft
the Pottugucfe. For this they were publicly tried in the court eftablirti-
ed by Albuquerque ; were condemned, and publicly executed. This is
the fiift iiiilauce of the execution of natives under the authority of Euro-
pean courts.
PORTUGUESE ASIA. cxxvii
guefe with the natives f . His female captives he treated
with the utmoft kindnefs, and having married them to his
foldiers, gave them fettlements in the ifland of Goa. And
hence, during the regency of John de Caftro, little more
than thirty years after, the ifland of Goa itfelf was able to
build the fleets and to levy the armies, which, by laving
the important fort and city of Dio, preferved the Portu-
guefe interefk in India.
In confcquence of his plan of empire, Albuquerque con-
ftituted Malaca the capital of the eaftern part of the Portu-
guefe dominion. Here, as at Goa,- he coined money, and
by his juflilce, and affable, generous manner, won the af-
fection and eflreem of the people whom he had conquered.
He received from, and fent ambafiadors to the king of Siam
and other princes, to whom he offered the trade of Malaca
on more advantageous conditions than it had hitherto been.
And an immenfe commerce from China and all the adja-
cent regions foon filled that harbour. For here, as at Or-
muz and Goa, the redudlion which he made in the ouftoms,
gave an increafe of trade which almofl: doubled the revenue
of the king of Portugal. When Albuquerque returned to
Goa, he was received, fays Faria, as a father by his family.
The
■)• The defcendants of thefe marriages people the coafls of the Eafl at
this day. They are called Mejlkos or Mejtizes, are become favages, fpeak a
broken Portuguefe, called lingua Franca by the failors. Many of the black
fervants brought to Europe are of this race.
cxxviii PORTUGUESE ASIA.
The ifland was at this time befieged by 20,000 of Hydal
Can, the lord of Decan's troops, yet viiStory declared for
Albuquerque. But to difplay the terror of the Portugucfe
arms was only the fecond motive of this great man. To
convince the Indian princes of the value of his friendlhip
was his firfi: care, and treaties of commerce were with mu-
tual fatisfadlion concluded with the king of Bifnagar, the
king of Narfinga, and other powerful princes. The city
of Aden, near the mouth of the Red Sea, was of great im-
portance to the fleets of the Soldan. Albuquerque twice
attacked this place, but could not carry it for want of mi-
litary frores. By the veflels, however, which he kept on
theie coalls, he gave a fevere wound to the Egyptian and
Moorifh commerce ; and by the eftablifhments which he
made in India, entirely ruined it. Mahomet, the ex-
pelled tyrant of Maluca, affifled by 20,000 Javans attempt-
ed to recover his throne j but the wifh of the people was
fulfilled, and Albuquerque, who failed to its relief, was
again vic'iorious. The Perfians, to whom Ormuz had been
tributary, endeavoured to bring it again under their yoke *;
but
• When the Perfisns fent a demand of tribute, Albuquerque faid it
fhou!'! be paid ; and a laige filver bafcn, under cover, was prefented to
the ambaflador. When uncovered, leaden bullets and points of fpears ap-
peared. There, faid Albuquerque, is the tribute which the kings of Por-
tuj^al pay • Adiifiition of the virtues of their enemies was the ancient
cliar3<fter of the P.r"" ns. Ifmacl the Sophi from whom Ormuz was rent,
foon after profeded .• It liighefl idea of the valour of Albuquerque. He court-
ed !iis (i!'.pd(hip, and fent ambalFadors to Emmanuel. In this correfpond-
enei iheprogrefs of fire-arms in the eaft may be traced. In 1515 he folicit-
cd that P'jrtuguefe artills might be fent to teach his fubjefts the art of
caftitl" cannon. Vid. Ofor. I. x.
PORTUGUESE ASIA. cxxix
but Albuquerque haftened from Malaca, and totally de-
feated them, to the fincere joy of the inhabitants. Here
he fell fick, and being advifed by his phyficians to go to
India for the recovery of his health, the king of Ormuz,
who called him his father, parted from him with tears. On
his way to India he received intelligence, that a fleet, arriv-
ed from Portugal, had brought his recall ; that Lopez
Soarez was appointed to fucceed him, and that lago Men-
dez was come to be governor of Cochin. When he heard
this, he exclaimed. Are thofe nvhom I fint prifoners to Por"
tiigal for heinous crimeSy are thofe returned to be governors !
Old many Ohy for thy grave ! Thou hafl incurred the king^s
difp leaf ure for the fahe of ihefubjeBsy and the fubjeEls fr the
fahe of the king ! Old man, fly to thy grave, and retain that
honour thou hafl ever preferved ! A profound meL;ncholy
now feized him ; but finding the certain approaches of
death, he recovered his cheerfulnefs, and with great fer-
vour gave thanks to God, that a new governor was ready
to fucceed him. On the bar of Goa, in the fixty-third
^ear of his age, he breathed his laft f , after a regency of
VOL. I. H little
f A little before he died he wrote this manly letter to the king of Por-
;ugal. " Under the pangs of death ^ in the difficult breathing of the Lijl hour, I
write this my Ijjl letter to your Hlghnefs ; the lafl of many I ha-ve ivritten to you
^ull of life, for I "was then employed in yourfervice. I have afon. Bias de Albu-
querque ; I entreat your Highnefs to make him as great as my fervices defer've. The
iffairs of India tuill anfiver for themjclvcs, and for me" Ofbrius fays, the lat-
;er part of the Gofpel of John was, at his defire, repeatedly read to him ;
ind he expired with the greateft compolure. Long after his death his bones
vere brought to Portugal ; but it w as with great difficulty, and after long
lelays, ere the inhabitants of Goa would confent to pait with his remains.
cxxx PORTUGUESE ASIA,
little more than five years. Yet in this fhort fpace, he not
only opened all the eaftern world to the commerce of Por-
tugal, but by the regulations of his humane and exalted
policy, by the {xriCt diftribution of juftice which he efta-
blifhed, fecured its power on a bafis, which nothing but the
difcontinuance of his meafures could fubvert. Under Al-
buquerque the proud boaft of the hiftorian Faria was jufti-
fied. The trophies of our vicloriesy fays he, are not bruifed
helmets and ivarlike engines hu7ig on the trees of the mountains ;
but cities^ ifaJids, and kingdoms^ firfl humbled under our feet y
and then joyfully •worfoippmg our government. The princes of
India, who viewed Albuquerque as their father, clothed
themfelves in mourning on his death, for they had expe-
rienced the happinefs and proteftion which his friendfhip
gave them. And the fincerity of their grief lliewed Em-
manuel what a fubjecl he had loft. He was buried at Goa,
and it became cuftomary for the Mohammedan and Gen-
too inhabitants of that city, when injured by the Pbrtu-
guefe, to come and weep at his tomb, utter their complaints
to his maiics^ and call upon his God to revenge their
wrongs.
Accuftomed to the aiTable manners of Albuquerque, the
referved haughty dignity aflumed by Soarez gave the Indi-
an allies of Portugal the firft proof that the mourning
which they wore for his predeceflbr was not without caufe.
Now, fay the Portuguefe authors, commenced the .period
when the foldler no more followed the di(Slates of honour ;
when.
PORTUGUESE ASIA. cxxxi
v/hen thofe who had been captains, became traders, and
rapacious plunderers of the innocent natives. Hitherto
the loading of the king's vefTels had been the principal mer-
cantile bufinefs of the Portuguefe. They now more parti-
cularly interfered with the commerce of the Moors and
Indians. Many quitted the military fervice, and became
private adventurers ; and many who yearly arrived from
Portugal, in place of entering into the king's fervice, fol-
lowed this example. But their commerce v.ras entirely
confined to the harbours of the Eaft, for it was the fole
prerogative of the king to fend cargoes to Europe. This
coafling trade in the hands of the Portuguefe increafed the
revenue of the royal cuftom-houfes. But the fudden riches
which it promifed, drew into it many more adventurers
than, it was feared, the military government of India
could afford to lofe. And thence the difcouragement of
this trade was efteemed the duty, and became a principal
objeiSl: of the Portuguefe viceroys. And indeed in its befh
ftate it was only worthy of tranfported felons. It was go-
verned by no certain laws. The courts eftablifhed by Al-
buquerque were either corrupted or without power, and
the petty governor of every petty fort was arbitrary in his
harbour. Under thefe difadvantages, fo inaufpicious to
honeft induflry, the Portuguefe adventurers in this coafl-
ing trade became mere pirates, and it was ufual for them
to procure the loading of their fhips, fays Faria, in the
military way, as if upon the forage in an enemy's country.
Nor was this coafling trade folely in the hands of private
H 2 adventurers.
cxxxii PORTUGUESE ASIA,
adventurers. The king had a large fliare hi it, and undoubt-
edly the moft advantageous. This is confirmed by Faria
(fub. ann. 1 540 and 1 54 1 ) vsrho mentions his majcfty's goods
carried from port to port, and committed from one officer
to the charge of another. Such was the miferable ftate of
the free trade of the Portuguefe in India, a trade, whofc
fuperior advantages, (for ftiperior advantages muft be im-
plied in the argument) have lately been held forth f as an
example and proof of the expediency of depriving the Eng-
lifh Eaft India Company of their charter. In the conclu-
iion we fliall cite the words of the philofopher to whom we
allude. And an attention to the facls of this hiftory will
prepare the reader for a difcuffion of that important
queftion.
Where there are no fixed lava's of fupreme authority,
immediate confufion muft follow the removal of the bed
governor. Such confufion conftituted the political cha-
racter of the regency of Soarez. His military expeditions
do him as little honour. Having performed the parade of
a new governor, in vifiting the forts, and in breaking and
raifing officers, Soarez prepared, according to his orders,
to reduce the coafts of the Red Sea to the obedience of
Portugal. Another great Egyptian fleet, commanded by
a Turk, named Raez Solyman, had failed from Suez j and
•Soarez, with twenty-feven fhips, fet fail in fearch of it.
When
t In Smith's Inquiry into the Nature and Caufes of the Wealth ofNatiosu.
PORTUGUESE ASIA cxxxiH
When he came before Aden, he found that ftrong city de-
fencelefs. The governor had offended the court of Egypt,
and Solyman, by order of the Soldan, had levelled a part
of the wall. The governor of Aden, thus at his mercy,
artfully offered the keys to Soarez, and intreated his
friendfhip. Secure of the Moor's honefty, Soarez delayed
to take poffeffion, till he had given battle to the Soldan's
fleet. This he found in the port of Gidda or Jodda, un-
der protection of the cannon of the walls. He therefore
did not engage it ; and after burning a few defencelefs
towns, he returned to Aden. But the breaches of the
fort were now repaired, and his own force, which had fuf-
fered greatly by tempeftuous weather in the Red Sea, was,
he deemed, unable to take that city, which now refufed to
furrender. While Soarez was employed in this inglorious
expedition, Goa was reduced to the greateft danger. A
quarrel about a Portuguefe deferter had kindled a war,
and Hydal Can, with an army of 30,000 men, laid fiege
to that important city. But the arrival of three Portuguefe
{hips raifed the fiege, at a time when famine had almoft
brought the garrifon to defpair. Nor was Malaca happier
than Goa. The uncurbed tyranny of the Portuguefe had
almofl: driven trade from that harbour, and the dethroned
king once more invaded the ifland with a great army. But
Alexis de Menezes, appointed governor of that place, ar-
rived, in the mod critical time, with 300 men, and faved
Malaca. The trade with China after this greatly increafed,
and the king of Ceylon, with whom Albuquerque had
eftablifhed
cxxxiv PORTUGUESE ASIA.
eftabliflied a valuable commerce, was compelled by Soarcz
to pay tribute to the king of Portugal. A furveyor of the
king's revenue about this time arrived in India, vefted with
a power, which interfered v,'ith, and leffened that of the
governor. Hence complaints and appeals were by every
fleet carried to Europe, and by every fleet that returned
the removal of ofiicers was brought. Integrity now afford-
ed no prote6lion, and to amafs wealth with the utmoft ex-
pedition, was now the beft way to fecure its pofleffion.
Rapacity prevailed among the Portuguefe, and all was
difcontent among the natives, when in 1518, after a re-
gency of about three years, Soarez was recalled, and in
power and title of governor fucceeded by lago Lopez de
Sequeyra. Albuquerque left Portuguefe Afia in the moft
flourifliing condition. Soarez left every thing embarrafT-
ed, and in the decline. Albuquerque was dreadful to his
enemies in war, and to his foldiers on the leaft appearance
of difobedience : but at other times, his engaging man-
ners won the hearts of all. And his knov/ledge of hu-
man nature, which formed his political condudV, was of
the firfr rate. Soarcz, on the contrary, the man who re-
fufed an equitable treaty offered by the Zamorim, and was
for fuch a£ts of incapacity fent prifoner to Lifbon by Al-
buquerque, betrayed in all his tranfafiions the meaneft
abilities. All his capacity feemed to reach no farther than
to preferve that folemn face of dignity, that haughty re-
ferved importance with which men of flender abilities
tranfaft the moft trifling affairs ; a folemnity of which
heavy
PORTUGUESE ASIA. cxxxv
heavy intellects are extremely jealous and careful, which
the ignorant revere, and which the intelligent defpife.
Sequeyra, the difcoverer of Malaca, began his regency
with the relief of that important mart ; and the king of
Bintam, the befieger, after feveral attempts, was compel-
led to fubmit to a treaty dictated by the Portuguefe.
Forty-eight fliips, under the command of the governor,
failed to reduce the ftrong fort and harbour of Diu or
Dio, on the coaft of Cambaya, an objeiSt of great impor-
tance to the Portuguefe, but nothing was attempted.
Continual Ikirmilhes, however, dyed every fliore with
blood, while no method of cultivating the friendfhip of
the hoftile natives was even in view. Every thing on the
contrary tended to inflame them. John de Borba, fliip-
wrecked on the coaft of Achem, was generoufly relieved
by the fovereign. George de Brito arrived foon after,
and Borba informed him, that in the fepulchres of the
kings were immenfe treafures of gold ; and that the pre-
fent king, his benefactor, had formerly robbed Tome Por-
tuguefe veflels. Brito, at the head of 200 men, immedi-
ately began hoftilities, but was defeated and killed, and
the kings of Achem became the inveterate enemies of the
Portuguefe, and often gave them infinite trouble. The
Malucco iflands were now difcovered. The kings of thefe,
at ftrife with each other, were each- earneft for the alli-
ance of the Portuguefe. But they, led by their ufual
ideas, foon involved themfelves in war and {laughter.
Onnuz.
cxxxvi PORTUGUESE ASIA.
Ormuz, where Albuquerque was beloved as a father, was
now unable to bear the Portuguefe yoke. The tribute
was raifcd, and the king complained that his revenues
could not afford to pay it. Sequeyra on this fent Portu-
guefe officers to impofe and coUedl the king's cuftoms.
This impolitical ftep was foon followed by its natural con-
fequence. The infolence and oppreffion of the officers
produced a revolt. Sequeyra, however, defeated the peo-
ple of Ormuz, and almoft doubled the tribute which be-
fore they were unable to pay. It is truly aftoniffiing how
men fliould expert that dominion thus fupported fhould
continue long ; that they could not fee that fuch vi^lories
both fowed and nouriffied the feeds of future war. Even
the Portiiguefe hiftorians adopted the impolitical uncom-
mercial ideas of their governors. Faria y Soufa makes an
apology for mentioning the fate of the firft Portuguefe
who traded to China, calls It a matter of commerce, a
fubje^l unworthy of grave hiftory. The political philofo-
pher, however, will efteem it of more importance, and
will draw the beft of precepts from it. The king of Por-
tugal defirous of the trade of China, fent an ambaflador
and one of his captains to propofe a commercial alliance.
•The ambaffiidor was gladly received, and fent by land to
Nankin, and the honourable behaviour of Pedro de An-
drade gained the important traffic of the harbour of Can-
ton. On this officer's return to India, Sequeyra the go-
vernor fent Simon de Andrade, brother to Pedro, with
five Ihips to China ; and whatever were his inftru(Stions,
the
PORTUGUESE ASIA. cxxxvu
the abfurdity of his a»5lions was only equalled by his grofs
infolence. As if he had arrived among beings of an infe-
rior order, he aflumed an authority like that which is
claimed by man over the brute creation. He feized the
ifland of Tamou, oppoflte to Canton. Here he ere£led
a fort and a gallows ; and while he plundered the mer-
chants, the wives and daughters of the principal inhabi-
tants were dragged from their friends to his garrifon, and
the gibbet puniflied reliftance. Nor did he ftop even
here. The Portuguefe in India wanted flaves, and An-
drade thought he had found the proper nurfery. He
publilhed his defign to buy the youth of both fexes, and
in this inhuman traffic he was fupplied by the moft pro-
fligate of the natives. Thefe proceedings, however, were
foon known to the emperor of China, and the Portuguefe
ambaflador and his retinue died the death of fpies. An-
drade was attacked by the Chinefe Itao, or admiral, and
efcaped with much lofs, by the favour of a tempeft, after
being forty days harafled by a fleet greatly fuperior to his
own. Next year, Alonzo de Melo, ignorant of thefe
tranfadlions, entered the harbour of Canton with four
vefl^els. But his fliips were inftantly feized, and the crews
maflacred, as fpies and robbers, by the enraged Chinefe.
And though the Portuguefe afterwards were permitted to
fome trade with China, it was upon very reftridted and
difgraceful * conditions, conditions which treated them
as
* The Chinefe had too much Dutch policy utterly to expel any mer-
chandize from their harbours. A few years after this, the Portuguefe
who
cxxxvlii PORTUGUESE ASIA.
as a nation of pirates, as men who were not to be truft-
ed unlefs fettered and watched.
While Sequeyra was engaged in a fecond attempt upon
Dio, Duarte de Menzes arrived in India, and fucceeded
him in office. Unmeaning flaughter on the coafts of Ma-
dagafcar, the Red Sea, India, and the Malucco iflands,
comprife the whole hiftory of his regency.
About this time died Emmanuel, king of Portugal. If
this hiftory feem to arraign liis government, it will alfo
prove how difficult it is for the moft vigilant prince al-
ways to receive juft intelligence. For Emmanuel was both
a great and a good king. Of great vigilance in council,
of great magnanimity in the execution' of all his enterpri-
zes : of great capacity in diftinguifhing the abilities of men,
and naturally liberal in the reward of merit. If fuch a
prince as Emmanuel erred, if his adminiftration of Indian
affixirs in any inftance arraign his policy, let it thence be
inferred,
who brought gold from Africa and fpicery from India were allowed to pur-
chafe the filks, porcelain, and tea of China, at the port of Sanciam. And
an event, which refutes all the Jefliitical accounts of the greatnefs of the
power and perfection of the Chinefe government, Ibon gave them a better
fettlcment. A pirate, named Tchang-fi-lao, made himlelf mafter of the
little ifland of Ivlacao. Here he built fleets which blocked up the ports of
China, and laid fiege to Canton itfelf. In thiscrifis of diftrefs the Chinefe
implored the afliflance of the Portuguefe, whom they had lately expelled
as the worft of mankind. Two or three Portugiiefe floops effefted what
the potent empire of China could not do, and the ifland of Macao was given
them by the emperor, in reward of this eminent fcrvice. The porcelain of
China is not fo brittle, nor the figures upon it more awkward, than the
Chinefe ftrength and policy mud appear in the light which this event
thtous upon them.
PORTUGUESE ASIA. cxxxJx
inferred, what exa6litude of intelligence is neceflary to the
happy government of a diftani: colony.
The maladminiftration of Indian affairs was now the po-
pular complaint at the court of Lifbon. The traffic of
India, which had raifed the Caliphs of Egypt to the height
of their formidable power, and which had enriched Ve-
nice, was now found fcarcely fufficient to fupport the mi-
litary method of commanding it, pradlifed by the Portu-
guefe. A general of the iirfl abilities was wanted, and
the celebrated Vafco de Gama, old as he now was, ho-
noured with the title of Count de Vidigueyra, was ap-
pointed Viceroy by John III. In 1524, Gama, arrived
the third time in India. Cochin, the faithful ally and
chief trading port of the Portuguefe, was threatened by a
powerful army of the Zamorim, and the Indian feas were
infefled by numberlefs fleets of the Moors, whom their
enemies called pirates. To fupprefs thefe Gama fent dif-
ferent fquadrons, which were fuccefsful in executing his
orders. But while he meditated far greater defigns, de-
ligns of the fame exalted and liberal policy which had been
begun by himfelf, and fb glorioufly profecuted by Albu-
querque, death, at the end of three months, clofed the
regency of Gama. It was the cuflom of the kings of
Portugal to fend commiffions, or writs of fucceffion,
fealed up, to India, with orders, which fliould be firfl
opened when a fucceiTor to government was wanted.
Gama, who brought with him three of thefe, finding
the
cxl PORTUGUESE ASIA.
the approach of dilTolution, opened the firft writ offuc-*
ceffion. And as Henry de Menczes, therein named, was
at Goa, he appointed Lopez Vaz de Sampayo, a man of
great abilities, to take the command till Menezes arrived.
When Menezes arrived at Cochin, he prohibited the
ufual marks of public joy on his elevation, and faid, it
•was inore necejfary to mourn for the lofs of their late Viceroy*
Nor did the public conduct of the new governor, the firfl:,
fays Faria, who honoured the memory of his prcdeceflbr,
deviate from this generous principle. A Portuguefe vef-
fel at this time committed feveral depredations on ftates at
peace with Portugal. This fhip, by order of Menezes,
was taken, and the crew were impaled. A noble inftance
of juftice, of more political fervice than all the victories of
a Soarcz. The danger of Cochin required war, and Me-
nezes carried it into the territories of the Zamorim, whom
he feverely humbled. The Portuguefe arms cleared the
feas of pirates, took the ftrong city of Dofar, and reduced
ibme valuable iflands on the Red Sea. Great preparati-
ons were alfo made for the redu(Slion of Dio, when Me-
nezes, after a regency of thirteen months, died of a morti-
fication in his leg. That he left the military power of the
Portuguefe much more formidable than he found it, is
the leafl: of his praife. Every where, at Ormuz in parti-
cular, he curbed the infolence and rapacity of his coun-
trymen, and proved that time was only wanting for him
to have reftored the fituation of India as left by Albu-
querque. He convinced the Indian princes that rapacity
was
PORTUGUESE ASIA. cxli
was not the character of all the Portuguefe, for he accepted
of no prefent, though many, as is the cuftom of the coun-
try, were offered to him. At his death, which happened
in his thirtieth year, thirteen reals and an half, not a
crown in the whole, was all the private property found in
the pofleffion of this young governor.
Other tranfadtions now fucceed. The fecond and third
commiffions, brought by Gama, were unopened, and left
he who was firft named fhould be diftant, Menezes, on
his death-bed, appointed Francis de Sa to aflume the com-
mand till the arrival of the proper governor. On open-
ing the fecond commiffion, Pedro de Mafcarenhas was
found named. As this officer was at Malaca, a council,
was held, wherein it was refolved to fet afide Francis de
Sa, and open the third commiffion. Sampayo, who in
this Was appointed, took an oath to refign on the arrival
of Mafcareiie, and immediately he affiimed the power of
government. Mafcarene about this time performed fome.
actions of great military fplendor in defence of Malaca.
The king of Bintam, with feveral auxiliary princes, who
with numerous armies threatened deftrudtion to the Por-
tuguefe fettlement, were defeated by this brave officer.
The Spaniards about this time took pofleffion of fome of
the Malucco iflands, where the treachery of the Portuguefe
had made their name odious. Don George de Menezes
and Don Garcia Enriquez, two captains on this ftation,
put one another alternately in irons. They at laft came
to
cxlii PORTUGUESE ASIA,
to a civil war, wherein Garcia was worfted ; and Menezes
was defeated by the Spaniards, who pubHcly executed
fome of his officers, as traitors to Charles V. to whom they
owed no allegiance. OpprelTed by the tyranny of the
Moors, the king of Sunda implored the protection of the
Portuguefe, offered to pay a confiderable tribute, and en-
treated them to build a fort in his dominions. Yet
it was not in the power of Sampayo to reftore the tran-
quillity of the Maluccos, or to improve the offers of Sunda.
He had engaged in a fcheme of policy which fettered his
operations. One villainy muft be defended by another,
and the public intereft muft be fecondary in the politics of
the moft able ufurper of power. Sampayo was refolved to
withhold the regency from Mafcarene, and therefore to
ftrengthen himfelf at Cochin was his iirft care. Where
his own intereft and that of the public were one, Sampayo
behaved as a great commander ; but where they were lefs
immediately connected, that of the latter was •«*i4-n hece{^
farily neglected, and even fell into ruin. It was his inte-
reft to crufli the Zamorim, and he gained confiderable vic-
tories over Cutial, admiral of the moft formidable fleet
which had hitherto been fitted out from the ports of Cali-
cut, Sampayo then failed to Goa, where Francis de Sa
refufed to acknowledge him as governor. This difpute
was fubmitted to the council of the city, and the man in
power was confirmed. Sa was then fent to build a fort in
Sunda, but the politics of Sampayo could not fpare a force
fufficient
PORTUGUESE ASIA. cxliii
fufEcient to overawe the Moors, and Francis de Sa was un-
able to effect his defign.
The artful Sampayo now wrote to the king of Portugal,
that a moft formidable hoftile alliance was in meditation.
The northern princes were ready to aflift the king of Cam-
baya, and Solyman, the Turkifh admiral, had promifed
the Sultan to drive the Portuguefe from India, if he would
give him a competent armament. It was the intereft of
Sampayo to make every preparation for defence, and eve-
ry excufe for preparation. But he ftill kept near Cochin.
The brave Heftor de Sylveyra was fent to Dio and other
places, and the reputation of the a£lions he performed
ftrengthened the authority of the ufurper. A fleet of five
fhips now arrived from Portugal and brought two new
writs of fucceffion. Thefe, according to the royal autho-
rity, ought not to have been opened while an unrecalled
governor was alive. But, confcious undoubtedly of their
contents *, thefe, in defiance of the eftabliflied rule, were
opened by Mexia, infpe6lor of the revenue, and Lopez
Vaz de Sampayo, contrary to the former commifHons, was
found in thefe new writs prior to Pedi'O de Mafcarene.
The fraud of office is here evident j and from the refent-
ment of the king, if we fuppofe he had one idea of juftice,
it afterwards appeared that this new commifhon was fur-
reptitioufly
• The hiftorian Faria exprefsly fays, that Mexia opened them on pur-
pofe to kindle Arife, and difturb the public tranquillity
cxliv PORTUGUESE ASIA.
reptitioufly obtained. Sampayo, when he took the oath
to refign to Mafcarene, difpatched a meffage to Malaca
with the tidings. Mafcarene immediately aflumed his
jjower there, and Sampayo, who now expe(Sted his arrival,
held a council at Cochin. It is almoft needlefs to name the
refult. He was prefent, and in power ; and it was refolv-
ed that Mafcarene fhould not be acknowledged as governor.
Sampayo then retired to Goa, and left Mexia at Cochin to
give Mafcarene the reception concerted between them. Im-
mediately as Mafcarene landed, Mexia's fpear run him
through the arm, feveral of his company were wounded by
the armed attendants of Mexia, and a retreat to the fleet
faved the lives of Mafcarene and his friends.
When the tidings of this reached Goa, Henry Figuera,
fuppofed the friend of the ejected governor, was difpolTelTed
of the command of Coulam, and Mexia was by Sampayo
appointed to fucceed. Anthony de Sylveyra was fent to
give Mafcarene at fea, to put him in irons, and to deliver
him prifoner to Simon de Menezes, commander of Cona-
nor ; all which was performed. This haughty tyranny,
however, produced loud complaints. The murmur was
general at Goa. Souza, commander of Chaul, remonftrat-
ed, and the brave He£lor de Sylveyra boldly upbraided
Sampayo for his unworthy treatment of Mafcarene, to
whom a trial had been rcfufed. Sampayo, fierce, and re-
folute to perfift, Hedlor retired, and fummoned the coun-
cil of Goa. A letter figned by three hundred, who pro-
mifed
PORTUGUESE ASIA. cxiv
mifed to fupport him as governor, was fent to I^.Tafcarcne.
It was alfo agreed to feize Sampayo, but he was no ftran-
ger to this delign, and imprifonment was the fortune of the
brave Heftor. Menezes, governor of Cananbr, as foon as
he received information from Goa of the caufe why Mafca-
rene was in chains, fet him free, and, together v^^ith Sou-
za, commandant of Chaul, and Anthony de Azevedo, ad-
miral of the Indian feas, acknowledged him governor. The
Portuguefe v/ere now on the eve of a war among them-
felves, when Azevedo and other leaders propofed to ac-
commodate difputes by arbitration. Sampayo with great
addrefs managed this affair. He delayed his confent,
though on the brink of ruin, till he knew who were nam-
ed as judges, and till he had procured a pardon for Alon-
zo Mexia, his friend, who had attempted the hfe of Maf-
carene. Yet, though the defenders of this brave officer
had influence to remove one of the appointed jud'^es, and
to add five others of their own nomination, the arts of
Sampayo prevailed. The chief inhabitants of Cochin at-
tended, and confcious of their former vote in council
againft Mafcarene, declared, that if his title was preferred,
they would revolt to the Moors. He who does a man an
injury, generally becomes the rancorous enemy of the in-
jured man ; and even the friends of him whofe power is
on the decline, cautioufly withdraw from his inttreft. The
council of Goa, who had pro.iiifed to fupport, now defert-
ed Mafcarene, forwa:-d to make their peace where thev
feared to oppofe. Sampayo v^-as declared lawful governor,
VOL. I. I a,id
cxli<r PORTUGUESE ASIA,
and Mafcarene embarked for Lifbon, where he was ho-
nourably received by the king, and in reward of his merit,
appointed governor of Azamor in Africa ; on his return
from v.-lience he perifhed at fea,
Sampayo, now undiflurbed by a rival, but confcious of
fhe accufations which Mafcarene would lay againft him, ex-
erted all his abilities to recommend himfelf to his fovereign.
i^Jt Almeyda, not Albuquerque, was the pattern he imi-
tated. The principal leaders of the Turkifli fleet had been
afTaffinated by the friends of each other, and their war
flvips were fcattered in .different places. Sampayo fent
Azevedo to deftroy all he could find, and Alonzo de Melo
was difpatched with a proper force to erecl a fort on the
ifland of Sunda. What heavy accufation of his former con-
duct, devoted to his private intereft, was this late executi-
on of thefe important defigns ! Other captains were fent
upon various expeditions. Hector de Sylveyra, one of the
moft gallant captains ever fent from Portugal to India,
greatly diftinguiflied himfelf; John Deza deftroyed the re-
mains of the Zamorim's fleets, commanded by Cutiale, a
Chihefe admiral J and Sampayo himfelf fpread flaughter
and devaftation over the feas and fhores of India. Every
where, fays 'Faria, there was fire and Avord, ruin and de-
ftruction. In the midii of this bloody career, Nunio de
Cunha arrived with a commiffion to fucceed Sampayo.
Sampayo pleaded to finifli what he had begun, to clear tJie
feas of pirates ; and Nunio, according to the honour of
that
PORTUGUESE ASIA. cxlvii
that age, granted his requeft, that it might not be faid he
had reaped the laurels already grafped by another. Some
time after this, Nunio, in his way to Cochin, put into the
harbour of Cananor. Sampayo, who happened to be
there, fent his brother-in-law, John Deza, to Nunio, in-
viting him to come afliore and receive the relignation of
the governor. But Nunio perhaps feared a fnare ; he in-
iifted that Sampayo fhould come on board. He came, and
having refigned with the ufual folemnitles, was ordered by
Nunio to attend him to Cochin, where, by order of the
new governor, his effects were feized, and his perfon im-
prifoned. And foon after, amid the infults of the crowd,
he was put on board a fhip, and fent prifoner to Lifbon,
where his life and his property were left to the determina-
tion of the fovereign f , by whom he was condemned, and
punifhed for ufurpation.
I 2 The
f When Sampayo was arrefled, " 'Tt:!l Nunio, faid he, I have imprijomd
olhersy and am iioiv hnprifoned, and one luill come to imprifon him" When this
was reported, " Tell Sampayo, isSd Kumo, that I doubt it not ; but therejhall bi
this difference bei-u^een us; he dcferves imprifcnment, but I Jhall not defcfue it."
When the fiiip which cairied SaiTpayo arrived at the iile of Tercera, an
officer, who waited his arrival, put him in irons. When he landed at Lif-
bon, he was fet upon a mule, loaded with chains, and amid the infults of
the populace, carried to the caftle, and there confined in a dungeon, where
not even his wife was permitted to fee him. After two years, the Duke of
Braganza, who admired his military exploits, procured his trial. When
he was brought before the king, who was furrounded with his council and
judges, his long white beard, which covered his face, and the other tokens
of his fuffeiings, fays Faria, might have moved Mailarcnc hirafclf to for-
givenefs.
cxlvlH PORTUGUESE ASIA.
The acls and chara<fl:er of this extraordinary man de-
mand the attention of every country poflefled of colonies.
His abilities were certainly of the firft rate, but having
made one ftep of villainy, the neceffity of felf-defence ren-
dered his talents of little benefit, rather of great prejudice
to his country. Tlie Portuguefe writers, indeed, talk in
high terms of his eminent fervices and military glory. But
there is a furer teft than their opinion. The Indian prin-'
ces iincerely mourned over the afhes of Albuquerque,
whom they called their father ; but there was a general
Joy on the departure of their tyrant Sampayo ; a certain
proof that his condudl was of infinite prejudice to the in-
tereft of Portugal. However high and dreadful they may
feem, men in his fituation never dare to punifh without
refpeft of the offender's connedlions. The tyranny of
George de Menezes, governor of Malucco, under Sampayo,
difgraces human nature. He openly robbed the houfes of the
Moorifli merchants, cut off the hands of fome, and looked
on, while a magiftrate, who had dared to complain, was, by
his
givcnefs. He made a long maflerly fpeech, wherein he enumerated his
fervices, pleaded the neceflities of public affairs, and urged the examples of
others, who had been rewarded. His defence ftagg;red the king's refolu-
tion againfl: him, but his ufurpation could not be forgiven. He was fen-
tenccd to pay Mafcarcnc 10,000 ducats, to forfeit his allowance as gover-
nor, and to be banifhed into Africa. But he was afterwards allowed to re-
turn in a private ftation to Portugal. His friend, Alonzo Mexia, the in-
fpeftor of the revenue, was alfo leverely puniihed, if lefs than his rapacity
dclcrvcd may be called fcvere.
PORTUGUESE ASIA. cxUk
his order, devoured by dogs |. If the embarraffinent of
Sampayo was the only protc£lion of this mifcreant, others,
however, had his fan(Stion. Camoens, that enthufiaft of
his nation's honour, in an apoftrophe to Mafcarene, thus
charadterifes the regency of the ufurper : " Avarice and
ambition now in India fet their face openly againft God
and juftice ; a grief to thee, but not thy fliame !" And
Camoens is exceeding accurate in the fa6ls of hiftory,
though with the refi; of his countrymen, he admired the
mihtary renown of Sampayo. But if Sampayo humbled
the Moors, it fliould alfo be remembered, that, according
to Faria, thefe people had improved the diviHons made by
his politics, greatly to the hurt of the Portuguefe fettle-
ments. And when he did conquer, pufhed on by the
rage to do fomething eminent, every vicflory was truly
•Gothic, and was in its confequence uncommercial. Ma-
laca, while governed by the injured Mafcarene, was the
only divifion of Portuguefe Aiia where commerce flourifh-
ed. After his departure, all was wretchednefs ; Portu-
guefe againft Portuguefe, piracy and rapine here and at the
Maluccos. In what condition the reft were left by Sam-
payo will foon appear.
The king of Cochin, the valuable ally and auxiliary of
the Portuguefe, was confined by the fmall-pox when Nu-
^ This tyrant, on his return to Lifbon, was banidied to the' Brazils,
•where, in a rencounter with the natives, he was taken prifoner, and died
the death of an American captive. A death proper to awake the remem-
brance of his own cruelties. See Introduction, p. v.
cl PORTUGUESE ASIA.
nio arrived. Nunio offered to wait upon him, but the
king declined the interview on account ot the infetStion,
thougli a fight of the new governor, he added, he was fure
would cure his fever. Ni;nio waited upon him, and heard
a long lifi: of the injuries and rapine committed by Sam-
pavo a«id r.Icxia. Thefe, in true policy, Nunio redrefTed j
and the king, who complained that he had been kept as a
fiave in his own palace, was now made happy. Nunio
vifited the other princes in alliance with Portugal, and at
every court and harbour found oppreffion and injuftice.
At Ormuz in particular, tyranny and extortion had defied
refiftance. Nunio foothed, and relieved the wrongs of the
various princes. Proclamation was every where made, in-
viting the injured Moors and Indians to appear before him,
and receive redrefs. Many appeared, and to the all:onifh-
ment of all India, juftice was confpicuoufly ditlributed.
Raez Xarafo, the creature of Sampayo, prime miniller,
or rather tyrant of the king of Ormuz, ftood accufed of
the moft horrid crimes of ofEce. His rapine had been de-
fended by murder ; and the fplrit of induftry, crufhed to
the ground, fighed for fupport amid tiie defolate ftreets.
Innocence and indufi:ry were now protected by Nunio;
and Xarafo, though a native of India, was fent in irons to
Lifbon to take his trial. Nor was Nunio forgetful of the
enemies, while thus employed in reft:oring to profperity the
allies, of Portugal f . HeiSlor de Sylveyra, with a large fleet,
made
■\ Before liis arrival, Nunio greatly d'^ingiiifhed himfclf on the Ethiopi-
an coaA. The king of Mombaza, in hatred to the Portuguefe, had again
reduced
PORTUGUESE ASIA. cii
vTiade a line acrofs the gulph at the mouth of the Red Sea,
and fufFered not a Moorifh or Egyptian vefTel to efcape.
Anthony Galvam, a very enthufiaft in honefty, was fcnt
by Nunio to fucceed Ataide, governor of the Maluccos, a
tyrant who trod in the fteps of Menezes. All was confu-
fion when Galvam arrived ; but he had infinitely more dif-
ficulty, fays Faria, to fupprefs the villainy of the Portu-
guefe, than to quell the hoftile natives. By his wifdom,
however, refolution, and mofi: fcrupulous integrity, the
Maluccos once more became a flourifliing fettlement, and
the neighbouring kings, fome of whom he had vanquiflied,
entreated his continuance when he received his recall.
Anthony de Sylveyra fpread the terror of his arras along
the hoftile coaft of Cambaya, and from tlxence to Bengal.
Stephen de Gama, fon of the great Vafco, was Tent to
Malaca, which he effeftually fecured, by the repeated de-
feats of the neighbouring princes in hoftiiity ; and the go-
vernor himfelf attempted Dio. But while he was employ-
ed in the reduction of the ftrongly fortified ifland of Beth,
where the brave Hector de Sylveyra fell, a great reinforce-
ment, commanded by Muflaph?, a Turk, entered Dio, and
enabled that city to hold out againft all the vigorous at-
tacks of Nunio p
While
reduced the kings of Melinda and Zanzibar to great dirtrefd. Nunio laid
Mombaza in afhes, and left a garrifon at Melinda, which afterwards ren-
dered confiderabie fervice to that city.
\ During this fiege Nunio difcovered the greateft perfonal bravery. One
daf , in attempting a mofl: defperate landing, as his boat haftened from
place
clii PORTUGUESE ASIA.
While the governor was thus employed in reftoring the
ilrength of the Portuguefe fettlements, fcenes, new to the
Portuguefe, opened, and demanded the exertion of all his
wifdom and abilities. One of thofe brutal wars, during
which the caftern princes defolate kingdoms and fhed the
blood of millions, now broke forth. Badur king of Gu-
jarat or Cambaya, one of thofe horrid characters common
in oriental hiftory, afcended the throne, through the
blood of his father and elder brothers. Innumerable other
murders, a£ls of perfidy, and unjufh invafion of his neigh-
bours, increafed his territories. The Mogul, or king of
Delhi, fent a demand of homage and tribute ; but Badur
flayed the ambafl'adors alive, and boafted that thus he
Avould always pay his tribute and homage. Armies of
about 200,000 nien were raifed on each fide, and alternate-
ly deftroyed, fometimes by the fword, fometimes by fa-
mine. New armies were repeatedly muftered, inferior
kingdoms were defolated as they marched along, and Ba-
dur v.'as at lail: reduced to the lowefl: extremity. In his
diflrefs he implored the aflifiance of the Portuguefe, and
the Mogul who had alfo made large offers to the governor j
but
)<lacc to place, he was known by the enemy, for he was cloathed in red,
and flood up in the pofture of command. All their artillery was now di-
reded agaiiifl him, and D. Vafco de Lima's head was fevered from his
Jhoulders by a cannon ball. A gentleman who had entreated to accompa-
ny iiim, fliockcd with fuch danger, exclaimed, Alas! nvjs it for this I came
lAlhcr. To whom, and the others, Nunio replied, with a fmile of
nc onccrn, HumilHate capita "vejlra. — This ullufion to a part of the Romifti
-crvice, amid fuch imminent danger, was a handfome rebuke of their fcajs,
and in tiie true hi^'^h military fpirit of Lufian heroifm.
PORTUGUESE ASIA. cliii
but Badur's terms were accepted. His territory lay near-
eft to Goa, and he not only yielded Dio, a city among al-
moft inacceflible rocks, the great objedt of the Portugucfe
plan of empire, but gave permiffion to Nunio to fortify it
as he pleafed*. And the king of Delhi's army foon after
withdrew from Cambaya. The king of Decan, entitled
Hydal Can, had about this time laid fiege to Golconda
with an -irmy of near half a million, but Cotamaluco, the
princt whom he beficged, found means to defeat him by f
famine. The Hydal Can died fuddenly, and Abraham,
his Ton by a Have, one of his principal officers, ufurped
the tlirone, and thrufi: out the eyes of his legitimate foq.
Muiachain, or Mealecan, who wk; yet in his nonage.
Abraham
* One lago Botello performed the mod wonderful voyage, perhaps, up-
on record, on this occafion. He was an exile in India, and as he knew how
earneftly the king of Port- gal defired the poflellion of Dio, he hoped, that
to be the mefTenger of the agreeable tidings would procure his pardon.
Having got a draught of the fort, and a copy of the treaty with Badur,
he fet lail on pretence for Cambaya, in a veflel only fixteen feet and au
half long, nine broad, and four and a half deep. Three Portuguefe, his
fervants, and fome Indian flaves, were his crew. When out at fea he dis-
covered his true purpofe : this produced a mutiny, in which all that were
failors were killed. Botello, however, proceeded, and arrived at Lifhon,
where his pardon was all his reward, though in confequence of his intelli-
gence, a fleet \vas immediately fitted out, to fupply the new acquired gar-
rifon. His vefTel, by the king's order, was immediately burned, that fuch
evidence of the fafety and eafe of the voyage to India might not remain.
f The Afiatic armies, though immenfe in number, very fcldom come to
a general adion. To cut off the enemy's provifions, which produces fa-
mine and peftilence among fuch enormous armies, is one of the greateU
ftrokes of Indian generalfliip.
cHv PORTUGUESE ASIA.
Abraham continued the war, and Azadacam, an expert
Mohammedan, at the head of a large army, endeavoured
to revenge Mulacham, when the people of Decan, defolat-
ed by thefe brutal wars, entreated Nunio to take the do-
minion of their country, and deliver them from utter ruin.
As the Decan forms the continent oppofite to Goa, the
offer was accepted, and ratified by the confent of Azada-
cam. Azadacam now fled to the king of Bifnagar, the old
enemy of the Decan, and Abraham, now aflifted by Co-
tamaluco, the prince who had been befieged in Golconda,
invaded Bifnagar with an army of 400,000 men and 700
elephants. But while human blood flowed in rivulets,
Azadacam made his peace with Abraham, and Cotamaluco,
in difguft: of the favour fiiewn to his enemy, joined the
king of Bifnagar. Badur who owed the pofleflion of his
crown to the Portuguefe, now meditating their ruin, en-
tered into a league with the Hydal Can. . And Azadacam,
who had ratified the treaty, by which the miferable inha-
bitants of Decan put themfelves under the protection of
the Portuguefe dominion, now advifed his mafter to re-
cover his territory by force of arms. A war enfued, but
neither Azadacam, nor Solyman Aga with his Perfian
auxiliaries, could expel the Portuguefe. Hj'dal Can tired
by the groans of the people, ordered hoftilities to cealc,
but was not obeyed by Azadacam, who, to cover his trea-
fon, attempted to poifon Hydal Can. His treachery was
difcovered, yet foon after the traitor bought his pardon
with gold, for gold is omnipotent in the fordid courts of
the
PORTUGUESE ASIA. civ
the Eaft. Nunlo, however, corrpelied Azadacam to a
truce, when a new enemy immediately arofe. The Za-
morim, encouraged by Badur, raifed an army of about
50,000 men, but was fix times defeated by the Portuguefe.
Badur hid now recouric to perfidy. He entreated a con-
ference witii Nunio at Dio> and with Souza, the governor
of the fcjrt, with intention to aflfafilnate them both. But
ere his fcheme was ripe, Souza one day, in ftepping into
Badur's barge, fell into the water. He was taken up in
fafety, but fome Portuguefe, who at a diftance beheld his
danger, rowed up haftily to his afllftance, when Badur,
troubled with a villain's fears, ordered Souza to be killed.
Four Portuguefe gentlemen, feeing Souza attacked, im-
mediately, boarded the barge, and ruflied on the tyrant,
lago de Mefqueta wounded him, but though thefe brave
men loft their lives in the attempt, they forced Badur to
leap overboard for fafety. A commotion in the bay en-
fued, and the king, miable to fwim any longer, declared
aloud who he was, and begged afllftance. A Portuguefe
officer held out an oar, but as Badur laid hold of it, a com-
mon foldier, moved with honeft indignation, ftruck hina
over the face with a halbert, and repeating his blows, de-
livered the world of a tyrant, whofe remorfelefs perfidy
and cruelty had long difgraced human nature.
In this abridged view of the dark barbarous politics, un-
blufhing perfidy, and defolating wars of king Badur, the
king of Delhi, and the Hydal Can, we have a complete
epitome
civi PORTUGUESE ASIA.
epitome of the hiilory of India. Century after century
contains only a repetition of the fame changes of policy,
the fame defolations, and the fame deluges of fpilt blood.
And who can behold fo horrid a pi^lure, without per-
ceiving the ineftimable benefits which may be diffused
over theEaft by a potent fettlement of Europeans, benefits
which true policy, which their own interefl: demand from
their hands, which have in part been given, and certainly
will one day be largely difFufed. Nunio, as much as pof-
fibly he could, improved every opportunity of convincing
the natives, that the friendfhip of his countrymen was ca-
pable of affording them the fureft defence. Greatly fupe-
rior to the grofs ideas of Gothic conqueft, he addrefled
himfelf to the rcafon and the interefts of thofe with whom
he negociated. He called a meeting of the principal in-
habitants and merchants of Cambaya, and laid the papers
of the dead king before them. By thefe, the treacherous
defigns of king Badur fully appeared, and his negociation
to engage the grand Turk to drive the Portuguefe from
India was detected. Coje Zofar, one of the firft ofiicers
of Badur, and who was prefent at his death, with feveral
others, witnefled the manner of it : and Moors and Pagans
alike acquitted the Portuguefe. Letters to this purpofe, in
Arabic and Perfic, figned by Coje Zofar and the chief
men of Cambaya, were difperfed by Nunio every where in
India and the coafts of Arabia. Nor did this great politi-
cian ftop here. Superior to bigotry, he did not look to
the Pope's Bull for the foundation of authority. The free
exercife
PORTUGUESE ASIA. civli
exercife of the Mohammedan and Brahmin religions was
permitted in every Portuguefe territory, and not only the
laws, the officers appointed, but even the penlions given
by king Badur, were continued. The Portuguefe fettle-
ments now enjoyed profperity. A privateering war with
the Moors of Mecca, and fome hoftilities in defence of the
princes, his allies, were the fole incumbrances of Nunio,
while India was again fteeped in her own blood. While
the new king of Cambaya v/as dethroned, while Omaum
king of Delhi loll an army of above 400,000 men in Ben-
gal, and while Xercham, the king of that country, toge-
ther with his own life, IqA: almoft as many in the fiege of
Calijor, Nunio preferved his territory in the Decan in a
ftate of peace and fafety, the wonder and envy of the other
provinces of India. But the armament of the Turk, pro-
cured by Badur, now arrived, and threatened the deftruc-
tion of the Portuguefe. Selim, Sultan of Conftantinople,
a few years before, had defeated the Soldan of Egypt, and
annexed his dominions to the Turkifii empire. The RIo-
hammedan ftrength was now more confolidated than ever.
The Grand Turk was at war, and meditated conquefts in
Europe. The traffic of India was the mother and nurfe
of his naval ftrength, and the prefents fent by king Badur
gave him the higheft idea of the riches of Indoftan. Se-
venty large veflels, well fupplied with cannon and ail mili-
tary ftores, under the command of Solyman, Bafliaw of
Cairo, failed from the port of Suez, to extirpate the Por-
tuguefe from India. The feamen were of different nations,
many
clvnl PORTUGUESE ASIA,
many of them Venetian galley-flaves, taken in war, all of
them trained failors ; and 7000 Janifaries were deftined to
a£l on fhore. Some Portuguefe renegadoes were alfo in
the fleet ; and || Coje Zofar, who had hitherto been the
friend of Nunio, with a party of Cambayans, joined Soly-
man. The hoftile operations began with the fiege of Dio ;
but when Nunio was ready to fail to its relief with a fleet of
eighty veflels, Garcia de Noronha arrived with a commif^
flon to fucceed him as governor. Nunio immediately re-
figned, and Noronha, in providing a greater force, by a
criminal lofs of time, reduced the garrifon of Dio to the
greateft extremity. Here the Portuguefe fliewed miracles
of bravery. Anthony de Sylveyra, the commander, was
in every place. Even the women took arms. The officers
ladies went from rampart to rampart, upbraiding the leafl:
apjrearance of languor. Juan Roderigo, with a barrel of
powder in his arms, pafl!ed his companions ; Make ivay^
he cried, / carry my owfi and many a man^s death. His own,
however, he did not, for he returned fafe to his fl:ation :
but above a hundred of the enemy were deftroycd by the
explofion of the powder, which he threw upon one of
their batteries. Of 600 men, who at fir ft were in the gar-
rifon, forty were not now able to bear arms ; when Coje
Zofar,
II This officer was by birth an Albancfcj of Catholic parents, and had
fcrved in the wars in Italy and Flanders. Having commenced merchant,
he was taken at fca by the Turks and carried to Conflantinople, from
wlvcnce he went to Cambaya, where he embraced Mohammedifm, and be-
came the prime minifter and favourite of king Badur.
PORTUGUESE ASIA. cllx
Zofar, irritated by the infolence of Solyman, forged a let-
ter to the garrifon, which promifed the immediate arrival
of Noronha. This, as he defigned, fell into the hands of
Solyman, who immediately hoifhed his fails, and with the
Shattered remains of his formidable fleet, fled to Arabia,
where, to avoid a more dreadful punifhmentj he died by
his own hands.
But while Nunio thus reftored the affairs of India, the
uncommercial principles of the court of Lifljon accumula-
ted their malignity. He did not amufe the king and no-
bility with the glare of unmeaning Gothic conquefts, and
the wifdom of his policy was by them unperceived. Even
their hiftorians feem infenfible of it, and even the author
of the Hijlotre Philofophiquey in his account of Portuguefe
India, pays no attention to Nunio, though the wifdom and
humanity of his politics do honour to human nature;
though in the arts of peace he efledled more than any of
the Portuguefe governors; and though he has left the
noblefl: example for imitation, which the hiftory of Portu-
guefe Afia afibrds. Recalled from his pi-ofperous govern-
ment by the mandate of a court blind to its true interefl:,
chains in place of rewards were prepared in Portugal for
this great commander ; but his death at fea, after a hap-
py regency of about ten years, prevented the completion
of his country's ingratitude.
Noronlia,
clx PORTUGUESE ASIA.
Noronha, tiie new Viceroy, the third who had been
honoured with that fuperior title *, began his government
with an infamous delay of the fuccours deftined by Nunio
for Dio. Coje Zofar, by the fame fpirit of delay, was
permitted, long after the departure of Solyman, to ha-
rafs the Portuguefe of that important place. The Hydal
Can, many other princes, and even the Zamorim himfelf,
awed by the dignity and juftice of Nunio's government,
had entreated the alliance of Portugal, and Noronha had
the honour to negociate a general peace j a peace, which,
on the part of the Zamorim, gave the Portuguefe every
opportunity to flrengthen their empire, for it continued
thirty years.
Thefe tranfadllons, the privateering war with the
Moors ; fome fkirmilhes in Ceylon ; the defign, contrary
to the king's commiffion, to appoint his fon to fucceed
him ; his death, and the public joy which it occalioned ;
comprife the hifi:ory of the regency of the unworthy fuc-
ceflbr of the generous Nunio.
Both the Portuguefe and the natives gave unfeigned de-
monftrations of joy on the appointment of Stephen de
Gama, the fon of the great Vafco. By his lirft zS: he
ordered his private eftate to be publicly valued, and by
his
• Almeyda and Gaina were the only two who had been thus honoured
before him.
PORTUGUESE ASIA. clxi
his fecond he lent a great fum to the treafury, which by
Noronha was left exhaufted. He vifited and repaired the
forts, and refitted the fleets in every harbour. By his
officers he defeated the king of Achem, who difturbed
Malaca. He reftored tranquillity in Cambaya, where the
Portuguefe territory was invaded by a very powerful army,
led by Bramaluco, a prince who had been dethroned by
king Badur ; and his brother Chrifloval he Tent on an ex-
pedition into Ethiopia *. The Moors of Mecca, as al-
ready obferved, were the moft formidable enemies the
Portuguefe had hitherto found in the Eaft. In naval art
they were greatly fuperior to the other nations of Afia,
and from their numerous fleets, which poured down the
Red Sea, the Portuguefe had often experienced the great-
efl: injury ; and a check to their power was now wanted.
The Governor himfelf undertook this expedition, and
failed to the Red Sea with a fleet equipped at his own <
private expence. Here he gaye a fevere wound to the
naval fl:rength of both the Turks and the Moors f . But
VOL. I. K while
* For this melancholy fate, fee p. 466.
f During this expedition he took the important city and fea port of Tore
in Arabia ; after which he marched to mount Sinai, wlicie he knighted fe-
veral of his officers, a romantic honour admired by Charles V. D. Luis de
Ataide, having behaved with great courage as a volunteer, at the battle
where Charles V. defeated the Duke of Saxony, was offered knighthood by
the Emperor ; but he replied, he had already received that honour upon
mount Sinai. The Emperor, fo far from being offended, declared in pre-
fcnce of his officers, that he more envied that honour than rejoiced in his
viflory. The fame fpirit of romantic gallantry, arifing from religious vene-
ration, feems to have poflefled Don Stephen himfelf. He ordered his epi-
taph
clxii PORTUGUESE ASIA,
while every thing was in profperity under the brave and
generous Stephen, he was fuddenly fuperfeded by the ele-
vation of Martin Alonzo de Souza. Though no policy
can be more palpably ruinous than that which recalls a
governor of decided abilities ere he can poffibly complete
r.ny plan of importance, yetfuch recalls, ere now, had
been frequently ifTued from the court of Lifbon. But
none of them, perhaps, gave a deeper wound to the Por-
tuguefe intereft than this. Stephen de Gama trod in the
fteps of his father, of Albuquerque, and of Nunio. Sou-
za's adlions were of a different character. He began his
government with every exertion to procure witnefles to
impeach his predeceffor ; but though he pardoned a mur-
derer f on that condition, every accufation was refuted,
and Stephen de Gama was received with great honour at
Lifbon. Having refufed, however, to give his hand to^
a bride, chofen for him by John III. he found it conve-
nient to banifh himfelf from his native country, the coun-
try which his father had raifed to its higheft honours.
And he retired to Venice^ his eftate 40,000 crowns lefs
than
taph to conflft of thefe words, " He that made knights upon mount Sinai ended
bis courfe here." Don Alvaro, the fon of the great John de Caftro, was
alfo one of thefe knights, and his father thought it fo great an honour, that
lie took for his crefl the Catharine-wheel, which his family ftill continue.
There is a chapel dedicated to St. Catharine on mount Sinai, faid, by the
popifli writers, to have been built by angels.
f lago Saurez de Melo, v/ho having ficd from the fcntence of death in
Portugal, was at this time a pirate in the Indian feas, commander of two
vcflcls and 120 men. Of this adventurer afterwards.
PORTUGUESE ASIA. clxlll
than when he entered upon his fhort government of two
years and one month.
Wars of a new chara<Sler now took place. By the tole-
ration which Nunio gave to the religions of the natives,
he rendered the Portuguefe fettlements happy and flou-
rifliing. But gloomy fuperflition now prevailed, and
Soiiza was under the dircftion of priefts, who efteemed
the butcheries of religious perfecution as the fcrvice of
heaven. The temples of Malabr.r were laid in aflies, and
thoufands of the unhappy natives, for the crime of idola-
try, were flaughtered upon their ruined altars. This
the Portuguefe hiftorians mention as the greateH: honour
of the piety of their countrymen, ignorant of the detefta-
tion which fuch cruelty muft certainly bring upon the re-
ligion which infpires it : ignorant too, that true religion,
under the toleration of a Nunio, poflefles its beft oppor-
tunity to conquer the heart by the difplay of its fuperior
excellence. Nor was Souza's civil government of the Por-
tuguefe lefs capricious. Highly chagrined to fee the mili-
tary rank unenvied, and his forces weakened by the great
numbers who quitted the fervice on purpofe to enrich
themfelvcs in the coafting trade, he endeavoured to ren-
der commerce both difadvantageous and infamous. He
laid the Cuftom-houfes under new regulations. He con-
llderably lowered the duties on the traffic of all Moorlfh.
and Afiatic merchants, and greatly heightened the rates on
the Portuguefe traders. And felons and ir.urderers, ba-
K 2 niihed
clxlv PORTUGUESE ASIA.
nifhed from Lifbon, were by Souza protected and encou-
raged to become merchants, as only proper for fuch em-
ploy. Yet while he thus laboured to render the military
fervice as only worthy of Portuguefe ambition, he began
his regency with a reduction of the pay of the military.
At the fiege of Batecala, the Portuguefe foldiers quarrel-
led about the booty, and while fighting with each other,
were attacked by the natives, and put to flight. Souza
commanded them to return to the charge and revenge
their repulfe. Let thofe who are rich revenge iV, exclaimed
the foldiers, we came to make good by plunder the pay of which
we are u?ijii/lly deprived. — / do not know you, replied Souza,
you are not the fame men I left in India two years ago. To
this the foldiery loudly returned, yesy the men are the fame ^
but the governor is not the fame. Finding the mutiny vio-
lent, Souza retired to the fhips ; but the next day he re-
newed the liege, and the city was taken, and the ftreets
ran with blood : fuch was the rage of the army to recom-
penfe themfelves by plunder. The yearly tribute impofed
by Albuquerque upon the king of -Ormuz was 12,000
ducats. It was now raifed to 100,000, and the king,
unable to difcharge fuch an enormous burden, was 500,000
ducats in arrear j and a refignation of all the revenues of
his crown was propofed, and accepted by Souza. Azada-
cam, now in open war with his mafter the Hydal Can
Abraham, drew Souza to his party. The defign was to
dethrone Abraham, who was then in alliance with the
Portuguefe, and to place Meale Can his brother in his do-
minions^
PORTUGUESE ASIA. clxv
•minions. The Portuguefe officers murmured at this
fhamelefs injuftice, but only Pedro de Faria, trufting to
his venerable years, had the courage to remonftrate with
tlie governor. Souza, haughty as he was, liflened to the
man of fourfcore, and confeiTed that he had faved both
his life and his honour. The attempt, however, was
highly refented by the Hydal Can, who gathered fuch a
ftorm to crufli the PortugueCe, that Souza, forefeeing the
tempeft which was hovering over him, threatened to open
the writs of fucccffion, and refign to the governor next
named. He complained that he could not govern men
who had neither truth nor honour : he did not conlider,
however, that his unjufl treatment of the common fol-
diers occafioned their diforder and difobedience. But while
he thus meditated a treacherous and cowardly retreat,
treacherous becaufe it was to defert his poft in the hour
of danger, a fleet from Portugal brought the great John
de Caftro, the fucceflbr of the embarraflfed undetermined
Souza.
The naval and military ftrength of the Portuguefe in
India was in a very fickly condition. Great difcontent
among the few who were honeft j all was villainy and dif-
order, rapine and piracy, among the reft. On the folici-
tations of Souza, Meale Can took refuge in Goa. When
the Hydal Can made his formidable preparations for war,
he demanded, as the previous condition of peace, that
Meale fhould be delivered up to him. This Souza reful-
ed.
clxri PORTUGUESE ASIA,
ed, but proaiifed to fend him to Malaca, where he fliould
remain under guard. Immediately on the acceffion of
Caftro, the Hydal Can renewed his propofal for the fur-
render of Meale, who was yet at Goa •, but the new go-
vernor rejected this demand with firmnefs. It was deem-
ed good pohcy by feveral of the Portuguefe governors to
efpoufe the caufeof* this injured prince. They efteemed
him as an engine, which, under their management, would
either over-awe the Hydal Can, or dethrone him when
they pleafed. But the event did not juftify this theoreti-
cal wifdom. It had been pufillanimity in Caftro, had he
furrendercd a prince who was under protection of the
Portuguefe faith ; but the contrary condudl, the confe-
quence of Souza's policy, produced an invalion of the Por-
tuguefe continental territory ; and though Caftro was vic-
torious, the Hydal Can continued ever ready for hoftili-
ties, and occafion was ever at hand. Scarcely had Caftro
given Hydal Can the firft repulfe, when Mahumud, the
nephew of king Badur, the heir of his crown and fierce
difpofition, inftigated by Coje Zofar, and aftifted by the
Hydal Can and about 8000 troops from Conftantinople,
among
• The Portuguefe hiftorians difagree in their accounts of this Hydal Can
Abraham. Barros fays, he was not of the blood royal. But Faria, who
feleded his work from Barros, and feveral other authors, calls him the bro-
ther of Mcale, whom he unjuftly dethroned. When Souza, on pretence
of doing juftice, endeavoured to place Meale on the throne, the ufurper in
an artful cpiftle alked him wiiat ri^bt the Portuguefe had to dethrone the
kings of the Eart, and then pretend to do jufHce to an exiled prince. Pof-
feflion, he faid, proved the approbation of God ; and the Portuguefe, he
added, had no other title to dominion in Alia.
PORTUGUESE ASIA. clxvii
among whom were looo Janizaries, commenced hoftili-
ties, and threatened the total extirpation of the Portuguefe.
Their warlike operations began with the fiege of Dio.
John de Mafcarene, the governor, made a brave defence,
and the Portuguefe difplayed many prodigies of valour.
Azadacam, Coje Zofar, and others, of the greateft mili-
tary reputation, directed the attacks, and perifhed in their
attempts. Whenever a breach was made, the Turks and
Indians prefled on by ten thoufands, but were always re-
pulfed. Nor were the ladies of the officers lefs aiSlive and
courageous than in the former fiege. Various reinforce-
ments were fent by the governor, one of which was com-
manded by his fon Don Fernando. Unnumbered artillery
thundered on every fide, and mines were fprung, by one
of which Fernando was with his battalion blown up in
the air- When Caftro received the tidings of this difafter,
he was at Goa. He bore it with the greateft compofure,
and though it was the tempeftuous feafon, he immediate-
ly difpatched his other fon Don Alvaro with another rein-
forcement to Dio. After eight months had elapfed in
this defperate fiege, the governor arrived with a large
fleet, and without oppoiition entered the fort. From
thence he marched out at the head of 2500 Portuguefe,
and fome auxiliaries of Cochin. The numerous army of
Mahumud continued in their trenches, which were de-
fended with ramparts and a profufion of artillery. But
the enemy were driven from their works, and purfued *
with incredible flaughter through the ftreets of the city.
Rume
clxviii PORTUGUESE AST A.
Rume Can, the fon of Zofar, rallied about 8000 of his
braved troops, and was totally defeated by Caftro *. It
was neqeflary to profecute the war ; and the governor, in
great want of money to carry it on, meditated a loan of
2p,ooo pardaos from the citizens of Goa. He ordered
the grave of Don Fernando his fon to be opened, on pur-
pofe to fend his bones as a pledge ; but the putrid ftate
of the carcafe prevented this, and he fent a lock of his
own muftacheos as a fecurity for the loan •, a fecurity in-
deed uncommon, but which included in it a fignal pawn
of his lionour. The pledge was refpectfuUy returned,
and more money than he required was fent; and even
the women ftript themfelves of their bracelets and other
jewels to fupply his want. The ladies of Chaul followed
the example, and by the hands of their little daughters
fent him their richeft jewels. The jewels, however, he
returned, and having with great affiduity improved his na-
val and military ftrength, he and his captains carried fire
and
• During the heat of this engagement, Father Cazal, with a crucifix on
the point of a ipear, greatly animated the Portuguefc. Rume Can, not-
withftanding all the efforts of Caftro, put his troops at laft in great difor-
der. But though the General could not, the Pricft led them to victory. A
weapon broke off an arm of the crucifix, and Cazal exclaiming aloud, fa-
iriUge, fjcrUcje, revenue the facrilege, infpired a fury which determined
the battle. In many other engagements the leaders promoted their intereft
in this manner. They often faw the fign of the crofs in the air, and at
different times fome Moorilh prifoners enquired after the beautiful young
woman, and venerable old man, who appeared in the front of the Portu-
guefc fquadions. And the Portuguefe foldiers, who faw no fuch perfona-
ges, were thus taught to believe themfelves under the particular care of the
Viigin and St. Juil-ph.
\
PORTUGUESE ASIA. clxix
and fword over the dominions of the hoftile princes, while
Hydal Can, with an army of 150,000 men, retired be-
fore ^im. The king of Achem was alfo defeated at Ma-
laca, and the ftubborn villainy of the debauched Portu-
guefe foldiers and traders was the only enemy unfubdued.
To prevent the rtiin of the JiatCy fays his hiftorian Andrada,
he made it unlawful Jor a Joldier to become merchant. But
while he laboured in this much more arduous war, in
corredting the abufes of the revenue, and the diftribution
of juftice, grief, it is faid, impaired Caftro's health, and
haftened his end, at a time when Hydal Can and all who
had been in arms againft the Portuguefe were fuing for
peace. On the approach of death he appointed a council
of fele<5l perfons to take the management of affairs. And
fo poor was the great Caftro, that the firft aft of this com-
mittee was an order to fupply the expences of his death-
bed from the king's reveuue ; for a few reals, not half a
dozen, was all the property found in his cabinet *.
With
Caftro, though he difJained private emolument, was fond of public mag-
i.ificcnce. After his viiftoties he frequently entered Goa in the manner of
a Roman triumph. That, after his happy return from Dio, was fo re-
markably fplendid, that the queen of Portugal laid, he had conquered like
a Chrirtian, but had triumphed like a heathen. The gates and houfes
were hung with filk and tapeftry. The cannon and aims taken from the
enemy were carried in the front. The officers in armour, with plumed
helmets followed : Caftro crowned with laurel, and with a laurel bough in
his hand, walked upon filk, while the ladies from the windows fhowered
flowers and perfumes upon him ; and Cazal, with the maimed crucifix,
walked
clxx PORTUGUESE ASIA.
With the eulogium of Caftro, Camoens concludes his
prophetic fong, and here alfo the moft glorious period
of the Portuguefe empire in Afia terminates. But the cir-
cumftances of its fall, and the noble and partly fuccefsful
ftruggles which it fometimes made, when its total extinfti-
on feemed inevitable, are highly worthy of the attention of
the political philofopher, and form alfo the neceflary con-
clufion of this hiftory.
Garcia de Sa, an experienced officer, fucceeded Caftro,
and concluded the various treaties of peace, procured by the
arms, and in agitation at the death of that great man, high-
ly to the advantage and honour of Portugal. The cele-
brated Si. Francis Xavier was now a principal charadler in
Portuguefe Afia. And while the converfion of the Eaft:
was all he profefTed, he rendered the throne of Portugal
the
walked in his futplice immediately before him. Military and church mu-
fic by turns refounded. And Juzarcan, the general of the Indian horfe,
and 600 prifoners guarded and in chains, clofcd the proceflion. When he
wrote to the king of Portugal the particulars of the relief of Dio, he folicited
his recall, but this was rejected, and he was appointed to continue three
years longer, with the additional honour of the title of Viceroy. His fchool-
companion, the Infant Don Lewis, wrote him an affectionate letter re-
quefting his acquiefcence, in which he ufes this exprefflon. ^^ After your
jierformance of the royal iv'ill, Itrufl you luill cover the tops of the rocks of Cintra
•with chapels and trophies of your 'viclories, and long enjoy them in profound repofe^ '
Cintra, for rocky hills, woods, and rivers, the moft romantic fituation in
nature, was the family ^ ftate of Caftro. It is laid he was the firft who
brought the orange-tree to Europe, and that he efteemed this gift to his
country, as the greatcft of his actions. Three orange-trees are ftill preferv-
cd at Cintra, in memorial of the place where he firft planted that valuable
fruitage. He died, foon after he was named Viceroy, in his forty-eighth
year. His family ftill remain.
PORTUGUESE ASIA. clxxl
the moft political fervices. His unremitting diligence, and
the danger and toil of his journies from kingdom to king-
dom, befpeak a great mind, ardently devoted to his enter-
prize ; and the various princes who received baptifm from
his hands, and the many thoufands who, on his preaching,
afiumed the Chriftian name, difplayed a fuccefs which his
admirers efteemed miraculous. Nothing, however, could
be eafier than fuch converfion. Xavier troubled his new
converts with no reftraint, and required from them no
knowledge of the Chriftian principles. He baptized them,
and gave them crucifixes to worfhip, and told them they
were now fure of heaven. But while he was thus fuperfi-
cial as an Apoftle, as a Politician he was minute and com-
prehenfive. Several friars of different orders had ere now
attempted the converfion of fome Indians ; but a regular
fyftem, of the moft extenfive operation, was referved for
the fons of Ignatius Loyola •, and Xavier, his friend and
arch-difciple, laid the bold and ardous plan of reducing the
whole Eaft to the fpiritual vafTalage of the papal chair.
What is implied in this he well knew, and every offer of
religious inftruftion which he made, was attended with the
moft flattering propofals of alliances ; of alliances, how-
ever, which were calculated to render the natives depen-
dent on the Portuguefe, and mere tributaries. In this plan
of operation the great abilities of Xavier were crowned
with rapid fuccefs. Kings and kingdoms, won bv his
preaching, fued for the friend fliip of the Portuguefe. But
while the olive of peace feeraed ready to fpread its boughs
over
clxxll PORTUGUESE ASIA,
over India, the unrelentlug villainy of the Portuguefe fol-
cliers and merchants counteracted the labours of Xavier;
and feveral of the new baptifed princes, in refentment of
the injuries they received, returned to paganifm and hofti-
lity. Xavier, who acted as a fpy on the military and civil
government of India, not only, from time to time, laid
thefe abufes before the king of Portugal, but alfo intereft-
ed himfelf greatly both in the military f and civil councils
of Portuguefe Afia. He was the intimate friend and coun-
fcllor of the great Caftro, and his political efforts were on-
ly baffled by the hardened corruption of the Portuguefe
manners.
While Xavier thus laboured in the direction of the
fprings of government, Garcia de Sa died fuddenly, and
in authority was fucceeded by George de Cabral. The Za-
morim, the king of Pimenta, and eighteen vaffal princes,
among whom was the late converted king of Tanor, who
now had renounced his baptifm, joined in a league againft
the king of Cochin, the faithful ally of Portugal, and took
the field with near 200,000 men. Cabral hafted to the
affiftance of Cochin, and in feveral expeditions gained con-
fiderable advantages over the enemy. The enemy's main
army
t In 1547 Malaca was faved by Xavier. The king of Aebem, the invete-
rate enemy of Portugal, fitted out 60 vcflels againft that port. And when
the governor refufed to fail in fearch of the enemy, ere they were fully
equipped, Xavier perfuaded the merchants to fit out ten vefTels. He went
on board, and by his perfuafions, and prophecies of fuccefs, fo encouraged
this fmall fquadron, that they gained a complete victory over the fleet of
Adcm.
PORTUGUESE ASIA. clxxiii
army was now in the ifland of Cochin, and Cabral with
100 fail, and an army of 40,000 Cochinians, had reduced
them to the loweft extremity ; when, on the very day, up-
on which the eighteen vaflal princes were to have been
given up as hoftages, a new viceroy, Don Alonzo de No-
ronha, arrived, and inftantly flopped the operations of
Cabral : and by the mifunderftanding between the two go-
vernors, the whole army of the enemy efcaped. Xavier
remonftrated, by letter, in the ftrongeft terms, to the king
of Portugal, and advifed the feverity of punifhment ; but
to thefe falutary warnings no attention was paid by the
court of Lifbon.
Dur?ng Sa's government, the coafting trade of the pri-
vate adventurers became more and more piratical, and con-
tinually gave birth to an endlefs fucceffion of petty, but
bloody wars. Though the king of Cochin had ever been
the faithful ally of Portugal, Cabral ordered, without even
the pretence of complaint, one of his richeft pagodas f to
be plundered. This attempt, in the true fpirit of the pri-
vate traders, was defeated ; but the royal monopoly, al-
ready miferably inadequate both to its means and objecl,
fuffered by this breach of faith. It was the caufe, fays
Faria,
t The Indian pagodas or temples are the repofitorics of their moil: vahi-
able treafures. When they intent.' to build a pagoda, fays Faria, they fow
the ground with kidney-beans. When thefe are green, they bring a grey
cow to feed among them, and on the fpot where flie firft dungs, they erect
the throne of the idol to whom the pagoda, which they build around it, is
to be dedicated. Pythagoras's veneration for beans, to gether with hisme-
tempfichofis, was perhaps borrowed from the Indians,
xlxxvi PORTUGUESE ASIA,
undeciflve expedition of Pirbec, two other formidable Tur-
kifh fquadrons were fent againft tiic Portuguefc. But both
of thefe were commanded by officers of mean abilities, and
were totally defeated by fliipwreck and battle. The Za-
morim and the king of Pimenta, Avhofe combined army
Noronha had formerly permitted to efcape, had continued,
during the war in Ceylon and with the Turks, to harafs
the Portuguefe fleets, and the king of Cochin, their ally.
Noronha, now at leifure, went in perfon to revenge thefe
infults, and the rich iflands of Alagada, fubjedl to the
king of Pimenta, after a defperate defence, were deftroy-
ed with fjre and fword. Our military poet, Camoens, at
this time arrived in India, and difcovered his valour as a
volunteer in this expedition.
While the royal monopoly and the coafting trade were
thus reduced and expofed, under the languor and weak-
nefs of the mihtary operations, the active fpirit of Xavier
was untired. Having vifited almoft every fettlement,
every where endeavouring to infpire political vigour and
unanimity, he was now bufied in adding the Chinefe lan-
guage to his other laborious acquirements of the oriental
tongues ; for the fpiritual dominion of China was the
grand object o£ his ftupendous plan. But, alarmed at the
fpreading odium raifed by the cruel and unjuft actions of
Noronha in Ceylon, he hafted thither, for he forefaw the
malign influence of the Portuguefe inlolence and oppixf-
fion. Froni Ceylon he went to the rtlaluccos and Japan,
and
PORTUGUESE ASIA. dxxvii
knd when ready to enter China, his death in the ille of
Jancyon clofed his unwearied labours of twelve years in
he Eaft. To reftrain the Portuguefe injuftice and tyran-
ly, and to win the affecftion of the natives, were the means
>y which Xavier endeavoured to eflablilh his ilupendous
tlan of the vafTalage of the eaftern world. And, had he
ivcd in the more virtuous days of Albuquerque, his views
/■ould probably have been crowned with fuccefs. By the
aean artifices and frauds of the Jefuits who fucceeded in
lis miffion, whofe narrow minds were earneft for prefent
molument, what good eftecSls the fuperior mind of Xa-
ier had produced, were foon counteracted, and totally
After a regency of three years, Don Alphonfo de No-
onha was fucceeded by Don Pedro de Mafcarenhas, a
entleman in his feventieth year. Meale Can was now at
Joa. Mafcarene adopted the former policy of fupporting
'leale's title to the throne of Hydal Can, and proclaimed
im king of Vifapor. But Mafcarene's death, ere he had
overned thirteen months, clofed his regency, and Fran-
ifco Barreto, his fuccellbr, entering into his views, and
efirous of the immenfe emoluments of an Indian war,
rofecuted his deligns. The great Caftro, by his patro-
age of Meale, had kept the Hydal Can in awe ; but
'aftro's faith and abiUties were now wanting. In breach
f a treaty of peace with the Hydal Can, and on pre-
snce of doing juftice to an exiled prince, Barreto kindled
VOL. T. L a war.
clxxvlii PORTUGUESE ASIA.
a war, which proved highly injurious to the Portuguefe,
Meale was defeated and taken prifoner in his kingdom of
Vifapor 5 and fev^ral bloody undecifive campaigns dif^
played the refentment of the Hydal Can *. Nor were the
affairs of the Maluccos lefs unhappy. Deza, the Portu-
guefe governor, treacheroufly imprifoned the king of
Ternate and his whole family, and ordered them to be
ftarved to death. He was relie-'/ed, however, by the
neighbouring princes, who took arms in his defence 5
and the fubmiffion of the Portuguefe, who deprived Dez?,
of his command, ended the war.
While the military reputation of the Portuguefe had
ahnoft loft its terrors, while their empire in the Eaft was
thus haftening to its fall, John III. was fucceeded by Se-
baftian, an infant j and Don Conftantine de Braganza,
of the blood royal, was appointed deputy-king of India.
He governed three years, and never performed one adlion
which did honour to his abilities. The officers he fent
out on various expeditions were generally defeated, parti-
cularly in a war with the Turks on the coafts of Arabia.
He himfelf fliared the fame fate, and once faved his life,
at the city of Jafanapatan, by inglorious flight. His views
were of no importance. He imprifoned Luis de Melo
for lofing too much time in a victorious expedition on the
coaft of Malabar. In a defcent on Ceylon, the Portuguefe
feized
* Sec the note on Bancto, in the Life of Camocas.
PORTUGUESE ASIA. cIxxIk
ei2ed the tooth of a monkey, a relick held facred by the
Pagans, for which, according to Linfchoten, 700,000
lucats were offered in ranfom ; but Conftantinc ordered
t to be burned. The kings of Siam and Pegu pretended
he real tooth was faved by a Banian, and each afferting
hat he was in pofleffion of the genuine one, bloody wars,
srhich much endangered the Portuguefe eaftern fettlements,
rere kindled ; and Conftantine, finding himfelf embarraf-
ed, refigned, contrary to the defire of the council of Lif-
)on. He is celebrated for his great politenefs and affabi-
ity ; and his government is diftinguilhed by the eftablifli-
nent of the inquilltion at Goa.
Don Conftantine was fucceeded by the Count de Re-
londo. Petty wars continued as ufual on every coaft. In
:$64y a Portuguefe fhip, contrary to the treaty of peace,
vas attacked by three veflels of Malabar ; Redondo com-
)lained, and was anfwered by the Zamorim, that fome re-
'els had done ity whom he ivas luelcome to feize and chajlife.
rritated by this reply, and on purpofe to retort it, he fent
Dominic de Mefquita with three fhips to fcour the coaft
)f Malabar. And Mefquita foon murdered above 2000
Malabrians, the greateft part of whom he fewed up in
heir own fail-cloths and wantonly drowned. Redondo,
lowever, died fuddenly, ere the Zamorim complained ;
Dut fuch was the famenefs of idea among the Portuguefe,
that Juan de Mendoza, his fucceftbr, in anf.ver to the
Zamorim's complaint, adopted the intended witticifm of
L 2 Redondo,
cixxx PORTUGUESE ASIA.
Redondo, and retorted the Zamorim's reply ; it was donff
by rebels f nvhom he was toelcome to fei%e and chaji'tfe. A fpi-
rited reprifal is often the moft decifive meafure \ but this
inhuman one, furely, was not dictated by wifdom. A
bold woman of quality, whofe hufband had been murder-
ed by Mefquita, with all the fury afcribcd to an ancient
Druidefs, ran from place to place, execrating the Portu-
guefe, and exciting to revenge. Many of the IVIoors en-
tered into an oath, never to lay down their arms till they
had rooted the Portuguefe out of India. They fuddenly
befet the fort of Cananor, and burned above thirty Por-
tuguefe fhips that rode under its cannon ; and a tedious
war enfued. Mendoza, after fix months, was I'uperfeded
by Don Antonio de Noronha, who ended the war of
Cananor with the defolation of the adjacent country. Con-
fufion and bloodfhed covered the rich ifland of Ceylon,
and the new converts, the allies of Portugal, were hunt-
ed down by the other natives. The king of Achem and
other princes began now to meditate a general league for
the extirpation of the Portuguefe. And the Grand Turk,
defirous of acqulfition in India, became a zealous auxiliary.
But though the firft attempt upon IMalaca was defeated by
the valour of Don Leonis, the commander, the league
continued In agitation, while the Portuguefe feemed to
invite and to folicit their own deftruflion. The rapine
of individuals became every year more fliamel?^. and ge-
neral. While an idolatrous devotion to faints and images
rendered them inexorable in their cruelty to thofe of a
different
PORTUGUESE ASIA. clxxxi
different worfhip, they abandoned themfclves without re-
Itraint to the moft lafcivious luxury, and every oflicer had
his feraglio of five, fix, or eight of the fined women,
[ndian women of quality were publicly dragged from
their kindred by Portuguefe ravifhers. The inhabitants
if Amboina had received the Portuguefe with the greatefh
friendfliip. At a banquet given by the natives, a young
officer, in the face of all the company, and in prefcnce
Df her hufband, attempted to ravifli one of the principal
ladies, and was unreproved by his countrymen. The ta->
bles were inftantly overturned, and the Portuguefe ex-
pelled the ifland. And here, as at Ceylon and other
parts of India, the popular fury was firft glutted v.-ith the
Dlood of thole natives, now efteemed as traitors, v/ho
bad embraced the religion of the Portuguefe- Immedi-
itely another moft daring breach of humanity called aloud
apon the princes of the Eaft to unite in the defence of
sach other. Ayero*, king of Ternaje, had always been
Friendly and tributary' to the Portuguefe, yet on renewing
i treaty of alliance, after having mutually fvorn on the
arm.s
* This is the fame prince whom Deza treacheroufly imprifoned and at-
tempted to flarve. He continued, however, faithful to the Portuguefe,
till his nephew was murdered by fome of their officers. Three of the a"--
greflbrs were feized by the king's order, and put to death. On renewing
the alliance with the Portuguefe, he was treacheroufly murdeied by the
commandant's nephew. Ashe was fVabbed, he laid hold of a cannon which
bore the arms of Portugal, and exclaimed, Ah ! Cavaliers, is it thus von rc-
ivard the moji faithful fubje6l of your ii>'g, jay foverdgn !
clxxxii PORTUGUESE ASIA.
arms of Portugal, he was ftabbed by order of the Por-
tuguefe commandant. Nor did this treachery appeafe
the murderer. In prefence of his queen and daughters,
who in vain implored permiflion to bury him, his body
was cut into pieces and falted, put into a cheft, and thrown
into the lea. He had a fon, however, Chil Babu, who,
in revenge of this, proved the moft formidable enemy the
Portuguefe had ever known in the Eaft. His ambafla-
dors hafted from court to court, and the princes of India,
haraiTed by their cruel awful tyrants, who trampled on
every hw of humanity and good policy, combined with
him in a general league for the utter expulfion of the Por-
tuguefe j and fo confident were the natives of fuccefs,
that not only the divilion of the Portuguefe fettlements,
but the pofleffion of the moft beautiful of their wives and
daughters, was alfo fettled among them. Five years was
this league in forming, and eaftern politics never produ-
ced a better concevted plan of operation. The various
forts and territories of the Portuguefe were allotted to the
neighbouring princes. Goa, Onor, and Bracalor were
to reward the victories of the Hydal Can ; Chaul, Da-
mam, and Bacaim were to be taken by Nizamaluco, a
king of the Decan j the Zamorim was to poflefs himfelf
of Cananor, Mangalor, Cochin, and Chale ; the king of
Achem was to reduce, Malaca j and the king of Ternate
Was to attack the Maluccos. Befides thefe, many other
princes had their appointed lines of acTiion ; and this tre-
mendous ftorm was to burft, ia every tjuarter, at the fame
inftant.
PORTUGUESE ASIA. clxxxiii
inftant. Don Luis de Ataide was governor of India
when this war began. The Hydal Can, with an army
which conflfted of 100,000 infantry, 35,000 horfe, 2140
elephants, and 350 pieces of cannon, covered the conti-
nent oppoflte to Goa for fevcral leagues, and the difpofi-
tion of his extenlive ppfts difplayed great generallhip.
Every eminence was fortified, and his batteries, of two
leagues in extent, thundered upon Goa. The difpofitions
of Ataide, however, not only protected that ifland, but
his unexpedled inroads often carried terror and flaughter
through this immenfe encampment. The Hydal Can,
though greatly difpirited, began to plant gardens and orch-
ards, and build banquetting houfes, as if refolved to con-
quer, at whatever diftance of time. While Goa was thus
befieged, Chaul, a place of lefs defence, v/as invefled by
Nizamaluco, at the head of an army of 150,000 men,
Turks, Moors, Ethiopians, Perlians, and Indians. The
king of Ternate attacked the Maluccos ; the queen of Gar-
zopa carried her arms againfl Onor ; and Surat was feized
by Agalachem, a prince tributary to tlie Mogul. And
even the ancient Chriftians of St. Thomas, perfecuted by
the inquifition of Goa, for non-fubmiffion to the See of
Rome t, joined the Pagans and Mohammedans againft the
natives
t See Geddes's Hlftory of the Malabrian Church. The Chriftians of St.
Thomas, according to the Portuguefe hiftorians, difturbed the new converts,
by telling them that the religion the Portuguefe taught them was not
Chriftianity. This gave great offence to the Jefuits, who in revenge perfe-
cuted the Thomifts with all the horrors of the newly eflaljliflied Inquifition.
The following fhort account of the Chriftians of the Eaft may perhaps be
acceptable.
clxxxiv PORTUGUESE ASIA,
natives of Portugal. But where even the embers of
haughty valour remain, danger an an able general will
awake them into a flame. Don Luis, the viceroy, was
advifed to withdraw the Portuguefe from the exterior parts
for the fupport of Goa, the feat of their empire. But this
he gallantly refufed, and even permitted a fleet with 400
men to fail for Portugal *. The Zamorim and the king
of Achem, having met fome repulfes at fea, were not
punctual in the agreed commencement of hoftility. Tliis
favoured Ataide -, and no fooncr did he gain an advantage
in one place, than he fent relief to another. He and the
befl: troops hafteried from fort to fort, and victory followed
victory, till the leaders of this mofl: formidable combination
fued for peace. A fignal proof of what valour and mili-
tary art may do againft: the greateft multitudes of undif-
ciplined militia.
An
acceptable. In the fouth parts of Malabar, about 2CO,coo of the inhabi-
tants profefred Chriftianity before the arrival of the Portiiguefe. They
called themfelves the Chriftians of Saint Thomas, by which apoftle their
anceftors had been converted. For 1300 years they had been under tlie
Patriarch of Babylon, who appointed their 7kfrf<f?an<r or Archbirtiop. Dr.
Geddes, in the Hirtory of the Church of Malabar, relates, that Franafo
Roz, a Jefuit miflionary, complained to Mene^es, the Portuguefe archbifhop
of Goa, that when he fiicwed thcie people an image of our Lady, they cried
out, " Away with that filthinefs, we are Chriftians, and do not adore idols
" or pagods."
Don Frcy Aleixo de Mencz.c!, archbilhop of Goa, did *' endeavour to thruft
" upon the church of Malabar the whole mafs of popery, -which they were
" before unacquainted with." To this purpofe he had engaged all the neigh-
bouring princes to aflift him, " and had lecured the major part of the priefls
" prcfent, in all one hundred and fifty-three, whereof two-thirds were or-
" dained by himfclf, and made them abjure their old religion, and fubfcribe
•' the creed of pope Pius IV." — Millar's Hiftory of the Propag. of Chriflia-
nity.
• This was the trading fleet, or regal monopoly, the delay of which
r. ight have produced his recall.
^PORTUGUESE ASIA. clxxxv
An highly honourable peace was concluded with Niza-
maluco ; but while the Hydal Can was in treaty, and while
the Zamorim, who was now in arms both by Tea and land,
propofed conditions to which Ataide would not liften ^''^
that brave commander was fuperfeded by the arrival of his
fucceflbr, Antonio de Noronha. When Ataide left India,
the Hydal Can was ftill before Goa, and the new viceroy
had the honour to conclude the treaty of peace. But
the important fortrefs of Chale, near Calicut, {'urrendered
to the Zamorim, who was ftill in arms. And the new
commiffion of Noronha involved the Eaft in perplexities
unjcnown before. At the very time when the leag[ue be-
gan to exert its apparently invincible force, at that very
time king Sebaftian, now about his fixteenth year, divid-
ed his eaftern empire, as if it had been in the moft flou-
rifhing condition, into three governments, independent of
each other. Noronha was to command from Cape
Gardafu, on the mouth of the Red Sea, to the coaft of
Pegu, with the title of Viceroy of India. From Gardafu
to Cape Corrientes, below Madagafcar, was given to Fran-
cifco Barreto, late governor of Portugucfe Afia, now en-
titled Governor of Monomotapa ; and from Pegu to China,
with the title of Governor of Malaca, was appointed to
Antonio Moniz Barreto. In this pompous divifion of em-
pire, Moniz Barreto was to be equipped from India ; but
Portuguefe India could not aiFord the force which his pa-
tent
* He -wculd mate no peace, he faid, but upon fuch terms as the Zamorim m'ighi
expe£l ivere the Portuguefe in the vioji jlourifmng condition.
clxxxvi PORTUGUESE ASIA.
tent appointed, and Moniz rcfufed to fail to Malaca with
an inferior equipment. The celebrated Echebar, the
Great Mogul, or emperor of Hindoftan, had now poflef-
fed himfelf of the throne of Cambaya *, and as Bacaim
and Damam had formerly belonged to that kingdom, he
meditated the recovery of thefe territories from the Por-
tuguefe". but while he was ready to inveft Damam, No-
ronha entered the river with fo formidable a fleet, that
Echebar confented to a peace, which confirmed the Portu-
guefe right of poflellion, on condition of their alliance.
The king of Achem, who according to the league was to
have invaded Malaca, now performed his part, and redu-
ced that fettlement, which had no governor, to the deep-
eft diftrefs. The arms of Ternate were alfo profperous in
the Maluccos. To the relief of thefe Noronha fent fome
fupplies, but while he was preparing to fend more, an or-
der from Portugal arrived, which empowered Don Gafper
archbifhop of Goa to depofe Noronha, and inveft Moniz
with the government of India. Don Leonis de Pereyra
was at the fame time appointed governor of Malaca.
Moniz urged him to fail to the relief of his fettlement,
but Leonis refufed to go thither with lefs than the appoint-
ed equipment. Though on the private accufations of Mo-
niz, Noronha was degraded for a like refufal ; though No-
ronha was then at war, and Moniz now at peace j and
though Leonis abated in his demand, Moniz was immove-
able.
• Maluimud, nephew of king Badur, was betraycdlnto Echebar's hands
1>y one of his officers. The traitor was beheaded by order of Echebar.
PORTUGUESE ASIA. clxxxvii
able. Leonis therefore failed for Portugal, where his con-
ducl was juftiiled, yet no punifhment allotted to Moniz ;
fucii was the unblufhing partiality with which the minif-
ters of Sebaftian governed the falling empire of Portuguefc
Afia.
While Malaca was thus deferted by its governor, the
king of Achem and the queen of Japara, with numerous
fleets and armies, poured all the horrors of war upon that
valuable territory. Time after time, as the fhattered fleets
of the one retired to repair, the new armaments of the
other immediately filled their ftatlons. And the king of
Ternate, the author of the League, was viflorious in the
ifles of Malucco. The fcveral fupplies of relief, fent by
Moniz, one of which confided of 2000 troops, all periflied
by fliipwreck ere they reached their defliined ports. The
murderer of king Ayero was ftabbed by the populace,
and the Portuguele were totally expelled from this fettle-
ment, which commanded the fplce iflands. Nor was the
government of Francis Barreto, in Monomotapa, lefs un-
happy. Ke, who had been governor of India, fays Faria
accepted of this diminiflied command for three reafons ;
becaufe he was poor^ becaufe it was the king's will, and be-
caufe it was a pofl: of great danger. His commifiion was to
make himfelf mafter of the mines which fupply Sofala
and the neighbouring ports with gold and filver : and one
Monclaros, a Jefuit, accompanied him, without whofe con-
currence he was prohibited to aft. He failed from Lifljon,
with
cixxxu PORTUGUESE ASIA,
with only three fliips and a thoufand men, in 1569, and
having received fome fupplies at Mozambique, together
with tools for miners, camels | and other beafts of burden,
he proceeded to his viilonary government. He landed in
the river of Good Signs, and propofed to march to the
mines by the route of Sofala. But to this Monclaros would
not confcint, and by his direction he took a more diftant
courfe. After a march of ten days along the river Zam-
beze, during which his fmall army fufFered greatly by ex-
treme heat and thirft, he favv the mountains and valleys
covered with innumerable multitudes of armed men.
Thefe, however, were difperfed by his fire-arms •, and foon
after another army, ns numerous as the former, fhared the
fame fate. The Cafres now fued for peace, and offered
to difcover the mines. But when now on the eve of fuc-
cefs, Monclaros commanded him to defift from his ruinous
expedition, and immediately to return to Mozambique.
And fo deeply was Barreto affefted with this difappoint-
ment
\ Cortez is juftly admired for the ready dexterity with which he improv-
ed every opinion of the Mexicans to his own advantage. Barreto gave an
inftance of this art upon this expedition. When the Cafres were fuing for
peace, and Barreto -in great want of provifions, one of the camels having
broke loofe from its keepers, and after running till tired, happened to be
met by Barreto, to whom it inftantly kneeled, as is ufual for that creature
when it receives its burden. The Cafres, who had never before feen fuch
an animal, thought it fpoke to the governor, and earncflly afked what it
faid. Tiiefe creatures, replied Barreto, live upon human flclh : and this one
has been lint from i';s brethren to beg 1 would not make peace with you,
otiicrwilc they mufl be ftarved. After much entreaty, Barreto promifed
to perfuade the camels to be contented with the flelh of beeves ; upon which
tilt Cafics ghiiUy Aipplied him with as many herds as he defired.
PORTUGUESE ASIA. clxxxlx
;acnt and diflionour, that overwhelmed with the fever of
indignation, without any other fymptom of ail, he breathed
out his life in fighs, after the violent mental agitation of
two days. Among his papers was found a commifTion for
Vafco Homem, his major, to-fucceed him ; who, perfuad-
ed by the Jefuit, immediately returned to Mozambique.
But Monclaros having failed for Portugal, Homem, up-
braided by the officers of that ftation, returned to Mono-
motapa. He landed at Sofala, and from thence, by a fi^ort
and eafy march, arrived at the place were the mines were
expefted. After fome llcirmifhes with the Cafres, the king
of Chicanga pretended to be friendly, and offered to fhew
the mines. Having led the Portuguefe from province to
province, he at laft brought them to a place where he had
ordered fome ore to be buried and fcattereti, and here he
told them was a rich filver mine. While the Portuguefe
were feveral days bulied in digging around, the Cafres eC-
caped ; and Homem, his provifions beginning to fail, re-
turned to Sofala, leaving a captain named Cardofo, with
200 men, to make farther trial. Fearlefs of this finall par-
ty the Cafres returned, and with confident promifes offer-
ed to difcover the richeft and eafieft worked mines in their
country. Cardofo believed them, and was led into defiles,
where he and all his men periflied by the weapons of the
artful barbarians. Such was the end of the government of
Monomotapa, the golden dream, the ill- concerted and ill-
conducted plan of the weak minifters of a giddy empire
haflening to its fall.
Moniz,
cxc PORTUGUESE ASIA.
Moniz, after he had governed three years, the term
now ufually named in the writs of fuccefllon, was fucceed-
ed by Don lago de Menezes, under whom the bloodfhed
of the ufual petty wars with the Moors and Malabrians
continued. His regency is diftinguiflied by no warlike
event of note : and after he had held the fword of com-
mand about two years, he was fuperfeded by the brave
Ataide Count de Autoiiguia^ whofe art and valour had lately
triumphed over the moft formidable efforts of the General
League.
To fuppofe that Sebaftian or his fliinifters perceived the
precarious and ruinous ftate of their Eaftern Empire, when
they appointed this able ofHcer to that very critical com-
mand, were to allow them a merit, which every other
part of their conduft relative to India difclaims. Don
Sebaftian's ideas were totally debauched by the moft ro-
mantic thirft of military glory, and it was his ambition
from his childhood to diftinguifli himfelf at the head of an
army in Africa. Ataide ftrenuoufly oppofed this wild expe-
dition, which, he was juftly convinced, was ill-adapted to
the ftate of his country. But Sebaftian, now in his twenty-
fourth year, to be relieved of his difagreeable counfel, or-
dered him to refume the viceroyfliip of India. The fpeech
which Sebaftian made to Ataide, upon this his fecond ap-
pointment, ftrongly charafterifes the frivoloufnefs which
now prevailed at the court of Liftjon. Don Conftantine
de Braganza, of the blood royal, was one of the weakeft
governors
PORTUGUESE ASIA. cxd
governors that ever ruled India. Ataide, on the contrary,
had performed moft incredible actions ; had liwed the Por-
tuguefe from the greateft dangers they ever furmounted in
Afia. Yet Sebaftian did not bid him reign as he had for-
merly done. No, he bade him reign like Don Conftan-
tine — a man, whofe abilities reached no farther than per-
haps to open a ball gracefully, for his politenefs was his
only commendation. When errors in government begin,
the wife fee the fecret difeafe, but it is the next generation
which feels the worft of its effects. Camoens, whofe poli-
tical penetration was perhaps unequalled in his age and
country, faw the declenfion of manners, and foretold in
vain the fall of empire. Portugal owed its exiftence to the
fpirit of chivalry and the ideas of liberty, which were con-
firmed by the ftatutes of Lamego. Camoens, in a fine al-
legory, laments the decay of the ancient virtues. Under
the character of a huntfman he paints the wild romantic
purfuits of king Sebaftian, and wifhes that he may not fall
the vi^im of his blind paflion. The courtiers he charadle-
rifes, as the moft venal of felf-interefted flatterers : and the
clergy, the men of letters, he fays,
• trim'd the lamp at night's mid hour.
To plan new laws to arm the regal power,
Sleeplefs at night's mid hour to raze the laws.
The facred bulwarks of the people's caufe.
Framed ere the blood of hard-earn'd victory
On their brave fathers' helm-hackt fwords was dry.
Unperceived
excii PORTUGUESE ASIA.
Unperceived by the unlettered nobility, the principles of
the conftitution gradually expired under the artful increafe
of the royal prerogative. If Sebaftian was more abfolute
than John I. his power was bought by the degeneracy of
his fubjecis, and weaknefs of the ftate, the certain price
with which monarchs purchafe their beloved defpotifm.
The neglecl of one man of merit is the fignal for the worth-
lefs, if rich, to crowd to court. Many of thefe fignals were
given in the reigns of Emmanuel, John III. and Sebaftian,
and thus the labours of an Albuquerque, a Nunio, a Caftro,
and an Ataide, were fruftrated and reverfed. Thefe go-
vernors, bred in war, enthufiafts in honour, all died poor.
Xarafo, the creature of Sampayo, the tyrant of his mafter
the king of Ormuz, juftly accufed of murders and the
moft unbounded extortion, was fent in irons to Lifbon.
But he carried his treafures with him, and was reftored to
his employments. Anthony Galvam, the moft honeft of
men, faved the Maluccos, returned poor to Portugal, and,
like Pacheco, died in an alms-houfe. But thefe the errors
and crimes of former reigns, were of little effect compared
to the evil confequences of the inattention to, and ignorance
of Indian affairs, difcovered by the minifters of Sebaftian.
They ordered Don George de Caftro, who furrendered the
fort of Chale to the Zamorim, to be tried and beheaded ;
and he died on the fcaffold at Goa. Yet a year after this,
the court of Lifbon iflued a commiffion appointing him
to command on another ftation. The poverty of an Al-
buquerque, a Nunio, and a Caftro, was now the public jeft
of
PORTUGUESE ASIA. cxclli
of the Portuguefe f commandants. Under the fhade of
niken umbrellas, fome of the late viceroys rode to battle,
in chairs carried on men's flioulders. All was difunion,
grofs luxury, and audacious weaknefs in Portuguefe Aiia,
when Sebaflian loft his crown in his African expedition.
And what greatly haftened their ruin, the natives now per-
ceived their weaknefs, and foretold their approaching fall.
About fifty years before this period, it was the general opi-
nion of India, that the Portuguefe were among men what
lions are among beafts : and for the fame reafon^ faid an In-
dian captive to a Portuguefe officer, tiature has appointed
that your fpecies fhoidd he equally feiv. But as foon as their
luxury began to appear, their fentiments were changed.
Let them alone^ faid one Indian prince to another, the frauds
of their revenue^ and their love of luxury ivill foon ruin them.
What they gain as brave foldiers they ivill foon lofe as avaricious
merchants. They now conquer Afia, but Afia luill foon con-
quer them. And a king of Perfia alked a Portuguefe cap-
tain how many of the Indian viceroys had been beheaded
by the kings of Portugal. None^ replied the officer. Then
you will not longy returned the Perfian, he the mnflers of
India.
VOL. I. M When
f 111 particular, Don A. de Noronha, viceroy in 1568, is recorded for
publicly branding fuch conduct as madnefs. But the motives of thefe he-
roes perhaps difplayed the trucft policy and highcft magnanimity. Of this
hereafter.
cxciv PORTUGUESE ASIA.
When Ataide failed for India on his fecond viceroyfhipy
he dreaded the difafters which would follow the precipi-
tate, ill-concerted expedition of Sebaftian. And it was his
firft care, after his arrival in the Eaft, to prevent the evil
confequences of the unhappy event. He immediately fit-
ted out a fleet which ftruck the princes of India with awe
and terror. Any particular deftination of this armament
was never known ; for fo formidable did Ataide appear,
that the tidings of the death and total defeat of Sebaftian
in Africa, produced no war in India. Sebaftian was fuc-
ceeded by an old weak man, his grand uncle, the cardi-
nal Henry. Two years clofed Henry's puftUanimous fway.
And Philip II. of Spain foon after made himfelf mafter of
the kingdom of Portugal. The brave Ataide, after having
humbled the Hydal Can for a breach of treaty, and con-
cluded a peace, fell into a deep melancholy, of which he
died in the third year of his regency •, fo fincerely was he
affecfted with the fall of his country, which he forefaw and
foretold f . He was fucceeded by Hernan Tellez de Me-
nezes, appointed by the live regents who governed Portu-
gal after the demifc of Henry. Under Menezes, Mafcate
was plundered by the Turks. A fquadron was fitted out
to its relief; but this the commander never attempted. He
avoided
t So clear was his heart from the infe(nion of avarice, lL.vs Faria, that
while others carried immenfe treafures from Afia to Portu^^al, he only
brought four jars of water, filled fiom the four great rivers, Tigris, Eu-
phrates, Indus, and Ganges, which were many years prcferved as his tro-
phy in his caftlc of Pcniihe.
PORTUGUESE ASIA. cxcv
avoided the Turkifh gallies, but plundered and laid in afh-
es the rich cities of Pefani, Gaudel, and Teis, on the coaft
of the Naytaques, near Cambaya, with whom the Portu-
guefe were not at war. After a government of fix months
Menezes was fuperfeded by Don Francifco dc Mafcaren-
has, the firft viceroy appointed hy Philip. His brave de-
fence of Chaul againft Nizamaluco entitled him to this dif-
tincftion ; and Philip, for obvious reafons, loaded him with
honours, powers, and emoluments, fuperior to thofe en-
joyed by any former viceroy. He was commiffioned to
proclaim Philip in India ; but Menezes, though he loft his
reward, had already performed this confirmation of the
ufurper's title *. But though Mafcarene found Philip
peacefully acknowledged, all was confufion and weaknefs
in the Portuguefe fettlements. Turks and Moguls, the
Zamorira, and other princes, in little fquadrons, uncon-
nected with each other, fpread all the horrors of piratical
war from Melinda to Malaca. The Portuguefe fquadrons
were frequently defeated, and their military reputation
was in deep decline. Cochin had long been the faithful
and valuable ally of Portugal ; but the prefent king, unable
to pay the enormous, ungenerous taxes demanded by
Mafcarene, refigned his revenues to the Portuguefe.
Twenty thoufand Cochinians bound themfelves in an oath
to die in defence of their ancient rights, and Mafcarene
M 2 was
• By the ftatutes of Lamego, the Mogna Charta of Portugal, a foreigner
cannot hold the Portuguefe fceptte.
cxcvi PORTUGUESE ASIA,
was neceffitated to fufpend his acquirement, an acquire-
meat which was relinquilhed by D. Duarte de Monezes,
who, after the ufual regency of three years, fucceeded ^ina
in command. Malaca, inverted by the king of Ujantana,
was now defolated by famine. About an hundred people
died every day, and mothers exchanged their children that
they might not eat their own offspring. The ifland of
Ceylon was alfo fleeped in blood, and the Portuguefe there
reduced to the deeped diftrefs. But though Don Paulo de
Lima difplayed the ancient valour of his countrymen in the
relief of Malaca and the fort of Columbo in Ceylon, the
frequent repulfes of the Portuguefe emboldened the natives
to fcliie every opportunity of hoftility.
Under the government of Menezes, a court of chance-
ry, in I 586, was ere(Sted at Goa. The citizens, long op-
prefled by military tyrants, had requefted Philip for fuch
jurifdiiTtion. But what chiefly diftinguiflies this period,' is
the alteration of the Royal Monopoly, and the eftablifliment
of a Portuguese East India Company. The re-
venues of India, received by the exchequer of Lifbon,
amounted to little more than a million of crov;ns. This,
yearly fent to Portugal in Indian goods on board of his
majefty's Ihips, had long been inadequate to the expence
of the armaments almofl: annually equipped in Portugal for
the fupport of the Indian dominion ||. And Philip, un-
willing
I According to Faria, the royal revenues, about tliis time, (lood thus :
'J'lic cullonis of Dio, above 100,000 crowns; thole of Goa, i6o,COO ; thofc
of
PORTUGUESE ASIA. cxcvii
willing to continue fuch prepofterous courfe, fanned the
trade of India to a company of merchants, under regulati-
ons of the fame fpirit by which the Spanifh trade to Mexi-
co, and the Portuguefe commerce with * Brazil, have ever
been governed. As in thefe the fovereign is fole niafter of
the garrifons and territory, which are protected by his
fleets and armies, Co Philip remained fovereign of Portu-
guefe India. And as the annual flotas which fail to Mexi-
co and Brazil are under fevere reftridtions, but have the
€xclnfive privilege of trading to thofe regions, fo the mer-
chants who undertook the annual equipment of the Indian
fquadron, in reward of the revenue ftipulated to be paid,
received the exclufive privilege of trading with India. An
eftablifhment upon other principles would have been incon
fiftent with every idea of colonization, underitood, or ever
pradtifed, by the courts of Spain and Portugal.
When this new commercial regulation was known in In-
dia, it excited the greateft difcontent. And all the autho-
rity of the viceroy and of the clergy was hardly fufficient to
fupprefs
Malaca, 70,000; the tribute of princes and territories, 2CO,ooo ; uhich to-
gether with the king's fhare of the piizes taken by his own Ihips, amount-
ed to above a million of crowns yearly. It ought to have been two milli-
ons, fays our hiftorian, but was thus reduced by the frauds of office, and
enormous falaries of the commanders of the various forts, which article
alone amounted to more than half a million per annum.
* The trade to thefe places is confined to particular ports, annual flotas
and regifter fhips, and even the quantity of goods limited. See Account
of the European Settlements in America, fifth edit. vol. i. p. 2.34, &c.
and 315.
cxcvlil PORTUGUESE ASIA,
fuppr^fs an infurredlion at Goa. By its due operation, the
lucrative licentioufnefs of the private traders would have
received feme bounds ; and a check upon their immenfe
profits gave a general alarm. There were ftated voyages
performed under the dire(Sl:ion of the viceroy to collect the
king's revenues in the different fettlements. And the com-
manders of thefe fquadrons, a6led now, without reftraint,
as private merchants, and their profits were almoft incredi-
ble J. The idea of preventing the military to become mer-
chants was now no more. And even the viceroys, after
Caftro and Ataide, became private traders. Befides their
yearly falarics, now raifed to 18,000 crowns, fome of them
cleared 3, fome 5, and fome 800,000 ducats, by their own
merchandife. And thofe who bore the title of Don were
not now aflaamed to command their own piratical mer-
chant fhips. After Caftro, fome of the firft nobility of
Portugal were fent to govern India ; and their hiftorians
bluntly confefs, that they went thither to repair their for-
tunes. But though the new regulations were in the fpirit
of the Spanifh trade to Mexico, nothing like the regulari-
ty of the flotas was retained in India. The viceroy ftill re-
tained the care of fitting out the homeward fhips, and the
exigencies of India rendered their number and cargoes ever
precarious.
Don
t According; to Faria's eftimate, tlic voyage from Goa to China and Ja-
pan, brought the captain loc ,000 crowns, for only the freight of the goods
of others which he cairied; that from Coromandcl to Malaca, 20,000; from
Goa to Mozambique, 24,000; and the fhort voyage to Ceylon, 4OGO.
And the profits of their own trade were equally great.
PORTUGUESE ASIA. cxclx
Don Duarte de Menezes was fucceeded, in 1588, by
Emanuel de Souza Coutinno, who in 1590 refigned the
fword to Matthias de Albuquerque, who governed about
feven years. In 1597, Don Francifco de Gama, Count
de Vidigueyra, and grandfon of the difcoverer of India,
afcended the throne of Portuguefe Afia. But not more de-
generated were the times, than were his a£tions and man-
ners from thofe of his illuftrious anceftor. He was the
moft detefted and moft infulted ruler | that ever governed
India ; and the meannefs of his abilities, the ferocious un-
graceful haughtinefs of his carriage, and his grofs injuftice,
merited the lignal contempt with which he was treated.
The peninfula of Pudepatam, between Goa and Cochin,
was at this time polTefTed by a Moorilh pirate named
Mahomet Cunnale Marca, who made war alike on the Por-
tuguefe and the rubje£ls of the Zamorim. The Zamoriin
and the Viceroy entered into a treaty to crufh this pirate ;
and the former, with an army of 20,000 men, and Don
Luis de Gama, brother of the latter, with a fleet of above
fifty veflels, laid fiege to Marca's peninfula ; but both were
ignominioufly repulfed; and the Portuguefe arms ander
Don Luis received the greateft difgrace, fays Faria, they
had ever, except at Ormuz, experienced in the Eaft.
Andreas de Furtado, the only Portuguefe officer of this
period whofe name is recorded with honour, foon after
compelled Marca to furrender on condition of life ; a con-
dition
I For indances of thefe, fee the notes on the life of Camoens.
cc PORTUGUESE ASIA,
dition which was brutally violated by the ungenerous
Gama J". But what principally marks the fatal regency of
this count de Vidigueyra, is the arrival of the iirft warlike
fquadron of the Dutch in India, the heralds of the total
fubverfion of the Afiatic empire of Portugal.
For the laft twelve years, the Portuguefe cruelties f in
Ceylon had difgraced human nature. And for many years,
annual fleets had regularly been fent to the coafts of Mala-
bar and the north of Goa, to make piratical wars, on pre-
tence of the fuppreffion of pirates. Yet, as if all their for-
mer cruelties had been too little, a Bull ofCroifade, in 1594,
arrived in India, commanding the Portuguefe to reduce
the infidels to the faith by the force of arms. This was a
new pretence to plunder the pagodas, the repofitories of
the Gentoo treafures, and was procured by the Jefuits,
who now governed the fprings of action over all Portuguefe
Afia. Though moft adroit in fraudful cabals, that which
bears the difhoneft name of low cunning was their only ta-
lent. Cruel, obftiuEte, and narow in their minds, the
grolTeft
I Vitl. Notes on the life of Camoens.
•}• Don Hieiomc de Azevedo commanded in Ceylon during the niinous
vars already mentioned. When he kept the field, and had gained any ad-
vantages, he compelled the Indian mothers to caft their children between
milftoncs, and to look on while they were ground in pieces. At other times
lie ordered his foldiersto hold up the fhrieking infants on the tops of tlieir
pikes. This he did for a moft wretched pun. The natives of Ceylon call
themfclves Galhi, and Gallos is Spanilh for a cock. Harl l.oiv t/jep yot.-ng
4ocls cro-cL — is recorded as his ufual fpcech, when the infants Icrcamcd on
the lance.
PORTUGUESE ASIA. cci
grofieft compulfion, and the horrors of the inquifition ||,
were the methods by which they endeavoured to propagate
their religion. Avaricious of power and riches, and eager
for immediate pofleffion, they thruft themfelves into every
public tranfadlion. The idle luxurious military eafily fuf-
fered themfelves to be guided by them : and their intrigues
and ignorance of the arts of civil and military government,
embroiled and perplexed every operation. In almoft every
expedition was a Monclaros : and it became ufual for the
defeated commanders to vindicate themfelves by accusing
the Jefuits. Impreft with the enumeration of the fadls
from which the above conclufions are drawn, and having
mentioned a difpute amicably adjufted by a Jefuit, The Re-
UgmiSy fays the hiftorian Soufa, are fuccefsful agents in the
promotion of peace between Lay Governors ; but -when they take
upon themfelves the governtnent of fecular affairs., they bring
every thing to confufion and ruin.
While the Jefuits thus cankered and confounded every
fpring of government, the civil and military officers, intent
only on their own prefent gain beheld the public weak-
nefs with the moft languid indifference. Almoft totally
engroffed
[1 So different from Xavier were the Jefuits of tl\is period, that they to-
tally impelled the converfion of the Gentoos, by the mofl abfurd topics of
conteft. The Gentoos wear a TfJJtra of three threads, (of which fee p. 473)
and are bii;otted to the ufe of this their ancient badge. But the Jefuits,
who faid it was inflituted by the Devil, obftinately inlifted that it fhould
be relinquifhcd by their new converts. The badge and their old religion
were therefore continued.
ccii PORTUGUESE ASIA,
engrofled by their immenfe American empire, and the
politics of Europe, the Spanilli court paid little attention
to Portuguefe India. The Will of the Viceroy, now
more arbitrary than ever, was the Supreme Law j head-
long in its operation in his prefence, and headlong where
his creatures, who fliaped it to their pleafure, were armed
with power ; but it was feeble and mifinterpreted, often
contemned and difobeyed, in the diftant fettlements. The
commanders on the different ftations ceafed to a6l in con-
cert with each other ; and their forts were often in a ftate
of blockade, under all the miferies of famine. It was now
ufual for commanders and whole bands of the Portuguefe,
without the confent of their fuperiors, to undertake pira-
tical expeditions, and to enter into the fervice of the Afia-
tic princes * : and in many adlions they fought againft each
other with the greateft rancour. Their mother country
groaned
* About 1586, the Turks with powerful armies invaded Perfia. Some
years after, the immenfe armies of the Mogul invaded the regions beyond
the Ganges. And the great kingdoms of Pegu and Siam were alternately
laid wafte by each other. Portuguefe adventurers dirtinguifhcd themfclves
in all thefc wars ; nor did they confult the viceroy when they went off with
their fhipping and foldiers. Two of thefe renegadoes, by the moft detefla-
ble treachery and cruelty, rofe to thefovereign rank ; and, under the regal
title, negociated with the Portuguefe viceroys. Of thefc hereafter.
The hiftory of one of thefe renpgadoes throws light on Portuguefe Afia.
lago Soarez de Melo, guilty of murder, fled from the fentence of death in
Portugal. He was feveral years a pirate in the eaftern feas. On his pro-
mife to accufe Don Stephen de Gama, he was pardoned by M. Alonzo
de Souza, the new governor. He afterwards, with above looo Por-
tuguefe, who renounced allegiance to their fovereign, went to Pegu,
where he was appointed general of the army, gratified with im-
menfe treafurc, and entitled the king's brother. In this height of his
fortune.
PORTUGUESE ASIA. ccHi
groaned under the yoke of Spain. Moftly natives of the
Eaft, the Portuguefe in India loft all afFeclion for Portu-
gal, and indeed the political chain which bound them to-
gether was now but a flender thread. Unreftrained by
regular government, the will of the captain of the fort was
abfolute, and his protection of the moft audacious plun-
derers was the fupport of his power. Detefted by the na-
tives, at ftrife among themfelves, every circumftance con-
curred to invite other merchants to India. In this wretch-
ed condition of Portuguefe Afla, Houtman, a Dutch mer-
chant, while in jail for debt at Lifbon, planned the efta-
blifhment of his countrymen in the Eaft, The Hollan-
ders paid his debts ; he failed for Afia, and returned with
credentials of his promife, which gave birth to the Dutch
India Company, an inftitution of deep commercial wifdom :
a regular machine, connected in all its operations, and the
very reverfe of that blind monfter, that divided Polypus,
the Portuguefe defpotical anarchy.
The
fortune, he happened to pafs by the houfe of a rich merchant on the day of
his daughter's wedding. He entered in with his armed followers, and was
invited to partake of the fumptuoiis entertainment. Struck with the
beauty of the young lady, he attempted to take her away by force ; the
bridegroom and his kindred who offered refiliance, were flaughtered upon
the banqueting tables ; and the frantic bride fled from the fcene of horror,
and ended her life with a cord. Soon after, however, the power of Melo,
and the h oufand Portuguefe who ferved under him, were not fufEcient to
proteft him from the rage of the people. The king delivered him up, and
he was torn in pierces by the multitude.
cciv PORTUGUESE ASIA.
The fpice iflands offered the faireft field for the Dutch
operations. Here the Portuguefe were both wealceft
and moft detefted. And at Amboina and Ternate the
Grangers were gladly received, and conditions of com-
merce fettled f. In 1600, Ayres de % Saldanna fucceeded
the weak Count de Vidlgueyra ; but he was equally remifs,
and made no head againft the Dutch. One of his captains
only, the brave Furtado, for five years carried on a petty
war with the Hollanders among the Maluccos ; but though
he gained feveral victories, he was unable to expel the new
intruders. And new fquadrons from Holland arrived
vearly, and carried their hoftllitles from Mozambique to
Bengal and other parts of India. The Portuguefe valour
feemed to revive, and the Dutch, in many engagements,
were defeated. Their vanqulfhed fleets, however, carried
rich cargoes to Europe, and brought frefh fupplies. The
Jefults omitted no device, no fraud, that might inflame
the natives againft them ; even their republican form of
government was reprefented as big with ruin to the Indian
f Nothing but the CiCcp deteflation of the Portuguefe couidhave procured
fuch favour ; for previous to this, tlie very firfl operation of the Dutch had
difplayed their chara£fer. They were deteifled in offeting money of bafe
mttal for the cargo of the firft fhip which they loaded with fpiccry. Thofc
who offered it werefeized by the natives ; and the fquadron which firfl ar-
rived at Ternate, endeavoured to refcue their countrymen at Java, by force
of arms, but were repulfed, and compelled to pay the ranfom which the
natives demanded.
\ He renewed the treaty of alliance with tlie celebrated Echebar, or
AkLar, who was now mafter of all India, as far fouth as Vifapor.
princes.
PORTUGUESE ASIA. ccv
princes. But the deteftation of the Portuguefe name was
(Jeep in India ; and that rooted odium, to which their vil-
lainies and cruelties had given birth, and had long nourifh-
cd, was now felt to militate againft them more than milli-
ons in arms. Had the general conduct of the Poi-tuguefe
governors been like that of Albuquerque, had the princes
of India mourned over their graves, no flrangers had ever
eftablifhed themfelves on the ruin of fuch allies. Though
repeatedly defeated in war, the Dutch commerce increafed,
the harbours of India received them with kindnefs, and
gave them affiftance ; while the friendlefs detefted Portu-
guefe, though victorious in almoft every fkirmifh, were
haraffed out and daily weakened. Like beafts of prey in
their dens, or mountaineer banditti, they kept their gloomy
fortrefles, their deftrudlion the wilh of the natives, who
yet were afraid too openly to provoke the rage of thefe
wolves and tygers. About four years after the arrival of
the Dutch, the Englifh alfo appeared in India. The
Dutch, who pleaded the law of nature, without ceremony
entered the beft harbours, and endeavoured to drive the
Portuguefe from their fettlements. The Englifh, in 1601,
under Sir James Lancafter, creeled feveral fa(5lories in In-
dia, but they went to ports open to all, and offered injurv
to neither Dutch, Portuguefe, nor Moorlfh fettlement.
Twenty Englifh fleets made the voyage to India without
hoftllity with the natives, when the Portuguefe Jefuits
brought on a rupture, which ended in the lofs of the Por-
tuguefe
ccvi PORTUGUESE ASIA.
tuguefe military reputation. Every treacherous art which
the Moors pradlifed againft Gama was repeated by the Je-
iUits, and the event was the fame : for he who fights with
the weapons of fraud, whenever he mifles his blow, ftands
naked and weakened, and every wound he receives is
mortal.
In 1 604 Saldanna the viceroy was fucceeded in office
and languid negligence, by Don Alonzo de Caftro -, and
on Caftro's death, in the third year of his government,
Don Frey Alexio de Menezes, archbilliop of Goa, was
inverted with the authority, though not with the title of
viceroy. The patronage of the Inquifition, and the re-
duction of the Chriftians of St. Thomas, of Ethiopia and
Armenia, to the See of Rome, were the fole employ-
ments of this governor. In 1608, the brave Furtado re-
ceived the fword of command : he was a foldier j and his
firtl: ambition was the expulfion of the Hollanders. He
called the council and principal citizens of Goa, and urged
them to affift him in ftriking a decifive blow, which might
ruin the Dutch. His fpeech was heard with joy ; but when
he had filled the port of Goa with a formidable navy, Ruy
Lorenzo de Tavora arrived from Portugal, and fuperfeded
Fortado, in the Third Month of his regency. The only
circumftance for which Tavora is diftinguifhed is his gene-
rous acknowledgment, that he thought it was Furtado
who governed, when he faw fuch warlike preparation,
and
PORTUGUESE ASIA. ccvli
and that he was unhappy to fuperfede fo worthy a gover-
nor. And unhappy it was for the Portuguefc intereft. It
was now twelve years iince the EngUfh, and fifteen Uncc the
Dutch, had portended the ruin of the Portuguefe j yet, ex-
cept the armament of Furtado, no regular plan had ever
been concerted for the expulfion of fuch formidable rivals.
About this time, captain Beft, in a large Enghfli fhip, and
captain Salmon, in a bomb-ketch, lay near Surat ; Nunno
de Cundo, with four large galliots, and twenty-five fri-
gates, part of the armament prepared by Furtado, was
fent by Tavora to take or deflroy them. The Mogul had
an army at this time upon the fliore. The beach and the
eminences were covered with fpeclators. And now thofe
who had deemed the Portuguefe invincible at fea, with
aftonifhment beheld nine and twenty fhips vanquiflied and
put to flight by two vefTels *. And a few days after, Tho-
mas Beft, in a harder conflifV, was again victorious. Don
Hierome de Azevedo, whofe cruelties in Ceylon difgraced
the name of man, in 1612 fucceeded Tavora in the viceroy-
fhip of India. In every view of importance, the hiftory
of Portuguefe Afia terminates with his government. And
the occurrences of his regency are ftrongly characleriftic,
not of a falling, but of a fallen empire.
The
" An Indian, who had been aboard the Englifh fhips, told Nunno that
they had not above a week's provifion, and that he had nothing to do but
to prevent them to take in fiefh water. Nunno replied, that heivouldr.st
fptnd a -week^s prav'tjions upon his otvn mai to purchuje a viclary that might legx'.r.ed
ccviH PORTUGUESE ASIA.
The mofl: fearlefs infolence and treachery were now the
characleriftics of the Portuguefe commanders on every fta-
tion. Pereyra, captain of the fort of MombaiTa, treache-
roufly bribed the Cafres to murder the king, whofe head
he fent as a trophy to the viceroy Azevedo. The infolence
of Don Luis de Gama brought the hoftilities of the Turks
and Perfians upon Ormuz and the adjoining territories. In
Ceylon, the common foldiers robbed the natives at plea-
fure,
in an hour. And in the fame high fpirit he Tent Canning, an Englilh prifb-
ner in his cuftody, to help his countrymen to fight, boafting, that he -would
foon take him again ivith more company. As Nunno advanced, with red banners
difplaycd, Bcft weighed his anchors, and began the fight in the centre of
the four large galliots; and Captain Salmon, in the bomb ketch, behaved
with equal courage. Withington, a writer of king James's time, thus men-
tions the engagement : " Captain Salmon, of the bomb ketch, the Ofian-
" der, was like a Salamander amid the fire, dancing the hay about the
" Portuguefe, frifking and playing like a falmon." The Portuguefe wri-
ters afciibe thefe vidorics to the excellence of the Englifh and incapacity of
their own gunners. Soon after, however, the Englifh commerce in In-
dia greatly declined. The Dutch pretended that their hoftilities in India
were in revenge of the Spanifh tyranny in the Netherlands. Portugal
alfo bowed down beneath the fame cruel yoke ; yet this, in the
Dutch logic, was her crime ; and thus, becaufe the Portuguefe groaned
under Spanilh opprelTion, the Spanifh opprcflion in the Netherlands
was revenged upon them. The truth is, the Portuguefe fettlements were
little regarded by Spain, and the Dutch intruded upon them as the
llron<4tr boars in a German foreft (hoiilder the weaker ones from the
heft fall of acorns. Though beat off by the hcidfmen, the flronger
boars pel fill and return ; fo the Dutch perfiftcd, till they fccured pof-
fertion. Everything, however, was different in the firft fcttlement of the
Englifh. The Author of the Hijloire Philofophique, {5't. feems to decry the
policy of their firfl captains, who made themfelves mafters of no port, but
bought their cargoes of the native merchants. But he ought to have owned
that the hoflilities of tlie Turks r.nd f/loguls, and the treachery of the lat-
ter in expelling the Engliih faitors, rendered retribution juft. But with all
the
PORTUGUESE ASIA. cax
lire, and the commanders added rapes and adulteries ; ////
he people^ fays Faria, fought refuge among the loi/d beafcs cf
he mountains, toJJjiin the more brutal outrage of men. Near
Jurat, a Portuguefe captain, in breach of the peare, took
I rich Ihip from Mecca, the property of the Mogul, and
larried her in triumph into the harbour of Goa. Reftitu-
ion was refufed, and the Mogul, whofe dominion was
VOL. I. N nov/
\\Q fang f raid of a MaterialiH:, the Englidi perceived, fays he, that great r'ulj-
•s could not be acquired itiltljout great injiijiice ; and that to attain the advantages
;njoyed by the Portuguei'e and Dutch, they muft alfo adopt their mealures,
md eftablifh themfelves by force of arms. But James, he adds, as if hecon-
lemned fuch narrow policy, was toopufiilanimous, and too much engaged
n controverfjal divinity, to allow warlike operations. The treaty of the
Snglifti with the potent king of Perfia, however, he mentions as an effort
)f great political wifdom. But Sir D. Cotton's embafly into Perfia, in the
Zllarendon State Papers, Vol. I. p. 36. fol. throws another light upon this
ifTair. The treaty with Perfia was the idlefl: (lep the Engliih could poffibiy
lave taken. According to this authentic record, the great monarch of
Perfia appears little better than a captain of Italian banditti ; and his prime
Tiinifter, raifed from the meaneft ftation, as a greater ftiuffler and villain
;han his maflcr. The treaty with Perfia, indeed, alarmed the Mogul, the
Portuguefe, and the Dutch, and brought hoftilities upon the Englifh, which
:he pufilianimous James would not allow them to punifh asjuftice required.
But it was not two months together in the mind, nor was it in the power
)f the tyrant of Perfia to give any effe£lual adiftance to the Engliih. A Per-
rian ftruck Lord Shirley, the Sophi's ambafTador, in the prefence of James,
ind each charged the other with impofture. The king of Perfia and his
tninifter did nothing but fcruple the credentials fent from England, and en-
deavour to extort prefents. While James thus amufed hiinfelf with his
Perfian negociation, as fagacious and fruitlefs as thofe he held with the
court of Spain and the Prince Palatine, the commerce of his fubjefts lan-
guifhed in India. Hopelefs of any help from Petfia, they entered into a
kind of partnerfhlp in fome of the Dutch fettlements. But when the Hol-
lander found his opportunity, the Engliih of Amboyna a;id other places
experienced injuries and cruelties vsJwch are yet unatoned, and which for
any years rendered them of little or no confequence in the Ea{}.
ccx PORTUGUESE ASIA,
now extended from the kingdom of Delhi to the confines
of Calicut, detained all the Portuguefe fhips in his harbours ;
and, together with his tributary the king of Decan, laid
Cege to Damain, Chaul and Bacaim, and defolated the
country around. Even the unw,ii-llke Chinefe were exafpe-
rated, and the humble fubmifllon of the Portuguefe to new
and fevcre laws, preferved their continuance at Macao. In
1606, a Dutch fleet had blocked up the mouth of the Ta-
gus, and prevented the annual fupplies to India -, and their
power was now greatly Increafed in the Eaft. The natives
in hatred of the Portuguefe, in every part favoured them :
the kings of Achem and Ternate often afEfted them with
powerful armies againft Malaca and the Maluccos, and the
Hollanders were now frequently viftorious. While the
caftern world was thus in arms againft the Portuguefe, in-
furreclions among themfelves raged in every fettlement.
While the goldfmiths and mercers of Goa had a bloody en-
gagement, the peace ofiicers robbed the fhops of both par-
ties. An armament of feven fhips and 250 foldiers was
found neceiTai-y to fupprefs the murderous tumults at Me-
liapcr. In the tumults of Chaul, Bacaim, Trapor, and
Tana, fome of the Portuguefe were almoft daily flaughter-
fcdby each other ; and while they were murdering one ano-
Mer in Ceylon, the natives iffiied from, the forefls and
mountains, and reduced them to the greateft extremity,
lago Simoens, for fervices rendered to the emperor of Mo-
nomotapa, had received a grant of all the mines of that
country in favour of the king of Portugal, and had built
fomc
PORTUGUESE ASIA. ccxl
fome forts on the river Zambeze. To enfure his fuccefs,
he folicited a reinforcement from the viceroy, which was
fent under the command of Fonfeca Pinto, a lawyer. But
this reinforcement turned their arms againft Simoens, and
brought him and his fettlement to utter ruin. Fonfeca, who
was fent as judge to Mozambique, enriched himfelf by the
moft flagitious acls of injuflicc and tyranny f , an example
which was followed by his fuccefTors, who without the au-
thority of Azevedo, condemned an oflicer to the gibbet,
and alternately imprifoned each other.
By conceflions and prefents the viceroy had now purchai^
ed peace with the Mogul, who Influenced by the arts of the
Jefuit Pereyro, interdidled commerce with the Engllili and
Dutch ; and the Portuguefe merchant Ihips which were de-
tained in his harbours were relieved. During the laft thir-
ty years, the flirength and commerce of the Turks had con-
fiderably increafed on the coafts of Arabia 5. Their trade
N 2 with
•f He even fold the provifions, implements, and mining tools which he
carried to Simoens, whom he accufed to the emperor as a icbcl againft the
\iceroy, and urged the emperor to kill him. He feized the lands of Simoens,
and fold his flaves and efFefls, He depofed Ruy de Melo, governor of AIo-
zambique, and alfo feized his eflate, which he appropriated to himfeit.
Melo was acquitted at Goa. lago de Cunha, another lawyer, was appoint-
ed to authority equal with Fonfeca, with command to reftore Melo, When
they arrived, they imprifioned Fonfeca, but aa officer named Guerra reliev •
ed him, and imprifoned Cunha. And he, as Fonfeca had done, bribed his
keepers, and efcaped to Mombafia, where Melo then was. Melo and
Cunha now failed for Mozambique, and Fonfeca with immenfe wealth fled
to Goa; but Guerra, who remained, was tried by Cunha, and executed.
§ By this increafe, the cuftoms of Ormuz and Mafcatc w^re ijrsaily re-
duced. Vid. Faria, fub Ann, 1616.
ccxli PORTUGUESE ASIA.
with the ports of the Mogul was great, and confiderable
quantities of the produce of India were now again fent to
Europe by Egypt and Conftantiuople. The fu bj eels of the
IMogul refufed commerce with the EngUfh, and the Turks
had offered hoftilities to Sir Henry Middleton in the Red.
' Sea. Middleton therefore appealed to the force of ,nrms;
but he did not acl as a pirate. He feized fome Mogul vef-
fels near Aden, but for the Indian traffic which he took
from them, he gave them full value in Englifh goods, ac-
cording to the eflimation of the Eaft, profeffing that he
only defired an equitable commerce. Fearful of fuch rivals,
Azevedo fitted out a fleet of eight fhips, fome of 8. fome
of 6, 5, and 400 tons, belides 60 frigates, and fome fly
boats. But after a faint attack, Azevedo withdrew ; and
though often braved by the Englifh, reinforced only with
four vefTels, to the deeper aftonlfhment of India, he de-
clined the combat, and fufFered the enemy, unmolefted, to
proceed homeward with loaded fiiips.
Nor was Miranda, the admiral of the Teas of Malaca^
more profperous. After a hard engagement with a great
fleet of Achem, he was totally defeated f by a Dutch fqua-
jBon of eight vefTels. The trade with China was now an-
nually interrupted by the Dutch, who, not fatisficd with
the route by the Cape of Good Hope, had now pafled the
ftraits .
f So completely was he defeated, that he efcapcd to fliorc with only fix
men.
PORTUGUESE ASIA. ccxiii
ftralts of Magellan, and opened a tr ade wit;l-i Japan t- A
Portuguefe adventurer, named Sebaftian Gonfalcz Tibao §,
who, by betraying the Indian princes who favoured him,
eftablifhed himfelf in Sundava, was there proclaimed king,
and became an independent monarch. Confcious that the
king of Arracam, his late ally, whom he had treacheroufly
deferted when invaded by the Mogul, would meditate re-
venge, he fent an embafly to Azevedo, to whom he offer-
ed alliance, and propofed a war with the king of Arracam,
Allured by Tibao's report of the immenfe treafures of that
prince, Azevedo, contrary, fays Faria, to all laws human
and divine, concluded the defired treaty with the renegado,
and invaded Arracam. But here alfo the Portuguefe arms
were difgraced, and Tibao, deprived of every foot of ter-
ritory, was reduced to his original meannefs. Even more
unfortunate was Philip de Brito e Nicote. By the moft un-
grateful treachery to the king of Tangu and other Indian
princes, he alfo had raifed himfelf to the ibvereign power,
had been proclaimed king of Pegu, and his name was the
terror
I This country was difcovered by the Portuguefe, who opened a trade
with it, about 1543.
rke
§ This adv^enturer wait to India a private foldier. He deferted from
fcrvice, and became a feller of fait in Bengal. His profits increafed, til
found himfelf mafter of a fquadron of ten vcfiels, with which he commenc-
ed piratical wars ; and having alTumcd regal power, he extended his territo-
ries, and made treaties with the neighbouring princes. The king of Arra-
cam, threatened with an invafion from the Mogul, entered into a league with
Tibao. But, bribed by the Mogul, he fuffered his army to pafs him ; and
while the Moguls plundered one part of the rich kingdom of Arracam, he
j)Iundered the cities of the other fide.
ccKvl PORTUGUESE ASIA,
terror of Slani and the neighbouring regions. The king of
Ava, in revenge of his vaflal the king of Tangu, with an
nrmy of i 20, coo men, and a fleet of 400 vefTels, laid liege
to Brito in his ftrong fort of Siriam. Azevedo in hope
that he might prove an aufpicious ally, fent an armament
of five galliots to the fupport of Brito ; but Brito, ere its
arrival, was overpowered, after a brave defence |. His
wife and foldiers were maimed and fent into flavery ; and
he himfelf and his male kindred were impaled on the ram-
parts of his garrifon.
Such were now the civil infurreftions, fuch the wars § of
the Portuguefe ; the fpirit of Azevedo's treaties are even
more charadleriftic. Won by Middleton's gallant behavi-
our, and regardlefs of the viceroy's refentment, the Mo-
gul contrary to the late treaty, not only admitted the Eng-
lifli to free commerce with his fubjecSls, but the Englifh
admiral
i Brito had no powder to repel the enemy, an officer whom he had fent
wiih njoney to purchafe that article having never returned. He was impal-
ed witli his face to his hcufe, and lived two days, fays Faria, in that dread-
ful condition.
4
Though under the fame monarch, the Spanifh governor of the Philip-
ifics fent a party of men, in 1602, who, in defiance of the remonftran-
ces and threats of the Portuguefe commander, built a fort at the port of
Pinal. Some years after, however, the increafe of the Dutch power inclin-
ed the governor of Manilla to folicit the affiflance of Azevedo, to expel the
Dutch from the Maluccos. But the viceroy could only afford an armament
which confided chiefly of tranfported felons. And thcfe wholly defertcd
ere they came to aflion. The admiral having, contrary to his orders, tou< !
cd at Malaca, gave them the final opportunity.
-PORTUGUESE ASIA. ccxv
admiral was entertained, by his order, with all the fplcn-
dour of eaftern pomp. The Zamorim, the king of Cochin,
and the king of the little ifland of Paru, prepared for hof-
tilities ; Azevedo fent rich prefents, and begged for peace -,
tlie prefents were accepted, but the moft contemptuous
pretences excufed delay, and the conditions were never fet-
tled. An embafly, with rich prefents, was fent to Abas Xa,
king of Perfia, who meditated the conqueft of Ormuz ; but
this was alfo treated with fcorn, and the Perllans, alTifhed
by the Englifla, foon after wrefted Ormuz and its territory
from the Portuguefe. Idle, undetermined treaties, were
renewed with the Mogul, and tranfa£led with the king of
Siam, who would not confent to expel the Engliih from
his harbours. The reafons he urged fpeak the deepeft con-
tempt : he excufed the hoftilities of the queen of Patane,
his vafTal, by faying (he was mad ; and he liked the Englifli,
he faid, becaufe they were ufeful to him, and fliewed him
great relpedt. The prince of Pandar, a kingdom of Cey-
lon, though the Portuguefe had lately murdered an ambal-
fador from his neighbour the king of Candea, fent propofals
of peace and offered tribute to the viceroy ; but finding the
Portuguefe lefs formidable than he had efteemed, he recant-
ed; and Azevedo concluded the treaty, on condition of on-
. ly one half of the tribute firft propofed. But the moft con-
temptuous treatment is yet unmentioned. The king of Ava,
alarmed at the treaty with Siam, and apprehenfive or r^
venge for the death of Brito, fent an embafiy to the viceroy
Azevedo accepted his propofals, and Martinho de Coila
Falcam,
ccxvi PORTUGUESE ASIA.
Falcam, his ambaflador, went to ratify the treaty at the
court of Ava. But the monarch's fears, and the reputati-
on of the Portuguefe valour, were now no more. After
many days fpent by Falcam in vain fohcitations for an au-
dience, the hour of midnight was at laft appointed. In the
dark he was brought to an apartment, and in the dark alfo
was ordered to deliver his embafl)', for the king, they faid,
was there, and liftened. He delivered it, and received no
anfv/cr. Yet, though this haughty filence told him he had
been talking to the walls, Falcam ftill meanly folicited to
fee the fovereign ; and the former refined contempt was
renewed. A day, and a place in the ftreet were named,
V. here Falcam might fee his majcfty as he rode out on his
elephant. The day came, but the king never deigned
turn his eye to the place where the ambaflador flood.
And Falcam, thus loaded with the mod contemptuous dif-
grace, returned to Goa.
On a voyage to Dio, Azevedo fell in with four Englilli
veflels. He held a council of war, and it was rcfolved not
to fight, bccaufe the ftate of India, fhould vidory declare
againft them, could not fuftain the lofs of the large galleon
in which the admiral failed. Such was the poverty of the
Portuguefe cuftom-houfes in the Eaft ; and the exchequer
of Lift^on received an equally fmall and precarious revenue
li o\ii tlie Company of Merchants who were the proprietors
of tlic goods brought to Portugal, In fome of the laft fif-
teen years, not a Portuguefe fliip failed from India to Eu-
rope;
PORTUGUESE ASIA. ccxvii
rope i and half of thofe which ventured out, were either
taken by enemies, or, having failed late in the feafon, were
deflroyed by tempeft.
While thus degraded and broken down, the Spanifli
court completed the ruin of the Portuguefe Eaftern empire.
The expence of the fupplies, lately fent againft the Dutch
and Engliih, far exceeded the taxes of the Company, reap-
ed by Spain ; and Azevedo received an order from the
court of Madrid, to difpofe of every employment, of every
office under him, by public fale, that money might be raif-
ed to fupport his government. We now need add few cir-
cumftances more, for the hiftory of the fall of the Portu-
guefe empire in Afia, is here eflentially complete.
While the Indian flate was fo poor, that it could not
afford to rifque the lofs of a fingle galleon, Azevedo the
viceroy was immenfely rich. As he complained one day
of the great lofles fuftained by his trading veflels, near the
latter part of his reign, one of his officers told him he was
ftill worth 4 or 500,000 ducats. To this he replied, I am
jlill luorth more than that Jiim in cattle OJily.
Though the miniftry of Spain feemed to have abandon-
ed India, they beheld the fuccefs of the Dutch with great
refentment. Becaufe he had not defeated the Dutch and
Englifh, Azevedo was recalled, was flripped of his riches,
and
ccxviii PORTUGUESE ASIA,
and condemned to a dungeon, in which he * ended his
life, and in which he was maintained by the Jefuits, who
afterwards honourably buried him : a debt, no doubt, of
gratitude for the fervices which he had rendered that fo-
ciety in India.
Even deeper declenfion followed the reign of Azevedo.
The numerous Portuguefe forts, almofi: every were ftrip-
ped of territory, had been long fuffered to fall into decay ;
for their commanders were only intent on their own fud-
dcn aggrandifement. Shipwrecks and dreadful tempefts ad-
ded to the miferies of the Portuguefe : and the moft remark-
able events of the government of John Count de Redondo,
who in 1 617 fuperfeded Azevedo, are the folemn fafts held
at Goa. In fome of thefe, the citizens lay day and night on
the floors of the churches, imploring the divine mercy, in
the deepefl and moft awful filence, while not a found was
to be heard in the mournful ftreets.
Though Azevedo was punifhed for not defeating the
Dutch and Engliih, fo little regard did Spain pay to India,
that Hernan de Albuquerque, who after Redondo govern-
ed for three years, never received one letter from the court
of his fovereign. In 1622, Don Francifco de Gama fail-
ed
• To the inftances of Azcvcdo's ciiielties already mentioned, let another
be added. He ufed to amufc himfelf and his foldiers, by throwing his pri-
foners over the bridge of Malvana, to fee the crocodiles devour them. The
crocodiles, fays Faria, were fo ufed to this food, that they would lift their
heads above water and crowd to the place, at the fight of "the vidims.
PORTUGUESE ASIA. ccxlx
cd from Lifbon with four fliips, and the commiflion of
viceroy. On his voyage, the three velTels which attended,
contemptuoufly left him; and, to fave himfelf from a Dutch
fquadron, he burned his own fhip ou the coaft of Mozam-
bique, from whence in a galliot he proceeded to Inula.
After a regency of five years, in which he neither execut-
ed nor planned one adlion of the fmalleffc confequence, he
refigned the government to Don Luis de Brito, the bifhop
of Cochim. Malaca, again belieged by the king of
Achem, was again reduced to the deepeft diftrefs ; but the
bifliop would fit out no armament to its relief; jealous, it
was thought, Jeft the commander of it fhould be appoint-
ed viceroy. On the bifhop's death, which happened after
his having benumbed every bufinefs of fi:ate for near two
years, the writs of fuccefllon were opened, and two go-
vernors were found named, one for tlie civil, the other for
the military department. But fo vague were the terms of
exprefllon, that two gentlemen of different names claimed
the fword of command. The difpute was fubmitted to the
council of Goa, and Alvarez Botello was declared gover-
nor. By a vigorous effort he relieved Malaca ; but he fell
foon after in an engagement where the Hollanders were vic-
torious ; and Malaca was again invefted by the neighbour-
ing princes, aflifted by a fquadron of twelve Dutch fliips.
Mozambique, Ceylon, various forts of the Moluccas and
on every coaft of India, were alternately loft and recover-
ed, were again repeatedly attacked by the enemy, and at
laft finally abandoned by the Portuguefe. In 1632, under
the
ccxx PORTUGUESE ASIA.
the viceroyalty of the Count de Linarez, Our European
enemies J fays Faria, roved over the feas ivithout oppofition^ took
many of our Jh'ips, and ruined our trade. They alfo every luhere
incenfed the Indian prmces againji us ; for ive had no agent at
any of their courts to vifidicate our caufe. Yet, deep as fuch
declenfion appears, Linarez, on his return to Europe, pre-
fcnted the king of Spain with a hat-band, and the queen
%vlth a pair of pendants, a gift valued at 100,000 crowns.
In 1639, while another archbifhop of Goa was governor,
a fquadron of nine Dutch veffels rode in triumph in the
river of Goa, and burnt three galleons in the harbour,
without oppofition ; for the fort, fays Faria, was deftitute
both of ammunition and men. In 1640, the kingdom of
Portugal, by one of the nobleft efforts upon record, threw
off the yoke of Spain 5 and tiie Portuguefe in India ac-
knowledged the duke of Braganza as their fovereign. And
in 1642, a viceroy v/as fent to India by John IV. But
though the new monarch paid attention to India, and
though the Englifh, during their civil wars, abandoned the
commerce of the Eafc , the Dutch were now fo formidable,
and their operations fo well connected, and continued, that
every exertion to recover the dominion of India was fruit-
lefs and loft. Soon after the civil wars, the Englifli arofe
to more power and confequence, than even the Dutch, in
Alia ; and many of the Portuguefe merchants became their
agents and naval carriers. Towards the end of the feven-
teenth century, the court of Lifbon turned its attention to
the Brazils, and negle^ed India. A fucceflion of viceroys
was
PORTUGUESE ASIA. ccxxi
was however continued ; but of all their numerous fettle-'
ments on every coaft of the eaftern world, the ports of Goa
and Dio in India, and the ifle of Macao in the bay of Can-
ton, only remain in the pofTeffion of the Portuguefe. And,
according to the information procured by the abbe Reynal
(who publiflied his Hljlotre Philofoph'tqiie., ^c, about ten
years ago) two fmall velTels, often Chinefe, once in the
year carry fome porcelaine to Goa and Dio : but thefc
mufi: touch at Surat and other ports to complete their re-
turn of filks and fpicery. And one fhip, with a poor car-
go, partly furnifhed by the two floops of Macao, and partly
purchafed from the Englifh, fails once in the year from
Goa to Lifbon. Such is the fall of that Power, which
once commanded the commerce of Africa and Alia, from
the ftraits of Gibraltar to the eaftern fide of Japan.
But Dio and Goa are unrivalled flations ; and the ifland
of Macao, on the coaft of China, Is a pofteffion of the ut-
moft value, a poiTeffion which might be envied by the firft
power of Europe. Vfould the Portuguefe abolifh the In-
quifition of Goa, fays Reyral, and open their ports upon
liberal principles, the Portuguefe flag might again flow
triumphant over the eaftern ocean. But though this flou-
rifli cannot be realifed, while the power of the Britifh and
Dutch continue, there is a wide and favourable field open
for the increafe of the Portuguefe Indian commerce ; and
a beginning that promifes future importance has already
taken place. In 1773, the late king of Portugal nc.v-
modclled
ccxxll PORTUGUESE ASIA,
modelled the government of his Aflatic fettlements. By
the new * laws the power of the governor is altered, and
the title of Viceroy Is changed to that of Captain General.
'-The Inquifition of Goa, formerly more dreadful in its
cruelties than even that of Portugal, is utterly aboliflied ;
and about fix or feven veflels are now annually cleared from
Lifbon for India, but the commerce of thefe fleets is a
Royal Monopoly, and regulated in the fame fpirit by which
the trade to Brazil is now, and has always been, con-
ducted and governed.
The hiftories of wars, from the earlieft times, are much
alike ; the names of the countries ravaged, the towns de-
ftroyed, and captains flam, are different ; the motives and
conduft of the oppreflbrs, and the miferies of the opprefled,
are the fame. Portugal raifed the firfl: commercial em-
pire of the modern world j the hiftory of her fate there-
fore opens a new field for the moft important fpeculation.
The tranfaclions of the Portuguefe in India are peculiarly
the wars and negociations of commerce, and therefore of-
fer infl:ru6lions to every trading country, which are not to
be found in the campaigns of a Csefar or a Marlborough.
The profperity and declenilon of foreign fettlements, re-
fulting from the wifdom or errors of the fupreme power
at home, from the wifdom or imprudence, the virtues or
vices of governors abroad •, The ftupendous efledls of un-
• For which fee the NatUlas, in the Appendix.
-i,—;^ / . ftalned
:fot)c ^ t|c \ J'
PORTUGUESE ASIA. ccvli
ftained honour and faith ; The mifcrablc ruinous cmbar-
raflments which attend diflioneft policy, though fupported
by the greateft abiUties in the field or in the council ; The
uncommercial and dreadful confequences of wars unjuftly
provoked, though crowned with a long feries of vidlories ;
The felf-deftrudtive meafures, uncommercial fpirit, and in-
herent weaknefs of defpotic rule ; The power, affluence,
and ftability which reward the liberal policy of humane go-
vernment ; in a word, All thofe caufes which nourifh the
infancy, all thofe which as a fecret difeafe undermine, or
as a violent poifon fuddenly defVroy the vital ftrength of a
commercial empire ; all thefe are developed and difplayed,
in the moft exemplary manner, in the hiftory of the tran-
fadlions of Portuguefe Afia.
And all thefe combine to afcertain the great principles
upon which that ftupendous Co.mmon Wealth the Britifh
Eaft India Company muft exift ar fall. The commerce of
India is of mofl: efTential value to the Britifli nation. By
the Indian goods diftributed over Europe, the eflential ba-
lance of trade is preferved in our favour. But whether the
Indian commerce fhculd be conduced by an Exclufive
Company, or laid open to every Adventurer, is the quef-
tion of the day, a queftion of the very firfh importance
to the Britifh empire. And to this queftion the ex-
ample of the Portuguefe is of the firft confequence.
Both in the Senate, and in the works of fome poli-
tical Writers, this example has been appealed to; an
exact
ccxxlv PORTUGUESE ASIA.
exacSt knowledge of the commercial principles of Portu-
guefe Afia is therefore highly neceiTary ; particularly, if
the moft grofs mifreprefentations of it have already been
given, with the profefled view of influencing the Legifla-
ture. And an authenticated flate of the principles of the
Portuguefe Afiatic commerce, were it only to guard us
againft the vilionary and dangerous fchemes of Theory,
cannot but be of fome utility to that nation Avhich now
commands the commerce of India.
Throughout the foregoing Iliftory of Portuguefe Afia,
the chara(Steriflics and principles of the Portuguefe mili-
tary and commercial government, have been ftated and
authenticated. But a retrofpefl will be neceflary, to bring
the Portuguefe example decifively home ; and feveral faiSls,
as for their proper place, have been hitherto referved for
the following
RECAPITULATION.
PORTUGUESE ASIA.
RECAPITULATION.
When Gama arrived in India, the Moors, great maf-
ters of the arts of traffic, were the lords of the eaftern
feas. They had fettlements on every convenient ftation,
from Sofala to China -, and though under different go-
vernments, were in reality one great comnK)nwealth.
They clearly forefaw what injury their trade would fuf-
tain, were Europeans to become acquainted with the Afia-
tic feas. They exerted every fraudful art, that not one;
man of Gama's fleet might return to Europe. And when
thefe arts were defeated, with the moft determined zeal
they commenced f hoftilities.
Garrifons and warlike fleets were now abfoluleiy necef-
fary to the exiftence of a naval commerce between Eu-
rope and Afia. And on the return of Gama, Cabral was
rent with an armed fleet of thirteen veffels. His commif-
lon was to make alliances, to eflablifli forts and factories,
md to repel hoftilities. His commiflion he executed, and
:he commanders who fucceeded him greatly extended the
Portuguefe fettlements, which were reduced by Albu-
ijuerque into a regular plan of empire.
VOL. I. O To
f To the above let it be added, that the Soldan of Egypt, and the Grand
Turk, for near a century, continued tlieir flrenuous efforts for the utter
expullion of the Portnguele.
ccxxv'l PORTUGUESE ASIA.
To increafe the population and riches, and thence the
ftrength of the mother country, by the exportation of her
domeftic manufaiSlures, raifcd from the domeftic ftaples,
is the great and only real advantage of foreign fettlement.
But this was not underftood by the Portuguefe. To raife
a revenue for the king his mafter was the idea of Albu-
querque. And the ftupendous fabric which he raifed does
his genius immortal honour : for it muftbe remembered,
that even had he underftood the domeftic advantages of a
Free Trade, it was not in his power to open it. The king
of Portugal was fole merchant, every factory was his, and
the traffic between Portugal and India was, in the ftrifteft
fenfe, a Regal Monopoly. There was z /pedes of free trade
indeed allowed in the eaftern feas ; but from this the mo-
ther country received no benefit ; and the principles upon
which it exifted, naturally produced the fall of the Portu-
guefe eaftern empire. We need not repeat its piratical
anarchy. The greateft and moft accomplifhed of the Por-
tuguefe governors faw its fatal tendency, and every method
was attempted to reftrift and render it infamous.
The tribute of the valTal princes, the territorial levies,
and the duties of the various cuftom-houfes, produced un-
der fome governors a confiderable revenue. But how mi-
ferably obvious is thisfyftem to every abufe ! The foregoing
Hiftory demonftrates how, period after period, it fell into
deeper and deeper diforder. TJie yearly falary of Almeyda,
the firft viceroy, was only 15,000 rials (/. c. 1041/. 13^. i\d.
fterling) ;
PORTUGUESE ASIA. ccxxvli
fterllng) ; about fourfcore or an hundred years after, tlie
falary and profits of three years viceroyalty amounted to
about one million and an half of ducats. Faria y Soufa has
given, from the archives of Portugal, an exaft lift of all
the fhips cleared from Portugal for India, from the dif-
covery of Gama to the year 1640 f. During the firft fifty
years, which was the moft flourifhing period of Portuguefe
Afia, only nine or ten veffels failed yearly from Portugal
for India. And from that period to the end of the Spanifli
ufurpation, only one or two veiTels carried the annual traf-
fic of India to Portugal.
Befides the mifcondudl: which naturally refults from that
worft of all monopolies, a Regal one, many were the other
circumftances which included the future ruin of the Por-
tuguefe.
O 2 The
f From the commencement of the Indian commerce under Cabral, in
1500, to the death of the great Caftro, in IJ48, 494 fiiips failed from Lif-
bon for India, of which 41 were loft on the voyage. On an average, there-
fore, about 19 fhips in each two years arrived in India. As many ofthefc
were war fhips, fent to continue in the Eaft, we cannot fnppofe that,
making allowance for fhipwrecks, more than five returned annually to Por-
tugal. From IJ48 to the acceflion of Philip, 173 failed from Lifbon for
India, of which 17 were loft. The yearly average is therefore near five
fliips fent, and the return, as above proportioned, about three. During 57
years under the crown of Spain, only 285 failed for India, whereof only 236
arrived. Some years not one fhip failed, either from Lifl)on to India, or
from India to Lilbon. At this period, fay all our authors, the (hips were
moftly overloaded, and failed at improper feafons, by which means many-
were loft, and many were taken by the Dutch and Englifti. And thus,
upon an average, at leaft, from about the year i6l6, not more than three
vefiels in each t'.vo vtars arrived at LiCoon.
ccxxTiii PORTUGUESE ASIA.
The vague terms of the viceroy's commiflion {for nvhich
fee the Appendix) and his ai-bitrary power, from which
there was no appeal to any body of laws of fupreme au-
thority, naturally produced the unjuft wars, the infolence,
cruelty, and fearlefs rapine of the Portuguefe governors
and their dependent officers.
From every circumftance it appears, that the courts of
Li{bon and Madrid never confldered the commerce of In-
dia as an object worthy of their attention. Sovereignty
and revenue were the advantages they expected, and en-
deavoured to find in the Eaft.
Every hiftorian of Portuguefe Afia complains of the fud-
den recalls of the viceroys ; and the ftated term of three
years viceroyalty is moft apparently abfurd and ruinous.
Every hiftorian of thefe tranfadtions mentions It as the ge-
neral pradlice, that the new viceroy flopped and revg-fed
every preparation and plan of his predeceflbr.
Though no vefTels but thofe of his majefty carried the
commodities of India to Europe, a contraband traffic of
the officers and failors had been, moft affiircdly, of the
earlieft commencement. By a ftatute pafTed in 1687, it
appears that the viceroys had formerly obtained the privi-
lege for themfelves, and of granting licences to others, to
carry certain articles and quantities of their own private
traffic, on board of his majefty's vefTcls, to Portugal.
When
PORTUGUESE ASIA. ccxxix
When this grant commenced, we have not been able to de-
termine. Certain it is, however, that it muft have been
mentioned, had it been in exiftence when Caftro, Ataide,
and other viceroys exerted the moft ftrenuous efforts to
difcourage the mercantile purfuits of the native Portu-
guefe. Were we allowed to venture a conjecture, we
would place this excluftve grant to the viceroy and his crea-
tures in the reign of John IV. who made a faint and vain
endeavour to recover the dominion of India. And it outrages
probability to fuppofe it older than the extraordinary but
uncertified emoluments recorded as given by Philip II. to
the viceroys of India. Whenever it commenced, how-
ever, in 1687 the legal right to this private traffic was abo-
lifhed J but the contraband pradlice, which certainly began
with the firft voyage of Cabral, was as certainly continued.
The Exclufive Company of Merchants, who in 1587
contracted to fit out the Indian fleets, appear to have had
little influence in the affairs of India. The power of the
viceroy and the piratical anarchy were fl:ill predominant.
While only one or two failed annually for Portugal, the
floops and other veflels employed in the trade of the pri-
vate adventurers amounted to a confiderable number.
Captain Befl: met a trading fleet of 240 Portuguefe veffels
on the coaft of Cambaya : and when the Mogul declared
war againft the Portuguefe, in 161 7, the number of their
vefTels, detained in his harbours, {y'ul. Far. fub ami.) was
200, Yet were the adventurers in this trade liable to eve-
ry
ccxxx PORTUGUESE ASIA,
ry inconvenience ufually fuffercd by fmug^lers and free-
booters. It is true they carried the commodities of Ethiopia
and the coafts around Ormuz, to Malaca and China ; and
in return diftributed the products of the eaftern over the
weftern Ihorcs of the India ocean. But they had no cer-
tain protection of tlieir property, and they were furrounded
with monopolies. The viceroys and commanders of forts
had monopolies of their own in every ftation between
Ethiopia and China. And it is eafy to conceive how their
creatures muft have lorded it over all thofe who dared to
interfere with their profits. To render a foreign trade
profperous, the honeft merchant muft have every poffible
encouragement. If it is eafy to acquire an handfome inde-
pendence in an honourable channel, the fons of men of
property and of connexions will adventure ; and where ca-
pital ftock and real abilities are beft rewarded, commerce
muft greatly increafe. If on the other hand, the merchant
is fettered with difficulties, only men of defperajie fortune
will fettle In a diftant climate. And thefe, confcious of the
reftraints under which they labour, confcious that they
have much to gain and little to lofe, will, in the nature of
things, be folely influenced by the fpirit of the mere adven-
turer ; by that fpirit which utterly ruined the Portuguefe in
India.
Each of tlie fleets which failed annually from Liflion to
India, carried out, upon an average, about 3000 men.
Very few of thcle ever returned to fettle in Portugal.
They
PORTUGUESE ASIA. ccxxxi
They married in the Eaft, and became one people with the
defcendants of thofe Portuguefe, who, at various periods,
had fettled and married with the natives, in the numerous
colonies of Portuguefe Afia. Their great commonwealth,
in the beginning of the feventeenth century, was a mere
anarchy, and its revenue of To little value to the mother
country, that Philip III. abandoned India in the moft ex-
traordinary manner : he made an edicV, that every office
under the government fliould be ibid by public fale, an
edi£l that merit fhould be neglected, and that only the moft
\vorthkfs and rapacious fliould be entrufted with the affairs
of ftate.
THE APPLICATIOK^
Of the example of Portuguefe Afia cannot be better
enforced than by an examination of the popular arguments
relative to the Britifh commerce with India. A recent
writer on the nature and cmifes of the nuealth of nationSy has
ftood forth as the philofophical champion for the abolition
of the monopoly of the Englifli United Eaft India Compa-
ny. His arguments may be reduced to thefe four pofi-
tions,
I. Exclufive Companies are in every refpccl pernicious.
II. In the Portuguefe commerce with India, for more
than a century, there was no exclufive company \ fuch
monopoly
ccxxxii PORTUGUESE ASIA.
monopoly is therefore unneceffary for the fupport of
the Indian commerce.
III. Under a Free Trade, factors will fettle in India of
their own accord, and every commercial accommo-
dation of felling and purchafing cargo will natu-
rally follow.
IV. Where forts and garrifons are abfolutely neceflliry,
thefe will be befi: under the immediate protection of
the fovereign, under whofe care his native fubjecls
will find themfelves perfe&lyfafe and eafy.
The fable of Procruftes, and his iron bed, was perhaps
deligned by the ancients to fignify a fyftem builder and his
fyftem. The reader will foon be enabled to form his own
judgment on the juftice of this explanation.
The firfl: pofition is thus maintained by our Author :
<* Of ail the expedients that can luell be contrived tojiunt
" the natural growth of a new colony, that of an exclu-
" five company is undoubtedly the moft effeftual." Vol.
ii. p. 171.
Having diftinguifhed monopolies into two kinds, our
Author thus concludes his chapter i " Such exclufive
** Companies, therefore, are niiifances in every refpecly al-
" ivnys more or lefs inconvenient to the countries in which
" they
PORTUGUESE ASIA. ccxxxHi
«' they are eftablifhed, and deftrucHiive to thofe which
" have the misfortune to fall under their government.'*
Vol. ii. p. 2^6.
Thus, and throughout our Author's whole work, mo-
nopolies are reprefented as akvaysy every nuherey and in
every refpeci pernicious. Yet when fome hillorical fa£ls,
and the manners of nations, are put in the other balance,
the fcale, loaded with thefe aflertions, will inftantly fly-
up and kick the beam.
However fome men may declaim, there was a time when
the founding of abbeys and monafteries was the moft poli-
tical method by which the monarchs of Europe could in-
troduce civilization among their barbarous fubjedls. And,
however ill adapted to the prefent times, that old mono-
poly, the inftitution of corporations, was at one period
highly political, and abfolutely neceflary to fupport infant
commerce againft the furrounding oppreffions and uncom-
mercial fpirit of the feodal fyftem. The commerce of the
Hans towns began not only with incorporated companies,
but alfo with a general ftipulated league of thefe compa-
nies, for fuch union was abfolutely neceflary to protedl the
infancy of their naval commercial intercourfe againft the
numerous bands of favage pirates, who at that time infeft-
ed the Baltic, the Danifh, and the German feas.
"When
ccxxxiv PORTUGUESE ASIA.
When Prince Henry of Portugal, at his own private
expence, had difcovered Madeira, his brother, king Ed-
ward, made him proprietor of that ifland. Henry divid-
ed it into diftricts, which he gave to fome of his captains,
who in return paid him a revenue. When the fame prince
had difcovered the coaft of Guinea, tlie united efforts of a
company appeared to him as the moft vigorous method of
profccuting his defigns. Under a charter from him, and
for which they paid him a revenue, feveral of his captains
erected a commercial company at Lagos, and the vigour
of their purfuits anfwered the expedlations of Henry. In
the third year of their eftabUfliment, fourteen fhips fail-
ed from that port upon trade and farther difcovery j and
fifteen were the fame year fitted out from Madeira. In
1471, Alon^io V. engroffed bydomeftic quarrels, and the
affairs of Morocco, granted Fernando Gomez a monopoly
of the Guinea trade, for the fmall fum of 500 ducats an-
nually, but upon condition that during the firft five years
he fhould extend his difcoveries 500 leagues farther along
the fea coafl. This condition highly vindicates the wif-
dom of this monopoly ; as the numerous fleets of Lagos
and Madeira juftify Henry. Difcovery was a mofl unpo-
pular meafure, and neither the attention of Alonzo, nor
the finances of the ftate, could afford to fit out fquadrons
on expeditions of hope. Even in 1497, two of the four
fliips which were fent to difcover India, were purchafed
from fujjecls, (fee appendix) fo unable were the royal
dock-yards of Portugal to fit out fleets for difcovery.
Without
PORTUGUESE ASIA. ccxxxv
Without the regular connetSlion of a Company, under
the fandtion of Legiflative authority, the Dutch might have
as rationally attempted to eftablifli a commerce with the
Moon as with India. The natives, it is true, received,
at firfl:, both the Dutch and the Englifli with joy. But
the Portuguefe were infinitely too firrong for all the un-
conne£led attempts of all the private merchants of Eu-
rope, and it was their intereft to prevent intruders. Nor
did the good will of the natives arife from any other caufe
than their deep hatred of the Portuguefe. It was the in-
terefl: of the Moors, Egyptians, and Turks, that no Eu-
ropeans lliould navigate the eaftern feas ; and had the
Dutch and Englifli been the firlt wlio difcovered India,
they muft have encountered the whole force of the Eaft,
and all the rage of the Moors.
A fovereign who defires to open a commerce with a
diftant country, under the circumftances of India, has
only this alternative : he muft either give exduftve privi-
leges to a Company, or he muft put his exchequer to the
enormous expence of forts and garrifons, and warlike
fleets year after year, to awe the hoftile natives. In this
laft fuppofition, tlie trade with fuch countries may be ei-
ther referved as a monopoly of the crown, or laid open
and free to all the fubje«Sts. Exclufive Companies were
chofen by the Dutch and Englifli, in their profecution of
the commerce of India. And a crown monopoly was
adopted by the kings of Portugal. But no fovereign was
ever
ccxxxvi PORTUGUESE ASIA,
ever fo deep a Theorift as to take upon himfelf the enor-
mous and uncertain expence of conquering and bridling dif-
tant and warlike nations, in order that, after enriching
themfelves with the commerce of fuch countries, his fub-
je£ls might be better enabled to pay what future taxes he
might think proper to impofe upon them.
The fecond pofition afcribed to our Author is deduced
from thefe fentences : " The Portuguefe carried on the
*' trade both to Africa and the Eaft Indies, ivithout any
" excliifive Companies." Vol. ii. p. 248.
** Except in Portiigaly and within thefe few years in
*' France, the trade to the Eaft Indies has, in every Eu-
" ropean country, been fubjefled to an exclufive Compa-
" ny." Vol. ii. p. 242.
*< That fuch companies are not in general neceflary for
*' carrying on the Eaft India trade, \s, ftificiently demonjlrated
" by the experience of the Portuguefe, who enjoyed al-
•' moft the whole of it for more than a century together^
" without any excliifive Company." Vol. ii. p. 246.
In political philofophy an excliifive Company and excliifive
Trade are exaftly the fame. Our Author himfelf gives the
very worft of charadters of a Regal Monopoly ; but it
feems to have been utterly unknown to him, that fuch
ever was, and is, the Portuguefe commerce between Eu-
rope
PORTUGUESE ASIA. ccxxxvPi
rope and India; utterly unknown to him, that the Por-
tuguefe free trade in the Indian feas Was a difgrace to
commerce, was ruinous in every principle, was efteemed
infamous, only fit for felons, in the days of the Portuguefe
profperity ; and in order to its fuppreflion, was taxed
greatly beyond the trade carried on by the natives. The
continuance or abolition of the Eaft India Company is a
matter of the firft importance. If either method be
adopted upon falfe principles, the confequences will be fe-
verely felt. We fhall therefore claim fome merit in hold-
ing up a confpicuous example to future philofophers, how
imprudent it is to truft to the felf-fuficiency of /peculation ^
when, on the moft important topics, they appeal to hif-
torical fadls as a fuficient demonjlration of the eafe and fafcty
of their theoretical fchemes.
The third pofition afcribed to our Author will be found
at great length in his Fourth Book. In Sweden and Den-
mark he owns that the encouragement of a moncpolv was
necelTary to their trade with India. But where monopo-
lies are neceflary, fuch countries, he fays, oufrht not to
trade dii-eftly to the Eafl: Indies. He takes it for granted,
that the fmallnefs of the national capital flock, which can-
not be fpared in the flow returns of fo diftant a trade
produces this neccflity. And it were better, he adds, for
fuch countries to buy their Indian goods " fbmewhat dear-
" er" from other nations. But when a nation is rich
enough to trade with India, a free commerce, according
to
ccxxxvill PORTUGUESE ASIA.
to our Author, would naturally fpring up in the moft beau-
tiful order. He ftates the objection of the impoflibiUty of
a private merchant's capital being able to fupport fa£iors
and agents in the different ports of India ; to which he
thus replies, (vol. ii. p. 246.) " There is no great branch
*' of trade in which the capital of any one private mer-
** chant is fufficient for carrying on all the fubordinate
*< branches, which muft be carried on in order to carry
*' on the principal branch. But when a nation is ripe for
** any great branch of trade, feme merchants naturally
*« turn their capitals towards the principal, and fome to-
" wards the fubordinate branches of it If a nati-
" on therefore is ripe for the Ead: India trade, a cer-
*' tain portion of its capital will naturally divide itfelf
*' among all the different branches of that trade. Some
*' of its merchants will find it for their intereft to reiide in
*• the Eafl Indies, and employ their capitals there in pro-
*' viding goods for the fhips which are to be fent out by
** other merchants, who refide in Europe."
When this fcheme of commerce with India cannot be
effected, it is a proof, according to our Author (p. 247.)
that fuch country, at that particular time, was not ripe for
that trade ; and had better buy their Indian goods, *• even
*' at a higher price," from other nations. But had the
Portuguefe, Dutch, and EngUfh, waited for fuch theoreti-
cal ripcnefsy they had never yet fet one foot in India.
In
PORTUGUESE ASIA. ccxxxix
In the mofl: favourable view of fuch eftabliflimcnt of
commerce with the great world of Afia, its perfection can-
not fpring up In a few years, and would be always preca-
rious. When the Moors were in force, fuch peaceful ef-
tablifiiments were impoffible, for they knew their prefent
intereft too well to liften to the promifes of European fpe-
culation ; and the prefent character of the Indian nations
gives no prophecy when forts and garrifons will become
unnecefTary to the European refldents in India. Our Au-
thor feems aware of this, in the fentence which immedi-
ately follows the laft cited, and which vindicates the fourth
pofition into which we have divided his argument.
But it will be here neceflary to give a fhort Analyfis of
the great principles of our Author's fyftem.
The wealth of nations, he fays, arifes from labour ;
the value of which, he often tells us, is only to be
fixed by the higgling of the marlet. That fliare of
land-rent which is claimed by the fovereign, is his fa-
vourite fource of revenue. And were every fubje£l al-
lowed a free trade too.^ the whole nation would be en-
riched, and this fource of revenue, of confequence,
greatly enlarged. But monopolies of all kinds, hy Jlunt-
vig the ufe of ftock and the confequent increafc of
riches, Jlu/ii the fources of revenue. Monopolies are
therefore every where and in every refpeiH: prejudicial
to fovereign and people. As the fovereign Is chiefly in-
terefted
ccxl PORTUGUESE ASIA,
terefted in the flourifliing ftate of the land-rent revenue,
it is mod likely to flourilh under his care. And over and
above as the population of foreign colonies muft enlarge
the above natural fource of revenue, for all other fources
are round about ; fo the population of foreign colonies is
the chief end of colonization.
From this analyfis, which challenges the fevereft teft,
the propofition to put the forts and territory of Britifli
India into the hands of the fovcreign, naturally follows.
We (hall give it in our Author's own words :
*' The fettlements, fays he, which different European
*' nations have obtained in the Eaft Indies, if they were
*' taken from the exclufive Companies to which they at
" prefent belong, and put under the immediate protection
*' of the fovereign, would render this refidence" (i. e. of
the volu7itary uncontieclcd adventurers before mentioned J ** both
** fnfe and eafy^ at leaft to the merchants of the particular
" nations to whom thofe fettlements belong."
But ere we examine this bold propofition, our Author's
great objections againfl the Dutch and Englifh Eafl India
Companies require our previous attention. *' Thefe, fays
" our Author, though pofleiTcd of many confiderable fet-
*' tlcments, both upon the coafl of Africa and in tlie Eafl
" Indies, have not yet eftablifhecl in either of thofe coun-
" tries fuch numerous and tluiving colonies as thofe in the
" iflands
PORTUGUESE ASIA. clxi
" iflands and continent of America, (p. 247.) .... In
<* the fpice iflands, the Dutch burn all the fpicery which
" a plentiful feafon produces, beyond what they expedl to
** difpofe of in Europe with fuch a prolit as they think
** fufHcient They have reduced the population of
" feveral of the Moluccas. Under the government even
" of the Portuguefe, however, thofe iflands are faid to
** have been tolerably well inhabited. The Englifli Com-
** pany have not yet had time to eftablifh in Bengal fo
*' perfedlly deftrudlive a fyftem. The plan of their go-
*' vernment, however, has had exactly the fame tenden-
*' cy. It has not been uncommon, I am well aflured,
*' for the chief, that is the Jir/I clerk of a factory, to order
** a peafant to plough up a rich field of poppies, and fow
" it with rice or fome other grain. The pretence was to
*' prevent a fcarcity of provifions ; but the real reafon to
" give the chief an opportunity of felling at a better price
" a large quantity of opium, which he happened then to
" have upon hand. Upon other occaHons the order has
*< been reverfed, and a rich field of rice or other grain
*' has been ploughed up, in order to make room for a
*' plantation of poppies." p. 250. And thus, as our Au-
thor exprefles it, p. 253, Monopolies '■*■ Jlunt the natural
" growth of fome parts, at leaft, of the lurplus produce
*' of the country, to what is barely fufficient for anfvver-
" ing the demand of the Company."
VOL. I. m Our
cclxii PORTUGUESE ASIA.
Our Author's abhorrence of commercial purfuits, an^
his keen predilecSlion for land rent revenue, are ftrongly
marked in the following fentence : " A Company of mer-
** chants are, it feems, incapable of confidering them-
" felves as fovcrcigns, even after they have become fuch.
" Trade, or buying in order to fell again, they ffill con-
** fider as their principal bufinefs, and by a Jlrange ah-
" furdify, regard the character of the fovcreign as but an
** appendix to that of the merchant, as fomething which
"^ ought to be made fubfervient to it, or by means of
« which they may be enabled to buy cheaper in India,
" and thereby to fell with a better profit in Europe.
'* They endeavour for this purpofe to keep out, as
**■ much as pofiible, all competitors. . . . Their mercantile
" habits draw them in this manner, almoft neceflarily,
** though perhaps infenfibly, to prefer, upon all ordinary
" occafions, the little and tranfttory profit of the monopo-
<* lift, to the great and permanent revenue of the foVe-
« reign." p. 252.
Such are the evils which attend the Dutch and EriglifR
Eaft India Companies : The advantages which would fol-
low, were fuch monopolies to be aboliflied, and the fo-
vereign to be fole mafter of Indian acquifition are thefe :
•all his fubjefts, who plieafed, might turn their ftock to
the commerce of India. By fuch means, the population
of the colonies, and, of confequence, the i-egal fhare of
rheir revenue, would be ''rcatlv increafed.
And
PORTUGUESE ASIA. cclxiii
And thus, according to our Author, coininerce is of
very inferior confequence ; and the importation of the So-
vereign's revenue the very fummum bonum of the political
wifdom of colonization. But thefe very fi:^picious data.
demand a much deeper inveftigation than our Author has
beftowed upon them. In many places he expreiTes the
moft cordial aflfedlion for the kingly power. Becaufe it is
the fovereign's intereft: that his colonies Ihould profper,
he fuppofes, therefore, that colonies, if under his imme-
diate prote£lion, will and mufl * flourifh. And becaufe
a monarch, at the head of a ftanding army, may defpife
the rudeft and moft licentious libellers, he concludes,
p. 311. that a ftanding army is propitious -f- to the caufe
of Liberty. That perfection of wifdom, magnanimity,
and attention, which is moft efientially implied m thefe
fuppofitions, is not, however, to be found in a Succes-
sion of monarchs. No, not in an individual fovereign,
if we may believe an aflertion v;hich has efcaped from our
Author, p. 441. " The fervants, fays he, of the moll
** carelefs private perlon, are, perhaps, more under the
" eye of their mafter, than thofe of the moft careful
<* prince."
P 2 When
* This argument, abfolutely elTential to his fyftciii, is fupported by oi^r-
Author, Vol. ii. p. 251, &c. &c. &c.
t What a pity it is, that France and Spain have never found out this fc-
cret ! What aibitrary imprifonments might be avoided, and what expence
of legions of fpies might be laved, couU they perceive cur Author's advau-
tages of a (landing army.
cclxir PORTUGUESE ASIA,
When the Portuguefe Indian commerce was farmed^
by a Company of merchants, in 1587, about 87 years
after its commencement, the Regal monopoly was altered,
not abolifhed ; for this commerce was continued, accord-
ing to every idea ever known in the Spanifli or Portuguefe
colonies. It was carried on in a limited number of Re-
gifter fliips ; and the fovereign authority of the Indian
viceroys was ftill predominant. Our Author confefles,
p. 171. that the commerce of regifter fhips is "very
** fiearly upon the fame principles as that of an exclitfive com-
" pany." And certainly, with refpedl to his fyftem, they
are exactly the fame. In defcribing the management of
trade, where it is the fole property of the fovereign, our
Author has given, though very undefignedly, a very accu-
rate fketch of the regal monopoly of Portugal. Talking
of the mercantile purfuits of princes j *' They have fcarce
" ever fucceeded, (fays he, p. 414.) The profufion
** with which the affairs of princes are always managed,
*' renders it alnioft impoffible that they fhould. The
*' agents of a prince regard the wealth of their mafter as
" inexhauftible j are ca'relefs at what price they buy j are
" carelefs at what price they fell ; are carelefs at what ex-
*' pence they tranfport his goods from one place to ano-
** ther. Thofe agents frequently live with the profufion
" of princes, andfometimes too, in fpite of that profufion,
" and by a proper method of making up their accounts^
** acquire the fortunes of princes. It is thus, we are told
" by IMachiavel, that the agents of Lorenzo of Medicis,
" not
PORTUGUESE ASIA, ccIxt
" not a prince of mean abilities, carried on his trade."
And thus, alfo, the corrupted viceroys of India conducted
the trade of the kings of Portugal.
But it may be faid, the confequences of the above are
inappUcable, for a regal monopoly of revenue, and not of
trade, is our Author's fyftem. His fyftem is held forth as
fuch indeed, yet we apprehend its confequences would be
the fame. A hoftile country, of vaft extent, bridled and
awed, and the revenue of an immenfe territory, governed
by the troops and officers of a diftant fovereign, is fome-
thing exceedingly like the Portuguefe plan. The confe-
■quences of the Portuguefe fyftem, therefore, require our
ftridleft attention.
The Portuguefe viceroys, it may be faid, were arbitrary,
and governed by no code of known lav/s : and the officers
of a Britifh fovereign will not be armed with fuch power.
Yet our Author is of opinion that the fervants of the In-
dia Company ajfume fuch power, ,and that it is completely
foolijl} to expe^l they would not. Monopoly, he fays, is
the intereft of a Company and its fervants. A free trade,
and revenue is the interefc of a fovereign. But does it fol-
low, as our Author's argument implies, that fuch is the
intereft of his fervants alfo ? By no means. We may well
enquire, what is that wonderful virtue, eflential to our
Autlwr's argument, which is conferred by the royal com-
miflion j
cckvi PORTUGUESE ASIA.
miffion ; the virtue, which would correct all the felfifh
paffions which influence the clerks of a counting-houfe,
and would fave the poppies and the rice of Bengal from
an untimely plough ? If the territory of Britifh India is
to be the king's, he muft have men In office to manage It
under him, and thefe will have their private interefts to
ferve, as well as the officers of a Company. Whence,
then, are we to expe£l: their fuperlor virtue ? Not, furely,
from their greater opportunities of extortion, and of evad-
ing enquiry — But we fliall here adopt a fcntence from our
Author, (vol. ii. p. 253.) only fubftituting the word iiTi/;^,
where he writes Counting Houfe : *' Nothing can be more
*' completely fcoli/Jj than to expedt that the clerks of a great
** King, at ten thoufand miles dijlance^ and confequently
** almojl quite out of fight ^ fhould, upon a flmple order
** from their mafter, give up, at once, doing any fort of
*• bufinefs upon their own account abandon for ever all
** hopes of making a fortune, of which they have the
** means in their hands, and content themfelves with the
«« moderate falarles which their mafter allows them."— ^
Our Author purfues his argument, how the fervants of a
Company edablifh monopolies of their own ; and fuch, at-
tended with every circumftance of unreftrained enormity,
%vas the condu£l: of the crown officers of Portuguefe Alia.
The {uperlor opportunities of extortion and rapine enjoy-
ed by the military governors of 4 very diftant and rich
country.
PORTUGUESE ASIA; cclxvn
country, are felf-evident. The clerks of a crown office
have infinitely better opportunities of evading detection,
.and of amaffing perquifites, than thofe of a company.
Our Author has already been cited to explain how the
fervants of a prince abufe their truft. " It is perfectly In-
" 4ifferent," fays he, vol. ii. p. 255. ** to the fervants of
'* the India Company," when they have carried their
•* whole fortune with th^m, if, the day after they left it,
<* the whole country was fwallowed up by an earthquake."
And, in the name of God, will not fuch difafter be equally
indifferent to a royal general, or a royal cuftomhoufe offi-
cer, whenever he finds it convenient to retire from India ?
But this is not applicable, it may be faid, to our Au-
thor's fyftem, which is to plant colonies, like thofe of
America, in Ind^a, on purpofe to draw a revenue from
them ; and the profperlty of the country will then be the
intereft of the royal officers. But a hard queftion here
obtrudes itfelf ; Will it b^ the deftre of fixed Reftdents to ex-
port a revenue^ or to he careful of it ? Though many of the
Portuguefe were natives of the Eafl, war was their harveft ;
and, like tlie favages of Louifiana, who cut down the tree
when they defire the fruit, their rapacity deftroyed the
roots and fources of revenue. The nature of their fituation,
explained by our Author in the cafe of Lorenzo of Medi-
cis, vindicates this afl"ertion, and every period of Portu-
guefe Afia enforces its truth. Though all the artillery of
arsuraents.
cclxviii ■ I^'O R T U G U E S E ASIA,
arguments, Mrawn from the abufes committed by the fer-
i'ants of a company, may thus, with accumulated force,
be turned againft the fervants of a prince •, arguments of
deeper import ftill remain.
Whenever a fociety emerges from what is called th^Jhep-
hcrdjiate, luxuries become its infeparable attendants. And
imported luxuries, however neglecled and undervalued in
our Author's eftimate, offer not only a plentiful, but the
fafeft mode of taxing the wages of labour, the profits of
ftock, and the rent of land. The induftry of the manu-
facharer and hufbandman can never thus be impeded or in-
jured, which they mod certainly are, for a time, by every
new tax upon labour and land. The luxuries imported by
the Eaft India Company have afforded a revenue * which
has been equal to the land-tax of England. The queftion
then is, whether would this valuable revenue be dlminifiied
or increafed, were every port open, and every adventurer
free to fit out what fhips he pleafed, to traffic with India ?
But were this allowed, what an army of cuftomhoufc
officers, muft there be in waiting at every port of the
kingdom } for who knows what port a veffel from India,
once in feven years, may chufe to enter ? What a door
for
* The revenue paid by the goods of the company, and tlie revenues of
ihtir fervants, together with the former annual donation, have been abort
two millions yearly. The land tax falls fliort of two millions.
PORTUGUESE A S I /i .V^ S??x-,^1^
for fmuggling the luxuries of India would nii^QenT^Aml^'-^ — * H
we need not add, what a diminution of revel«5|jef»->*^'^ '^i£w' ^ -y
Befides the great revenue which it pays, the Eaft India
Company forms one of the mofi; a<f{:ive finews of the ftate-
Public Funds are peculiar to England. The credit and
intereft of the nation depend upon their fupport* ; and the
Eaft India Company is not the leaft of thefe. It has often
fupported Government with immenfe loans> and its conti-
nuance includes the promifc of future fupport on the like
emergencies.
And muft tfiis ftupendous and important fabric be demo^
lifhedj to make way for an i untried Theory ?
For
* " The credit and the intereft of the nation depend on the fupport
of the public funds — Wliile the annuities, and intereft for money advanced,
is there regularly paid, and the principal infured Ijy both prince and people,
(a fecurity not to be had in other nations) foreigners will lend us their pro-
perty, and all Europe be interefted in our welfare ; the paper of the com-
panies will be converted into money and merchandize, and Great Britain
can never want calh to carry her fchemes into execution. In other nations,
credit is founded on the word of the prince, if a monarchy ; or on that of
the people, if a republic; but here it is eftabliflied on the intereftsof both
prince and people, which is the ftrongeft fecurity " G^ithrie.
\ " In the progrefs of fociety, additional props and balances will often
become neceflary. That of pulling down a whole edifice, to eredt a new
building, generally ends in the deftrudtion of the community, and always
leads to convulfions which no one could forefee." Sic Governor Johnftonc's
Thoughts on »ur acqidfttions in the Eajl Indies.
colxx PORTUGUESE ASIA.
For a free trade, which, while it encreafed our import-
ed luxuries, would greatly diminifli the revenue whicl:;
arifes from them :
For a trade which would injure cur own f manufactures,
were the prefent reftridtions abolifiied :
For a trade which could not be eftabliflied in India for
many years, and which, perhaps, is in its nature imprac-r
ticable :
** For a tranfition, which, though pofllble, muft be
*' attended with innumerable difficulties, confidering what
" convulfions, even the fmalleft ftroke of legiflative au-
" thority upon private property generally produces, not-
f* withftanding all the precautions which may be J ufed :"
For a fyftem, which muft render the fovereign the mi-
litary Defpot of an immenfe and rich § territory, and make
him
f Silks, muflins, callicoes, emhioidery, cottons, toys, and many of the
Indian manufadtures, would greatly injure thofe of this country, were a
free importation allowed. The woven manufa£lures of India, imported by
the Company, are reftrifled to foreign markets.
I This fentence in inverted commas is from a pamphlet, entitled,
Thoughts on cuf acquifttions in the Eaji ///a'/Vj— written by Governor John-
Jtone.
§ " The immenfe power whicli would be added to the crown, by our
dominions in the Eafl falling immediately under its management, muft be
■i. fgrious confidcration, with every one who believes the preponderating
weight
PORTUGUESE ASIA. cdx^
him the fole mafter of an unconftitutknal revenue. A
revenue, which, in the hands of a corrupt miniftry, would
eafily defeat the nobleft check againft arbitrary power pro?
vided by the Britifli Conftitution> the right of taxation in
the Houfe of Commons »
America, paffively fubmiffive at the feet of a junto in
power, could not, for feveral centuries, afford the means
of corruption, which India, already deeply enflaved, would
freely yield, for at leaft a few yearso
In every probability, for only a few years— however
highly our Author may think of the great and permanent
revenue of the fovereign ; and however he may defpife the
little and tranjitory profit of the merchant, we will venture
to fupport the very oppofite opinions.
Our Author laments, that merchants will never confider
themfelves as fovereigns, when they have really become
fuch. Commerce was defpifed, aud fovereignty was the
ambition
weight which that part of the conftitution already pofTefTes ; and who
wifties, at the fame time, to preferve the juft balance. Every intelligent
mind muft forefee the immenfe additional influence that would accrue, by
the command of fuch a number of troops, the adminiftration of fuch ex-
tenfive revenues, and the difpofal of fo many offices. The Author of thefe
refle<£tions is perfuaded, we might expe£l the fame effeds that followed thp
annexation of the rich orders of St. lago, Calatrava, and Alcantara, to the
crown of Spain ; which, a celebrated Spanilh hiftorian fays, contributed
more towards enflaving that country, than all the other in fidious arts and
expedients of Ferdinand and Ifabella." Gov. Johnjiones Thoughts fSc
cclxxli PORTUGUESE ASIA,
ambition of the Portuguefe. Immenfe extenfion of domi-
nion, greatly fuperior to the fettlements of both the Dutch
and Englifli, became therefore their object : and uncom-
mercial, often unjuft wars, naturally followed this fearch
for revenue. And this fyftem as naturally produced the
deepefl: ruin. Wars after wars will ever be produced by a
fovereignty afTumed in a diftant region. The Spanifli me-
thod of extirpation is the only preventive. Some territory
is neceflary to fettlements in India. But fuch extenfion as
would deprefs the grand fyftem of the Indian commerce,
muft, like the Portuguefe fovereignty, end in ruin. The
plan of fovereignty directly leads to war with the jealous
natives of India. Such revenue, therefore, cannot be
permanent^ and moft probably will not be gyeat for a length
of years. Our Author upbraids the India Company, be-
caufe their colonies in India are not fo populous and thrivr
ing as thofe in America. But were the Indian colonies a?
fafe from the natives, as his fcheme of unconnected fet-
tlers requires; as populous, and their revenue zsgreai, as
his idea of perfection may poffibly include, how long would
he itisxj RE the pennafienry of their revenue againft the in-
terruption of a Revolt or Rebellion^ or fuch colonies them-
felves from a fudden and final difmemhcrmait ? — Alas i at
this prefent hour we feel a moft melancholy proof of the
difficulties and difappointments of raifing a revenue in a
diftant country. May God never curfe Great Britain,
by
PORTUGUESE-ASIA, cclxxlS
by fixing her views and hopes on fuch diftantj llich little
and travjttory fupport !
If properly watched and defended, if not facrificed to
the dreams and dotage of Theory, the Grand Machine of
her Commerce will ever render Great Britain both profpe-
rous and formidable- In this grand machine the Eafl India
Company forms a principal wheel. The concentered fup-
port which it gives to the public credit ; the vaft and
MOST RATIONAL home tax which its imported luxuries
afford, a tax which forms a conjlitutional fourcc of revenue,
ever in our own hands, never to be affe<Sted by the politics
of diftant colonies j the population which it gives to the mO'
ther country^ by the domeftic induftry employed upon the
flaple f commodities which it exports ; and the elTential
balance of Trade given and fecured by the exportation of
its
f The firfl fource of the Wealth of Nations, however neglefted in our
Author's eflimate, moft certainly confifts in its ftaples ; and tlie plenty of
thefe, and the degrees of their importance, in adminiftering to the wants and
defnes of mankind, fix the «3;«rff/ difference between the riches of countries.
And to this fource, the labour neceflary to fit thefe ftaples to their refpeftive
J^fes, is dependent and fecondary, if the fruit may be called dependent
on, and fecondary to the root of the tree. It is therefore the great duty of
the ftatefman to proteft, direft, and eherilh the manufaflure of ftajjles;
and by making colonies contribute to this pnrpofe, he pro<iuces the natural,
advantageous, and permanent ufe of foreign acquifition. This, however,
is fo far from being a part of our Author's fyftem, that he even reprobates
the idea, that the Legifiature fliould give any protedtion or direction to any
branch of manufacture. He calls it a power with which no minifter can
fafely he iruJ}eJ. Vol. ii. p. 36. " It is," he fays, " in fome mcafure to direft
people in what manner they ought to employ their capitals," of which, he
tells us, p. 35. they are much better judges than any flaterman or lawgiver.
Nay,
cxcviii PORTUGUESE ASIA.
Its imports, are the great and permanent confequenccs
of the commercial fyftem, confequences which can never
arife
Nay, he even afTerts, p, 37, &c. that wCre any branch of manufaflure, fo^
he excepts none, to fall into utter decay, by the freedom of foreign impor-
tation, the country would lofe nothing by it. The manufadlurers, he owns,
might fuftain the lofs of their tools and f worklhops, but they would imme-
diately turn their capitals and induftry into other channels, which would be
of equal advantage to their country. Nay, farther, government bounty to
the introduction of a new manufacture is hurtful ; for that will diminilh the
revenue, and, of confequence, the national capital, p. 38.
Thus fays Theory. But let it be aflced, if branches of our manufacfture
muftthus, for the good of the nation, be fuffered to fall into decay, what
muft become of the (taples, for our Author excepts no materials, upon
which the abandoned manufacture was employed ? Their former value muft
be greatly diminifhed, if fold unworked to foreigners; and if unfold, anni-
hilated. And thus the national capital will be mofl effectually injured.
Our Author talks very confidently of the eafe with which individuals will
find a proper field for their induftry ; but, furely, where a number of the
ftaples are thus reduced, the field for domefiic induftry muft be proportionally
narrowed ; for it is bard to make bricks ivithout Jiraiu. " Every individual,
" fays our Author, p. 3a. is continually exerting himfelf to find out the
" moft advantageous employment for whatever capital he can command."
f Some people are apt to apprehend the greateft inconveniency, from
fetting a number of artificers adrift in fcarch of new employment. But this
is nothing, according to our Author, who tells us, that loo,cco foldiers and
feamen, difcharged at the peace, immediately found employment. Very
tiue, for the labourer took to his fpade, the taylor to his needle, the fboe-
maker to his awl, and the feaman to the merchant fervice. But were onlj|^
10,000 weavers thrown out of employ, the cafe would be widely altercaS
But the certainty of finding an vnkmivn employment, fully as advantagecOs'
as the branch perfeSlly inoivn, forms a part of our Author's fyftem. It was a
Jilly notion, he tcUs us, vol. ii. p. 136. to defend Portugal, laft war, for the
fake of its trade. Had that trade been loft, fays he, it wouU only have
thrown the Portuguefe merchants out of bufinefs for a year or two, till they
found out as good a method of employing their capitals. Some politicians
have thought, the more channels of commerce, the morefuccefs; but our
Author does not care how many were ftiut up; for this good reafon, new
ones are/Krf to be found. But this is like knockiiig a man down, becaufe he
isyj/rf to get up again.
But
PORTUGUESE ASIA. cclxxf
arife from the importation of the greatefh revenue. And
foon would all thefe advantages be loft, were the India
Company
But this pofition, abfolutely necefTary to our Author's fyftem, we flatly de-
hy. There is not only a torpor on the general mmd of fuch diftrids as are
ignorant of commerce, which requires to be roufed into a<ftion by thofe of
fuperior intelligence ; but there is alfo a ftubborn attachment in fuch minds
to their ancient ufages, which half a century can hardly remove. Our Au-
thor might have feen both this (tupor and obftinacy flrongly exemplified in
the vaft difficulty of introJucing modern agriculture into a certain country.
Biit, " No regulation of commerce, fays he, p. ib. can increafe the quanti-
" ty of induftry in any foclety beyond what its capital can maintain." It
is our Author's great leading principle, that no nation ought to attempt
any branch either of manufadlure or commerce, till its capital be ripe for
iiach blanch ; and till fuch time, it is their intereft, he fays, to buy the ar-
ticles of fuch branches from their neighbours. But here let it be afked, how
is the capital to be increafed in this (late of torpor ? Elizabeth, and fome
of her predeceflbrs, imagined that bounties and regulations of commerce
would roufe to a(flion, and thence to the increafe of capital. At great ex-
pence they introduced the manufactures of the continent into their own do-
minions. And hence England became what (he now is. But a view of the
ftate of our Author's native country will biing his theory to the fullcft and
faireft trial. According to his fyftem, Scotland ought to be the moll: flou-
rilliing commercial country in Europe ; for certain it is, and he himfelf of-
ten tells it, that the trade of North Britain is under much fewer regulations
and reftn(ftions than that of England, Holland, or any of her commerciaJ
neighbours. There was a time, indeed, before and in the fifteenth century,
when her Jamefcs afliimed the unfafc trujl of dire<fi:ing the channels of in-
dultry; when they penfioned foreign artificers to fettle in their kingdom,
d made regulations of commerce. The confequence was, the Scots were
mafters of their own fifheries, and the fhipping of Scotland were thea
gieatly fuperior to their prefent number. Soon after, however, our Au-
thor's plan, that Government fhould leave every fubje<ft to the courfe of his
own induliry, took place, in the fuUeft latitude. And the confequence of
Government ceafing to watch over and direct the channels of commerce, as
fully appeared. The Scottifli navy fell into deep decline ; and their fifiiery,
perhaps the moft valuable in the § world, was fcized by thofe mompolifn
the
§ Of fuch value is this fifliery, that the arrival of the firft fleet of bufles is
celebrated in Holland with public rejoicings, fimilar to thofe of the Eg)'pti.
ans on the overfiovv of the iNJIe.
cclxxvi PORTUGUESE ASIA.
Company to relinqulfh the mercantile charadler, and, ac-
cording to our Author's * plan, alTume that of the fove-
reign. Nor can we take leave of our Author, without re-
marking, that he has been rather unhappy in fixing upon
the Portuguefe as his favourites. His three great reafons
for this predilection are J obvious ; and that thefe reafons
were extremely rafh and ill-founded, is alfo equally evi-
dent. His reafons are — The Portuguefe had no Exclufive
African or Indian Companies — A mofl unlucky miftake !
And
The
the Dutch, who now enjoy it. A mod excellent proof how the unencouraged
and undirelied Scots turned their capitals and induftry to the beft advantage !
Neglefted by government, the Scottifh commerce long and deeply languifh-
ed, till Mr. Pelham, of late, endeavoured to roufe it into aftion. But the
people flill follow our Author's precept, of buying, from their neighbours,
the greateft part of the manufacfhires they ufe. And the confequence of
all is, many thoufands of the Scots find a field for their ingenuity and in-
duftry in every commercial country of the world, except in their oivn.
* Yet, flrange as it may feem, our Author, vol. ii. p. 415. condemns the
Eaft India Company for adopting the ideas of fovereigns. It has made them
bad traders, he there fays, and, he adds, has almoft brought them to bank-
ruptcy.
\ According to our Author, vol. ii. p. 448. it is owing to the genius of ex-\^_
cliifi-je companies that the colonies of other nations in India have been le
populous than thofe of Portugal. He ^vho reads this -wurt, however,
find another caufe for the Portuguefe population ; and never were any colo-
nies fo vexed with monopolies within monopolies, as thofe of Portuguefe
Afia. Our Author, with the fame knowledge of his fubjeift, always rcpre-
fentsthe Portuguefe colonies as of more advantage to the mother country
than thofe of England in America. The latter, he fays, " have been a fource
*' of expenceand not of revenue. But the Portuguefe colonies have contri-
" buted revenue towards the defence of the mother country, or the fiipport
" of her civil government."'— Vol. ii. p. 194.
PORTUGUESE ASIA. cclxxvii
The population and revenue of the Portuguefe colonies
are exactly in the fpirit of his fyftem.
But the kingdom of Portugal fuffered the fevereft evils
from its \2iin fovereignty of India ; and the Exclufive Com-
panies of England and Holland, however reprobated by
our Author, have long been, and ftill are, by their vaft
commerce y of the moft efiential advantage to their mother
countries,
Having thus followed our Author's argument for lay-
ing open the India trade, through every gradation of his
reafoning, a retrofpeiSt may not now perhaps be improper.
He founds his argument on the abfolute pernicioufnefs
of all monopolies, in every circumftance: The fafety of
laying open the Eaft India trade, he aflerts, is fujficiently
demonjlrated by the experience of the Portuguefe. Were
the exclufive India companies abolilhed, European mer-
chants, he fays, would voluntarily fettle in India, by
whom every office of fa(Storlhip would be difcharged.
And where forts are neceflary, thefe and the fettlements,
he afferts, would be moft advantageous and profperous
under the immediate protection of the fovereign. In fup-
port of this laft argument, he appeals to the abufes com-
mitted by the fervants of a Company. And the advanta-
ges which he deduces from his fyftem, are, a free trade
with India, in which every fubjedl may employ his capital,
and the importation of a royal revenue •, which laft cir-
VOL. I. Q^ cumftance
cclxxviii PORTUGUESE ASIA,
cumftance he eftimates as of infinitely more real impor-
tance than all the benefits refulting from commerce. But
we have proved, by hillorlcal evidence, that monopolies
and exclufive afibciatlons were abfolutely necefl^ary in the
infancy of trade, and that their e9e£ls were rapid, exten-
five, and highly profperous. We have likewife brought
demonftration, both from the hiftory and the archives of
Portugal, confirmed by every principle of Spanifh or Por-
tiiguefe commerce, that his appeal to the experience of
the Portuguefe is founded upon a moft egi-egious and ca-
pital error. Every page of the hiftory of Portuguefe
Afia, and the prefent ftate of India, demonftrate the
impoflibility of the fcheme of unconnefted and unprotect-
ed feitlers. And from the example of the Portuguefe,
confirmed by every experience, certain it is, that every
argument againft the fervants of a Company, may be
turned, with redoubled force, againfl: the ofiicers of a
Crown. And were even this fyftem, whofe bafis is over-
turned by hifi:orical facts, were it even founded on truth,
the confequences which he deduces from it are neither
certain nor advantageous. By an appeal to undeniable
principles, we have held up to view the unavoidable dif-
advantages * of laying open the Indian commerce ; and
from other principles, equally fixed and evident, it amounts
to
* Tliat the TnJia trade could not be carried on, with advantage to the
nation, othcrwifc than by a Company, is clearly proved by Sir Joftah Child,
whofe arguments have had their due weight with former Parlianents.
PORTUGUESE ASIA. cclxxlx
o demonftration, that a deipotic revenue, raifed in a dif-
ant country, muft ever be produdlive of war, tranfitory,
mconftitutional, and dangerous. On the contrary, we
lave evinced, that the benefits arifing from the commerce
>f India, on the great principles of its prefcnt eflablilh-
nent, are important, domeftic, and permanent. In an
Lufpicious trade, therefore, we muft fubmit to that necef-
ity of circumftances which we cannot alter ; we muft not
hut our eyes againft the broad glare of the light of fa£ls,
md amputate the limbs, and diflocate the joints of com-
Tierce, in order to fhorten or to lengthen it to the ftand-
ird of Theory, as Procruftes is fabled to have fitted his
anhappy captives to the flandard of his iron bed.
Every Inftitution relative to Man, is not only liable to
corruption, but, fuch is the imperfection of human na-
ture, is fure to be corrupted. Both the fervants of a Com-
pany, and the ofBcers of a king, are liable to the influence
of felf-intereft. But the monarch's ear is hard of accefs,
and often guarded •, and the regulations of a regal mono-
poly, or defpotic revenue, are variable at his will. Ap-
peal here muft be hopelefs. But, under a Company, go-
verned by fixed inftitutions, there exifts not only a legal
claim of redrefs, but a legal right of oppofition. If errors
and corruption, therefore, be natural to every fyftem of
human government, let the fyftem moft open to infpedli-
on and correftion, be preferved, and let its errors and
C^2 corruptions
cclxxx PORTUGUESE ASIA,
corruptions be corrected. And hnppily the Britifh Parlia-
ment is pofl'efTed of the power of fuch infpe£lion and cor-
rection ; and happily alfo fuch authority is the very reverfe
of a regal power to raife a foreign revenue : this parliamen-
tary power is conjiitutional.
The Abbe Reynal, in his refle(SI:ions on the fate of the
Portuguefe, informs his reader, that while the court of
Lifbon proje<n:ed the difcovery of India, and expedled in-
exhauftible riches, the more moderate and enlightened
forefaw and foretold the evils which would follow fuccefs.
And time, fays he, the fupreme judge of politics, haften-
ed to fulfil their predictions. He, however, who is ac-
quainted with the Portuguefe hiftorians, muft perceive the
errors of this reprefentation. The objecftions againft the
voyage of Gama, were by no means of the enlightened
kind. They were thefe : Nothing but barren deferts, like
Lybia, were to be found ; or, if the difcovered lands were
rich, the length of the voyage would render it unprofita-
ble : or, if profitable, the introduction of wealth would
beget a degeneracy of manners fatal to the kingdom. Fo-
reign fettlements would produce a depopulation and ne-
glect of agriculture ; or, if foreign colonies were neceffary,
Ethiopia offered both nearer and better fettlements. And
the wrath of the Soldan of Egypt, and a combination of
all Europe againft Portugal, completed the prophecy of
the threatened evils. But it was neither forefeen nor forie-
told.
PORTUGUESE ASIA. cclxxxl
told, that the unexampled mifcondu^Tt of the Portuguefe
would render the mod lucrative commerce of the world an
heavy, and at laft infupportable expence on the treafury of
Lifbon or Madrid ; nor was It foretold, that the fliamelefs
villainy, the faithlefs piracies and rapine of their country-
men would bring down deftru^lion upon their empire.
Of the objections here enumerated, few are named by our
Author. Nor does the evil of the increafe of wealth, the
depopulation and negledl of agriculture, which he mentions
as the confequences of the navigation to India, do honour
to the political wifdom, either of thofe who foretold them,
or of thofe who adopt the opinion. The great population
of Holland arifes from its naval trade ; and had the fcience
of commerce been as well underftood at the court of Lif-
bon as at Amflerdam, Portugal, a much finer country,
had foon become more populous, and every way more flou-
rifhing than Holland is now.
Mines of gold, though moft earneftly defired, are the
leaft valuable parts of foreign acquifition. The produce of
mines, like the importation of revenue, neither puts into
motion, nor cherifhes domeftic induftry. To increafe the
population of the mother country is the only real wealth ;
and this can only be attained by increafing the means of
employment, in fuch manner as will naturally infpire the
fpirit of induftry. The ftaple commodities of a country
muft therefore be manufa(5lured at home, and from hence,
agriculture
cclxxxli PORTUGUESE ASIA,
agriculture of neceffity be improved. He, therefore, wha
foretells the negleiH: of agriculture on the increafe of com-
merce, foretells an event contrary to the nature of things ;
and nothing but an infatuation, which cannot at a diftance
be forefeen, may pofiibly fulfil the prediction. To export
the domeftic manufa(Sture, and import the commodities of
foreign countries, are the great, the only real ufes of
foreign fettlements. But did Spain and Portugal derive
thefe advantages from their immenfe acquifitions in the
Enft and Weft ? Every thing contrary. The gold of
Mexico aud Peru levied the armies of Charles V. but
eftablilhed or encouraged no trade in his kingdom. Po-
verty and depopulation, therefore, were not the natural
confequences of the difcoveries of Columbus ; but the cer-
tain refult of the evil policy of Spain. , We have feen how
the traffic of India was managed by Portugal. That com-
merce, which was the foundation of the maritime ftrength
of the Mohammedan powers, and which enriched Venice,
was not only all in the power of the Portuguefe ; but it was
theirs alfo to purcliafe that traffic on their own terms, with
the commodities of Europe. But fovereignty, with its
revenue, and not commerce, was the fole objedt of the
Portuguefe ambition.
Many have i)ronounced, that the fame evils which over-
whelmed the Portuguefe, are ready to burft upon the
Britifl) empire. Ignorance of the true principles of com-
merce, that great caufe of the fall of the Portuguefe em-
pire,
PORTUGUESE ASIA. cclxxxiii
pire, does not at prefent, however, threaten the Britifli ;
nor is the only natural reafon of that fall applicable to Great
Britain. The territory of Portugal is too fmall to be the
head of fo extenfive an empire as once owned its authority.
Auxiliaries may occafionally affift ; but permanency of do-
minion can only be infured by native troops. The nume-
rous garrifons of Portugal in Brazil, in Africa, and Alia,
required more fupplies than the uncommercial feat of em-
pire could afford, without depriving itfelf of defence in
cafe of invaiion. In the event, the foreign garrifons were
loft for want of fupplies ; and the feat of empire, on the
fhack of one difafter, fell an eafy prey to the ufurpation of
Spain. Great Britain, on the contrary, by the appoint-
ment of nature, reigns the commercial emprefs of the
world. The unrivalled ifland is neither too large nor too
fmall. Ten millions of inhabitants are naturally fufficient
to afford armies to defend themfelves againft the greateft
power ; nor is fuch radical ftrength liable to fall afunder by
its own weight. Neither is nature lefs kind in the variety
of the climate of the Britifh ifles. That variety in her dif-
ferent provinces alike contributes to the production of her
invaluable ftaples and hardy troops. Won and defended
from the Mohammedans in wars efteemed religious, the
circumftances of Portugal, produced a high and ardent
fpirit of chivalry, which raifed her to empire ; but when
fuccefs gave a relaxation to the aflion of this fpirit, the ge-
neral ignorance and corruption of all ranks funk her into
ruin. The circumftances of the Britifh empire are greatly
different.
cclxxxiv PORTUGUESE ASIA.
difFerent. Her military fpirit is neither cherifhed by, nor
dependent upon, caufes which exift in one age and not in
another. Nor is the increafe of wealth big with fuch evils
as fome efieem. Portugal did not owe her fall to it, for
ihe was not enriched by the commerce of India. If Great
Britain ever fuffer by enormous v/ealth, it muft be by a
general corruption of manners. This, however, is infi-
nitely more in the power of government than the many
llirmife. To remedy an evil, we muft trace its fource.
And never was there national corruption of manners, which
did not flow from the vices and errors of government.
Where merit is the only paflport to promotion, corruption
of manners cannot be general. Where the worthlefs can
pnrchnfe the offices of trufl:, univerfal profligacy mufl: fol-
low. Mankind, it may be faid, are liable to be corrupted,
and wealth affords the opportunity. But this axiom will
greatly miflead us from the line of truth, if taken in a ge-
neral fenfe. The middle rank of men is infinitely more
virtuous than the lowefl:. Profligacy of manners is not,
therefore, the natural confequence of afiluence ; it is the
accident which attends a vulgar mind, in whatever exter-
nal fituation. And when vulgar minds are preferred to the
high offices of church or fl:ate, it is the negligence or wicked-
nefs of government, and not the increale of wealth, which is
the fource of the national corruption. Some articles of
traffic have an evil influence on a people. But neither is
this in juftice to be charged on the increafe of national
trade. The true principles of commerce, on the contrary,
require
PORTUGUESE ASIA. cclxxxv
require the reftriftion of many *, and perhaps the prohi-
bition of fome articles. And ignorance of the true fpirit
of commerce, and negleft in the legiflature, are therefore
the real fources of thefe evils.
While our popular declaimers forefee nothing but ruin
in the increafe of commerce and wealth, they overlook, or
know not, the greatefi: danger to which foreign acquifition
lies open, and which it even invites. The rapacity of
diftant governors, fo ftrongly exemplified by the Portu-
guefe, has a direft tendency to the produ£lion of every evil
which can affecl a commercial empire. Every governor
feels two objedts foliciting his attention, objedls frequently
incompatible, at lead not eafily to be reconciled — the pub-
lic and his own private intereft. If inftitutions cannot be
devifed
• That private vices, the luxury and extravagance of individuals, are pub-
lic benefits, has been confidently afierted, yet no theoretical paradox was
ever more falfe. Luxuries, indeed, employ many hands, but all hands in
employment conduce not alike to the fcrvice of the flate. Thofe employed
on the natural flaples are of the firfl rate fervice ; but thofe engaged on
luxuries often require materials which contribute to turn the balance of
trade againft the country where they refide ; and as the fale of their labours
depends uppii fafhion and caprice, not upon the real wants of life, they are
apt to be thrown out of employ, and to become a dangerous burthen on the
commonwealth. Nor is all which is fpent by individuals, gained, as fome
aflert, by the public. National wealth confiftsof the labour of the people,
added to'^the value of the materials laboured upon. Every bankruptcy,
therefore, annihilates the value of as much labour as its deficiency of pay-
ment ariiounts to; and thus the public is injured. Nor is this all ; where
private jfjxury is cheriflied as a public benefit, a national corruption of man-
ners, the moll dreadful political difeafe, will be fure to prevail, fure to re^
duce the mod flourilhing kingdom to the mod critical wcakncfs.
i
cclxxxvl PORTUGUESE ASIA,
devifed to render it the true intereft of governors, to make
that of the public their firri: care, {lability cannot be pre-
ferved. The voluntary poverty of Albuquerque and of
Nunio was nobly adapted to the high and romantic ideas
of Spanifh honour ; and without doubt had a wide effect.
But no government has a right to require fuch an example ;
and in Britifli India it would be ufclefs and abfurd, for we
have no vifionary principles, on which it could poflibly
operate. He who devotes his life to the fervice of his coun-
try, merits a reward adequate to his ftation. An eftimate
of the reward which true policy will give, may be drawn
from the fate of the Dutch fettlement at Brazil. Prince
Maurice of NafTau, the general of a Dutch Weft India
Company, expelled the Portuguefe from one half of this
rich and extenlive country. In reward of his fervice he
was appointed governor ; but his mercantile mafters earneft
for immediate gain, and ignorant of what was neceftary for
future fecurity, were offended at the grandeur in which he
lived, the number of fortrefTes which he built, and the ex-
pence of the troops which he kept. They forced him by
ill treatment to relign, and the ideas of the mere counting-
houfe were now adopted. The expence of troops and of
fortrefles was greatly reduced ; even that of the court of
juftice was retrenched ; in their commerce with their new
fubjedls, every advantage of the fordid trader was taken,
and payment was enforced with the utmoft rigour. Cent,
per cent, was now divided in Holland, and all was happy
in the idea of the Burgo-mafters, the Lords of this colony ;
when
PORTUGUESE ASIA. cclxxxvii
when the Portuguefe, invited by the defencelefs condition,
and joined by the difcontented fubjedls of the Dutch, over-
whelmed them with ruin. Though the States now inte-
refted themfelves vigoroufly, all the great expence of their
armaments was loll. Brazil was recovered by the Portu-
guefe, and this Dutch Weft India Company was utterly
extinguifhed.
Nor can we clofe our obfervations without one more.
Nunio acquired an extenfive territory in India. Haraflcd
by the horrible wars of their native princes, the regions
around Goa implored the Portuguefe to take them under
proteftion. And, fafe and happy, while all around was
fteeped in blood, the territory under the dominion of
Nunio was the envy and wonder of India. Taught by this
example, every humane breaft muft warm on the view of
the happinefs which the Britifli India Company may dif*
fufe over the Eaft ; a happinefs which the Britifla f are
peculiarly enabled to beftow. Befides the many inftances
of
f The form of the government, and the national chara(fter of the Biitifh,
peculiarly enable them to diffufe the hieflings which flow from the true
fpirit of commerce. The Dutch have a penurioufnefs in their manners,
and a palpable fclfifhnefs in their laws, ill relifhed by the neighbouis of
their fcttlemtnts. They wanta mixture of the blood of gentlemen ; or, to
drop the metaphor, they want that liberal turn of idea and fentiment which
arifes from the intercourfe and converfation of the merchant, with the man
of property, educated in independence. India, perhaps the mod fertile
country in the world, has fuffered more by famine than any other. ' For
the thoufands who have died of liunger in other countries, India has buried
millions of her funs, who have tluis perilhed. Amazingly populous, the
failure
cclxxxvui PORTUGUESE ASIA,
of Portuguefe tyranny and mifcondudl already enumerated,
there was a defeat in their government, which muft ever
prove fatal to a commercial empire. All the flupendous
fabrics of Portuguefe colonization were only founded on
the fands, on the quick-fands of human caprice and arbi-
trary power. They governed by no certain fyftem of laws.
Their governors carried to India the image of the court of
Lifbon ; and againft the will of the ruler there was no ap-
peal to fupreme civil power. Confidence in the high juftice
of a Nunio may give nations habituated to oppreffion a tem-
porary fpirit of induftry ; but temporary it muft be, as a
hafty journey made in the uncertain intervals of a tempeft.
The cheerful vigour of commerce can only be uniform and
continued, where the merchant is confcious of protedlion,
on his appeal to known laws of fupreme authority. On the
firm bafis of her laws, the colonies of Great Britain have
wonderfully profpered, for fhe gave them an image of her
own conftitution. And even where the government of
the natives cannot be new modelled, an eafy appeal to the
fupremacy of civil laws, muft place commerce uf>on the
fureft foundation. It is not the fpirit of Gothic conqueft ;
it is not the little cunning finelle of embroiling the Indian
princes among themfelves -, of cajoling one, and winning
another ; it is not the groveling arts of intrigue, often em-
barrafled.
failure of a crop of rice is here dreadful. It is the true fpirit of commerce
to prevent famine, by bringing provifion from one country to another.
And may this true ipirit of it be exerted by the Britifh in India !
PORTUGUESE ASIA. ccxxxix
barrafled, always fliiftlng, which can give lafting fecurity.
An effential decifive predominancy of the juftice of laws
like the Britifh, can alone fee u re the profperity of the moft
powerful commercial fyftem, or render its exiflence ad-
vantageous or even safe to the feat of Empire.
THE
THE
LIFE OF LUIS DE CAMOENS.
W HEN the glory of the arms of Portugal had reach-
ed its meridian fplendor, Nature, as if in pity of the
literary rudenefs of that nation, produced one great
Poet, to record the numberlefs adlions of high fpirit per-
formed by his countrymen. Except Oforius, the hiftorians
of Portugal are little better than dry journalifts. But it is
not their inelegance which rendered the poet neceffary.
It is the peculiar nature of poetry to give a colouring to
heroic a(5tions, and to exprefs an indignation againft the
breaches of honour, in a fpirit which at once feizes the
heart of the man of feeling, and carries with it an inftanta-
neous convidlion. The brilliant adlions of the Portuguefe
form the great hinge which opened the door to the moft
important alteration in the civil hiftory of mankind. And
to place thefe adlions in the light and enthufiafin of poetry,
that
ccxci THE LIFE OF CAMOENS.
that enthufiafin which particularly aflimilates the youthful
breaft to its own fires, was Luis de Camoens, the poet of
Portugal, born.
DifFerent cities claimed the honour of his birth. But,
according to N. Antonio, and Manuel Correa his intimate
friend, this event happened at Lifbon, in 15 17. His fa-
mily was of confiderable note, and originally Spanifh. In
1370, Vafco Perez de Caamans, difgufted at the court of
Caftile, fled to that of Lifbon, where king Ferdinand im-
mediately admitted him into his council, and gave him the
lordflaips of Sardoal, Punnete, Marano, Amendo, and
other confiderable lands j a certain proof of the eminence
of his rank and abilities. In the war for the fucceffion,
which broke out on the death of Ferdinand, Caamans,
fided with the king of Caftile, and was killed in the battle
of Aljabarrota. But though John I. the vidlor, feized a
great part of his eflate, his widow, the daughter of Gon-
falo Tereyro, grand mafter of the order of Chrift, and ge-
neral of the Portuguefe army, was not reduced beneath
her rank. She had three fons, who took the name of
Camoens. The family of the eldeft inter-married with the
firft nobility of Portugal, and even, according to Caftera,
with the blood royal. But the family of the fecond brother,
whofe fortune was flender, had the fuperior honour to pro-
duce the Author of the Lufiad.
Earlv
^
THE LIFE OF CAMOENS. ccxclii
Early in his life the misfortunes of the Poet began. In
his infancy, Simon Vaz de Camoens, his father, comman-
der of a vefTel, was fliipwrecked at Goa, where, with his
life, the greatefi: part of his fortune was loft. His mother,
however, Anne de Macedo of Santarene, provided for the
education of her fon Luis at the univerllty of Coimbra. —
What he acquired there, his works dii'cover : An intimacy
with the dailies, equal to that of a Scaliger, but direcled
by the tafte of a Milton or a Pope.
V/hen he left the univerfity, he appeared at court. He
was handfomef, had fpeaking eyes, it is faid, and the
fineft complexion. Certain it is, however, he was a polifh-
ed fcholar, which, added to the natural ardour and gay vi-
vacity of his difpolition, rendered him an accompliihed
gentleman. Courts are the fcenes of intrigue, and intrigue
was fafliionable at Lifbon. But the particulars of the amours
of Camoens reft unknown. This only appears : He had
afpired above his rank, for he was baniflied from the
court; and, in feveral of his fonnets, he afcribes this mif-
fortune to love.
VOL. I. R He
f The French Tranllator gives us fo fine a defcriptiou of the pcribn of
Cariioens, that it feems to be borrowed from the Fairy Tales. It is uni-
vetfally agreed, that he was handlbme, and had a mod engaging mien and
addrefs. He is~ thus defcribed by Nicolas Antonio, " Aiediocri jiatura fuit,
et carne plena, capiUts ufque ad croci colorem Jlavifccntibus, max'ime in juvsntuis-,
F.minehat ei frons , \S> medlus nafus, cateralon^us, et irijiiit c?-ajjiufcuius."
ccxciv THE LIFE OF CAMOENS.
He now retired to his mother's friends at Santarene
Here he renewed his ftudies, and began his' Poem on. the
Difcovery of India. John III. at this time prepared an ar-
mament againft Africa. Camoens, tired of his inactive'
obfcure life, went to Ceuta in this expedition, and greatly
diftinguiflied his valour in feveral rencounters. In a naval
engagement with the Moors, in the ftraits of Gibraltar, in
the conflict of boarding he was among the foremoft, and
lofi: his right eye. Yet neither the hurry of actual fervice,
nor the diflipation of the camp, could ftifle his genius.
He continued his Lufjadas, and feveral of his mofi: beauti-
ful fonnets were written in Africa, while, as he exprefles it.
One hand the pen, and one the fword empToy'd.
The fame of his valour had now reached the court, and
he obtained permillion to return to Lifbon. But while he
folicited an eftablifliment which he had merited in the ranks
of battle, the malignity of evil tongues, as he calls it in
one of his letters, v^'as injuriously poured upon him.
Though the bloom of his early youth was effaced by feveral
years relidence under the fcorching heavens of Africa, and
though altered by the lofs of an eye, his prefence gave unea-
fmefs to the gentlemen of fome families of the firfl rank,
where he had formerly vifited. Jealoufy is the charadle-'
riftic of the Spanifh and Portuguefe ; its refentment knows
no bounds : and Camoens now found it prudent to banifh
himfelfl
THE LIFE OF CAMOENS. ccxcv
hmifelf from his native country. Accordingly in 1553,
he failed for India, with a refolution never to return. As
the fliip left the Tagus, he exclaimed, in the words of the
fepulchral monument of Scipio Africanus, Ingrata pairwy
mn pojjtdebis ojfa mea ! Ungrateful country, thou fhalt not
poflefs my bones ! but he knew not what evils in the Eafl
tvould awake the remembrance of his native fields.
When Camoens arrived in India, an expedition was
ready to fail to revenge the king of Cochin on the king of
Pimenta. Without any reft on fhore after his long voyage,
he joined this armament, and in the conqueft of the Ala-
gada iflands, difplayed his ufual bravery. But his modef-
ty, perhaps, is his greateft praife. In a fonnet he menti-
ons this expedition: We went to punifli the king of Pi-
menta, fays he, e fuccedeones bein^ and ive fucceeded ivell.
When it is confidered that the Poet bore no inconfiderable
fliare In the viiTtory, no ode can conclude more elegantly,
more happily than this.
In the year following, he attended Manuel de Vafcon-
cello in an expedition to the Red Sea. Here, fays Faria,
as Camoens had noufe for his Avord, he employed his pen.
Nor was his activity confined in the fleet or camp. He vi-
fited Mount Felix, and the adjacent inhofpitable regions of
Africa, which he fo ftrongly pictures in the Lufiad, and
in one of his little pieces, where he laments the abfence of
his miftrefs.
R 2 When
ccxcvi THE LIFE OF CAMOENS.
When he returned to Goa, he enjoyed a tranquillity
wliich enabled him to beflovvhis attention on his Epic Poem.
But this ferenity was interrupted, perhaps by his own im-
prudence. He wrote fome fatires which gave offence, and,
by order of the viceroy, Francifco Barreto, he was banifhed
to China.
Men of poor abilities are more confcious of their em-
barraffment and errors than is commonly believed. When
men of this kind are in power, they affecl great folemnity ;
and every expreffion of the moft diftant tendency to leflen
their dignity, is held as the greateft of crimes. Confcious
alfo how feverely the man of genius can hurt their intereft,
they bear an inftinclive antipathy againft him, are uneafy
even in his company, and, on the flighteft pretence, are
happy to drive him fr om them. Camoens was thus fituat-
ed at Goa 5 and never was there a fairer field for fatires
than the rulers of India at this time afforded. Yet,
whatever efteem the prudence of Camoens may lofe in our
idea, the noblenefs of his difpofition will doubly gain. Andp
fo confcious was he of his real integrity and innocence,
that in one of his fonnets he wifhes no other revenge on
Barreto, than that the cruelty of his exile fliould ever be
remembered f.
The
f Calkra, who always contlemns Camoens, as if guilty of facrilege,
wlicn the flighted reproach of a grandee appears, tells us, " that pofterity
" by no means enters into the refcntment of our poet ; and that the Por-
" tuguefe hiftorians make glorious mention of Barreto, who was a man of
" true merit." The Poriiiguefehiftorians, however, knew not what ti-ue
merit
THE LIFE OF CAMOENS. ccxcvU
The accomplifhments and manners of Camoens foon
found him friends, though under the dlfgrace of banifli-
ment. He was appointed commiflary of th^eftates of the
Defundl in the ifland of Macao, on the coaft of China.
Here he continued his Lufiad ; and here alfo, after five
years refidence, he acquired a fortune, though fmall, yet
equal to his wifhes. Don Conftantine de Braganza was
now viceroy of India, and Camoens, defirous to return to
Goa, refigned his charge. In a fliip, freighted by himfelf,
he fet fail, but was fhipwrecked in the gulph near the
mouth of the river Mecon, in Cochin-China. All he liad
acquired was loft in the waves : his poems, which he held
in one hand, while he laved himfelf with the other, were
all he found himfelf poflefled of, when he flood friendlefs
pn the unknown Ihore. But the natives gave him a moft
merit was. The brutal uncommercial wars of Sampayo are by them
mentioned as much more glorious than the lefs bloody campaigns of a
Nunio, which eftablifhed commerce and empire. But the aftionsof Barreto
Ihall be called to witnefs for Camoens.
We have already feen his ruinous treaty with Meale Can, which ended
in the dilgrace of the Portuguefe arms. The king of Cinde defired Bar-
reto's afnftance to crudia neighbouring prince, who had invaded his domi-
nions. Barreto went himfelf to relieve him ; but having difagreed about
the reward he required, (for the king had made peace with his enemy) he
burned Tata, the royal city, killed above Sooc of the people he came to
prote(ft ; for eight days he deftroyed every thing on the banks of the Indus,
and loaded his veflels, fays Faria, with the richeft booty hitherto taken m
India. The war with Hydal Can, kindled by Barreto's treachery, continu-
ed. The city of Dabul was deftroyed by the viceroy, who, foon after, at
the head of 17,000 men, defeated Hydal Can's army of 20,000. Horrid de-
folation followed thefe vitflories, and Hydal Can continued the implacable
enemy of Portugal v/hile he lived. Such was Barreto, the man who exiled
fTnn-.oens !
humane
ccxcviii THE LILE OF CAMOENS.
humane reception : this he has immortahfed in the pro-
phetic fong in the tenth Luliad f ; and in the feventh he
tells us, that here he loft the wealth which fatisfied his
wiflies :
Agora da cfperatiga ja adquiridof &c.
Now bleft with all the wealth fond hope could crave.
Soon I beheld that wealth beneath the wave
For ever loft ;
My life, like Judah's heaven-doom'd king of yore,
By miracle prolong'd
On the banks of the Mecon, he wrote his beautiful pa-
raphrafe of the pfalm, where the Jews, in the fineft ftrain
of poetry, are reprefented as hanging their harps on the
willows by the rivers of Babylon, and weeping their exile
from their native country. Here Camoens continued fome
time, till an opportunity offered to carry him to Goa. —
When he arrived at that city, Don Conftantine de Bra-
ganza, whofe charadteriftic was politenefs, admitted hinx
intp
j- Having named the Mecon :
£Pe recebera placido, e irando,
iVb Jeu regdfo o Canto, que molbado, &C.
Literally thus : " On his gentle hofpitable bofom fftc hnado foetice J fliall
he receive the fong, wet from woeful unhappy fhijjwreck, efcaped from de-
llroying tempefts, from ravenous dangers, the efre<n of the unjuft fentencc
upon him, whofe lyre Ihall be more renowned than enriched." When
Camoens was commifiiiry, he vifited the iflands of Tcrnate, Timor, Si.^,
Uefcribcd in the Lufiad.
THE LIFE OF CAMOENS. ccxcix
into intimate friendfliip, and Camoens was happy till
Count Redondo affumed the government. Thofe who
had formerly procured the banifhment of the fatirift, were
jfilent while Conftantine was in power ; but now they exert-
ed all their arts againft him. Redondo, when he entered
on office, pretended to be the friend of Camoens •, yet,
with all that unfeeling indifference with which he planned
his moft horrible witticifm on the Zamorim, heiuffered the
innocent man to be thrown into the common prifon. Af-
ter all the delay of bringing witnelTes, Camoens, in a pub-
lic trial, fully refuted every accufation of his condu(fl, while
commiflary of Macao, and his enemies were loaded with
ignominy and reproach. But Camoens had fome creditors ;
and thefe detained him in prifon a confiderable time, till
the gentlemen of Goa began to be afliamed, that a man
of his lingular merit fliould experience fuch treatment
among them. He was fet at liberty ; and again he aiTumed
the profeffion of arms, and received the allowance of a
gentleman volunteer, a character at that time common in
Portuguefe India. Soon after, Pedro Barreto, appointed
governor of the fort at Sofala, by high promifes, allured the
poet to attend him thither. The governor of a diftant
fort, in a barbarous country, fhares, in fome meafure,
the fate of an exile. Yet, though the only motive of Bar-
j-eto was, in this unpleafant fituation, to retain the con-
verfation of Camoens at his table, it was his leaft care to
render the life of his gueft agreeable. Chagrined with
his
ccc THE LIFE OF CAMOENS.
his trer4tment, and a confiderable time having elapfed in
vain dependence upon Barreto, Camoens refolved to re-
turn to his native country. A fhip, on the homeward
voyage, at this time touched at Sofida, and feveral gentle-
men § who were on board, were defirous that Camoens
fliould accompany them. But this the governor ungene-
roufly endeavoured to prevent, and charged him with a
debt for board. Anthony de Cabral, liowever, and Hec-
tor de Sylveyra, paid the demand ; and Camoens, fays
Faria, and the honour of Barreto, were fold together.
After an abfence of fixteen years, Camoens, in ^^6^,
returned to Li(bon, unhappy even in his arrival, for the
peftilence then raged in that city, and prevented his publi-
cation for three years. At laft, in 1572, he printed his
liufirtd, which, in the opening of the firft book, in a moft
elegant turn of compliment, he addrefTed to his prince,
king Sebaftian, then in his eighteenth year. The king,
fays the French tranflator, was fo pleafed with his merit,
that he gave the Author a penfion of 4000 reals, on condi-
tion that he fliould refide at court. But this falary, fays
the fame writer, was withdrawn by cardinal Henry, who
fucceeded to the crown of Portugal, loft by Sebaftian at tlie
battle of Alcazar.
But
5 According to the Portuguefe Life of Camoens, prefixed to Gedron's,
the bed edition of his woiks, Diego de Couto, the hiflorian, one of the
company in this Fiomcward voyage, wrote annotations upon the Lufiad,
imdcrtlic eye of its author. But thefc unhappily have never appeared in
public.
THE LIFE OF CAMOENS. ccci
But this ftory of the penfion is very doubtful. Correa,
and other cotemporary authors, do not mention it, though
fome late writers have given credit to it. If Camoens,
however, had a penfion, it is highly probable that Henry
deprived him of it. While Sebaftian was devoted to the
chace, his grand uncle, the cardinal, preflded at the coun-
cil board, and Camoens, in his addrefs to the king,
which clofes the Lufiad, advifes him to exclude the clergy
from ftate affairs. It was eafy to fee that the cardinal was
here intended. And Henry, befides, was one of thofe
ftatefmen who can perceive no benefit refulting to the pub-
lic from elegant literature. But it ought alfo to be added
in completion of his character, that under the narrow views
and weak hands of this Henry, the kingdom of Portugal
fell into utter ruin ; and on his death, which clofed a fhort
inglorious reign, the crown of Lifbon, after a faint ftrug-
gle, was annexed to that of Madrid. Such was the dege-
neracy of the Portuguefe, a degeneracy lamented in vain
by Camoens, and whofe obfervation of it was imputed to
him as a crime.
Though the great :|: patron of one fpecies of literature,
a rpecies the reverfe of that of Camoens, certain, it is that
the
i Cardinal Henry's patronage of learning and learned men is mentioned
with cordial efteem by the Portuguefe wrjttis. Happily they alio tell us
what that learning was. It was to him the Romifh Friars of the Eaft
tranfmitted their childifli forgeries of infcriptions ar^ miracles (for fame of
•which, fee the note on p. 473. >l. He correfponded with them, directed their
bbours, and received the Cui\. accounts of their fuccefs. Under his .patro-
nage
cccii THE I.IFE OF CAMOENS.
the author of the Lufiad was utterly neglefted by Henry,
under whofe inglorious reign he died in all the mifery
of poverty. By feme it is faid he died in an alms-
houfe. It appears, however, that he had not even the
certainty of fubfiftence which thefe houfes provide. He
had a black fervant, who had grown old with him, and
who had long experienced his mafter's humanity. This
grateful
nage it was difcovered, that St. Thomas ordered the Indians to woifhip the
(Jrofs; and that the Moorifli tradition of Perimal, (who, having embraced
JMohammedifm, divided his kingdom among his officers, whom he rendered
tributary to the Zamorim,) was a malicious mifreprefentation ; for that
Perimal, having turned Chriflian, refigned his kingdom, and became a monk.
Such was the learning patronifed by Henry, who was alio a zealous patron
of the inquilition at Lilbon, and the founder of the iiiquilition at Goa, to
wliich place he fent a whole apparatus of holy fathers to fupprefs the Jews
and reduce the native Chriflian* to the See of Rome. Nor muft the treat-
ment experienced by Buchanan at Lifbon be here omitted, as it afTords a
convincing proof, that the fine genius of Camoens was the true fource of
his misfortunes. John III. earned to promote the cultivation of polite
literature among his fubjc£Vs, engaged Buchanan, the moll elegant Latinift,
perhaps, of modern times, to teach philofophy and the belles Uttres at Lif-
bon. But the defign of the monarch was foon fruflrated by the cardinal
Henry and the clergy. Buchanan was committed to prifon, becaufe it
^vas alledged he had eaten flefh in Lent ; and becaufe, in his early youth,
at St. Andrew's in Scotland, he had written a fatire againft the Francifcans ;
for which, however, ere he would venture to Lifbon, John had promifed
him abfolute indemnity. John, with much difficulty, procured his releafe
from a loathfome jail, but could not efTefthis refloration as a teacher. He
could only change his prifon ; for Buchanan was fent to a monaflery, to be
injlruclci by the monk!, the men of letteis patronifed by Henry. Thefe arc
thus characterifed by their pupil Buchanan,— /;<?;: inhumanis, nee malis,fed omnis
religionis ignaris. " Not uncivilized, not flagitious, but ignorant of every
religion." A fatyrical negative compliment, followed by a charge of grofs
barbarifm. In this confinement, Buchanan wrote his elegant verfion of
the pfalms. Camoens, about the fame time, failed for India. The blcfied
efre(fts of the fpirit which perfecuted fuch men, arc well exprcfTed in the
proverb, A Spaniard, Jiript of all bis virtues, makes a good Portuguefe.
THE LIFE OF CAMOENS. ccciii
grateful Indian, a native of Java, w^ho, according to fome
writers, faved his mailer's life in the unhappy fhipwreck
where he loft his effects, begged In the ftreets of Lifbon
for the only man in Portugal on whom God had beftowed
thofe talents, which have a tendency to ere£t the fpirit of
a downward age. To the eye of a careful obferver, the fate
of Camoens throws great light on that of his country, and
will appear ftridtly connedled with it. The fame ignorance,
the fame degenerated fpirit, which fufFered Camoens to
depend on his fhare of the alms begged in the ftreets by his
old hoary fervant, the fame fpirit which caufed this, funk
the kingdom of Portugal into the moft abject vafTalage ever
experienced by a conquered nation. While the grandees of
Portugal were blind to the ruin which impended over them,
Camoens beheld It with a pungency of grief which haf-
tencd his exit. In one of his letters he has thefe remarkable
words, ** Em Jim accaberey a vidoy e verram todos que ftiy
afeicoada a minhsL patriay &c." " I am ending the courfe of
my life, the world will witnefs how I have loved my coun-
try. I have returned, not only to die in her bofom, but
to die with her." In another letter, written a little before
his death, he thus, yet with dignity, complains : " Who has
feen, on fo fmall a theatre as my poor bed, fuch a reprefen-
tlon of the difappointments of fortune ? And I, as If
fhe could not herfelf fubdue me, I have yielded and be-
come of her party -, for it were wild audacity to hope to
furmount fuch accumulated evils."
In
ccciv THE LIFE OF CAMOENS.
In this unhappy fituation, in 1579, in his fixty-lecond
year, the year after the fatal defeat of Don Sebaftian, died
Luis de Camoens, the greateft literary genius ever produ-
ced by Portugal ; in martial courage, and fpirit of honour,
nothing inferior to her greateft heroes. And in a manner
fuitable to the poverty in which he died was he buried.
Soon after, however, many epitaphs honoured his memo-
ry ; the greatnefs of his merit was univerfally confefTed,
and his Lufiad was tranflated into various languages*. Nor
ought it to be omitted, that the man fo miferably neglect-
ed by the weak king Kenry, was earneftly enquired after
by Philip of Spain, when he afTumed the crown of Lifbon.
When Philip heard that Camoens was dead, both his words
and his countenance expreffed his difappointment and grief.
From the whole tenor of his life, and from that fpirit
which glows throughout the Lullad, it evidently appears
that the courage and manners of Camoens flowed from
true greatnefs and dignity of foul. Tho' his polifhed con-
verfation
Accordiiig to Gedroii, a fecond edition of the Lufiad appeared in tht
iamu year with the firft. There are two Italian and four Spanirti tranflati-
ons of it. An hundred years before Caftera's verfion, it appeared in
French. Thomas de Faria, bifiiop of Targa in Africa, tranflated it into
Latin, and piinted it without cither his own or the name of Camoens : a
mean, but vain, attempt to pafshis verfion upon tlie public as an original.
T.e P. Niccron fays, there were two otlier Latin tranflations. It is tranf-
lated alfo into Hebrew, with great elegance and fpirit, by one Luzzetto, a
learned and ingenious Jew, author of feveral poems in that language, aad
who, about thirty years ago, died in the Holy Land.
THE LIFE OF CAMOENS. cccv
verfation :{: was often, courted by the great, he appears Co
diftant from fervility, that his imprudence in this refpciSV
is by feme highly blamed. Yet the inftances of it by no
means deferve that feverity of cenfure with which fome
writers have condemned him. Unconfcious of the feelings
of a Camoens, they knew not that a carelefTnefs in fecuring
the fmiles of fortune, and an open honefty of indignation,
are almoft infeparable from the enthufiafm of fine imagi-
nation. The truth is, the man pofleffed of true genius
feels his greateft happinefs in the purfuits and excurfions
of the mind, and therefore makes an eftimate of things
very different from that of him v/hofe unremitting atten-
tion is devoted to his external intereft. The profufion of
Camoens is alfo cenfured. Had he diffipated the wealth
he acquired at Macao, his profufion indeed had been cri-
minal ; but it does not appear that he ever enjoyed any
other opportunity of acquiring independence. But Ca-
moens
Camoens has not efcaped the fate of other eminent wits. Tlieir igno-
Tant admirers contrive anecdotes of their humour, which in reahty difgrace
them. Camoens, it is faid, one day heard a potter finging forae of his
verfes in a miferable mangled manner, and by way of retaliation, broke a
parcel of his earthen ware. " Friend, faid he, you deftroy my verfes, and I
deftroy your goods." The fame foolilh flory is told of Ariofto; nay, we
are even informed, that Rinaldo's fpeech tohishorfe, in the firft book,
Ferma Baiardo mio, &c.
was the padage miftuned ; the injured poet replied, " I have only broken a
'few bafe pots of thine, not worth a groat; but thou haft murdered a fine
" ftanza of mine, worth a mark of gold." But both thefe (illy tales are
borrowed f.iom Plutarch's life of Arcefdaus, where the fame dull humour is
told of Philoxenus. " He heard fome brickmakers miftune one of his fbnijs,
" and i.i return he dcftroyed a number of their bricks."
cccvi THE LIFE OF CAMOENS.
moens was unfortunate, and the unfortunate man is viewed
through the dim fhade his fate cafts o'er him :
A fhade that fpreads its evening darknefs o'er
His brighteft virtues, while it fhevvs liis foibles
Crowding and obvious as the mignight ftars,
"Which in the funfhine of profperity
Never had been defcried
Yet, after the ftricleft difcuffion, when all the caufes arc
weighed together, the misfortunes of Camoens will appear
the fault and difgrace of his age and country, and not of
the man. His talents would have fecured him an apart-
ment in the palace of Auguftus, but fuch talents are a curfe
to their poflefTor in an illiterate nation. In a beautiful di-
greffive exclamation, at the end of the fifth Lufiad, he
gives us a fir iking view of the negle£t which he experienc-
ed. Having mentioned how the greatefl heroes of anti-
quity revered and cherifhed the Mufe, he thus charafteri-
fes the nobility of his own age and country :
Alas ! on Tago's haplefs fliores alone
The Mufe is flighted, and her charms unknown.
For this, no Virgil here attunes the lyre.
No Homer here awakes the hero's fire.
Unheard, in vain their native poet fings.
And cold ncgle<St weighs down the Mufe's wings.
And
THE LIFE OF CAMOENS. cccvii
And what particularly feems to have touched him
Even he whofe veins the blood of Gama warms *
Walks by, unconfcious of the Mufe's charms :
For
• The political evils impending over his countr)', which Camoens almoft
alone forefaw, gave not, in their fulfilment, a ftronger proof of his fuperior
abilities, than his prophecy of Don Francifco de Gama —
Nem as Filhas do Tejo, que deixajfcm
As tellas douro jino, e que o cantajfem.
No Nymph of Tagus Jball have her golden embroidered -web, and fing of hint'—'
affords of his knowledge of men. Camoens was fuperior to a mean refent-
ment ; he moft undoubtedly perceived that ignorance, unmanly arrogance,
and infignificance of abilities, which i8, and 38 years after his death, dif-
graced the two viceroyalties of his hero's grandfon. Juflice to the memory
of Camoens, and even to the caufe of polite literature itfelf, requires fome
Ihort account of this nobleman, who appears to have treated our author
with the moft mortifying negleft. He was named Don Francifco de Gama,
Count de Vidigueyra. Fadls will beft give his charafter : He had not one idea,
thatthe elegant writer who immortalized his anceflor had the lead title to
his countenance. Several years after the death of Camoens, he was made
viceroy of India, by the king of Spain. Here he carried himfelf with fuch
flate, fays Faria, that he was hated by all men. When he entered upon his
governmert, he beftowed every place in his gift upon his parafites, who
publicly fold them to the beft bidders. And though Cunnale, the pirate,
who had difgracefully defeated Don Luis de Gama, the viceroy's brother,
had furrendercd upon the fole condition of life, to the brave Furtado, Cun-
nale, his nephew Cinale, and 40 Moors of rank, were brought to Goa. But
the Moors were no fooner landed, than the lawlefs rabble tore them in
pieces, and Cunnale and his nephew were publickly beheaded, by order of
the viceroy. And thus, fays Faria, government and the rabble went hand
in hand in murder and the breach of faith. Over the principal gate of
Goa flood a marble flatue of Vafco de Gama. This, in hatred of the grand-
fon, the enraged inhabitants broke down, in the rfight, and in the morn-
ing the quarters were found gibbeted in the moft public parts of the city.
And thus the man who defpifed the wreath with which Camoens crowned
his grandfather, brought that grandfather's effigies to the dcepeft infult
which can be offered to the memory of the deceafed. Nor were his own
effigies happier. On his recall to Europe, the firft object that ftruck him.
cccviii THE LIFE OF CAMOENS.
Eor him no Mufe fliall leave her golden loom,
No palm fliall blofTom, and no wreath fliall bloom.
Yet fhall my labours and my cares be paid
By fame immortal
In fuch an age, and among fuch barbarous nobility, what
but wretched neglecl could be the fate of a Camoens ! After
all, however, if he was imprudent on his firfl appearance
at the court of John III. if the honefly of his indignation
led him into great imprudence, as certainly it did, when at
Goa he fatirifed the viceroy and the firfl Goths in power ;
yet let it alfo be remembered, that " The gifts of imagina-
" tion bring the heavieft taflc upon the vigilance of reafon ;
" and to bear thofe faculties with unerring rectitude or in-
** variable propriety, requires a degree of firmnefs and of
** cool attention, which doth not always attend the higher
" gifts of the mind. Yet difficult as nature herfelf feenis
** to have rendered the tafk of regularity to genius, it is the
*' fupreme confolation of dulnefs and of folly to point with
" Gothic triumph to thofe excefTes which are the overflow-
" ings
when he went on board the fliip appointed to carry him, was a figure hang-
ing by the neck at the yard arm, exa^ly like himfelt' in feature and habit.
He a(ked what it meant ; and was rcfolutcly aufwered, // reprefcnls You,
and thcfi are the men ivho hung it up. Nor muft another inlult be omitted.
After being a few days at fea, he was necenitated to return to the port from
whence he had failed, for Frefli provifions, for all his live-ftock, it was found,
was poifoned. After his return to Europe, he ufed all his intered to be
reinflated in India, which, in his old days, after twenty years folicitation
at the court of Madrid, he at laft obtained. His fecond government, is
wrapped in much obfcurity, and is diHinguifhed by no important aftiuu or
event.
THE LIFE OF CAMOENS. ccclx
^« ings of faculties they never enjoyed. Perfectly uncon-
** fcious that they are indebted to their ftupidity for the con-
" fiftency of their condudt, they plume themfelves on an
" imaginary virtue, which has its origin in what is really
** their difgrace. — Let fuch, if fuch dare approach the
*' flirine of Camoens, withdraw to a refpe^lful diftance ; and
*' fliould they behold the ruins of genius, or the weaknefs
** of an exalted mind, let them be taught to lament, that
<' nature has left the nobleft of her works imperfeil ||."
And Poetry is not only the nobleft, but alfo not the Icaft
ufeful, if civilization of manners be of advantage to man-
kind. No moral truth may be more certainly demonftrated,
than that a Virgil or a Milton are not only the firft orna-
ments of a ilate, but alfo of the firft confequence, if the
laft refinement of the mental powers be of importance.
Strange as this might appear to a J Burleigh or a Locke,
VOL. I. S it
ll This paflage in inverted commas is cited, with the ahcration of the
name only, from Dr. Langhorne's account of the life of William Collins.
I Burleigh, though an able politician, and deep in ftate intrigue, had no
idea, that to introduce polite literature into the vernacular tongue, was of
any benefit to a nation ; though 4aer vernacular literature was the glory of
Rome when at the height of empire, and though empire fell with its declen-
fion. Spenfer,the man who greatly conduced to refine the Englifh Mufes,
was by Burleigh efleemed a ballad-maker, unworthy of regard. Yet the
Englirti polite literature, fo greatly indebted to Spenfer, is atthisday, in the
efteem which it commands abroad, of more real fcrvice to England, than all
the reputation or intrigues of Burleigh. And ten thoufand Burleighs, ac-
cording to Sir W. Temple, are born for one Spenfer. Ten thoufand are
born, fays Sir William, with abilities requifite to form a great Statefman,
for one who is l)orn with the talents or genius of a great Poet. Locke's
idca6
cccx THE LIFE OF CAMOENS.
it is philofophically accounted for by Bacon ; nor Ts
Locke's opinion either inexplicable or irrefutable. The
great
i<Jeas of poetry are accounted for in one fhort fentence : He knew nc^-
THING ABOUT TBE MATTER. An cxtruft ffom his corrcfpondence with
Mr. Molyneux, and a citation from one of his treatifes, fiiall demonftrate
the truth of thisaflertiin.
Molyneux writes to Locke :
" Mr. Churc'.nll favoured me with the prefent of Sir R. Blackmore's K?.
Arthur. I had read Pr. Arthur before, and read it with admiration, which
it not at all lellened by this fecond piece. All our Englijb poets (except Mil-
ton) have been mere halhid-mahers in compartfon to him. Uj)on the publication
of his firft poem, I intimated to him, through Mr. Churchill's hands, how
excellently I thought he might perform a philofophic poem, from many-
touches he gave in his Pr. Arthur, particularly from Mopas's fong. And
I perceive by his preface to K. Arthur he has had the like intimations from
others, but rejeifts thtm, as being an enemy to all philofophic hypothefcs."
Mr. l,ocke anfwers :
" 1 Ihall, when I fee Sir R. Blackmore, difcourfe him as you defire.'
There is, I with pleafure find, a ftrange harmony throughout, between
your thoughts and mine."
Molyneux replies :
" I perceive you are fo happy as to be acquainted with Sir Rich, Black-
more; he is an extraordinary perfon, and I admire his two prefaces as
much as I do any parts of his books : The firft, wherein he expoles " the
licentioufnefs and immorality of our late poetry," is incomparable; and
the fecond, wherein ht profecutes the fame fubjeift, and delivers his thoughts
Concerning hypothefcs, is no lefs judicious; and I am wholly of his opinion
relating to the latter. However, the hiftory and phinomena of nature wc
may venture at ; and this is what I propofe to be the fubjecft of a philofo-
phic poem. SirR. Blackmore has exquifite touches of this kind, difperfcd
in many places of his books; (to pafs over Mopas's fong) I'll inflance one
particular in the moft profound fpeculations of Mr. Newton's philofophy,
ihus curioufly touched in King Arthur, Book IX. p. 243,
Th-
THE LIFE OF GAMOENS. c-ccxi
great genius of Ariftotle, and that of his great rcfemblcr.
Sir Francis Bacon, faw deeper into the true fpirit of poe-
S 2 try
The conftellatlons fhine at his command.
He form'd their radiant orbs, and with his hand
He weigh'd, and put them oif with fuch a force
As might preferve an everlaftiug couife *.
" I doubt not but Sir R. Blackmore, in thefe lines, had a regard to the
proportionment of the projeftive motion of the -vis centrifeta, that keeps
the planets in their continued courfes,
" I have by me fome obfervations, made by a judicious friend of mine,
on both of Sir R. Blackmore's poems. If they may be any ways acceptable
to Sir R. I (hall fend them to you."
Air. Locke again replies :
" Though Sir R. B.'s vein in poetry be what every body muft allow him
to have an extraordinary talent in ; and though, with you, I exceedingly
valued his firft preface, yet I mull own to you, there was nothing that I (o
much admired him for, as for what he fays of hypothefes in his lalt. It
feems to me fo right, and is yet fo much out of the way of the ordinary
writers, and pra£titioners in that faculty, that it fhews as great a ftrength
and penetration of judgment as his poetry has Jheiim Jlights of fancy."
As the beft comment on this, let an extrad from Locke'sEflay on Edu-
cation fully explain his ideas.
" If he have a poetic vein, 'tis to me the ftrangeft thing in the world that
the father fhould defire or fuffer it to be chcrifhed or improved. Methinks
the parents fhould labour to have it flifled and fuppreffed as much as may be ;
and I know not what reafon a father can have to wifh his fon a poet, who
does not defire to have him bid defiance to all other callings or bufinefs ;
which is not yet the worft of the cafe ; for if he proves a fuccefsful rhymer,
and gets once the reputation of a wit, I defire it may be confidered, what
company and places he is like to fpend his time in, nay, and eftate too ; for
it is very feldom feen that any one difcovers mines of gold or filver in Par-
nalTus. 'Tis a pleafant air, but barren foil, and there are very fewinrtan-
ces of thofe who have added to their patrimony by any thing they have
reaped
* Thefe lines, however, are a dull wretched paraphrafe of fome parts ox
the Pfalms.
cccxii THE LIFE OF CAMOENS.
try and the human afFedlions than a Burleigh. In anci-
cient Greece, the works of Homer were called the leflbn-
or
reaped from thence. Poetry and Gaming, which ufually go together, arc
alike in this too, that they feldom bring any advantage but tothofe who
have nothing elfe to live on. Men of eftates almoft conftantly go away lo-
fers ; and 'tis well if they cfcape at a cheaper rate, than their whole eftates,
or the grcated part of them. If therefore you would not have your fon the
fiddle to every jovial company, without whom the fparks could not relifh
their wine, nor know how to fpend an afternoon idly ; if you would not
have him wafle his time and eflate to divert others, and contemn the dirty
acres left him by hisanceftors, i do not think you will much care he fhould
be a poet."
This ignorance of poetry is even worfe than the Dutch idea of it. But
this, and his opinion of Blackmore, fully prove, that Locke, however
great in other refpecls, knew no difference between a Shakefpeare, that
^inequalled philofopher of the padions, and the duUell Grub-ftreet plodder;
betsvecn a IVTlton and the tavern rhymers of the days of the fecond Char-
les. But Milton's knowledge of the affe^onsdifcovered in the cultivation
of the Mufes an ufe of the firrt importance. A tafte formed by the great
poetry, he efteems as the ultimate refinement of the underfianding. " This-
^fays he, in his Traftate on the Education of Youth) would make them
foon perceive, what defpicable creatures our common rhymers and play
writers be ; and fhew them what religious, what glorious and magnificent ufe
might be made of poetry, both in divine and human things. From hence,-
and not till now, will be the right feafon of forming them to be able writers
and compofers in every excellent matter. . . whether they be to fpeak in
parliament or council, honour and attention would be waiting on their lips.
There would then alfo appear in pulpits other vifages, other geflures, and
ftufl'otherwife wrought, than what we now fit under." Milton evidently
alludes to the general dulnefs of the furious fe^aries of his own time.
The furious bigots of every feft have been as remarkable for their inelegance
as for their rage. And tlie cultivation of polite literature has ever been
found tlie bcft preventive of gloomy enthufiafm, and religious intolerance.
In Milton, and every great poet, the poet and fublime philofopher are uni-
ted, thougli Milton was perhaps the only man of his age, who perceived
this union or famenefs of chara(f\er. Lord Clarendon feems to have confi-
dered poetry merely as puerile fing-fong. Waller, he fays, addiOed him-
ff If to poetry at thirty, the time when others leave it off. Nor was Char--
THE LIFE OF CAMOENS. cccxiii
or phllofophy of kings ; and Bacon defcribes the effecfls of
poetry in the moft exalted terms. What is deficient of
perfection in hiftory and nature, poetry fupplies j it thus
:re£ls the mind, and confers magnanimity, morahty, and
delight ; " and therefore, fays he, it was ever thought to
tiave fome participation of divinenefs J." The love of po-
etry
cs T. lefs unhappy in his eftimate of it. In the dedication of Sir Joha
Denham's works to Charles II. we have this remarkable palTage : " One
' irjorning, waiting upon him (Charles I.) at Caujham, fmiling upon me,
■ he faiJ he could tell me fome news of myfelf, which was that he had feen
' fome verfes of mine the evening before, and alking me when I made
' them, I told him two or three years fince ; he was pleafed to fay, that
' having never feen them before, he was afraidWviA written them fmce my
' return into England, and though he liked them well, he would advife mc
' to write no more, alleging, that when men are young, and have little elfe
■ to do, they might vent the o\ erflowings of their fancy that way ; but when
' they were thought fit for moteferious employments, if they flill perfift-
' ed in that courfe, it would look as if they minded not the way to any
' better." Yet this monarch, who could perceive nothing but idle puerility
n poetry, was the zealous patron of archite<fture, fculptuie, and painting;
nd his favourite, the duke of Buckingham, laid out the enormous fum of
fOO,oool. on paintings and curiofities. But had Charles's bounty given a
ihakefpeare or a Milton to the public, he would have done his kingdoms
nfinitely more fervice than if he had imi)orted into England all the pic-
ures and all the antiques in the worldo
The reader w ho is dcfirous to fee a philofophical chara<fter of the naturaL
nd acquired qualifications necefiary to form a great poet, will find it deli-
eated, in a mafteriy manner, in Raflelas, prince of Abyffinia, an Eaftern
ale,; by Dr. Johnfon.
\ His high idea of poetry is thus philofophically cy: plained by the great
aeon :
" So likewife I finde, fome particular writings of an elegant nature, touch-
ng fome of the afre(ftions, as of anger, of comfort, upon advcrfe accidents, of
endernefie of countenance, and other. But the poets and writers of hifto-
ies are the bed doftors of this knowledge ; where v.e find painted forth
vith the life, how aife£lions are kindled and incited, and how pacified and
rtftrained : andho.v againc contained from ail and farther degree : how
they
cccxJv THE LIFE OF CAMOENS.
etry is fo natural to the ftronger affetSlions, that the moft
barbarous nations delight in it. And ahvays it is found,
that as the rude war Tong and eulogy of the dead hero re-
fine, the manners of the age refine alfo. The hiftory of
the ftages of poetry is the philofophical hiftory of manners ;
the only hiftory in which, with certainty, we can behold
the true chara£ler of paft ages. True civilization, and a
humanifed tafte of the mental pleafures, are therefore fy-
nonimous terms. And moft certain it is, where feeling and
affection refide in the breaft, thefe muft be moft forcibly
kindled and called into aftion by the animated reprefenta-
tionsj,
they difclofe themfclves, how they worke, how they vary, how they gather
and fortify, how they are inwrapped one within another, and how they doe
^ght and encounter one wich another, and other the like particularities;
amongft the which thislaftis of fpecial ufe in moral and ci»ile matters."
Here poetry is ranked with hiftoiy ; in the following its effeft on the
paflions is preferred.
" The ufe of this fained Hiftory (Foetry) hath been to give fome fha-
dowe of fatisfaftion to the mind of man in thofc points in which nature
doth deny it ; the world being in proportion inferior to the foul ; By reafou
whereof there is agreeable to the fpirit of man a more ample greatnefle, .<.
more exaft goodnefTe, and a more abfolute variety than can be found in the
nature of things. Therefore, becaufe the events of true hiftory have not that
magnitude which fatisficth the mind of man, Pocfy fayneth a^s and events
greater and more heroicall ; becaufe true hiftory propoundeth the fuccefles
and iftues of artions not fo agreeable to the merits of virtue and vice ; there-
fore Poefy faynes them more juft in retribution, and more according to re-
vealed Providence ; becaufe true Hiftory reprefenteth actions and events
more ordinary and lefs interchanged ; therefore Poefy endueth them with
more rarenefle, and more unexpeded and alternative variations. So then
it appeareth that Poefy fer vet h and conferreth to magnanimity, morality,
and delectation; and therefore it was ever thought to have fome participation
of divinencfle, becaufe it doth raife and ered\ the mind, by fubmitting th?
fhcwcs of things to the defires of the mind ; whereas reafon doth hiunhl(
and bow the mind unto the nu'.avc of things."
THE LIFE OF CAMOENS. cccxv
tions, and living fire, of the great poetry. Nor naay Mil-
ton's evidence be rejefted, for though a poet himfelf, his
judgment is founded on nature. According to him, a
true tafte for the great poetry gives a refinement and
energy to all other ftudies, and is of the laft importance
in forming the fenator and the gentleman. That the po-
etry of Camoens merits this high charadler, in a lingular
manner, he that reads it with tafte and attention muft
own: A Diflertation on it, however, is the duty of the
Xranflator-— - — r-
DISSERTATION
DISSERTATION ON THE LUSIAD,
AND
OBSERVATIONS UPON EPIC POETRY.
V OLTAIRE, when he was in England, previous to
the publication of his Henriade, publiflied in f Englifh an
Effay on the Epic Poetry of the European nations. In this
he
f In his French editions of this Eflay, he has made various
alterations, at different times, in the article of Camoens. The
original Englifti, however, fhall be here cited, and the French
alterations attended to as they occur. Nor is it improper to pre-
mife, that fome moll curious falfities will be detected ; the grols
mifreprefentation of every objeftion refuted ; and demonftration
brought, that when Voltaire wrote his Englifh EfTay, his know-
ledge of the Lyfiad was entirely borrowed from a very flight ac-
quaintance with the bald, harfh, unpoetical verfion of Fanfhaw^
« While
cccxviii DISSERTATION,
he highly praifed and feverely attacked the Lufiad. Yet
this criticifm, though moft fuperficial and erroneous, has
been
** While Trifllno, fays Voltaire, was clearing away the rub-
bifh in Italy, which barbarity and ignorance had heaped up for
ten centuries, in the way of the arts and fciences, Camouens in
Portugal fleered a new courfe, and acquired a reputation which
lafts ftill among his countrymen, who pay as much refpe<5t to his
memory, as the Englifh to Milton.
" He was a ftrong inftance of the irrefiftible impulfe of nature,
■which determines a true genius to foiiow the bent of his talents,
in fpight of all the obftacles which would check his courfe.
" His infancy loft amidft the idlenefs and ignorance of the
court of Lifbon ; his youth fpent in romantic loves, or in the war
againft the Moors ; his long voyages at fea, in his riper years ;
his misfortunes at court, the revolutions of his country, none of
all thefe could fupprefs his genius.
" Emanuel the fecond king of Portugal, having a mind to find
a new way to the Eaft Indies by the ocean, fent Velafco de Gama
with a fleet in the year 1497, to that undertaking, which being
new, was accounted rafli and impradicable, and which of courfe
gained him a great reputation when it fucceeded.
" Camouens follow'd Velafco de Gama in that dangerous voy-
age, led by his friendfhip to him, and by a noble curiofity,
vvhich feldom fails to be the charader of men born with a great
imagination.
" He took his voyage for the fubjed of his poem ; he enjoy'ci
the fenfible pleafure, which nobody had known before him, to ce-
lebrate his friend, and the things he was an eye-witnefs of.
" He
DISSERTATION. cccxix
been generally efteemcd throughout Europe, as the true
chara^er of that Poem. The great obje(Stions upon which
he
** He wrote his Poem, part on the Atlanric Sea, and partly
on the Indian fliore. I ought not to omit, that on a {hipwreck
on the coafts of Malabar, he fwam a fhore, holding up his poem
in one hand, which otherwife had been perhaps loll for ever.
" Such a new fubjeiH:, ijianag'd by an uncommon genius, could
not but produce a fort of Epic Poetry unheard of before. There
no bloody wars are fought, no heroes wounded in a thoufand dif-
ferent ways ; no woman enticed away, and the world overturn'd
for her caufe ; no empire founded ; in fliort, nothing of what
was deem'd before the onjy fubjed of poetry.
" The Poet conduds the Portuguefc fleet to the mouth of the
Ganges, round the coafts of Afric. He takes notice in the
way, of many nations who live upon the African fhore. He
interweaves artfully the hiftory of Portugal. The fimplicity of his
fubjed, is rais'd by fome fiftions of different kinds, which 1 think
not improper to acquaint the Reader with,
" When the fleet in failing in the fight of the Cape of Good
Hope, call'd then the Cape of the Storms, a formidable fhape
appears to them, walking in the depth of the fea ; his head
reaches to the clouds, the ftorms, the winds, the thunders, and
the lightnings hang about him ; his arms are extended over the
waves. 'Tis the guardian of that foreign ocean unplow'd before
by any fhip. He complains of being oblig'd to fubmit to fate,
and to the audacious undertaking of the Portuguefe, and foretells
them all the misfortune which they muft undergo in the Indies.
I believe, that fuch a fiftion would be thought noble and proper,
?n all ages, and in all nations.
« There
cccxx DISSERTATION,
he condemns it, are, an abfurd mixture of Chriftian and
Pagan mythology, and a want of unity in the aftion and
conduct.
** There is inother, which perhaps would have pleas'd the Ita-
lians as well as the Portuguefe, but no other nation befides : It
is the inchanted ifland, call'd the Ifland of Blifs, which the fleet
finds in her way home, juft riling from the fea, for their comfort
and for their reward : Camouens defcribes that place, as Taflb
did fome years after, his ifland of Armida. There a fupernatural
power, brings in all the beauties, and prefents all the pleafures
which nature can afford, and which the heart may wilh for ; a
Goddefs enamour'd with Velafco de Gama, carries him to the
top of an high mountain, from whence fhe fhews him all the
kingdoms of the earth, and foretells the fate of Portugal.
*' After Camouens hath given loofe to his fancy, in the lafci-
yIous defcription of the pleafures which Gama and his crew en-
joy'd in the ifland, he takes care to Inform the Reader, that he
ought to underftand by this fidion, nothing but the fatisfadion
which the virtuous man feels, and the glory which accrues to him
by the pradice of virtue ; but the beft excufe for fuch an inven-
tion, is, the charming ftile in which it is deliver'd (if we be-
lieve the Portuguefe) for the beauty of the elocution makes fome-
times amends for the faults of the poets, as the colouring of Ru-
bens makes fome defeds In his figures pafs unregarded.
" There is another kind of machinery continued throughout all
the Poem, which nothing can excufe, in any country whatever ;
'tis an unjudicious mixture of the Heathen Gods with our Religi-
on. Gama in a ftorm addreffes his prayers to Chrift, but it's
Venus who comes to his relief; the heroes are chriftlans, and the
poet heathen. The main defign which the Portuguefe are fuppos'd
to have (next to promoting their trade) is to propagate Chrlftla-
nltyi
DISSERTATION. cccxxi
conduft. For the mixture of mythology, a defence fhall
beclTered, and the wild exaggerations of Voltaire expofed.
And an examen of the condudl of the Lufiad will clearly
evince, thai the Eneid itfelf is not more perfect in that
connexion, which is requifite to form One whole, accord-
ing to the ftrifleft rules of Epic Unity.
The
nity ; yet Jupiter, Bacchus, and Venus, have in their hands all
the management of the voyage. So incongruous a machinery,
cafts a blemifh upon the whole Poem ; yet fhews at the fame time,
how prevailing are its beauties, fmce the Portuguefe like it with
all its faults.
*' Camouens hath a great deal of true wit, and not a little
fhare of falfe ; his imagination hurries him into great abfurdities.
I remember, that after Velafco de Gama, hath related his adven-
tures to the king of Melinda, now, fays he, O king, judge if
TJlyfles, and iEneas, have travell'd fo far, and undergone fo many
hardfhips. As if that barbarous African was acquainted with
Homer and Virgil.
** His poem, in my opinion, is full of numberlefs faults and
beauties, thick fown near one another ; and almoft in every page
there is fomething to laugh at, and fomething to be delighted
with. Among his moft lucky thoughts, I mufl: take notice of
two, for the likenefs which they bear to two mofl celebrated paf-
fages of Waller, and Sir John Denham.
" Waller fays, in his Epiille to Zelinda;
Thy matchlefs form will credit bring,
To all the wonders I can fing.
** Camouens
eccxxil DISSERTATION
The term Epopoeia is derived from the Greek "ewo?, d^-
eourfcf and hence the Epic, may be rendered the narrative
poem.
*' Camoucns fays, in fpeaking of the voyages of the Argonau-
tcs, and of Ulyfles, that the undertakings of the Portuguefe fhall
give credit to all thofe fables, infurpafling them.
" Sir John Dcnham, in his Poem on Cooper's HiU, fays to
the Thames ;
O could I flow like thee, and make thy ftreairi.
My great example, as it is my theme ;
Tho' deep, yet clear, tho' gentle, yet not dull,
Strong without rage, without o'erflowing fulK
" Camouens addrefles the Nymphs of Tagus in the like man-
ner ; " O Nymphs, if ever I fung of you, infpire me now with
new and ftrong lays ; let my ftile flow like your waves ; let it be
deep and clear, as your waters, &c.'*
Such is the original criticifm of Voltaire on the Lufiad. And
never, perhaps, was there fuch a random reverie, fuch a mafs of
mifreprefentations and falfities as the whole of it exhibits. The
moft excufable parts of it are fuperficial in the higheft degree.
Both the poet and the hero are mifnamed by him. The name of
the hero has been corredled, that of Camouens remains Hill in
Voltaire, the only author who ever fpelled it in this manner. —
There never was an Emmanuel the fecond of Portugal. Camoens
was not (hipwrecked on the coaft of Malabar, but on the river
Mecon in Cochin-China. " That Gama went a new way to the
Eaft Indies by the ocean,'" though correfted in the edition of
1768, affords a moft ftriking proof of Voltaire's very carelefs
perufal of the Lufiad, at the time when he firft prefumed to con-
demn it. For it is often repeated in the poem, that there was
no
DISSERTATION. cccxxiS
poem. Inthefull latitude of this definition, feme Italian critics
have contended, that the poems of Dahte and Aripfto were
Epic. But thefe confifl: of various detached adlions, which
do not conftitute one whole. In this manner Telemachus
and the Faerie Queene are alfo Epic poems. A definition
more reftriiSled, however, a definition defcriptive of the
nobleft
ho way to India by the ocean before. That the Infancy of Ca-
moens was lo/i amidjl the idlenefs and ignorance of the court of Lijbon^
is certainly falfe. His youth could not have been fpent in idlenefs
or ignorance, for his works difplay a mofl maHerly accuracy ia
every branch of ancient literature.
Though Voltaire has correded his error in fending Camoenfr
to the Eaft Indies along with Gama, fuch an original unparallel-
ed romance ought to be recorded. Gama failed on the difcovery
of India in 1497. Camoens was born in 1517, and was not fe-
ven years of age when Gama died. Thefe fads were immediately
obje<5ted to Voltaire, but, at firft, he would not yield. Contrary
to the teftimony of Camoens himfelf, and every circumftance of
his life, an * hypothefis mull defend this favourite fuppofition.
In his Amllerdam edition of 1738, Voltaire boldly alferts that
Camoens
• This honejl hypothefis, which makes Camoens a Spaniard, is of a piece
with another of the fame ingenious Author. In his unhappy f Eday on
Epic Poetry, he aflerted,that Milton built his Paradife Loft upon an Italian
Comedy, written by one Andreino. This was immediately denied, and
even feme Italian Literati declared, that no fuch Author of Comedy was
known in Italy. Voltaire, however, would not yield, and very gravely he
tells the reader, " Ilnejl pas etonnant — it is not at all artoni/hing, that hav-
ing carefully fearched in England for whatever related to that great maa
{Milton) I Ihould difcover circumftances of his life, of which the public were
ignorant." — This, therefore, is the authority from which we arc to believe
that
t Yet, in the fame Eflay, he gives a true Voltairifm ; he condemns this
very aflertion : talking of the plagiaries afcribed to Virgil, " All that,"
fays he, " ought to be flatly denied 'Tis juft as fome people fay Miltoa
" hath ftolcn his poem from an Italian ftroUer call'd AnJreins.''''
cccxxlv DISSERTATION,
nobleft fpecies of poetry, has been given by Ariftotle ', and
the greateft critics have followed him, in appropriating to
tliis fpecies the term of Epopoeia, or Epic. The fubjedl of
the
Camoens was a Spaniard, born in the reign of Ferdinand and
Ifabel, that he came to Lifbon in the firft year of Emmanuel,
and was in intimate friendfhip with Gama, whom he accompani-
ed in his firft voyage. Certain it is, however, by the archives
of Portugal, that Camoens was in the Eaft about feventy-two
years after this voyage ; and that, according to this hypothefis of
Voltaire, he muft have been near an hundred years old when he
publifhed his Lufiad. Voltaire, however, at laft, confefTes that
Camoens did not accompany Gama. Yet fuch is his accuracy,
that even in the edition of 1 768, in an eflay which he calls Idee
de le Henrlade, a few pages before this confeffion, the old aiTertion
is ftill retained. ** Le CamouenSy qui eft le Vergile de Portugais a
celebre nn evenement dont il eva'tt etc temoin lui-meme. Camouens,
the Portuguefe Virgil, has celebrated an event of which he him-
felf had been witnefs."
No anecdotes ever threw more light upon a charaifler than
tliefe throw upon that of Voltaire. The aflertion that the Epic
Vott enjoyed the fenfible pleafure, avhlch nobody had knoaun before him y
to celebrate his friend and the things he ivas an eye-ivitnefs of Z'in
only
that Milton borrowed liis Paradife Lo(l from a Comedy which nobody ever
law. From the fame refearches in England, Voltaire alfo learned other
circum fiances, of which the public were totally ignorant. The writing by
which Milton fold his Paradife Loft to one Simmonds, a Bookfcller, is ftill
extant. But Voltaire difcovered, that he fold it to Tompfon for thirty Pif-
toles, " enjin Tompfon lui donna trente pijloles de cet ouvrage." Lord Somers
and Dr. Atterbury, he adds, refolving that England Ihould have an Epic
Poem, prevailed on the heirs of Tompfon (He means Tonfon, perhaps) to
print a iplendid edition of it. And ^Vddifon wrote, fays he, and the Englilh
were perfuadcd, that they had an Epic Poem."
DISSERTATION. cccxxv
the Epopceia, according to that great father of criticifm,
muft be One. One a£lion muft be invariably purfued, and
heightened
only be accounted for by the fuppofition, that Voltaire was pleafcd
with the idea, and in a little time miftook his flrong impreffion
for the remembrance of a fadl. The laboured abfurd hypothefis,
which would defend this fanciful error, cannot be placed in fo
fair a light. And the error confefTed, and ftill retained, is a true
Voltair'ijm. Yet the idea of his accuracy which thefe accounts of
the Poet muft infpire, will even be heightened by the examination
of his criticifm on the poem. The narrative of a voyage confti-
tutes great part of the Odyfley, and of the Eneid ; and forms the
body of the Lufiad. Yet the Lufiad, fays Voltaire contains
nothing of nvhat ivas deemed before the only fuhjeS of poetry. It forms,
indeed, a fort of Epic poetry unheard of before : But here Vol-
taire's objection points out its true praife. No heroes, fays he,
are avounded a thoufand different nvays, no <woman enticed away and
the ivorld overturned for her caife. — And muft the fate of Helen,
and the thoufand different wounds defcribed by Homer, be copied
by every Epic Poet \ If this fentence has any meaning, this is in-
cluded. Yet what is this puerility of criticifm in comparifon of
Voltaire's aftertions, that in the Lufiad no bloody nvars are fought ,
no empire founded. — If the deftrudion of Troy be allowed to be in
the Eneid, there are wars enough in thepoemof Camoens. The
effedl of iire-arms on people who never before beheld thofe dread-
ful engines, and a hoftile town burnt by a fleet, are finely de-
fcribed in that part which is called the action of the Epic Poem.
But Voltaire was as utter a ftranger to the firft book of the
Lufiad as to the one fubjed of the poem. The founding
of the Portuguefe empire in the Eaft. — No battle fought., no
empire founded ! What infult to the literary world is this ! A late
corredtion will never difprove his ignorance when he wrote this.
VOL. I. T Should
cccxxvl DISSERTATION,
heightened through different ftages, till the Cataftrophc
clofe it in fo complete a manner, that any farther addi-
tion
Should a pretended critic on Virgil tell his .reader that the poet
condiided Eneas to the mouth of the Thames, could we believe
he was acquainted with his Author. Yet Voltaire teUs, that Ca-
moens condiias the Portuguejejleet to the mouth of the Ganges round
the cocjls of Afr'tc. — Camoens, indeed, conduds his fleet to Ca-
licut on the coail of Malabar. But though the fcene of the adion
of the four laft books lies upon this coaft, Voltaire was not happy
enough to dip into any of the numerous pafTages which fix the geo-
graphy. He has, therefore, given the voyage of Gama a dimen-
fion alraoft as much beyond the real one given by Camoens, as
the Weft Indies are diftant from England. Such errors are con-
vincing proofs that Voltaire only dipt here and there into the Lu-
flad, even after the critics fet him right in fome places ; for this
grofs error is ftill retained. But a mifreprefentation, not founded
on ignorance, now offers itfelf. Camay in ajlorm^ fays Voltaire,
addreffes his prayers to Chri/l, hut 'tis Venus luho comes to his relief.
A bold affertion ftill alfo retained, but there is no fuch paffage
in the Lufiad. Gama, in a tempeft, prays to " the holy Power,
*' to whom nothing is irapoffible, the fovereign of earth, fea, and
" land, who led Ifrael through the waves, who delivered Paul, and
" who protefted the children of the fecond father of the world
" from the deluge." But Chrift is not once mentioned in the
whole paflagc. To fay that Gama was a good Catholic, and
intended Chrift under thefe appellations, is unworthy of poetical
criticifm, for the whole ridicule confifts in the oppofition of the
names of Chrift and Venus. Such is the candour of Voltaire !
Nor is it difficult to trace the fource of this unfair rcprcfcntation.
Fanfhaw thus tranflatcs the mention of Paul,
TIi'iii who diilft keep and fave thyfeivaiit Paul—
Monfieur
i
DISSERTATION. cccxxvii
ion would only inform the reader of what he already
aerceives. Yet in purfuing this One End, collateral
Epifodes not only give that variety, fo eifential to good
3oetry, but, under judicious management, aflift in the
noft pleafing manner to facilitate and produce the Unra-
velment,
VTonfieur Voltaire wanted no more. Thy fervajit Paul was to
lim enough to vindicate the ridicule he chufed to befhow. But
inhappily for the mifguided critic, the original fays only, Tu que
Ivrajle Paulo thou who deliveredll Paul. And thus we
ire furniflied with a fure hint of the medium by which our critic
ludied the Lufiad. To this laftunblufhing falfity, that Gama
brays to Chr'ijl, is added, in the edition of 1768, " Bacchus Sff la
* Vierge Marie fe trouveront tout naturellement enfemble. Bacchus
.nd the Virgin Mary are very naturally found together." If
rords have meaning, this informs the reader, that they are found
ogether in the Lufiad. Yet the truth is, in the whole poem
here is no fuch perfonage as the Virgin Mary.
After thefe grofs fdfities, Voltaire adds, " A parler ferieufe'
nmt, un mervellleux ft alfurde, dejigure tout Pouvrage aux yeux des
'Meurs fenfes. To fpcak ferioufly, fuch an abfurdity in the raar-
ellous, disfigures the whole work in the eyes of fenfible readers."
—To fuch as take Voltaire's word for it, it muft indeed feem
lisfigured ; but what literary murder is this ! Nor does it end
lere. A fimile muft enforce the fhamelefs mifreprefentation.
* // /V like the works of Paul Veronefe, 'who has placed Bcned:Btne
'others and S'wifs foldiers among his paintings from the Old Teflament."
f\.nd to this alfo is added, " Le Camouem tombe prefque toujours
ians de telles difparates. Camouens almoft continually falls into
uch extravagancies." Yet with equal juftice may this fentence
)e applied to Virgil ; and peculiarly unhappy is the inftance which
T 2 Voltaire
cccxvi'Ii DISSERTATION,
velment, or Cataftrophe. Thus the anger of Achit-
les is the fubjcct of tlie Iliad. He withdraws his zf-
fiftance
Voltaire immediately gives : " I remember, fays he, Vafco de Gama
fays to the king of Mcl'ttida, ling, judge if Ulyjfes and Eneas have
travelled fo far, and undergone fo many hard/hips : as if that barho'
rous African ivas acquainted with Homer and Virgil." This fen-
tence is ftlll retained in Voltaire's laft edition of his works. But,
according to hiftory, the Melindians were a humane and polifhed
people ; their buildings elegant, and in the manner of Spain. The
royal family and grandees were Mohammedan Arabs, defcended
of thofe tribes, whofe learning, when it fuits his purpofe, is the
boaft of Voltaire. The prince of Melinda, with whom Gama
convcrfed, is thus defcrlbed by the excellent hiftorian Oforius :
*' In omni autem fermone princeps ille non hominis barbari fpecimen
•* dabat, fed ingenium et prudentiam eoloco digtiam pra fe ferebat — In
" the whole converfation the Prince betrayed no (ign of the bar-
" barian, on the contrary, he carried himfelf with a politenefs
*• and intelligence worthy of his rank." It is alfo certain,
that this Prince, whom Voltaire is pleafed to call a barbarous
African, had fufficient opportunity to be acquainted with Homer,
for the writings of Homer are tranflated into the Syriac, in a dia-
led of which the interpreters of Gama talked with the prince of
Melinda f .
" The
+ The Arabs have not only innumerable vohimcs of their own, but their
language is alio enriched with tranilations of feveial Greek writers. The
f.'.tc of Enclid is \Xcll known. And to mention only two of their authors,
Ijcn-Shohna, vvho died in 1478, a little before the arrival of Gama, wrote
2,1 univerlul hiftory, wliith he calls Ra-wdhat almenadhlrft Urn alaiva'il ti'jla-
i,.iciir : that is, the mea lowof the eye of anticnt and modern knowledge.
And Abul Pharajius, who lived in the thirteenth century, wrote an hiftory
in .Arabic, in tvn chapters, the fit ft of which treatsof the Patriarchs, from
Adam to Mofes ; the fecond of the Judges and Kings of Ifrael ; the third
of the Jewith Kings; the fourth of the Kings of Chaldca ; the fifth of the
Kings of the Magi ; the iixth of the ancient Pagan Greeks ; the feventh
of
DISSERTATION. cccxxix
liftancc from the Greeks. The efforts and diitreiTcs oF the
Grecian army in his abfence, and the triumphs of Hector,
are
" The Lufiad, in ?ny opinion, fays Vohaire, is full of numberlcj's
faults and beauties, thick fotvn near one another, and almofl in every
page there is fomething to laugh at, and fomeihing to he delighted •with.'^
This fentence, though omitted in the French editions, had feme
fource, and that foiirce we fhall eafily trace. Nor is tlie charadter
of the king of Melinda fo grofsly falfified by Voltaire, as the cha-
rafter of the Lufiad of Camoens is here mifreprefented. Except
the polite repartee of Velofo, (of which fee p. 122.^* there are not
above two or three palTages in the whole poem which even border
upon conceit. The moll uniform fimplicity of manly diftion is the
true charader of the Portuguefe Lufiad : Where then did Voltaire
find xh& falfe luit, ?t.ndi fomething to laugh at almofl in every page ? If
there be a tranflation which ftridtly deferves this charader, we
cannot fuppofe that Voltaire hit this charader, and at the fame
time was fo wide of the original, merely by chance. No, he dipt
into Fanfhaw's Lufiad, where, in every page, there are puns, con-
ceits, and low quaint expreffions, uncountenanced by the original.
Some citations from Fanftiaw will foon juftify this character of
his work. Yet, however decifive this proof may be, it is not the
only one. The refemblance found by Voltaire between Sir John
Denham's addrefs to the Thames, and that of Camoens to the
nymphs of the Tagus, does not exill in the original. This fen-
tence, Let my flile floiv like your <waves, let it be deep and clear as
your waters — contains indeed the fame allufion as that exprelTed
in the lines cited by Voltaire from Denham. But no fuch idea or
allufion
of the Pvomans ; the eighth of the ConRai-tinorolitan Emperors ; the nintli
of the Arabian Mohammedan Kings; and the tenth of the Moguls. The
fame author acquaints us,ihat Homer's two Works areeleganily tranflaLed
into the Syriac ; which language is filler to that fpoken by the Arabs of
Melinda. Camoeuj, who wd^ in the tuuiitry, knew the learning of the
Arabians. Vokairc, led by the defire to condemn, was hurried into ab-
furdities, from which a moment's confidtration would have prefervcd him.
cccxxx DISSERTATION,
are the confequences of his rage. In the utmoft danger of
the Greeks, he permits his friend Patroclus to go to battle.
Patroclus
allufion exifts in the Portuguefe. Though Vohaire ftill retains
this fentence, its want of authenticity has been detedted by feveral
critics. But it was left for the prefent Tranflator to difcover the
fource of this wide miftranflation. He fufpeded the allufion might
be in Fandiaw, and in Fanfhaw he found it. The nymphs of the
Tagus are in Sir Richard's verfion thus addrefled.
If I in low, yet tuneful verfe, the praife
Of your fweet river always did proclaim,
Infpire me now with high and thundering lays,
Give me them char and jloiving like his Jlream.
He who lias read Camoens and Fanlhaw, will be convinced where
Voltaire found the fometh'ing to laugh at in every page. He who
has read neither the original nor tiiat tranflation, will now perceive
that Voltaire's opinion of the Lufiad was drawn from a very par-
tial acquaintance with the unfaithful and unpoetical verfion of
Fanfhaw.
And, as if all his mifrcprcfentations of the Lufiad were not
enough, a new and moll capital objedtion is added in the late edi-
tions of Voltaire, " Mais de totis les defauts de ce poeme, &c.
But of all the faults of this poem, the greateft is the want of con-
nexion, which reigns in every part of it. It refembles the voy-
age which is its fubjedt. The adventures fucceed one another,
(a wonderful objedion) and the poet has no other art, than to tell
his tales well." Indeed ! but the reader cannot notu be furprifed
at any of our Critic's mifreprefentations, a critic, who in many in-
ftances has violently condemned the Lufiad upon circumjlances
ivhich have no place in thai poem.
After publication of the firft edition of the Lufiad, the Tran-
flator was informed of the following anecdote : When Voltaire's
EJfay on Epic Poetry was at the prefs in London, he happened to
fhcw a proof-fheet of it to Colonel Bladon, the tranflator of Cas-
far's
I
DISSERTATION. cccxxxi
Patroclus is killed by HeiStor. Achilles, to revenge his
fall, rufhes to the field. Heclor is killed, the Trojans de-
feated, and the rage of Achilles is foothed by the obfequies
of his friend. And thus alfo the fubjecft of the Eneid is
one. The remains of the Trojan nation, to whom a feat
of empire is promifed by the oracle, are reprefented as en-
dangered by a tempeft at fea. They land at Carthage.
Eneas, their leader, relates the fate of Troy to the hofpi-
table queen ; but is ordered by Jupiter to fulfil the pro-
phecies, and go in fearch of the promifed feat of that em-
pire, which was one day to command the world. Eneas
again fets fail, many adventures befall him. He at laft
lands in Italy, where prophecies of his arrival were ac-
knowledged. His fated bride, however, is betrothed to
Turnus. A war enfues, and the poem concludes with the
death of the rival of Eneas. In both thefe great poems, a
machinery fuitable to the allegorical religion of thofe times
is preferved. Juno is the guardian of the Greeks, Venus
of the Trojans. Narrative poetry without fitSlion can never
pleafe. Without fidlion it mufl: want the marvellous,
which is the very foul of poefy ; and hence a machinery
is indifpenfable in the Epic poem. The condufl and ma-
chinery of the Lufiad are as follow : the poem opens with
a view
far's Commentaries. The colonel, who had been in Portugal,
aflced him if he had read the Lufiad ; Voltaire confefled he had
never feen it, and could not read Portuguefe. The colonel put
Fanlhaw's tranflation into his hands, and in lefs than a fortnight
after, Voltaire's Critique made its appearance.
cccxxxii DISSERTATION,
a view of the Portuguefe fleet before a profperous gale on
the coaft of Ethiopia. The crews, however, are worn
with labour, and their fafety depends upon their fortune
m a friendly harbour. The gods of ancient or poetical
mythology are reprefented as in council. The fate of the
Eaftern world depends upon the fuccefs of the fleet. But
as we trace the machinery of the Lufiad, let us remem-
ber that, like the machinery of Homer and Virgil, it is
alfo allegorical. Jupiter, or the Lord of Fate, pronoun-
ces that the Lufians fliall be profperous. Bacchus, the evil
daemon or genius of Mohammedifm, who was worlhipped
in the Eaft, forefeeing that his empire and altars would be
overturned, oppofes Jove, or Fate. The celeftial Venus,
or heavenly love, pleads for the Lufians. Mars, or di-
vine Fortitude, encourages the Lord of Fate to remain un-
altered ; and Maia's fon, the meflenger of Heaven, is fent
to lead the navy to a friendly harbour. The fleet arrives
at M.ozambic. Bacchus, like Juno in the Eneid, raifes
a commotion againft the Lufians. A battle enfues, and
the viftorious fleet purfue their voyage, under the care of
a Moorifli pilot, who advifes them to enter the harbour
of Quiloa. According tohiftory, they attempted this har-
bour, where their deftrudlion would have been inevitable ;
but they were driven from it by the violence of a fudden
tempeft. The poet, in the true fpirit of Homer and Vir-
gil, afcribes this to the celeftial Venus,
whofe watchful care
Had ever been their guide
They
DISSERTATION. cccxxxiil
They now arrived at Mombafla. The malice of the evil
daemon or genius of Mohammedifm, ftill excites the arts
of treachery againft them. Hermes, the mefTenger of
heaven, in a dream, in the fpirit of Homer, warns the
hero of the poem of his danger, and commands him to
fteer for MeHnda. There he arrives, and is received by
the prince in the moft friendly manner. Here the hero
receives the firft certain intelligence or hope of India.
The prince of Mellnda's admiration of the fortitude and
prowefs of his guefts, the firft who had ever dared to pafs
the unknown ocean by Cape Corrientes, (fee p. 141.) art-
fully prepares the reader for a long epifode. The poem
of Virgil contains the hiftory of the Roman empire to his
own time. Camoens perceived this, and trod in his fteps.
The hiftory of Portugal, which Gama relates to the king
of Melinda, is not only neceflary to give their new ally an
high idea of the Lufian prowefs and fpirit, but alfo natu-
rally leads to, and accounts for the voyage of Gama : the
event, which, in its confeqiiences, fums up the Portu-
guefe honours. It is as requifite for Gama to tell the
rife of his nation to the king of Melinda, as it is for Eneas
to relate to Dido the caufe of his voyage, the deftru^tion
of Troy. Pleafed with the fame of their nation, the king
. of Melinda vows lafting friendfhip with the Lufians, and
gives them a faithful pilot. As they fail acrofs the great
Indian ocean, the machinery is again employed. The
evil dsemon implores Neptune and the powers of the fea
to raife a tempeft to deftroy the fleet. The failors on the
night
cccxxxlv DISSERTATION.
night-watch fortify their courage by relating the valiant
afts of their countrymen ; and an epifode, in the true po-
etical fpirit of chivalry, is introduced. Thus Achilles in
his tent is reprefented as finging to his lyre the praifes of
heroes. And in the Epic conduct, this narrative and the
tales told by Neftor, f'.-her to reftrain or inflame the rage
of the Grecian chiefs, are certainly the fame.
The accumulation of the tempeft in the meanwhile is
finely defcribed. It now defcends. Celefl:ial Venus per-
ceives the danger of her fleet. She is introduced by the
appearance of her fl:ar, a fl:roke of poetry which would
have fliined in the Eneid. The tempefl: is in its utmofl
rage.
The flcy and ocean blending, each on fire,
Seem'd as all nature ftruggled to expire.
When now the filver fl:ar of Love appear'd j
Bright in her eafl: her radiant front flie rear'd ;
Fair through the horrid ftorm the gentle ray
Announced the promife of the cheerful day.
From her bright throne Celefliial Love beheld
The tempefl burn
And in the true fpirit of Homer's allegory fSee the 7iote,
p. 187.) flie calls her nymphs, and by their miniftry fl:ills
the tempefl:. Gama now arrives in India. Every circum-
fliance rifes from the preceding one ; and, as fully pointed
out in the notes, the conduct in every circumfl:ance is as
exaclly Virgilian, as any two tragedies may poflibly be alike
in
DISSERTAT^ION. (*cxxxt
in adherence to the rules of the drama. Gama, having
accomplifhed his purpofe in India, fets fail for Europe,
and the machinery is for the laft time employed. Venus,
to reward her heroes, raifcs a Paradifaical ifland in the fea.
Voltaire, in his Englifh Eflay, has faid, that no nation but
the Portuguefe and Italians could be pleafed with this fic-
tion. In the French he has fupprefled this fentence, but
has compared it to a Dutch brothel allowed for the failors.
Yet this idea of it is as falfe as it is grofs. Every thing in
the ifland of Love refembles the ftatue of Venus de Me-
dicis. The defcription is warm indeed, but it is chafte as
the firft loves of Adam and Eve in Milton ; and entirely
free from that groflhefs ^See the mtCy p. 397.) often to be
found in Dante, Ariofto, Spenfer, and in Milton himfelf.
After the poet has explained the allegory of the ifland of
Love, the Goddefs of the ocean gives her hand and com-
mits her empire to Gama, whom fhe condufts to her pa-
lace, where, in a prophetic fong, he hears the aiSlions of
the heroes who were to eftablifli the Portuguefe empire in
the Eaft. In Epic conduct nothing can be more mafl:erly.
The funeral games in honour of Patroclus, after the Iliad
has turned upon its great hinge, the death of Hedor, are
here moft happily imitated, after the Lufiad has alfo turn-
ed upon its great hinge, the difcovery of India. The con-
duct is the fame, though not one feature is borrowed.
UlyfTes and Eneas are fent to vifit the regions of the dead ;
and Voltaire's hero muft alfo be conveyed to Hell and
Heaven.
cccxxxH DISSERTATION.
Heaven. But how fuperior is the fpirit of Camoens ! He
parallels thefe ftriking adventures by a new fidlion of his
own. Gama in the ifland of Blifs, and Eneas in Hell, are
in Epic conduct exactly the fame ; and in this unborrow-
ing famenefs, he artfully interiveaves the hijlory of Portugal :
artfully as Voltaire himfelf confelTes. The epifode with
the king of Melinda, the defcription of the painted en-
ligns, and the prophetic fong, are parallel in manner and
purpofe with the epifode of Dido, the fhield of Eneas,
and the viiion in Elyfium. To appeafe the rage of Achil-
les, and to lay the foundation of the Roman empire, are
the grand purpofes of the Iliad and Eneid j the one efFeiH:-
ed by the death of Heftor ; the other by the alliance of
Latinus and Eneas, rendered certain by the death of Tur-
nus. In like manner, to eftablifh the Portuguefe Chrif-
tian empire in the Eaft, is the grand defign of the Lufiad,
rendered certain by the happy Return of Gama. And
thus, in the true fpirit of the Epopceia, ends the Lufiad,
a poem where every circumllance rifes in juft gradation,
till the whole is fummed up in the moft perfe*^: unity of
Epic action.
The machinery of Homer, fSee the mte, p. 187.) con-
tains a moft perfect and mafterly allegory. To imitate the
ancients was the prevailing tafte when Camoens wrote ;
and their poetical manners were every where adopted.
That he efteemed his own as allegorical, he aflhres us in
the end of the ninth book, and in one of his letters. But
a proof,
DISSERTATION. cccxxxvii
a proof, even more determinate, occurs in the opening of
the poem. Caftera, the French Tranflator, by his over
refinement, has much mifreprefented the allegory of the
Lufiad. Mars, who never appears but once in the firll
book, he tells us, fignifies Jefus Chrift. This explanati-
on, fo open to ridicule, is every way unneceflary 5 and
furely never entered the thought of Camoens. It is evi-
dent, however, that he intended the guardian powers of
Chriftianity and Mohammedifm under the two principal
perfonages of his machinery. Words cannot be plainer :
Where'er this people fhould their empire raife,
She knew her altars fliould unnumber'd blaze ;
And barbarous nations at her holy fhrine
Be humanifed and taught her lore divine :
Her fpreading honours thus the one infpir'd,
And one the dread to iofe his worlhip fir'd.
And the fame idea is on every opportunity repeated and en-
forced. Pagan mythology had its Celeftial, as well as Ter-
reftrial Venus *. The Celeftial Venus is therefore the mofl
proper
* The celeftial Venus, according to -Plato, was the daugh-
ter of Ouranus or Heaven, and thence called Urania. The
paffage ftands in the Sympofion of that author as follows :
hf 'E^oii;- Ittii 5e Sko Wov, Jko ayayKti Kai 'E^(uli £~vai. TTw? J' ov ivo to. Sea ; h /xiv
yi Ttm, -TT^sa-^vli^a, xct ufjiilaf, 'O^^avs S>uyalr,f, hv J» KSi Ovjavwy £7rovo,Ma^O|M£V.
r. Ss VEiJlcoa, Aio; Kut Aiav»!j, 'jv Se 7ravJ>j,uov xaXs^EV.
cccxxxviii DISSERTATION.
proper perfonage of that mythology to figure Chriftianlty.
And Bacchus, the conqueror of the Eaft, is, in the anci-
ent poetical allegory, the moft natural protestor of the al-
tars of India. Whatever may be faid againft the ufe of the
ancient machinery in a modern poem, candour mufl con-
feis, that the allegory of Camoens, which arms the genius
of Mohammcdifm :}: againft the expedition of his heroes, is
both fublime and moft happily interefting. Nor muft his
choice of the ancient poetical machinery be condemned
without examination. It has been the language of poetry
thefe three thoufand years, and its allegory is perfectly un-
derftood. If not impofilble, it will certainly be very dif-
ficult to find a new, or a better machinery for an Epic
poem. That of TaiTo is condemned by f Boileau, yet, that
of
This Urania- Venus, according to Paufanius and other writers,
had fumptuous temples in Athens, Phoenicia, &c. She was
painted in complete armour ; her prieftefTes were virgins ; and no
man was allowed to approach her flirine. Xenophon fays, Ihe
prefided over the love of wifdom and virtue, which are the plea-
fures of the foul, as the terreftrial Venus prefided over the plea-
fures of the body.
:J: For feveral collateral proofs, fee the note, p.* 133. and text,
in Lufiad VIII. where Bacchus, the evil dsemon, takes the form
of Mohammed, and appears in a dream to a priell of the Koran.
f On account of his magic. But magic was the popular belief
of Taffo's age, and has afforded him a fine machinery, though his
ufe ot It is fometimcs highly blameable ; as where he makes an
enchanter oppofe the arch-angel Michael, armed with the autho-
rity of the true God, &c. Sec.
DISSERTATION. cccxxxix
of Camoens may plead the authority of that celebrated cri-
tic, and is even vindicated, undeflgnedly, by Voltaire him-
felf. In an eflay prefixed to his Henriade, Le mot d' Am'
phitritey fays he, dans noire pocjie^ nefignifie que la Mer^ ^
non /' Epoufe de Neptune — " the word Amphitrite in our
" poetry lignifies only the Sea, and not the wife of Nep-
** tune." And why may not the word Venus in Camoens
fignify divine Love, and not the wife of Vulcan ? ** Love,"
** fays Voltaire, in the fame eflay, " has his arrows, and
** Juftice a balance, in our mofl: chriftian writings, in our
** paintings, in our tapeftry, without being efteemed as the
** leaft mixture of Paganifm." And if this criticifm has juf-
tice in it, why not apply it to the Lufiad, as well as to the
* Henriade ? Candour will not only apply it to the Lufiad,
but
* Thus, when the Henriade is to be defended, the arrows of
Cupid convey no mixture of Paganifm. But when the Ifland of
Love in the Lufiad is to be condemned, our honnete critic muft
ridicule the ule of thefe very arrows — Oefi la que VemiSy 'oidee
des confeih du Pere Eternely et fecondie en meme terns des Jleches de
Cupidoti. — It is there that Venus, aided by the counfels of the
eternal Father, and at the fame time, feconded by the arrows of
Cupid, renders the Nereides amorous of the Portuguefe." — But
this, one of his lateft additions, is as unlucky as all the reft. The
eternal Father is the fame Jove, who is reprefented as thtfupreme
Father in the firft book, (St. 22. Portuguefe.) and in book 9. ft.
1 8. is only faid to have ordained Venus to be the good genius of
the Lufitanians. There is not a word about the ajjijlance of hh
counfel ; that was introduced by Voltaire, folely to throw ridicule
upon an allegory, which, by the bye, when ufed in the Henriade,
has
cccxl DISSERTATION.
but will alfo add the authority of Boileau. He is giving
rules for an Epic poem :
Dans le vajle recit d'tine longue aSlion,
Se foutient par lafahky et vtt de jiB'ton.
La pour nous enchanter tout ejl mis en ufnge :
Tout prend un corps ^ une amcy un efprity un vifage ;
Chaque vertu devient une divhiiie ;
Mifierve ejl la prudence y l^ Venus la beaute,
Ce n^eji plus la vapeur qui produit le tonnere^
Gejl Jupiter arme pour ejfrayer la terre.
Un orage terrible aux yeux des maielotSy
C'ejl Neptune y en cotirrouxy qui goiirmande les Jlots ....
Zans tous ces ornente?is le vers tomhe en langueuy :
La poefte ejl mortey ou rampe fans vigueur :
Le po'ete t^ejl plus qu'un orateur timidcy
^c'un froid hijlorien d^ une fable infipide.
Every idea of thefe lines ftrongly defends the Luliad. Yet,
it njuft not be concealed, a diftind^tion follows which may
appear againft it. Boileau requires a profane fubject for
the Epic Mufe. But his reafon for it is not juil,:
De lafoi d'un Chretien les mjleres terribUs
D* ornemens egayes ne font point fufceptibles.
L'evangile a Pefprit iHoffre de tous cotes
^ue penitence a faire, is" tourinens merites :
Et
has not the leaft fault, in his opinion j but is there every way in
the true ftile of poetry.
DISSERTATION. cccxli
Et de vos JiB'tons le melange cotipablc
JMeme a fes verites donne Pair de la fable.
The myjleres terribles afford, indeed, no fubjeci: for poetry.
But the Bible offers to the Mufe Ibmething befides penitence
and merited torments. The Paradife Loft, and the works of
the greatefl Painters, evince this. Nor does this criticifm,
Falfe as it is, contain one argument which excludes the heroes
Df a Chriftian nation from being the fubjeci of poetry. Mo-
iern fubje(fl:s are indeed condemned by Boileau ; and an-
:ient fable, witli its UlyfTes, Agamemnon, &c. — notus
heureux femblent iies pour Ics I'ers — are recommended to
:he poet. But, happy for Camoens, his feelings direiHied.
lim to another choice. For, in contradiction of a thou-
'and Boileaus, no compofitions are fo miferably unintereft-
ng as our modern poems, where the heroes of ancient
"able are the perfonages of the a£lion. Unlefs, therefore,
he fubjeci of Camoens may thus feem condemned by the
elebrated French critic, every other rule he propofes is in
avour of the machinery of the Lufiad. And his own ex-
mple proves, that he thought the pagan machinery not
mproper in a poem where the heroes * are modern. But
here is an efTential diftindlion in the method c^ ullng it.
^nd Camoens has ftri(fl:ly adhered to this eirentiai difference,
rhe conduct of the Epic poem is twofold ; the hiftorical
nd allegorical. When paganifm was the popular belief,
VOL. I. U Diomed
* He ufes the Pagan mythology in his poem on the paflage of
lie Rhine by the French army in 1672.
cccxlii DISSERTATION.
Diomed might wound Mars or f Venus •, but when the
names of thefe Deities became merely allegorical, fuch alfo
ought to be the actions afcribed to them. And Carnoens
has ftrictly adhered to this rule. His heroes are Chriftians ,
and Santn Fe, Holy Faith, is often mentioned in the hifto-
rical parts where his heroes fpeak, and act. But it is only
in the allegorical parts where the pagan or the poetical
mythology is introduced. And in his machinery, as in his
hiftorical
f Thus it was the belief of the firft ages of Chriftianity, that the
Pagan Gods were fallen angels. Milton, with admirable judg-
ment, has adopted this fyftem. His Mammon, the archited of
Pandemonium, he alfo calls Vulcan :
Nov was his name unheard or unador'd
In ancient Greece, and in Aulbnian land.
Men call'd him Miiiciber; and how he fell
From heav'n, they fabled, thrown by angr)' Jove— —
On Lemnos, th' Egean ifle : Thus they relate
Erring ; for he with this rebellious lout
Fell long before.
Moloch and Vulcan are therefore mentioned together with great
propriety in the Paradife Loft. The belief of the firft Chriftians,
with lefpedt to daemons, was unabated in the age of Camoens ; for
the oracles of the Pagan deities were then believed to have been
given by evil fpirits. Bacchus might therefore in a Chriftian poem
of fuch ages, reprefent the Evil demon ; and it was on this princi-
ple that TdS^o felt no impropriety in calling Pluto his king of hell,
the grand foe ofmanldnd, and making him talk of the birth of Chrift.
In like manner, when Camoens fays that the Chriftian altar raifed
(book II.) to deceive the Lufians, was the illufion of Bacchus ;
he fays no more tlian what was agreeable to the popular belief of
the heathen oracles, and no more than what poetry ;dlows when a
ftorni is afcribed to Neptune, or arrows given to Cupid.
DISSERTATION. cccxlUi
hiftorical parts, there is no mixture of Pagan and Chrif-
tian perfonages. The deliverance of the Lufian fleet,
afcribed to the celeftial Venus, fo ridiculed by Voltaire, is
exadlly according to the precepts of Boileau. It is the hif-
torical oppofition or concert of Chriftlan and Pagan ideas
which forms the abfurd, and disfigures a poem. But this
abfurd oppofition or concert of perfonages has no place in
the Lufiad, though it is found in the greateft of modern
poets. From Milton both the allowable and blameablc
mixture of Chriftian and Pagan ideas may be fully exempli-
fied. With great judgment, he ranks the Pagan Deities
among the fallen angels. When he alludes to Pagan
I mythology, he fometimes fays, " as fables feign •," and
fometimes he mentions thefe deities in the allegory of
poetical ftyle ; as thus,
When Bellona fborms.
With all her battering engines bent to rafe
Some capital city
lAnd thus, when Adam fmiles on Eve ;
as Jupiter
On Juno fmiles when he impregns the clouds
That fhed May flowers
lere the perfonages are mentioned exprefsly in their alle-
gorical capacity, the ufe recommended by Boileau. In the
allowing the blameable mixture occurs. He is defcribing
Paradife
U 2 Univerial
cccxKv DISSERTATIOrr.
Univerfal Pan
Knit with the Graces and the Hours in dance
Led on th' eternal fpring. Not that fair field
Of Enna, where Proferpine, gathering flowers,
Herfelf a fairer flower, by gloomy Dis
Was gathered : which coft Ceres all that pain
To feek her through the world
might with this Paradife
Of Eden ftrive
The mention of Pan, the Graces and Hours, is here in the
pure allegorical ftyle of poetry. But the ftory of Profer-
pine is not in allegory •, it is mentioned in the fame manner
of authenticity as the many Scripture hiftories introduced
into the Paradife Loft. When the angel brings Eve to
Adam, fhe appears
—in naked beauty more adorn'd
More lovely than Pandora, whom the Gods
Endow'd with all their gifts, and O too like
In fad event, when to th' unwifer fon
Of Japhet brought by Hermes fhe enfnar'd
Mankind with her fair looks, to be avenged
On him who had ftole Jove's authentic fire.
Here we have the heathen Gods, another origin of evil,
and
n
DISSERTATION. cccxlv
ind a whole ftring of fables, alluded to as real events, on
I level with his * fubje^t.
Nor Is poetical ufe the only defence of our injured au-
hor. In the age of Camoens, Bacchus was efteemed a
eal daemon : and celeftial Venus was confidered as tl\c
lame by which the Ethnics exprefled the divine love.
Jut if the cold hyper-critic will ftill blame our author for
lis allegory, let it be repeated, that of all Chriftian poets,
Camoens is in this the leaft reprehenfible. The hell, pur-
;atory, and paradife of Dante, form one continued unal-
sgorical texture of Pagan and Scriptural names, defcrip-
ions, and ideas. Ariollo is continually in the fame fault.
/Ind, if it is a fault to ufe the ancient poetical machinery
n a poem where the heroes are Chriftians, Voltaire him-
felf has infinitely more of the melange coupahle than Camo-
:ns. The machinery of his Henriade is, as confefled by
limfelf, upon the idea of the Pagan mythology. He cites
3oileau,
Cejl d'lin f cm pule vahi f allarmer fottemenl.y
Et voiiloir mix leEleurs plaire fans agrtment^
Bien-tot Us defetidront de pe'tndre la prudence ^
De donner a Themis ni bandeau^ ni balance
Et par-tout des difcoursy commc tine idolatrie^
Dans kur faux "zale iro?it chaffer F allegoric.
But
* Nor are thefe the only inftances ; the death of Hercules, and feveral
Jthers in Milton, fall under the cenfur€ of an injudicious mixture of facred
ind profane mythology and hirtory.
cccxlvi DISSERTAT ION.
I5ut lie fupprefTes tlie verfes which immediately follow,
where tlie introduaion of tlie true God is prohibited by
the critic,
Et fahulciix Chretiens i fiallons point dans fios fonges,
Dti Dieu de verke faire itn Dieu de menfonges.
Yet, the God of truth according to the Chriftian idea, in
direft violation of this precept, is a confiderable perfonage
in the Pagan allegorical machinery of the Henriade. But
the couplet laft cited, though as direa againft the Henri-
ade as if it had been written to condemn it, is not in the
leaft degree applicable to the machinery of the Lufiad ; a
machinery infinitely fuperior in every refpc^ to tltat off
Voltaire, though Camoens wrote at the revival of learn-
ing*
f The machinery of the Henriade is briefly rims : The foul of
St. Louis adts the part of Venus in the Eneid, and always pro-
tects the hero. When D'Aumale is wounded, and in danger of
being killed, La Difcorde fees It, and covering him with her
iron immenfe impenetrable buckler, flies away with him to the gates
of Paris, where flie cures his wounds. She then comforts May-
enne, the chief of the league againft Henry. She then flies in
a whirlwind to the Vatican, where flie meets La Politique. They
then find humble religion in a defert, and cloathing themfelves in
her facred veftments, return to Paris, where they ride about in a
bloody chariot, along with the authors of the league. Thefe
foon after are reprefented as at a magical facrifice, an obvious
imitation of that of Camoens, Lufiad VIH. where they have a
Jew for their prlcft ; and Henry appears to them riding in a cha-
riot
DISSERTATION. cccxlvii
ing, ere criticifni had given her beft rules to the nioJern
Mufe.
The poem of Camoens, indeed, fo fully vindicates it-
felf, that this defence of it perhaps may feem unnecellary.
Yet
riot of victory. St. Louis then takes Henry, in a dream, through
heaven and hell. La Difcorde goes in fearch of love, who is
her brother ; and love takes a journey to France, where, by the
charms of Madamoifelle D'Etree, he entices Henry to negleft
the war, St. Louis then fends the genius of France to roufc
Henry. He returns to the fiege of Paris, but, on the point of
carrying the city by ftorm, the angel of France prevents him.
D'Aumale, on the part of the League, fights a duel ; and all
the monflers of hell fly to his ailiftance. But the heavens now
open, and an angel defcends on the throne of the air, with the
olive of peace, and the fword of God's vengeance. D'Aumale
falls, and the infernal monfters fly away. But St. Louis will
not allow Henry to take the city. The Saint goes to the throne
of God, and prays for Henry's converfion. The Eternal .con-
fents ; Truth defcends from heaven to the Hero, who turns Ro-
man Catholic St. Louis then appears, with an olive bough in
his hand, and leads Henry to the gates of Paris, which now open
at his call, and receive him in the name of God. And thus the
machinery and the poem conclude together.
Nor is the ridicule of this machinery more evident, than the
want of unity of adion which charafterifes the Henriade. Hen-
ry's journey to England, though it fills near three parts of the
poem, has no connexion with the other parts of the aAion ; and
the events do not arife from each other ; for Sr, Louis prevents
the efi^eds of every vidory. And the cataftrophe is brought about
by Heni-y's converfion, independent of every exertion of his ge-
neralfliip or valour, which are properly the fubjed of the poem.
cccxlviii DISSERTATION.
Yet one confideratlon will vindicate this defence. The
poem is written in a language unknown in polite litera-
ture. Few are able to judge of the original, and the un-
juft: clamour raifed againft it by Rapin * and Voltaire, has
been
» It is an unhappy thing to write in an unread tongue. Never
was author fo mifreprefentcd by ignorance as the poet of Portu-
gal. Rapin, that cold-blooded critic, tells us, that to write a
good Epic, " Ilfaut ohferver de la proportion dans le dejfe'tn., it is
neceflary to obferve proportion in the defign, juftnefs in the
thought, and not to fall into rambling." — He then aflcrts, that
Camoens trefpafles againft all thefe rules — that he wants difcei'n-
ment and condudl — that he thought of nothing but to exprefs the
pride of his nation, for his ftyle, he fays, ejl Jier iif fajlueuxy
fierce and ftiltcd. In another place he fays, " poetical dicflion
ought to be clear, natural, and harmonious, and obfcurity is its
greateft; blemifh," — to which, having named Camoens, he adds,
" fts vers font fi ohfcurs, qu'ih pourroient pajfer pour d:s myjl^res —
his verfes are fo obfcure that they may pafs for myileries." —
Perhaps the eld French verfion may defei-ve this character ; but
certain it is from hence, that Rapin never read the original. Per-
fpicuity, elegant fimplicity, and the mofl: natural unftrained har-
mony, is the juft charadteriftic of the ftyle of Camoens. The
appeal is to the world. And the firft Linguift of the age, has
given the ftyle of Camoens a very different chara(5ier from this of
Rapin : Camoenjium Lufitanum^ cujus poefis adeo venujia g/?, adeo
polita^ ut nihil ejfe pojfit jucundius ; interdum vero, adeo elata, grnti-
dlloqua, ac fonora., ut nlhd fing'i poJfit magnificentlus. Jones, Poe-
feos Afiat. Comment.
Montefquieu's high idea of the Lufiad is cited p. 138. We
fliall only add the fufFrage of the great Cervantes, who, in his
Don Qu^ixote, C. iv. 1. 6. moft warmly exprefles his idea of the
excellence of the genius of Camoens.
DISSERTATION. cccxlix
been received in Europe as its true chara6Ver. Lord
Kaimes |, and other authors, very cordially condemn its
mixture
% Lord Kaimes thus follows Voltaire : " Portugal was rifing
in power and fplendor fit 'was hajlenlng to the very lafl Jlages of
decknjion) " when Camoens wrote the Lufiad, and with refpeft
** to the mufic of verfe it has merit. The author however is far
*' from (liining in point of tafle (moji majlerly defcription, and bound-
lefs variety, hoivever, are his char act erijlics. He has given the ttvo
Jinejl JiBions in poetry. And according to Voltaire the Jiory of Ine-x.
is equal to the hejl ivritten parts of Virgil.) " He makes a flrange
" jumble of Heathen and Chriftian Deities. " Gama," obfcrvcs
" Voltaire, " in a ftorm addrefles his prayers to Chrift, but it is
" Venus who comes to his relief" Voltaire's obfervation is but
" too well founded (and is it indeed, in the name of truth !j. " In
" the firil book, Jove fummons a council of the Gods, which is
" defcribed at great length, for no earthly purpofe but to fhew
" that he favoured the Portuguefe ; Bacchus, on the otlicr hand,
" declares againft them on the following account, that he him-
** felf had gained immortal glory as conqueror of India, which
** would be eclipfed if the Indies Ihould be conquered a fecond
" time by die Portuguefe. A Moorifli commander having re-
" ceived Gama with fmilcs, but with hatred in his heart, the
" poet brings down Bacchus from heaven to confirm the Moot
" in his wicked purpofes, which would have been perpetrated,
" had not Venus interpofed in Gama's behalf. In the fecond
" canto Bacchus feigns himfelf to be a Chriftian, in order to de-
** ceive the Portuguefe, but Venus implores her father Jupiter to
" proteft them."
Such is the view of the Lufiad given by a profeffed Critic. It
is irapoffible to make any remark on it without giving offence to
falfe delicacy. But to that goddefs the Tranflator of the injured
Camoens will offer no facrilice. We have fullv proved, and Ba-
con has been cited to explain the philofophical reafon of it, that
the
cccl DISSERTATION,
mixture of Pagan and Chriftian mythology; even con-
demn it in terms, as if the Lufiad, the poem which of all
other
the fpii it of poetry demands fomcthing fupernatural. Lucan has
been fcverely cenfured, by the greateft of ancient and modern cri-
tics, for the want of poetical cloathing or allegory. The fpirit
of poetry exifts in perfonification ;
Tout prend un corps, nne awe, uii ejpr'il, un infage —
and an allegorical machinery is effential to the Epopoeia. In this
manner Virgil and Homer condudl their poems. (See the note, p.
187.) But our critic perceives nothing of this kind in Camoens.
Though the whole condufl of the Lufiad depends upon the coun-
cil held by Jove, upon the allegorical parts taken by the perfona-
ges of the machinery ;
Her fpreading honours thus the one infpir'd,
And one the dread to lofe his worlliip fir'd —
and though this allegory is finelv fuftained throughout the whole
poem, where celeftial love is ever mindful (fee B. 9.) that Jove or
fate had decreed that her altars fliould be reared in confequence
of the fuccefs of her heroes ; though all this is truly Homeric, is
what the world ever efteemed the true Epic condudt, our critics
can fee no earthly purpofe in the council of Jove, but to fhew that
he favoured the Lufians ; no reafon for the oppofition of Bacchus,
but that he had been conqueror of India, and was averfe it fliould
be conquered a fecond time. In the fame ignorance of the Epic
conduft is the vacant account of Bacchus and the Moor. But
let our critic be told, that through the fides of Camoens, if his
blow will avail, he has murdered both Homer and Virgil. What
condemns the council of Jove in the Lufiad, condemns the coun-
cils
DISSERTATION. cccli
other modern ones is the mofl unexceptionable in .this,
were in this mixture the moft egregioufly unfufferable —
Befides, whatever has the iandlion of the celebrated name
of Voltaire will be remembered, and unlefs circumftanti-
ally
clls of Jove in thefe models of the Epopoeiaf. What condemns
Bacchus and the Moor, condemns the part of Juno in the Eneid,
and every inteqiofition of Juro and Neptune in Homer. To make
the Lufians believe that Mombaffa was inhabited by Chriftians,
the Moors took the Ambaffadors of Gama to a houfe, where
they ffiewed them a Chriftian altar.. This is hiftory. Camoens,
in the true fpirit of the Epic poetry, afcribes this appearance to
the illufion of Bacchus. Hedtor and Turnus are both thus de-
ceived. And Bacchus, as already proved, was efleemcd a fallen
angel when our poet wrote. Nor are the ancients alone thus re-
probated in the fentence pafled upon Camoens. If his machinery
muft be condemned, with what accumulated weight muft his
fentence fall upon the greateft of our modern poets ! But the
myftery is eafily explained: there are a race of Critics, who can-
not perceive the noble profopopceia of Milton's angels, who pre-
fer Voltaire's Hennade to the Paradife Lojl, who would reduce
a Virgil to a Lucan, a Camoens to a mere hiftorian : who would
ftrip poetry of all her ornamients, becaufe they cannot fee them,
of all her paffions, becaufe they cannot feel them ; in a word, who
would leave her nothing but the neatnefs, the cadence, and the
tinkle of verfe.
f It is truly aftonifhing, that one wlio has read the Epic poets fliould Iiave
made this objection. A School-boy needs not to be told how often a coun-
cil of the Gods occurs in the Iliad, Odyficy, and Eneid. A part of Air.
Pope's note on the fifth Odyfiey, may with prop'icty be here cited. " Tliis
" book, as well as the firft," fays he, " opens with an aiTcmi)ly of the Gods.
" This is done to give an air of importance' ro his poem, and to prepare the
" mind of the reader to e~xpe£l every thin<; that is great and noble, when
" Heaven is engaged in the care and protedlion of his heroes,"
ccclll DISSERTATION.
ally refuted, may one time, perhaps, * be appealed to, as
decifive, in the controverfies of literary f merit.
Other
* Voltaire's defcrlption of the apparition near the Cape of
Good Hope, isjuil as wide of the original as bombaft is from
the true fublime : yet it has been cited by feveral writers. In
Camoens a dark, cloud hovers over the fleet, a tremendous no'iie
is heard, Gama exclaims in amazement, and the apparition ap-
pears in the air,
rifing thro' the darken'd air,
Appali'd we faw an hideous Phantom glare. —
Every part of the defcription in Camoens is fublime and nobly
adapted for the pencil. In Voltaire's laft edition, the paflage is
thus rendered — " C'e/l une fantims quo f^ekve — it is a phantom
which rifes from the bottom of the fea, his head touches the
clouds ; the tempefts, the winds, the thunders are around him,
his arms are ftretched afar over the furface of the waters" — Yet
not one pidturefquc idea of this is in the original. If the Phan-
tom's arms are ftretched upon the furface of the waters, his
Hioulders, and his head, which touches the clouds, muft only
be
f As we have paid attention to the ftri<5lures of Voltaire, fomc
is alfo due to the praifcs which he beftows upon the Lufiad.
Though he falfely afferts that it wants connexion, he immediate-
ly adds, " Tout celaprouve eriptt, que V ou'vrage ejl ph'tn des grandes
beautes — This only proves, in line, that the work is full of grand
beauties, fince thefe two hundred years it has been the delight of
an ingenious nation." — The fi(5lion of the apparition, he owns,
will pleafe in every age ; and of the epifode of Inez, he fays, //
y a pen d'eiidroits dans Vtrgde plus attendrijfants iff mieux ecr'tts—
There are few parts of Virgil more tender or better written,"
DISSERTATION. cccliii
Other views of the conduct of the Lufiad now offer
themfelves. Befides the above remarks, many obfervati-'
ons on the machinery and poetical condu<^, are in their
proper- places fcattered throughout the notes. The exu-
berant exclamations of Camoens are there defended. Here
let it only be added, that the unity of adtion is not inter-
rupted by thefe parenthefes, and that if Milton's beautiful
complaint of his blindnefs be not an imitation of them, it
is in the fame manner and fplrit. Nor will we fcruple to
pronounce, that fuch addrefles to the Mufe would have
been
be above the tide. Yet, though this imagerle, with tempefls,
winds, and thunders hanging around him, would be truly abfurd
upon canvas, a celebrated Italian writer has not only cited Vol-
taire's defcriptlon, as that of the original, but has mended that of
the Frenchman by a xlroke of his own. "The feet of the Phan-
tom, fays Signor Algarottl, are in the unfathomable abyfs of the fea.'*
(See his treatife on Newton's Theory of Light and Colours.) And
certainly, if his fhoulders and head reached from the furface of
the waters to the clouds, the length which the Signor has given
to his parts under the water was no bad calculation. Nor is Al-
garotti the only abfurd retailer of Voltaire's mifreprefentations.
An Englifti Traveller, who lately publifhed an account of Spain
and Portugal, has quite completed the figure. " Ses brasf'etcn-
dent au loin fur la furface des eaux.^ fays Voltaire ; and our Travel-
ler thus tranflates it, " His arms extend over the nvhole furface
of the waters." And thus the burlefque painter is furnlilied with the
fineft defign imaginable for the mock fublime. A figure up to the
arm-pits In the water, its arms extending over the tvholc furface
of the fea, Its head In the clouds, and Its feet In the unfathomable
abyfs of the ocean ! very fine indeed, it is impoflible to mend it
fartlier.
cccliv DISSERTATION,
been admired in Homer, arc an intercfting improvement
on the Epopoeia, and will certainly be imitated, if ever the
world fhall behold another real Epic poem.
The Lufiad, fays Voltaire, contains a fort of Epic poetry
unheard of before. No heroes are luounJed a thoufand different
nvays ; no ivoman enticed aivay and the ivorld overturned for
her caufe. — But the very want of thefe, in place of fupport-
ing the objeclion intended by Voltaire, points out the hap-
py judgment and peculiar excellence of Camoens. If
Homer has given us all the iire and hurry of battles, he
has alfo given us all the uninterefting tirefome detail. What
reader but muft be tired with the deaths of a thoufand he-
roes, who are never mentioned before nor afterward in
the poem. Yet in every battle we are wearied out with
fuch Gazette returns of the flain and wounded
EvStt Ti'va "ar^iTov, Ti'va S'-Jc-laTov e^iva^t^tv
' ExJojf njia/xi'Sijf, oTE SI Zfiif JcCSof litiiKfv ;
Ag-craTov f/.iv TT^Sira, xal Ai/tovoov, y.a.1 'Ottitw,
Kal AoXcTTi. KXvliir.v, xal '0>})EA](oy, hi 'AyiXaov,
AltrVfA-iOV T il^OY T£, Hal 'iTrmiliOV (t*£V&p^aj|U,»;V
Tu; aj/ cy rr/ifx,iya; Actyaoiv ihiV atTcts i'S/cCiX
nXnBi;' if oWiTE, &C.
II. lib. XI. lin. 299.
Thus imitated by Virgil, •
Cx-dicus Alcathoum obftruncat, Sacrator Hydafpem :
Partheniumque Rapo, & prredurum virlbus Orfen :
MefTapus Cloniumque, Lycaoniumque Ericetem :
Ilium,
DISSERTATION. ccclv
Ilium, infraenis equi lapfu tellure jacentem ;
Hunc, peditem pedes. Et Lycius proceflferat Agis,
Quem tamen hand expers Valerus virtutis avita
Dejecit : Atroniun^ Salius ; Saliumque Nealces
-^n. 1. X. 747.
With fuch catalogues is every battle extended ; and what
can be more tirefome than fuch uninterefting defcriptions
and their imitations ! If the idea of the battle be raifed
by fuch enumeration, ftill the copy and original are fo
near each other, that they can never pleafe in two feparate
poems. Nor are the greater parts of the battles of the
Eneid much more diftant from thofe of the Iliad. Though
Virgil with great art has introduced a Camilla, a Pallas,
and a Laufus, ftill in many particulars, and in the fights
there is, upon the whole, fuch a famenefs with the Iliad,
that the learned reader of the Eneid is deprived of the plea-
fure infpired by originality. If the man of taftc, how-
ever, will be pleafed to mark how the genius of a Virgil
has managed a war after a Homer, he will certainly be tir-
ed with a dozen of Epic poems in the fame ftyle. ' Where
the fiege of a town and battles are the fubje(Sl of an Epic,
there will of neceffity, in the characters and circumftances,
be a refemblance to Homer •, and fuch poem muft therefore
want originality. Happy for Taflb, the variation of man-
ners, and his mafterly fuperiority over Homer in defcrib-
ing his duels, have given his Jerufalem an air of novelty.
Yet with all the difference between Chriftian and Pagan
heroes.
ccclvi DISSERTATION,
heroes, we have a Priam, an Agamemnon, an Achilles,
&c. armies flaughtered, and a city befieged. In a word,
we have a handfome copy of the Iliad in the Jerufalem de-
livered. If fome imitations, however, have been fuccefs-
ful, how many other Epics of ancient and modern times
have hurried down the ftream of obhvion ! Some of their
authors had poetical merit, but the fault was in the choice
of their fubje£ts. So fully is the ftrife of war exhaufted by
Homer, that Virgil and Taflb could add to it but httle
novelty ; no wonder, therefore, that fo many Epics on
battles and lieges have been fufiered to fink into utter ne-
gleft. Camoens, perhaps, did not weigh thefe circum-
ftances ; but the ftrength of his poetical genius directed
him. He could not but feel what it was to read Virgil
after Homer ; and the original turn and force of his mind
led him from the beaten track of Helens and Lavinias,
Achillefes and Hedlors, fieges and (laughters, where the
hero hews down and drives to flight whole armies with his
own fword. To conftitute a poem worthy of the name of
Epic in the higheft and ftriiStefl: fenfe, fome grand charac-
teriftics of fubjedl and conduct, peculiarly its own, are ab-
folutely neceflary. Of all the moderns, Camoens and
Milton have alone attained this grand peculiarity in an
eminent degree. Camoens was the firft genuine and fuc-
cefsful poet who wooed the modern Epic Mufe, and flie
gave him the wreath of a firft liOver : A fort of Epic Poe-
try unheard of before ; or, as Voltaire calls it (in his laft
edition,) tir.e notwelle cfpece d'Epopec. And the grandeft
fubje(n:
DISSERTATION. ccclvii
fubje£l it is (of profane hiftory) which the world has ever
beheld f , A voyage efteemed too great for man to dare ;
the adventures of this voyage, through unknown oceans,
deemed unnavigable ; the Eaftern World happily difcover-
ed, and for ever indiflblubly joined and given to the Wef-
tern ; the grand Portuguefe empire in the Eaft founded ;
the humanization of mankind, and univerfal commerce
the confequence ! What are the adventures of an old fa-
bulous hero's arrival in Britain, what are Greece and La-
tium in arms for a woman, compared to this ! Troy is in
afhes, and even the Roman empire is no more. But the
efiedls of the voyage, adventures, and bravery of the Hero
of the Lullad, will be felt and beheld, and perhaps in-
creafe in importance, while the world fliall remain.
Happy in his choice, happy alfo was the genius of Ca-
VOL. I. X moens
-|- The Drama and the Epopoeia are in nothing fo different as in
[this : The fubjeds of the Drama are inexhauftible, thofe of the
Epopceia are perhaps exhaufted. He who chafes war and the war-
like characters, cannot appear as an original. It was well forthe
memory of Pope, that he did not write the Epic poem he intend-
ed. It would have been only a copy of Virgil. Camoens and
Milton have been happy in the novelty of their fubje<5ts ; and thefc
Ithey have exhaufted. There cannot poffibly be fo important a
Ivoyage as that which gave the Eaftern World to the Weftern.
koddid even the ftory of Columbus afford materials equal to that
)f Gama, the adventures of the hero, and the view of the extent
li his difcoveries, muft now appear as fervile copies of the Lufiad.
riic view of Spanifh America, given in the Auracana, is not only
mere copy, but is introduced even by the very machinery of
inoens.
ccclvln DISSERTATION,
moens in die method of purfuing his fubjedl:. He has not,
like Tafib, given it a total appearance of li(Slion ; nor ha3
he, like Lucan, excluded allegory and poetical machinery.
Whether he intended it or not, for his genius was fufEci-
ent to fuggeft its propriety, the judicious precept of Petro-
nius is the model of the Lufiad. That elegant writer pro-
poies a poem on the civil war ; Ecce Belli Civi/isy fays he,
ingens opus Non enim res gejl<e verfihus comprehendenda
funt (quod longe melius hijlorici faciunt ) fed per ambages Deo-
^umque mimjleriay ^ fabulofum fententiarum tormentum pra-
cipitandus ejl liber fpiritus : ut potius furentis animi vaticitia-*
tio apparent y quam religiofx orafionis fub tejlibus fides No
poem, ancient or modern, merits this character in any de-
gree comparative to the Lufiad. A truth of hifl-ory is pre-
ferved, yet, what is improper for the hiftorian, the minify
try of heaven is employed, and the free fpirit of poetry
throws itfelf into fictions, which make the whole appear
as an effufion of prophetic fury, and not like a rigid detail
of fadls given under the fan£lion of witnefTes. Contrary ta
Lucan, who, in the above rules drav/n from the nature of
poetry, is feverely condemned by Petronius, Camoens con-
du6ls his poem per ambages Deorumque minifleria. The ap-
parition, which in the night hovers athwart the fleet near
the Cape of Good Hope, is the grandeft fiiStion in human
compofition •, the invention his own ! In the Ifland of Ve-
nus, the ufc of which fi<ftion in an Epic poem is alfo his
own, he has given the completed aflemblage of all thtf
flowers v/hich have ever adorned the bowers of love. And
nevoP
DISSERTATION. ccclix
never was the furentis animi vatic'matio more confpicuoufly
difplayed than in the prophetic fong, the view of the
fpheres, and of the globe of the earth. Taflb's imitation
of the Ifland of Venus is not equal to the original ; and
though *' Virgil's myrtles * dropping blood are nothing to
** Taflb's inchanted foreft," what are all Ifmeno's inchant-
ments to the grandeur and horror of the appearance, pro-
phecy, and evanifhment of the fpe<Sl:re of Camoens ! f — It
has been long»agreed among the critics, that the folemnity
of religious obfervances gives great dignity to the hiliorical
narrative of the Epopoeia. Camoens, in the embarkation
of the fleet, and in feveral other places, is peculiarly happy
in the dignity of religious ailufions. Manners and charac-
ter are alfo required in the Epic poem. But all the Epics
which have appeared, are, except two, mere copies of the
Hiad in thefe. Every one has its Agamemnon, Achilles,
Ajax, and Ulyfles, its calm, furious, grofs, and intefligcnt
hero. Camoens and Milton happily left this beaten track,
this exhaufted field, and have given us pidlures of manners
unknown in the Iliad, the Eneid, and all thofe poems which
may be clafled with the Thebaid. The Luliad abounds
X 2 with
* See Letters on Chivalry and Romance.
■\ The Lufiad is alfo rendered poetical by other fi(5iions. The
degant fatire on king Seballian, under the name of Adeon ; and
he prolopopoeia of die populace of Portugal venting their mur-
nurs upon the beach v/hen Gama fets fliil, difplay the richnefs of
)ur Author's poetical genius, andar^ not inferior to any thing of
he kind in the Claffics.
ccclx DISSERTATION,
with pictures of manners, from thofe of the higheft
chivalry, to thofe of the rudeft, fierceft, and moft inno-
cent barbarifm. In the fifth, fixth, and ninth books,
Leonardo and Velofo are painted in ftronger colours than
any of the inferior characters in Virgil. But ftrilcing cha-
racter, indeed, is not the excellence of the Eneid. That
of Monzaida, the friend of Gama, is much fuperior to that
of Achates. The bafe, felfifh, perfidious, and cruel cha-
radter of the Zamorim and the Moors, are fainted in the
ftrongeft colours j and the character of Gama himfelf, is
that of the finiflied hero. His cool command of his pafll-
ons, his deep fagacity, his fixed intrepidity, his tendernefs
of heart, his manly piety, and his high enthufiafm in the
love of his country, are all difplayed in the fuperlative de-
gree. And to the novelty of the manners of the Lufiad,
let the novelty of fire-arms alfo be added. It has been faid,
that the buckler, the bow, and the fpear, mufl: ever con-
tinue the arms of poetry. Yet, however unfuccefsful other?
may have been, Camoens has proved that fire-arms may
be introduced with the greateft dignity and fineft eSeCt in
the Epic Poem.
As the grand intereft of commerce and of niankincl
forms the fubje(5t of the Lufiad, fo with great propriety'
as neceflary accompaniments to the voyage of his Hercu
the Author has given poetical piftures of the four parts cl
the world. In the third book a view of Europe ; in thj
fifth a view of Africa 5 and in the tenth, a picture of Ml
m
DISSERTATION. ccclxl
and America. Homer and Virgil have been highly praifed
for their judgment in their feledtion of fubjecfls which in-
terefted their countrymen ; and Statins has been as fevere-
ly condemned for his uninterefting choice. But though
the fubje<^ of Camoens be particularly interefting to his
countrymen, it has alfo the peculiar happinefs to be the
Poem of every trading nation. It is the Epic Poem of the
Birth of Commerce. And in a particular manner the Epic
Poem of that country which has the controul and pofTefli-
on of the commerce of India.
An unexhaufted fertility and variety of poetical defcrip-
tion, an unexhaufted elevation of fentiment, and a conftant
tenor of the grand fimplicity of diction, complete the cha-
racter of the Lufiad of Camoens : A poem, which, though
it has hitherto received from the public moft unmerited
negleft, and from the critics moft flagrant injuftice, was
yet better underftood by the greateft poet of Italy. Taftb
never did his judgment more credit, than when he confeft^
ed that he dreaded Camoens as a rival ; or his generofity
more honour, than wlien he addrefted this elegant Sonnet
Jo the Hero of the Lufiad ;
SONNETTO.
Vafco, le cui felici, ardite antenne
In contro al fol, che ne riporta il giorno
Spiegar le vele, e fer colaritorno,
Dove egli par che di caderc accenne j
Non
ccclxii DISSERTATION.
Non piu di te per afpro mar foftenne
Qu^el, die fece al Ciclope oltraggio, e fcorno ;
Ne chi torbo I'Arpie nel fuo foggiorno ;
Ne die piu bel foggetto a coke penne.
Et hor quella del colto, e buon' Luigi,
Tant' oltre ftende il gloriofo volo
Che i tuol rpalmati legni andar men lunge.
Ond' a quelli, a cui s'alza il noftro polo,
Et a chi ferma in contra i fuoi veftigi,
Per lui del corfo tuo la fama aggiunge.
SONNET.
Vafco, whofe bold and happy bowfprit bore
Againft the rifing morn ; and, homeward fraught,
Whofe fails came weflward with the day, and brought
The wealth of India to thy native fhore ;
Ne'er did the Greek fuch length of feas explore.
The Greek, who forrow to the Cyclop wrought ;
And he, who, Victor, with the Harpies fought,
Never fuch pomp of naval honours wore.
Great as thou art, and peerlefs in renown,
Yet thou to Camoens ow'ft thy nobleft fame ;
farther than thou didfl: fail, his deathlefs fong
Shall bear the dazzling fplendor of thy name ;
And under many a fky thy adtions crown.
While Time and Fame together glide along.
It
DISSERTATION. ccclxiii
It only remains to give fome account of the Verfion of
the Lufiad, which is now offered to the Public. Befides
the Tranllations mentioned in the life of Camoens, M.
Duperron De Caftera, in 1735, gave in French profe a
Icofe unpoetical paraphrafe * of the Lufiad. Nor does Sir
Richard
* Caftera was every way unequal to his taflv. He did not
perceive his author's beauties. He either fupprefTes or lowers the
moft poetical pafTages, and fubftitutcs French tinfel and imperti-
nence in their place. In the neceflary illuftrations in the notes,
the citations from Caftera will vindicate this charader.
Soon after the firft publication of the Englifl: Lufiad, a new
French profe tranflation of Camoens was publifhed by Mr. Le da
Harpe. He confefTes that he received a literal tranflation of his
Author, from a perfon well acquainted with the Original. This,
he fays, he propofed to animate with the fire of poetrj'- ; and he
owns he has fometimes abridged his text. His ftyle, hov\^ever,
is much lefs poetical than even Callera's, whom he feverely con-
demns. A literal profe tranflation of poetry is an attempt as ab-
furd as to tranflate fire into water. What a wretched figure do the
moft elegant odes of Horace make in a literal profe tranflation !
And no literal tranflation for the ufe of fchools was ever more
unlike the Original, in fpirit, vigour, and elegance, than
the fometimes literal, and fometimes mangled verfion of M. de
La Harpe, which feems to be publifhed as a facrifice to the wound-
ed vanity of his admired Voltaire. La Harpe ftands forth,
againft Caftera, as the defender of Voltaire's criticifm on the
Lufiad. Caftera, indeed, has fometimes abfurdly defended his
Author ; but a tranflator of the Lufiad, who could not perceive
the many grofs mifreprefentations of Voltaire, muft have hurried
pyer his Author with very little attention. He adopts the fpirit
of
ccclxiv DISSERTATION.
Richard Fanfhaw's Engliflx vcrflon, publifhed during the
ufurpation of Cromwell, merit a better character. Thougli
ftanza be rendered for flanza, though at firfl view it has
the appearance of being exceedingly literal, this verfion is
neverthelefs unfaithful. Uncountenauced by his original,
I'andiaw teems iv'ith many a dead-horn jeji * Nor had
lie the leafi: idea of the dignity of the Epic f ftyle, or of the
true
of all Voltaire's objedions, and commends only where he
commends. Want of unity in the Epic condudt is Voltaire's
very rafli charadter of Camoens. And La Harpe as rafhly
alferts, that the poem ends in the feventh book, when
Gama arrives in India. But he might as well have affert-
ed, that the Eneid ends with the landing of Eneas in Italy.
Both heroes have much to accompliih after their arrival in
the defired country. And the return of Gama, after having fub-
dued every danger, is exaftly parallel to the death of Turnus.
And this R.eturn, without which Gama's enterprize is incom-
plete, is managed by Camoens, at the clofe of his poem, in the
concife and true fpirit of Virgil. A tranflator of the Lufiad, who
could not perceive this, is indeed nio^ tngeii'ioujly fuperficlal. But
La Harpe's fentence on the Paradife Loft, which he calls " d'tgne
•' d'unfiede delarhar'ie — worthy of age of an barbarity," will give
the Englifh reader a juft idea of his poetical taile.
* Pope, Odyff. XX.
■\ Richard Fanfhaw, Efq ; afterwards Sir Richard, was Eng-
lifh AmbafTador, both at Madrid and Lisbon. He had a tafte for
literature, and tranflated from the Italian feveral pieces, which
were of fervice in the refinement of our poetry. Tliough his Lu-
iiad, by the dedication of it to WiU'iam Earl of Slrajord, dated
May I, 1655, feems as publiflied by himfelf, we are told by the
Editor of his Letters, that " during the unfettled times of our
" Anarchy y
DISSERTATION. ccclxv
true rpirit of poetical tranflation. For this, indeed, no
definite rule can be given. The Tranflator's feelings alone
muft
" Anarchy, feme of his MSS. falling by misfortune Into unfldlful
" hands, were printed and jnibliflied without his"confent or know-
" ledge, and before he could give them his lafl finifhing ftrokes :
" Such was his tranflation of the LufiadsJ^
The great refpedl due to the memory' of a gentleman, who, in
the unpropitious age of a Cromwell, endeavoured to cultivate the
Englifh Mufes, and the acknowledgment of his friend, that his
Lufiad received not his f.nifliing ftrokes, may feem to demand
that a veil fliould be thrown over its faults. And not a blcmifh
fhould have been pointed out by the prefent Tranflator, if the
reputation of Camoens were unconcerned, and if it were not a
duty he owed his reader to give a fjiecimen of the former tranfla-
tion. We have proved that Voltaire read and drew his opinion of
the Lufiad from Fanfiiaw. And Rapin moft probably drew his
from the fame fource. Perfpicuity is the charaftcriftic of Ca-
moens ; yet Rapin fays, his verfes are fo obfcure they ap-
pear like myfteries. Fanfhaw is indeed fo obfcure, that the prefent
Tranflator, in dipping into him, into parts which he had ev^en then
tranflated, has often been obliged to have recourfe to the Portu-
\ guefe, to difcover his meaning. Sancho Panza was not fonder
of proverbs. He has thruft many into his verfion. He can ne-
ver have enough of conceits, low allufions, and exprefiions.
When gathering of flov/ers, " as boninas apaiiLando," is limply
mentioned (C. 9. ft. 24.) he gives it, gather d Jlotvsrs ly peeks.
And the Indian Regent is avaricious (C. 8. ft. 95.)
Meaning a letter penny thence to get.
But enough of thefe have already appeared in the notes. It is ne-
cefFary now to give a few of his ftanzas entire, that the reader may
form an idea of the manner and fpirit of the old tranflation. Nor
(hall
ccclxvi DISSERTATION,
muft direct him j for the fpirit of poetry is fure to evapo-
rate in literal tranllation.
Literal tranflation of poetry is in reality a folecifm. You
may conftrue your author, indeed, but if with fome
Tranflators you boaft that you have left your author to
fpeak for himfelf, that you have neither added nor dimi-
nifhed, you have in reality grofsly abufed him, and deceived
yourfelf. Your literal tranflation can have no claim to
the original felicities of expreffion, the energy, elegance,
and fire of the original poetry. It may bear, indeed, a
refemblance, but fuch a one as a corpfe in the fepulchre
bears to the former man when he moved in the bloom and
vigour of life.
Nee verhum I'crbo curabis reddere, fides
Interprcs
was the tafte of the Auguftan age. . None but a Poet can
tranflate a Poet. The freedom which this precept gives,
will, therefore, in a poet's hands, not only infqfe the en-
ergy, elegance, and fire of his author's poetry into his own
verfion, but will give it alfo the fpirit of an original.
He who can conftrue may perform all that is claimed by
the literal Tranflator. He who attempts the manner of
tranflation
fnall we feleiS the fpecimens. The noble altitude of Mars in the
firft book, is the firll flriking defcription in the poem, and is thug
rendered :
DISSERTATION. ccclxvll
rranflation prefcribed by Horace, ventures upon a talk of
genius. Yet, however daring the undertaking, and how-
ever he may have failed in it, the Tranflator acknowledges,
that In this fpirit he endeavoured to give the Lufiad In Eng-
hfli.
Lifting a little up his Hclmet-figlit
('Twas adamant) with confidence enough,
To give his vote himfelf he placed right
Before the throne of Jove, arm'd, valiant, tough :
And (giving with the butt-end of his pyke
A great thumpe on the floor of pureft ftufTe)
The heavens did tremble, and Apollo's light
It went and came, like colour in a fright.
And the appearance of Indians in canoes approaching the fleet, is
the very next defcription v/hich occurs ;
For ftreight out of tliat Ifle which feem'd mofl: ncer
Unto the continent, Behold a number
Of little Boats in companie appeer,
Which (clapping all wings on) the long Sea fundet ;
The men are rapt with joy, and with the meer
Excefs of it, can only looks and wonder.
"What nation's this, (within themfelvcs they fay)
What rites, what laws, what king do they obey ?
Their coming thus : In boats with fins ; nor flat,
But apt t' o'er-fet (as being pincht and long)
And then theydfivim like rats *. The fayles, of mat
Made of palm-leaves wove curioufly and ftrong.
The mens complexion, the felf-fame with that
Hee gave the earth's burnt parts (from heaven flung)
Who was more brave than wife ; That this is true
The Po doth know and Lampetufa rue.
It may be necefTary to add, the verfion of FanHiaw, though the
Lufiad very particularly requires them, was given to the Public
without one note.
* Not in the Original-
ccclxviii DISSERTATION.
lifli. Even farther liberties, in one or two instances, feem-
ed to him advantageous But a minutenefs * in the
mention of thefe will not, in thefe pages, appear with a
good grace. He fhall only add, in this new Edition, that
fome of the mofl eminent of the Portuguefe Literati, both
in England, and on the Continent, have approved of thefe
freedoms j and the Original is in the hands of the world.
It
* Some liberties of a lefs poetical kind, however, require to
be mentioned. In Homer and Virgil's lifts of flain warriors,
Dryden and Pope have omitted feveral names which would have
rendered Englifli verfification dull and tirefome. Several allufions
to ancient hiftory and fible have for this reafon been abridged, e.
g. In the prayer of Gama (Book 6.) the mention of Paul, " thou
who deliveredft Paul, and defendedft him from quickfands and
wild waves —
Das fcyrtes arenofas iff ondas feas "
is omitted. However excellent in the original, the prayer in
Englifh, fuch is the difference of languages, would lofe both its
dignity and ardour, if burthened with a farther enumeration.
Nor let the critic, if he find the meaning of Camoens in fome in-
ftances altered, imagine that he has found a blunder in the Tran-
flator. He who chufes to fee a flight alteration of this kind,
v/ill find an inftance, which will give hini an idea of others, in
Can. 8. ft. 48. and another in Can. 7. ft. 41. It was not to gra-
tify the Dull Few, whofe greateft pleafure in reading a tranflation
is to fee what the author exaftly fays ; it was to give a poem that
might live in the Englifh language which was the ambition of the
Tranflator. And for the fame reafon he has not confined himfelf
to the Portuguefe or Spanifli pronunciation of proper names. It
is ingeiiioufly obferved in the Rambler, that Milton, by the intro-
dudion of proper names, often gives great dignity to his verfe.
Regardlefs,
DISSERTATION. ccclxix
It is with particular pleafure that the Tranflator renews
his acknowledgments to thofe Gentlemen who have patro-
nifed his work. On his firft propofals to give the Lullad
in Englifli, the ingenious Mr. Magellan, of the family of
the celebrated Navigator, was zealous to promote its fuccefs.
To many Portuguefe Gentlemen he owes the afliftance of
books and information, conferred in the mofl liberal man-
ner : and their approbation of his firft Edition reconciles
him to a review of his labours. Both to public and private
libraries he is much indebted ; particularly to the valuable
collection of Thomas Pearfon,Erq; of the Eaft India Com-
pany's fervice. The approbation exprefTed by feveral Gen-
tlemen of the Eaft India Company, on the appearance of
the poem on the Difcovery of India in its Englifh drefs,
gave the Tranflator the fincereft fatisfaflion. To Governor
Johnftone, whofe anceftors have been the hereditary pa-
trons of the anceftors of the Tranflator, he is under every
obligation
Regardlefs, therefore, of Spanifli pronunciation, the Tranflator
has accented Granada, Evora, Sec. in the manner which feemed
to him to give moil dignity to Englifh vcrfirication. In the word
Sofala he has even rejeded the authority of Milton, and followed
the more fonorous ufagc of Fanfhaw. Thus Sir Richard :
« Againji Sofala' shattered fort r And thus Milton : '^ And Sofala
thought Oph'ir — " Which is the mofl; fonorous there can be no
difpute. If the Tranflator, however, is found to have trefpafled
againfl; good tafl:e in thefe liberties in the pronunciation of proper
names, he will be very willing to acknowledge and corredt his
error.
ccclxx DISSERTATION,
obligation which the warmeft zeal to promote the fuccefs
of his undertaking can pofllbly confer. To this Gentle-
man, in a great meafure, the appearance of the Lufiad in
Englifh is due. To the friendfliip of Mr. Hoole, the ele-
gant Tranflator of Taflb, he is peculiarly indebted. To
James BoAv ell, Efq; he confefles many obligations. And
while thus he recoUedls with pleafure the names of many
Gentlemen from whom he has received afliftance or en-
couragement, he is happy to be enabled to add Dr. John-
Ion to the number of thofe, whofe kindnefs for the man,
and good wiflies for the Tranflation, call for his Cncereft
gratitude. Nor muft a tribute to the memory of Dr. Gold-
fmith be neglected. He faw a part of this verfion j but
he cannot now receive the thanks of the Tranflator. The
manner in which his Grace the Duke of Buccleugh took
the Englifli Lufiad under his patronage, infinitely inhanc-
ed the honour of his acceptance of the Dedication.
But, though previous to publication the Tranflator was
thus flattered with the approbation of fome names, for
whom the Public bear the greateft refpect ; though he in-
troduced to the Englifli Reader a Poem, truly Virgilian,
he confefiied he had his fears for his fate. And however
the approbation of fome of the greateft names in the Eng-
lifli polite literature may have fince gratified his faultering
hopes, the confcience of his inability and the character of
the age, gave no falfe foundation to his uneafy apprehen-
fions. We are not, indeed, in the condition of ancient
Rome,
DISSERTATION. ecclxxi
Home, when, in the declenfion of her hterature, the La-
tin tongue was defpifed, and the Greek only admired. Yet,
though a mafterly treatife in fome branches of literature
would immediately receive the reward due to merit -, ere
the juft reputation of his poetry be fixed, the Author per-
haps may be where the applaufe of the world cannot come.
Long after Shakefpeare wrote, and thirty years after the
Paradife Loft was publiihed, Shaftfbury pronounced that
the Englifli Mufes were lifping in their cradles. And Tem-
ple, a much greater authority in poetical tafte, efteems Sid-
ney the greateft of all modern poets. Nor was his negle<St
of Milton fingular. Even though that immortal Author's
reputation be now fixed, I have known a learned gentleman
who could not endure a line of the Paradife Loft ; who
yet, with feeming rapture, would repeat whole pages of
Ovid. There is a charm in the found of a language which
is not debafed by familiar ufe. And as it was in falling
Rome, nothing in his vernacular tongue will be highly
efteemed by the Scholar of dull tafte. A work which
claims poetical merit, while its reputation is uneftabliflied,
is beheld, by the great majority, with a cold and a jea-
lous eye. The prefent age, indeed, is happily aufpicious
to Science and the Arts ; but Poetry is neither the general
tafte, nor the fafliionable favourite of thefe * times. Often,
in
* " Poetry makes a principal amufcment among unpolifhed
nations ; but in a country verging to the extremes of refinement.
Painting and Mufic come in for a fhare. As thefe offer the fee-
ble
ccclxij DISSERTATION,
in the difplrited hour, have thcfe views obtruded upon
the Tranflator. While he has left his Author upon the
table and wandered in the fields, thefe views have cloathed
themfelves ulmoft imperceptibly in the ftanza and- allegory
ofSpenfer. Thus connedled with the Tranflation of Ca-
moens, unfiniflied as they are, they fliall clofe the Intro-
du£lion to the Englifh Lufiad.
Hence, vagrant Minftrel, from my thriving farm.
Far hence, nor ween to fhed thy poifon here :
My hinds defpife thy lyre's ignoble charm ;
Seek in the Sloggard's bowers thy ill-earn'd cheer :
There while thy idle chaunting foothes their ear.
The noxious thiftle choaks their fickly corn ;
Their apple boughs, ungraff'd, four wildings bear.
And o'er the ill-fenced dales with fleeces torn
Unguarded from the fox, their lambkins ftray forlorn.
Such ruin withers the neglected foil,
When to the fong the ill-ftarr'd fwain attends.
And well thy meed repays thy worthlefs foil ;
Upon thy houfelefs head pale want defcends
In
ble mind a lefs laborious entertainment, they at firft rival Poetry,
and at length fupplant her ; they engrofs all that favour once fliewn
to her, and though but younger fiilers, feize upon the elder's
birthright." — Goldjimth.
DISSERTATION. ccclxxUi
In bitter fliower : And taunting fcorn ftill rends,
And wakes thee trembling from thy golden dream :
In vetchy bed, or loathly dungeon ends
Thy idled life What fitter may befeem,
Who poifons thus the fount, fhould drink the poifon'd
ftream.
And is it thus, the heart-ftung Minftrel cry'd^ -
While indignation fliook his fiiver'd head.
And is it thus, the grofs-fed lordling's pride.
And hind's bafe tongue the gentle Bard upbraid !
And muft the holy fong be thus repaid
By fun-baik'd ignorance, and chorlifli fcorn !
While liftlefs drooping in the languid fhade
Of cold neglect, the facred Bard muft mourn.
Though in his hallowed breaft heaven's purefc ardours
burn !
Yet how fublime, O Bard, the dread belief!:,
The awful truft to thee by heaven affign'd !
"'TIS thine to humanife the favage breaft,
And form in Virtue's mould the youthful mind ;
Where lurks the latent fpark of generous kind^
'Tis thine to bid the dormant ember blaze :
Heroic rage with gentleft worth combin'd
Wide through the land thy forming power difplays.
So fpread the olive boughs beneath Dan Phrebu's rays.
VOL. I. Y When
ccclxxiv DISSERTATION.
When Heaven decreed to foothe the feuds that tore
The wolf-eyed Barons, whofe unletter'd rage
Spurn'd the fair Mufe ; Heaven bade on Avon's fhore
A Shakefpeare rife and foothe the barbarous age ;
A Shakefpeare rofe ; the barbarous heats afwage —
At diftance due how many bards attend !
Enlarged and Uberal from the narrow cage
Of blinded zeal new manners wide extend, •
I And o'er the generous breaft the dews of heaven defcend. ■,
And fits it you, ye fons of hallowed power.
To hear, unm.oved, the tongue of fcorn upbraid
The Mufe negledled in her wintery bower ;
While proudly flourifhing in princely fhade
Her younger fillers lift the laurel'd head —
And (hall the pencil's boldeft mimic rage.
Or fofteft charms, fore-doom'd in time to fade.
Shall thefc be vaunted o'er th' immortal page,
Where pafllon's living fires burn unimpair'd by age !
And fiiall the warbled ftrain or fweeteft lyre.
Thrilling the palace roof at night's deep hour j
And fhall the nightingales in woodland choir
The voice of heaven in fweeter raptures pour !
/Ah no, their fong is tranfient as the flower
Of April morn :|In vain the fliepherd boy
Sits liftening in the filent Autumn bower ;
The year no more reflores the fliort-lived joy ;,
And never more his harp fhall OrpUeus' hands employ.
Eternal
DISSERTATION. ccclxxv
Eternal Silence in her cold deaf ear
Has clofed his ftrain j and deep eternal night
Has o'er Apelles' tints, fo bright while-ere, ,
Drawn her blank curtains — never to the fight
More to be given But cloath'd in heaven's own light
Homer's bold painting fhall immortal fliine ; )
Wide o'er the world fhall ever found the might.
The raptured mufic of each deathlefs line :
For death nor time may touch their living foul divine.
And what the flrain, though Perez fwell the note,
High though its rapture, to the Mufe of fire !
Ah what the tranfient founds, devoid of thought,
To Shakefpeare's flame of ever-burning ire.
Or Milton's flood of mind, till time expire
Foredoom'd to flow ; as heaven's dread energy
IJnconfcious of the bounds of place — — —
T2 APPENDIX.
APPENDIX.
Copta das Patentes dos Vice Relsy e Capitaes Generaes da I^dtaf^^mas. :..-^- "* '•"■•>!
forme fe achao no Concelho Ultramar'ino em Ltjhoa^ ,t ;-^ .-:y' ,'7
" T^ N.... por gra9a de Deos Rey de Portugal e dos Algar-- -'^'^
1 9 ves, d'aquem e d'alem-mar em Africa, Senhor de
Guine, e da Conquifta, Navegagao e Comercio da Ethiopia,
Arabia, Perfia, e da India, l^c.
" Fago faber aos que efta minha Carta-Patente virem, que aten-
dendo a qualidade, merecimento, e mais partes que concorrem na
peflba de N.... Hei por bem de o nomear (como por efta no-
meio) no emprego de Vice- Rey, e Capitao-general de mar e ter-
ra, dos Eftados da India, e fuas dependencias, por tempo de
trez annos, e o mais que Eu for fervido, em quanto Ihe nao no-
mear fucceflbr ; e com o dito governo avera o foldo de 24,000
cruzados pagos em cada hum anno na forma das minhas ordens :
c gozara de todas as honras, poderes, mando, jurifdigao, e alga-
da, que tern, e deque gozarao os providos no dito Governo ; c
do mais que por minhas ordens Ihe for concedido, como Vice-
Rey e Capitao-general, meu Lugartenente, e imediato a minha
Real Peflba. Peioque mando ao Vice-Rey feu anteceflbr, ou a
peflba.
ecclxxviit APPENDIX.
peflba que eftiver governando, de pofTe do mefmo Governo geral
do Eftado da India ao dito N.... E outrofim ordeno a todos os
Officials de Gucrra, Jufti^a, e Fazenda, que em tudo Ihe obede-
^ao, e cumprao fuas ordens, e mandados, como a feu Vice-Rey e
Capitao-general : e o Tizoureiro, ou Recebedor da minha Fa-
tendu, a quem o recebimento das rendas da India tocar, Ihe fara
pagamento do referido foldo aos quarteis, por efta Carta- Patente
fomentc, fern para ifto fer neceflaria outra Provizao minha, a qual
fc rcgiftara para o dito efFeito nos livros da fua defpeza, para
fe Ihe levar em conta. E o dito F... jurara emminha Chancella-
ria, na forma coftun>ada, deque fe fara affentonas coftas dcfta
minha Carta-Patente ; e antes de partir defta Corte, fara em
minhas Reacs maos preito e omenagem pelo dito Governo do
Eftado da India, e fuas Conquiftas dependentes. Epor firmeza
de tudo Ihc mandei pofTar efta Carta-Patente por mim aflignada^
e fellada com o Sello Grande de minhas Armas, &c.
Dada na cidade de Lifboa, ^c.
El Rey."
N O T I C I A S.
T. Os Vice-Rcys da India tinhao huma jurifdi^ao fuprema, co-
mo fe vc das fuas Patentes : e erao unicamente fujeitos, no fim do
feu governo, a huma deva^a de rezidcncia, que El Rey mandava
tlrar do feu procedimento, por hum Miniftro civil. Nefta deva9a
dcviao jurar todas as Ordens do Eftado ; principiando-fe pela
Camera ^ou feja Concelho Municipal) ; e continuando-fe pelos Of-
iiciaes das mais repartigoens civis, como a Rclagao de Goa, os
Miniftros e Officiais de Fazenda, os Generais e Officials Militares,
fcm excep9ao dc pcffba alguma.
Efta devac;a era remetida em direitura a Liftioa. Porem, fe o
novo Vice-rey [tendo precedido qucixas Corte do feo antecef-
for] trazia ordens particulates ; podia mandalo logo prezo a Lif-
boa, achando o culpado.
2. Na India avia alcm do Vicc-Rey e dc dous Secretarios de
Eftado, OS Tribunaes feg'iintes em Goa : a Inquizigao para as
couzas
APPENDIX. ccclxxix
covizas da Religiao : o Tribunal do Ordinario para os mais Nego-
cios Eccleziafticos : uma Junta das Mifibens, independente do
Bifpo, mas fujeita a infpecao dos Vice-Reys, na qual Junta pre-
zidia o Superior dos Jezuitas : huma Rcla9ao (tribunal fuperior de
Judicatura) Com hum Chanceller-mor para os negocios civis, com
appelagao para o Tribunal fupremo do Reino (em Portugal): hum
Concelho da Fazenda, e o Senado da Camera.
3. O Vice-Rey era Regcdor das Jufti9as, & como tal era Pre-
zidente da fobredita Relagao, & do referido Concelho da Fazen-
da : nao fe podendo difpender couza alguma fern hum defpacho,
ou portana do mefmo Vice-Rey» Efte, como Lugar-tenente
d'EI Rey, governava fem limitagao fobre os Militares ; conferia
Patentes ate o pofto de Capitaens inclufive : nomeava interina-
mente todos os mais Poftos fuperiores ; e conferia todos os Gover-
n03 da fua depcndencia, que nao vinhao providos pela Corte. Nos
cazos criminaes, aflim civis, como militares, a Rela^a o e o Con-
celho de Guerra da India tinhao o direito fupremo de vida e mor-
te : e o Vice-Rey, como Prezidente, tinha o direito de dezem-
pate nos cazos de igoaldade de votos.
4. Alem dos referidos eftablecimentos, Senado da Camera
tinha os mefmos direitos de policia, que tem todos os do Reino :
e alem dilfo o direito dc reprezentagao a o mefmo Vice-Rey ; e de
fe queixar, em Corpo de Tribunal, em direitura a fua Mageftade
a Lifboa.
'?'■'
5. Quando avia vacancia de Vice-Rcys, por cauza de morte,
o Arcebifpo, o Chanceler da Re]a9ao, e o Official Militar de
maior Patente, tomavao o governo de Ellado ; e exercitavao pro-
mifcuamente todas as f ungoens, affignando todos juntos as ordens
que davao.
6. O Commercio da Afia pertencia inteiramente a El Rey, e
tudo fe fazia por conta da Coroa, em navios proprios : para o que
tinhao eftabelecido, por parte de mefma Coroa, e a fua cufta, dif-
ferentis
ccclxxx A P f^ E N D I X.
ferentcs Fcitorias em todos os Eftabelecimentos da Afia, admin:-'
ftrados por Feitores e Officials da Fazenda Real, debaixoda ju-
rifdicao dos Vice-Reys ; os quais-davao contas no fim de 3 annos
fua adiTiiniflra9ao, ao Concelho da Fazenda da India: e efte as
dava ao Concelho-Ultramarino de Lifboa, na fequinta mongao.
Efte comercio fe fazia em frotas, que partiao da India, e depo-
zitavao tudo nos Armazaens Reaes da Caza aflim chamada (da
India) em Liftoa : donde fe vendia por conta da Fazenda ReaF,
aos nacionaes, e aos eftranjeiros.
7. Os Vice-Reys obtiverao a liberdade de fazerem comefcio
para o Reino ; porem nao podiao exceder dc huma porgao limitada,
que fe Ihes arbitrou, A mefma faculdade fe eftendeo aodepois
difTo a muitas outras peflbas, tanto civis, como militares ; porem
com grandes limitagoens e rezervas ; exceptuando fempre as pe-
dras preciozas, perolas e aljofar, cujo comercio fe deu excluziva-
mente as Rainhas de Portugal, para feo patrimonio : affim como
taobem o da pimenta. O comercio dos outras efpeciarias, dofali-
tre, fandalo, e porcelana, fempre foi rezervado a Coroa.
8. Prohibio-fe em fim aos Vice-Reys e a todos os Officiaes Ci-
Tis e Militares de fazerem comercio algum por huma Lei que
foi promulgada no anno de 1687,
9. Ogoverno da India foi alterado no anno de 177.^. Abolio-
fe o Vice-Reynado, ficando em Capitaens Generaes. Deu-fe
uma nova forma a arrccadagao da Fazenda, eftabelecendo-fe hum
Erario Regie, no forma do Erario de Lifboa. Abolio-fe a In-
quizi9ao, e o Tribunal de Relacao : ficando a adminiflragao da
jufli^a, nas maos dos Ouvidores Geraes, com appellagao para
Lifboa. Mandou-fe eflabelcer no mefmo Eflado o mefmo regu-
lamento milltar, que fe praftica em Portugal : e pagar as tropas
por conta da Coroa cm dinh.eiro ; por quanto efla defpeza era feita
d'antcs pelos Capitaens que exerciao monopolios onerozos, pagan-
.Jo Tins ri.UlaJos fuftcnto e fardaraento por fua conta.
Copy
APPENDIX. ccclxxxi
Copy of the King's Letters Patent, given to the Vice-Roys, fnpreme
Comiiianders of Portuguefe Enjl India, according to the original
kept in the King's Office, called Concelho Ultramarino in
Lifbon.
" Don N. by the grace of God King of Portugal and AI-
garves, on the fide of the fea, and on that of Africa ; Lord of
Guinea, and of the Conquefl, Navigation, and Commerce of
Ethiopia, Arabia, Perfia and India, &c.
** Be it known to all to whom this my Letter Patent may
come that, attentive to the qualities, merits, and talents of N. I
am pleafed to name him (as I do hereby) to the office of Vice-
Roy and Generaliflimo of the fea and land, in the States of India,
and dependencies thereon, for the (pace of three years, and till
fuch time after as I fhall appoint another to fucceed him ; and on
account of this government, I appoint him a falary of 24,000^1 cru-
zados, to be paid to him every year according to this my commifli-
on : and he fhall enjoy all the honours, powers, command, jurifdic-
^ion, and authority, which now holds the prefent Vice-Roy, and
formerly did his predeceffors in the fame government, and befides
whatever further grants 1 may allow to him as Vice-Roy, Generalif-
fimo, and my Locum-tenens immediate to my Royal Perfon. On
account of which I order the till now Vice-Roy of India, or who-
foever holds in his ftead the government of that State, to deliver
up to the fald N. the fame government at his arrival. And more-
over I order all the officers of War, of the King's-bench, and of
the Exchequer, to obey him in every refpedl, and execute his
orders or commands, as their Vice-Roy and Generalifiimo : and
the Lord Treafurer or high Receiver of the Revenue in that State,
Ihall make him payment of the aforefaid Salary quarterly, accord-
ing to this prefent Letter Patent, without waiting for any further
orders of mine ; which payment beiijg regiftered in the book of
tRe
^ Two thoiifand fix hundted and fixty-fix pounds fterling.
ccclxxxii A P P E N D 1 X.
the expences of State, fliall be reckoned as one of them. And the
faid N. fhall fwcar in the High Court of my Chancery in the ac-
cuftomed form : an atteftation of which fliall be taken on the back
of this Letter Patent : And before his departure froni fliore, he
fhall fwear obedience, and do homage on my Royal hands, for the
faid government of India and its dependencies : and as a ted and
confirmation of the v/hole, I have ordered this my Letter Patent
to be pafl^ed, which fliall be figned by me, and fealed with the
Great Seal of my Arms, &c.
Given at Lifoon, Sec. "
OBSERVATIONS.
T. The Vice-Roys of India held a fupreme jurifdi(5lion, as ap-
pears by their Letters Patent, and were only fubjed at the end of
their government to an Inquefl: on the difcharge of their official du-
ty and perfonal behaviour, which the King always ordered to be
made by a Civil Magiftrate. Into this Inquefl were to be fworn all
ranks of the State, the Members of the Supreme Council of the
India adminiftration, and thofe of all the other Councils and
Courts, the King's Bench of Judges at Goa, the Minifters and
Officers of the India Exchequer and King's Revenue, as well as
all the Generals and Military Officers of the State, without ex-
ception of any pcrfon foever.
The refult of this general Inqueft was to be fentdireiflly to the
King's Council at Lifton : and there to be judged accordingly.
But if the new Vice-Roy, in confequence of any complaints
having been made to the King's Privy Council againft his prede-
ceflTor, had got particular orders from the king, he then could, on
finding him guilty by the aforefaid Inquefl, commit him to prifon,
and fend him under confinement to Lifljon, to be judged by the
King's Privy Council, or by the King himfelf.
2. There were in India, befides the Vice-Roy an J two Secre-
taries of State, who a(5ted with him as a kind of Privy Council,
the
APPENDIX. cdclxxxlf^
the following Tribunals in Goa, viz. The Inquifition of the af-
fairs of Religion : An Ecclefiaftical or Spiritual Court, with the
Bifiiop at their head, for the affairs which fall under the cogni-
zance of the Church : A Board or Council for the Propagation
of the Gofpel, without any dependence upon the BiHiop, but only
fubjeded to the infpedtion of the Vice-Roys, of which Council
the Superior of the Jefuits was Prefident : The King's Bench,
confifling of a Chancellor and a certain number of high Judges,
named by the King, for tjie Civil affairs, from whom there could
be no appeal but to the fupreme King's Bench of the high Judges
at Liibon : A Councilor Court of the Exchequer, for^he King's
Revenue : And a kind of a Court, \Jikethe Common Council of Lo?i-
don'\ but very few in number, for the police of Goa.
3. The Vice-Roy being, on account of his office, a kind of High
Chancellor of the State, was in confequence thereof Prefident of
the fupreme King's Bench of high or great Judges; and of the
Court of the Exchequer already mentioned : nor could any ex-
pence or difburfement be made by this laft, without confent and
permiiTion figned by himfelf. He, as a Locum-tenens of the
King, had an unlimitted authority and command over the whole
military departments : he conferred all the military Commiflions
in the army, not above thofe of Captains ; and even appointed any
fuperior OfKcers, till thefe offices were filled up by the King's
nomination ; and, finally, he nominated and gave all other com-
miflions and charges under him, v/hich were not provided by the
King. In all criminal cafes, both civil and military, the above
King's Bench of high Judges, and the Council of War, or Court
Martial, held the decifive authority of Life and Death : But
tiie Vice-Roys had the cafting-vote, as Prefidcnts of both, in cafe
of an equality of votes.
4. Befides the aforefaid civil cllablifliments, the Municipal
Court, under the name of Senate of the Camera, \jwhich ivas like
the Common Council of London, though compofed of much fewer mem-
bers'] was veiled with the fame authority and exclufive power, in
regard
ccclxxxiv APPENDIX.
regard to matters of police, as that of Portugal ; it had alfo the
right of addrefling and petitioning tlie Vice-Roy, and even of ap-
plying by common confent, as a civil body, for redrefs, to the
King himfelf, at Lifbon.
5. On the death of the Vice-Roy, during his government, the
Archbifhop of Goa, the Chancellor of the King's Bench or Coun-
cil of Juftice, and the Military Officer of higheil rank and of oldeft
commiffion, were to take the government of the State, and to ex-
ercife conjointly all its functions j all three figning together what-
ever orders they gave-
6. The whole Commerce of Afia belonged folely to the King ;
and was carried on, on account of the Crown, in the King's fhips.
To this end there were eftablifhed different faftories, by the au-
thority and at the expence of the Crown, in all the fettlements of
Afia, with proper Officers and Clerks, under the jurifdidlion of
the Vice- Roys ; who at the end of every three years were to ren-
der an account of their management to the India Exchequer, by
which it was fent to the high Council Ultramarine at Lifbon in the
next * mongoon. This Commerce was carried on by fleets, which
failed from India, and depofited their cargoes in the Royal ware-
lioufes of the Eaft India Houfe at Lilbon ; from whence they
were fold on behalf of the Royal Revenue, both to the Portuguefe
and to foreignersf .
7. In courfe of time the Vice-Roys obtained leave to trade, on
their own account, from India to Portugal ; but they were not
allowed to exceed a limited and determined portion. Afterwards
the fame power was extended to many other perfons, both of the
civil
* MoiK^'.on means here the dated times in which the Portuguefe India fliips
ufeJ to fail to Lifbon.
f B'jf'dts the Ead-India vvarc-hcufes at Liftion, there were other warc-
houfcs at Antwerp, with a conful, anriat Rotteidam and Amlterdam, with
two refpcdtivc factois, for the difpofal ot the India goods fent to them from
l.ifbon.
APPENDIX. ccclxxxT
civil and of the military profeiTion : but this was to be done within
great limitations and reftriftions. The commerce of precious
ftones, and pearls of every fize, was always excepted. The trade
of thefe, and of pepper, was the exclufive right of the Queens of
Portugal, as a part of their patrimony || , The trade of the other
Ipices, of nitre, fandaloj, and that of porcelain, always was re-
ferved to the Crown.
8. In fine, the Vice-Roys of India, and all Officers, both civil
and military, were prohibited carrying on any kind of commerce
between India and Portugal, by a law which was publifhed in the
year 1687.
9. The government of the Portuguefe Eaft India was lately al-
tered, in the year 1773. The title of Vice-Roy was abolifhed,
and changed into that of Captain General. A new form of levying
the duties, and managing the King's Revenue was eftablifhed. A
new Royal Treafury or Exchequer was ereded, like that of Lif-
bon, known by the name of Royal Erariunu The court of Inqui-
fition was abolifhed, as well as the fupreme Tribunal of the King's
Bench, the adminiftration of Juflice being put into the hands of
Auditors-General, from whom there may be an appeal to the High
Tribunal at Lifbon. The fame military regulations, as now prac-
tifed in Portugal, were extended to India : and the troops were
ordered to be paid in ready money, on account of the Crown ; the
pay of the foldiers having formerly pafTed throtigh the hands of
the Captains, who exercifed confiderable monopolies in the ma-
nagement of it, by paying them in provifions and cloaths, &c.
from their own warehoufes.
Ambitious
II The Queens of Portugal have a kind of patrimony afligned to them by
the State : it confifts of diiFerent cities, towns and villages, whofe duties
and cuftoms belong to the Queen's houfehold or revenue. They have a Se-
cretary of State, with a council of their own, an exchequer for their own
revenue : and all the juflices of peace, judges, and officers of the Queen's
State, are of her majefty's nomination.
§ A kind of red woodj for dying with, like the Brazil wood.
ccclxxxvi APPENDIX.
Ambitious of giving his hiftorical narrative the lall confirmation
tlie tranflator applied for afliftance to fome gentlemen, who, on the
appearance of the EngliHi Lufiad, honoured him with their corref-
pondence. He entreated that, if pofl'iblc, a copy of the commif-
fion of the Viceroys, might be procured, together with an abftradl
of the laws and conftitution of Portuguefe Afia. And the fore-
going papers, of which he has given a tranflation, were remitted
to him from the Continent. During the Spanifh ufurpatlon, the
affairs of India fell into the deepeft anarchy. When John IV. af-
cended the throne of Portugal, he endeavoured to reflore regu-
larity to the government of his eaftern empire ; and from the re-
gulations of tliat monarch and his fucceflbrs the above Notidas
were carefully extracted. There is no copy of the Viceroy's com-
niliTion of older date than the beginning of the reign of John IV.
the former papers relative to the government of India having pro-
bably been removed to Madrid. But the commlflion itfelf bears a
proof that it was in the iifual form ; and the regulations of John,
which remain upon record, appear, by the teftimony of hiflory,
to be only a confirmation of the former government of India, with
a great diminution of the Viceroy's falary, and perhaps fome few
novel eftablidiments which did not affedt the fpirit of the confti-
tution. By the lateft alterations, it appears, that the conftitution
of Lift)on, ever was, and is, the grand model of the government
of Portuguefe Afia.
*** Whatever clrcumftances have a tendency to elucidate the
manners and policy of former times, or to give us an accurate
idea of the energy and ftrength of her various governments, when
Europe began to emerge from the inaflivity of the Gothic ages,
.ire highly worthy of the careful inveftigation of the philofopher
and politician. Roufed into aftion by Prince Henry of Portugal,
the end of the fifteenth and beginning of the fixteenth century be-
came the great aera of maritime difcovery. The three grand ex-
peditions were thofe of Gama, Columbus, and Magalhaens. And
the object of all was the fame, the Difcovery of India. The
force
A P P, E N D I X. ccclxxxvii
force of the various fleets which attempted this arduous undertak-
ing will give us an idea of the ftate of maritime affairs in the
reigns when they were fitted out. In i486, Bartholomew Diaz,
a Portugucfe captain, with three fliips, attempted the Difcovery
of India by the coaft of Africa ; but, harafled by tempefts, his
crew mutinied, and having difcovered the river del Infante, on the
eaftern fide of Africa, he returned to Europe. About 14 years
after, this expedition was happily completed by Gama ; and the
force with which he went out is thus circumftantially dcfcribed by
Hernan Lopez de Caftaneda, a cotemporary writer, and careful
journalift of facfls.
*' Emmanuel, earneft to profecute what his predeceflx)r Don
** John had begun for the difcovery of India, ordered Fernan
*' Lorenzo, Trcafurer of the houfe of the Myna (on the gohltn
*' coajl) to build with the timber that was bought in king John's
*' time, two fhips, which, after they were finifhed, he named,
*' the Angel Gabriel, being of one hundred and twenty tons bur-
" then, and the Saint Raphael, of one hundred tons. And to
** accompany thefe fliips, the king bought of a pilot who was born
** in Lagos, named Berrio, a caravel of fifty tons, which bore
*' the name of the pilot. Befidc thefe, he bought a fliip of two
" hundred tons of one Ayres Correa The king alfo appointed
** Bartholomew Diaz to go along with them in a caravel to the
*' Myna. And becaufe the fhips of war could not carry provifions
*' fufficient for the voyage, the king gave orders that the fhip of
" Correa fliould be laden with provifions, and accompany the fleet
*' to the bay of St. Blafs, where it would be neceffary to take in
" frefh water ; and the flore fliip was to be there unloaded and
" burnt. The Captain General went in the fhip called St. Gabrielj
*' having for pilot one Pedro de Alanquer, who had been pilot to
" Bartholomew Diaz, when he difcovered the river called El rye
" del Tnfante. Paulus de Gama, brother of the Captain General,
*' went in the fhip called St. Raphael ; Nicolas Coello went in
^* the caravel nanied Berrio j and Gonfalo Gomez commanded
« tlie
ccclxxxvlii APPENDIX.
" the {lore (hip." The number of the crews of this fquadron,
according to Caftaneda, was 148 men; according to others, 160-
Gama and his brother, and the ten malefadors who were on board
were perhaps not included in Caftaneda's account.
The voyage of Cohimbus has been called the moft daring and
grand ever attempted by man. Columbus himfelf, however, feems
to have had a very different idea of it ; for certain it is, he ex-
pedled to reach India by the weftward paffage in the fpace of not
many weeks. The fquadron with which he attempted this dif-
covery, confifted of only three vefl'cls Dr. Robertfon calls the
largeft which Columbus commanded, " of no confiderable bur-
*' den ;" and the two others, " hardly fuperior in burden or force
*' to large boats." The crew confifted of ninety men, and a few
adventurers. And the expence of fitting out this equipment did
not exceed 4000I. fterling, for which queen Ifabella pawned her
jew^els.
The enterprize of Magalhaens was infinitely more daring than
that of Columbus. India and the continent of America were now
both difcovered, and now kno\yn to be at vaft diftance from each
other. To find a route to India beyond the great American con-
tinent was the bold defign of Magalhaens ; which he attempted,
according to Faria, with 250 men and five fliips ; which with
refped to its purpofe, Dr. Robertfon calls, <' a proper fquadron."
When Gama failed from LilLon, it was unknown that a great
and potent Commonwealth of Mohammedan merchants, deeply
(killed in all the arts and views of Commerce, were fcattered over
the eaftern world. Gama, therefore, did not fail to India with
a warlike fleet, like that which firft followed him, under Cabral,
but with a fquadron every way proper for difcovery. The Por-
tuguefe hiftorians afcribe the fhipwreck of many Portuguefe veffels
on the voyage between Europe and India to the avarice of their
owners, in building them of an enormous bulk, of 4, 5, and 600
tons. The fleet of Gama was therefore not only of the raofl per-
fea
APPENDIX. ccclxvii
feft fize which the art of fhip-building could then produce, but
was alfo fuperior in number, and nearly of the draught f of water
with the veflels which at this day are fent out on voyages of dif-
covery. The difpofition of GamaV.voyage is alfo worthy of notice:
the captain who had already pafTed the great fouthern promon-
tory of Africa, to accompany him to a certain latitude ; the pilot
who had failed with that captain, to go the whole voyage ; the Cze
of Coello's caravel, proper to enter creeks and rivers ; and the ap-
pointment of the ftore-lhip ; are circumftances which difplav a
knowledge of and attention to maritime affairs, greatly fuperior to
any thing difcovered by the court of Spain in the equipments of
Columbus and Magalhaens. The warlike ftrength of Gama's
fleet was greatly fuperior to that of tlie firft voyage of Columbus,
and little inferior to that of Magalhaens ; though Magalhaens, who
had been in India, well knew the hoftile di{]5ofition of the natives.
In the art of war the Indians were greatly inferior to the Moors,
^nd the Moors were as inferior to the Portuguefe. And the
fquadron of Gama not only defeated the whole naval force of the
firft maritime ftate of India, but in every attack was vidorious
over the fuperior numbers of the Moors. Thefe circumftances are
clearly evinced in our hiftory of the Difcovery of India ; and this
comparative difcufTion will not only give an accurate idea of the
progrefs which the Portuguefe had made in navigation, but is alfo,
perhaps, necefTary in fupport of the rej)utation of this work. Had
an author of ordinary rank reprefented the fquadron of Gama as
extremely feeble, conjijling only of three ;j: veffels, of neither burthen nor
force adequate to the-fer-vice — fuch condemnation of our narrative
had been here unnoticed. But when a celebrated and juftly ad-
mired hiftorian, in a work publiflied about one year and an half
after the firft appearance of the Lufiad, has given fuch reprefenta-
VOL. I. Z tion
+ Capt. Cook's ttvo -veffl'ls have, by the iatcft experience, been found the
fittefl; for difcovery. The one was of 462 tons burthen, tlie other of -?36 ;
and built to draw little water. And certain it is that veilels of fach burthen
are now built, which draw as little water as thole of 120 ton.<. in the iufan!;y
of modern navigation.
\ See Hill. Ameiic. vol. i. p. 145.
ccclxvii APPENDIX.
tion of the equipment of Gama, diredly contrary to the light in
which it is there placed, tlie foregoing detail will not appear, it
is hoped, an unnecefTary or rude vindication. We have followed
the ample and circumflantial accounts of the Portuguefe writers,
and not the imperfed and curfory abftradls of the Spanifh hiftorians
when they allude to the affairs of their filler kingdom.
* ^* To our former accounts of Portuguefe Literature let the
following be added : In 1741, an Heroic poem was publilhed in
Portuguefe by the Coun t de Ericeyra. It is named Henriqueidof
and celebrates the eftablilhment of the kingdom of Portugal. Though
it has fome extravagancies, it contains an ardent Ipirit of true
poetry. And in the preface and notes the author has given many
judicious criticifms, and by his opinion of Milton difcovers a
flrength of mind greatly fuperior to that frivoloufnefs, that poverty
of tafte, which the French generally betray, when they criticife
the works of tliat great Poet. The tranflator has been favoured
with the following account of this noble author by a learned and
ingenious gentleman of Portugal ; for whofe favours he here re-
turns his acknowledgments.
" Don Francifco Xavier de Menezes, fourth Count of Erlcejn-a,
" was one of the moft learned men of this age, and a great orna-
" ment to Portugal ; he was born at Lifbon the 29th of January,
" 1673, and died in the fame city the 31ft of December, 1743.
*' To the qualities of a foldier, a politician, a philofopher, a ma-
*' thematician, an hiftorian, and a poet, he joined that of a man
" of honour and probity. He was diredor and cenfor of the royal
** academy of Portuguefe Hiftory ; he fpoke the Latin, French,
*' Italian and Spanifh languages with as much eafe and elegance
" as his own, and wrote in them all with accuracy. Although
" he never went out of Portugal, he was known and admired in
" all Europe, and obtained tlie efteem and the praifes of Pope
" Innocent Xlll. and Lewis XIV. of France, as well as fome
" of the moft eminent men of that age, fuch as Muratori, Bian-
*' chioi,
APPENDIX. cccvlxii
" chinJ, Crefcimbeni, Dumont, Garelli, Le Clerc, Bayle, Def-
** preaux, Renaudot, Bignon, Salazar, Feijoo, Mayans, &c.
** With all thefe he appears to have kept a literary correfpondence;
** was member of the Arcadian academy of Italy, and of the Royal
** Society of London, and much refpeded by the Ruffian academy.
" He compofed a great number of excellent pieces in profe and
" verfe, many of which have been publifhed."
THE
THE
L U S I A D.
BOOK I.
XjlRMS and the heroes, who from Lifbon's fliore,
Thro' feas ^ where fail was never fpread before,
Beyond where Ceylon lifts her fpicy breaft.
And waves her woods above the watery wafte,
VOL. I. B With
» T/je Liifiad; in the original, Os Luftadas, The Lufiads, from the Latin
name of Portugal, dei ived from Lufus or Lyfas, the companion of Bacchus
in his travels, and who fettled a colony in Lufitania. See Plin. 1. iii. c. i.
'' Thro' feas •where fail -was never fpread before.-— M.. Dupei ron de Caflera, the
French tranflator of the Lufiad, has given a long note on this pafTage, which
he tells us, mud not be underflood literally. His arguments are thefe ; Our
author, fays he, could not be ignorant that tlie African and In-iian Oceans
had been navigated before the times of the Portug^iefe. The Phoenicians,
whofe fleets pafied the (Iraits of Gibraltar, made frequent voyages in thefe
feas, though they carefully concealed the courfe of their navigation that
other
z THE LUSIAD. book i.
With prowefs more than human forc'd their way
To the fair kingdoms of the rifing day :
What wars they wag'd, what fcas, what dangers pafl,
What glorious empire crown'd their toils at laft,
Vent'rous
other nations might not become partakers of their lucrative traffic. It is
certain that Solomon, and Hiram king of Tyre, fent fliips to the Eaft by
the Red Sea. It is alfb certain that Hanno, a Carthaginian captain, made
a voyage round the whole coafl of Africa, as is evident from the hiftory of
the expedition, written by himfelf in the Punic language ; a Greek tranfla-
tion of which is now extant. Befidcs, Pliny, Pomponius Mela, Ptolomy
and Strabo, afliire us, that Mozambic and the adjacent iflands, and fome
parts of India, were known to the Romans : and thefe words of Macrobius,
Sed ne: monjlruofis cariiibus abjl'meth, infcrentes poculis tejliculos Cajiorum et venenata
corpora Viperarum; quibiis admifcdh qu'idquid India nutrit, fufficiently prove that
they carried on a confiderable traffic with the Eaft. From all which, fays
M. Caftera, we may conclude that the Portuguefc were rather the reftorers
than the difcovcrers of the navigation to the Indies.
In this firft book, and throughout the whole poem, Camoens frequently
defcribes his heroes as parting through feas which had never before been na-
vigated ; and
^iiefo dos fcyos focas fe navega.
Where but fea-monjlers cut the iva-ves Before,
That this luppofition afforded our author a number of poetical images, and
adds a folemn grandeur to his fubjcft, might perhaps with M. Caftcra be
efteemed a fufficient apology for the poetical licence in fuch a violation of
hiftorical truth. Yet whatever liberties an epic or a tragic poet may com-
mendably take in embcllifliing the actions of his heroes, an aflertion i da-
tive to the fcene where his poem opens, if falfe, muft be equally ridiculous
as to call Vcfpafian the firft who had ever afTumed the title of Cacfar. But
it will be found that Camoens has not fallen into fuch abfurdity. The poem
opens with a defcription of the Lufitanian fleet, after having doubled the
Cape of Hope, driving about in the great Ethiopian Ocean, fo far from
land that it required the care of the Gods to conduct it to fome hofpitable
Ihore. Therefore, though it is certain that the Phoenicians palled the
Ne plus ultra of the anticnts ; though it is probable they traded on the coaft
of Cornwall, and the ides of Scilly ; though there is fome reafon to believe
that the Madeiras and Carribecs were known to them; and though it has
been
«oox I, THELUSIAD. ^
Vent'rous I fing, on foaring pinions borne,
And all my country's wars the fong <= adorn ;
What kings, what heroes of my native land
Thunder'd on Alia's and on Afric's ftrand :
Illuftrious lliades, who levell'd in the dufl:
The idol-temples and the flirines of luft ;
And where, erewhile, foul demons were rever'd,
To holy faith unnumber'd altars d rear'd :
B 2 Illuftrious
httn fuppopd tV.iX. fome of their fliips might have been driven by ftorm to the
Brazils or Noith-Amenca; yet there is not the lead foundation in hiftory
to fuppofe that they traded to the Indies by the Cape of Good Hope.
There is rather a demonilration of tlie contrary ; for it is certain they car-
> ied on their traffic with the Eafl:, by a much nearer and fafer way, by the
two ports of Elath and fiziongeber on the Red Sea. Neither is it certainly-
known in what particular part, whether in the Perfian gulph, or in the
Indian ocean, the Tarfliilh and Ophir of the ancients are fituated. Though
it is certain that Hanno doubled the Cape of Good Hope, it is alfo equally-
certain that his voyage was merely a coafting one, like that of Nearchus
in Alexander's time, and that he never ventured into the great ocean, or
went fo far^s-Gama. The citation from Macrobius proves nothing at all
relative to the point in queftion, for it is certain that the Romans received
the merchandife of India by the way of Syria and the Mediterranean,
in the fame manner as the Venetians imported the commodities of the
Eafl from Alexandria before the dii'coveries of the Portuguefe. It re-
mains, therefore, that Gama, who failed by the compafs, after having gone
further than his cotemporary Bartholomew Diaz, was literally the ffrft who
ever fpread fail in the great fouthern ocean, and that the Portuguefe were
not the reftorers, but literally the difcoverers of the prefent rout of na-
vigation to the Eafl Indies.
= And all ?!iy country's loars. — " He interv/eaves artf-i^Uy the hillory of
Poitugal." Voltaire.
^ To holy faith unnumuer^ J altars rear'd.— la. no period of hiilory does hu-
man nature appear with more fhoddng features than in the Spanifh con-
quefl; of South America. To the immortaUhonour of \hejirjl Portuguefe
difcoverers, their conduct was in every refpe^ the reverfe. To eftabjiilh a
traffic equally advantageous to the natives as ,tp themfelvas, w^s the prin-
ciple
% THE LUSIAD. book i.
lUuftrlous names, with deathlefs laurels crown'd.
While time rolls on in every clime reno\\Ti'd !
Let Fame with wonder name the Greek no more,
What lands he faw, what toils at fea he bore j
No more the Trojan's wandering voyage boaft.
What ftorms he brav'd on many a per'lous coaft :
No more let Rome exult in Trajan's name.
Nor eaftern conquefts Ammon's pride proclaim;
A nobler hero's deeds demand my lays
Than e'er adorn'd the fong of ancient days ;
lUuftrious Gama, whom the waves obey'd.
And whofe dread fword the fate of empire fway'd.
And
ciple they profefTeci, and the ftriiflcft honour, and that humanity which is
ever infeparable from true bravery, prefided over their tranfa<f^ions. Nor
did they ever proceed to hoftilities till provoked, either by the open vio-
lence or by the perfidy of the natives. Their honour was admired, and
their friendfliip courted by the Indian princes. To mention no more, the
name of Gama was dear to them, and the great Albuquerque was beloved
as a father, and his memory honoured with every token of affccflion and
refpefl by the people and princes of India. It was owing to this fpirit of
honour and humanity, which in the heroical days of Portugal chara(ftcrifcd
tliat nation, that the rtligion of the Portuguefc was eagerly embraced by
many kings and provinces of Africa and India ; while the Mexicans w ith
manly difdain rejected the faith of the Spaniards, profefling they would
rather go to hell to efcape thefe cruel tyrants, than go to heaven, where
they were told they fhould meet them. Zeal for the Chriftian religion
was eftecmed, at the time of the Portuguefc grandeur, as the mofl car-
dinal virtue, and to propagate Chriftianity and extirpate Mohammcdifm
was tin; moft certain proofs of that zeal. In all their expeditions this was
profefl'cdly a principal motive of the Lufitanian monarchs; and Camocns
undcrflood the nature of epic poetry too well to omit. That the defign
of his hero was to deliver the law of heaven to the eaftern world ; a cir-
cumftance which gives a noble air of importance and of intereft to the bu-
llncfs of his poem.
BooKi. THE LUSIAD. ;
And you, fair nymphs of Tagus, parent ftream.
If e'er your meadows were my paftoral theme.
While you have liftened, and by moonfliine feen
My footfteps wander o'er your banks of green,
O come aufpicious, and the fong infpire
With all the boldnefs of your hero's fire :
Deep and majeftic let the numbers flow.
And, rapt to heaven, with ardent fury glow ;
Unlike the verfe that fpeaks the lover's grief,
When heaving fighs afford their foft relief.
And humble reeds bewail the fhepherd's pain :
But like the warlike trumpet be the ftrain
To roufe the hero's Ire ; and far around.
With equal rage, your warriors' deeds refound.
And thou, « O born the pledge of happier days.
To guard our freedom and our glories raife,
Given
* And thou, born.— 'King Sebaflian, wlio came to the throne in his mi-
nority. Though the warm imagination of Camoens anticipated the praifes
of the future hero, the young monarch, like Virgil's PoUio, had not the
happinefs to fulfil the prophecy. His endowments and enterprifing genius
promifed indeed a glorious reign. Ambitious of military laurels, he led a
powerful army into Africa, on purpofe to replace Muley Hamet on the
throne of Morocco, from which he had been depofed by Muley Molucco.
On the 4th of Auguft, IJ78, in the twenty-fifth year of his age, he gave
battle to the Ulurper on the plains of Alcazar. This was that memorable
engagement, to which the Moorifh Emperor, extremely weakened by
ficknefs, was carried in his litter. By the impetuofity of the attack, the
firfl line of the Moorifh infantry was broken, and the fecond difordered.
Muley Molucco on this mounted his horfe, drew his labre, and would
have put himfelf at the head of his troops, but was prevented by his at-
tcndants.
6 THE LUSIAD. look r*
Given to the world to fpread Religion's fwajr,
And pour o'er many a land the mental day.
Thy future honours on thy fhield behold.
The crofs, and vi<5lor's wreath, emboft in gold ;
At
tendants. On this aft of violence, his emotion of mind was fo great that
he fell from his horfe, and one of his guards having caught him in bis
arms, conveyed him to his litter, where, putting his finger on his lips to
enjoin them filence, lie immediately expired. Hamct Taba flood by the
curtains of the carriage, opened them from time to time, and gave out
orders as if he had received them from the emperor. Victory declared
for the Moors, and the defeat of the Portuguefe was fo total, that not
above fifty of their whole army efcaped. Hipron de Mendoja, and Se-
baftiande Mefa relate, that Don Sebaftian, after having two horfes killed
under him, was furrounded and taken ; but the party who had fecured him
quarrelling among themfelves whofe prifoner he was, a Moorifh officer
rode up and (truck the king a blow over the right eye, which brought him
to the ground; when, defpairing of ranfom, the others killed him, Faria
y Soufa, an exaft and judicious hiftorian, reports, that Lewis de Brito
meeting the king with the royal ftandard wrapped round him, Sebaftian
cried out, " Hold it fait, let us die upon it." Brito affirmed, that after
he himfelf was taken prifoner, he faw the king at a diftance unpurfued.
Don Lewis de Lima afterwards met him making towards the river ; and
this, fays the hiftorian, was the laft time he was ever feen alive. About
twenty years after this fatal defeat, there appeared a ftranger at Venice,
who called himfelf Sebaftian, king of Portugal. His perfon fo perfectly
refembled Sebaftian, that the Portuguefe of that city acknowledged him
for their fovercign. Philip II. of Spain was now mafter of the crown and
Kingdom of Portugal. His ambaftiidor at Venice charged this ftranger
with many atrocious crimes, and had intereft to get him apprehended and
thrown into prifon as an impoftor. He underwent twenty-eight exami-
nations before a committee of the nobles, in which he cleaily acquitted
himfelf of all the crimes that had been hid to his charge ; and he gave a
diftinft accouht of the manner in which he had parted his time from the
fatal defeat at Alcazar. It was objeaed, that the fucceflbr of Muley
Molucco fcnt a corpfe to Portugal which had been owned as that of the
king by the Portuguefe nobility who furvived the battle. To this he re-
plied, that his valet de chambre had produced tliat body to facilitate his-
tfcape, and that the nobility aftcd upon the fume motive : and Mefa and
Bacna
aoojth THE LUSIAD. 7
At thy commanding frown we truft to fee,
The Turk and Arab bend the fuppliant knee :
Beneath the s morn, dread khig, thine empire lies,
When midnight veils thy Lufitanian Ikies j
And
Baena confefs, that fome of the nobility, after their return to Portugal,
acknowledged, that the corpfe was fo disfigured with wounds that it was
impoffible to know it. He (hewed natural marks on his body, which
tnaoy remembered on the perfon of the king whofc name he afliimcd. He
entered into a minute detail of the tranfaftions that had paflld between
himfelf and the republic, and mentioned the fecrets of feveral converfa-
tions with the Venetian ambafladors in the palace of Liiton. The com-
mittee were aftonifhed, and (hewed no diipofition to declare him an im-
poftor; the fenate however refufed to difcufs the great point, unlefs re-
quefted by (bme prince or ftate in alliance with them. This generous
part was performed by the Prince of Orange, and an examination was
made with great folemnity, but no decifion followed, only the fenate fet
him at liberty, and ordered him to depart their dominions in three days.
In his flight he fell into the hands of the Spaniards, who conduifted him
to Naples, where they treated him with the molt barbarous indignities.
After they had often expofed him, mounted on an afs, to the cruel in-
fults of the brutal mob, he was (hipped on board a galley as a (lave. He
was then carried to St. Lucar, from thence to a ca(tle in the heart of
Caftile, and never was heard of more. The firmnefs of his behaviour, his
fingular modefty and heroical patience, are mentioned with admiration by
de la Clede. To the lad he maintained the truth of his a(rertions ; a word
never (lipt from his lips which might countenance the charge of impofturc,
or juftify the cruelty of his perfecutors. All Europe were aftoniflicd at
the miniftry of Spain, who, by their method of conducting it, had made
an affair fo little to their credit, the r.opic of general converfation ; and
their aflertion, that the unhappy fufTcrer was a magician, was looked upon
as a tacit acknowledgment of the truth of his pretenfions.
S Beneath the morn, dread iing, thine empire //Vj.— When we confider the
glorious fuccelTes which bad attended the arms of the Portuguefe in Africa
and India, and the high reputation of their militai-y and naval prowefs, for
Portugal was then emprefs of the ocean, it is no matter of wonder that
the imagination of Camoens was warmed with the view of his country's
greatnefs, and that he talks of its power and grandeur in a flrain, which
muft appear as mere hyperbole to thofc whofe ideas of Portugal are drawn
from its prefent broken fpirit, and dimini/hed ftatc.
P THE L US IAD, book k
And when defcending in the weftern main
The fun b ftill rifes on thy lengthening reign :
Thou bloom'ng Scion of the nobleft ftem,
Our nat.or.'s lafety, and our age's gem,
O young Sebaftian, haften to the prime
Of manly youth, to Fame's high temple climb t
Yet now attentive hear the mufe's lay
While thy green years to manhood fpeed away :
The youthful terrors of thy brow fufpend,
And, O propitious, to the fong attend.
The numerous fong, by patriot-paffion fir'd,
And by the glories of thy race infpir'd :
To be the herald of my country's fame
My firft ambition and my deareft aim :
Nor conquefts fabulous, nor a£lions vain,
The mufe's paftime, here adorn the ftrain :
Orlando's fury, and Rugero's rage,
And all the heroes of th' Aonian page,
The
'• The fun. — Imitated perliaps from Rutilius, fpeaking of the Roman
Empire :
J^olvitur ipfe ilb't, qui confpk'it omn'ia^ Phabiis^
Atquc tills oitos in tiia coiidii equos.
or more probably from thefe lines of Buclianiia>>, acldreflTcd to John IH.
king of Portugal, the grandfather of Scbaflian :
Jnque fnii Phahus rcgn'u orierfque cadenfqut
Vix longumj'rjp) ciiidcret axe diem.
Et quacunque vago J'e circumvolvit Olympo
1 Till" I taiibus famma minijlra tui: .
sooK I. THELUSIAD. 9
The dreams of bards furpafs'd the world fliall view,
And own their boldeft fiiTtions may be true ;
Surpafs'd, and dimm'd by the fuperior blaze
Of Ga ma's mighty deeds, which here bright Truth difplays.
No more let hiftory boaft her heroes old ;
Their glorious rivals here, dread prince, behold :
Here fhine the valiant Nunio's deeds unfeign'd,
Whofe iingle arm the falling ftate fuftain'd ;
Here fearlefs Egas' wars, and, Fuas, thine.
To give full ardour to the fong combine ;
But ardour equal to your martial ire
Demands the thundering founds of Homer's lyre.
To match the twelve ' fo long by bards renown'd.
Here brave Magricio and his peers are crown'd
(A glorious twelve !) with deathlefs laurels, won
In gallant arms before the Englifli throne.
Unmatch'd no more the Gallic Charles fhall ftand.
Nor Csefar's name the iirft of praife command :
Of nobler a£ls the crown'd Alonzos fee.
Thy valiant fires, to whom the bended knee
Of vanquifli'd Afric bow'd. Nor lefs in fame.
He who confin'd the rage of civil flame.
The godlike John, beneath whofe awful fword
Rebellion crouch'd, and trembling own'd him lord.
Thofe
' To match the t'u-dvefo long by bards remivnd. — The twelve peers of Char-
lemagne, often mentioned in the old romances. For the epifode of Ma-
gricjo and liis eleven companions, lee the fixth Lufiad.
10 THE LUSIAD. book r.
Thofe heroes too, who thy bold flag unfurl'd.
And fpread thy banners o'er the eaftern world,
Whofe fpears fubdued the kingdoms of the mom, '
Their names, and glorious wars the fong adorn :
The daring Gam a, whofe unequall'd name
Proud monarch fliines o'er all of naval fame :
Callro the bold, in arms a peerlefs knight.
And ftern Pacheo, dreadful in the fight :
The two Almeydas, names for ever dear.
By Tago's nymphs embalm'd with many a tear ;
Ah, ftill their early fate the nymphs fhall mourn.
And bathe with many a tear their haplefs urn :
Nor fliall the godlike Albuquerque reftrain
Tlae mufe's fury ; o'er the purpled plain
Tlie mufe fhall lead him in his thundering car
Amidft his glorious brothers of the war,
Whofe fame in arms refounds from fky to Iky,
And bids their deeds the power of death defy.
And while, to thee, I tune the duteous lay,
AiTume, O potent king, thine empire's fway ;
With thy brave hoft through Afric march along,
And give new triumphs to immortal fong :
On thee with earned eyes the nations wait.
And cold with dread the Moor experts his fate ;
The barbarous mountaineer on Taurus' brows
To thy expected yoke his flioulder bows :
Fair Thetis wooes thee with her blue domain.
Her nuptial fon, and fondly yields her reign ;
And
aooKie THE LUSIAD. it
And from the bowers of heaven thy grandfires ^ fee
Their various virtues bloom afrefli in thee ;
One for the joyful days of peace renown'd.
And one with war's triumphant laurels crown'd:
With joyful hands, to deck thy manly brow.
They twine the laurel and the olive-bough ;
With joyful eyes a glorious throne they fee,
In Fame's eternal dome, referved ' for thee.
Yet while thy youthful hand delays to wield
The fcepter'd power, or thunder of the field.
Here view thine Argonauts, in feas unknown.
And all the terrors of the burning zone,
Till their proud ftandards, rear'd in other Ikies,
And all their conquefts meet thy wondering ^ eyes.
Now far from land, o'er Neptune's dread abode
The Lulitanian fleet triumphant rode j
Onward
^ T/jy grandfires. — John III. king of Portugal, celebrated for a long and
peaceful reign ; and the emperor Charles V. who was engaged in almoll
continual wars.
referveJ for thee.-
Anne novum tardis ftdus te menfthus addas,
^ua locus Erigonen inter chelafquc fequentes
Panditur : ipfe tibi jam brachia contrahit ardem
Scorpius, et cslijufaplus parte relijuit. ViRG.
»" — i/jy ivonderiiig eyes.— Some, critics have condemned Virgil for flop-
ping his narrative to introduce even a fliort obfervation of his own. Mil-
ton's beautiful complaint of his blindnefs has been blamed for the fame
rcafon, as being no part of the (ubjcift of his poem. The addrefs of Ca-
ihoens to Don Sebaftian has not efcaped the fame cenfure ; though in fomc
jneafure undeferfedly, as the poet has had the art to interweave therein
fome part of the general argument of his poem.
Iff THE LUSIAD. book i.
Onward they traced the wide and lonefome mahi,
"Where changeful Proteus leads his fcaly train ;
The dancing vanes before the zephyn flow'd.
And their bold keels the tracklefs ocean plow'd ;
Unplow'd before the green-tinged billows rofe.
And curl'd and whiten'd round the nodding prows.
When Jove, the God who with a thought controuls
The raging feas, and balances the poles,
From heav'n beheld, and will'd, in fovereign flate.
To fix the Eaftern World's depending fate :
Swift at his nod th' Olympian herald flies.
And calls th' immortal fenate of the Ikies ;
Where, from the fovereign throne of earth and heaven,
Th' immutable decrees of fate are given,
Inftant the regents of the fpheres of light,
And thofe who rule the paler orbs of night.
With thofe, the gods whofe delegated fway
The burning fouth and frozen north obey ;
And they whofe empires fee the day-flar rife.
And evening Phoebus leave the weftern Ikies ;
All inftant pour'd along the milky road.
Heaven's chryftal pavements glittering as they trode :
And now, obedient to the dread command,
Before their awful Lord in order fland.
Sublime and dreadful on his regal throne,
That glow'd with fturs, and bright as lightning flione,
Th'-
BOOK I. THE L us IAD. xj
Th' immortal fire, who darts the thunder, fate.
The crown and fceptre added foleain ftate ;
The crown, of heaven's own pearls, whofe ardent rays»
Flam'd round his brows, outflione the diamond's blaze :
His breath fuch gales of vital fragrance flied.
As might, with fudden life, infpire the dead :
Supreme controul throned in his awful eyes
Appear'd, and mark'd the monarch of the fkies.
On feats that burn'd with pearl and ruddy gold.
The fubje£l gods their fovereign lord enfold.
Each in his rank, when, with a voice that fhook
The towers of heaven the world's dread ruler fpoke : —
Immortal heirs of light, my purpofe hear.
My counfels ponder, and the Fates revere :
Unlefs Oblivion o'er your minds has thrown
Her dark blank fliades, to you, ye Gods, are known
The Fate's decree, and ancient warlike fame
Of that bold race which boafls of Lufus' name j
That bold advent'rous race the Fates declare,
A potent empire in the eaft ihall rear,
Surpaffing Babel's or the Periian fame.
Proud Grecia's boaft, or Rome's illuflrious name.
Oft from thefe brilliant feats have you behekl
The fons of Lufus on the dufty field.
Though few, triumphant o'er the numerous Moors,
Till from the beauteous lawns on Tago's fhores
They drove the cruel foe. And oft has heaven
Before their troops the proud Caftiiians driven ;
While
14 THELUSIAD. book i.
While VI(Slory her eagle-wings difplay'd
Where-e'er their warriors waved the fhining blade.
Nor refts unknown how Lufus* heroes flood
When Rome's ambition dy'd the world with blood ;
What glorious laurels Viriatus " gain'd,
How oft his fword with Roman gore was ftain'd ;
And
■ PT'/jat glorloiii laurels yiriatus ga'ind.—^Kis brave Lufitanian, who was
firft a (hepherd and a famous hunter, and afterwards d captain of banditti,
exafperated at the tyranny of tlie Romans, encouraged his countrymen to
revolt and (hake off" the yoke. Being appointed general, he defeated Ve-
tilius the prztor, who commanded in Lufitania, or farther Spain. After
this he defeated in three pitched battles, the prjEtors C. Plautius Hypfa:us,
and Claudius Unimanus, though they led againfl him veiy numerous armies.
For fix years he continued vi^orious, putting the Romans to flight wher-
ever he met them, and laying wafle the countries of their allies. Having
obtained fuch advantages over the proconful Servilianus, that the only
choice which was left to the Roman army was death or flavery ; the brave
Viriatus, inftead of putting them all to the fword, as he could eafily have
done, font a deputation to the general, ofTciing to conclude a peace with
him on this Tingle condition. That he Jhould continue majler of the country noia
in his foiver, and that the Romans Jhould remain poff.JJcd of the rejl of Spain.
The proconful, who expected nothing but death or flavery, thought thefe
very favourable and moderate terms, and without hefitation concluded a
peace, which was foon after ratified by the Roman fenate and people. Vi-
riatus, by this treaty, complcatcd the glorious dcfign he had always in view,
which was to cre<ft a kingdom in the vaft country he had conquered from
the republic. And had it not been for the treachery of the Romans, he .
would have become, as Florus calls him, the Romulus of Spain : He would
have founded a monarchy capable of counterbalancing the power of Rome.
The fenate, ftill defirous to revenge their late defeat, foon after this peace
ordered Q^Serviliiis Carpio to exafperate Viriatus, and force him by repeated
affronts to commit the firft a£ts of hoftility. But this mean artifice did not
fucceed. Viriatus would not be provoked to a breach of the peace. On
this the con/cript fathers, to the eternal dilgracc of their republic, ordered
Carpio to declare war, and to proclaim Viriatus, who had given no provoca-
tion, an enemy to Rome. To this bafencfs C'xpio adiltd ftill a greater; he
corrupted the ambafTadors which Viriatus had fent to negociate with him,
who, at the inftigation of the Roman, trcachcroully murdered their pro-
tcftorand general while he flcpt. Uxiv. Hisr.
BOOK I. THE LUSIAD. 15
And what fair palms their martial ardour crown*d,
When led to battle by the chief renown'd,
Who o feign'd a daemon, in a deer conceal'd.
To him the counfels of the Gods reveal'd.
And now ambitious to extend their fway
Beyond their conquefts on the fouthmoft bay
Of Afric's fwarthy coaft, on floating wood
They brave the terrors of the dreary flood.
Where only black-wing'd mifl:s have hover'd o'er.
Or driving clouds have fail'd the wave before ;
Beneath new flsles they hold their dreadful way
To reach the cradle of the new-born day :
And Fate, whofe mandates unrevok'd remain,
Has will'd, that long fliall Lufus' ofi'spring reign
The lords of that wide fea, whofe waves behold
The fun come forth enthroned in burning gold.
But now the tedious length of winter paft,
Diftrefs'd and weak, the heroes faint at lafi:.
What gulphs they dared, you faw, what ftorms they braved.
Beneath what various heavens their banners waved !
Now Mercy pleads, and foon the riflng land
To their glad eyes fliall o'er the waves expand.
As
• Who feign d a damon.—&txtonas, who was invited hy the LuHtanians
to defend them againfb the Romans. He had a tame white hind, which he
had accuftomed to follow him, and from which he pretended to receive the
inftrudlions of Diana. By this artifice he impofed upon the fuperftition of
that people.— —Vid. Plot.
i6 THE LUSIAD, pooK i.
As welcome friends the natives fhall receive,
AVith bounty feaft them, and with joy relieve.
And when refrefiiment fhall their flrcngth renew,
Thence fliall they turn, and their bold route purfue.
So fpoke high Jove : The gods In filence heard.
Then rifing each, by turns, his thoughts preferr'd :
But chief was Bacchus P of the adverfe train j
Fearful he was, nor fear'd his pride in vain.
Should Lufus' race arrive on India's fliore,
His ancient honours would be known no more j
No more in Nyfa q fhould the native tell
What kings, what mighty hofts before him fell.
The fertile vales beneath the rifing fun
He view'd as his, by right -of victory won.
And deem'd that ever in immortal fong
The conqueror's title flioukl to him belong.
Yet Fate, he knew, had will'd, that loos'd from Spain
Boldly advent'rous through the polar main,
A warlike race fliould come, renown'd in arms.
And fliake the Eaftern World with war's alarms,
Whofe glorious conquefts and eternal fame
In black Oblivion's waves fliould whelm his name.
Urania-
' But chief ivas Bacchus. — The French tranflator has the following note
on this place : Le Camoens n a pourtant fait en ccla (lue fuivreV exemphde C Ecri-
turc, comnic on le voitdans ces paroles du premiere chapitre dc 'Job. Quodam autem
die cum vcniflent, &C. Unjour que Ics enfans du Seigneur i etoicnt ajfemhla diviittt
Jon trone, Satan y vin iaujft, X^c.
< No more in Nyfa. — An anticnt city in India, facred to Caccliui.
BOOK I. THE LUSIAD. 17
Urania-Venus i", queen f)f facred love,
Arole, and fixt her j^b^ eyes on Jove :
Her eyes, well pleas'd, in Lufus' fons could trace
A kindred likencfs to the Roman race,
For whom of old fuch kind regard fhe ^ bore j
The fame their triumphs on Barbaria's fliore,
The fame the ardour of their warlike flame.
The manly muiic of their tongue the t fame.
AfFe<ftion thus the lovely goddcfs fway'd,
Nor lefs what fate's unblotted page difplay'd ;
Where'er this people fhould their empire raife.
She knew her altars would unnumber'd blaze,
And barbarous nations at her holy fhrine
Be humaniz'd, and taught her lore divine.
VOL. I. C Her
* Urania-Venus .—Wq have already obferved, that an allegorical machinery
has always been efteemed an eflential requifite of the Epopceia, and the
reafon upon which it is founded has been pointed out. The allegorical ma-
chinery of the Lufiad has now commenced; and throughout the poem the
hero is guarded and conduced by the celeflial Venus, or divine love. The
true poetical colouring is thus fupported and preferved : but in illuftration
of this, fee the preface, and the note on the allegory of Homer, near the
end of the fixth Lufiad.
' For tuhom of old. — See the note in the fecond book on the follow ing paf-
fage :
As 'when in Idas boiver Jhe Jlood of yore, &C.
* The manly miiftc of their tongue the fame. Camoens fays,
E na lingoa, na qual quando imagina.
Com pouca corrupqao ere que he Latina.
Qualifications are never elegant in poetry. Fanihaw's tranflation, and the
original, both prove this.
——————— their tongue
fVhichJhs thinks Latin luilh fmall drofs among.
i8 THE LUSIAD. book i.
Her fpreading honours thus the one infpired.
And one the dread to lofe his worfhip fired.
Their ftruggling faflions fhook th' Olympian ftate
With all the clamorous tempeft of debate.
Thus when the ftorm with fudden guft invades
The ancient foreft's deep and lofty fliades.
The burfting whirlwinds tear their rapid courfe.
The fhatter'd oaks^craflij TMd with echoes hoarfe
The mountains groan, while whirling on the blaft
The thickening leaves a gloomy darknefs caft.
Such was the tumult in the bleft abodes.
When Mars, high towering o'er the rival gods,
Stept forth ; ftern fparkles from his eye-balls glanc*d ;
And now, before the throne of Jove advanc'd.
O'er his left fhoulder his broad fiiield he throws.
And lifts his helm above his dreadful brows :
Bold and enrag'd he ftands, and, frowning round,
Strikes his tall fpear-fi:a£F on the founding ground ;
Heaven trembled, and the light turn'd pale ' — Such dread
His fierce demeanour o'er Olympus ipread :
When thus the warrior, — O eternal fire.
Thine is the fceptre, thine the thunder's fire.
Supreme dominion thine j then, father, hear :
Shall that uold race which once to thee was dear.
Who,
■» ■ anJ the light turn J pale. — The thought in the Original has fome-
thing in it wildly great, though it is not cxprelTcd in the happiefl manner
of Camoens,
Ceo iremeo, e /Ipollo detorvado
Hum ^ouco a tuz ftrdeo, como infadf.
BOOK I. THELUSIAD. 19
Who, now fulfilling thy decrees of old.
Through thefe wild waves their fearlefs journey hold •,
Shall that bold race no more thy care engage,
But fink the vicftims of unhallowed rage !
Did Bacchus yield to reafon's voice divine,
Bacchus the caufe of Lufus' fons would join ;
Lufus, the lov'd companion of his cares.
His earthly toils, his dangers, and his wars :
But envy ft ill a foe to worth will prove,
To worth though guarded by the arm of Jove.
Then thou, dread lord of fate, unmov'd remain.
Nor let weak change thine awful counfels ftain,
For Lufus' race thy promis'd favour fhew :
Swift as the arrow from Apollo's bow
Let Maia's fon explore the watery way.
Where fpent with toil, with weary hopes, they ftray ;
And fafe to harbour, through the deep untried.
Let him, impower'd, their wandering vefliels guide j
rhere let them hear of India's wifti'd-for fhore,
And balmy reft their fainting ftrength reftore.
He fpoke : high Jove afl^enting bow'd the head,
A.nd floating clouds of nedlar'd fragrance fljed :
rhen lowly bending to th' eternal fire,
Each in his duteous rank, the gods retire.
C 2 Whilft
20 THE LUSIAD. naoK i.
Whilll: thus in heaven's bright palace Fate was weigh'd.
Right onward ftill the brave armada ftray'd:
Right on they fteer by Ethiopia's ftrand
And paftoral Madagafcar's b verdant land.
Before the balmy gales of cheerful fpring,
With heav'n their friend, they fpread the canvas wing ;
The llcy cerulean, and the breathing air.
The lafting promife of a calm declare.
Behind them now the cape of Prafo bends.
Another ocean to their view extends.
Where black-topt iflands, to their longing eyes,
Lav'd by the gentle waves c, in profpe^t rife.
But Gam A, (captain of the vent'rous band.
Of bold emprize, and born for high command,
Whofe martial fires, with prudence clofe allied,
Enfured the fmiles of fortune on his fide)
Bears off thofe fliores which wafte and wild appear'd.
And eaftward ftill for happier climates fteer'd :
When gathering round and blackening o'er the tide,
A fleet of fmall canoes the pilot fpied ;
Hoifting their lulls of palm-tree leaves, ir^wove
With curious art, a fwarming crowd they move :
Long
'' Aidfiajl^ral il^^ijffj/Zwr.— Called by the ancient geographers Menuthia,
?,nd Cerna Ethiopica ; by the natives, the Idand of the Moon ; and by the
Portuguefe, the Ifle of St. Laurence, on whofe feftival they difcovered it.
^ Lavdly the gentle '!xaiies.-^\\z original fays, the fea fhesved them new
iflands, which it encircled and laved. Thus rendered by Fan.Qiaw,
Kept u lie d'ifdoi' d neiv ijles ivlicb he did play
About, and iv'itb his billoxvs dunct the ba\.
HOOK f. THELUSIAD. 2j
Long were their boats, and fharp to bound along
Through the dafh'd waters, broad their oars and ftrong :
The bending rowers on their features bore
The fwarthy marks of Phaeton's ^ fall of yore ;
When flaming lightnings fcorch'd the banks of Po,
And nations blacken'd in the dread o'erthrow.
Their garb, difcover'd as approaching nigh.
Was cotton ftrip'd with many a gaudy dye :
*Twas one whole piece ; beneath one arm, conjfin'd ;
The reft hung loofe and flutter'd on the wind j
All, but one breaft, ahnvp the loins was bare.
And fwelling turbans bound their jetty hair :
Their arms were bearded darts and faulchions broad,
And warlike mufic founded as they row'd.
With joy the failors faw the boats draw near,
With joy beheld the human face appear :
What
of Phaeton's fall-
ferunt luBu Cycnum Pha'ctoms amali,
Populeas inter frondes iimbramquc furorum
Hum canity 15?" mcejium mufa Jolalur amorem :
Ganentem molli pluma duxiffefcneSiam,
Tjnquentem terras, etftdera ■uecefequentcm. Virg. JEti.
The hiftor c foundation of the fable of Phaeton is this : Phaeton was a
young enterprifing prince of Libya. Crolling the Mediterranean in qu':(l
of adventures, he landed at Epirus, from whence he went to Italy to fee
his intimate friend Cygnus. Phaeton was (killed in aftrology, from whence
he arrogated to himfelf the title of the fon of Apollo. One day in the heat
of fiimmer, as he was riding along the banks of the Po, his horfes took
fright at a clap of thunder, and plunged into the river, where, together
with their mafler, they periflied. Cygnus, who was a poet, celebrated the
death of his friend in verfe, from whence the fable.
Vid. Plutar. in vit. Pyrr.
sj THE LUSIAD. book i.
What nations thefe, their wondering thoughts explore.
What rites they follow, and what god adore !
And now with hands and kerchiefs wav'd in air
The barb'rous race their friendly mind declare.
Glad were the crew, and ween'd that happy day
Should end their dangers and their toils repay.
The lofty mafts the nimble youths afcend.
The ropes they haul, and o'er the yard-arms bend j
And now their bowfprits pointing to the fhore,
(A fafe moon'd bay,) with flacken'd fails they bore i
With cheerful fliouts they furl the gather'd fail
That lefs and lefs flaps quivering on the gale ;
The prows, their fpeed ftopt, o'er the furges nod.
The falling anchors dafli the foaming flood :
When fudden as they fliopt, the fwarthy race
With fmiles of friendly welcome on each face.
The fliip's high fides fwift by the cordage climb :
lUuftrious Gam A, with an air fublime,
Soften'd by mild humanity, receives.
And to their chief the hand of friendfhip gives ;
Bids fpread the board, and, infl:ant as he faid,
Along the deck the fcftive board is fpread :
The fparkling wine in cryffal goblets glows,
And round and round with cheerful welcome flows.
While thus the vine its fprightly glee infpires,
From whence the fleet, the fwarthy chief enquires.
What feas they paft, v/hat 'vantage would attain,
And what the Ihorc tucir purpofe liop'd to gain ?
From
BOOK r. THE LUSIAD. 23
From fartliefl: weft, the Lufian race reply,
To reach the golden eaftern fhores we try.
Through that unbounded fea whofe billows roli '
From the cold northern to the fouthern pole i
And by the wide extent, the dreary vaft
Of Afric's bays, already have we paft ;
And many a fky have feen, and many a fhore.
Where but fea-monfters cut the waves before.
To fpread the glories of our monarch's reign.
For India's fhore we brave the tracklefs main.
Our glorious toil, and at his nod would brave
The difmal gulphs of Acheron's black wave.
And now, in turn, your race, your country tell.
If on your lips fair truth delights to dwell.
To us, unconfcious of the falfehood, fliew.
What of thefe feas and India's fite you know.
Rude are the natives here, the Moor reply'd.
Dark are their minds, and brute-defire their guide :
But we, of alien blood and ftrangers here.
Nor hold their cuftoms nor their laws revere.
From Abram's « race our holy prophet fprung.
An angel taught, and heaven infpir'd his tongue ;
His facred rites and mandates we obey,
And diftant empires own his holy fway.
From ifle to ifle our trading vefTels roam,
Mozambic's harbour our commodious home.
If
= From Abrams race our holy prophet fprung. — Mohammed, who vvas dc-
fcended from Ifhmael, f he fon of Abraham by Hagar.
li- THE LUSIAD- book r.
If then your fails for India's fhores expand,
For fultry Ganges or Hydafpes' ftrand.
Here fhall you find a pilot Ikill'd to guide
Through all the dangers of the per'lous tide,
Though wide fpread ftielves and cruel rocks unfecn,
Lurk in the way, and whirlpools rage between.
Accept, mean while, what fruits thefe iflands hold.
And to the regent let your wifh be told.
Then may your mates the needful ftores provide.
Then all your various wants be here fupplied.
So fpake the Moor, and bearing fmiles untrue.
And figns of friendfliip, with his bands withdrew.
O'erpower'd with joy unhoped the failors flood.
To find fuch kindnefs on a fhore fo rude.
Now fhooting o'er the flood his fervid blaze.
The red-brow'd fun withdraws his beamy rays ;
Safe in the bay the crew forget their cares.
And peaceful refl their wearied flrength repairs.
Calm twilight f now his drowfy mantle fpreads,
And fliade on fhade, the gloom ftill deepening fheds.
The
f Culm tii-Uiglt f.'STf.— Camoens, in this pafTage, has imitated Homer in
the manner of Virgil : by diverfifying the fcene he has made the delcrip-
tion his own. 'I'lie pafTage alluded to is in the eighth Iliad :
Sli S' ot' vj tfjavoD az'^a. <f aEivnv a^<fi c-fXnv))
♦aive' ajcTTjETrea, i^c.
Thus elegantly tranflated by Pope :
At tvhen the moon, rtfulgetil lamp of night.
O'er heaven s dear a-ii;ref(jre.iJi htr J'acred ligh(,
IVhtn
BOOK!. THE LUSIAD. 25
The moon, full orb'd, forfakes her watery cave.
And lifts her lovely head above the wave.
The fnowy fplendors of her modefl ray
Stream o'er the gliftening waves, and quivering play :
Around her, glittering on the heaven's arched brow,
Unnumber'd ftars, enclofed in azure, glow.
Thick as the dew-drops of the April dawn,
Or May-flowers crowding o'er the daify-lawn :
The canvas whitens in the filvery beam,
And with a mild pale red the pendants gleam :
The mafts' tall fhadows tremble o'er the deep ;
The peaceful winds an holy filence keep ;
The watchman's carol echo'd from the prows.
Alone, at times, awakes the ftill repofe.
Aurora now, with dewy luftre bright.
Appears, afcending on the rear of night.
With gentle hand, as feeming oft to paufe,
The purple curtains of the morn fhe draws ;
The fun comes forth, and foon the joyful crew,
Each aiding each, their joyful tafks purfue.
When not a breath Jijlurbs the deepfcrcne,
And not a cloud o'ercajls the falemn feme ;
Around her throne the -vivid planets toll.
And Jian unnumber d gild the gloiving pole.
O'er the dark trees a yelloiver -verdure ficd.
And tip ivith filver e-very mountain s head ;
Thenjhine the vales, the rocks in profpeSl rife,
AJlood of glory burfis from all thefhies:
The confcious fivains rejoicing in the fight.
Eye the blue vault y and blefs the ufful light.
Wide
a6 THE LUSIAD. book u
Wide o'er the decks the fpreading fails they throw i
From each tall maft the waving ftreamers flow ;
All feems a feftive holiday on board
To welcome to the fleet the ifland's lord.
With equal joy the regent fails to meet.
And brings frefh cates, his offerings to the fleet :
For of his kindred race tlieir line he deems,
That favage race who rufh'd from Cafpia's ftreams,
And triumph'd o'er the eaft, and Afia won,
In proud Byzantium fixt their haughty throne.
Brave Vasco hails the chief with honeft fmiles.
And gift for gift with liberal hand he piles.
His gifts, the boaft of Europe's arts difclofe.
And fparkling red the wine of Tagus flows.
High on the flirouds the wondering failors hung.
To note the Moorifh garb, and barbarous tongue :
Nor lefs the fubtle Moor, with wonder fired.
Their mien, their drefs, and lordly fhips admired :
Much he enquires, their king's, their country's name.
And, if from Turkey's fertile fliores they came ?
What god they worfliipp'd, what their facred lore.
What rj nis they wielded, and what armour wore ?
To whom brave Gama : Nor of Hagar's blood
Am I, nor plow from Izmael's fliores the flood ;
From Europe's ftrand I trace the foamy way.
To find the regions of the infant day.
l^lic God we worlhip ftretch'd yon heaven's high bow,
And gave thefe fwelling waves to roll below j
The
BOOKi; THE LUSIAD. 27
The hemifpheres of night and day he fpread,
He fcoop'd each vale, and rear'd each mountain's head :
His word produced the nations of the earth,
And gave the fpirits of the fky their birth.
On earth, by him, his holy lore was given,
. On earth he came to raife mankind to heaven.
And now behold, what moft your eyes defire.
Our fhining armour, and our arms of fire ;
For who has once in friendly peace beheld.
Will dread to meet them on the battle-field.
Straight as he fpoke the warlike ftores difplay'd
Their glorious fhew, where, tire on tire inlaid,
Appear'd of glittering fteel the carabines ;
There the plumed helms, and ponderous brigandlnes ;
O'er the broad bucklers fculptur'd orbs emboli,
The crooked faulchions dreadful blades were croft: :
Here clafping greaves, and plated mail-quilts fl:rong.
The long-bows here, and rattling quivers hung.
And like a grove the burnifh'd fpears were feen.
With darts, and halberts double-edged between i
Here dread grenadoes, and tremendous bombs.
With deaths ten thoufand lurking in their wombs j
And far around of brown, and dufky red.
The pointed piles of iron balls were fpread.
The bombadeers, now to the regent's view
The thundering mortars and the cannon drew ;
Yet at their leader's nod, the fons of flame
(For brave and generous ever are the fame)
Withheld
28 THE LUSIAD. rook i.
Withheld their hands, nor gave the feeds of fire
To roufe the thunders of the dreadful tire.
For Gama's foul difdain'd the pride of fhew
Which adls the lion o'er the trembling roe.
His joy and wonder oft the Moor expreft,
But rankling hate lay brooding in his breaft ;
With fmiles obedient to his will's control.
He veils the purpofe of his treacherous foul :
For pilots, confcious of the Indian ftrand,
Brave Vasco fues, and bids the Moor command
What bounteous gifts fhall recompenfe their toils ; —
The Moor prevents him with alTenting fmiles,
Refolved that deeds of death, not words of air.
Shall firft the hatred of his foul declare :
Such fudden rage his rankling mind polTeft,
Wheng Gama's lips Meffiah's name confeft.
Oh
s When Gamas lips MeffiaVs name confeji. — ^This, and of confequence, the
reafon of the Moor's hate, together with the fine defcription of the ar-
moury, is entirely omitted by Caftera. The original is, the Moor con-
ceived hatred, " knowing they were followers of the truth which the fon
" of David taught." Thus rendered by Fanfhaw,
Kmiving they follo'j.' that unerrhi^ ^'ght.
The/on of David holds out in his book.
By this Solomon muft be undcrftood, not the MefTiah, as meant by Ca-
moens.
" Zacocia (governor of Mozambic) made no doubt but our people were
of fome Mohammedan country. — The mutual exchange of good offices be-
tween our people and thefe iflanders promifed a long continuance of friend-
(hip, but it proved othcrwife. No fooner did Zacocia underftand the
Urangers were Chriflians, than all his kindnefs was turned into the moft
hitter hatred; he began to meditate their ruin, and fought by every meani,
to dcftroy the fleet. Ufuiius Silwnfu Bp':fc. de Rcbiu Email. Regis Luf't.gef is.
BOOK I. THELUSIAD. 29
Oh depth of heaven's dread will, that rancorous hate
On heaven's beft lov'd in every clime fliould wait !
Now fmiling round on all the wondering crew.
The Moor attended by his bands withdrew :
His nimble barges foon approach'd the land.
And fhouts of joy received him on the ftrand.
From heaven's high dome the vintage-god beheld,
(Whomh nine long months his father's thigh conceal'd)
Well-pleafed he mark'd the Moor's determined hate.
And thus his mind revolved in felf-debate :
Has heaven, indeed, fuch glorious lot ordaln'd !
By Lufus' race fuch conquefts to be gain'd
O'er warlike nations, and on India's Ihore,
Where I, unrival'd, claim'd the palm before !
I, fprung from Jove ! and fhall thefe wandering few.
What Ammon's fon unconquer'd left, fubdue !
Ammon's brave fon, who led the god of war
His Have auxiliar at his thundering car !
Muft thefe poflefs what Jove to him deny'd,
Poflefs what never footh'd the Roman pride !
Muft thefe the vigor's lordly flag difplay
With hateful blaze beneath the riling da)'.
My name difhonour'd, and my victories ftain'd,
O'erturn'd my altars, and my flirines profan'd !
_,No--
^ Whom nine long months his falher''s thigh «««j/V.— According to the
Arabians, Bacchus was nourifhed dining his infancy in a cave of Mount
Meros, which in Greek fignifics a thigh. . Hence the fable.
30 THELUSIAD. book i.
No — be it mine to fan the regent's hate ;
Occafion feized commands the action's fate.
*Tis mine — this captain now my dread no more,
Shall never fliake his fpear on India's fliore.
So fpake the power, and with the lightning's flight
For Afric darted thro' the fields of light.
His form » divine he cloath'd in human fhape.
And rufli'd impetuous o'er the rocky cape :
In the dark femblance of a Moor he came
For art and old experience known to fame :
Him all his peers with humble deference heard.
And all Mozambic and its prince rever'd :
The prince in hafte he fought, and thus expreft
His guileful hate in friendly counfel dreft :
And to the regent of this ifle alone
Are thefe adventurers and their fraud unknown ?
Has fame conceal'd their rapine from his ear .''
Nor brought the groans of plunder'd nations here ?
Yet Itill their hands the peaceful olive bore
Whene'er they anchor'd on a foreign fliore :
But nor their feeming, nor their oaths I truft,
For Afric knows them bloody and unjuft.
The
• His form d'fj'ine he cloatWdin human Jh^pc
AUBo torvamfaciem etfurialia membra
Exuit : in iiultusfefe iransfurmat antlcsy
Etfrontcm obfcanum rugis arat. " ViR. ^M. 7«
BOOK I. THE LUSIAD.
The nations fink beneath their lawlefs force,
And fire and blood have inark'd their deadly courfc.
We too, unlels kind heaven and thou prevent,
Mufl: fall the vidlims of their dire intent,
And, gafping in the pangs of death, behold
Our wives led captive, and our daughters fold.
By ftealth they come, ere morrow dawn, to bring
The healthful beverage from the living fpring :
Arm'd with his troops the captain will appear ;
For confcious fraud is ever prone to fear.
To meet them there, fele£l: a trufty band.
And in clofe ambufli take thy filent ftand ;
There wait, and fudden on the heedlefs foe
Rufh, and defl:roy them ere they dread the blow.
Or fay, fhould fome efcape the fecret fnare.
Saved by their fate, their valour, or their care.
Yet their dread fall fhall celebrate our ifle.
If fate confent, and thou approve the guile.
Give then a pilot to their wandering fleet.
Bold in his art, and tutor'd in deceit j
Whofe haiiu adventurous fhall their helms mifguide
To hoftile fhores, or whelm them in the tide.
So fpoke the god, in femblance of a fage
Renown'd for counfel and the craft of age.
The prince with tranfport glowing in his face
Approved, and caught him in a kind embrace ;
And infl:ant at the word his bands prepare
Their be?.rded darts and iron fangs of war.
31
That
32 THE LUSIAD. book i.
That Lufus' fons might purple with their gore
The cryftal fountain which they fought on fhore :
And ftill regardful of his dire intent,
A fkilful pilot to the bay he fent,
Of honeft mien, yet practifed in deceit,
Who far at diftance on the beach fliould wait.
And to the 'fcaped, if fome fhould 'fcape the fnare,
Should offer friendfhip and the pilot's care ;
But when at fea, on rocks fhould dafh their pride,
And whelm their lofty vanes beneath the tide.
Apollo now had left his watery bed.
And o'er the mountains of Arabia fpread
His rays that glow'd with gold ; when Gam A rofe,
And from his bands a trufty fquadron chofe :
Three fpeedy barges brought their cafks to fill
From gurgling fountain, or the cryftal rill :
FuU-arm'd they came, for brave defence prepared.
For martial care is ever on the guard :
And fecret warnings ever are impreft
On wifdom, fuch as waked in Gama's breaft.
And now, as fwiftly fprlnging o'er the tide
Advanced the boats, a troop of Moors they fpy'd ;
O'er the pale fands the fable warriors crowd.
And tofs their threatening darts, and fhout aloud.
Yet feeming artlefs, though they dared the fight.
Their eager hope they placed in artful flight,
To
BOOK 1. THE LUSIAD. 33
To lead brave Gam a where unfcen by day
In dark-brow'd fhades their filent ambufh lay.
With fcornful geftures o'er the beach they ftride,
And pulli their levelFd fpears with barbarous pride ;
Then fix the arrow to the bended bow.
And ftrikc their founding fhields, and dare the foe.
With generous rage the Luiian race beheld,
And each brave breaft with indignation fwell'd.
To view fuch foes like fnarling dogs difplay
Their threatening tuflcs, and brave the fanguine fray :
Together with a bound they fpring to land,
Unknown whofe Hep firft trode the hoftile ftrand.
Thus ^f when to gain his beauteous charmer's fmlle.
The youthful lover dares the bloody toil.
Before the nodding bull's ftern front he ftands,
He leaps, he wheels, he fhouts, and waves his hands :
The lordly brute difdains the flripling's rage.
His noftrils fmoke, and, eager to engage.
His horned brows he levels with the ground.
And fhuts his flaming eyes, and wheeling round
VOL. I. D With
'' Thus, -when to gain his beauteous charmer's f mile.
The youthful lover dares the bloody tai l
This fimile is taken from a favourite exercifc in Spain, where it is ufual
to fee young gentlemen of the beft families, adorned with iibbons, and
armed with a javelin or kind of cutlas, wliich the Spaniards call machite, ap-
pear the candidates of fame in the lifts of the bull-fight. Though Ca-
moens in this defcription of it has given thg victory to the bull, it very fcl-
dom fo happens, the young caballeros being very expert at this valorous
exercife, and ambitious to difplay their dexterity, which is a fuie recom-
mendation to the favour and good opinion of the ladies.
34 THE LUSIAD. book i.
With dreadful bellowing rufhes on the foe.
And lays the boaftful gaudy champion low.
Thus to the fight the fons of Lufus fprung.
Nor flow to fall their ample vengeance hung :
With fudden roar the carabines refound,
And burfling echoes from the hills rebound ;
The lead flies hifling through the trembling air.
And death's fell daemons through the flafhes glare.
Where, up the land, a grove of palms enclofe.
And caft their fliadows where the fountain flows.
The lurking ambufli from their treacherous ftand
Beheld the combat burning on the ftrand :
They fee the flafh with fudden lightnings flare.
And the blue fmoke flow rolling on the air :
They fee their warriors drop, and, ftarting, hear
The lingering thunders burfl:ing on their ear.
Amazed, appall'd, the treacherous ambufli fled.
And raged l, and curft their birth, and quaked with dread.
The bands that vaunting fliew'd their threaten'd might.
With flaughter gored, precipitate their flight ;
Yet oft, though trembling, on the foe they turn
Their eyes, that red with luft of vengeance burn :
Aghaft.with fear and ftcrn with defperate rage
The flying war with dreadful howls they wage.
Flints,
' e malJizia
"-jclho inerte, e a tnay, que o Jilho cth.
Thus tranilated by Fanfliaw,
curjl ihc.r ill luck,
Tij bid de'bil, and the da7n thai ga-vc thcmfueh^
lOOK I. THELUSIAD. 3;
"lints "1, clods, and javelins hurling as they fly,
^s rage and wild defpair their hands fupply.
\nd foon difperfl:, their bands attempt no more
fo guard the fountain or defend the fliore :
)'er the wide lawns no more their troops appear :
*Jor fleeps the vengeance of the vi(5lor here ;
fo teach the nations what tremendous fate
'rom his dread arm on perjur'd vows fhould wait,
ie feized the time to awe the Eaftern World,
^nd on the breach of faith his thunders hurl'd.
'rom his black fhips the fudden lightnings blaze,
Ind o'er old ocean flafli their dreadful rays :
Vhite clouds on clouds inroll'd the fmoke afcends,
rhe burfting tumult heaven's wide concave rends :
riie bays and caverns of the winding fhore
Lepeat the cannon's and the mortar's roar :
?he bombs, far-flaming, hifs along the iky
^nd whirring through the air the bullets fly :
"he wounded air with hollow deafened found,
Jroans to the direful fi:rife, and trembles round.
D 2 Now
•" Flints, clods, and javelins hurling as iijeyfiy.
As rage, X5fc.
'Jamque faces et faxa "volant, furor anna mlnifraf. VlRC. ^N. I,
The Spanifh commentator on this place relates a very extraordinary in-
:ance of ^z furor arma miniflrans. A Portuguefe foldier, at the fiege of
)iu in the Indies, being furrounded by the enemy, and having no ball to
harge his mufket, pulled out one of his teeth, and with it fupplied the
lace of a bullet.
36 THE LUSIAD. book r.
Now from the Moorifli town the flieets of fire.
Wide blaze fucceeding blaze, to heaven afpire.
Black rife the clouds of fmoke, and by the gales
Borne down, in ftreanis hang hovering o'er the vales ;
And flowly floating round the mountain's head
Their pitchy mantle o'er the land fc ape fpread.
Unnumber'd fea-fowl rifing from the fhore.
Beat round in whirls at every cannon's roar :
Where o'er the fmoke the mafts tall heads appear.
Hovering they fcream, then dart with fudden fear ;
On trembling wings far round and round they fly.
And fill with difmal clang their native flcy.
Thus fled in rout confus'd the treacherous Moors
From field to field, then, hail'ning to the fhores.
Some trufl: in boats their wealth and lives to fave.
And wild with dread they plunge into the wave ;
Some fpread their arms to fwim, and fome beneath
The whelming billows, firuggling, pant for breath.
Then whirl'd aloft their nofi:rils fpout the brine ;
While fliowering fi:ill from many a carabine
The leaden hail their fails and veflels tore.
Till flruggling hard they reacli'd the neighb'ring fliore :
Due vengeance thus their perfidy repaid,
And Gama's terrors to the eaft difplay'd.
Imbrown'd with duft a beaten pathway fliews
Where 'midfl umbrageous palms the fountain flows ;
From
BOOK I. THE LUSIAD. 37
From thence at will they bear the liquid health ;
And now fole mafters of the ifland's wealth.
With coftly fpoils and eaftern robes adorn'd.
The joyful vi<n:ors to the fleet return 'd.
With hell's keen fires, ftlU for revenge athirft.
The regent burns, and Aveens, by fraud accurft.
To ftrike a furer, yet a fecret blow,
And in one general death to whelm the foe.
The promifed pilot to the fleet he fends,
And deep repentance for his crime pretends.
Sincere the herald feems, and while he fpeaks.
The winning tears fl:eal down his hoary cheeks.
Brave Gam a, touch'd with generous woe, believes,
And from his hand the pilot's hand receives :
A dreadful gift ! inftrudled to decoy,
In gulphs to whelm them, or on rocks deftroy.
The valiant chief, impatient of delay.
For India now refumes the watery way ;
Bids weigh the anchor and unfurl the fail.
Spread full the canvafs to the rifing gale.
He fpoke ; and proudly o'er the foaming tide,
Borne on the wind, the fuU-wing'd veflels ride ;
While as they rode before the bounding prows
The lovely forms of fea-born nymphs arole.
The while brave Vasco's unfufpedling mind
Yet fear'd not ought the crafty Moor deflgn'd ;
]\Iuch
38 THE L US IAD. book i.
Much of the coaft he afks, and much demands
Of Afric's fliores and India's fpicy lands.
The crafty Moor, by vengeful Bacchus taught,
Employ'd on deadly guile his baneful thought ;
In his dark mind he planned, on Gama's head
Full to revenge Mozambic and the dead.
Yet all the chief demanded he reveal'd.
Nor ought of truth, that truth he knew, concealed :
For thus he ween'd to gain his eafy faith.
And gain'd, betray to flavery or to death.
And now fecurely trufting to deftroy.
As erft falfe Sinon fnared the fons of Troy,
Behold, difcloling from the iky, he cries.
Far to the north, yon cloud-like ille arife :
From ancient times the natives of the fliore
The blood-ftain'd image on the crofs adore.
Swift at the word, the joyful Gam a cry'd,
For that fair ifland turn the helm alide,
O bring my veflels where the Chriftians dwell.
And thy glad lips my gratitude fliall tell :
With fullen joy the treacherous Moor comply'd.
And for that ifland turn'd the helm alide.
For v.'^cll Quiloa's fwarthy race he knew.
Their laws and faith to Hagar's offspring true ;
Their flrength in war, through ail the nations rounds
Above Mozambic and her powers renown'd ;
He knew what hate the Chriftian name they bore.
And hoped that hate on Vasco's bunds to pour.
Right
BooKt. THE L-USIAD. 39
Right to the land the fiiithlefs pilot fleers.
Right to the land the glad armada bears ;
But heavenly love's fair queen ", whofe watchful care
Had ever been their guide, beheld the fnare.
A fudden ftorm fhe rais'd : Loud howl'd the blaft.
The yard-arms rattled, and each groaning maft
Bended beneath the weight. Deep funk the prows,
And creaking ropes the creaking ropes oppofe ;
In vain the pilot would the fpeed reftrain ;
The captain iliouts, the failors toil in vain j
Aflope and gliding on the leeward fide
The bounding veflels cut the roaring tide :
Soon far they paft ; and now the flacken'd fail
Trembles and bellies to the gentle gale
Till
" But hea-jenly love s fair queen. — When Gama arrived in the eafl, the
Moors were the only people who engrofTed the trade of thofe parts. Jea-
lous of fuch formidable rivals as the Portiiguefe, they employed every ar-
tifice to accomplifli the dertrudtion of Gama's fleet, for they forefavv the
confequences of his return to Portugal. As the Moors were acquainted
with thofe feas and fpoke the Arabic language, Gama was obliged to em-
ploy them both as pilots and interpreters. The circumftance now men-
tioned by Camoens is an hiftorical truth. The Moorirti pilot, fays De
Barros, intended to condud the Portuguefe into Quiloa, telling them that
place was inhabited by Chfiftians; but a fudden ftorm arifing, drove the
fleet from that fhore, where death or flavery would have been the certain
fate of Gama and his companions. The villany of the pilot was after-
wards difcovered. As Gama was endeavouring to enter the port of Mom-
baze, his fhip (truck on a fand bank, and finding their purpofe of bringing
him into the harbour defeated, two of the Moorilh pilots leaped into the
fea and fwam afhore. Alarmed at this tacit acknowledgment of guilt,
Gama ordered two other Moorifli pilots who remained on board to be exa-
mined by whipping, who, after fome time, made a full confeffion of their
intended villany. This difcoveiy greatly encouraged Gama and his men,
who now interpreted the fudden ftorm which had driven them from Quiloa,
as a miraculous interpofition of the Divine Providence in their favour.
40 THE LVSf^^P- ''^%t.
Till many a league before theivtempffl: toft .^V*")
The treacherous pilot fees his p'iJrftplgAffd ^fW'^ ,^^
Yet vengeful ftill, and ftill intent on guile.
Behold, he cries, yon dim emerging ifle :
There live the votaries of INIcfliah's lore
In faithful peace and friendfliip with the Moor.
Yet all was falfe, for there Meffiah's name,
Reviled and fcorn'd, was only known by fame.
The groveling natives there, a brutal herd,
The fenfual lore of Hagar's fon preferr'd.
With joy brave Gam a hears the artful tale,
Bears to the harboilr, and bids furl the fail.
Yet watchful ftill fair love's celeftlal queen
Prevents the danger with a hand unfeen;
Nor paft the bar his vent'rous veflels guides :
And fafe at anchor in the road he rides.
Between the ifle and Ethiopia's land
A narrow current laves each adverfe ftrand ;
Clofe by the margin where the green tide flows.
Full to the bay a lordly city rofe :
With fervid blaze the glowing evening pours
Its purple fplendors o'er the lofty towers ;
The lofty tov/crs with milder luftre gleam,
And gently tremble in the glafly ftream.
Here reign'd an hoary king of ancient fame ;
Mombaze the town, Mombaze the ifland's name.
As
BOOK I. THE L US IAD.
As when the pilgrim, who with weary pace
Through Ione,ly waftes untrod by human race.
For many a day difconfolate has ftray'd.
The turf his bed, the wild-wood boughs his Ihade,
O'erjoy'd beholds the cheerful feats of men
In grateful profpe£t rifing on his ken :
So Gam A joy'd, who many a dreary day
Had trac'd the vaft, the lonefome watery way,
Had feen new ftars, unknown to Europe, rife.
And brav'd the horrors of the polar Ikies :
So joy'd his bounding heart, when proudly rear'd,
The fplendid city o'er the wave appear'd.
Where heaven's own lore, he trufted, was obey'd.
And holy faith her facred rites difplay'd.
And now fwift crowding through the horned bay
The Moorifli barges wing'd their foamy way :
To Gama's fleet with friendly fmiles they bore
The choiceft produ£ls of their cultur'd fhore.
But there fell rancour veil'd its ferpent-head.
Though feftive rofes o'er the gifts were fpread.
For Bacchus veil'd, in human fhape, was here.
And pour'd his counfel in the fovereign's ear.
O piteous lot of man's uncertain ftate !
What woes on life's unhappy journey wait !
When joyful hope would grafp its fond deflre.
The long-fought tranfports in the grafp expire.
41
By
42 THE LUSIAD. book x.
By fea what treacherous calms, what rufhlng ftorms.
And death attendant in a thoufand forms !
By land what ftrifc, what plots of fecret guile,
How many a wound from many a treacherous fmile \
O where fhall man efcape his numerous foes,
And reft his weary head in fafe repofe !
END OF THE FIRST BOOK.
THE
L U S I A D.
BOOK II.
X HE fervent luftre of the evening ray
Behind the weftern hills now died away,
And night afcending from the dim-browed eaft.
The twilight gloom with deeper fhades increas'd ;
When Gam A heard the creaking of the oar.
And mark'd the white waves lengthening from the ihore.
In many a Ikiff the eager natives came.
Their femblance friendjfhip, but deceit their aim.
And now by Gama's anchor'd fliips they ride.
And, Hail ! illuftrious chief, their leader cried.
Your fame already thefe our regions own,
How your bold prows from worlds to us unknown
Have
^ THE LUSIAD. book n.
Have braved the horrors of the fouthern main,
Where ftorms and darknefs hold their endlefs reign,
Whofe whelmy waves our weftward prows have barr'd
From oldeft times, and ne'er before were dar'd
By boldeft leader : Earneft to behold
The wondrous hero of a toil fo bold,
To you the fovereign of thefe iflands fends
The holy vows of peace, and hails you friends.
If friendfhip you accept, whate'er kind heaven
In various bounty to thefe fhores has given,
Whate'er your wants, your wants fliall here fupply.
And fafe in port your gallant fleet fhall lie ;
Safe from the dangers of the faithlefs tide.
And fudden burfting ftorms, by you untry'd ;
Yours every bounty of the fertile fliore,
Till balmy reft your wearied ftrength reftore.
Or if your toils and ardent hopes demand
The various treafures of the Indian ftrand.
The fragrant cinnamon, the glowing clove.
And all the riches of the fpicy grove ;
Or drugs of power the fever's rage to bound.
And give foft languor to the fmarting wound ;
Or if the fplendor of the diamond's rays.
The fapphire's azure, or the ruby's blaze.
Invite your fails to fearch the eaftern world.
Here may thefe falls in happy hour be furl'd :
For here the fplendid treafures of the mine,
And richeft offspring of the field, combine
To
BOOK II. THELUSIAD. 45
To give each boon that human want requires.
And every gem that lofty pride defires :
Then here, a potent king your generous friend,
Here let your pcr'lous toils and wandering fearches end.
He faid : Brave Gam a fmiles with heart finccre.
And prays the herald to the king to bear
The thanks of grateful joy : But now, he cries.
The blackening evening veils the coaft and fkies.
And through thefe rocks unknown forbids to fleer j
Yet when the flreaks of milky dawn appear
Edging the eaftern wave with filver hore,
My ready prows fliall gladly point to Ihorc ;
Aflured of friendihip, and a kind retreat,
AlTured and profFer'd by a king fo great-
Yet mindful liill of what his ^ hopes had cheer'd.
That here his nation's holy flirlnes were rear'd.
He
» What his hopes had cheer d. — After Gama had been driven from
Quiloa by a fudden ftorm, the adurances of the Mozambic pilot that the
city was chiefly inhabited by Chriflians, ftrongly inclined him to enter the
harbour of Mombaze ; " Nee ullum locum (fays Oforius) magis opportu-
num curandis atque reficiendis segrotis polTe reperiri. Jam eo tempore bona
pars eorum, qui cum Gama confcenderant, variis morbis confumptafueiat,
et qui evaferant, erant gravi invaletudine debilitati . . . TcUus abun-
dat fruftibus et oleribus, et frugibus, et pecorum ct armentorum gregibus,
et aquis dulcibus. Utitur pra:terea mira caeli temperie. Homines vivunt
admodum laute, et domes more noilro sedificant. — Mifit rex nuncios, qui
Gamam nomine illius falutarent. . . . Aiunt deindc regionem illam
efTe opulentidimam, earumque rerum omnium plcnifTimam, quatuni gratia
multi in Indiam navigabant. Regem adeo eil'e in illos voluntate propen-
fum ut nihil eflet tarn difficile, quod non l~e eorum gratia fa(fturum pollicc-
retur," Ofor.
4^ THE LUSIAD. book lu
He afks, if certain as the pilot told,
Meffiah's lore had flourifhed there of old,
And flourifhed ftill ? The herald mark'd with joy
The pious wifli, and watchful to decoy,
Mefliah here, he cries, has altars more
Than all the various flarines of other lore.
O'erjoyed brave Vasco heard the pleafing tale.
Yet fear'd that fraud its viper-fting might veil
Beneath the glitter of a fliew fo fair ;
He half believes the tale, and arms againft the fnare-
Withl^ Gam A fail'd a bold advent'rous band,
Whofe headlong rage had urg'd the guilty hand :
Stern juftlce for their crimes had afk'd their blood,
And pale in chains condemn'd to death they ftood ;
But fav'd by Gam a from the fhameful death.
The b bread of peace had feal'd their plighted faith.
The
'^Erant enirn in ea clafTe decern homines capite damnati, quibus fuerat
ca lege vita concefia, ut quibufcunque in locis a Gama relidH fuiflent, regio-
nes lufliarent, liominumque mores et inftituta cognofcerent. Ofor,
During the reign of Emmanuel, and his predeceflbr John II, fe%v crimi-
nals were executed in Portugal. Thefe great and political princes employed
the lives which were forfeited to the public, in the moft dangerous under-
takings of public utility. In their foreign expeditions the condemned cri-
minals were font upon the moft hazardous emergencies. If death was
their fate, it was the punilhment tliey had merited : if fuccefsful in what
was required, their crimes were expiated; and often, as in the voyage of
Gama, they rendered their country the greateft atonement for their guilt,
which men in their circumftances could podibly make. Bcfidcs the merit
of thus rendering forfeited lives of ftrvice to the community, the Portu-
giiefc monarths have the honour of carrying this idea ftill farther. They
were
BOOK II, THELUSIAD. 47
The defolate coaft, when ordered, to explore.
And dare each danger of the hoftile fhore :
From this bold band he chofe the fubtlefl: two.
The port, the city, and its ftrength to view.
To mark if fraud its fecret head betrayed.
Or if the rites of heaven were there difplayed.
With coftly gifts, as of their truth fecure,
The pledge that Gam a deem'd their faith was pure,
Thefe two his heralds to the king he fends :
The faithlefs Moors depart as fmiling friends.
Now thro' the wave they cut their foamy way.
Their chearful fongs refounding through the bay :
And now on fhore the wondering natives greet.
And fondly hail the ftrangers from the fleet.
The prince their gifts with friendly vows receives,
And joyful welcome to the Lufians gives ;
Where'er they pafs, the joyful tumult bends,
And through the town the glad applaufe attends.
But he whofe cheeks with youth immortal fhonc.
The god whofe wondrous birth two mothers own,
Whofe
were the firfl who devifed that mofi political of all punifiiments, tranfpor-
tation to foreign fettlements. India and the Brazils received their crimi-
nals ; many of whom became sffterwards ufeful members to fociety. When
the fubjeft thus obtrudes the occafion, a fliort digreflion, it is hoped, will
be pardoned. While every feeling bread muft be pleafed with the wifdom
and humanity of the Portuguefe monarchs, indignation and regret muft
rife on the view of the prefcnt ftate of the penal laws of England. What
multitudes every year, in the prime of their life, end their days by the
hand of the executioner ! That the legiflature might devlfe me:;ns to make
the greateft part of thefe lives ufeful to fociety, is a facl, which lurcly can-
not be difputed ; — though perhaps tlie remedy of an evil lb liocking to
humanity, may be at fome diftance.
48 THELUSIAD. book ii.
Whofe rage had ftill the wandering fleet annoyed.
Now in the town his guileful rage employed.
A Chriftian prieft he feem'd ; a fumptuous ^ flirine
He rear'd, and tended with the rites divine :
O'er the fair altar waved the crofs on high,
Upheld by angels leaning from the fky ;
Defcending o'er the Virgin's facred head
So white, fo pure, the holy ipirit fpread
The dove-like pidhired wings, fo pure, fo white ;
And, hovering o'er the chofen twelve, alight
The tongues of hallowed fire. Amazed, opprefi:.
With facred aue their troubled looks confeft
The infpiring godhead, and the prophet's glow,
Which gave each language from their lips to flow.
Where thus the guileful power his magic wrought,
De Gama's heralds by the guides are brought :
On bended knees low to the earth they fall,
And to the Lord of heaven in tranfport call ;
While the feign'd priefl: awakes the cenfer's fire,
And clouds of incenfe round the flirine afpire.
With cheerful welcome here, carefs'd, they flay,
Till bright Aurora, meflenger of day,
Walk'd
* On it, tie piSiure of that Jbjpe he placed..
In ivhicb the Luly ffhii did alight^
The picture of the dove, fo tuhite, fo cbafle.
On the btefi Virgin i head, fo chafle, fo tvhite.
In thefe lines, the Left of all Fanfliaw, the happy repetition, " fo chafte,
fo white," is a beauty which, though not contained in the original, the
prefent tranflator was unwilling to lofe.
BOOK 11. THE L US IAD. 49
S\''alk'd forth ; and now the fun's refplendent /ays.
Yet half emerging o'er the waters, blaze,
When to the fleet the Moorlfh oars again
Dafli the curl'd waves, and waft the guileful train :
Fhe lofty decks they mount. AVith joy elate,
Fheir friendly welcome at the palace-gate,
Fhe king's fincerity, the people's care,
\nd treafures of the coaft the fpies declare :
STor paft untold what moft their joys infpired,
iVhat moft to hear the valiant chief defired,
rhat their glad eyes had feen the rites divine,
rheir country's worfhip, and the facred fhrine.
Fhe pleafing tale the joyful Gama hears ;
Dark fraud no more his generous bofom fears :
\s friends fincere, himfelf fincere, he gives
rhe hand of welcome, and the Moors receives.
\nd now, as confcious of the deftin'd prey,
fhe faithlefs race, with fmiles and geftures gay,
riieir fliifrs forfaking, Gama's {hips afcend,
'Ind deep to ftrike the treacherous blow attend.
Dn fhore the truthlefs monarch arms his bands,
\nd for the fleet's approach impatient ftands :
riiat foon as anchor'd in the port they rode
3rave Gama's decks might reek with Luflaa blood :
rhus weening to revenge Mozambic's fate,
fVnd give full furfeit to the Moorifh hate ;
!Vnd now, their bowfprits bending to the bay,
Fhe joyful crew the ponderous anchors weigh,
VOL. I. £ Their
50 THELUSIAD. book h.
Their fliouts the while refounding. To the gale
"With eager hands they fpread the fore-maft faiU
But love's fair queen the fecret fraud beheld :
Swift as an arrow o'er the battle-field.
From heaven flie darted to the watery plain.
And call'd the fea-born nymphs, a lovely train.
From Nereus fprung ; the ready nymphs obey.
Proud e of her kindred birth, and own her fway.
She
* Proud of her htndred b'trtl. — The French trandator has the following
note on tllis place, " Cel endroit ejl run de ceux qui montrent combien V Auteur ejl
" habile dans la mythologie, et en meme terns combien de peneiral'ion fon allegoric de--
" mande, II y a bien pen de gens, qui en lifant ici, &C. This is one of the
•' places which difcover our author's intimate acquaintance with mythology,
" and at the fame time how much attention his allegory requires. Many
" readers, on finding that the proteftrefs of the Lufians fprung from the
*' fea, would be apt to exclaim. Behold, the birth of the terreftrial Venus !
" How can a nativity fo dilgraceful be afcribed to the celeftial Venus, who
" reprcfents religion ? I anfwer, that Camoens had not his eye on thofe
♦' fables, which derive the birth of Venus from the foam of the w'aves^
*' mixed with the blood which flowed from the difhonefl: wound of Saturn ;
" he carries his views higher ; his Venus is from a fable more noble. Ni-
" gidius relates, that two fifhes one day conveyed an egg to the fea fliore :
" This egg was hatched by two pigeons whiter than fnow, and gave birth
" to the Allyrian Venus, which, in the Pagan theology, is the fame with
*' the celeftial : She inftru£Ved mankind in religion, gave them the leflbns
*' of virtue and the laws of equity. Jupiter, in reward of her labours, pro-
*' mifed to grant her whatever fhc defired. She prayed him to give immor-
" tality to the two fifhes, who had been inftrumental in her birth, and the
" fifhes were accordingly placed in the zodiac This fable
" agrees perfeftly with religion, as I could clearly fhew ; but I think it more
" proper to leave to the ingenious reader the pleafure of tracing the alle-
" gory." Thus Cafera. — Befidcs the above, mythology gives two other
accounts of the origin of the fign Pifces. When Venus and Cupid fled
from the rage of Typhon, they were faved by two fifhes, who carried them
over the river Euphrates. The fifhes, in return, were placed in the zodiac.
Another fable fays, that that favour was obtained by Neptune for the two
dolphins, who firft brought him his beloved Amphitrite. This variety in
the
BOOK n. THE LUSIAD. ^j
She tells what ruin threats her fav'rite race ;
Unwonted ardour glows on every face j
With keen rapidity they bound away,
Dafli'd by their filver limbs, the billows grey
Foam round : Fair Doto, fir'd with rage divine.
Darts through the wave ; and onward o'er the brine
The f lovely Nyfe and Nerine fpring
With all the vehemence and the fpeed of wing.
E 2 The
the Pagan mythology is, at leafl, a proof that the allegory of a poet ought
not, without full examination, to be condemned on the appearance of in-
confiftency.
' Dot», Nyfe, and Nerine. — Cloto, or Clotho, as Caflcra obfcrves, has by
fome error crept into almofl all the Portiiguefe editions of the Lufiad,
Clotho was one of the fates, and neither Hefiod, Homer, nor Virgil have
given fuch a name to any of the Nereides ; but in the ninth ^ncid Doto
is-dientioned,
^ ' -__— — Magmque jubebo
' JEquoris ejje Dcas, quails Nere'ia Doto
, Et Galatea fecat fpumantem peilore pontum.
^— ^"^Ke Nereides, in the Lufiad, fays Caftera, are the virtues divine and hu-
the firft book they accompany the Portuguefe fleet ;
— — — — before the bounding proivs
The lovely foans of fca-born nymphs arofe.
" And without doubt, fays he, this allegory, in a lively manner, reprefents
the condition of mankind. The virtues languifh in repofe; adverfities ani-
mate and awake them; The fleet failing before a favourable wind is fol-
lowed by the Nereides, but the Nereides are fcattered about in the fca.
When danger becomes imminent, Venus, or religion, aflemblcs them to its
fafety." That this manner of allegory is in the true fpirit of Homer, fee
the note on the allegorical machinery of that great father of poetry, near
the end of the fixth Lufiad. The following, from Catlera, is indeed highly
pedantic. " Doto, continues he, is derived from the verb AiJ»)yai, I gi-ve.
" According to this etymology, Doto is charity, Nyfe is hope, and Nerine
" faith. For the name Nyfe comes from Nejo, I fivim. For the action of
" hope agrees with that of fwimming, and is the fymbol of it. Nerine is
" a term compofed of y>iri?, an old word, which fignifies//6* zvaters of the fca,
" and
5i THE LUSIAD. book u.
The curving billows to their breafts divide,
And give a yielding paflage through the tide.
With furious fpeed the goddefs rufh'd before j
Her beauteous form a joyful triton bore,
Whofe eager face, vsrith glowing rapture fired,
Betray'd the pride which fuch a taflc infpired.
And now arriv'd, where to the whiftling wind
The warlike navy's bending mafcs reclin'd,
As through the billows rufh'd the fpeedy prows.
The nymphs, dividing, each her ftation chofe.
Againft the leader's prow, her lovely breaft
With more than niortal force the goddefs preft ;
The fhip recoiling trembles on the tide.
The nymphs in help pour round on every fide.
From the dread bar the threaten'd keels to fave ;
The fhip bounds up, half-lifted from the wave.
And, trembling, hovers o'er the watery grave.
As when alarm'd, to fave the hoarded grain.
The care-earned ftore for winter's dreary reign.
So toil, fo tug, fo pant, the labouring emmet train.
So toil'd the nymphs, and ftrain'd their panting force
To turn S the navy from its fatal courfe :
Back,
" and of fhr,, a flic ; as if one fhould fay, the fie of the fa ivaters, a myftc-
" rious expieffion, applicable to faith, which is the file of our foul, aiid
" which is rendered perfcft by the water of baptifm." Our French para-
phrif^ wifely adds, that perhaps fome perfons may dcfpife this etymology,
hut tl^-it for his part, he is unwilling to rejeifl it, as it tends to unravel the
allegory of his author.
«: Imitated from Virgil,
■* Cymotho'^ ftmu!, ct Triton adn'ixtu acuta
Ihtrudimt navcsfcopulo, • Viae. JE.K. I,
1
I
BOOK II. THE LUSIAD.
Back, back the fhip recedes j in vain the crew
With fhouts on fliouts their various toils renew ;
In vain each nerve, each nautic art they ftrain,
And the rough wind diflends the fail in vain :
Enraged, the failors fee their labours croft 5
From fide to fide the reeling helm is toft ;
High on the poop the fkilful mafter ftands ;
Sudden he fhrieks aloud, and fpreads his hands
A lurking rock its dreadful rifts betrays,
And right before the prow its ridge difplays ;
Loud flirieks of horror from the yard-arms rife.
And a dire general yell invades ihe ikies.
The Moors ftart, fear-ftruck, at the horrid found.
As if the rage of combat roar'd around.
Pale are their lips, each look in wild amaze
The horror of dete6led guilt betrays.
Pierc'd by the glance of Gama's awful eyes
The confcious pilot quits the helm and flies,
From the high deck he plunges in the brine ;
His mates their fafety to the waves confign j
Dafh'd by their plunging falls on every fide
Foams and boils up around the rolling tide.
Thus h the hoarfe tenants of the fylvan lake,
A Lycian race of old, to flight betake ;
53
At
•• thus the hoarfe tenants. — Latona, fays the fable, flying from the feipent
Python, and faint with third, came to a pond, where fome Lycian peafants
were cutting the bulrufhes. In revenge of the infults which they offered
her in preventing her to drink, (he changed them into frogs. This fable,
fays Caftera, like almoft all the reft, is drawn from hiftory. Philocorus, as
cited
54 THE LUSIAD. book n.
At every found they dread Latona's hate,
And doubled vengeance of their former fate ;
AU
cited by Boccace, relates, that the Rhodians having declared war againfl:
the Lycians, were aflifted by fome troops from Delos, who carried the
image of Latona on their ftandards. A detachment of thefe going to
drink at a lake in Lycia, a crowd of peafants endeavoured to prevent them.
An encounter enfued ; the peafants fled to the lake for flicker, and were
there flain. Some months afterwards their companions came in fearch of
their corpfes, and finding an unufual quantity of frogs, imagined, accord-
ing to the fuperftition of their age, that the fouls of their friends appeared
to them under that metamorphofis.
Is it allowable in epic poetry to introduce a comparifon taken from a low
image ? This is a queftion which has exercifed the abilities of critics and
tranflators, till criticifm has degenerated into trifling, and learning into pe-
dantry. To feme it may perhaps appear needful to vindicate Camoens,
in a point wherein he is fupported by the authority of Homer and Virgil.
Yet as many readers are infeifted with the fang f raid oi a Rollin or a Perrault,
an oblervation in defence of our poet cannot be thought impertinent. If
we examine the fined effufions of genius, we fliall find, that the mod ge-
nuine poetical feeling has often didated thofe fimiles which are drawn from
familiar and low obje«fls. The facred writers, and the greateft poets of every
nation, have ufed them. We may therefore conclude, that the criticifm
which condemns them is a refinement not founded on Nature. But, al-
lowing them admiflible, it muft be obferved, that to render them pleafmg
requires a peculiar happinefs and delicacy of management. When the poet
attains this indifjienfable point, he gives a flriking proof of his^elcgance,
and of his maflierfliip in his art. That the fimiles of the emmets and of
the frogs in Camoens are happily cxprefTed and applied, is indifputable. In
that of the frogs there is a peculiar propriety, both in the comparifon it-
felf, and in the allufion to the fable ; as it was the intent of the poet to re-
prefent not only the flight, but the bafenefsof the Moors. The funile he
feems to have copied from Dante, Inf. Cant. <;.
Come U rane innanzi a la nemica
Bifciafer Vacquaji dileguan tutte
Fin che a la terra ciajcuna s'abbica.
And Cant. 2Z.
E come a I'orlo de Vacqua d'lin fojfo
Stan It ran'jcchi pur col mufo fuori
Si' che cdano i ficJi, c I'altro grojfg.
«ooK n. THE LUSIAD. 55
All fudden plunging leave the margin green.
And but their heads above the pool are feen.
So plung'd the Moors, when, horrid to behold !
From the bar'd rock's dread jaws the billows roll'd.
Opening in inftant fate the fleet to whelm.
When ready Vasco caught the ftaggering helm:
Swift as his lofty voice refounds aloud
The ponderous anchors dafh tlie whitening flood.
And round his vefTel, nodding o'er the tide.
His other fhips, bound by their anchors, ride.
And now revolving in his piercing thought
Thefe various fcenes with hidden import fraught ;
The boaftftil pilot's felf-accufing flight.
The former treafon of the Moorifli fpite j
How headlong to the rock the furious wind.
The boiling current, and their art combin'd.
Yet though the groaning blaft the canvafs fwell'd.
Some wondrous caufe, unknown, their fpeed withheld :
Amaz'd, with hands high rais'd, and fparkling eyes,
A ' miracle! the raptur'd Gama cries,
A miracle !
^ A miracle. — Oforius gives the following account of this adventure. Talk-
ing of the two exiles whom Gama had fent on (hore ; Rex laeta et hilari
fronte exules excepit, imperavitque domefticis fuis, ut illis urbis fitum et
pulchritudinem demonftrarent. Ubi vero reverfi funt, Rex multa aroma-
tum genera, quae ex India deportari folent, illis oftentat, et quantulum vifum
eft donat, u6 Gams monftrare poflent, et admonere, quanto elTet utilius
apud Regem amicum lem gerere, quam vitam tam periculofae navigation!
committere. Cum his mandatis redeunt exules in clafTem, Gama mirifice
Istatus eft, et poftridie anchoras toUi jubet, et naves prope urbem confti-
tui. Ciim vero illius navis asftus incitati vi celerius, quam commoduni
effet, uiveheretur, timens ille ne in vadum incideret, vela contrahere et an-
choras
56 THE LUSIAD. book n
A miracle ! O hail thou facred fign.
Thou pledge illuftrious of tlie care divine !
Ah ! fraudful malice ! how fhall wifdom's care
Efcape the poifon of thy gilded fnare !
The front of honefty, the faintly fhew.
The fmile of friendfliip, and the holy vow ;
Ail, all conjoin'd our eafy faith to gain,
To whelm us, fhipwreck'd, in the ruthlefs main ;
But where our prudence no deceit could fpy,
There, heavenly guardian, there thy watchful eye
Beheld our danger : ftill, O flill prevent,
Where human forefight fails, the dire intent.
The lurking trcafon of the fmiling foe ;
And let our toils, our days of lengthening woe,
Our weary wanderings end. If ftill for thee,
To ipread tliy rites, our toils and vows agree.
On India's flrand thy facred Ihrines to rear.
Oh, let feme friendly land of reft appear !
If for thine honour we thefe toils have dar'd,
Thefe toils let India's long-fought fhore reward !
So
choras dcmitterc confcftim jufilt Quo fafto Mozambiqucnfcs
gubernatores metu repentino perculfi, fe praccipites in mare dcjiciunt, et ad
IhitresquafdaiTi, qua: non procul abeiant, nando confugiunt At
Gamu niagnis vocibus-ad cos, qui in lintrihus erant, inclamavit, ut fibi fuos
gubernatores reddcrent : at illi clamorcs iliius afpcrnati, gubernatores in
terram cxpofuerunt. Hie Gama cum et conjecftura, ct aliquo etiam Arabis
gubernatoris indicio, et multis praeteiea lignis, perfpexiflet c quanto peri-
culo fuinet auxilio divine libcratus, manus in coelum fuflulit. Barros and
Ca^aneda, in relating this part of the voyage of Gama, fay, that the fleet,
juft as they were entering the port of MombafTa were driven back, as it
were, by an invifible hand. Thefafety of the armada depended upon this
circum (lance.
BOOK II. THE LUSIAD.
So fpoke the chief: The pious accents move
The gentle bofom of celeftial love :
The beauteous queen to heaven now darts away ;
In vain the weeping nymphs implore her ftay :
Behind her now the morning ftar flie leaves.
And the ^ fixth heaven her lovely form receives.
Her radiant eyes fuch living fplendors cafl:.
The fparkling ftars were brighten'd as fhe paft ;
The frozen pole with fudden ftreamlets flow'd,
And as the burning zone with fervor glow'd.
And now, confeft before the throne of Jove,
In all her charms appears the queen of love :
Fiufli'J by the ardour of her rapid flight
Through fields of aether and the realms of light.
Bright as the bluflies of the rofeate morn,
New blooming tints her glowing cheeks adorn ;
And all that pride of beauteous grace flie wore.
As 1 when in Ida's bower fhe flood of yore.
57
When
^ As tiie planet of Jupiter is in the fixth heaven, tiie autlior has with pro-
priety there placed the tluone of that God. Caftera.
^ As luhen in Ida s boiver Jbe Rood of yore.— -'''' J^entends Ics cenfeurs, fays CaC-
" tera, y« recrier que cet endroit-c't ne con-jtent nulletnent a la Venus celtj}e.——\ zxn
'" aware of the objeftion, that this pailage is by no means applicable to the
" celeftial Venus. 1 anfwer once for all, that the names and adventures of
" the Pagan divinities are fo blended and uncertain in mythology, that a
" poet is at great liberty to adapt them to his allegory as he pleafes. Even
" the fables, whicli to thofe who penetrate no deeper than the rind, may
" appear as profane, even thefe contain hiftorical, phyfical, and moral
" truths, which fully atone for the feeming licentioufnefs of the letter. I
" could prove this in many inftances, but let the prefent fuffice. Paris, fon
" of Priam, king of Troy,fpent his firft years as a (hepherd in the country.
" At this time Juno, Minerva, and Venus difputcd for the apple of gold,
" which
58 THE LUSIAD. book ii.
"When every charm, and every hope of joy
Enraptured and allured the Trojan boy.
Ah ! ro had that hunter, whofe unhappy fate
The human vifage loft by Dian's hate.
Had he beheld this fairer goddefs move
Not hounds had flain him, but the fires of love.
Adown her neck, more white than virgin fnow.
Of fofteft hue the golden trefles flow ;
Her heaving breafts of purer, fofter white.
Than fnow hills gliftening in the moon's pale light,
Except where covered by the fafh, were bare.
And "love, unfeen, fmil'd.foft, and panted there.
Nor lefs the zone the god's fond zeal employs ;
The zone awakes the flame of fecret joys.
As
•' which was deftined to be given to the moft beautiful goddefs. They con-
" fented that Paris fhould be their judge. His equity claimed this honour.
♦' He faw them all naked. Juno promifed him riches, Minerva the fci-
" ences, but he decided in favour of Venus, who promifed him the poflef-
" fion of the moft beautiful woman. What a ray of light is contained ixi
" this philofophical fable ! Paris reprefents a ftudious man, who, in the li-
" lence of folitude, feeks the fupreme good. Juno is the emblem of riches
" and dignities, Minerva, that of the fciences purely human, Venus is that
" of religion, which contains the fciences both human and divine ; the
" charming female, which Ihe promifes to the Trojan (liepherd, is that divine
*' wifdom which gives tranquillity of heart. A judge fo philofophical as
" Paris would not hefitate a moment to whom to give the apple of gold."
" Ah, bad that hunter. — " The allegory of Camoens is here obvious. If
" Afteon, and the flaves of their violent pafTIons ceuld difcover the beauties
" of true religion, they would be aftonilhed and reclaimed ; according to
" the cxprcfllon of Seneca, St virtus cerni foffet oculis corforeii, omncs ad amoretn
" fuum felUceret. Caftcra.
■ And love, unfccn. — " That is divine love, which always accompanies reli-
" gion. Behold how our author infinuatcs the excellence of his moral !"
Caftcra.
Camoens,
BOOK 11, THE LUSIAD. 59
As ivy tendrils, round her limbs divine
Their fpreading arms the young defires entwine :
Below her waift, and quivering on the gale,
Of thinneft texture flows the lilken veil :
(Ah ! where the lucid curtain dimly fliows.
With doubled fires the roving fancy glows !)
The hand of modefty the foldings threw.
Nor all conceal'd, nor all was given to view.
Yet her deep grief her lovely face betrays.
Though on her cheek the foft fmile faultering plays.
All heaven was mov'd — as when fome damfel coy.
Hurt by the rudenefs of the amorous boy,
Offended chides and fmiles j with angry mien
Thus mixt with fmiles, advanc'd the plaintive queen ;
And o thus : O Thunderer ! O potent Sire !
Shall I in vain thy kind regard require !
Alas ! and cherifli ftill the fond deceit,
That yet on me thy kindeft fmiles await !
Ah heaven ! and muft that valour which I love
Awake the vengeance and the rage of Jove !
Yet mov'd with pity for my fav'rite race
I fpeak, though frowning on thine awful face
I mark
Camoens, as obferved in the preface, has twice afTcrtcd, that his machi-
nery is allegorical. The poet's aflertion, and the tafteof the age in which
he wrote, fufficiently vindicate the endeavour to unravel and explain the al-
legory of the Lufiad,
• And thus, thunderer. — The following fpeech of Venus, and the reply
of Jupiter, are a fine imitation from the firft .^neid, and do great honour
to the claffical tafte of the Portuguefe poet.
6c- THE LUSIAD. book ii.
I mark the tenor of the dread decree,
That to thy wrath configns my fons and me.
Yes ! let ftern Bacchus blefs thy partial care.
His be the triumph, and be mine defpair.
The bold advent'rous fons of Tagos clime
I loved — alas ! that love is now their crime :
O happy they, and profp'rous gales their fate,
Had I purfued them with relentlefs hate !
Yes ! let my woeful fighs in vain implore,
Yes ! let them perifh on fome barb'rous fhore.
For I have loved them — Here, the fwelling figh
And pearly tear-drop rufhing in her eye.
As morning dew hangs trembling on the rofe,
Though fond to fpeak, her farther fpeech oppofe —
Her lips, then moving, as the paufe of woe
Were now to give the voice of grief to flow :
When kindled by thofe charms, whofe woes might move,
And melt the prowling tyger's rage to love.
The thundering god her weeping forrows ey'd,
And fudden threw his awful ftate afide :
With that mild look which ftills the driving ftorm.
When black roll'd clouds the face of heaven deform :
With that mild vifage and benignant mien
Which to the fky reftores the blue ferene.
Her fnowy neck and glowing cheek he preft.
And wip'd her tears, and clafped her to his breaft :
Yet flie, ftill fighing, dropt the trickling tear.
As the chid nurfling mov'd with pride and fear.
Still
BOOK II. THELUSIAD. 6r
Still fighs and moans, though fondled and careft ;
Till thus great Jove the fates decrees confefl :
O thou, my daughter, ftill belov'd as fair,
Vain are thy fears, thy heroes claim my care :
No power of gods could e'er my heart incline.
Like one fond fmile, one powerful tear of thine.
"Wide o'er the eaftern fhores Ihalt thou behold
The flags far-ftreaming, and thy thunders roll'd ;
While nobler triumphs fhall thy nation crown,
Than thofe of Roman or of Greek renov/n.
If by mine aid the fapient Greek could brave
The Ogycian feas, nor P fink a deathlefs flave ;
If through til' Illyrian (helves Antenor bore.
Till fafe he landed on Timavus' fhore j
If, by his fate, the pious Trojan led.
Safe through Charibdis's barking whirlpools fped :
Shall thy bold heroes, by my care difclaim'd.
Be left to perifh, who, to Vv'orlds unnam'd
By vaunting Rome, purfue their dauntlefs way ?
No — foon fhalt thou with ravifh'd eyes furvey.
From fiream to ftream their lofty cities fpread.
And their proud turrets rear the warlike head ;
The ftern-brow'd Turk iliall bend the fuppliant knee,
And. Indian monarchs, now fecure and free.
Beneath thy potent monarch's vol: - /hall bend.
Till thy juft laws wide o'er the eaft extend.
Thy
r Norfwi a diulhUfs Jlj-js. — i. e. Tiie flave of Calypfo, who of-
fered Ulvfles immortalitv on condition he would live with her.
62 THE LUSIAD. book u.
Thy chief, who now in error's circling maze,
For India's fliorc through llielves and tempefts ftrays ;
That chief ilialt thou behold, with lordly pride.
O'er Neptune's trembling realm triumphant ride.
O wondrous fate ! when not a breathing q gale
Shall curl the billows, or diftend the fail,
The wave fhall boil and tremble, aw'd with dread.
And own the terror o'er their empire fpread.
That hoftile coaft, v.'ith various ftreams fupplied,
Whofe treacherous fons the fountain's gifts deny'd ;
That coaft flialt thou behold his port fupply,
"Where oft thy weary fleets in reft fhall lie-
Each fhore which weav'd for him the fnares of death.
To him thefe fliores fhall pledge their ofler'd faith ;
To him their haughty lords fliall lowly bend,
And yield him tribute for the name of friend.
The Red-fea wave fliall darken in the fliade
Of thy broad fails in frequent pomp difplay'd ;
Thine eyes fhall fee the golden Ormuz' Ihore,
Twice thine, twice conquered, while the furious JNIoor,
Amazed,
*» ■ When not a breathing galtjhall curl the billows. — After the Portllguefc
had made great conquclts in India, Gama had the honour to be appointed
viceroy. In 1524, as he failed thither to take pofleflion of his government,
his fleet was becalmed on the coaft of Cambaya, and the fliips ftood moti-
onlefs on the water : inftantly, without the leaft change of weather, the
waves were fliaken with the moft violent agitation. The Ihips were tolled
about ; the failors were terrified, and in the utmoft confufion, thinking
themfelvcs loft; when Gama, perceiving it to be the effeOof an earthquake,
with his wonted heroifni and jjrudence, exclaimed," Of luhat are you afraid?
Do you not fee hoiu the ocean trembles under its fovercigns /" Barros, L. 9. C. I.
and Faria (tom. i. C. 9.) who fays, that I'uch as lay fick of fevers were cured
by the fright.
BOOK H. THELUSIAD. 63
Amazed, fhall view his arrows backward J" driven.
Showered on his legions by the hand of heaven.
Though twice aflailed by many a vengeful band,
Unconquered ftill fhall Dio's ramparts ftand ;
Such prowefs there fhall raife the Lufian name
That Mars fhall tremble for his blighted fame ;
There fliall the Moors, blafpheming, fink in death,
And curfe their prophet with their parting breath.
Where Goa's warlike ramparts frown on high,
Pleas'd fhalt thou fee thy Lufian banners fly ;
The Pagan tribes in chains fhall crowd her gate,
While flie fublime fliall tower in regal flate.
The fatal fcourge, the dread of all who dare
Againfl thy fons to plan the future war.
Though few thy troops who Conanour fuflain,
The foe, though numerous, fhall afTault in vain.
Great Calicut, for potent hofts renown'd.
By Lifboa's fons aflail'd fhall ftrew the ground :
What floods on floods of vengeful hofts fhall wage
On Cochin's walls their fwift repeated rage !
In vain : a ^ Lufian hero fliall oppol'e
His dauntlefs bofom, and difperfe the foes.
As
' his arroivs lachivari t/r/w».— Both Barros and Cadaneda relate this
faft. Albuquerk, during the war of Ormuz, having given battle to the
Perfians and Moors, by the violence of a fudden wind Ihc arrows of the
latter were driven back upon themfelves, whereby many of their troops
were wounded.
• A Lufian hero Pacheco ; in the fiege of Cochin he defeated
fuccefllvely feven numerous armies raifed by the Zamorim for the redudtioij
of that city.
64 THELUSIAD. book ii.
As liigh-fwell'd waves, that thunder'd to the fliock,
Difperfe in feeble ftreamlets from the rock.
When ' blackening broad and far o'er Aclium's tide
Auguftus' fleets the flave of love defy'd.
When that fallen warrior to the combat led
The braveft troops in Baftrian Scythia bred.
With Afian legions, and, his fliameful bane,
The Egyptian queen attendant in the train 5
Though Mars raged high, and all his fury pour'd,
Till with the ftorm the boiling furges roar'd ;
Yet fliall thine eyes more dreadful fcenes behold,
On burning furges burning furges roll'd.
The fhcets of fire far billowing o'er the brine.
While I my thunder to thy fons refign.
Thus many a fea fhall blaze, and many a fhore
Refound the horror of the combat's roar.
While thy bold prows triumphant ride along
By trembling China to the ifles unfung
Bv
' IVben blackening broad and far o'er A£l\ums tide. "
Uinc ope harbarica varlifque Antonius armis
Victor^ ab Aurora populis tSJ* I'ltore rubra
JEgyptum, "virefque oricntis, 13* ultima fcciim
JJiiiira vehit : fcguiturgue ncfas ! ^gyptia conjux.
Una omnes ruere, ac totumjpumare reduSlli
Con'uull'um riniis rojlr'ifqiie tridentibus aquor.
Aita pel lint : pelagq credas innare revulfas
Cycladas, aut monies eoncurrcre mont'ibus alios '.
Tania mole viri tiirritis pupplbus injlant.
Stupea Jlanima manu, telifqife volatile ferrum
Spargitar : arva nova Ncplunia cade rubefcunt,
f avii medio in cert amine Mavors. ViRG. JE'S, viir.
BOOK n. THE LUSIAD. 65
By ancient bard, by ancient chief unknown.
Till ocean's utmoft fliore thy bondage own.
Thus from the Ganges to the Gadian ftrand.
From the moft northern wave to fouthmoft land ;
That land decreed to bear the injured name
Of Magalhaens, the Lufian " pride and flaame ;
From all that vaft, tho' crown'd with heroes old,
Who with the gods were derni-gods enroll'd ;
From all that vaft no equal heroes fliine
To match in arms, O lovely daughter, thine.
So fpake the awful ruler of the fkies.
And Maia's fon fwift at his mandate flies :
His charge, from treafon and Mombafla's king
The weary fleet in friendly port to bring,
And while in fleep the brave De Gam a lay.
To warn, and fair the ilaore of reft difplay.
Fleet through the yielding air Cyllenius glides.
As to the light, the nimble air divides.
The myftic helmet on his head he wore.
And in his right the fatal rod he " bore j
VOL. I. F That
" — The Lufian pride andjhame. — Magalhaens, a mofl: celebrated navigator.
Neglefted by John II. king of Portugal, he offered his fervice to the kingdom
of Spain, under whom he made mod important difcoveries round the ftraits
which bear his name, and in the back parts of South America; acquirements,
which at this day are of the utmoft value to the SpaniOi empire. Of this
hero fee farther, X, Lufiad, in the notes.
'' - The fatal rod he bore
Turn "virgam capit: hac animas ille evoccit Oreo
Pallentes ; alias fub trijlia Tartar a mittit,
Dat fo?nnos adimitque, i^ lumiiia mcrte refgnat, YlPM. JEn. :v.
66 THE LUSIAD. book rr.
That rod, of power to wake the filent dead.
Or o'er the lids of care foft flumbers fhed.
And now, attended by the herald fame.
To fair Melinda's gate conceal'd he came ;
And foon loud rumour echoed through the town.
How from the weftern world, from waves unknown,
A noble band had reach'd the ^Ethiop fhore.
Through feas and dangers never dared before :
The godlike dread attempt their wonder fires.
Their generous wonder fond regard infpires.
And all the city glows their aid to give, ^
To view the heroes, and their wants relieve.
'Twas now the folemn hour when midnight reigns.
And dimly twinkling o'er the ethereal plains
The ftarry hoft, by gloomy filence led.
O'er earth and fea a glimmering palenefs fhed ;
When to the fleet, which hemm'd with dangers.Iay,
The filver-wing'd Cyllenius darts away.
Each care was now in foft oblivion fteep'd.
The Watch alone accuftom'd vigils kept ;
E'en Gam A, wearied by the day's alarms.
Forgets his cares, reclined in flumber's arms.
Scarce had he clofed his careful eyes in reft.
When Maia's fon in vifion ftood confeft :
And fly, he cried, O Lufitanian, fly ;
Here guile and treafon every nerve apply :
An impious king for thee the toil prepares,
An
BOOK II. THELUSIAD. 67
An impious people weave a thoufand fnares:
Oh fly thefe ftiores, unfurl the gather'd fail,
Lo, heaven, thy guide, commands the rifing gale ;
Hark, loud it ruftles, fee, the gentle tide
Invites thy prows ; the winds thy lingering chide.
Here fuch dire welcome is for thee prepared
As y Diomed's unhappy flrangers fhared ;
His haplefs guefts at filent midnight bled, ^
On their torn limbs his fnorting courfers fed.
Oh fly, or here with ftrangers' blood imbrew'd
Bufiris' altars thou flialt find renew'd :
Amidfl his flaughter'd guefts his altars flood
Obfccne with gore, and bark'd with human blood :
Then thou, beloved of heaven, my counfel hear ;
Right by the coaft thine onward journey fleer.
Till where the fun of noon no fhade begets.
But day with night in equal tenor fets.
A fovereign there, of generous faith unfi:ain'J,
With ancient bounty, and with joy unfeign'd
Your glad arrival on his fliore fliall greet.
And foothe with every care your weary fleet.
F 2 And
*■ As D-amed's unhappyJlrar.gers.'—Diomtdt, a tyrant of Thrace, who fed his
hoifes with human fiefh; a thing, fays the grave Czi^trz, prsfque ihcroyabte,
almolt incredible. Bufiris was a king of Egypt, who facrificed ftrangers.
i^h — illaudati nefcit ^ufiridis aras ? ^'l R G . G £ o R . iii.
Hercules vanquifhed both thcfc tyrants, and put them to the fame puni(h-
ments which their cruelty had inflided on others. Ifocrates compofed an
oration in honour of Bufiris j a mafterly example of Attic raillery and fa-
tire. To this Caftera wifely appeals, to prove the truth of the hiftory of
that tyrant.
68 THELUSIAD. book u.
And when again for India's golden ftrand
Before the profperous gale your fails expand^
A fkilful pilot oft in danger try'd,
Of heart finccre, fliall prove your faithful guide-
Thus Hermes fpoke, and as his flight he takes
Melting in ambient air, De Gama wakes.
Chill'd with amaze he ftood, when through the night
With fudden ray appear'd the burfting light ;
The winds loud whizzing through the cordage figh'd
Spread, fpread the fail, the raptured Vasco cried ;
Aloft, aloft, this, this the gale of heaven ;
By heaven our guide th* aufpicious fign is given j
Mine eyes beheld the mefTengef divine ;
O fly, he cried, and gave the favouring fign,
Here treafon lurks. Swift as the captain fpake
The mariners fpring bounding to the deck.
And now with fhouts far-echoing o'er the fea.
Proud of their ftrength the ponderous anchors weigh.
When 2 heaven again its guardian care difplay'd ;
Above the wave rofe many a Moorifli head
Conceal'd by niglit they gently fwam along,
>And with their weapons fawed the cables flirong,
That
' IVhen haaven again its guardian care diJjilay'J.^tliving mentioned the
flcape of the Moorifli pilots, Oforiub proceeds : Rex deinde homines magno
cum filentio fcaphis & llntribus fubmittebat, qui fecuribus anchoralia norte
pncidercnt. Quod nili fuidlt a nortris fingulari Gamsc induflrla vigilatum,
et iafidlis fctlerati illius reois occurfum, noftri in fiimmum vita: dlfcrimcn
incidiflent.
BOOK IT. THELUSIAD. /S9
That by the fwelling currents whirl'd and toft,
The navy's wrecks might ftrew the rocky coaft :
But now difcover'd, every nerve they ply,
And dive, and fwift as frighten'd vermin fly.
Now through the filver waves that curling rofe,
And gently murmur'd round the floplng prows,
The gallant fleet before the fteady wind
Sweeps on, and leaves long foamy tracks behind ;
While as they fail the joyful crew relate
Their wondrous fafety from impending fate j
And every bofom feels how fweet the joy
When dangers pafl the grateful tongue employ.
The fun had now his annual journey run,
And blazing forth another courfe begun.
When fmoothly gliding o'er the hoary tide
Two floops afar the watchful mafter fpied ;
Their Moorhh make the feaman's art difplay'd ;
Here Gam a weens to force the pilot's aid :
One, bafe with fear, to certain flilpwreck flew ;
The keel dafh'd on the fhore, efcap'd the crew.
The other bravely trufts the generous foe.
And yields, ere flaughter fl:ruck the lifted blow,
Ere Vulcan's thunders bellowed. Yet again
The captain's prudence and his wifh were vain j
No pilot here his wandering courfe to guide.
No lip to tell where rolls the Indian tide j
The
70 THE L US IAD. book ii.
The voyage calm, or perilous, or afar.
Beneath what heaven, or which the guiding ftar :
Yet this they told, that by the neighbouring bay
A potent monarch reign'd, whofe pious fway
For truth and nobleft bounty far renown'd,
Still with the ftranger's grateful praife was crown'd.
O'erjoyed brave Gama heard the tale, which feal'd
The facred truth that Maia's fon reveal'd ;
And bids the pilot, warn'd by heaven his guide.
For fair Melinda turn the helm afide.
'Twas now the jovial feafon, when the morn
From Taurus flames, when Amalthea's horn
O'er hill and dale the rofe-crown'd Flora pours,
And flatters corn and wine, and fruits and flowers.
Right to the port their courfe the fleet purfued.
And the glad dawn that facred day renewed.
When with the fpoils of vanquiflx'd death adorn'd
To heaven the vidlor of the tomb return'd.
And foon Melinda's fhore the failors fpy ;
From every maft the purple ftreamers fly ;
Rich-figured tap'ftry now fupplies the fail,
The gold and fcarlet tremble in the gale ;
The ftandard broad its brilliant hues bewrays.
And floating on the wind wide-billowing plays ;
Shrill through the air the quivering trumpet founds,
And the rough drum the roufing march rebounds.
As
BOOK u. THE LUSIAD. 7j
As thus regardful of the facred day
The feftive navy cut the watery way,
Melinda's fons the fliore in thoufands crowd.
And offering joyful welcome fliout aloud :
And truth the voice infpired. Unawed by fear,
"With warlike pomp adom'd, himfelf fincere.
Now in the port the generous Gam a rides ;
His ftately vefTels range their pitchy fides
Around their chief; the bowfprits nod the head,
And the barb'd anchors gripe the harbour's bed.
Strait to the king, as friends to generous friends,
A captive Moor the valiant Gama fends.
The Luflan fanie the king already knew,
What gulphs unknown the fleet had labour'd through.
What fhelves, what tempefts dared ; His liberal mind
Exults the captain's manly trufl to find ;
With that ennobling worth, whofe fond employ
Befriends the brave, the monarch owns his joy.
Entreats the leader and his weary band
To tafte the dews of fweet repofe on land.
And all the riches of his cultured fields
Obedient to the nod of Gama yields.
His care meanwhile their prefent want attends.
And various fowl, and various fruits he fends j
The oxen low, the fleecy lambkins bleat.
And rural founds are echoed through the fleet.
His gifts with joy the valiant chief receives.
And gifts in turn, confirming friendfliip, gives.
Here
72 THELUSIAD. book ir.
Here the proud fcarlet darts its ardent rays,
And here the purple and the orange blaze :
O'er thefe profufe the branching coral fpread.
The * coral wondrous in its watery bed :
Soft there it creeps, in curving branches thrown ;
In air it hardens to a precious ftone.
With thcfe an herald, on whofe melting tongue
The b copious rhet'ric of Arabia hung,
He fends, his wants and purpofe to reveal,
And holy vows of lafting peace to feal.
The monarch fits amid his fplendid bands,
Before the regal throne the herald ftands.
And thus, as eloquence his lips infpired,
O king ! he cries, for facred truth admired,
Ordain'd by heaven to bend the ftubborn knees
Of haughtieft nations to thy juft decrees ;
Fear'd as thou art, yet fet by heaven to prove
That empire's ftrength-refults from public love:
To thee, O king, for friendly aid we come ;
Nor lawlefs robbers o'er the deep we roam :
No luft of gold could e'er our breads inflame
To fcatter fire and flaughter where we came ;
Nor
' The coral ivondrous in its •watery be d
Vinien erat dum Jlagna fubit, frocejferat undit
Gemma fuit. ClaUD.
Sic et coralium, quo primum conti^it auras ^
Tempore durefcit, moll'ts fu'tt hcrba Jul undis. OviD.
*> The copious rhet'ric of Arabia. — There wert on board Gama's fleet feve-
ral pcrfons fkillcd in the Oriental languages. Ofor.
BOOK ir. THE LUSIAD. 73
Nor fword, nor fpear our harmlefs hands employ
To feize the carelefs, or the weak deftroy.
At our moft potent monarch's dread command
We fpread the fail from lordly Europe's ftrand :
Through feas unknown, through gulphs untry'd before,
We force our journey to the Indian fhore.
Alas, what rancour fires the human breaft !
By what ftern tribes are Afrie's fliores pofleft !
How many a wile they try'd, how many a fnare !
Not wifdom fav'd us, 'twas the heaven's own care :
Not harbours only, e'en the barren fands
A place of reft deny'd our weary bands :
From us, alas, what harm could prudence fear !
From us fo few, their numerous friends fo near !
While thus from fliore to cruel fhore long driven.
To thee conducted by a guide from heaven.
We come, O monarch, of thy truth alTured,
Of hofpitable rites by heaven fecured ;
Such c rites as old Alcinous' palace graced.
When lorn Ulyfles fat his favour'd gueft.
Nor deem, O king, that cold fufplcion taints
Our valiant leader, or his wifh prevents :
Great is our monarch, and his dread command
To our brave captain interdicts the land
Till Indian earth he tread : What nobler caufe
Than loyal faith can wake thy fond applaufe,
O thou,
«See the Eighth Odyfley, 8ic.
74. THE LUSIAD. book ii.
O thou, who knoweft the ever-prefling weight
Of kingly ^ office, and the cares of ftate !
And hear, ye confcious heavens, if Gama's heart
Forget thy kindnefs, or from truth depart.
The facred light Ihall perilh from the fun.
And rivers to the fea fhall ceafe to e run.
He
d Of h'lngly cjjice. — Camera's note on this place is h charafteriftical of a
Frenchman, that the reader will perhaps be pleafed to fee it tranfcribed. In
his text he fays, " Toi qui occupes ft dignement le rangfuprene. In the note
he thus apologifes : " Le Poete dit. Tens de Rey o officio, Tai qui fais le metier
" de Hoi — The poet fays, thou zvho hoLieJl the Inifintfs of a king. " I confefs I
" found a ftrong inclination totranflate this fentence literally. I find much
" noblenefs in it. However, I fabmitted to the opinion of fome friends, who
" were afraid that the ears of Frenchmen would be ihocked at the word buf-
" nefs applied to a king. It is true, neverthelefs, that royalty is a bufmefs.
" Philip II. of Spain was convinced of it, as we may difcern from one of his
" letters. Hallo, fays \i^,me muy embara^ado, &c. I am fo entangled and ineum-
" bered iiith the multiplicity of btfimfs, that I have not a moment to myfelf. In
" truth, ive lings hold a lahorio::s office, there is little reafonto envy us." May the
politenefs of England never be difgufted with the word bufmefs applied to a
king!
« The herald's fpeech.^Thz propriety and artfulnefs of Homer's fpeeches
have been often and juftly admired. Camoens is peculiarly happy in the
fame department of the epopoeia. The fpetch of Gama's herald to the
kinw of Melinda is a ftriking inflance of it. The compliments with which
it begins have a dirC't tendency to the favours afterwards to be alked. The
allurance of the innocence, the purpofe^f the voyagers, and thcgreatnefs
of their king, are happily touched. The exclamation on the barbarous
treatment they had experienced, " Not wifdom faved us, but heaven's own
care," are mafleriy infinuations. Their barbarous treatment is again re-
peated in a manner to move compaffion : Alas ! what could they fear, &c.
is rcafoning joined with the pathos. That they were conducted to the king
of Melinda by heaven, and were by heaven aflUrcd of his truth, is a moft
delicate compliment, and in the true fpirit of tiie epic poem. The allu-
fion to Alcinous is weii timed. The apology for Gama's rcfuial to come on
niore,is exceeding aitful. It conveys a proof of the grcatncfs of the Por-
ti'gucfe fovcrcign, and affords a compliment to loyalty, which could not fail
to
BOOK II. THELUSIAD. 75
He fpoke ; a murmur of applaufe fucceeds.
And each with wonder own'd the val'rous deeds
Of that bold race, whofe flowing vanes had wav'd
Beneath fo many a fky, fo many an ocean brav'd.
Nor lefs the king their loyal faith reveres,
And Lifboa's lord in awful ftate appears,
Whofe leaft command on farthefi: fhores obey'd.
His fovereign grandeur to the world difplay'd.
Elate with joy, uprofe the royal Moor,
And, fmiling, thus, — O welcome to my flaore !
If yet in you the fear of treafon dwell,
Far from your thoughts th' ungenerous fear expel :
Still with the brave, the brave will honour find,
And equal ardour will their friendfliip bind.
But thofe who fpurn'd you, men alone in fhewy
Rude as the beftial herd, no worth they know j
Such dwell not here : and fince your laws require
Obedience ftrift, I yield my fond defire.
Though much I wifh'd your chief to grace my board.
Fair be his duty to his fovereign lord :
Yet when the morn walks forth with dewy feet
My barge fhall waft me to the warlike fleet ;
There fliall my longing eyes the heroes view.
And holy vows the mutual peace renew.
What
to be acceptable to a monarch. In fhort, the whole of the fpeech fupplicates
warmly, but at the fame time in the mod manly manner; and the adjura-
tion concludes it with all the appearance of warmth and fmcerity. Eufla-
thius would have written a whole chapter on fuch a fpeech in the II ad or
Odyfiey.
96 THR L US IAD. )^ook ir.
What from the bluftering winds and lengthening tide
Your fliips have fufFer'd, fhall be here fupply'd.
Arms and provifions I myfelf will fend.
And, great of fkill, a pilot fhall attend.
So fpoke the king : And now, with purpled ray,
Beneath the fliining wave the god of day
Retiring, left the evening fliades to fpread ;
And to the fleet the joyful herald fped :
To find fuch friends each breaft with rapture glows,
The feaft is kindled, and the goblet flows ;
The trembling comet's imitated rays
Bound to the flcies, and trail a fparkling blaze :
The vaulting bombs awake their fleeping fire,
And like the Cyclops' bolts, to heaven afpire :
The bombardiers their roaring engines ply,
And earth and ocean thunder to the iky.
The trump and fife's flirill clarion far arovind
The glorious mufic of the fight refound.
Nor lefs the joy Melinda's fons difplay.
The fulphur burfts in many an ardent ray.
And to the heaven afcends in whizzing gyres.
And ocean flames with artificial fires.
In feftive war the fea and land engage.
And echoing fhouts confefs the joyful rage.
So pad the night : and now with filvery ray
The ftar of morning ufhers in the day.
The
BOOK n. THE LUSIAD.
The fliadows fly before the rofeate hours,
And the chill dew hangs glittering on the flowers :
The pruning hook or humble fpade to wield.
The cheerful labourer haftens to the field ;
When to the fleet with many a founding oar
The monarch fails ; the natives crowd the fhore.
Their various robes in one bright fplendor join.
The purple blazes, and the gold-ftripes fliine ;
Nor as ftern warriors with the quivering lance.
Or moon-arch'd bow, Melinda's fons advance ;
Green boughs of palm with joyful hands they wave.
An omen of the meed that crowns the brave.
Fair was the fhow the royal barge difplay'd.
With many a flag of gliftening filk array'd,
Whofe various hues, as waving thro' the bay,
Return'd the luftre of the rifing day :
And onward as they came, in fovereign ftate
The mighty king amid his princes fate :
His robes the pomp of eafliern fplendor fliew,
A proud tiara decks his lordly brow :
The various tiflue fliines in every fold.
The filken lufl;re and the rays of gold-
His purple mantle boafts the dye of Tyre,
And in the fun-beam glows with living fire.
A golden chain, the fkilful artifli's pride.
Hung from his neck ; and glittering by his tide
The dagger's hilt of fl:ar-bright diamond flionc,
The girding baldric burns with precious ftone ■■,
77
And
78 THE LUSIAD. book n.
And precious ftone in fluds of gold enchafed,
The ftiaggy velvet of his bulkins graced :
Wide o'er his head, of various filks inlaid,
A fair umbrella caft a grateful iTiadc.
A band of menials,- bending o'er the prow.
Of horn-wreath'd round the crooked trumpets blow ;
And each attendant barge aloud rebounds
A barbarous difcord of rejoicing founds.
With equal pomp the captain leaves the fleet,
Melinda's monarch on the tide to greet :
His barge nods on amidil a fplcndid train,
Himfelf adorn'd in all the pride of Spain :
With fair embroidery f fhone his armed breaft.
For polifh'd fteel fupply'd the warrior's veft;
His fleeves, beneath, were lilk of paly blue.
Above, more loofe, the purple's brighteft hue
Hung as a fcarf, in equal gatherings roU'd,
With golden buttons and with loops of gold :
Bright in the fun the poiifli'd radiance burns.
And the dimm'd eye-ball from the luftre turns.
Of crimfon fatin, dazzling to behold.
His caflbc fwell'd in many a curving fold;
The make was Gallic, but the lively bloom
Confeft the labour of Venetia's loom :
Gold
' 'A^ithfair emiroiJcry Jhoite bis armed Irenjl. Camoens feems to have his
eye on the pifture of Gama, wliich is thusdefcribcd by Faria y Sou/a. " He
" is paintctl with a black cap, cloak anJ bictclics edged with velvet, all flafhed,
" through which appears the ciinifon lining, the doublet of ciimfon fatin,
" and over it his armour inlaid with i^olj."
BOOK II. THE LUSIAD.
Gold was his fword, and warlike trowfers laced
With thongs of gold his manly legs embraced :
With graceful mien his cap aflant was turn'd j
The velvet cap a nodding plume adorn'd.
His noble afpedl, and the purple's ray,
Amidft his train the gallant chief bewray.
The various veftments of the warrior train,
Like flowers of various colours on the plain,
Attract the pleafed beholders wondering eye.
And with the fplendor of the rainbow vie.
Now Gama's bands the quivering trumpet blow.
Thick o'er the wave the crowding barges row.
The Moorifh flags the curling waters fweep,
The Lufian mortars thunder o'er the deep ;
Again the fiery roar heaven's concave tears.
The Moors aftonifh'd flop their wounded ears :
Again loud thunders rattle o'er the bay.
And clouds of fmoke wide-rolling blot the day ;
The captain's barge the generous king afcends.
His arms the chief enfold •, the captain bends,
A reverence to the fcepter'd grandeur due :
In filent awe the monarch's wondering view
Is fixt g on Va SCO's noble mien ; the while
His thoughts with wonder weigh the hero's toil,
79
Efteem
g The mnnarcVs wondering "vieiu isjlxton Vafco' s iiob'.d mlen.—Thc zim'i-
ration and friendfliip of the king of Melinda, fo much infifted on by Ca-
moens, is a judicious imitation of Virgil's Dido- In both cafes fuch prepa-
ration was neceflary to introduce the long epiibdes which follow.
8o THELUSIAD. book ii.
Efteem and friendfhip with his wonder rife.
And free to Gama all his kingdom lies.
Though never fon of Lufus' race before
Had met his eye, or trod Melinda's fhore,
To him familiar was the mighty name,
And much his talk extols the Luflan fame ;
How through the vaft of Afric's wildeft bound
Their deathlefs feats in gallant arms refound ;
When that fair land where Hefper's offspring reign'd,
Their valour's prize the Lufian youth obtain'd.
Much fhill he talk'd, enraptured of the theme,
Though but the faint vibrations of their fame
To him had echoed. Pleafed his warmth to view,
Convinced his promife and his heart were true.
The illuftrious Gama thus his foul expreft,
And own'd the joy that laboured in his breafl :
Oh thou, benign, of all the tribes alone.
Who feel the rigouc. of th^ burning zone,
Whofe piety, with mercy's gentle eye.
Beholds our wants, and gives the wifh'd fupply ;
Our navy driven from many a barbarous coaft.
On many a tempeft-harrowed ocean toft.
At laft with thee a kindly refuge finds.
Safe from the fury of the howling winds.
O generous king, may he whofe mandate rolls
The circling heavens, and human pride controls,
May the great Spirit to thy breaft return,
That needful aid, beftowed on us forlorn !
And
BOOK II, THE LUSIAD. 81
And while yon fun emits his rays divine,
And while the ftars in midnight azure ihine,
Where'er my fails are ftretch'd the world around,
Thy praife (hall brighten, and thy name refound.
He fpoke ; the painted barges fwept the flood ,
Where, proudly gay, the anchored navy rode ;
Eameft the king the lordly fleet furveys ;
The mortars thunder, and the trumpets raifc
Their martial founds Melinda's fons to greet ;
Melinda's fons with timbrels hail the fleet.
And now no more the fulphury tempeft roars ;
The boatmen leaning on the refted oars
Breathe fliort ; the barges now at anchor moor'd,
The king, while filence Iifl:en'd round, implored
The glories of the Lufian wars to hear,
Whofe fainted echoes long had pleafed his ear -
Their various triumphs on the Afric fliore
O'er thofe who hold the fon of Hagar's lore,
Fond he demands, and now demands again
Their various triumphs on the weftern main :
Again, ere readieft anfwer found a place.
He aflts the ft:ory of the Lufian race ;
What god was founder of the mighty line.
Beneath what heaven their land, what fliores adjoin ;
And what their chmate, where the flnking day
Gives the lafl: glimpfe of twilight's filvery ray.
VOL. I. G But
82 THELUSIAD. book ii.
But moft, O chief, the zealous monarch cries.
What raging feas you braved, what louring Ikies ;
What tribes, what rites you faw ; what favage hate
On our rude Afric proved your haplefs fate :
Oh tell, for lo, the chilly dawning ftar
Yet rides before the morning's purple car ;
And o'er the wave the fun's bold courfers raife
Their flaming fronts, and give the opening blaze ;
Soft on the glafly wave the zephyrs fleep,
And the ftill billows holy filence keep.
Nor lefs are we, undaunted chief, prepared
To hear thy nation's gallant deeds declared ;
Nor think, tho' fcorch'd beneath the car of day.
Our minds too dull the debt of praife to pay j
Melinda's fons the teft of greatnefs know.
And on the Lufian race the palm bellow.
If Titan's h giant brood with impious arms
Shook high Olympus' brow with rude alarms i
If Thefeus and Pirithous dared invade
The difmal horrors of the Stygian fhade.
Nor lefs your glory, nor your boldnefs lefs,
That thus exploring Neptune's laft recefs
Contemn his waves and tempefts ! If the thirft
To hve in fame, though famed for deeds accurft,
Could
'« For a defence of the king of Melmda's learning, ignorantly objefted
to by Voltaire, fee the preface.
BOOK II. THE LUSIAD. g^
Could urge the caitiff, who to win a name
Gave Dian's temple to the wafting flame :
If fuch the ardour to attain renown.
How bright the luftre of the hero's crown,
Whofe deeds of fair emprife his honours raife,
And bind his brows, like thine, with deathlefs bays !
END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.
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