mmtm i.ii.ii.hiuy/iiWiiyiiV'ggaBBPijH^^ ipwiittiiiWiiiiliai^^ OBERT HERRICK A BIOGRAPHICAL AND CRITICAL STUDY mmm^^ mmtmmmm IBKAKT NIVERSITY CALIFORNIA fVu^-^ojflh^^ yiL-OA^iA-^ L 9 /J ROBERT HERRICK A BIOGRAPHICAL & CRITICAL STUDY ROBERT HERRICK A BIOGRAPHICAL & CRITICAL STUDY BY F. W. MOORMAN, B.A., PH.D. Sfi ASSISTANT PROFESSOR OF ENGLISH LITERATURE IN THE UNIVERSITY OF LEEDS, WITH NINE FULL-PAGE ILLUSTRATIONS INCLUDING A FRONTISPIECE IN PHOTOGRAVURE LONDON JOHN LANE THE BODLEY HEAD NEW YORK JOHN LANE COMPANY MCMX Turnbidl ^ Spears, Printers, Edinburgh TO MY WIFE PREFACE THE charm of Herrick's personality, quite apart from his high standing as a lyric poet, calls for a biography. Thirty-four years have passed since there appeared, almost simultaneously, Mr Edmund Gosse's brilliant essay on the poet in the Cornhill Magazine, and Dr Grosart's edition of the Hesperides, with its scholarly Memorial- Introduction. The many editions of Herrick's poems which have since been published furnish abundant evidence of the fact that the poet's faith in the immortality of his verses was no idle dream. Some of his editors — in particular, Mr W. C. Hazlitt and Mr A. W. Pollard — have thrown fresh light upon his career and his scholarship, and I gladly avail myself of this opportunity of acknowledging the help which I have received from their labours. An examination of State Papers in the Record Office, and of the letters and account-books of the poet's uncle, Sir William Herrick, at Beaumanor, has not been altogether fruitless, but the story which is told vii Robert Herrick in the following pages owes most of all to the record — often, it is true, tangled and inconclusive — which is set forth by Herrick himself in his verses. He is the most ingenuous and self- revealing of poets ; and though the order in which the poems are placed in the first edition of Hesperides is anything but chronological, it is not difficult to trace him in his progress through life, and to see the working of his mind. I have followed Dr Grosart in detaching the story of the poet's life from the criticism of his verses. The place which the Hesperides poems occupy in the history of the English lyric is a peculiarly interesting one, and this must be my excuse for the length of the first chapter in Part II., in which I have attempted to review briefly the development of the lyric of the English Renaissance down to the time of Herrick. In conclusion, I desire to offer sincere thanks to all who have helped me in my work. Among these I may mention, in particular, Mrs Perry Herrick, who kindly allowed me to examine the Herrick papers at Beaumanor, the Rev. C. J. Perry- Keene, vicar of Dean Prior, and Sir Walter S. Prideaux, the clerk of the Goldsmiths' Company, who generously undertook to examine, on my behalf, some of the company's records at Gold- Vlll I Preface smiths' Hall, and who has allowed me to repro- duce, from his " Memorials of the Goldsmiths' Company," the engraving of Goldsmiths' Row, Cheapside. My thanks are also due to the Rev. Canon Egerton Leigh, who allowed me to copy a hitherto unpublished letter of the poet which is in his possession. Finally, I acknow- ledge with special gratitude my debt to Mr A. H. Bullen, and to my friend and colleague, Professor Charles Vaughan, both of whom rendered me conspicuous service by reading the following pages in manuscript : the book has gained much by their searching criticism and wise suggestions. F. W. MOORMAN. The University of Leeds, February 1910. IX CONTENTS PART I— THE LIFE CHAPTER I sEarly Years PAGE vii CHAPTER n At Cambridge . . . .28 CHAPTER HI "Sealed of the Tribe of Ben" . . -55 CHAPTER IV Dean Prior ...... 92 CHAPTER V Last Years . . . . . .134 PART II— THE WORKS CHAPTER I [E Lyric of the English Renaissance . • ^55 CHAPTER II The Lyrical Poems of the Hesperides . . 204 xi Robert Herrick PAGE CHAPTER III The Non-Lyrical Poems of the Hesperides . 265 CHAPTER IV The Noble Numbers . . . .298 Appendix I. (Herrick's Indenture of Apprentice- ship) ...... 331 Appendix II. The Dirge of Eric Bloodaxe . 333 Index . . . . . -337 Xll ILLUSTRATIONS 1. Robert Herrick (from Marshall's First Edition oi Hesperides) .... Frontispiece To face page 2. Goldsmiths' Row, Cheapside . . .28 3. Second Court, St John's College, Cambridge 56 4. The Library, Trinity Hall, Cambridge . 92 5. Facsimile of one of Herrick's Letters . 134 6. Dean Court, The Hall . . .156 7. Dean Prior Church .... 204 8. Dean Burn ..... 266 9. Title-Page to First Edition of Hesperides . 298 xiu PART I THE LIFE CHAPTER I EARLY YEARS SIR WALTER SCOTT, writing of Swift's mother in his memoir of the Dean of St Patrick's, declares that her '* ancient genealogy was her principal dowry." The lady in question was Abigail Ericke, descended from one of the branches of the Leicestershire family of Erickes, Hey- ricks or Herricks, to which also belonged the author of the Hesperides, The family tradition iHpf the Herricks is that they owe their origin to a certain Eric the Forester, who raised an army to oppose William the Conqueror, and who, being defeated, was employed as a commander n the Conqueror's army. In his old age this Eric is said to have retired to his home in Leicester- shire — the county with which the Herricks have ever since been closely associated.^ This tradition, unlike many such family tradi- tions, does not seem to err through ambition, prhe probability is, indeed, that the Herricks are ^ See Deane Swift, Essay on the Life of Dr fonathan Swift, Appendix, p. 37, and Nichols' History of the County of Leicester, vol. ii. p. 579. 3 Robert Herrick of royal descent. The name Herrick, the spell- ing of which with the initial aspirate was not common until late in the sixteenth century, and, as we see from the name of Swift's mother, was not even then adopted by all the branches of the family, is undoubtedly Scandinavian in origin. Under the forms Eirikr and Eirekr it appears as the name of at least one Swedish and one Danish king, and it is found in English history as early as the middle of the tenth century. The first English Eric of whom historic legend tells was the famous Viking, Eric Blood-axe — Eirekr Blodax — of whom Norse saga and English chronicle have much to relate. He was the son of the Norwegian king, Harold Fairhair, and was born in Norway early in the tenth century. Driven from his home by his kinsfolk, he settled among the Anglian and Danish peoples of Northumbria, who, in the year 952, at a time of revolution, made him their king. For two years he reigned at York, and then was driven from his throne, and afterwards slain by Anlaf, an under-king of Eadred of Wessex. This Eric Blood-axe, by virtue of his deeds of daring and his adventurous career, appealed to the imagination of the gleemen, and in his honour was written the famous Eiriks-Mal or Dirge of Eric, the earliest of all Scandinavian Valhalla-songs.^ There was, too, another Eric — Eric Hakonsson — who ^ See Appendix II. 4 P-: Early Years occupies a distinguished place in Dano-English history, and is celebrated in song no less than Eric Blood-axe. This was the Eric who married the daughter of King Sveinn, and joined with that king in the Danish conquest of Wessex. He lived into the reign of Cnut, by whom he was made Earl of Northumberland, and as **Dux Ericus " his name is found in old English charters down to the year 1023.^ Under the stern rule of William the Conqueror the Erics, as the family tradition already referred to relates, found it prudent to retire to their Leicestershire estates, within the old Danelaw, where we find them leading a peaceful, law- abiding existence in the centuries which follow. There is still extant a letter sent by Henry III. to a certain Ivo de Herric, and more than a century later we hear of another Ivo de Herric, or Eyrick, who was living at Great Stretton in Leicestershire. The first of these two Ivos may be the Eyrick of Stretton, ^emp. Henry HL, o whom the Herrick pedigrees refer, and from whom was descended Sir William Eyrick, the progenitor of the Houghton branch of the family, to which the author of the Hesperides belonged. Another member of the family was Robert Eyrick, who was the first Master of Trinity Hall, Cambridge, and died Bishop of Lichfield in 1385. ^ See Corpus Boreale^ ii. 98. 5 Robert Herrick At Houghton, a village six miles from Leicester, the descendants of Sir William Eyrick increased in number till the ancestral home was unable to contain them all ; and one of the family, Thomas Ericke, gentleman, accordingly migrated to the neighbouring town of Leicester, about the end of the fifteenth century. His name appears on the Corporation Books of Leicester in 151 1, and he was the first of the line of Herricks to be intimately connected with the civic life of the county-town. This Thomas Ericke was the great-grandfather of the poet. His son John, who married Mary Bond, the daughter of a Warwickshire gentle- man, remained at Leicester, of which town he was twice the Mayor, and brought up a family of five sons and seven daughters. And now once again the growth of the family called for a fresh migra- tion. Just as the Leicestershire village was found too small to provide sustenance for the numerous members of the Herrick family of an earlier generation, so now the county-town could not support the twelve children of John and Mary Eyrick. The eldest son, Robert, remained at home, built up a considerable fortune as an ironmonger, was three times elected Mayor, and represented the borough in Parliament. The second son, Nicholas, the poet's father, decided to seek his fortune elsewhere. In, or before, the year 1556 he was apprenticed to a goldsmith in Cheapside, London, and on the expiration of his Early Years apprenticeship, started business on his own account in the same locality. Thanks to the preservation at Beaumanor Park, Leicestershire, of a number of papers bearing on the Herrick family, we are able to gather a good deal of information concerning the poet's father. Among these papers are certain letters written to him by his father in Leicester, and extending from April i6, 1556, to August 28, 1584. They represent the Cheap- side goldsmith as an excellent son, doing all in his power to provide for his brothers and sisters. Some time between 1556 and 1575 his eldest sister, Ursula, had followed him to London, and had found a husband there. Another sister, Mary, had also joined the London household, and in 1575 was keeping house for her brother. PSome years later she married Sir John Bennett, and in 1603 ^^^^ i^ state to the Guildhall as Lady Mayoress. In providing for his sisters, Nicholas Herrick was not forgetful of his brothers. About the year 1574 his youngest brother, William, of whom we shall hear more presently, was sent to London to'fenter Nicholas's house and business. After 1575 there are several letters to prentice William from his father and mother, while from the last of John Eyrick's letters, dated August 28, 1584, we learn that yet another brother, John, had come up to London and received help from Nicholas. 7 I Robert Herrick In 1582 Nicholas Herrick ^ married Julian or Juliana Stone, daughter of William Stone of London, gentleman. In the Allegations for Marriage Licences, issued by the Bishop of London,^ there is the following entry : *' December 8, 1582, Nicholas Herycke, Gold- smith, and Juliana Stone, Spinster, of City of London ; at St Leonard's, Bromley, Middlesex." Of the poet's mother not very much is known, and her son refers to her only once in the Hesperides. Like her husband, she came of a good family. The Stones sprang originally from Worcestershire, but the branch of the family to which the poet's mother belonged had been settled for some generations in London. Her father is spoken of in the Visitations of London as William Stone of London, gentleman, and in an- other place as William Stoneof Seyno(Segenhoe), in the county of Bedford. Certain complimentary poems among the Hesperides show that their author stood on very friendly terms with various members of his mother's family. Anne Stone, a sister of Juliana, was the wife of Sir Stephen Soame, a member of a still more prominent London family of the time ; and another sister, who gave shelter to Juliana Herrick and her children after Nicholas ^ Contrary to his father's custom, he usually spells his name with the initial aspirate — perhaps in deference to cockney pronunciation. 2 Edited by G. J. Armytage (Harleian Society Publications, vol. XXV.). 8 Early Years Herrick's death, married Henry Campion, a member of another family of some distinction in the city of London and the county of Kent. The members of the Herrick family in London were doubtless present at Nicholas's wedding, but age and infirmities prevented old John and Mary Eyrick from making the journey from Leicester in the inclement month of December. John Eyrick's letter to his son on this occasion has been preserved, and deserves inclusion here : — " Sonne Nicholas Eyrick ; your mother and I have us commended unto your bedfellowe and you ; for I trust now that ye be a married man ; for I hard by your brother Stanford that youe weir appointed to marry on Monday the tenth of December ; and if youe be maryed, we pray God I^Kto sende youe bothe muche joye and comfort '™ together, and to all hir friends and yours. I pray you have us commended to your wive's parents and frends not as yet knowne or ac- quaynted with us ; but I trust hereafter we shall, if God send us lyffe togethar. We wysshe our- selffs that we had bene with youe at your weddyng ; but the tyme of the year is so, that it hade bene paineful for your moder and me to have ridden suche a jornay : the dais being so short, and way so foule, cheffeley being so olde and onweldy as we be both ; and specyally your mother hath such paine in one of her kne- bones that she cannot goe many tyms about the 9 I Robert Herrick hows without a staff in her hand ; and I myselffe have had for the spase of allmost of this halffe yeare mych paine of my right sholder that I cannot get on my gowne without help. Age bringeth infyrmytes with it ; God hath so ordayned. ... I trust we shall see your wiffe and you at Leicester this next summer to make mery with us, and lykewise your brother Haws and his wiffe, your brother H olden and his wiffe, with some other of your frends. Your mother and I doe gyve harty thanks for your good tokyns youe sente to us of late, and for all your other good tokyns youe have sent us ; and we be sorry that you have benne at such charge, and we to send you but seldom anny thing that good is, and sometyme marr'd in the carredge. ** Your mother and I have sent your wiffe and youe, to make mery withall in Christmas, two sholdir of brawne and two ronds, and one rond for your brother and sister Haws, and one rond for your brother H olden and his wiffe, and one rond to Thomas Chapman agenst the great condyth in Chepe. Every body's pesse hath their names written on them. . . . My wiffe hath sent to your sistar Mary three yards of cloth to make hir a smock. Thus I bid you hartely farwell. At Leicester, on Sonday morning, being the xv day of December, 1582. By your loving father to his power, John Eyrick." ^ * From Nichols' History of the County of Leicester^ vol. ii. pp. 622-3. 10 Early Years Other letters from Leicester follow, and inform us that William and Mary Herrick continued to live with their brother after his marriage, and that Nicholas prospered in business, but suffered much from ague. Nicholas Herrick's church was St Vedast's in Foster Lane, the register of which escaped the great fire, and contains the entries of his children's births. From it we learn that three sons, William, Thomas, and Nicholas, and two daughters, Martha and Anne, were born between 1585 and 1590, and then comes the following entry : '' Roberte Herricke, sonne to Nicholas Herricke, was baptized the xxiiii*^ day of Auguste, 1 59 1." It is not without significance that, in respect of the time at which he was born, Herrick stands midway between the early school of English lyrists — represented by Peele (born 1558?), Lodge (1558?), Greene (1560?), Shakespeare (1564), Campion (1567), Jonson (1573), Donne {1573), Barnfield(i574), and John Fletcher (1579) — and the later school of Caroline lyrists, of which Carew(i598?), Crashaw (161 3), Lovelace (1618), and Vaughan (1622) are the most distinguished members. Nearest to him of English poets stand Quarles (1592), George Herbert (1593), and Shirley (1596). The place of the poet's birth can be determined fairly exactly. One of the letters of Mary Eyrick II Robert Herrick of Leicester, the poet's grandmother, to her son William bears the following endorsement: "To her lovynge sonne William Heryck in London, dwelling with Nicholas Heryck in Cheip, give theis." Another letter from the same source indicates the birth-place still more exactly : it is directed to ** M*" William Heireyck, at the Rowes in the Goulsmeth Rowe in Cheap." From this we gather that the poet was born in Goldsmiths' Row, Cheapside, in the heart of the city, and in close proximity to that house in Bread Street where, seventeen years later, Milton first saw the light. The first year of the poet's life was spent in the business-house in Cheapside, but scarcely had he entered on his second year when a dark tragedy fell upon the family. Early in the November of 1592, Nicholas Herrick, the prosperous goldsmith, fell from an upper window in his Cheapside house and sustained injuries which proved fatal. On November 7 he made his will, and three days later he was buried in the church of St Vedast's. For the widow and the orphaned children this was sad enough, but the circumstances of his death made it sadder. Suspicions were aroused that the fall was intentional, and in accordance with the laws of the time, the case was investi- gated by the Queen's High Almoner, Dr Richard Fletcher, Bishop of Bristol, the father of the dramatist and uncle of Giles and Phineas Fletcher. 12 I i Early Years The Draconian severity of the law was such that, if a person was found guilty of suicide, his property reverted to the Crown. The statement of the case, as made out by the High Almoner, reads as follows : — ** And where one Nich'as Herrick late citezeine and Goldsmythe of London about the Nyneth daye of this instant moneth of November (as is supposed) did throwe himself forthe of a garret window in London aforesaide whereby he did kill and destroye himself. By reason whereof all such goodes chattells and debtes as were the said Nich'as Herrickes at the tyme of his deathe or ought any waies to apperteyne or belonge vnto him do nowe belonge apperteyne and are forfeyted vnto o"" said sou'aigne Lady the queue by force of her P'rogatyve royall and nowe are in the only order and disposicon of me the saide bushopp Almoner in augmentacon of her moste gracious almes by force and vertue of the said I'res patentes to me made and graunted as aforesaide (if the saide Nich'as Herrick be or shalbe founde felon of himselfe)." ^ It would be hard to exaggerate the terrible plight in which the widow, Julian Herrick, was placed during these dark days of November, 1592. The mother of five children, and of a sixth not yet born, she had lost her husband ^ Miscellanea Genealogica et Heraldica^ ed. J. J. Howard, Second Series, vol. i. p. 41. 13 Robert Herrick under peculiarly distressing circumstances, and was now threatened with the forfeiture of all his hard-won possessions. Fortunately she was surrounded by influential relations, both on her own and her husband's side, and we may well believe that it was owing largely to their in- strumentality that, before the month was out, the Bishop of Bristol gave up all claim to the dead man's goods. Nicholas Herrick could have been little more than a name to his gifted son, but the poet does honour to his memory in the poem entitled To the Reverend Shade of his Religious Father^ written about 1627 ; in it he craves his father's forgiveness for neglecting for so long to pay a visit to his tomb. His excuse is that he did not know where his bones had been interred — Forgive, forgive me, since I did not know Whether thy bones had here their rest or no. In his will Nicholas Herrick estimated his property at the value of ;^3000, and bequeathed one-third of this sum to his *' loveinge wife Julian," and the other two-thirds in equal shares to his six children. His two sons, Thomas and Nicholas, and his brothers, Robert and William, were appointed executors. Papers preserved at Beaumanor show that the value of Nicholas Herrick' s estate was * Hesperides^ ed. Pollard, No. 82. 14 m t Early Years not ^3000 but ^5068, and also that, in addition to this, two London^ merchants, Edmund Pyggott and Richard Coxe, were in possession of a con- siderable sum of money — probably the proceeds of some charitable fund — placed at the disposal of the widow and her children. We read of disbursements of ;^6oo in 1597 and ;^200 in 1598, together with smaller sums on subsequent occasions. Soon after her husband's death Julian Herrick left London with her children, and took up her abode at Hampton, in Middlesex, in the house of her sister, Anne Campion. The boy Robert, therefore, though city-born, was country-bred, and we may think of his childhood as having been spent in the delightful village which lies on e north side of the great river which he grew to love so well, and close to the palace which Wolsey had built, and which, after that minister's fall and death, had become a favourite residence f the Tudor monarchs. The Hampton scenery s of that quiet sylvan and pastoral character which accords well with the prevailing mood of the Hesperides. The royal parks, the river with the willow trees growing on its banks and on the numerous eyots which at this point lie in its channel, the broad stretches of rich meadow-land, and in the distance the chalk-hills of Surrey, must have formed a landscape of peculiar attractive- ness to one of Herrick's temperament. And if 15 Robert Herrick the scenery was somewhat wanting in features which appealed to the boy s imagination, these were suppHed by the royal palace close at hand. The villagers of Hampton must have had many thrilling stories to tell of bygone doings at Hampton Court. Many still alive could re- member the building and princely equipment of the palace by the great Lord Cardinal, and could tell of the haughty state he kept there. Others could relate stories of how Henry VHI. had paid court to the hapless Anne Boleyn in its stately gardens, or chill the blood in the boy's veins by tales of the shrieking ghost of Queen Catherine Howard that passed by night through the " Haunted Gallery." Nor was it only with stories of the past that the boy's imagination could be fed. Queen Elizabeth kept Christmas there in 1592 and 1593, and in the September of 1599 she was there again, riding in state to the palace from her Surrey home at Nonsuch, and returning after a sojourn of three or four days. The boy of eight may have caught sight of the old queen as she rode over Kingston Bridge, and perhaps saw something of the characteristic incident recorded by Lord Semple of Beltreis, the Scottish ambassador, on this occasion : " At her Majesty's returning from Hampton Court, the day being passing foul, she would (as was her custom) go on horseback, although she is scarce able to sit upright, and my 16 Early Years Lord Hunsdon said, ' It was not meet for one of her Majesty's years to ride in such a storm.' She answered in great anger, *My years ! Maids, to your horses quickly ' ; and so rode all the way, not vouchsafing any gracious countenance to him for two days." ^ With the accession of James I., Hampton Court became the scene of splendid pageants, the lustre of which must to some degree have extended to the adjoining village. The King kept his first Christmas there amid rounds of festivities such as had never before been witnessed. Amongst others, the King's Company of Comedians, with Shake- speare in their number, was there, and in the course of the Christmas festival performed no less than six plays before the monarch and his court. Samuel Daniel was also present, engaged in the preparation of his masque, TAe Vision of the Twelve Goddesses, which was performed in the Great Hall of the palace on the night of January 8, 1604, ^^id in which the Queen and some of the most dis- dnguished nobles in the land took part. And scarcely were the gates of Hampton Court closed upon noble masquers and the King's players, when they opened to dignitaries of the Church ind Puritan divines, summoned thither by the King to deliberate on the form of Protestant religion which was to be observed in England, ^ E. Law's History of Hampton Court Palace in Tudor Times, P- 337. B 17 Robert Herrick and to hear the British Solomon utter his famous dictum, ** No bishop, no king." Of the doings within the Great Hall of Hampton Court the boy Robert could have seen nothing ; but of the outside bustle, the comings and goings of ambassadors and bishops, the hunting of the stag in the Hampton parks, and all the activity which prevails when royalty holds high festival, he doubtless saw and heard a good deal. Such an impression, too, does he give us in his poems of his love of gay colours and gorgeous ceremonial, that we can well believe that he took the keenest interest in all this royal pomp. And if the glories of the King's court were familiar to him in these early years, so, we may imagine, were the civic festivities of the city, fifteen miles away. Having so many relations, both on his father's and his mother's side, prominently associated with the life of the capital, he could not have grown up altogether ignorant of London affairs. He could hardly have missed a visit with his mother to the city and Cheapside in 1598, when his aunt, Anne, Lady Soame, rode with her husband in state to the Guildhall as Lady Mayoress ; nor again in 1603, when the same honour fell to the lot of another of his aunts, the Mary Herrick that had spent many years under his father's roof, and was now the wife of Sir John Bennett. But court festivities and Lord Mayor's shows, 18 I I Early Years were, after all, only the dazzling delights of hours of exceptional splendour. For the common round of life the boy had only the simple pleasures and interests afforded by a small river- side village and the comradeship of his three brothers and two sisters. The Thames, with its richly caparisoned barges passing up and down the stream, must have proved an endless source of interest, and rambles along its banks, or through the parks of Hampton, may well have occupied many an idle hour. It could not have been a dull life, and there is no likelihood that the Herrick children, orphans as they were, felt the pinch of poverty. The means at their disposal were necessarily more slender than those of their many city cousins, but their inheritance from their father, and the money placed at the disposal of their mother and their uncle William for their support by the London merchants, Edmund Pyggott and Richard Coxe, was sufficient for the ordinary needs of life. No information has as yet come to light as to the school at which Robert Herrick received his education. Walford and Grosart assumed that he was educated at the famous Westminster School, the headmasters of which during his school-years were William Camden the antiquary (1593-1599), and Richard Ireland (1599-1610). But the foundations on which the assumption rests are not capable of bearing much weight ; 19 Robert Herrick they are to be found in the poem, His Tears to Thamasis (1028)^ : — I send, I send here my supremest kiss To thee, my silver-footed Thamasis. No more shall I reiterate thy Strand, Whereon so many stately structures stand : Nor in the summer's sweeter evenings go To bathe in thee, as thousand others do ; No more shall I along thy crystal glide, In barge, with boughs and rushes beautified, With smooth-soft virgins, for our chaste disport, To Richmond, Kingston, and to Hampton Court. Never again shall I with finny oar Put from, or draw unto the faithful shore. And landing here, or safely landing there, Make way to my beloved Westminster. . . . To assume, with Walford and Grosart, that Herrick's reference to his *' beloved Westminster " is necessarily to the school there, and that he went thither by boat from Hampton via Kingston and Richmond, is manifestly unsafe ; or, if the assumption be made, we may well share Mr Alfred Pollard's wonder as to what William Camden had to say to the '* smooth-soft virgins, for our chaste disport " that kept him company. The truth is that this poem recalls many of the poet's memories of the river Thames — memories which extended from infancy to manhood. The fact that his uncle William had a house at Westminster when the poet was a boy may well 1 The numbers here and elsewhere refer to Mr Pollard's num- bering of Herrick's poems in the Muses' Library Herrick. 20 I Early Years account for early visits there, and it is probable that the neighbourhood was familiar enough to him after he left Cambridge. His connection with Westminster is also assured by the fact that he spent some time in lodgings there in 1640, and retired thither in 1647, when ejected from his Dean Prior vicarage. In the absence, there- fore, of fuller evidence, we have no right to assume that he was educated at the school which Jonson, Dryden, Locke, Prior, Cowper, and other men of letters, have rendered famous. Two of his cousins, sons of William Herrick, were educated at the Merchant Taylors' School, but the register of its alumni makes no mention of the poet. He may, of course, have received his instruction at one of the great London schools, but it is also possible that he was educated nearer home. Hampton Grammar School dates from 1557, while a little farther away, and across the river, was the larger grammar school of the royal borough of Kingston. Wherever educated, Herrick undoubtedly received during his school years sound instruction in the Latin language and literature. As we shall see presently, one of the most Horatian of his poems, that entitled A Country Life : To his Brother, Mr Thomas Herrick (106), was almost certainly written before he went to Cambridge, and the frequent quota- tions from Ovid, Seneca, Horace, and other Roman authors which we meet with in his poems Robert Herrick point rather to his school-reading than to the severely logical and theological training which formed the main element in his university- course of study. While Robert was still at school, his elder brothers, their school-days over, were being settled in business in London. The eldest, Thomas, senior to Robert by three years, was placed, doubtless by his guardian uncle, William, with a certain Mr Massam, a London merchant, and the second son, Nicholas, junior to Thomas by a year, was also apprenticed to a London merchant, and later in life seems to have been engaged in trade with the Levant. With the close of the summer of 1607 Robert's school-days were also over. He was now enter- ing upon his seventeenth year, and the question of his future career was engaging the thoughts of himself, his mother, and his guardian-uncle, William. It is probable that it was the boy's wish to proceed forthwith to one of the universi- ties, but for the present it was not to be. On September 25, 1607, the future poet was apprenticed to his uncle William, now Sir William Herrick, goldsmith, of the city of London. The indenture of apprenticeship is preserved at Beaumanor, and will be found in the appendix to this volume. From it we learn that the term of apprenticeship was to be ten years. The business-house which he entered was one 22 I I Early Years of the most substantial in the City of London. His uncle William had prospered greatly since the time when he had been summoned to London by his brother Nicholas to enter the goldsmith's shop in Cheapside. After his brother's death he had removed to the neighbouring Wood Street, and here he amassed a large fortune as gold- smith and banker. In 1595 he purchased from the agents of the Earl of Essex the seat of Beaumanor in Leicestershire ; in 1601 he was elected member of parliament for Leicester, and in 1605 the honour of knighthood was conferred upon him. Sir Walter Scott has given us in his Fortunes of Nigel 2. delightful picture of the household of Master George Heriot, ''jingling Geordie," who shared with Sir William Herrick the honour of being jeweller to his Majesty ; by means of it we are able to realise something of the life which Robert Herrick was now leading beneath his uncle's roof in Cheapside. The dignity of Sir William's station would perhaps excuse the apprentice the duty of standing before the shop-door and accosting passers-by with the familiar cry, ''What d'ye lack. Sir? What d'ye lack, Madam ? Rings, bracelets, carcanets, what d'ye lack?" His time would rather be spent within the house, practising the delicate craft of the jeweller and lapidary which had brought the honour of knighthood to his uncle 23 Robert Herrick William. At sunset his labours for the day were over, for a strict injunction of the wardens of the Goldsmiths' Company forbade buying and selling by candle-light ; he was accordingly free to wander forth into the streets and visit his brothers, Thomas and Nicholas, or join with other apprentices in some light-hearted mirth. The "honest and high-spirited prentices of London," as Thomas Heywood calls them, formed at this time an important section of the body politic, as playwrights, actors, watermen, and the Dogberrys of the city-wards knew to their cost. Their cudgellings in the streets, their tourneys on the river, and their outspoken comments on the plays which, as two-penny groundlings, they watched from the pits of Bankside theatres, were a matter of common reproach among the grave livers of London society. But to what extent Herrick shared in these riotous joys is unknown. His poems are mainly concerned with the doings of later years, and no letters from this period have been preserved. Haunting of taverns was expressly forbidden by the terms of his indenture, but we are probably right in supposing that visits to the theatres were reckoned among the golden hours of these prentice days. Did he, we wonder, see the performance of that stupendous play by Thomas Heywood, The Four Prentices of 24 I Early Years Londoji,^ which was written with the express purpose of glorifying the London apprentices ? The play enacted the thrilling adventures of four representatives of that class, who leave their shops in the city to join Robert of Normandy in the First Crusade. Their ship being wrecked, the four apprentices are washed ashore on the coasts of France, Italy, Ireland, and the earldom of Boulogne respectively, where they perform wondrous deeds, and are at last re-united at Jerusalem in time to defeat the Sultan of Babylon and the Sophy of Persia! If he was present at this performance — and what apprentice could have missed such a compliment? — he may also have seen Beaumont and Fletcher's travesty of the play in The Knight of the Burning Pestle, and laughed at the heroic adventurings of Ralph, the London grocer's apprentice. If Herrick had possessed a genuine interest in a commercial career, it is doubtful whether ny trade could have suited his temper better han that of a goldsmith and jeweller — unless, indeed, it were that of a perfumer! Many of his verses show just that delicate polish, and that dainty enamelling of thoughts with the gay colours of poetic fancy, which, if applied to the jeweller's craft, might have won him knighthood and a fortune. His poems, too, are full of references to the wares which he handled and ^ Published in 1615, but written and acted some years earlier. 25 Robert Herrick polished in his first youth. He sends his Julia a carcanet or necklace of jet to ''enthral" the ivory of her neck, and she bestows upon him in return a bracelet of beads filled with sweet- scented pomander-balls. The lips of the same mistress are rocks of rubies, her teeth quarries of pearls; elsewhere we read of **jimmal rings" and true-love-knots, of bracelets of pearl and amber beads. Surely, too, the young apprentice must have found pleasure in engraving posies for the rings which gay courtiers were presenting to their ladies. Some of his epigrams read like posies, and may even have been written for this purpose in his prentice years. Professor Arber has reprinted in his English Garner several of these collections of Elizabethan posies, but none of them contains a more delicately fashioned thought than this from the Hesperides (29):— Love is a circle that doth restless move In the same sweet eternity of love. Whatever were the attractions of the gold- smith's craft, and however great the prospects of mercantile greatness, they were insufficient to keep the future poet behind the counter for the whole term of his apprenticeship. In 161 3, six years after entering his uncle's business, he broke loose from his Wood Street moorings, and exchanged the apprentice's jerkin for the student s ' 26 Early Years :ap and gown. It is hard to believe that his uncle, Sir William, looked with favourable eye upon this change of front. Robert's elder brother, Thomas, who had been apprenticed by Sir William to Mr Massam, a London merchant, in 1605, had, in similar fashion, turned his back upon the counting-house in 16 10, and started farming in the country. This change of calling, as we shall presently see, had not proved a success ; and now, three years later, Sir William saw another nephew, for whose future welfare he had made careful provision, defeating his well-laid plans. But the future poet, having now reached the age of twenty-two, was to some extent his own master, and his uncle, however reluctantly, was forced to acquiesce in the change of career. 27 CHAPTER II AT CAMBRIDGE BEFORE following Herrick to the University of Cambridge, which he entered some time in 1613, it is well to consider whether any of the Hesperides poems belong to the years of his apprenticeship. The chronological ordering of those poems is a desperate task for the most intrepid editor to engage in. Poems extending over a period of about forty years are here placed with almost complete indifference as to subject and order of composition. Yet internal evidence, carefully considered, goes a certain way to indicate the date at which certain poems were written, and warrants us in allotting at least two of them to the period which is now under consideration. One of these is the poem, To my dearest Sister, Mistress Mercy Herrick (818), which must have been written not later than 161 2 ; for some time before that year, as Metcalfe's Visitation of Suffolk (161 2) informs us, she had married a cer- tain John Wingfield, son and heir of Humphrey Wingfield, Esq. of Brantham, Suffolk. The other poem of this period is of a much 28 o CJ O a: s< a v^ X c ^ w r: ft C/5 I At Cambridge more sustained and ambitious character, and is entitled A Country Life: to his Brother, Mr Thomas Herrick (io6). The opening verses of this poem indicate clearly that the poet's brother had recently exchanged a city for a country life :— Thrice and above blest, my soul's half, art thou, In thy both last and better vow ; Could'st leave the city, for exchange, to see The country's sweet simplicity. The reference is to the important step in his career which Thomas Herrick took about the year 1610, when he left the business house in London of Mr Massam and settled himself on a country farm. Moreover, the poem is eloquent of the great content which Thomas and his newly married wife are finding in their rural sanctuary. But this content, however real it may have been during the first few months, was very short-lived. By the year 16 13 the farm was anything but the Elysium which the poet speaks of. On May 12 of that year Thomas Herrick, writing to his uncle. Sir William, for help, says that he is '' at present destitute of a convenient stay for myself and wife," and he begs to be appointed the tenant of one of his uncle's Leicestershire farms. Nor was the knowledge of his brother's sore straits withheld from Robert, the first of whose letters to his 29 Robert Herrick uncle from Cambridge was written with the express purpose of begging money for his brother. From all this it may be Inferred that the poem in question was written some time between 1610 and 161 3, though in the form in which it appears in the Hesperides it has doubtless benefited by those careful repolishings upon which Herrick spent so much time during the long winter even- ings at Dean Prior. Another, and probably earlier, version of the poem is, in fact, extant in Ashmole MS. 38, and has been carefully com- pared with the printed copy by Dr Grosart in his Memorial Introduction to Herrick's works.^ But the poem, however altered, is of exceptional interest by virtue of the light which it throws upon the temper of the poet's mind and the direction and extent of his reading. It is obviously suggested by the second of Horace's Epodes, the famous Beatus ille, written — may we say, ironically ? — in praise of a country life. But while the idea of the poem comes from Horace, there is nowhere any trace of servile imitation, and the pleasures of a country life which Herrick points out to his brother are rarely out of harmony with the surroundings of an English homestead. Interesting in its disclosure of the young poet's feeling for nature and a country life, the poem ^ pp. cli-cliv. 30 At Cambridge is no less interesting in the light which it throws upon his reading. Echoes of classical authors abound, and the borrowings are in almost every case honourably acknowledged in Herrick's accustomed manner by the use of italics. Horace is clearly his first love, and in addition to the Beatus ille Epode, we trace reminiscences of more than one of the Odes. Thus he finds a place for those lines from the third song of the first book, — Illi robur et aes triplex Circa pectus erat qui fragilem tnici Commisit pelago ratem Primus — which Horace in his turn had drawn from the Prometheus of Aeschylus ; and he shows the terseness of his style by expressing the thought within the compass of a single distich : — A heart thrice walled with oak and brass that man Had, first durst plough the ocean. There is, too, much sententious moralising in the poem, and for this Herrick had recourse to Martial, Juvenal, and Aristotle's Ethics.^ What is no less interesting is the echo of Renaissance oetry. Shakespeare's '' To thine own self be true," seems to have been in the young poet's :^^mind when he wrote the couplet, — ^^H But to live round, and close, and wisely true ^^^ To thine own self, and known to few ; — I i See Mr Pollard's note to this poem, i. p. 265-6. 31 Robert Herrick and there is abundant evidence that, in addition to Horace's Epode, Herrick had in mind, when writing the poem, Jonson's praise of a country life expressed in his verses " To Sir Robert Wroth." Jonson is describing the Hfe of a country gentleman, Herrick that of a simple farmer ; but there is a similarity of idea and style throughout the two poems, and, what is even more important, the verse of the address *' To Sir Robert Wroth " is imitated by the younger poet. From all this it is clear that Herrick was conversant with the poetry of his own time, and also that, having received a fairly sound classical education while at school, he had found time for reading classic authors during the hours which were not claimed by the shop and the counting-house. In its wealth of classical allusion the poem compares well with that of Jonson, and shows, in particular, that intimacy with Roman life and ceremonial, and that frank transference of all this to English soil, which characterise much of his later poetry. It was probably in the summer of 1613 that Herrick went up to Cambridge, and enrolled himself a member of St John's College. His mature age — he was nearly twenty- two — made him unwilling to register himself as an ordinary undergraduate, and he accordingly entered his college as a fellow-commoner. In so doing, he 32 At Cambridge subjected himself to a heavy burden of expendi- ture, and, as his Cambridge letters show, an eternal lack of pence was his never-ending complaint during the whole of his stay at the University. His guardian- uncle, as we learn from his account- books preserved at Beaumanor, had doled out to his nephew certain sums of money during his apprenticeship. Under the date February 9, 161 2, we find the entry, '* Lent to Robarte Hericke more at his request £10," and a little later, " Pd to him the 5 March 161 2 the sum of ^42, los. od." From certain reckonings on the margin of the page on which these and other entries are made, we infer that these sums were deducted from a sum of ^424, 8s. od. which had been left to Robert by his father, that he had drawn out ^74, 8s. od., and that ;/^350 were still in hand. On entering St John's College as a fellow-commoner, he was to receive ^10 a quarter to cover the cost of board, clothes, and tuition : extraordinary items of expenditure were met by extraordinary grants.^ ' In Sir William's Account Books at Beaumanor we meet with the following entries : "July 1613, to Mr Miller for a College Pot, ;^5," and "4 Oct. 161 5, Paid to Mr Woolley for Robins Gown and Hose, £2, 12s. od." The College-pot was the silver goblet of 10 oz., which, according to a decree at St John's College, every fellow-commoner must present to his college on admission. See Baker- Mayor, History of St Johrts College, Cambridge, p. 548. The date, July 161 3, is of importance as indicating the time at which Herrick went up to the University. c 33 Robert Herrick St John's College was at this time under the rule of the Welshman, Owen Gwyn, who, after some intriguing, had been appointed Master in the May of 1612. Gwyn was a cousin of the famous John Williams, a fellow of the college, and subsequently Lord Keeper and Bishop of Lincoln. St John's had somewhat fallen from the high estate which it had enjoyed in the pre- ceding century, when Roger Ascham and Sir John Cheke were reckoned among its members ; but it was still, with Trinity and King's, one of the leading colleges of the University, and had on its roll during the first half of the seventeenth century the distinguished names of Thomas Wentworth, Earl of Strafford, John Williams, the Lord Keeper, and Thomas Fairfax, the great Lord-General of the Civil War. The doyen of its fellows was Andrew Downes, Regius Professor of Greek in the University, and a worthy successor to the great humanists of a former generation. Earlier inmates of the University, in whom perhaps the authorities took no special pride, but who would have found a genial comrade in Robert Herrick, were Robert Greene and Thomas Nash, the latter of whom left behind him, as a sobriquet for subsequent wassailers, the phrase, " a very Nash." Among the Herrick Papers at Beaumanor are fourteen letters — the residue apparently of a once larger collection — written by Herrick to his 34 At Cambridge uncle during his residence at Cambridge, and to these we naturally turn for information concerning the character of his college life. But in many- ways these letters are most disappointing. They tell us nothing of the part which he took in the life of the University, nothing of college friend- ships, nothing of poetic activity. Their persistent burden, or, as Herrick himself expresses it, their •* plainsong," is the request for money — " mitte pecuniamr As already stated, the agreement between nephew and uncle was that the former should receive a payment of ^lo quarterly to meet all ordinary expenses. The ex-apprentice had not been long at the University before he discovered that £^o a year was a quite inadequate sum to meet his needs. His college was an expensive one, and he had entered it as a fellow- commoner. When Mr, afterwards Sir Simonds, D'Ewes entered the same college as a fellow- commoner in 1618, he tells us of the allowance made to him by his father: "The utmost I desired was but ^60, my father conceived £^0 to be sufficient ; which I was willing to accept, being able to obtain no more, rather than to be at his allowance ; because I easily foresaw how many sad differences I was likely to meet with upon every reckoning. I cannot deny but as this short allowance brought me one way much want and discontent, so another way it made me avoid unnecessary acquaintance, idle visits and many 35 Robert Herrick unnecessary expenses." ^ If D'Ewes experienced want and discontent on ;^50 a year, the want and discontent of Herrick must have been pro- portionably greater on £40. What was worse was that even this small sum was remitted only with great reluctance and after considerable delay. In one of these letters, written from ** Cambridg : St John's," he makes the following complaint : ** I have not as hitherto acquainted you with the chardg I live in, but your self can judg by my often (as now at this time) writing for mony, which when I doe, it is for no impertinent expens, but for constraind necessitie : for be your self the judg, when above twentie pounds will not suffice the house, not reckening with it com- moditie for my self (I meane apparell nor other complements) nor tuition mony nor other sundrie occasions for chardges, this but considered, their is no reasonable soule but will kindly and indulgently censure of my lyfe and me. Had I but a competent estate to mayntayne my self to my title, I could presume of as soone atayning to y^ end of the efficient cause — my coming — as he that hath stronger cause and fortune : S^ I know you understand me, and did you but know how disfurnished I came to Cambridg, without bedding (which I yet want) and other necessaries, you would (as I now ^ Autobiography of Sir Simonds UEives^ ed. Halliwell-Phillips, vol. i. p. 119. 36 I At Cambridge rust you will) better your thoughts towards me, considering of my forct expence. S^ I entreat you to furnish me with ten pounds this quarter ; for the last mony which I receavd came not till the last quarter had almost spent it self, which now constraines me so suddenly to write for more. Good S', forbeare to censure me as prodigall, for I endevour rather to strengthen (then debilitate) my feeble familie fortune." From other letters we learn that the fellow- commoner has been compelled " to runne some- what deepe into my Tailours debt," and that he needs money for books and his tutor's fees. The following letter, the original of which I discovered among a collection of autographs in the possession of Canon Egerton Leigh of Richmond, Yorkshire, belongs to the same period, and is written in the same strain as that quoted above : — Cambridg, St John's. S', the first place testifies my deutie, the second only reiterats the former letter of which (as I may justly wonder) I heard no answeare, neither concerning the payment or receat of the letter, (it is best knowne to your self). Upon which ignorance I have sent this oratour en- treating you to paye to M' Adrian Marius, bookseller of the blackfryers, the sum of lo li, from whome so soone as it is payd, I shall receave a dew acknowledgment. I shall not 37 Robert Herrick need to amplyfy my sense, for this warrants sufficiencie. I expect your countenance and your futherance to my well beeing who hath power to command my service to eternitie. Heaven be your guide to direct you to per- fection which is the end of mans endeavour. I expect an answeare from M'^ Adrian, con- cerning the recipt. Robin Hearick, obliged to your virtue eternally. [Endorsement] " The right wor" his loving uncle, S"" William Hearick, dwelling at London in great Wood-Street, this.^ The humble and obsequious tone in which Herrick addresses his uncle in these letters would seem to indicate that his college expenses came out of the knightly goldsmith's own pocket, but references in them to his ''feebly ebbing estate" place it beyond doubt that such was not the case. A curious entry in Sir William's account books also discloses the fact that while the impecunious student was finding infinite difficulty in obtaining ^ This letter was presented to Canon Leigh's grandmother, Lady Sitwell of Rempstone, Derbyshire, by a foniier proprietor of Beaumanor, early in the nineteenth century ; its discovery raises the question whether other letters of the poet's are hidden away somewhere in private autograph collections. 38 At Cambridge his quarterly allowance of ^lo, the wealthy uncle was borrowing hundreds of pounds from the nephew. The entry in question is as follows : '* My Nephew, Robert Hericke of Cambridge, the 25th March 16 14, I owe him upon a Bond to be paid at my House at 3 Months 300 li." Dr Grosart in his Memorial Introduction has emptied the vials of his wrath upon the head of " the closefisted old knight " with such zeal and copiousness that subsequent biographers are for all time relieved of a similar obligation. Yet one may be allowed to express the opinion that Sir William was making a churlish repayment to the orphan son for the generous treatment which he, when a raw apprentice, had received from the father. The foundation of Sir William's princely fortune was laid in Nicholas Herrick's shop in the Goldsmiths' Row, Cheapside, and this fact ought not to have been forgotten when, thirty years later, Nicholas's son was struggling with poverty at Cambridge. It is unfortunate that Herrick's Cambridge letters tell us nothing of college friendships. The verses in the Hesperides addressed to ** peculiar friends " are many in number, and some of the friendships which he formed were of long standing. As he was six years older than the average freshman when he entered the University, it would be natural for him to look for acquaintances among the senior members and 39 Robert Herrick fellows of the University ; and, as a matter of fact, it was with a fellow of his own college that one of his most lasting friendships was formed. On March 26, 161 3, a certain John Weekes of Devonshire was admitted a fellow of St John's.^ This Weekes seems to have been the son of Simon and Mary Weekes of Broadwood Kelly in the county of Devon, ^ and though senior to Herrick in academic standing, he was probably about the same age. To this *' peculiar friend" three of the Hesperides poems are addressed, and they show clearly that the ties of friendship were of the closest. The careers of the two men run a curiously parallel course, and we shall meet with Weekes in the company of Herrick on more than one occasion in this biographical sketch. Another intimate friend of after years, whose acquaint- ance the poet must have made at Cambridge, w^as Clipseby, afterwards Sir Clipseby, Crew, the eldest son of Sir Ranulphe Crew, who was Speaker of the House of Commons in 16 14 and Lord Chief Justice in 1625. We learn from the Baker Memoirs ^ that Clipseby Crew was a student at St John's College, Cambridge ; and as he was born in 1599, his residence at the Univer- sity must have extended over almost the same period that Herrick spent there. To this friend ^ See Register of Fellows admitted to St John's College. Baker- Mayor, p. 293. 2 Vivian, Visitation of Devon^ 1620. ^ P. 492. 40 At Cambridge several of the Hesperides poems are addressed, and the verses show that their author found in the son of the Lord Chief Justice a true friend and patron. He celebrated his marriage, which took place in 1625, with the most beautiful of all his epithalamia, and in later poems he mourned the death of his wife and his daughter. Other verses to Sir Clipseby represent that knight as a sharer in some of the poet's bacchanalian joys, and the poem entitled A Hymn to Sir Clipseby Crew (427), written apparently after a quarrel had for a time estranged the two friends, shows the warmth of the poet's affection. It is not difficult to follow Herrick in his course of study at the University. Seventeenth-century Cambridge still clung somewhat tenaciously to much of that outworn medieval curriculum which made logic and rhetoric the chief studies of the quadriennium or four years' course leading to the bachelor's degree. During his freshman's year he must have devoted himself chiefly to rhetoric, acquiring a knowledge of that subject by the aid of Quintilian's Institutes, Cicero's Orations and the rhetorical works of Hermogenes the Greek. During the two succeeding years, as junior and senior sophister, he read mainly logic. For this the writings of Aristotle still formed the chief theme of study, though the subversive Dialectica of Peter Ramus had by this time got a firm hold of the English universities, and appeared among 41 Robert Herrick the text-books of the Cambridge undergradu- ates.i Of humanistic teaching proper, as far as a student's preparation for his degree went, there was very Httle ; though Herrick may very well have attended the pubHc lectures of the Regius Professor of Greek, Andrew Downes, and listened to his exposition of Demosthenes or Thucydides. We may also be sure that he did not neglect the Roman poets, whose acquaintance he first made in his school days, and who have left so clear an impress upon his poetry. Horace, Catullus, and the Roman elegists were, doubtless, a part of his daily fare. Sir Simonds D'Ewes, who, as we have seen, entered St John's in 1618, tells us a good deal in his autobiography concerning his course of studies at the University. We learn that he attended Divinity Acts, Problems and Common- places in the Public Schools, listened to George Herbert's public lectures on rhetoric, and to those of Dr Downes on Demosthenes' De Corona ; also that he read Aristotle's Physics, Politics, and Ethics, Florus's Roman History, and studied his logic in various manuals. For lighter moments he had Gellius's Attic Nights and Macrobius's Saturnals. These last two works, which supply in an informal manner much antiquarian knowledge of Greek and Roman 1 Mullinger, The University of Cambridge^ vol. ii., p. 404 f. 42 At Cambridge life, may very well have been included among Herrick's store of books, and have furnished him with that acquaintance with Roman social life and ceremonial which is so often at his service as a poet, and gives to his verses their classical and pagan flavour. The period during which Herrickwas pursuing his studies at Cambridge was not remarkable for the exemplary behaviour of the students. Mr Mullinger, indeed, informs us that at no period do we find their conduct more unfavourably represented. They were engaged in perennial conflicts with the townsmen and the watch, and, contrary to all regulations, they attended cock- fights and bull-baitings, diced and drank, armed themselves with swords and rapiers, and wore apparel of velvet and silk ; a few desperate ones even bathed in the river! D'Ewes, again, who was something of a prig, confesses that *' swear- ing, drinking, rioting, and hatred of all piety and virtue under false and adulterate names did abound there [St John's] and generally in all the University." It may readily be granted that Herrick, with the hot blood of Norse ances- tors tingling in his veins, partook of as much of the ''cakes and ale" of university life as proctorial vigilance and a slender purse would admit. The author of the Welco7ne to Sack — Was it perhaps an effusion of these Cambridge days ? — was no precisian, and could ruffle it with the best of the 43 Robert Herrick *'high sons of pith " who met together in the taverns of Cambridge. It is difficult, if not impossible, to say what poems of Herrick belong to these university days. None of those published in the Hesperides contain, as far as I have been able to discover, any direct allusions to this important rperiod in his career, but it is hard to believe that his muse, which had vouchsafed The Country Life in his prentice-years, could have been altogether silent now. One is tempted to associate the love- lyrics and drinking-songs chiefly with the suc- ceeding period, which Herrick spent in London at the feet of Ben Jonson, but some of these may very well have been written at Cambridge. It was Herrick's lot, during the first half of his life, to be an eye-witness of pageants of more than ordinary splendour. These had begun in the days of his childhood when Lord Mayor uncles and Lady Mayoress aunts were borne in state to the Guildhall, and when, nearer home, he beheld the royal processions entering the palace of Hampton Court. As apprentice to the gold- smith-uncle, whose business took him frequently to court, he must again have seen a good deal of the life of the Stuart courtiers, and now that he had left London for the University, he was destined to behold scenes of festive splendour which might compare even with the pageantry of Whitehall. Early in the winter of 1614-15, 44 I At Cambridge an intimation reached Cambridge that the King and his court would honour the University with a visit in the following March. The news must have caused a flutter of pleasurable expectancy throughout the colleges, and preparations were at once made to give the visitors a sumptuous reception. St John's College, in accordance with its status in the University, took, with Trinity, a leading part in these preparations, and Herrick, though only an impecunious fellow- commoner, must have shared in the general excitement. The news of the royal visit spread to Oxford, and we find William Herrick, the eldest son of Sir William, and a fellow-commoner of St John's College, writing to his Cambridge cousin and proposing to share his lodgings with him on the occasion of the King's visit. His tutor, however, Mr Christopher Wren, in a letter to Lady Herrick, disapproves of this plan and begs, "yf it soe like your Ladiship, that I might have him with me inseparablye, both on the way and there too." ^ The University authorities at Cambridge, having in mind the seemly behaviour of the students on so important an occasion as a royal visit, passed special ordinances. Having regard to " the fearful] enormitye and excesse of apparell scene in all degrees " of students, they expressly forbade the wearing of '* vast bands, huge cuffs, ^ Nichols, History of County of Leicester^ iii. p. 163, 45 Robert Herrick shoe-roses, tufts, locks and topps of hare, un- beseeminge that modesty and carridge of students in so renowned an Universitye,"^ and threatened with instant expulsion the under- graduate who should offend the author of the Counterblast by '* taking tobacco " in either St Mary's Church or Trinity College Hall. The King lodged in Trinity College, but the Chancellor of the University, the Earl of Suffolk, kept house at St John's, at the rate of ^looo and five tuns of wine a day.^ To entertain James during his four days' sojourn at the University, elaborate Latin comedies, together with Acts or Disputations, had been devised. The Disputation, that exhibition of mental gladiator- ship which was an heirloom of the Middle Ages, and to which the universities still clung, was a form of entertainment peculiarly attractive to a monarch who loved hot debate as much as he feared cold steel. Several Disputations were held, but the subject which attracted chief attention, and which interested the King most of all, was one which concerned the reasoning powers of dogs. " Can dogs syllogise .^ " was the form in which the question was worded, and the disputants were two learned divines, Matthew Wren, afterwards Bishop of Ely, and John ^ Nichols, Progresses of James /., iii. 44 ; Mullinger, The University of Cambridge y ii. 516. 2 Letter of Mr Chamberlain to Sir Dudley Carleton, quoted by Nichols, Progresses ofJa?nes /., vol. iii. p. 48. 46 At Cambridge Preston, the puritan, soon to be elected Master of Emmanuel. The arguments of the latter, who maintained the affirmative, were ingenious. " The major proposition, present in the mind of a harrier," he declared, ''is this : 'The hare has gone either this way or that way.' With his nose he smells out the minor. ' She has not gone that way ' ; and he then arrives at the conclusion : 'Ergo, this way,' with open mouth." Thereupon followed the usual logic-chopping. Did the dog possess sapience, or was it only sagacity ? — until at last the royal listener clenched the argument in favour of Preston by relating an incident from his own hunting experiences.^ Following upon the Disputations, came the Comedies. The St John's men had a play of their own, Aemilia, which they performed on the first night of the King's visit, but xh^ piece de resistance was the comedy of Ignoramus, which was performed on the evening of March 8th. The author of this play was George Ruggle, formerly a pensioner of St John's, but now a fellow of Clare Hall, where the play was acted. As a -fellow-commoner of the University, Herrick was entitled to a seat at the back of the hall during the performance, and we may be sure that he did not fail to be present. The comedy, we are told, proved an amazing success ; the King followed the development of the plot and ^ Mullinger, op. cit., ii. 520. 47 Robert Herrick shared in the laughter called forth by the satiric hits at the lawyers and the ridicule of their debased law-latin. The fun which was pointed at the legal profession in the comedy of Ignoramus was, perhaps, not too well received by Herrick him- self; for about this time his thoughts were turning towards the law as a profession. He was still an undergraduate, but the sense of advancing years and a slowly ebbing patrimony made him anxious for the future. There is nothing to indicate what projects had been formed as to his future career at the time when he entered the University, in 16 13, but after a residence there of three years, he had made up his mind to enter the legal profession. With this purpose in view, he determined to leave St John's College and become a member of Trinity Hall, which was specially devoted to the study of the law. In making this change, he also had in view the retrenchment of his expenses. He announces his intention to his uncle in a letter which belongs to the year 1616 : " After my abundant thanks for your last great love (worthie Sir), proud of your favoure and kindness shewne by my Ladie to my unworthy selfe, thus I laye open my selfe ; that for as much as my continuance will not long consist in the spheare where I now move, I make known my thoughts, and modestly crave your counsell, 48 I At Cambridge whether it were better for me to direct my study towards the lawe or not ; which if I should (as it will not be impertinent), I can with facilitie laboure my self into another colledg appointed for the like end and studyes, where I assure myself the charge will not be so great as where I now exist ; I make bold freely to acquaint you with my thoughts ; and I entreat you answeare me : this being most which checks me, that my time (I trust) beeing short, it may be to a lesser end and smaller purpose ; but that shalbe as you shall lend direction " Sir William Herrick had apparently no objec- tion to his nephew becoming a lawyer, and was certainly not the man to frustrate any project which made for economy ; and so the next letter which reached him from Cambridge is headed *' Trinitie Hall." Herrick's connection with Trinity Hall is interesting, for when the Hall was founded in the fourteenth century, its first master was a collateral ancestor and namesake of the poet, Robert Eyrick, who had died Bishop of Lichfield in 1385. When Herrick entered the Hall, its master was Dr Clement Corbett, and the number of its members amounted to only about sixty. The letter in which he in- forms his uncle of the change which he has made is not written in the best of spirits : — 49 Robert Herrick Trinitie Hall, Camb. S^ — The confidence I have of your bothe virtuous and generous disposition makes me (though with some honest reluctation) the seldomer to solicite you ; for I have so incor- porated beleef into me, that I cannot chuse but perswade my self that (though absent) I stand imprinted in your memorie ; and the remembrance of my last beeing at London servd for an earnest motive (which I trust lives yet unperisht) to the effectuating of my desire, which is not but in modesty ambitious, and consequently virtuous ; but, where freeness is evident, there needs no feare for forwardness ; and I doubt not (because fayth gives boldness) but that Heaven, togeither with your self, will bring my ebbing estate to an indifferent tyde ; meanewhile I hope I have (as I presume you know) changd my colledg for one where the quantitie of expence wilbe shortned, by reason of the privacie of the house, where I propose to live recluse, till Time contract me to some other calling, striving now with myself (retayning upright thoughts) both sparingly to live, and thereby to shun the current of expence." Then follows the usual request for ;^io. Before Time could contract him to another calling, it was necessary for him to take the degree of bachelor. Owing to the expenses incumbent on graduation, his removal to a 50 I At Cambridge college where the cost of living was less had not relieved him of the burden of impecuniosity. In his failure to secure a sufficient competence from his uncle, he realises that he '* must crie with the afflicted 'usquequo, usquequo, Dominey and hopes against hope that his uncle will remember him *' like a trew Maecenas." In January, 1 6 1 7, he underwent the ordeal of the various Acts which were required for the passing of the examination, and in the same month his name, ^'Robertus Hearick," appears on the register of bachelors of arts. The successful passing of his '' Commence- ment " is announced to his uncle as follows : Camb. Sir, that which makes my letter to be abortive and borne before maturitie, is and hath been my Commencment, v^hich I have now overgonn, though I confess with many a throe and pinches of the purse ; but it was necessarie, and the prize was worthie the hazarde ; which makes me less sensible of the expence, by reason of a titular prerogative — et bonum est prodire in bono. The essence of my writing is (as heretofore) to entreat you to paye for my use to M' Arthour Johnson, bookseller in Paules church yard the ordinarie summe of tenn pounds, and that with as much sceleritie as you maye, though I could wish chardges had leaden wings and Tortice feet to come upon me ; sed votis puerilibus opto. S"", 51 Robert Herrick I fix my hopes on Time and you ; still gazing for an happie flight of birdes, and the refreshing blast of a second winde. Doubtfull as yet of either Fortunes, I live, hoarding up provision against the assault of either. Thus I salute your vertues. Hopeful R. Hearick. The young graduate's better spirits are manifest in his style as well as his signature. The " titular prerogative " has been won, and with a boldness born of success, he even ventures to send his quarterly request for ten pounds before the proper time.^ The future is still uncertain, but there has been enough of despondency, and now, in the first flush of academic honours, he finds it possible to fix his hopes on so barren a prospect as the generosity of his uncle, Sir William Herrick. With his graduation in 1617, Herrick's residence at the University in all probability came to an end. Dr Grosart and others have assumed that he remained there until 1620, when he proceeded M.A., but, under the circumstances, nothing is more unlikely. For some time past residence for the degree of master had ceased to be compulsory, and, as a result, the resident graduates of the University formed only *' a small 1 This I take to be the meaning of the phrase, " abortive and borne before maturitie," as apphed to the letter which he is writing. 52 I At Cambridge minority composed almost exclusively of clerical fellows of colleges, whose time was mainly given to the all-absorbing controversial theology of the day, and to the composition of ' commonplaces ' to be delivered in the college chapel." ^ Now Herrick was never a fellow of his college, and it is by no means certain that, at the time when he graduated, his wish was to enter the church. A year before, as we have seen, his thoughts were directed to the law. Moreover, his ripe age and his lack of money indicate that he would not remain at the University longer than was necessary, and the termination of the letters to his uncle at this time also gives colour to the view that he quitted Cambridge in 1617. Since residence was no longer compulsory, the course of study for the mastership had become quite insignificant. It consisted only in the keeping of one or two " acts," and the composition of a single declama- tion. This probably presented little difficulty to Herrick when, three years later, he took the higher degree, and was enrolled as a master of arts at the registry. In 161 7, then, Herrick packed up his few personal belongings, took *' Hobson's choice," and bade farewell to the University. He left behind him a small circle of friends, including Weekes and Crew, and a rather heavy burden of debts. In the second report of the Historical ^ Mullinger, op. cit.^ vol. ii. p. 414. 53 Robert Herrick Manuscripts Commission (1870), Mr H. T. Riley published certain documents preserved at Trinity Hall, included among which are entries in the Steward's Book of debts owing to the college by •* Robert Herricke." The entries are for the years 1623 and 1630, and the sums owed are £Zy 17s. 7d. for the former year, and £10, 1 6s. 9d. for the latter. Dr Grosart attempted to father these debts upon another Robert Herrick, the poet's cousin, and second son of Sir William Herrick. But there is nothing to show that this youth, who passed through Christ Church, Oxford, and Lincoln's Inn, was ever a member of Trinity Hall, or, indeed, of the University of Cambridge. The probability is, therefore, that Mr Riley was right in his identifica- tion, and what we know of the poet's impecuni- osity at the University supports this view. 54 CHAPTER III " SEALED OF THE TRIBE OF BEN " TH E twelve years which elapse between Herrick's graduation at Cambridge in 1617, and his induction as vicar of Dean Prior in 1629, form one of the most obscure periods in his long life. This obscurity enjoins wary walking on the part of a biographer. At no other point in the story is the temptation to lay undue weight upon a slender thread of evidence so great. In attempting to unravel the tangled thread of these all-important years, almost our only clue is that afforded by the poet himself, and, as a single instance will show, Herrick plays fast and loose with the would-be chroniclers of his life. Because he writes an epitaph on a person — to wit, Prudence Baldwin, the faithful housekeeper of Dean Prior days — and lays her in her "little urn," it must not for a moment be assumed that she is dead ; the parish register at Dean Prior records that she lived at least thirty years after her epitaph was written, saw her octogenarian master put into his little urn, and his pulpit occupied by his successor. The reader, therefore, in following 55 Robert Herrick the story of the poet's life during these obscure years, must be prepared to find, instead of the record of estabHshed facts, a long series of more or less plausible suppositions. He will frequently encounter the words "probable" and "not im- possible," and must rest content with these until firmer ground is reached. When Herrick left the University in 1617, it is natural to suppose that he made his way back to London. His Cambridge letters tell of visits paid to the capital in undergraduate days, and it was there that most of his friends and relations were settled. It is uncertain whether his mother was still living at Hampton. Some time before 1629, the year of her death, she had left that home, and had gone to reside with her married daughter at Brantham in Suffolk.^ His brother Nicholas, however, was residing in London with his wife and family, and several of Herrick's poems point to a close friendship between the brothers. Sir William Herrick, too, probably passed a certain portion of the year at his busi- ness-house in Wood Street, but there is nothing to indicate that his nephew spent much time in his society. With the poet's departure from Cambridge, Sir William Herrick disappears from our view. He lived at Beaumanor until 1653, but we note, without surprise, that he finds no place in the poet's " white temple of my heroes," * Metcalfe, Visitation of Suffolk in 161 2. 56 ^"IHP I^^^^Sealed of the Tribe of Ben" the ** eternal calendar " which promises im- mortality to so many persons bearing the poet's name. Various relations on his mother's side — the families of Stone and Soame of whom we shall hear more presently — were also either residing- in London, or in some way connected with it. As we saw in the preceding chapter, it seems to have been Herrick's purpose during the latter portion of his stay at Cambridge to take up a legal career as soon as he had finished with the University. How far he carried this project is uncertain ; his name does not appear on the register of the Inner or Middle Temple, Gray's Inn, or Lincoln's Inn, though some of the poems in the Hesperides show that he numbered amongst his friends several persons intimately associated with the law. In any case, he had, by the year 1627 at the latest, abandoned the law for the church. We have no knowledge of the date of his ordination, and it is particularly unfortunate that in Dr M. Hutton's Extracts from the Registers of the Bishop of London, preserved in the Manuscript Room at the British Museum (Harleian MSS., 6955-6), and giving a list of clergymen ordained within the London diocese, there is an hiatus for the years 1620-7. It is probable, however, that his ordination did not take place long before 1627, when he was appointed chaplain to the Duke of Buckingham 57 Robert Herrick on his military expedition to the Isle of Rhe. We have, accordingly, a period of no less than ten years, during which we learn nothing of Herrick except what he chooses to tell us in his poems. These make it clear that he moved freely at this time in some of the most important circles of London life, was intimate with city fathers and their wives, with noblemen and noblewomen, with musicians, men of letters, and men of law ; but, in spite of his many friendships, his name has as yet been sought in vain among the printed and unprinted records of the period. There is no mention of him prior to 1629 in any of the State Papers, or in any of the valuable collections of records published by the Historical Manuscripts Commission, with the exception of that reference to his debts at Trinity Hall, already alluded to. The letter-writers of the time are also silent concerning him. James Howell, who, when in London, moved in the same circles as Herrick, and, like him, was able to subscribe himself ** son and servitor" to Ben Jonson, never mentions his name in his Familiar Letters. It would also be interesting to know how the impecunious Cambridge student of former years managed to meet the expenses of fashionable London life during the whole of this period. We know that he had patrons like Endymion Porter, Mildmay Fane, Earl of Westmorland, and the 58 '' Sealed of the Tribe of Ben " princely Philip, Earl of Pembroke, who supplied him with what he happily calls ''the oil of maintenance " ; but at what period in his career he first won their patronage is uncertain. But whether he obtained some lucrative appoint- ment at Court or elsewhere, or was dependent for his sustenance on patrons and rich relations, or whether he had learnt Mrs Rawdon Crawley's art of living well on nothing a year, one thing is certain : there is throughout his poems, which tell us so much of his state of mind and body, no mention of poverty until we reach the time of his ejection from Dean Prior in 1647. He has left us no '' Compleynt to his Purse," and even hastens to assure his readers in his Fa^^ewell unto Poetry} which was almost certainly written in 1629, that it is not lack of money which leads him to the priesthood. Apostrophising the muse of poetry as the almighty nature that gives Food, White fame and resurrection to the good, he earnestly bids her turn from him at this crisis in his career : But unto me be only hoarse, since now (Heaven and my soul bear record of my vow) I my desires screw from thee, and direct Them and my thoughts to that sublim'd respect And conscience unto priesthood ; V/V not need ^ Poems not included in the Hesperides^ Pollard, ii. 263. 59 Robert Herrick (The scarecrow tmto mankind) that doth breed Wiser conclusions in me^ since I know Tve more to bear my charge than way to go ; Or had I not, I'd stop the spreading itch Of craving more, so in conceit be rich. But 'tis the God of Nature who intends And shapes my function for more glorious ends.^ The story of Herrick's London years, as far as we can piece it together by the help of his poems, is the story of his friendships. His friends were many, and thanks to the geniahty of his nature, to which his poems bear abundant testimony, he moved freely in circles somewhat widely separated from each other. The circle which he would most naturally enter when he first came up from Cambridge was that of his own family — the circle of prosperous city merchants, alderman uncles and lady mayoress aunts. On his mother's side were the " honoured kinsmen " to whom some of the Hesperides poems are addressed — Sir William Soame, his brother Sir Thomas, who at a later period held the posts of Sheriff of London and Middlesex, Lord Mayor of London and M. P. for the city ; also Mr Stephen Soame, the son of either Sir William or Sir Thomas, and Sir Richard Stone. On his father's side there were, in addition to his merchant brother Nicholas, his wife and family — to whom, according to Nichols' History of Leicester's hire, ^ ii. 265. 60 "f Sealed of the Tribe of Ben " no less than seven poems are addressed ^ — the various branches of the family of Wheeler, one member of which, John Wheeler the goldsmith, had married a daughter of Mr Robert Herrick of Leicester, the poet's uncle. Towards one of the Wheelers he seems to have felt something deeper than kinship. This was Elizabeth Wheeler, who may, perhaps, be identified with the Elizabeth, daughter of Edmund Wheeler, that was baptized in St Vedast's Church, Foster Lane, on July 20, 1589. He celebrates her beauty in three of his most graceful poems (Nos. 130, 263, 1068), woo- ing her, somewhat after the manner of the pastoralists, under the name of Amaryllis. If Herrick was free of the society of city merchants, their wives and pretty daughters, he also had access to the literary circles of the time, and forgathered with poets and wits in the London taverns. His open sesame to this society was, of course, his poetry, which was now poured forth in no stinting measure. Of the delight which he found in this tavern life, and of his willingness to " let the canakin clink," there can be no question. H is bacchanalian verses and his anacreontics in praise of a life of boon ^ These are the following : To his Brother, Nicholas Herrick^ (iioo) ; To his Sister-in-law, Susanna Herrick isil) ; Upon his Kinswoman, Mistress Elizabeth Herrick {yjd) \ To his Kinsman, Tho7nas Herrick (983) ; To his Kinswoman, Mistress Susa7ina Herrick (522) ; Upon his Kinswoman, Mistress Bridget Herrick (564) ; To his Nephew to be prosperous in Painting (384). 61 Robert Herrick fellowship are many and whole-hearted, while his Ode for Ben Jonson (911) is an eloquent tribute of his devotion to the *' father " who presided over his ** sons and servitors " at those Lyric feasts, Made at the Sun, The Dog, the Triple Tun. Many of the most distinguished men of the age were included among the frequenters of these taverns. Of poets and dramatists, in addition to Jonson and Herrick, there were Field, Brome, Cartwright, Randolph, Suckling and Waller ; statesmanship and diplomacy were represented by Lord Falkland, Edward Hyde, and Sir Kenelm Digby ; the church sent George Morley, the future Bishop of Winchester, and Richard Corbet, the future Bishop of Oxford and Nor- wich. From the Leges Conviviales, which were engraved in letters of gold upon black marble above the chimney-piece in the Apollo Chamber in the tavern of The Devil and St Dunstan, Temple Bar, we learn that ladies were not excluded from the revels, — " Nee lectae foeminge repudiantor "— but the doors were shut fast against the dullard, the lewd fop, and the whey-faced precisian : " Idiota, insulsus, tristis, turpis abesto." In this congenial society Herrick's muse was not idle. We learn from one of his poems, His 62 r ' Sealed of the Tribe of Ben " Lachrymae (371), written years afterwards at Dean Prior, that he was known to his comrades of these London days as '^ the music of a feast ; " and it is likely enough that many of his bacch- analian and anacreontic verses, including the magnificent lines. To Live Merrily and trust to Good Verses (201), were specially indited for the ears of the chosen comrades who met in the Apollo Chamber, or at the Sun, the Dog, or the Triple Tun. Towards Ben Jonson himself his feelings were ever loyal and devout. When the *' Master " died in 1 637, Herrick did not contribute anything to the volume of memorial verses, en- titled Jonsonus Virbius, which was edited by Bishop Duppa in 1638, and which consisted of tributes paid to the dead poet's memory by a vast number of members of the *' tribe." But the Devonshire vicar was by no means silent on that occasion. His Ode for Ben Jonson, already referred to, and his epigram upon him, beginning ** After the rare arch-poet, Jonson, died " (382), equal in the expression of admiration, as they surpass in poetic worth, any of the poems in- cluded m Jonsonus Virbius. The truth is — and it is one to which we shall have to return later — that Herrick recognised himself as the ** arch- poet's " son in a very special manner : Jonson was his father as head of the tribe of which he had I been sealed a member, but he was also his poetic father, to whom he looked for guidance in I I Robert Herrick the composition of his verses. It is in this spirit of discipleship that one of the airiest of his lyrics, his Prayer to Ben Jonson, is written (604) : — When I a verse shall make, Know I have pray'd thee, For old religion's sake, Saint Ben, to aid me. Make the way smooth for me, When I, thy Herrick, Honouring thee, on my knee Offer my lyric. Candles I'll give to thee, And a new altar, And thou, Saint Ben, shalt be Writ in my Psalter. Herrick's devotion to Jonson was apparently of an exclusive nature ; of the other members of the tribe, and of contemporary men of letters outside of it, he tells us very little. He con- tributed a commendatory poem to the 1647 edition of Beaumont and Fletcher's works, but there is nothing to indicate that he was acquainted with either of these dramatists. He honoured Selden, Denham and Charles Cotton with verses, and seems to have been on intimate terms with the last named ; but of Suckling, Carew, Randolph, and the other stars in the Caroline firmament, there is no mention. Apart from Jonson, it would seem as though 64 "Sealed of the Tribe of Ben" Herrick lived on more intimate terms with the musicians of Charles's court than with the courtier-poets and other men of letters. This was largely due to the fact that several of the lyrics in the Hesperides and Noble Numbers were written with the express purpose of being set to music and sung before the King in White- hall. This brought him into touch with both William and Henry Lawes, and also with other leading musicians of the time, Robert Ramsay and Nicholas Laniere. To each of the two brothers, William and Henry Lawes, Herrick devotes a poem (No. 907 and 851), and the language in which he addresses them is full of cordiality. A study of the published song-books of the seventeenth century discloses the fact that about a dozen of the songs of the Hesperides were set to music by Henry or William Lawes. In Henry Lawes's three books of Ayres and Dialogues, published from 1653 onwards, we find the follow- ing : — " To a Gentlewoman objecting to his Gray Hairs" (164), "The Primrose" (580), ** Leander's Obsequies" (119), "The Bag of the Bee" (92), and the dialogue-poem entitled ^^"The Kiss" (329). Most of these reappear in ■■John Playford's Treasury of Music ^ published in '* 1669, together with the following : " To Elizabeth Wheeler, under the name of the Lost Shep- herdess " (263), *' The Willow Garland " (425), and E 65 Robert Herrick the famous song ** To Anthea — Bid me to Live " (267). The composer of the music in the case of each of the above lyrics was Henry Lawes. His brother WilHam set to music '* To the Virgins to make much of Time" (208), better known as "Gather ye Rosebuds," and the two dialogue-poems, "Charon and Philomel" (730) and "The New Charon" (ii. p. 270) ; these also find a place in Playford's collection, together with the lyric, " How Lilies came White (190)," set to music by Nicholas Laniere. Very little reference has so far been made to Herrick's love-poems, and it is now time to turn our attention to the "lovely mistresses," the "fresh and fragrant mistresses," to whom these are addressed, or whose freshness and fragrance they celebrate. The gift of verse, which opened to him the doors of the Apollo Chamber at Temple Bar, also made him a persona grata with some of the Stuart beauties. One of these, " Mistress Katherine Bradshaw, the lovely," seems on one occasion to have placed a laurel wreath upon his brow, and to have won for herself thereby that amaranthine wreath which the poet promises to all who are enshrined in his verses.^ His "mis- tresses," as the most casual reader of his poems must be aware, are many. Here are some of them : — 1 To Mistress Katherine Bradshaw, the lovely, that crowned him with Laurel (224). 66 " Sealed of the Tribe of Ben '' Upon the Loss of his Mistresses (39). I have lost, and lately, these Many dainty mistresses : Stately Julia, prime of all : Sappho next, a principal : Smooth Anthea, for a skin White, and heaven-like crystalline : Sweet Electra, and the choice Myrrha, for the lute and voice : Next Corinna, for her wit, And the graceful use of it : With Perilla : all are gone ; Only Herrick's left alone For to number sorrow by Their departures hence, and die. The list is extensive, but by no means com- plete. Elsewhere we meet with Lucia, with whom he plays at stool-ball for sugar-cakes and wine ; Dianeme, from whose finger he sucks the sting of a '' fretful bee," moralising as he does it ; Biancha, whom, when he is blind, he will be able to follow by her perfumes ; Perenna, who is invited to dress his tomb with smallage,^ cypress- twigs and tears ; Phillis, whom he invites to share the sweets of a country life with him ; Silvia, the patient saint, and Oenone. To these, finally, must be added the ladies with real names to whom he professes love — Mistress Elizabeth Wheeler, his kinswoman ; Mistress Dorothy Parsons, the daughter of the organist at Westminster Abbey ; Mistress Amy Potter, the daughter of his pre- ^ Water parsley. 67 Robert Herrick decessor in the living at Dean Prior ; and Mistress Dorothy Keneday. Some of Herrick's critics, placing charity above truth, would have us believe that these mistress-poems belong ex- clusively to the poet's ''wild, unhallowed times," before he took orders, but there is surprisingly little to adduce in proof of such a theory ; it is, indeed, almost certain that some of them are to be associated with his life in Devonshire. The references in these poems to grey hairs, advanc- ing years, and the approach of death, do not, of course, count for much in determining their date ; lyric poets from Anacreon onwards have at all times loved to dwell on such things. But there is one poem, obviously written only a few years before the publication of HesperideSy which sufficiently refutes the idea that Julia, Anthea, Corinna, and all the other *' dainty mistresses," belong exclusively to the London years. The poem is entitled The Bad Season makes the Poet Sad (612) and reads as follows : — Dull to myself, and almost dead to these My many fresh and fragrant mistresses : Lost to all music now, since every thing Puts on the semblance here of sorrowing. Sick is the land to the heart, and doth endure More dangerous faintings by her desp'rate cure. But if that golden age would come again. And Charles here rule, as he before did reign ; If smooth and unperplexed the seasons were. As when the sweet Maria lived here \ 68 I Sealed of the Tribe of Ben*' I should delight to have my curls half drown'd In Tyrian dews, and head with roses crown'd ; And once more yet, ere I am laid out dead, Knock at a star with my exalted head. This poem evidently belongs to the period of the Civil War, when Queen Henrietta Maria was abroad, and the power of Charles was tottering to its fall. It is hard, too, to believe that the most beautiful of all his mistress-poems, Corinna s going a-Maying (178), could have been written amid London associations. The atmos- phere of the poem is that of the country, and the charm with which the poet has invested his description of the May-day festival accords with the life of Dean Prior rather than with that of Westminster or the taverns of the City. A more difficult point to determine is that of the reality, or unreality, of these many mistresses. Are they real women whom Herrick knew and paid court to, or are they dream-children, created by a poet's fancy, and calling no man father ? Mr Edmund Gosse has discussed this matter at some length in his essay on Herrick in Seventeenth Century Studies, but most of the poet's editors have refrained from expressing any very definite opinion. Mr Gosse refuses to believe in Perilla, Silvia, Anthea, and the deae minores, but has a very real faith in Julia of the ''black eyes, double chin, and strawberry-cream complexion." ^ He thinks ^ Seventeenth Century Studies, p. 123. 69 Robert Herrick that she belonged to the poet's Cambridge years,^ and that she died before 1629. He even hints at a serious liaison between the poet and JuHa, and regards her as the mother of the girl to whom is addressed the poem entided Mr Herrick : His Daughter s Dow7y!^ Julia is certainly the mis- tress who produces on our minds the greatest impression of reality, and we may therefore con- sider her first. If she elude our grasp, we may dismiss the remaining mistresses of classic name as airy nothings, without further comment. The poet mentions Julia in some sixty poems of the Hesperides, and confesses that of his ** many dainty mistresses" she is '' prime of all." From her he takes affectionate leave before starting on his voyage^ — the voyage was probably that to the Isle of Rhe in 1627 ; he bids her burn his poems if he shall at his death leave them un- perfected,* and upon her he lays other solemn charges, if she shall outlive him. Yet with all this sincerity of utterance and semblance of reality, it is not at all certain that Julia is anything more than a poetic fiction. Though she is celebrated in poem after poem, she leaves upon the mind a very shadowy impression. We hear much of the ruby redness of her lips, the ^ Mr Gosse, writing in 1872, believed that Herrick remained at Cambridge until appointed vicar of Dean Prior. ^ "Poems not included in Hesperides," Pollard, ii. 260. ^ His Sailing frojn Julia (35). * His Request to Julia (59). 70 r I Sealed of the Tribe of Ben " candour " of her teeth, the perfumes she ex- hales and the clothes she wears ; but when we try to form a conception of her as a real woman we fail. There are, too, strange inconsistencies in what the poet tells us of her. Often enough she appears as a light o' love, and is addressed in language which is grossly sensual ; but in the curious poem, Julias Churching, or Purification (898), she comes before us as a chaste matron, making her way to church with her monthly nurse ! But what strikes us most in the love- poems to Julia and her rivals is the complete absence of anything like incident or drama. There is no development in the poet's amours, no inrush of hot jealousy, no satiety, no quarrel- ling, no reconciliation. The poet, in spite of his fourteen mistresses, has no rivals who seek to rob him of his love. We have, indeed, only to compare, in this respect, Herrick's mistress- poems with those of other poets in whose case we know that the love and the loved ones are real, in order to appreciate this difference. Catullus's love for Lesbia can be traced exactly through its different stages — passionate yearning, full fruition, disillusionment and jealousy, ending in bitter loathing — and something like this dramatic development is found in some of the love-poetry of Elizabethan poets — for instance, in the love-elegies of Donne. Is it not, too, the presence of this dramatic development which 71 Robert Herrick makes the love-story of Shakespeare's Sonnets seem so real? But of all this there is nothing in the Hesperides, v The poet loves and is loved. His placid, passionless mistresses accept his gallant advances in silence and appear to him in his dreams ; they fall sick and recover ; they object to his grey hairs, but crown his head with roses ; they find him growing old and infirm, but love him none the less. And all this applies to Julia just as much as to any of the other mistresses. He entreats her to close his eyes when death overtakes him, and follow him with tears to the grave ; but he asks Perilla to perform the same service for him, and forgets that the presence of two such rivals at a clergyman's bedside and tomb might be a cause of scandal. Again, do not these fanciful classical names of Herrick's mistresses, when set over against the real names of Elizabeth Wheeler, Dorothy Keneday, and Amy Potter, to whom also the poet protests his love, suggest the fictitious char- acter of those who bear them ? We have no reason to doubt the genuineness of his affection for the latter, though its ardour does not seem to have been lasting. There is, indeed, a fervour in the poem entitled His Parting from Mistress Dorothy Keneday (^122), which is rarely met with in the verses addressed to Julia. I cannot follow Mr Gosse in his statement that the poems to Julia belong exclusively to the 72 " Sealed of the Tribe of Ben " period before the poet's ordination. I believe, on the contrary, that they extend over the whole period of his manhood up to 1648, and that some of them — for instance, His Charge to Julia at his Death (627) — were probably written not long before the publication of Hesperides. Still less can I agree with him in thinking that Julia was the mother of the girl addressed in His Daughter s Dowry} There is absolutely no statement to this effect in the poem itself, and, knowing as we do the poet's love of make-believe, we have a right to question the very existence of this supposed daughter. The poem is not in- cluded in the Hesperides, but has been introduced by modern editors into the collective works of Herrick from Ashmole MS. 38, in the Bodleian.^ It bears at the close of it the poet's signature — " Robt. Hericke," and its style, above all the prevalence of run-on verses, suggests that it is of early date. In casting doubt upon the reality of this daughter, it must be remembered how fond the poet was of setting up lay-figures in order to clothe them with the draperies of his abundant fancy. Among the Hesperides is a poem entitled The Parting Verse, or Charge to his Supposed Wife when he Travelled (465), in which he sets forth in detail the course of life which this lady is to follow during his absence. From first to last the poem is a tissue of pure fantasy. ^ See Pollard ii. 260. 73 Robert Herrick There seems to be, therefore, no sufficient reason for supposing that Julia had any more real existence than Corinna, Anthea, or any of the other classically named mistresses to whom the poet makes love. And Herrick, if I read him aright, comes very near to making on one occasion a confession of the counterfeit nature of the poems addressed to her and her rivals : To His Book (194). Like to a bride, come forth, my book, at last, With all thy richest jewels overcast ; Say, if there be, 'mongst many gems here, one Deserveless of the name of paragon : Blush not for that, for we have set Some pearls on queens that have been counterfeit. We have tarried long over the poet's mistresses, and it is time to hasten on. The Hesperides poems make it clear that, in addition to men of letters and musicians, Herrick also numbered amongst his friends certain country knights, courtiers and court-officials ; that prominent members of the nobility were his patrons, and that some of his lyrics were sung in the royal presence at Whitehall. The poem entitled A New Years Gift to Sir Simon Steivard (319), was probably written in the December of 1623 ;^ it is a poetical epistle, apparently written from somewhere in the country to Sir Simon ^ See Pollard's Note to this poem. 74 " Sealed of the Tribe of Ben ' who is in town. The poet, instead of sending his friend political news and discussion of state policy, informs him of Winter's tales and mirth, That milkmaids make about the hearth — of Christmas sports and Twelfth-tide feasts, and all the other festivites which belong to a Yule- tide in the country. At the same time, he is anxious that he shall not be forgotten by his London friends in his absence. Another associate of these years was Sir Lewis Pemberton, a Northamptonshire knight, with a seat at Rushden in that county. Herrick seems to have paid a visit to this country house and gives us in his Panegyric to Sir Lewis Pemberton {^']']^ a glowing picture of the hospitable board of a country knight in the seventeenth century. The contemporary character-writers, who draw their bows at a venture, are fond of ridiculing the country gentleman ''whose travel is seldom farther than the next market-town," who is awkward and out of place in town, and ''must home again, being like a dor that ends his flight in a dunghill."^ But Herrick, while glancing at the churlishness of certain members of the class, pays a warm tribute to the hospitality and inborn kindliness of Sir Lewis. 1 Sir Thomas Overbury's Characters : " The Country Gentleman." 75 Robert Herrick Of Herrick's friends at Court notice may first of all be taken of Edward Norgate, Clerk of the Signet to Charles I., John Crofts, Cupbearer to the King, and Sir John Mennes, the Commander of the Navy, and a minor poet of some fame in his day. To each of these Herrick addresses verses. Reference has already been made to the noblemen and Court favourites whom Herrick reckoned among his patrons — Philip, Earl of Pembroke, Mildmay Fane, Earl of Westmorland, Robert Pierrepont, Viscount Newark, and Mr Endymion Porter, Groom of His Majesty's Bedchamber. Of these the most important was the last, who seems to have been to Herrick what the impecunious undergraduate had vainly desired his uncle. Sir William, to be — '*a true Maecenas." Porter was, after Buckingham, one of the most influential of the King's courtiers. Born in 1587, he had been educated in Spain, and had served for a time in the household of Olivares. Returning to England, he had entered the service of the royal favourite, Buckingham, and his fortunes had advanced concurrently with those of his master. Through Buckingham's influence he was made Gentleman of the King's Bedchamber about 1620, and when the Spanish marriage scheme was afoot, his knowledge of Spain led to his being sent thither in 1622 to prepare for the arrival of the princely wooer. 76 I I '' Sealed of the Tribe of Ben " He returned to England, but in the following year accompanied Prince Charles and Buckingham to Madrid. After the new king's accession, Endymion Porter attained to still higher power and influence. The State Papers have much to relate of the part he took in the affairs of Court and State, and of the princely gifts bestowed upon him by the King. In later years he shared in the misfortunes of his party. After sitting in the Long Parliament as member for Droitwich, he was expelled from that body in 1643 on account of his supposed connection with a popish plot. A little later we find him with Queen Henrietta in Holland ; shortly before the King's death he returned to England, and is supposed to have died obscurely at London in the August of 1649.^ It was Porter's ambition, when in the heyday of his fortune, to shine as the patron of men of letters. To him Dekker dedicated his Dream in the year 1620, and Davenant his play, The Wits, in 1634. Thomas May, Edmund Bolton and Gervase Warmestry were amongst his friends, and the last-named, dedicating to him his England's Wound and its Cure in 1628, speaks of him as beloved by two kings : *' by James for ^ See State Papers, Domestic, of the reigns of James I. and Charles l.^passhii^ and Dorothea Townshend, The Life a7id Letters of Endymion Porter j also E. B, de Fonblanque, Lives of the Lords Strangford. 77 Robert Herrick his admirable wit, and by Charles for his general learning, brave style, sweet temper, great experi- ence, travels and modern languages." That, in addition to these qualities, he was an accomplished connoisseur is attested by the fact that he was one of the agents employed by Charles I. in forming his famous collection of pictures. The friendship between Porter and Herrick seems to have been close and honourable. There is no trace of servility in the poet's reference to the wealthy patron at whose porch he finds a ** state of poets " attending upon him.^ He confesses that Porter has given him *' the oil of maintenance," just as Horace owns the gift of the Sabine form from Maecenas, but in acknow- ledging this bounty, he neither flatters nor fawns. The most beautiful of the poems that bring Porter before us is the Eclogue, or Pastoral between Endymion Porter and Lycidas Herrick (492), which is written in the lightest and most graceful manner of the Spenserian school. In it the poet declares himself jealous of the time which his patron and friend is spending at Court, and entreats him to leave those pleasures and distractions for Latmos and the society of Florabell, handsome - handed Drosomell, and dainty Amaryllis. The mention of Endymion Porter brings us back to Herrick's earlier friend, John Weekes, ^ See To the Honoured Master^ Endymion Porter {1071). 78 F I " Sealed of the Tribe of Ben " sometime Fellow of St John's College, Cambridge. It is uncertain which of the two men left the University first, but it is probable that they spent some years in London together, and met under Porter's roof. Weekes was for some time Porter's chaplain, and it is possible that it was Herrick who obtained for him this congenial post. In a letter to Porter,^ dated July 5, 1629, Weekes addresses him as '' My deare Patrone ;" and in a second letter, written on October 3, 1633, when Weekes, like Herrick, was a parson in Devonshire, he subscribes himself, *'Your epicene chaplaine, both hee and shee, J oh. Weekes and littel b." The jest which lurks in the words " epicene " and ''littel b " is lost to us now, but the tone of the letter enables us to see in Weekes the humourist whose reputation for joviality is recorded by Anthony a Wood. It was probably through the instrumentality of Porter that Herrick came under the notice of Porter's patrons, the Duke of Buckingham and the King. It has been suggested by Mr Carew Hazlitt that the poet ''had some employment of a subordinate character at the chapel in White- hall, and we should assign to this period and circumstance the composition of those pieces among the Noble Numbers which bear a relation to that institution." ^ The pieces in question ^ See Calendar of State Papers^ DomestiCy 1629-1631, p. 5. 2 Introduction to Herrick's Works, p. xv. 79 Robert Herrick are the Christmas Carols and Songs for the Circumcision, which are described as ''sung before the King, in the Presence at Whitehall." Mr Hazlitt's theory also receives some support from the words of the following distich in the Noble Numbers (62) : — God and the King How am I bound to two ! God, who doth give The mind ; the King, the means whereby I live. On the other hand, it may be argued that if Herrick had held a post at court, we might expect to find some reference to it, and some mention of the salary paid to him, among the State Papers of the period. We meet with frequent references of this character in the case of Laniere, Ramsay, William and Henry Lawes, and '* other gentlemen of the chapel," but there is nowhere any mention of Herrick. But what- ever be the relationship in which the poet stood to the court, it is certain that Charles was acquainted with him and his verses, and that some of his lyrics, including poems of a secular as well as of a sacred nature, were sung to him, after being set to music by the royal musicians. Nor did Herrick allow himself to be entirely forgotten by his monarch when residence in his Devonshire parish severed him from the court. He celebrated the births of the princes, Charles and James, in 1630 and 1633 80 r " Sealed of the Tribe of Ben " respectively, addressed verses to the king during the civil wars, and welcomed him with a son or when, in 1647, he came to reside, under the protection of Cromwell's army, in the royal palace at Hampton Court. In the list of Herrick's patrons must also be placed the powerful Duke of Buckingham, though the verses addressed To the high and noble Prince George, Duke, Marquis, and Earl of Buckingha^n (245) show reverent regard rather than intimacy.^ But for some months of the year 1627 it was the poet's lot to spend much time in the duke's company. Early in that year the king had decided to send an expedi- tion to the Isle of Rhe in defence of the French Huguenots, and to Buckingham had been en- trusted the leadership. Encountering numerous difficulties, the ill-starred expedition did not set out until June 27, when some hundred sail, carrying six thousand foot and a hundred horse, left Stokes Bay for the French island. Herrick, who was now probably entrusting his fortunes to the waves for the first time in his life, seems to have regarded the step he was taking with some concern, and we are probably right in ascribing to this occasion the composition of the poems, His Sailing from Julia (35), The Parting Verse, or Charge to his Supposed Wife when he Travelled 1 Some time after Buckingham's death in 1628, he addresses a poem to the duke's niece, the Lady Mary ViUiers ; see No. 341. F 81 Robert Herrick (465), and, perhaps, his Sho7't Hymn to Neptune (325). The first of these reads as follows : — When that day comes, whose evening says I'm gone Unto that watery desolation, Devoutly to thy closet-gods then pray That my wing'd ship may meet no remora.^ Those deities which circum-walk the seas, And look upon our dreadful passages, Will from all dangers re-deliver me For one drink-offering poured out by thee. Mercy and truth live with thee ! and forbear, In my short absence, to unsluice a tear ; But yet for love's sake let thy lips do this. Give my dead picture one engendering kiss : Work that to life, and let me ever dwell In thy remembrance, Julia. So, farewell. In Other poems he begs his supposed wife to be a Penelope in his absence from her, and promises that if '' the great blue ruler of the seas " will prove propitious, he will return before many " full-faced moons shall wane." To Neptune he promises a tunny-fish as thank-offering, if he will speed him safely to his destination. The various English and French accounts of the ill-fated expedition to the Isle of Rhe which I have seen make no mention of the duke's chaplain. On the French side we hear much of the "vrais dogues d'Angleterre qui devorent leurs semblables," and of their leader '' Bouquincan " ^ " Remora^ the sea lamprey, or suckstone, believed to check the course of ships by clinging to their keels " (Pollard). 82 " Sealed of the Tribe of Ben " whose name the Gallic wit of the besieged soldiers anagrammatlses into ''coquin bani." ^ The English State Papers, and the late Professor S. R. Gardiner ^ furnish us with a detailed account of the siege, of the shortage in men and troops, of the delay in sending reinforcements, and of the ignominious return of the English fleet in the following November. The duke's chaplain doubtless saw a good deal of the military opera- tions, and if the poem entitled A Vow to Mars (386) is to be regarded seriously, actually took part in them on one occasion. Herrlck's military chaplaincy Indicates that, in the year 1627 at the latest, he had finally decided to enter the service of the Church. On his return from the Isle of Rhe — " or, as some call it, the Isle of Rue, for the bitter success we had there " ^ — he was within measurable distance of his '^ banishment " to the "loathed West," but before we follow him there, it will be well to form a conception of his personality during these years of London life. The naive self-portraiture of Herrick in his verses atones to some extent for the meagreness of external evidence as to his life and character. Those verses help us to follow the poet along his primrose path of dalli- 1 See " Lettre du Baron de Sainct Surin k un sien amy dans I'armee du Roy. Ecritte de la Citadelle S. Martin de R^ ce lo Septembre (1627)." 2 History of England^ 1603- 1642, vol. vi. p. 167. ^Howell, Familiar Letters^ ed. Jacobs, I. 250. 83 Robert Herrick ance, enjoying to the full the pleasures of London society, and taking no thought for the morrow : I fear no earthly powers, But care for crowns of flowers ; And love to have my beard With wine and oil besmeared. This day I'll drown all sorrow ; Who knows to live to-morrow ? i This is the cry of the anacreontic lyrist all the world over, and in Herrick's case, at least, there is no reason to doubt that, during these London years, the sentiment was genuine and spontaneous. The same thoughts and feelings recur in the ode entitled *' His Age, dedicated to his peculiar friend, Mr John Wickes (Weekes), under the name of Posthumus " (336). Here there is wistful regret for the years that are no more, and a foreboding that worse times are to follow ; but the poet refuses to give way to gloomy thoughts, and, so far from experiencing sorrow's crown of sorrow, feasts rapturously on past memories, washed down with copious draughts of "brave Burgundian wine " : Crown we our heads with roses then. And 'noint with Tyrian balm ; for when We two are dead. The world with us is buried. ^No. 170. 84 '^ Sealed of the Tribe of Ben '* Then live we free As is the air, and let us be Our own fair wind, and mark each one Day with the white and lucky stone. As a picture of the poet's manner of life at the time when it was written, and of the golden days that had gone before, the poem is of great value. It is the Herrick of the taverns that is revealed, the " music of a feast," whose lyrics win the applause of Jonson himself and of every other member of the tribe. Elsewhere he stands before us as the squire of dames ; he is many times entertained by " the most virtuous Mistress Pot," and, as is his wont, rewards her with a poem and a declara- tion that she is the ''lamp eternal to my poetry " ; ^ to another of his ladies he sends not only a string of verses but also ** a pipkin of jelly," which inspires the verses.^ His mistress-poems are full of all sorts of gallantry, and, as the verses to the Countess of Carlisle (169) — the heroine of Browning's Strafford — show, he could pay a compliment to a high-born noblewoman with the fine grace of the consummate cavalier : I saw about her spotless wrist Of blackest silk, a curious twist, Which, circumvolving gently, there Enthrall'd her arm as prisoner. Dark was the gaol, but as if light Had met t' engender with the night ; 1 To Mistress Pot (226). 2 A Tertiary of Littles (733). 85 Robert Herrick Or so as darkness made a star, To show at once both night and day. One fancy more ! but if there be Such freedom in captivity, I beg of Love that ever I May in like chains of darkness lie.^ The year 1629 brought with it a great change in the poet's circumstances and manner of Hfe. The essenced cavalier, the sealed member of the tribe of Ben, became the country parson, and exchanged the gay society of London and the Court for a vicarage and ninety-three acres of glebe. Late in the summer of that year he lost his mother, who had been spending the last years of her life in the comfortable home of her daughter, Mercy Wingfield, at Brantham in Suf- folk. Of the poet's relations with her we know nothing, and speculation on such a matter is particularly undesirable. She left him in her will a ring of the value of twenty shillings, a like gift being made to her son Nicholas and her daughter-in-law, the wife of William Herrick. To her son Thomas, whose financial difficulties as a farmer have already been mentioned, she left nothing; he may have died before 1629. She bequeathed ;^ioo to her son William, but most of her property went to the daughter in whose house she died. Her various legacies to * upon a black twist rounding the arm of the Countess of Carlisle (169). 86 r I " Sealed of the Tribe of Ben " friends and servants, and to the poor of Brantham, show that she was possessed of fairly ample means at the time of her death. ^ Very soon after his mother's funeral, Herrick set out for Devonshire. A docquet, preserved among the domestic series of State Papers in the Public Record Office, and endorsed September 30, 1629, furnishes us with the following informa- tion : — ** A presentacon to the vicarige of Deane- Prior in the dioces of Exeter for Robert Hearick, Gierke, and M"^ of Arts, the same being void by the promocon of the last Incumbent to the Bishoprick of Carlile. Subscr upon significacon of his Ma^^ pleasure by the Lord Viscount Dorchester, and procured by his Lo^. p. Gall." The living of Dean Prior was in the hands of Sir Edward Giles, the lord of the manor there, but as Dr Potter had been promoted to a bishopric, the right of presenting a successor reverted to the King ; the inference therefore is that Herrick owed his living to Charles. There was apparently some slight delay in the negotia- tions, for among the State Papers we meet with the following, which is in Herrick's own neat handwriting, and which furnishes us with the ^ The will is transcribed verbatim in Grosart's Memorial Intro- duction^ p. Ixxxiv. 87 Robert Herrick valuable information as to the poet's service under Buckingham in the Isle of Rh6 : — • '' To the Kinges most excellent Majesty : The humble peticon of Robert Hericke, Chaplayne to the late Duke of Buckingham in the Isle of Reis. Whereas yt was yo'^ Ma*^ especiall favour to bestow on y* peticoer the vicaridge of Deane, by y^ remoovall of Doctor Potter to y'' B^p^ of Carlyle. It may now please yo"" most sacred Ma^y (the Commenda granted to him by yo' Ma^^ being expired this present Mictias) that yo'' sov^'aigne command may goe forth to the signature for the dispatch of the peticoer, who shall ever pray for yo' Ma*^ longe and happie raigne. — Ccetera mando Deo." A further confirmation of Herrick's appoint- ment to the Devonshire living is found in the nineteenth volume of Rymer's Foedera where, in a list of preferments for the year 1629, we read : — **Robertus Hearick, Clericus, A.M., habet consimiles Literas Patentes de presentatione ad Vicariamde Deane Prior, Diocesis Exoniensis,jam legittime et de jure vacantem." If one of Herrick's poems is to be believed — and there is in it an accent of sincerity and real 88 I I '' Sealed of the Tribe of Ben '' emotion which is rarely met with elsewhere — it is manifest that he realised to the full the serious- ness of the step which he was now taking, and the lofty duties of the services to which he was dedicating his life and his powers. It was one thing to be chaplain to the Duke of Buckingham ; another, and a very different thing, to be the spiritual guide and pastor of a village community. In the Ashmole MS. 2>^, which contains several of Herrick's poems, is a copy of verses entitled Mr Robert Her rick : His Farewell unto Poetry,^ and it was Dr Grosart who first pointed out the importance of these verses in their bearing on the poet's life and character, and drew attention to the fact that they were written when he was leaving London for Dean Prior. Some of the verses of this poem have already been quoted (see p. 59) as evidence of the poet's freedom from poverty during his London years ; but it behoves us now to consider the poem as a whole more closely. The underlying idea of it is that Herrick feels it his duty, now that he is taking upon him the cure of souls, to bid farewell to poetry, save only in as far as it can be applied to the noble numbers of sacred song. The part- ing is hard, for the muse of poetry has been the yoke-fellow of his life, filling him with rapture and mystic frenzy : — ^ There is another copy of the same poem, with a few variants, in the British Museum, Add. MS. 22, 603. 89 Robert Herrick Even such are we, and in our parting do No otherwise than as those former two Natures like ours ; we who have spent our time Both from the morning to the evening chime, Nay, till the bellman of the night had tolled Past noon of night — yet were the hours not old Nor dulled with iron sleep — but have outworn The fresh and fairest flourish of the morn With flame and rapture ; drinking to the odd Number of nine, which makes us full with God. And in that mystic frenzy we have hurled. As with a tempest, nature through the world. And in a whirlwind twirl'd her home, aghast At that which in her ecstasy had passed ; Thus crowned with rosebuds, sack, thou mad'st me fly. Like fire-drakes, yet didst me no harm thereby.^ But now he turns from poetry and bids her be hoarse to him. The God of Nature is now shaping his powers for more glorious ends, and he is entering a higher sphere of service than that of the muses of HeHcon. He casts upon his mistress the wistful eyes of Orpheus as he turned to look upon his Eurydice, or those of Demosthenes and Cicero as they fixed their gaze upon the fatherland from which they were banished ; and then, with tears starting from his eyes, bids her farewell : — Then part in name of peace, and softly on With numerous ^ feet to hoofy Helicon ; ^ Poems not included in Hesperides ; Pollard ii. 264. 2 Numerous = moving in rhythmic numbers. 90 Sealed of the Tribe of Ben'' And when thou art upon that forked hill Amongst the thrice three sacred virgins, fill A full-brim m'd bowl of fury and of rage, And quaff it to the poets of our age . . . Thus with a kiss of warmth and love I part, Not so, but that some relic in my heart Shall stand for ever, though I do address Chiefly myself to what I must profess. Know yet, rare soul, when my diviner muse Shall want a handmaid, as she oft will use, Be ready, thou for me, to wait upon her. Though as a servant, yet a maid of honour. The crown of duty is our duty : well Doing's the fruit of doing well. Farewell. 91 CHAPTER IV DEAN PRIOR DEAN PRIOR, to which Herrick was "banished" in the autumn of 1629, is a parish of about four thousand acres, situated on the south-eastern slopes of Dartmoor. The high-road from Exeter to Plymouth passes through the scattered village, and within a five miles' radius of Herrick's church lie the ancient townships of Totnes and Ashburton. Modern civilisation, as represented by railways and factories, has laid the lightest of fingers upon Dean Prior, and to this day the village, though somewhat shrunk in size and importance, presents to the visitor very much the same appearance that it did to Herrick on his arrival there in 1629. Many of the cottages still retain their thatched roofs and penthouses, their open hearths and massive chimneys ; and though the manor-houses have been shorn of much of their former splendour, they have at any rate been spared the hand of the modern renovator. Age, so far from withering their pristine beauty, has enhanced it by the mellowed colours of stone and woodwork. Ivy, roses, and 92 Dean Prior honeysuckle creep over the cottages, and the Httle roadside gardens are still gay with the flowers which we meet with in the Hesperides — daffodils, primroses, violets, and wallflowers, the crimson paeony, and the stately white lily. In the valley are water-meadows, each meadow irrigated in the characteristic Devonian manner >y 'Meats" which bring fertility from the Dartmoor streams ; and above these, climbing upwards towards the heather moors, are the cornfields, the bright red earth of which glows in the early spring sunshine. But the chief beauty of the village lies in its apple orchards, which creep close to the church and the cottages and follow the devious windings of Dean Burn. For six months of the year the trees are grey with ragged lichen, but in the first warm days of May, the greyness is hidden beneath sheets of rosy '' blooth," to be followed, as spring and summer merge into autumn, by clusters of golden fruit. There is no more characteristic feature of the combes of South Devon than these apple orchards, and they must at the same time have recalled to Herrick's mind the uda Mobilibus pomaria rivis of Horace's Tibur, and thus have led him to compare his Devonshire glebe with the Sabine farm of the famous Roman lyrist. 93 Robert Herrick Dean Burn, to which Herrick has given enduring obloquy, is a typical Dartmoor stream. Taking its rise on the moors to the west of the village, it makes its way first of all through a rocky gorge where buzzard and carrion crow find a resting place, only to lose itself later among thick coppices of scrub-oak and hazel. Even when the combe widens and the waters of the burn grow more placid, it still preserves something of its '' warty incivility " : Thy rocky bottom, that doth tear thy streams And makes them frantic even to all extremes. To my content I never should behold. Were thy streams silver, or thy rocks all gold ? ^ The stream divides the parish of Dean Prior from that of Buckfastleigh, and at last pours its waters into those of the Dart, not far from the walls of the old Cistercian abbey of Buckfast. The background to this picture of cornfields and watered meadows, orchards and woodlands, is formed by great stretches of moorland, the soft contours of which are now and again broken by rugged granite tors. As one stands in Dean Prior churchyard, and looks northward across the valley of the Dart, a wide stretch of this moorland scenery skirts the horizon and adds an element of grandeur and vastness to the idyllic beauty which lies at one's feet. But for 1 To Dean Bu7 Ji {Zb). 94 Dean Prior the glories of Dartmoor Herrick cared as little as that other Devonshire poet of the seventeenth century, William Browne, who, with all his love for the rich scenery of the Tavy valley, was con- tent to leave the adjoining moorlands unsung. The church and parsonage of Dean Prior now stand close to the high-road, but in the seventeenth century the road passed nearer to the moors, and the church was reached by a lane between high hedgerows. Herrick's church is a somewhat spacious building, chiefly in the Perpendicular style, with nave, north and south aisles, and a western battlemented tower. The vicarage has been altered and enlarged, but some of the older parts of the building, now used as offices, are probably not later in date than the seventeenth century, and may well have been the parlour, hall, kitchen, and buttery for which the poet offers his hymn of thanksgiving to God. Herrick's parishioners were doubtless to a large extent husbandmen, engaged in the cultiva- tion of corn and fruit, and in the rearing of cattle and sheep. Some of them, however, were pro- bably occupied in the weaving trade, which the monks of Buckfast had introduced into the Dart valley centuries before, and which to this day remains one of the staple industries of the district. The village of Dean still preserves a tradition of a weaver whose ghost used to appear 95 Robert Herrick at his loom until laid to rest by the vicar, and Westcote, in his View of Devonshire, published in 1630, makes special mention of a coarse cloth, called narrow-pin-whites, which was produced in the neighbourhood of Totnes. The population of the village in 1901 was 259, but the church register gives evidence that it was somewhat larger in the seventeenth century. The lord of the manor of Dean, and Herrick's most distinguished parishioner, was Sir Edward Giles, who lived at Dean Court, within half a mile of the church and vicarage. In 1629 the knight was about fifty years of age and a man of standing in the county. In his youth he had travelled, and fought for queen and country in the Netherlands ; returning to England in 1603, he had been knighted by James I., and after his father's death, he had, in the words of Prince, " the whole power of the county put into his hands.^ He represented Totnes Borough in several of the parliaments of James I. and Charles I. Connected by marriage with Sir Edward Giles, were the families of Yard, Lowman, and Northleigh, members of which were settled at Dean Prior in Herrick's time, and are cele- brated by him in his poems. Of Herrick's manner of life at Dean Prior, and of his relationships with his parishioners, we learn a good deal from the Hesperides and ^ Worthies of Devon, p. 422. 96 Dean Prior Noble Numbers ; but it is not easy to determine exactly how far he appreciated his Devonshire home, and how far it seemed to him a place of bitter exile. In considering this matter, it is important to remember that he was a poet of moods, and that in a period of eighteen years (1629- 1 647) spent at Dean Prior, he experienced many moods and regarded his life there in different ways. We have already seen with what "sublim'd respect and conscience unto priesthood " he entered upon his holy calling ; we have now to consider the character of his life as vicar. Scattered through the Hesperides are some six poems which express with clearest utterance his ''discontents in Devonshire." There is first of all his poem To Dean Burn (86), whose bed, he declares, is as rocky as the hearts of the men who live by it — A people currish, churlish as the seas, And rude almost as rudest savages. Following upon this, is the poem To his House- hold Gods (278), which ends with the stinging couplet — Search worlds of ice, and rather there Dwell than in loathed Devonshire. Similar repugnance is expressed in the lines Upon Himself {^s^), and His Return to London {713), in which he welcomes, with something like c 97 Robert Herrick rapture, the change of fortune which led to his departure from his country vicarage. The loathing for the West Country which these poems express is uncompromising enough. Were we forced to form a judgment on these alone, it would be possible to compare Herrick's exile at Dean Prior with that of Ovid at Tomi. But if we look at them more closely, we see that, instead of being spread over the whole of the poet's life in Devonshire, they all belong to about the year 1647, the year of his ejection from Dean Prior. Now we do not know with any certainty to what extent the poet's parishioners sympathised with the Puritan party during the years of the Civil War, or with what feelings they regarded the dismissal of their vicar and the induction of his Puritan successor, John Syms. But we can realise that in Dean Prior, as throughout the country, those years of strife must have sorely tried the better feelings of many an English home. It was a time when household was divided against household and village against village, when homes were ruined and precious blood shed in the defence of creed and party. At such a time, too, the village parson, so far from being able to allay the strife, must himself have been the very centre of the feud, and the butt of insult and calumny. Herrick could not have escaped from all this, and the bitterness of his feelings finds 98 Dean Prior utterance in his verse. At such a time, and amid such surroundings, the memory of the old London Hfe stirred strange yearnings within him ; the paternal country where much of his youth and early manhood had been spent called him with persistent summons, and when at last the release came, it was welcomed with rapture. Yet it is evident from one short poem that this feeling of rapture was tempered even at the time by a sense of regret. His parishioners may have grown churlish and currish, but the vicarage with its associations was still dear to him : To Lar (333) No more shall I, since I am driven hence. Devote to thee my grains of frankincense ; No more shall I from mantle-trees hang down, To honour thee, my little parsley crown ; No more shall I (I fear me) to thee bring My chives of garlic for an offering ; No more shall I from henceforth hear a choir Of merry crickets by my country fire. Go where I will, thou lucky Lar stay here, Warm by a gUtt'ring chimney all the year. There remain for consideration two other poems in which Herrick expresses his dislike to Devonshire, and in which there is no indication that they were written at the time of his ejection. These are His Lachrymae (371) and Discontents in Devon (51). The former is written in a mood of deep dejection : 99 Robert Herrick Call me no more, As heretofore, The music of a feast ; Since now, alas ! The mirth that was In me is dead or ceas'd. Before I went To banishment Into the loathed West, I could rehearse A lyric verse, And speak it with the best. But time, ay me ! Has laid, I see. My organ fast asleep ; And tuned my voice Into the noise Of them that sit and weep. If we did not know that Herrick was here giving utterance to a passing mood of despond- ency, we might assume that his muse entirely- deserted him in Devonshire ; we have, of course, abundant evidence that this was not the case, and we need only turn to the Discontents in Devon to find such an assumption plainly falsified : More discontents I never had Since I was born than here. Where I have been, and still am sad, In this dull Devonshire ; Yet, justly too, I must confess I ne'er invented such Ennobled numbers for the press. Than where I loathed so much. ICO Dean Prior What, then, do Herrick's strictures on Devon- shire and Dean Prior amount to ? They show plainly enough that during the last months — perhaps, the last years — of his residence there, he found his surroundings often distasteful and his parishioners churlish and insolent ; they show, too, that at other times he experienced moods of despondency in which his present life stood out in drab contrast to the glittering shows of earlier days. There must, indeed, have been many occasions when the poet in his lonely vicarage longed for the song and festive cheer of the Apollo Chamber, the society of courtier friends and the fleshpots of Whitehall, and on a few of these occasions the sense of what he has lost moves him to elegiac lament, or to male- diction. But to suppose that this was a prevailing state of mind, and that the whole of his eighteen years' residence in Devonshire was merely a time of bitter exile, is a distortion of the statements recorded by Herrick himself in his poems. Over against such verses as those To Dean Burn or Discontents in Devon, may be set His Content in the Country (552) which belongs to the Dean Prior period and bears witness to the quiet joy which he and his housekeeper, Prudence Baldwin, experienced in the country vicarage. What is uppermost in his mind at the time when he wrote these verses is a pleasant sense of independence and freedom from lOI Robert Herrick care. It was a much more frugal life than that which he had spent in London at the tables of the rich ; but he had come to realise that frugality, combined with independence, was better than luxury supported by the ''oil of maintenance," bestowed upon him by wealthy patrons. Another poem, conceived in the same spirit of simple con- tentment, and entitled His Grange, or Private Wealth (724), brings the poets Devonshire life before us with singular vividness and charm : Though clock, To tell how night draws hence, I've none, A cock I have to sing how day draws on. I have A maid, my Prew, by good luck sent To save That little Fates me gave or lent. A hen I keep, which creeking day by day. Tells when She goes her long white egg to lay. A goose I have, which with a jealous ear Lets loose Her tongue to tell that danger's near. A lamb I keep, tame, with my morsels fed, Whose dam An orphan left him, lately dead. A cat I keep that plays about my house. Grown fat With eating many a miching mouse. 102 Dean Prior To these A Tracy ^ I do keep whereby I please The more my rural privacy ; Which are But toys to give my heart some ease ; Where care None is, slight things do lightly please. But the poem which brings the Devonshire parson most clearly before us is one contained in the Noble Numbers, and entitled A Thanks- giving to God for his House (47). It is too long, and perhaps too familiar, to quote, but some reference to it may be made, \i only to show how completely it refutes the idea that its author was habitually discontented with his surround- ings. We see the parson seated in the chimney- corner of his *' cell," eating his beloved beet and drinking his spiced wassail bowls, while Prue Baldwin is in the dairy making Devonshire cream. Or we follow him to his acres of glebe, where the cornfields are ripe to harvest, and the pastures well stocked with the red Devon cattle. The gratitude of the parish priest is chiefly for "creature comforts," and the picture which he paints would have better pleased the Sabine Horace than Herrick's contemporary, the author of The Priest to the Temple. Yet we are made aware of the parson's simple generosity, and we ^ Tracy is the name of his spaniel, as the poet himself informs us in a note to the original edition of Hesperides. 103 Robert Herrick see the threshold of his house worn away by the footsteps of the poor. When we attempt to realise the sharp contrast which his manner of Hfe at Dean Prior presented to that of the London years which preceded it, our surprise is not that Herrick sometimes gave voice to feeling^s of discontent and to wistful yearnings after what had passed away, but that he should, on the whole, have adapted himself so well to the new conditions. That he did so is due in no small measure to the pliancy of his temper and the breadth of his tastes and sympathies. His finely sensuous nature re- sponded to varying, nay, conflicting appeals. He is alike the poet of the town and the country, of the Court and the cottage. He delights in the artificial graces, the studied re- finements, the culture and gallantry of the town, but also in village customs and superstitions, and the simple pleasures of rustic life. He sings **of balm, of oil, of spice and ambergris," but also '' of May-poles, hock-carts, wassails, wakes " ; he can take delight in the riband that supports Julia's petticoat and the odours of ** camphire, storax, spikenard, galbanum " that are breathed forth when she unlaces herself, but also in the colour and grace of the daffodil and the perfume of the violet. Settled in his Devonshire home, the Anacreon of the Devil Tavern, the courtier-lyrist, the poet of perfumes 104 Dean Prior and millinery, seeks amid his new surroundings new themes for poetic handling, and finds them close at hand in the rustic sports, junketings and superstitions of his parishioners. It is impossible to determine the dates at which Herrick's poems on May-poles, hock-carts, wassails, and wakes were written, but it is only natural to assume that the majority of them belong to the Dean Prior period. And if his taste for these things was already developed before he reached the west country, it is doubtful whether he could have been "banished" to a more congenial neighbourhood. To this day Dartmoor and the villages that skirt it are richer in folk and fairy lore, and more tenacious of old-world customs, superstitions, and cere- monies, than almost any other district in England. Dartmoor farmers still declare themselves pixy- led when they lose their way on the moor in returning from market, and until quite recently the wassailing of apple-trees by means of shot, fired into the branches on Twelfth Night,^ and the custom of passing young children suffering from rupture through the split trunk of a young ash-tree, were everywhere in vogue. Herrick's fairy-poems are based rather on literary models ^ For a reference to this custom see the Twenty-second Report of the Co7ninittee on Devonshire Folk-lore^ edited by P. F. S. Amery, 1905. For an interesting account of Devonshire folk-lore of a hundred years ago, see Mrs Bray's Description of the part oj Di^vonshire bordet ing on the Tamar and the Tavy. Robert Herrick than on popular local legend ; there is no mention in them of the Dartmoor pixies, and, as we shall see later, they were probably written before he set foot in Devonshire ; but his folk-lore poems, his charms and his descriptions of rustic cere- monies have, in part at least, a distinct local colour, and were probably written at Dean Prior. It is not easy to determine exactly the kind of relationship which existed between Herrick and his parishioners. Certain of the Hesperides poems indicate that he stood on good terms with the gentlefolks of his parish, and that his muse was at their service on more than one occasion. But references to the humbler villagers, and a few stinging epigrams written at the expense of some of them, give, if taken alone, the impression that he found the Devonshire peasant rude and boorish. As a matter of fact, however, the scurrilous epigrams which can be definitely con- nected with his parishioners are few in number. A search through the Dean Prior register shows that the unsavoury epigrams on Scobble, Mudge, Dundridge and Coone were probably hurled at parishioners, but that these are all. On the other side we have the assured fact that some of his poems became the treasured possessions of the parish, and that during the long years when his name was entirely forgotten by the cultured society of London, it was still held in esteem in the Devonshire village. Our evidence for this io6 I Dean Prior is to be found in the very remarkable account of a visit paid to Dean Prior in 1809 by Barron Field and published by him in the Quarterly Review (August, 1 8 10). ''Being in Devonshire during the last summer," writes Barron Field, " we took an opportunity of visiting Dean Prior, for the purpose of making some inquiries concerning Herrick, who, from the circumstance of having been vicar of that parish (where he is still talked of as a poet, a wit, and a hater of the county) for twenty years, might be supposed to have left some unrecorded memorials of his existence behind him. " We found many persons in the village who could repeat some of his lines, and none who were not acquainted with his ' Farewell to Dean Bourn,' which, they said, he uttered as he crossed the brook, upon being ejected by Cromwell from the vicarage to which he had been presented by Charles I. ' But,' they added with a smile of innocent triumph, ' he did see it again ' ; as was the fact, after the Restoration. . . . " The person, however, who knows more of Herrick than all the rest of the neighbourhood, we found to be a poor woman in the ninety-ninth year of her age, named Dorothy King. She repeated to us, with great exactness, five of his Noble Numbers, among which was the beauti- ful Litany quoted above. These she had learnt from her mother, who was apprenticed to Merrick's 107 Robert Herrick successor in the vicarage. She called them her prayers, which, she said, she was in the habit of putting up in bed, whenever she could not sleep : and she therefore began the Litany at the second stanza, When I lie within my bed, etc. Another of her midnight orisons was the poem beginning Every night thou dost me fright. She had no idea that these poems had ever been printed, and could not have read them if she had seen them. She is in possession of few traditions as to the person, manners and habits of life of the poet ; but in return, she has a whole budget of anecdotes respecting his ghost ; and these she details with a careless but serene gravity, which one would not willingly discompose by any hints at a remote possibility of their not being exactly true. Herrick, she says, was a bachelor, and kept a maid-servant, as his poems, indeed, dis- cover ; but she adds, what they do not discover, that he also kept a pet pig, which he taught to drink out of a tankard. And this important circumstance, together with a tradition that he one day threw his sermon at the congregation, with a curse for their inattention, forms almost the sum total of what we could collect of the poet's life." The statements of Dorothy King, 1 08 I Dean Prior and her ability to quote from the Hesperides and Noble Numbers, furnish us with a remarkable testimony to the interest which the Dean Prior villagers of the seventeenth century took in the poetry of their distinguished vicar. Of how many English poets can it be said that some of their poems have been handed down, for a period of a hundred and fifty years, by oral tradition, in the places where they lived ? Such a record, as far as England is concerned, is almost unique, and it bears witness, as no other evidence could do, to the popularity which Herrick enjoyed amongst his parishioners. There is one more piece of evidence as to the poet's celebrity in the county of his adoption. On the title-page of most of the extant copies of the original edition of Herrick's works stand the following words : " London. Printed for John Williams and Francis Eglesfield, and are to be sold at the Crown and Marygold in St Pauls Churchyard, 1648." But in some of the copies — that in the show-case at the British Museum is one of these — there occurs the following variant: **And are to be sold by Tho. Hunt, Bookseller in Exon." The meaning of this is that a certain number of the copies were sent direct from the printer's to the shop of the Exeter bookseller. Thomas Hunt knew well enough the popularity of Herrick as a local poet, and accordingly, without waiting for the arrival 109 Robert Herrick of the volumes in the usual way, he sent his order to the publishers before they had passed through the press, and thus secured the appear- ance of his name upon the title-page of the copies purchased by him. We have thus the twofold evidence of Herrick's celebrity as a poet both in his parish and in the county of Devon, during his lifetime and after his death. The record of Herrick's life at Dean Prior, as far as it can be traced at all, is to be sought in his poems. Fortunately for us, the vow to abandon poetry, which he made when he took upon him the sacred duties of a parish priest and wrote his Farewell to Poetry, was not kept. Some of the choicest poems of the Hesperides, and probably most of the Noble Numbers, were written after 1629. It is, however, likely that the character of his poetry underwent a partial change when he left London — a change which is perhaps indicated by what he tells us in his Lachrymae (see page 100). In these Devon years the drinking songs and love songs, which had been inspired by his associations with Jonson at **the Sun, the Dog, the Triple Tun," and which had won for him the proud title, *'the music of a feast," were probably fewer ; the half-lyric and half-descriptive poems of country life more numerous. In bidding farewell to London, Herrick de- termined not to let himself be forgotten either no Dean Prior by the Court or his numerous city acquaintances. Reference has already been made to the poems in which he celebrates the birth of royal princes, and to these Dean Prior years also belong many of the verses addressed to his various patrons. The ode to Endymion Porter, Upon his Brother's Death (185), may be referred, with tolerable certainty, to the year 1637, when that courtier lost his brother. Captain Thomas Porter.^ The verses to Mildmay Fane, Earl of Westmorland, also belong to this period (112) ;2 he looks to Westmorland and to Robert Pierrepont, Vis- count Newark, as the foster-fathers who shall protect his verses when their author is in his grave. The year 1637, which saw the death of Captain Thomas Porter, is also the year in which a very near friend of the poet's died. Ben Jonson, who had been failing in health for some years, breathed his last on August 6th, and three days later he was buried in Westminster Abbey, with the words, " O rare Ben Jonson," inscribed on his 1 Calendar of State Papers, Domestic ,16^7 , p. 435. 2 Mildmay Fane did not become Earl of Westmorland until 1629, and in one or two of the poems to the earl, he is addressed as Westmorland, not only in the title, but in the poems them- selves, e.^.^ When my date's done, and my grey hair must die, Nurse up, great lord, this my posterity ; Weak though it be, long may it grow and stand, Shored up by you, brave Earl of Westmorland. Ill Robert Herrick tomb. The poems which Herrick wrote on the death of the great literary dictator have already been referred to (see page 62), and the sincerity of their utterance is a sufficient indication of the sense of loss which their author experienced when the father of the '* tribe " had been for ever removed. While death was robbing him of old friends of the London period, Herrick was forming new acquaintances in Devonshire. Among these were Sir Thomas Hele of Flete, whom he addresses in one of his poems as '* his honoured friend," and Sir George Parry, who was Chan- cellor of the diocese of Exeter. Yet another poem is addressed to his bishop, the famous Joseph Hall, who in his youth had claimed to be the first of English satirists, the first To tread the steps of perilous despite, and in his old age had come under the flail of Milton's anti-prelatical pamphlets. It must also be remembered that an old friend with whom the poet had long stood on intimate terms was now residing in Devonshire, though in a remote corner of the shire. This was John Weekes, who had been appointed Vicar of Sherwell, near Barnstaple, about the same time that Herrick had gone to Dean Prior. In the eyes of the Church, Weekes was a more important person than the vicar of Dean, for in 112 I Dean Prior 1633, while still retaining his Devonshire living, he was elected to a prebend's stall in Bristol Cathedral ; a little later he became a Doctor of Divinity and a Licenser of Printed Books, with authority to "gnaw out the choicest periods of exquisitest books, and to commit a treacherous fraud against the orphan remainders of worthiest men after death." The tenor of the poet's life within his parish must have been, at least during his first years there, singularly uneventful ; and probably the chief subjects which presented themselves for poetic treatment there were the rustic festivities of his parishioners. In the festooning of May- poles, the ceremonious home-bringing of the hock-cart, the Christmas wakes and mummings, and all the pagan ritual of Twelfth Night and Shrovetide, he must have taken a very keen interest, and endeared himself to the hearts of his parishioners by finding in such festivities the inspiration for matchless song. The simple annals of the parish are faithfully recorded by him in verse ; and though he has left us no Parish Register, after the manner of Crabbe at Aldborough, he found, during his term of in- cumbency, events which made a demand upon his poetic genius. In 1637, Sir Edward Giles of Dean Court died. Herrick apparently wrote no poem on the knight's death, but after he had been followed to the grave by his wife, he H 113 Robert Herrick honoured the dead lord and lady of the manor with the most beautiful of all his epitaphs, which the visitor to Dean Church may still read on the wall of the south aisle. As Sir Edward Giles died childless, Dean Court passed, after his widow's death, into the hands of the Yarde family, who were related to the Giles' by marriage. Members of this family had long been residing at Dean Prior, as the parish register plainly shows. The Yardes, too, were distantly related to Herrick. The poet's first cousin, Tobias Herrick, rector of Market Har- borough, and son of the poet's uncle, Robert Herrick of Leicester, married Elizabeth Yarde, who, like the Dean Prior Yardes, was descended from the Yardes of Bradley in Devonshire. When, therefore, on 5th September 1639, Lettice, the twenty-year-old daughter of Edward Yarde, was married in Herrick's church to Mr Henry Northleigh, or Northly, the poet, who had written epithalamiums in earlier days for other friends, was called upon to celebrate in like manner the wedding of his kinswoman in her own parish. In two short poems. The Entertainment or Porch Verse (313) and The Good-night or Blessing i^^iA^, he wishes, in the frank manner of the age, all married bliss to the bride and bridegroom. The Northleighs settled at Dean Prior after their marriage, and in the parish register we find the entries of their children's births. 114 P" Dean Prior Another poem of a festive character, which throws pleasant light upon Herrick's life at Dean Prior, is that entitled The Meadow Verse, or Anniversary, to Mistress Bridget Lowman (354). The Lowmans, like the Yardes, were the vicar- poet's parishioners, and were also relatives of Sir Edward Giles. Giles Lowman had married early in 1642 Welthian Austyn of Totnes, but his wife had died in the following year, and it was probably after her death that he had invited his sister Bridget to come and live with him. The Meadow Verse which, honouring one of the many rural ceremonies of the village, celebrates Bridget Lowman as " the meadow's deity " and " princess of the feast," is full of gay compliment ; but in the, Parting Verse which follows (355), and hich was recited when the feast was ended, a note of melancholy is heard ; and the poet, mindful of his griefs and his grey hairs, wonders whether, when next year's anniversary comes round, he will be alive to sing another meadow- verse in Bridget Lowman's honour. The life of the country vicar in his cell has often been represented as a life of solitude, broken only by the faithful ministrations of his house- keeper. Prudence Baldwin. Such a representa- tion, however, though based on the evidence of certain of the poet's own statements, is only partially true. Quite apart from Herrick's share in the life of the village, we have evidence that 115 Robert Herrick he both visited, and received visits from, friends at a distance, and also that for some length of time one of his sisters-in-law was living with him. The reader need scarcely be reminded that Herrick was by temperament no hermit, and that, if he practised at times the cloistral virtues, it was from compulsion and not from choice. The poem, entitled To his Maid, Prew {z"^"]), tells us that during the pleasant summer months the vicarage was not without guests. Who they were we know not, but it is pleasant to imagine that the poet gathered around his simple board at Dean Prior some of the old comrades of the *' tribe of Ben," and renewed, amid wassail bowls, spiced to the brim, the memories of by-gone years. When the guests have departed, the vicarage seems lonely, and the poet seizes the occasion to do honour to the faithful housekeeper who does not quit his side. When Herrick bade farewell to his many London friends and relations in 1629, many entreaties must have been made that he should soon return ; ** the music of a feast " could ill be spared from the festive board of the Apollo chamber at Temple Bar. We do not know to what extent the poet was able to comply with such entreaties, but there is evidence that he paid a visit to the old scenes in 1640. There is a curious poem in Musarum Delicice, pub- lished in 1655, the author of which was either 116 Dean Prior Herrick's old friend Sir John Mennes, or James Smith. It is entitled To Dr Weekes : an Invitation to London^ and from it we quote the following verses : How now, my John, what, is't the care Of thy small flock that keeps thee there ? Or hath the bishop, in a rage, Forbid thy coming on our stage ? Or want'st thou coin, or want'st thou steed ? These are impediments indeed. But, for thy flock, thy sexton may In due time ring, and let them pray. A bishop, with an offering, May be brought unto any thing. For want of steed, I oft see Vic Trudge up to town with hazel stick ; For coin, two sermons by the way Will host, hostess and tapster pay. A willing mind pawns wedding-ring. Wife, gown, books, children, anything ; No way neglected, nought too dear, To see such friends as thou hast here. . . . Ships lately from the islands came With wines thou never heard'st their name : Montefiasco, Frontiniac, Viatico, and that old Sack Young Herric took to entertain The muses in a sprightly vein. . . . A London goal, with friends and drink, Is worth your vicarage, I think. This amusing address to the vicar of Sher- well, with its pointed allusion to Weekes' friend, the author of the Welcome and Farewell to Sack, gives us shrewd insight into the temptations 117 Robert Herrick which beset the country vicar who had said farewell to the revelry of London. It can scarcely be doubted that the Vicar of Dean Prior was favoured with similar invitations, in verse or in prose, from the same circle of friends, and on one occasion at any rate the invitation was accepted. In a State Paper, undated, but belonging to the year 1640, we come upon the following disconcerting statement : Thomsen Parsons hath had a Bastard lately ; shee was brought to bedd at Greenw*"''. Mr Herricque a Minister possest of a very good Living in Devonshire hath not resided there haveing noe Lycence for his non-residence and not being Chapline to any Noble man or man qualifyed by Law as I heare, his Lodging is at West- minster in the little Amrie at Nicholas Wilkes his house where the said Thomsen Parsons lives. The endorsement of the letter is as follows : Mr Delles man abt Mr Henrique [sic] a minister. The statement, and the apparent insinua- tion of Mr Dell's man, call for notice. William Dell was secretary to Archbishop Laud, and among the State Papers are several references to him in the discharge of his duties. It was apparently his office to enquire into any breaches of canonical law, and any delinquencies on the part of clergymen who came under his special jurisdiction. In the discharge of these duties he doubtless had a number of men in his employ, 118 Dean Prior and the writer of the above letter was one of these. It can hardly be doubted that '* Mr Herricque," though the spelling in the endorse- ment is apparently " Henrique," is the author of the Hesperides. But who was Thomsen Parsons ? Among the Hesperides we meet with the following : On Thomasin Parsons (979). Grow up in beauty, as thou dost begin, And be of all admired, Thomasin. Also this : To Mistress Dorothy Parsons (500). If thou ask me, dear, wherefore I do write of thee no more, I must answer, sweet, thy part Less is here than in my heart. Mr A. W. Pollard is able to inform us who Thomasin and Dorothy Parsons were. They were the daughters of one of Herrick's musical acquaintances, Mr John Parsons, who was organist and master of the choristers at West- minster Abbey in the reign of James I., and died in 1623.^ There is no need to accept the insinuation of Mr Dell's man that Herrick was concerned with Thomasin Parsons' child. There is no record among the State Papers of any further steps being taken in the matter by either the archbishop's secretary or his master. ^ See Pollard's edition oi Herrick^ i. 318. 119 Robert Herrick It may be that Laud was too busy with other matters in 1640 to enquire into the suggestion of misconduct brought against a clergyman from Devonshire, or it may be that on examination he found Herrick innocent. We all know the couplet which rounds off the Hesperides : To his book's end this last line he'd have placed : Jocund his muse was, but his life was chaste — but the importance which we attach to this state- ment is somewhat lessened by the fact that it is a quotation from Ovid : Vita verecunda est, musa jocosa, mihi.^ The same declaration, however, is made, with some display of earnestness, in the poem To his Tombmaker (546), and those who have learnt to recognise the candour of Herrick in the Hesperides will be disposed to accept his claim to purity of life, in spite of " Mr Dell's man" : Go I must ; when I am gone, Write but this upon my stone ; ^ Chaste I liv'd, without a wife ; That's the story of my life. Strewings need none, every flower Is in this word bachelor. Leaving the matter as it stands, it is interest- ing to find that Herrick while In London was ^ Tristia^ ii. 354. 120 Dean Prior residing in his " beloved Westminster," in one of the houses in the Little Aumry close to the Abbey. During- his stay there he must have seen a good deal of old friends and kinsfolk, and it is probable that some of the poems to the Soames and Stones — his relations on his mother's side — and to the family of his brother Nicholas, the London merchant, were written at this time. It seems likely that what brought the poet to town in 1640 was the importunate demand of his verses for printer's ink. Herrick, acting in accordance with the fashion set by Sidney and some other Elizabethan poets, had up to now- neglected to publish any of his verses. They had circulated freely in manuscript, as the poems in the Ashmole, Rawlinson, and Harleian collec- tions show, and as is also evident from statements made in many of the poems themselves. But the thought of printing his effusions had been distasteful to him. In a couplet, entitled Posting to Printing (1022), he says. Let others to the printing press run fast ; Since after death comes glory, I'll not haste. But the march of years, bringing with it the death of friends in whose keeping his poetic fame chiefly rested, had led him to change his mind. It was all very well to invite noble Westmorland and gallant Newark to be the foster-fathers of his verses when their begetter was no more ; 121 Robert Herrick but in them ** nature's copy's not eterne," and Herrick clung to the faith in the immortality of his fame with a tenacity which has never been equalled. If this immortality was to be won, printing was necessary. As yet only one of his poems had been published. This was a truncated portion of Oberons Feast, which had appeared in 1635, ^^ ^ small volume bearing the following title-page : A I Description | of the King and Queene of | Fayries, their habit, fare, their ] abode, pompe and state. | Beeing very delightfull to the sense, and I full of mirth. | [Woodcut] | London. | Printed for Richard Harper, and are to be sold | at his shop, at the Hospitall gate, 1635. The place of honour in this collection of poems is awarded to Herrick's friend Sir Simon Steward, who contributes a poem, entitled A Description of the King of Faery's Clothes, which is declared to have been written as early as 1626. Next follows Herrick's poem, which is here entitled A Description of his Diet. Three other poems, Orpheus, The Fairies Fegaries, and The Melancholy Lover s Song from Fletcher's Nice Valour, bring the volume to a close. It is unknown whether Herrick had any knowledge of, or share in, the publication of this volume of fairy poems. Four years later we meet with the following entry, in the Stationers' Register : 122 Dean Prior *' 4 Nov. 1639. Entred for his Copie under the hands of doctor Wykes and Master Feather- ston, warden, An Addicion of some excellent Poems to Shakespeare's Poems by other gentle- men, vizt, His Mistris drawne and his mind by Benjamin Jonson. An Epistle to B. J. by Francis Beaumont. His Mistris Shade by R. Herrick, etc., vi. d." This volume was printed in the following year, and the poem here described as His Mistris Shade proves to be another version, with numerous variants, of the poem in the Hesperides, entitled The Apparition of his Mistress calling him to Elysium (575). On this occasion Herrick appears in noble company, and it may be that the inclusion of his poem in a volume con- taining verses by Shakespeare, Jonson, and Beaumont, was due to the tribute of esteem which His Mistris Shade brought to the memory of the last two poets. Mention is made of Shakespeare in this poem, and his mistress finds the authors of Evadne and Every Man in his Humour walking in the Elysian fields in the company of Homer, Anacreon, Virgil, Horace, *' witty Ovid" and **soft Catullus." The poem is one of the most sustained of the HesperideSy and suffers nothing by comparison with those of the mighty ones with which it is 123 Robert Herrick associated. The publisher of the volume was John Benson, and the licencer who is referred to as "doctor Wykes" was the poet's tried friend, the vicar of Sherwell. To be associated as a poet with Shakespeare, Jonson, and Beaumont was no small honour for one who until now had to seek his reputation mainly among the circle of friends in which his manuscripts had circulated, and Herrick's last scruples as to publishing his poems were now swept away. Five months after the above entry in the Stationers' Register, we meet with the following : " 29 Ap. 1640. Entred for his Copie under the hands of Master Hanley, and Master Bourne, warden. The Severall Poems, written by Master Robert Herrick. vj. d." The publisher who applied for this licence was Andrew Crooke. Of this volume nothing is known ; no copy has been traced, and it is un- certain whether the poems ever passed through the press. Did the poet, whose fastidious taste is expressed in his request to Julia to burn his poems rather than let them go forth unperfected, stay the printer's hand at the last moment, or did some one else step in and counsel delay? We can only conjecture. It may well have been with some reluctance that Herrick returned to his remote Devonshire parsonage after this visit to London. Although 124 Dean Prior not yet fifty, he had begun to feel old, and with this sense of aging years, his interest in country activities probably lessened, while his apprecia- tion of the comforts and good-fellowship of the town grew stronger. He is fond of telling us in his poems of his grey hairs and the approach of old age, but the following poem, written in the year 1 640-1, reiterates the theme with new earnestness : — A wearied pilgrim, I have wandered here Twice five-and-twenty, bate me but one year ; Long I have lasted in this world, 'tis true, But yet those years that I have lived, but few. Who by his grey hairs doth his lusters tell, Lives not those years, but he that lives them well. One man has reached his sixty years, but he. Of all those threescore, has not lived half three. He lives who lives to virtue ; men who cast Their ends for pleasure, do not live, but last.^ It is possible that, when he made the journey back to Dean Prior, he was not alone. In the verses, entitled No Spouse but a Sister {^i), he declares with considerable emphasis that he will spend his days as a bachelor : — And never take a wife To crucify my life, — but will keep house with a sister. The promise which he here makes seems to have been kept ; for in the list of burials in the register at Dean Prior 1 On Htmse/f (loSS). 125 Robert Herrick mention is made of '* Mrs Elizabeth Hearicke," who was buried on April ii, 1643, Elizabeth Herrick was his sister-in-law, and he wrote an epitaph on her death — No. 72 in the Hesperides, She was the wife of his brother William, who died between 1629 — the date of Julian Herrick's will, in which he is mentioned — and 1632, when his will was proved. She may have come to live with her brother-in-law immediately after her husband's death, or, as just indicated, she may have accompanied him there after his visit to London in 1640. The death of his sister-in-law, taking place as it did under his roof and at a time when civil war was raging in the land, must have brought sad and serious thoughts to the poet's mind. It is tempting to think of Herrick as the poet of eternal youthfulness, the maker of love-posies and the braider of garlands, the idle singer of an empty day. And it is probable that had he died in 1635, or even in 1640, such a conception would need little adjustment. But, scattered amid the lighter and gayer fancies of the Hesperides, are a number of poems which tell of sorrow, old age, decay of faculties, and approaching death. It is natural to connect these with the closing years of his stay at Dean Prior, though some of them may have been written in transient moods of despondency at an earlier period. References to old age and death are found in 126 Dean Prior poems of varied character, but they are most frequent in the verses which he addresses to his mistresses or to himself. The moods in which he faces the inevitable are very varied. Often enough he contemplates death in a half-playful and half-pathetic manner — the pathos being of the lightest — as in the fanciful Divtfiation by a Daffodil (107) or the address To Robifi Red- breast (50). At other times he is more serious, as for instance when he writes the poem entitled His Winding-sheet (515), or His last Request to Julia {log^). To private bereavement, and the sense of advancing old age, there was added, during these last years at Dean Prior, the anxiety caused by the trend of public affairs, and the consciousness of being on the side of the losing party. Herrick was by temperament and associations a Royalist, and though some members of his family sided with the Parliamentary cause, his allegiance to the king remained unshaken. It is not quite easy to determine his political tenets from the sentiments expressed in his verses. The great controversy which ended in the Civil War called forth from him a number of gnomic utterances, expressed for the most part in epigrammatic couplets. In some of these he appears as the exponent of extreme monarchical ideas. What, for instance, could be more in keeping with Stuart pretensions than the following "^ — 127 Robert Herrick 'Twixt Kings and subjects there's this mighty odds Subjects are taught by men ; kings, by the gods.^ The gods to kings the judgment give to sway ; The subjects' only glory to obey.^ On the other hand, the arbitrary conduct of Charles I. in the matter of taxation calls forth from him a mild protest in Moderation (780), and a more energetic one in Bad Princes Pill the People (826) :— Like those infernal deities which eat The best of all the sacrificed meat, And leave their servants but the smoke and sweat ; So many kings, and primates too, there are, Who claim the fat and fleshy for their share. And leave their subjects but the starved ware. The protest is couched in general terms, but it can hardly be doubted that the reference is to Charles I. and Laud. But though Herrick, like many another Royalist, may have chafed under arbitrary taxation, he was absolutely loyal to the king as soon as matters passed out of the bounds of parliamentary controversy into those of civil war. Included among the Hesperides are a number of poems which introduce us to that great conflict. Early in 1642, impending hostilities forced Charles and Henrietta apart. The latter 1 The Difference between Kings and Subjects (25). '^ Obedience in Subjects (269). 128 Dean Prior left England for Holland, where she proceeded to purchase munitions of war for the campaign, while her husband went northwards to collect troops. The separation of husband and wife moved Herrick to write his verses To the King and Queen upon their Unhappy Dis- tances (79). Here he is full of hope, and prophesies with gladness of heart a speedy reunion of husband and wife. But as the war proceeded, and the Royalist cause experienced defeat after defeat, his heart sank within him, In his poems, The Bad Season makes the Poet Sad [612) and Upon the Troublous Times (596), he writes in a mood of deep depression, though still hoping against 'hope that things will right themselves and Charles here rule as he before did reign." O times most bad, Without the scope Of hope Of better to be had ! Where shall I go, Or whither run To shun This public overthrow ? No places are, This I am sure, Secure In this our wasting war. 129 Robert Herrick Some storms we've past, Yet we must all Down fall, And perish at the last. The sentiment of these verses is not very heroic, but the poet's fighting days, if they ever existed, were long since over. In the early stages of the war Devonshire was in the hands of the Parliamentarians, but the victories of Lord Hopton at Stratton in Cornwall, in May 1643, had wrought a great change in the West. Herrick congratulated Hopton on his success,^ and the latter replied in practical fashion by advancing on Devonshire and winning over the greater portion of It to the king's slde.^ With the summer of 1644, the war approached very near to Herrick's vicarage. Queen Henrietta Maria was at Exeter, and on June 16 gave birth to the Princess Henrietta there. Then, making her way stealthily to the Cornish coast, she embarked on July 14 for France. A fortnight later, Charles himself was at Exeter, while a section of the Parliamentary army, under Essex, was at Tavistock, still nearer to Dean Prior. Herrick seized the occasion of the king's proximity to address to him a poem, To the King upon his Coming with his Army into the West {"J 7), as loyal in feeling as it is beautiful in expression : — ^ See the poem, To the Lord Hopton on his Fight in Cornwall (1002). 2 See S. R. Gardiner, History of the Great Civil War^ \. 162. 130 Dean Prior Welcome, most welcome, to our vows and us, Most great and universal genius ! The drooping West, which hitherto has stood As one in long-lamented widowhood, Looks like a bride now, or a bed of flowers Newly refreshed both by the sun and showers. War, which before was horrid, now appears Lovely in you, brave prince of cavaliers. A deal of courage in each bosom springs By your access, O you, the best of kings ! Ride on with all white omens ; so that where Your standard's up, we fix a conquest there. le hopefulness which warmed the poet's drooping spirits was, for the time at least, well sustained, and to Charles the verses of the Royalist vicar must have seemed of fair augury. The two armies met at Lostwithiel in Cornwall, at the end of August, and the battle resulted in a complete victory for the king. Early in the following year, the last of the west- ern campaigns took place. Fairfax, ** the rider of the white horse," as the Yorkshire people called him, was besieging Exeter and making raids up and down the county. On January i8th he carried Dartmouth by storm, and a day or two later he was at Totnes, five miles from Dean. While there, he called for a thousand recruits, and three times that number flocked to his standard. Nothing could show more plainly the change in temper of the people of South Devon towards the two contending parties. " We are 131 Robert Herrick come," said Cromwell to the new recruits, " to set you, if possible, at liberty from your taskmasters," and his word was believed.^ This chano-e in temper must have weighed heavily upon the vicar of Dean Prior, and doubtless inspired him to write his peevish outbursts upon the ** rocky generation, currish, churlish as the seas," amongst whom he must still continue to live. He summons up courage to address a spirited poem to Sir John Berkeley,^ who was bravely holding Exeter against the besiegers, and hails with gladness the arrival of Prince Charles at Exeter in the following August : — Meanwhile thy prophets watch by w^atch shall pray, While young Charles fights, and fighting wins the day : That done, our smooth-faced poems all shall be Sung in the high doxology of thee.^ But the poet's prevailing mood is best expressed by his poems Upon the Troublous Times and The Bad Season makes the Poet Sad, already referred to, or by his beautiful dirge upon the death of Lord Bernard Stuart, slain at Rowton Heath on September 24, 1646.^ Reduced to inactivity himself, he could but sit gloomily over his hearth with his '' familiar Lar," and nurse his wrath to keep it warm ; or, in serener moments, ^ Gardiner, The Great Civil War, ii. 431. 2 " To Sir John Berkeley, Governor of Exeter^'' (745). ^ To Prince Charles upon his Coining to Exeter (756). *No. 219. 132 I Dean Prior seek to draw comfort from those Good Thoughts m Bad Times which the genial optimist, Thomas Fuller, had just published at Exeter. The ejection of those clergymen who had refused to subscribe to the Solemn League and Covenant had begun as early as 1643, ^^^ Herrick's call did not come yet. For four years after that date he brooded in his vicarage, or took his solitary walks through the village, where there was neither maypole nor hock-cart to cheer his sight ; and then at last, in 1647, the summons came. With an elation of spirits that would have done credit to a schoolboy, he left his parishioners to the spiritual ministrations of Mr John Syms, and set out for London, '' blest place of my nativity," registering his solemn vow, as he crossed the rocky bed of Dean Burn, that never again would he endure the warty incivility of itself or its people : With whom I did, and may re-sojourn, when Rocks turn to rivers, rivers turn to men. 133 CHAPTER V LAST YEARS WHEN Herrick crossed Dean Burn and took the high-road to Exeter, his intention seems to have been, not to proceed direct to London, but to pay a visit first of all to his friend Weekes, at Sherwell near Barnstaple. Weekes, accord- ing to Anthony a Wood, ** suffered much for the Royal Cause," but it is uncertain whether he was dispossessed of his Devonshire living at this time.^ He was, at any rate, still in posses- sion when the notice to quit was served upon his friend. The last of Herrick's poems to his peculiar friend John Weekes, written upon his ejection from Dean Prior, is a characteristic effusion of humour, bonhomiey and independence of spirit : — Since shed or cottage I have none, I sing the more that thou hast one, To whose glad threshold and free door I may a poet come, though poor, And eat with thee a savoury bit, Paying but common thanks for it. . . .^ ^ See Walker, Sufferings of the Clergy^ p. 392. 2 No. 1056. 134 c ^-m-J^iy^A (t- '^ *< ^^~«*u*^«. I^Oyi^iA^U -//^^ ^W^«^ ^. .f FACSIMILE OF ONE OF HERRICK S LETTERS /« ^/id? possession of Canon Egerton Leigh Last Years We do not know how long Herrlck stayed with his friend, but the fact that he bore in his wallet the little volume of poems which was to win him his long-coveted immortality must have made him impatient to reach London and secure for his treasure the permanence of print. The joy which was his when at last the metropolis was reached is recorded in his memorable Return to London (713). The curious tangle of truth and error which goes to make up Wood's account of Herrick in the Athenae furnishes us with the in- formation that during a part of the time which elapsed between 1647 and 1662, the poet was residing in St Anne's Parish, Westminster. John Walker, who, though a Devonian, knew very little about, Herrick, says in his Sufferings of the Clergy, that '' after his ejectment he returned to London, and, having no fifths paid him, was subsisted by charity until the Restoration." ^ It is likely enough that both statements are correct as far as they go. Nothing is more probable than that the ejected vicar should take up his resi- dence in his " beloved Westminster," where, as we have seen, he was living in 1640 ; nor need we take offence at Walker's phrase that '* he sub- sisted by charity," provided that we understand by it simply that, having no income of his own, he was dependent upon the hospitality of relations and friends. * Sufferings of the Clergy, p. 263. 135 Robert Herrick It can hardly be that Herrick suffered from poverty during his exile. The presence in London of wealthy relations, including his own brother Nicholas,^ and the families of Soame and Stone, with whom he stood, as his poems show, on terms of intimacy, makes such an idea in- credible. We learn from what he says in The Plunder (460) that he left Dean Prior bereft of everything, but we can well believe that in 1647, as in 1629, he found among his numerous relations and friends plenty " to bear my charges." It is true that of his old patrons some were dead, and others, including Endymion Porter, in sore straits. But Mildmay Fane, Earl of Westmor- land was at hand, and busied, like Herrick himself, with the publication of his verses.^ Another friend of distinction was Henry Pierre- pont, eldest son of Viscount Newark, one of the ** foster-fathers " of the poet's verses, who was created Marquess of Dorchester in 1644, and to whom is addressed the Ultimus Heroum (962). Herrick's poetic activity continued right up to the time of publication. When Charles I. came to reside at Hampton Court on August 24, 1647, under the protection of the Parliamentary army, 1 Nicholas Herrick was living in Goodman's Fields, in the parish of St Mary Matfelon, county of Middlesex, where he died, May 23, 1665. See Smith's Obituary (Camden Society) and Miscellanea Genealogica et Heraldica, Second series, i. 98. 2 They appeared under the title, Otia Sacra^ in the same year as the Hesperides. 136 Last Years the poet, loyal to his sovereign to the end, welcomed his arrival there with glowing verses which, like the lyrics of earlier days, were set to music and sung in the royal presence. To some of those who listened to the song there must have seemed grim irony in the strains of the chorus : Long live the King ! and, to accomplish this, We'll from our own add far more years to his.^ And now at last the time, long foreseen and long delayed, had arrived when the poet was to secure for his minstrelsy that safe-conduct to fame which he had coveted with no ordinary avidity. His book of poems had, he tells us, been passing freely from hand to hand in these London days,^ and with each meed of praise that was bestowed upon it, the desire to publish must have grown stronger. He found publishers in John Williams and Francis Eglesfield of St Paul's Churchyard, and the printing of the manuscript began. It seems that his first intention was to publish the Noble Numbers before the Hesperides. In the original edition of 1648 his sacred verses, though they stand last, have a separate title-page, which bears the date 1647, whereas the Hesperides are dated in the following year. This intention, however, of keeping his best wine until the end of the feast was subsequently abandoned, and all 1 To the Ki?tg (961). 2 7-^ /^2j Book (3). 137 Robert Herrick subsequent editors have followed the order of the original edition. There is some difference of view as to Herrick's share in the ordering of the poems as they stand in the printed volume. It was the opinion of Grosart that *'the poet himself had nothing to do with the arrangement or disarrangement" of the poems, and this opinion is shared by some later editors. It rests mainly upon the total disregard of chronological order, and indeed of any other order, in the Hesperides, which makes it impossible, in the case of the majority of the verses, to say when they were written. But it is by no means certain that this disorder was not intentional on the poet's part. It is clear that he exercised some supervision over the printer. He prefixed to the volume a number of corrections of printer's errors, together with the following apology for their occurrence : For these transgressions, which thou here dost see, Condemn the printer, reader, and not me. Who gave them forth good grain, though he mistook The seed ; so sowed these tares throughout my book. Had the printer, in addition to making typo- graphical errors, wantonly disarranged the order of the poems, Herrick, we may readily believe, would have drawn attention to the fact; nay, more, would he not have seared the miscreant with an epigram, white-hot from the caldron of his wrath, 138 I ■jr : I Last Years and enshrined it within the covers of his book ! The disorderliness of the collection is also not quite so complete as it seems. We may not go as far as Henry Morley and recognise the poet's ** design to use poems as foils and settings to one another," but the same editor is certainly right in drawing attention to the careful opening and close of the book." ^ The first eight poems in the Hesperides are clearly introductory. They give the "argument," tell us something of the manner of composition and of the poet's mis- givings as to publication ; they indicate '* when he would have his verses read," and include an admonition ** to the sour reader." In like manner, the last seven poems are an obvious farewell, in which he reiterates his hopes of poetic immortality, dismisses his Ariel from his service and commits his poems to the safe keep- ing of kindly spirits — or the fire : Go thou forth, my book ; though late, Yet be timely fortunate. It may chance good luck may send Thee a kinsman, or a friend. That may harbour thee, when I With my fates neglected lie. If thou know'st not where to dwell, See, the fire's by : farewell.^ It must also be borne in mind that, in placing side by side a lyric of exquisite beauty and a ^ Introduction to Hesperides in Morley's Universal Library. 2 To his Book {\\2^). 139 Robert Herrick coarse epigram, Herrick had, in some measure, the high warrant of his friend and master, Ben Jonson. In that poet's Underwoods we find a love song of great beauty, and almost immediately before it an *' Epigram to the Smallpox." A similar disorder also appears in the Carmina of Catullus, which were also among the most prized possessions of Herrick. In the absence, therefore, of all proof to the contrary, it is natural to assume that the arrangement of the Hesperides was in accordance with the poet's wishes. Another theory advanced by Dr Grosart is that " the verse celebrations addressed to friends and eminent contemporaries were evidently designed to form a separate work." The matter is not one of importance, seeing that such a work, if it ever existed in manuscript, was never published. The theory has been carefully examined by Dr E. E. Hale in his dissertation. Die chronologische Anordnung der Dichtungen Robert Herricks, and with his refutation of it I am disposed to agree. The volume was dedicated to the *' most illustrious and most hopeful Prince, Charles, Prince of Wales," who is addressed in verses which fully come up to the standard of adulation which the occasion, and the age, demanded. Eighteen years before he had sung the birth of * Grosart, Memorial Introduction to Hesperides^ p. cxiv. 140 Last Years the prince, and in 1645 he had welcomed him with a paean of exultation on his coming to Exeter. The title-page deserves more careful consideration. It reads as follows : '' Hesperides : or the Works, both Humane and Divine, of Robert Herrick, Esq." There are here three points to notice. First, the title Hesperides, including as it does the ''humane and divine" poems, is clearly meant to be a general title, covering both the Hesperides proper and the Noble Numbers. In the second place, the addition of the word * esquire' to Herrick's name suggests that on his ejection from Dean Prior he had assumed layman's dress, and as a layman desired to appear before the public. Again, the beautiful title, Hesperides, is significant. It can hardly be doubted that in adopting it, he intended his readers to understand that it was as "children of the West Country " that he wished his poems to be regarded. Some of them, as we know, were written elsewhere ; but the title, read in the light of what he tells us in his poem. To his Muse (2) makes it probable that the majority of them belong to the Dean Prior period. The design of the frontispiece, with the bust of the poet on a pedestal, was the work of the engraver William Marshall, who had, earlier in his career, engraved portraits of Bacon, Donne, and Milton. This, our only portrait of Herrick, 141 Robert Herrick is worse than nothing at all, for it can be little better than a caricature. We may, perhaps, accept the lustrous eye, the thick, tight curls, and the curious beak-like nose which calls to mind the busts of the Emperor Vespasian ; but the fat stolidity of the rest of the face, together with the grotesque neck, leave us incredulous, or indignant. It is to be feared that the reception accorded to Herrick's volume of poems by the reading public fell far short of his hopes and expectations. Thomas Hunt of Exeter may have quickly disposed of his copies of the work among the poet's friends and admirers in Devonshire, but it is doubtful whether the same can be said of the London firm of publishers. No second edition appeared until more than a hundred and fifty years afterwards. The immortality of fame which the poet had promised himself and those in whose honour he indited his verses must have seemed to him a delusive will-o'-the-wisp. That immortality is now at last assured, but it is doubtful whether even Herrick, with all his buoyancy and assurance of poetic power, could have strained his gaze as far forward as the nineteenth century, which redeemed him from oblivion and set him amongst his peers. It is to be feared that to the sadness which must have fallen on Herrick in the long years of Puritan 142 Last Years rule, there was added the sense of failure in the hopes which had been so long and so fervently cherished. The small esteem which was set upon the poems at the time of their appearance has been attributed to the untowardness of the times. '' Herrick," says Mr Edmund Gosse, *' brought out the Hesperides a few months before the King was beheaded, and people were invited to listen to little madrigals upon Julia's stomacher at the singularly inopportune moment when the eyes of the whole nation were bent on the unpre- cedented phenomenon of the proclamation of an English republic." ^ It would be idle to deny that there is truth in Mr Gosse's words, yet it is doubtful whether the year 1648 was more inop- portune for the publication of a volume of poems than the years which immediately preceded or those which immediately followed it. In this con- nection, too, it must be borne in mind that, within the years 1645-51, a large amount of poetry passed through the press, some of it being received with an appreciation which was not greatly lessened by the troubled state of national affairs. In 1645, the year of Naseby and Row- ton Heath, appeared the poems of Milton and Waller — the former received with comparative silence, the latter with rapturous applause. In 1646 Crashaw's Steps to the Temple was published, ^ Seventeenth-Century Studies^ p. 115. 143 Robert Herrick and both Vaughan and Shirley saw through the press a volume of poems. In 1647 Abraham Cowley added to his already over-topping reputation by the publication of the Mistress. The year 1648 belongs almost exclusively to Herrick among poets of note, but the following year brought to light the epodes, odes, sonnets, and songs which Lovelace linked to the name of Lucasta, and Thomas Stanley's volume of Trans- lations from Latin lyrists. In 1650 Vaughan published the first part of Silex Scintillans and in 1651 appeared Davenant's Gondibert, Vaughan's Olor Iscanus, the original poems of Stanley, and the collected works — poems and plays — of William Cartwright. In the face of evidence such as this, the reasons for the neglect of Herrick, in his own and succeeding generations, must be sought, in part at least, elsewhere. They are to be found in the fact that for his most delicate and im- perishable things the age was out of tune. When the wit of Cowley and Waller was in the ascendant, the imagination of Herrick was at its nadir. To the contemporaries of Samuel Pepys, the fairy-poems, the descriptions of May-poles, hock-carts, wassails, wakes, and lyrics like '' The Mad Maid's Song" or '* Corinna's going a- Maying," must have seemed, like the Mid- summer Nighfs Dream, insipid and ridiculous. 144 Last Years With the publication of the Hesperides in 1648, Herrick's work as a poet was practically over. The only known poem of his which belongs to a later date is The New Charon,^ written on the death of the young Lord Hastings in 1649 ; like other lyrics of happier days it was set to music by the friend of Herrick and Milton, Mr Henry Lawes. The poem is in eclogue form, the speakers being Charon and Eucosmia ; the latter was the daughter of Sir Theodore Mayerne, the physician, to whom Hastings was betrothed. It is not without delicate fancy, but the fact that the general idea of the poem is drawn from the earlier Charon and Philomel (730) is a sign of the author's waning power. Perhaps the chief interest in it is its inclusion in the volume of memorial verses, entitled Lachrymae Musarum, alongside of similar poems by Denham, Marvell, Dryden, and others. So placed, it associates Herrick with the master-poet of the Restoration in the same way that the verses, entitled His Mistress Shade, published in 1 640, had associated him with Shakespeare. Of Herrick's life under the Commonwealth and Protectorate we know absolutely nothing. We may surmise that it was spent chiefly in London in the society of his relations, friends, and other "outed" clergymen: a visit to his ^ Pollard, ii. 270. K 145 Robert Herrick sister, Mercy Wingfield, and her family at Brantham in Suffolk was also doubtless paid. There must have been some small excitement for him in 1651, when his cousin, Richard Herrick, third son of Sir William, and Warden of the Collegiate Church of Manchester, was imprisoned in the Tower on a charge of high treason. There is no evidence of friendship between the poet and any of Sir William's sons since the time when the eldest of them, William, then an Oxford student, had proposed to pay a visit to Cambridge and lodge with Robert at the time of the royal visitation of 161 5. Political sympathies had forced the cousins farther apart, for the family of Sir William had sided with the Parliament and shown strong Puritan leanings. Richard Herrick had, like his cousin, entered the Church, and in 1635 ^^^ been appointed to the important and lucrative post of Warden of the Collegiate Church of Manchester. He took an active part in the struggle of the succeeding years, published in 1 64 1 three sermons in duodecimo, and dedicated them to the House of Commons. Amid the checkered fortunes of the Civil War, Richard Herrick, endowed as he was with some of his father's qualities for achieving material success, managed to hold his own; but in 1651 he was imprudent enough to join a party of discontented 146 Last Years Presbyterians in what was known as the London Conspiracy, with the intention of overthrowing the republican form of government. On June II, 1 65 1, he was thrown into the Tower, and remained there in close custody for several months. On October 4, however, an order for his discharge was signed, and he was bound over to keep the peace on a bond of ;^400 and two sureties of ^200 each, " if he can procure them." ^ The restoration of Charles II. to the throne of his fathers could have been desired by no one more heartily than the poet who had sung his birth and dedicated to him his most prized possession. He witnessed, we may be sure, the King's triumphal entry into London on May 29, 1660, and his coronation in Westminster Abbey eleven months later. We may well believe, too, that old as he now was — he was in his seventieth year when Charles was crowned — he looked to the King for promotion and for putting an end to the long period of inactivity, during which he had been dependent on others for the means of subsistence. Even before the King returned from his ** travels," Samuel Pepys makes the following entry in his Diary: "May 21, 1660. At Court I find that all things grow high. The 1 See Calendar of State Papers, 1651, pp, 247, 401, 457, 465, 466 ; also Grosart's Memorial hitroduction, p. cclxxx., and Diction- ary of National Biography. 147 Robert Herrick old clergy talk as being sure of their lands again, and laugh at the Presbytery ; and it is believed that the sales of the King's and Bishops' lands will never be confirmed by Parliament, there being nothing now in any man's power to hinder them and the King from doing what they had a mind, but everybody willing to submit to any- thing." But the restoration of the ejected clergymen to their livings did not proceed with the rapidity which was expected. Until the passing of the Act of Uniformity, most of the Presbyterian ministers, including John Syms of Dean Prior, were safe. On May 31, 1662, we meet with another significant entry in Pepys' Diary : '' The Act for Uniformity is lately printed, which, it is thought, will make mad work among the Presbyterian ministers. People of all sides are very much discontented ; some thinking themselves used, contrary to promise, too hardly ; and the other that they are not rewarded so much as they expected by the King." It would be pleasant to gain some inkling of Herrick's feelings at this time of clerical expecta- tion. Did he hope for promotion to some prebend's stall such as his friend Weekes had enjoyed at Bristol under Charles I., or did he desire a living which would have allowed him to spend the remaining years of his life in the ** blest place of his nativity " .-^ If such were his 148 I Last Years hopes, they met with disappointment. He was not passed over, but restored to the old living in " dull Devonshire," which he had promised to re- visit only when Rocks turn to rivers, rivers turn to men. John Syms, the Presbyterian, refused to subscribe to the Act of Uniformity, even as his predecessor had refused the Solemn League and Covenant. He was ejected on August 24, and then the parishioners of Dean Prior prepared to welcome back to their midst their former Vicar. The home-coming of Herrick to Dean Prior in 1662 is a subject worthy of the painter's canvas. Arriving as he did in the autumn of the year, when the hock-cart was bringing in the last sheaves of the harvest, his return must have seemed to many a simple soul in the parish like the return — the re-incarnation — of some genial woodland divinity who, after long years of absence, had come back to dwell amongst them once more, to restore to them their wakes and may-poles, and to *' wassail " their apple-trees against the ravages of the foul fiend, Flibberti- gibbet. They had turned from him and reviled him in the dark days of the forties, and he had retorted with stinging epigrams ; but when he had left them, with the solemn vow never to return, they thought of the part which he had 149 Robert Herrick played in the rustic festivals that were now taken from them ; and when they lay awake in bed, they remembered how he had taught them to repeat his Litany to the Holy Spirit until slumber overtook them. And now at last he had come back again in spite of his vow, and all was to be as before. There were to be Christmas mummings again, and the burning of brands on Candlemas day ; charms might once more be pronounced at bread-making, and ** the hag that rides the mare " be scared away at the sight of the hooks and shears suspended in the stables ; above all, there was to be a blessed restoration of cakes and ale, and of *' ginger hot i' the mouth." We can imagine the smile of amusement that played on the faces of priest and parishioners, as the former crossed the waters of the once execrated Dean Burn and entered the village. But it was not a ''rocky generation" which conducted the vicar along the half-mile of Devonshire lanes which led to the church and the vicarage, where the faithful Prudence Baldwin, reinstated like her master, was waiting to receive him. On both sides there was something to forget, but also much to remember that was tender and true. For twelve years he remained amongst his people, and then, in the October of the year 1674, a few months after John Milton, he passed away. 150 Last Years No tombstone remains to mark the spot where he lies in the Httle churchyard that fronts the moor, but in the parish register we meet with the following entry : Robert Herrick, Vicker, was buried y® 15*** day of October, 1674. Four years later, in the same register, another entry stands : Prue Balden [i.e. Baldwin] was buried y* 6*'' day of January, 1678. 151 PART II THE WORKS I I CHAPTER I THE LYRIC OF THE ENGLISH RENAISSANCE TO appreciate aright the qualities of the Hesperides, it is necessary first of all to determine the relation in which those poems stand to contemporary poetry and to the poetry of the preceding age. Herrick, though much of his life was lived in seclusion, never outgrew the influences which moulded his youth ; from first to last his poetry bears upon it the impress of the late Jacobean and early Caroline age. Ben Jonson, alive or dead, was still his master, and no poet paid the dues of discipleship more loyally. Again, the relation of Herrick to Jonson and other seventeenth century lyrists opens up a larger field of enquiry. In what position, we ask, does this Jacobean and Caroline lyric stand to the Elizabethan ? Are the verses of Carew, Herrick and Suckling in the direct line of succession from that great out- burst of Elizabethan song, the preluding strains of which are heard in the lyrics of Wyatt and Surrey? And if so, what differences of form and temper can be observed as we pass from the sixteenth to the seventeenth century .-^ In reply 155 Robert Herrick to questions such as these, it may at once be said that there is a general tendency to regard EngHsh lyric poetry from the beginning of Elizabeth's reign onwards to the Restoration as possessed of a certain unity. It is the lyric of the English Renaissance, and as such, it falls into line with the drama of the Renaissance, the evolution of which falls, roughly speaking, within the same period. If the spirit of the Renaissance is breathed into the sonnets of Sidney or Spenser, so is it also into the songs of Milton's Comus and Arcades. But if there is general agreement as to the period over which this Renaissance lyric extends, there is the widest divergence of opinion as to the relationship which the lyric poetry of the seventeenth century bears to that of the sixteenth. On the one hand, we are told that the Jacobean and Caroline lyric shows the gradual dying away of the splendid harmonies of Elizabethan song ; on the other, that this later lyric, so far from exhibiting signs of decay, marks the triumphant consummation of all that has gone before. The former view is that taken by certain distinguished American students of our lyric poetry. Thus Professor Schelling assures us that, when we reach the days of the Stuart kings, "the golden summer of the English lyric is on the wane ; " ^ while Professor Barrett Wendell, tracing the ^ A Book of Elizabethan Lyrics^ p. xxxiii. 156 I r Lyric of the English Renaissance changes in the temper of the English people during the seventeenth century, bids us see the process of disintegration at work in the Caroline lyric as surely as in the Caroline drama.^ The opposite view is held by the most distinguished master of lyric poetry in our own generation, Mr Swinburne. *' It is singular," he writes, '* that the first great age of English lyric poetry should have been also the one great age of English dramatic poetry : but it is hardly less singular that the lyric school should have advanced as steadily as the dramatic school declined from the promise of its dawn. Born with Marlowe, the drama rose at once with Shakespeare to heights inaccessible before and since and for ever, to sink through bright gradations of glorious decline to its final and beautiful sunset in Shirley : but the lyrical record that begins with the author of Euphues and Endymion grows fuller if not brighter through a whole chain of constellations till it culminates in the crowning star of Herrick." ^ The contemporaneous expression of views so divergent as these calls for a close examination of the lyric of the English Renaissance, and a judicious weighing of the evidence for and against the theory of decadence. In making such an examination, it will be convenient to 1 The Seventeenth Century in English Literature. 2 Preface to Herrick's Poems (Muses' Library edition). Robert Herrick ignore for the time being the work of Herrick himself; the relation which his poems bear to the general poetic tendencies of the age will be the theme of a subsequent chapter. During the first thirty years of Elizabeth's reign jthe form of lyric most in vogue was the popular song. This was an heirloom of the fast vanishing Middle Ages, and it is no easy matter to discover whence it came. In its danc- ing rhythm, in its artlessness and spontaneity, in its fondness for a refrain and for repetitions, some of which take the form of meaningless interjections like '' Hey, nonny, nonny! " it recalls, in no uncertain way, the communal folk-song of a primitive age. But with this element of folk- song are mingled strains of a less remote ancestry. Among these we may discover the convivial drinking-songs of medieval scholares vagantes, with Walter Map as their Coryphaeus ; also Christmas carols of Norman origin, acclaim- ing with joyous cries of Noel ! Noel ! the birth of the infant Christ, or, in lighter mood, welcoming the entrance into the baronial hall of the festive boar's head of Yuletide : Caput apri refero Resonans laudes domino. With these, too, are mingled the religious and didactic songs, and the semi-religious lullabies, which sprang to life under the shadow of church 158 r Lyric of the English Renaissance and minster, and which had withstood the Reformation ; likewise, the popular love-songs of medieval minstrelsy, the pedlar-songs andhunting- songs ; and, finally, all the store of lyric mirth which ushered in, and gave a ceremonial char- acter to, the great festivals of May-day, Harvest- Home and Christmas. Until the influence of the Italian Renaissance was felt in England, this popular song was truly national in character ; its strains were heard at the monarch's court as well as in the market- place or the furrow. In Wynkyn de Worde's Song-Book^ published in 1530, and intended to serve the needs of Henry VIII. and his courtiers, appear such popular songs as "• Mynyon, go trym," '' We Maydins berth the bell-a," and '* Beware my lytyl fynger." Nearly half a century later, too, when Queen Elizabeth was at Kenilworth, we find that Leicester summoned to his aid the versatile " Captain Cox," a mason of Coventry, who, among other forms of enter- tainment, produced ** a bunch of ballets and songs, all ancient," with which to delight the queen's ears ; and included amongst these we find *' Bonny lass upon a green," *' By a bank as I lay," '' Over a whinny, Meg," and other songs of a distinctly popular character.^ 1 Edited by R. Imelmann, (Shakespeare Jahrbuch, xxxix., p. 121.) 2 Captain Cox^ his Ballads and Books^ ed. F. J. Furnivall (Ballad Society Publications) 1871. 159 Robert Herrick A few years later, however, the popular song in England received a blow from which it has never entirely recovered. In 1588, Nicholas Yonge published his Musica Transalpinay a collection of madrigals and canzonets, translated from such Italian authors as Petrarch and Ariosto, and set to music by Orlando di Lasso, Alfonzo Ferrabosco, and other Italian musicians of the period. Now the madrigal, with its contra- puntal music, its single strophe, its Italian grace and Petrarchan sentiment, was directly opposed to the homely words and simple recurring melody, with attendant refrain, of the popular song ; and, at a time when everything Italian was welcomed with open arms by English courtiers, it is easy to see that, in the conflict which arose between the two classes of song-lyric, the mad- rigal must win the victory. The Fitzwilliam Virginal Book shows that one or two of the early madrigalists, like William Byrd and Thomas Morley, were still ready to supply musical settings to such a popular song as, "The Carman's Whistle," but their main energies were directed towards the furtherance of the Italian song-lyric. Between twenty and thirty collections of madrigals and canzonets were published in England between 1588 and the close of the century, and in the production of these the leading English com- posers of the time, Morley, Weelkes, Wilbye, Farmer, and others, were directly engaged. 160 r ft ■ I Lyric of the English Renaissance The literary quality of these madrigals is for the most part poor ; and only in a small number of instances do we know who wrote the words, which throughout, and contrary to the practice in the popular song, are subservient to the music. A recent historian of English music, Mr E. Walker, speaking of the old madrigal books, says : '' The words are printed in so casual and incomplete a fashion as to suggest that even when they were sung, the singer was allowed a very free hand." ^ A few of the madrigals and canzonets have a strain of homeliness in them, and touch on popular themes almost after the manner of the folk-song. Such is the case, for instance, with the twentieth canzonet in Thomas Morley's collection of 1593, in which a rustic wedding is presented in the following idyllic manner : — List, hark yon Minstrells, how fine they firck it, And how the maids irck it. With Kate and Will, Tom and Gill. Now a skip, Then a trip. Finely fet aloft, Ther againe as oft. All for Daphnes wedding day ! Hey ho, fine brave holiday ! ^ 1 History of Music in England, I907> P- 60. 2 Bolle, Die gedruckten englischen Liederbiicher (Palaestra, vol. xxix, p. 65). L 161 Robert Herrick But for the most part they are artificial, and foreign, both in sentiment and expression, to the genius of EngHsh folk-song. The prevailing theme is love, which is treated in the conven- tional fashion familiar to us in most of the sonnet-sequences of the same period, and the mood of the poet-lover is one of wistful melancholy. An air of unreality pervades the madrigals, and only very occasionally do they attain the unstudied grace and golden cadence of the best Miscellany-lyrics, or of the Airs which were destined to replace them after the turn of the century. The following madrigal, taken from John Wilbye's collection, published in 1598, is typical of the general style and average attain- ment of this form of lyric. From a musical standpoint Wilbye's work ranks very high : — Alas, what a wretched life is this ! Nay, what a death, where tyrant Love commandeth. My flowering days are in their prime declining. All my proud hopes quite fallen, and life untwining. My joys, each after other, in haste are flying. And leave me dying For her that scorns my crying. O she from hence departs, my love refraining. From whom, all heartless, alas, I die complaining.^ The swift descent of the popular song from the banqueting-hall to the ale-house, as soon as the Italian song-lyric gained a footing in the land, is * A. H. BuUen, Some Shorter Elizabethan Lyrics^ 1903, p. 150. 162 I p Lyric of the English Renaissance clearly indicated by George Puttenham. In his Arte of English Poesie, published only one year after the appearance of Yonge's Musica Transalpina, he speaks of the popular song in the following contemptuous manner : '* The over busie and too speedy returne of one maner of tune [doth] too much annoy and as is were glut the eare, unlesse it be in small and popular Musickes, song by these Cantabanqid upon benches and barrels heads, where they have none other audience then boys or countrey fellowes that passe by them in the streete ; . . . also they be used in Carols and rounds and such light or lascivious Poemes, which are commonly more commodiously uttered by these buffons or vices in playes then by any other person." ^ Puttenham's reference to the ** buffons or vices in playes " brings us in the next place to consider the lyrics scattered, often with lavish hand, through the dramas of the Elizabethan stage. Lyric poetry, in the form of the popular song, had found a place already in the Mystery and Morality plays of the medieval period ; and when, early in Elizabeth's reign, we reach the beginnings of true comedy in England, we find that the value of the lyric as furnishing relief from the dramatic tension is fully re- cognised. Songs are frequent in Ralph Roister Bolster and Gammer Gurtons Needle^ and it 1 Ed. Arber, p. 96. 163 Robert Herrick would be hard to find lyrics which cleave more closely to the popular tradition than '' I mun be maried a Sunday," of the former, or *' Backe and syde go bare, go bare," of the latter. Lyly in his Court Comedies replaced the folk-songs by lyrics of a more cultured and artificial nature, but most of the dramas written for the public stage remain, until the close of the century, true to the artless speech and simple melodies of the popular song. Nothing, indeed, indicates the essentially popular character of the Elizabethan drama of this period more faithfully than the tenacity with which it clung to this form of lyric, at a time when madrigal, canzonet and ballet were in the noontide of their power. And of all the dramatists of the time Shakespeare remained throughout his career the most loyal to the native tradition. In his early venture, Loves Labour s Lost, he introduces art-lyrics, in the form of sonnets, side by side with such a simple song as ''When daisies pied and violets blue;" but the experiment is not repeated, and in his later dramas he keeps very close to the popular melodies. Shakespeare, too, is the only dramatist of the time who attempted to do for the folk- songs of England what Burns did, on a far larger scale, for the folk-songs of Scotland, that is, remodel them and endue them with new life. We know for a certainty that he did this in the case of Desdemona's willow-song, and it is 164 I r Lyric of the English Renaissance probable that the same remodelHng has taken place in the case of the jester's song at the end of Twelfth Night. And even where his songs are obviously new creations, and where they admit neither of refrain nor of recurring phrases, they still possess the simplicity of manner and the tunefulness of the folk-song. When we turn from the lyric which was written to be sung, to the lyric which was written to be read, we are at once confronted with the sonnet- sequences and the lyrics of the Miscellanies. The vogue of the sonnet in Elizabethan England synchronises almost exactly with that of the madrigal. Introduced into our literature by Wyatt and Surrey, it made little progress until the last decade of the century ; then, after the publication of Sidney's Astrophel and Stella in 1 59 1, it claimed the services of almost all the poets of the day, and, in spite of occasional protests, enjoyed an extraordinary vogue right up to the close of the century. It is unnecessary, after all that has been written about the Re- naissance sonnet, to dwell long upon it here. In England, as in Italy and France, it is an essentially romantic and idealistic form of lyric. Of Provencal origin, it retains from first to last the spirit of medieval chivalry, the spirit of worship and service. To render the homage of pure adoration to her whose beauty has him in thrall, and to serve her 165 Robert Herrick with a loyalty which asks for no reward, is the paramount quest of the sonneteer from Dante to Spenser. With this spirit of medieval chivalry had mingled, from the time of Petrarch onwards, the ethereal aura of Platonic idealism, imparting to the lyric love a mystic rapture, and removing it yet further from sensuous passion and the touch of reality. In virginal purity, innate nobility, and soaring exaltation, there is no love lyric in the world which equals the best of the Renaissance sonnets. Yet it was this very idealism, and this aloofness from the world of sense, which, when the sonnet became the fashion of the hour, brought about its fall. It was easy for a Galahad soul like that of Edmund Spenser to scale the heights of chivalrous idealism, and to join with Plato in mystic communion with that Aphrodite Urania, who is heavenly borne and cannot die. Being a parcell of the purest skie. But sonneteers of less ethereal temper, striving to soar with Petrarch or Spenser, and feigning a love which they did not feel, were only too often carried away, ** ten thousand leagues awry," into the arid regions of false sentiment and rhetoric. The edicts of fashion made sonnet- writing a literary convention, and then the prostrate humility and despairing sighs of i66 r Lyric of the English Renaissance the poet-lover strike us chill, and we lose all sense of the individuality of himself and of the mistress whom he celebrates. From the first, the artificiality of the sonnet had been discerned and censured. Sir Philip Sidney, who set the fashion in England, and whose sonnets have more of the sense of reality in them than most of those which followed, was, curiously enough, the first to point out its unreality. Speaking in his Apologie of '* that Lyricall kind of Songs and Sonnets," he says : *' But truely many of such writings, as come under the banner of unresist- able love, if I were a Mistres, would never perswade mee they were in love ; so coldely they apply fiery speeches, as men that had rather red Lovers writings, and so caught up certaine swelling phrases, which hang together, like a man which once told mee, the winde was at North West and by South, because he would be sure to name windes enowe, — than that in truth they feele those passions : which easily (as I think) may be bewrayed by that same forciblenes or Energia (as the Greekes cal it) of the writer." ^ A few years later we find the witty young Templar, Sir John Davies, subjecting the practice of sonneteering to wholesome parody in his Gulling Sonnets ; and when the end of the century is reached, we see how the fashion is passing swiftly away. * Apologie, ed. Shuckburgh, p. 57. 167 Robert Herrick The lyrics of the Elizabethan miscellanies lack the definiteness of form, or even of theme, found in the lyrics of the madrigal-books and the sonnet-cycles. They are anthologies, formed by enterprising publishers at a time when poets set little store by the fortunes of their writings, and gathered from the romances, the sonnet-sequences, the song-books, and from whatever manuscript collections were accessible. There is, accordingly, great variety in the character and quality of these miscellany-lyrics, and in such a collection as England's Helicon (1600), we come upon many of the choicest flowers of Elizabethan lyric poetry. Delightfully simple and spontaneous, too, as many of these lyrics are, they are in the main art-lyrics, and have little in common with the folk-song. The miscellanies were compiled for cultured and courtly circles of readers, and it is worthy of note that, while the compilers often cast their net very wide, they set no store by the matchless song-lyrics of the dramas which follow the tradition of the popular melodies. Thus the anthology, entitled The Passionate Pilgrim, which the pirate publisher, William Jaggard, compiled in 1599, and fathered upon Shakespeare, contains the three sonnets of Loves Labour's Lost, but none of the snatches of song scattered through that and through Shakespeare's other early comedies. The ban of vulgarity which rested upon the autochthonous song-lyric during the 168 r Lyric of the English Renaissance closing years of the sixteenth century was not to be lifted by publishers, eager at all costs to fall in with the prevailing fashions. But if these lyrics of the miscellanies are a little artificial as compared with the wood-notes wild of Shake- speare and Dekker, they seem artlessness itself when set by the side of most of the sonnet- sequences and most of the collections of madrigals. In buoyancy and verbal melody, in the absence of intellectual strain and the perfect subjugation of thought to feeling, the best lyrics of Marlowe, Breton and Lodge have never been surpassed. These lyrics are less dominated by foreign literary influences than the sonnet and the mad- rigal ; yet, as we read them, we feel the presence of the Italy of the Renaissance. This manifests itself in the glow of romantic idealism with which they are suffused, in the pleasant garb of pastoralism which they assume, and in a certain innocent hedonism, which seems a little foreign to our sober English temper even in the heyday of the Renaissance. Varied in character as these lyrics are, the quality which is common to almost all of them is that of youthfulness. We have here the lyric of a nation in the first glory of adolescence, whose movements have an in- definable rhythmic grace, and whose outlook upon the world is untroubled by care or mis- giving. It is a lyric which recreates for us . 169 Robert Herrick the golden age long dreamed of by the poets of antiquity. Come live with me and be my love, And we will all the pleasures prove, That valleys, groves, hills and fields, Woods, or steepy mountains, yields. Thus sings Christopher Marlowe in the exuber- ance of youthful ardour, and the strain is taken up by a whole chorus of poets, who sing because they must. It is indicative of this quality of youthful- ness in the lyrics of the miscellanies that the note of intensity is rarely heard in them. Occupied as they are with the all-absorbing theme of love, we look in vain for the poignancy and passion which appear, a few years later, in the lyrics of Donne. The lyric love is the creation of the poetic imagination, which never comes into touch with the hard facts of life, and finds utterance only in the golden world of Arcadian fancy. The proffered love may not find acceptance, but denial brings with it no sense of disillusion- ment, nor does the youthful idealism which inspires the lyrics to Phillida or Amaryllis ever stoop to mere gallantry. And with this lack of intensity goes also a lack of self-revelation. The poems of the miscellanies are lyrical by virtue of their tunefulness rather than by their power of disclosing the inmost recesses of the poet's soul. Seventeenth century lyrists, like\ 170 ' r Lyric of the English Renaissance Crashaw, Vaughan, Suckling or Herrick, whether their poetry be intense or not, stand revealed to us in what they write, but how little information do we gather as to the personality of Breton, Lodge or Barnfield from their snatches of song scattered through the miscellanies ! We have now briefly reviewed the leading forms of lyric poetry in England during the reign of Elizabeth, and have marked the decline of the popular song, with its simple melody and homely realism, and the rise of the art-lyric in the form of madrigal, sonnet, and miscellany lyric. In noticing these changes, we have seen how England has come under the influence of Italy, and have witnessed the triumph of a love lyric, somewhat diff"use in expression, fraught with pastoral fancies, essentially romantic and visionary, and, in its attitude towards woman- hood, wholly loyal to the ideals of chivalry and the teaching of Plato. It remains to be seen what changes took place in the form and temper of English lyric poetry after the death of Elizabeth, and to what extent the influence of Renaissance Italy became subject to modification. Even the most casual student of the social history and the literature of England must be aware that a change in the temper of the nation can be discerned soon after the death of Elizabeth. We recognise a certain coarsening in the fibre of the race, and a certain loss of 171 Robert Herrick national solidarity. This is not the place to analyse this change of temper, nor even, following the quaint methods of the author of The Anatomy of Melancholy, to lay our finger on its prognostics, symptoms and causes. But may not much of the inner meaning of the change be summed up in the philosophy of Feste, the fool : "• Youth's a stuff will not endure " ? Youthfulness is the prime characteristic not only of the lyric poetry, but of Elizabethan literature as a whole. It is the secret of the visionary power of that literature, and of that desire to reach beyond one's grasp, which finds characteristic expression in the dramas of Christopher Marlowe. When the seventeenth century opened, the Renaissance movement had still far to run ; in some directions, indeed, the power of the ancient world over life and litera- ture was only just beginning to be felt : but none the less we are aware that a conscious sobering of the national temper has taken place, and that the heyday of youth is over. It is only natural that this change should manifest itself first of all in lyric poetry, for of all forms of literature the lyric is that which furnishes the most perfect mirror of even the most evanescent changes which come over a nation's thoughts and emotions. In lyric poetry we discern a change even before the end of the sixteenth century is reached. Already in the 172 r Lyric of the English Renaissance sonnets of Shakespeare we are aware that the power of idealism over poetry is on the wane ; for his love sonnets are not like those of Spenser, nor even like those of Sidney. The wind of realism sweeps across them, and brings with it disillusionment and scepticism as to the worth and dignity of womanhood. The ''dark lady" of Sonnets cxxvii.-clii. is no Madonna Laura, but a ''woman colour'd ill." The poet loves her with a feverish, tempestuous love, which brings perjury of soul with it, and the betrayal of his " nobler part " to his " gross body's treason " : — My love is as a fever, longing still For that which longer nurseth the disease ; Feeding on that which doth preserve the ill, The uncertain sickly appetite to please. My reason, the physician to my love, Angry that his prescriptions are not kept, Hath left me, and I desperate now approve Desire is death, which physic did except. Past cure I am, now reason is past care, And frantic-mad with evermore unrest ; My thoughts and my discourse as madmen's are. At random from the truth vainly express'd ; For I have sworn thee fair, and thought thee bright Who art as black as hell, as dark as night. As we read these burning lines, we feel that we have travelled very far from the pallid romanticism of Daniel's Delia or Drayton's Idea^ or from the mystic idealism of Spenser's Amoretti. At the very time, too, that Shake- 173 Robert Herrick speare was writing these love sonnets, a younger poet, standing apart from the main body of Elizabethan men of letters, and content to lead a life of intellectual isolation, was deliberately making war upon both the temper and the form of the Elizabethan lyric. According to Ben Jonson, Donne wrote " all his best pieces before he was twenty-five," that is before 1598 ; and this statement has been accepted as substantially correct by Donne's biographer, Mr Edmund Gosse, and his latest editor, Mr E. K. Chambers. By his **best pieces," Jonson probably means the so-called ''Songs and Sonnets," concerning which Mr Chambers writes as follows : *' All Donne's love-poems — and the majority of the ' Songs and Sonnets' are concerned with love — seem to me to fall into two divisions. There is one, marked by cynicism, ethical laxity, and a somewhat deliberate profession of inconstancy. This I believe to be his earliest style, and ascribe the poems marked by it to the period before 1596. About that date he became acquainted with Anne More, whom he evidently loved devotedly and sincerely ever after. And therefore, from 1596 onwards, I place the second division, with its emphasis of the spiritual, and deep insight into the real things of love." ^ It is with the poems of the first division that we are concerned at present, for it is in these that * Poems of John Donne, vol. i. p. 220. 174 r Lyric of the English Renaissance we chiefly see the warfare which he waged with the cherished ideals of the Petrarchan school of lyrists. In the poem, Loves Growth, he stub- bornly refuses to rest content with the con- templative love of those sonneteers who wrote passionate centuries of love to an imaginary mistress : — Love's not so pure and abstract as they use To say, which have no mistress but their muse ; But as all else, being elemented too. Love sometimes would contemplate, sometimes do ; ^ and in his Loves Alchemy he avows the pro- foundest scepticism of that hidden mystery of love, first adumbrated by Plato : Some that have deeper digg'd love's mine than I, Say, where his centric happiness doth lie. I have loved, and got, and told. But should I love, get, tell, till I were old, I should not find that hidden mystery. O ! 'tis imposture all ; And as no chemic yet th' elixir got, But glorifies his pregnant pot. If by the way to him befall Some odoriferous thing, or medicinal. So lovers dream a rich and long delight. But get a winter-seeming summer's night. Our ease, our thrift, our honour, and our day, Shall we for this vain bubble's shadow pay ? Ends love in this, that my man ^ Poe?ns, ed. Chambers, i. 34. 175 Robert Herrick Can be as happy as I can, if he can Endure the short scorn of a bridegroom's play ? That loving wretch that swears 'Tis not the bodies marry, but the minds, Which he in her angelic finds, Would swear as justly, that he hears In that day's rude, hoarse minstrelsy the spheres. Hope not for mind in women ; at their best Sweetness and wit they are ; but mummy, possess'd.^ If love is without spiritual mystery, woman is without constancy : If thou be'st born to strange sights, Things invisible to see. Ride ten thousand days and nights, Till age show white hairs on thee ; Thou, when thou return'st, wilt tell me. All strange wonders that befell thee. And swear, No where Lives a woman true and fair. If thou find'st one let me know ; Such a pilgrimage were sweet. Yet do not, I would not go. Though at next door we might meet. Though she were true when you met her, And last till you write your letter, Yet she Will be False, ere I come, to two or three. ^ And if he finds women inconstant, he makes no boast of constancy in himself: * Poems, ed. Chambers, i. p. 41. ^ -Son^y Ibid., i. p. 4. 176 Lyric of the English Renaissance I can love both fair and brown ; Her whom abundance melts, and her whom want betrays ; Her who loves loneness best, and her who masks and plays ; Her whom the country form'd and whom the town ; Her who beUeves, and her who tries ; Her who still weeps with spongy eyes, And her who is dry cork, and never cries. I can love her, and her, and you, and you ; I can love any, so she be not true.^ The tone of these verses Is unmistakable ; the philosophy of love is brought down from heaven to earth, and the senses are glorified at the expense of the soul. In many of his later poems Donne reveals a mystic temperament and indulges in flights of transcendental fancy ; but at this early stage realism is all in all to him. His attitude towards love and woman is not that of the cynic, for he was too passionate to be cynical ; it is the effrontery of youthful arrogance in a poet whose independent nature made him intolerant of subjection to conventional modes of thought. .He saw the unreality of the Petrarchan school of poetry, and he turned contemptuously away from the pleasant fictions and mellifluous verse of the pastoralists. Shepherds and shepherdesses found no favour in his eyes, and his rebel genius refused to fleet the time carelessly in the bowers of a dreamy Arcadia. He took up arms, too, not only against the spirit of Elizabethan poetry, but also against its forms 1 The Indifferent^ i. p. 9. M 177 Robert Herrick and modes of expression. Scorning the sonnet and all its kindred forms, he pours forth his emotion into moulds of his own fashioning, the nietrical lawlessness of which has been the despair of most of his critics from Jonson onwards. His imagery is not drawn from the time-honoured stories of classic fable, but from the arts and sciences and the prosaic realities of His own generation. The audade, the dawn-song oTthe awakening lovers, with its allusions to the lark and nightingale, was one of the most beautiful, but also one of the most conventional, forms of Provencal lyric, and is enshrined for^ ever in our memories through the use which Shakespeare makes of it in Romeo and Juliet. Donne also has his mtbade : how far it is like that of Shakespeare, or that of the medieval troubadours, may be judged from the following verses : - ^^^^"^ > ^'^ .^a^ ^- Busy oldjool, unruly Sun, / •"" *! . \ Why 'dost thou thus, ^^^^^ cLd^^y^ Through windows^and through quj-fains, call oifi us ? Must to thy motions lovers' seasons run ? Saucy, pedantic wretch, go chide ■ Late ^hool-boys and sour prentices, Go tell court-huntsmen that the king will ride. Call country ants to harvest offices ; Love, all alike, no season knows nor clime, Nor hours, days, months, which are the rags of time.^ ^The reactionary temper of Donne is seen again in the stamp of individuality impressed ^ T^e Sun-Risings i. p. 7. 178 I Lyric of the English Renaissance upon his poems. As we have already noticed, the impress of a salient, distinct personality is rarely met with in the lyrics of the Elizabethan miscellanies ; and the same is true of most, though not all, of the sonnet-sequence. Conformity to type is the general rule, and the difference between one lyrist and another is that of quality rather than of kind. With Donne all this is changed. His forceful personality is revealed in every line he writes ; so far from wrapping himself in the robes of convention, he likes nothing better than to stand naked and un- abashed before his audience, displaying the work- ing of every sinew, the flexure of every joint. His thoughts and emotions, his diction and his verse, are part of himself, and can never be mistaken for those of any other poet, either of his own or of another day. The intellectuality of Donne, which so pro- foundly colours his style, and concerning which so much has been written, is only another aspect of his individuality and a further indication of his reactionary temper. The Elizabethan lyric is rarely packed with thought, rarely obscure. It often affects euphuistic phrases, but their meaning and relation to the main body of thought are gener- ally apparent, and they have nothing in common with the ingenuity, the cramped and tortured style of Donne, when he is, as Coleridge puts it, wreathing '' iron pokers into true-love-knots." 179 Robert Herrick The ** wit" of Donne, the love of paradox and hyperbole, and all the discordia concors brought about by a perverse and restless ingenuity, are the qualities of Donne's poetry which have chiefly impressed both his disciples and his critics, and for this very reason it is unnecessary to dwell upon them here. To what extent, and in what directions, was the influence of Donne's lyric poetry felt by the next generation of poets ? In attempting to answer this question, we must first of all bear in mind the circumstances under which his lyrics came to light. They were first published in 1633, two years after his death, but we have abundant evidence that they circulated widely in manuscript copies during his lifetime.^ Jonson's conversations with Drummond in 1619, and Carew's Elegy on the Death of Doctor Domie, assure us that Donne was a power in the land long before he passed to his grave, in an odour of austere sanctity, within the crypt of old St Paul's. Of his influence as a stylist, of his leadership of the " metaphysical " school of poets, it is un- necessary to add anything to what Dr Johnson and many later critics have said. Mr Gosse has traced the influence of this side of his genius upon Henry King, Herbert, Crashaw, and other poets of a later generation, and has characterised it as ** remarkably wide and deep, though almost 1 See Mr Gosse's Life of John Donne^ vol. i. p. 79, vol. ii. p. 336 180 I Lyric of the English Renaissance entirely malign." ^ But his influence reached far deeper than points of style. The lyrists of the generation which followed Donne differ from those of the Elizabethan era in nothing so much as in the impress of personality which is re- vealed in their writings. The Elizabethan lyric, as already noticed, is curiously lacking in this personal touch, but the contrary is true of that which followed. The Caroline poets, whether they pay homage to the sacred or the secular muse, are always individual. Carew, Suckling, and Lovelace, Herbert, Crashaw and Vaughan, have all left upon their verses the indelible mark of their own personality ; we touch these men to the quick whenever we read them. The gay dalliance of the courtiers, their loves and their hates, and the spiritual struggles and religious ecstasies of the churchmen, are never concealed from view. And it was Donne who, breaking away from Elizabethan conventions, first im- parted to the lyric this note of individuality, this lyrical cry of an intense and passion-swept soul. The influence of Donne is seen again, though here it blends with another influence soon to be considered, in the changed attitude of seven- teenth century lyrists towards love and woman- hood. The Petrarchan ideals, it is true, died hard. The Spenserian school of poets remained, on the whole, true to them ; they come to light ^ Life of Don7iey ii. 329. 181 Robert Herrick again in the Castara lyrics of Habington, and appear, chilled and sere, in the Mistress poems of Cowley : but we look for them in vain in the great body of cavalier-lyrics. When Suckling writes : Out upon it, I have loved Three whole days together ; And am like to love three more, If it prove fair weather ; or when Wither asks : Shall I, wasting in despair, Die because a woman's fair ? Or make pale my cheeks with care 'Cause another's rosy are ? we are at once reminded of the Songs and Sonnets of Donne. Even the gentle-hearted Browne, with all his loyalty to Spenser and the pastoral tradition, comes under the influence of the new lyric in the following verses : Love who will, for I'll love none, There's fools enough beside me ; Yet if each woman have not one, Come to me where I hide me ; And if she can the place attain, For once I'll be her fool again. Potent and all-pervasive as the influence of Donne was upon the lyrists of the seventeenth century, it was not the only influence which made itself felt. Side by side with it, we can trace another influence, sometimes blending with 182 f I Lyric of the English Renaissance it, but more often opposed to it — that of Ben Jonson, and through Ben Jonson, that of the lyrists of Greece and Rome. Until the end of the sixteenth century is reached, the direct influence of the classical lyric upon English poetry remained subordinate to that exerted by the Italian ; and the Italian lyric, although it delighted in allusions to classic fable, and took on at times a certain classic colour- ing, is in spirit and expression different from that of Greece or Rome. The Italian lyric, at least as far as it was understood and imitated in England, was permeated with the spirit of Petrarch ; and between the sonetti and canzoni of Petrarch and the carmina of Catullus or the odes of Horace or Anacreon — to mention by name the three lyrists whose influence was chiefly felt in Re- naissance England — there was very little in common. And when, with Jonson, a lyric framed on classical models arose in England, it was regarded, just as much as the realistic lyric of Donne, as a protest against the Petrarchan school of poetry. Jonson, so Drummond tells us, ** cursed Petrarch for redacting verses to sonnets ; which, he said, were like that Tirrant's bed, where some who were too short were racked ; others, too long, cut short." ^ Until the advent of Jonson, the attempts to fashion a lyric upon classical models had been ^ Conversations with Drutnmondy ed. Laing, p. 4. 183 Robert Herrick fitful and uncertain ; and some at least of the energy expended In this direction might with advantage have been otherwise applied. At a time when the study of the classics was leading to an imitation of classic measures, we find attempts being made to write English lyrics in sapphic or anacreontic verse, wherein rhyme is ignored, and accent is made more or less sub- servient to quantity. Thus Barnabe Barnes includes in his Parthenophil and Parthenope (1593) two lyrics, both without rhyme, and written, the one in sapphics, and the other in anacreontics. Another lyric in sapphic verse appears in Davison's Poetical Rhapsody (1602), and one or two more among the lyric collections of Campion. Campion, whose attack upon the ** vulgar and artificial custom of rhyming," in his Observations in the Art of English Poesie, is well known, is a singularly interesting figure in the history of the English lyric. His greatest triumphs are won in those songs in which he keeps most closely to the romantic Elizabethan manner ; and in such lyrics as '* There is a garden in her face," or the less known but almost equally beautiful, ** Where she her sacred bower adorns," we still seem very far away from Donne or Jonson. Yet, side by side with these lyrics, we find others in which the classic style and the seventeenth century touch are un- mistakable. And in this connection it must be 184 I Lyric of the English Renaissance borne in mind that Campion was a good classic scholar, and able to write Latin epigrams and lyrics with ease and fluency. Among his Books of Airs, too, appear free renderings of Horace's Integer vitce, and Catullus's Vivamus, mea Lesbia, while yet another lyric, " When the god of merry love," recalls the manner of Anacreon. It is a mark of Jonson's sanity of taste that, with all his classical bias, he never succumbed to the heresy of those who tried to substitute quantitative measures for the native principles of accent ; nor did he ever attempt to dispense with rhyme in lyric poetry. His conversations with Drummond inform us that, on this rhyming controversy, he had written "a Discourse of Poesie both against Campion and Daniel, especially this last, where he proves couplets to be the bravest sort of verses, especially when they are broken, like Hexameters." One or two of his lyrics, it is true, have a certain formal resemblance to those of classical poetry ; they keep, however, strictly to the accentual principle and admit of rhyme. Thus he furnishes us with an example, the first of its kind in English, of the Pindaric Ode, which Cowley would have done well to follow. It has the regular arrange- ment of strophe, antistrophe and epode, and was written in memory of "that noble pair," Sir Lucius Cary and Sir H. Morrison. Again, in the poem entitled Euphemey he fashions a stanza i8s Robert Herrick which bears a certain resemblance to the famous sapphic verse, and in his translations of some of Horace's Odes he keeps as near to the rhythm of the originals as good sense and loyalty to native metrical traditions will allow him. But the classicism of Jonson strikes much deeper than the metrical structure of verse ; it consists, first of all, in imbuing his lyric verse with a certain classical colour, and secondly, in maintaining, in opposition to the romanticism of the earlier Elizabethans, a certain classical restraint, and a purity and precision of style. The classical colouring is most noticeable in the Masques, where Olympian gods and goddesses, together with Pan and his attendant Satyrs, occupy the stage, and pay graceful compliments to the British Solomon, his queen, and his courtiers. The popular song is here reserved for the comic antimasque ; ^ the lyrics of the masque proper are invariably art-lyrics, full of allusions to ancient fable, and subject to the artistic canons of antiquity. Such, for instance, are the songs of Nature and Prometheus in Mercury Vindicated, the song of Pallas in The 1 See the Ballad of John Urson in the Masque of Augurs : Though it may seem rude For me to intrude, With these my bears, by chance-a ; 'Twere sport for a king, If they could sing As well as they can dance-a. i86 r. Lyric of the English Renaissance Golden Age Restored, the song of the Muses' priests in Love freed from Folly, or the echo- song in The Masque of Beauty, where the alkisions to classic fable are, after Jonson's somewhat pedantic fashion, carefully explained in footnotes. We miss in these lyrics the charm of spontaneity and the simple melody of the earlier dramatic song, but we cannot overlook the subtle effects of rhythm and the classic colour attained by the lyrist in such a song as the following : — Apollo. Prince of thy peace, see what it is to love The powers above ! Jove hath commanded me To visit thee ; And in thine honour with my music rear A college here, Of tuneful Augurs, whose divining skill Shall wait thee still, And be the heralds of his highest will. The work is done, And I have made their president thy son ; Great Mars, too, on these nights Hath added Salian rites ; Yond, yond afar. They closed in their temples are. And each one guided by a star. Chorus. Haste, haste to meet them, and, as they advance, 'Twixt every dance, Let us interpret their prophetic trance.^ A certain classic feeling is unmistakable, too, in Jonson's love-lyrics. There are not many ^ Song of Apollo in Masqtte of Augurs. 187 Robert Herrick of these, and in the first of the Forest poems he furnishes us with his reasons, " why I write not of love." But on the few occasions where love is his theme — for instance, the two songs to Celia in the Forest and the ten lyric pieces, entitled, *' A Celebration of Charis," in the Underwoods — we recognise that he is breaking away from the romantic pastoral manner of the Italian love-lyric, and drawing very near to that of the Carfnina of Catullus or the Odes of Anacreon. The Celia songs, particularly the first and most famous of them, *' Come, my Celia, let us prove," is directly based on the Vivamus, mea Lesbia of Catullus, and is a salient example of the change which came over the love-lyric in the seventeenth century. The Petrarchan senti- ment, with its spiritual exaltation of womanhood, is no more present here than in the lyrics of Donne : in its stead we find, what Donne did not supply, the gallantry of Rome. The Charis lyrics are in the Anacreontic manner, but the general tone of the love-sentiment is the same : For love's sake, kiss me once again ; I long, and should not beg in vain ; Here's none to spy or see. Why do you doubt or stay ? I'll taste as lightly as the bee. That doth but touch his flower, and flies away.^ i88 fLy Lyric of the English Renaissance Jonson's classicism manifests itself, finally, in the artistic structure of his lyrics, and in the precision and lucidity of his style. '' What vexed Jonson in the writing of the earlier Elizabethans," says a Quarterly Review essayist, ** was its apparent amateurishness, its preference of ornament to proportion, its sins against the canons of antiquity."^ He found the lyrics of the song -books and miscellanies diffuse in utterance and often deficient in organic unity, while the popular song, as practised by the dramatists, seemed to him crude and lawless. The abiding purpose of his lyric genius was to substitute for this older lyric, whether popular or Italian in origin, a new lyric, modelled on that of the ancients, fastidiously pure in style, and true to the highest principles of structural art. To illustrate the differences of style and structure between the lyrics of Jonson and those of most of his predecessors, we need hardly do more than quote the echo-song from Cynthia s Revels — probably the first lyric that he ever wrote : Slow, slow, fresh fount, keep time with my salt tears ; Yet slower, yet ; O faintly, gentle springs ; List to the heavy part the music bears, Woe weeps out her division when she sings. Droop herbs and flowers ; Fall grief in showers, Our beauties are not ours : * The Elizabethan Lyric {Quarterly Review^ October, 1902). 189 Robert Herrick O, I could still, Like melting snow upon some craggy hill, Drop, drop, drop, drop. Since nature's pride is now a withered daffodil. If we compare this with any of the songs of Shakespeare, we must at once be conscious of the entire difference of aim on the part of the rival lyrists. Shakespeare places his whole trust in the tunefulness and spontaneity of utterance, and in the unmistakable wilding flavour, of the popular song, all of which Jonson is willing to sacrifice to his artistic conscience, and for the sake of formal excellence. The theme and the language of his lyric are alike simple, but it is the simplicity of the highest art — the art that conceals art. His song is a masterpiece of rhythmic subtlety, and though the conditions of the stage demanded that it should be sung, and set to a musical accompaniment, we feel that it is complete in itself, and that something of its verbal music must have been lost in the setting. Other qualities of his classic style appear in the page's song from The Silent Wofnan ^ : Still to be neat, still to be drest, As you were going to a feast ; Still to be powdered, still perfumed ; ^ This lyric is, however, no more original than " Come, my Celia, let us prove," or " Drink to me only with thine eyes ;" it is based upon a Latin poem by the sixteenth-century French poet, Jean Bonnefons. 190 Lyric of the English Renaissance Lady, it is to be presumed, Though art's hid causes are not found, All is not sweet, all is not sound. Give me a look, give me a face, That makes simplicity a grace ; Robes loosely flowing, hair as free : Such sweet neglect more taketh me Than all the adulteries of art ; They strike my eyes, but not my heart. Here, in accordance with the theme, Jonson chooses a less elaborate rhythm, yet the studied effects of art are no less apparent. The lucidity and precision of the words, the perfect balance of the one stanza with the other, and the epi- grammatic close of the lyric, are all qualities dear to the poet's heart, and in perfect accord with his classical taste. In all that pertains to lucidity of style Jonson found himself opposed, not only to the Italianate ornamentation of the earlier art- lyric, but also to the metaphysical wit of his con- temporary, Donne. Drummond has preserved for us his views on Donne's obscurity and his "not keeping of accent," and even the harshest of Jonson's critics must allow that he furnished in his Forest and Underwoods a wholesome corrective to the lawlessness of the author of the Songs and Sonnets. And as the century advances, it is in- teresting to note the clash of these two influences. The religious lyrists are, in the main, on the side of the metaphysical Donne, while the secular 191 Robert Herrick lyrists, above all Herrick, are chiefly on the side of Jonson ; but Carew, the greatest of these next to Herrick, is somewhat uncertain in his allegi- ance. His best songs have the courtly grace and perfect finish of Jonson, as, for instance, that beginning : Ask me no more where Jove bestows, When June is past, the fading rose ; For in your beauty's orient deep. These flowers, as in their causes, sleep. But at other times the masterful sway of Donne seizes hold of him, and it is a fitting homage to that great lyrist that he comes nearest to his manner in the elegy with wliich he laments his death. In the end it was Jonson who triumphed.' The Restoration lyric — the songs of Sedley, Etherege, Rochester and Dryden — is the final expression of those principles of classicism which Jonson taught and practised. It is a lyric painfully limited in its range, and devoid of the imaginative power and genuine emotion which are essential elements in all great lyric poetry : but in its sense of design, the evenness of its structure, the avoidance of tortured phrase and harsh in- version, and, finally, in the purity and precision of its vocabulary, it remains true to the pattern set by that great contemporary of Shakespeare, who wrought the same revolution in the temper and 192 f Ly Lyric of the English Renaissance form of our English lyric that Malherbe wrought in that of France. It is unnecessary to carry this review of the Renaissance lyric any farther into the seventeenth century. Carew, Suckling, Lovelace, Cartwright, and their fellows, together with most of the religious lyrists, were junior to Herrick in point of birth ; and if some of them saw their works pass through the press before the appearance of the Hesperides in 1 648, they were not before him in their courtship of the muse. Although akin to many of them in sympathy of taste, and pursuing with them a like end in poetry, he seems never to have come under their direct influence, and there is indeed no evidence that he knew either them or their works. In his lyrics he renders, as we have seen, full and frequent homage to Jonson, and writes a glowing eulogy on ''Master Fletcher's incomparable Playes": at a later period, too, we find him on friendly terms with the younger generation of poets, including Denham, the younger Cotton, and John Hall of Durham. But there is no mention of the Cavalier lyrists of Charles I.'s time, and the silence is doubtless to be explained by the fact that, from 1629 onwards, Herrick, in the seclusion of his Devonshire parsonage, was out of reach of the Court and the courtly singers. Before bringing this chapter to a close, it will be well to retrace our steps a little, and take up N 193 Robert Herrick again the history of the various forms of song-lyric and reflective lyric which we have followed as far as the end of the sixteenth century. The popular song was, as we have seen, driven from its last stronghold, the drama, by the reforming spirit of Ben Jonson very early in the new century. In the plays of Fletcher, Middleton and Brome, we occasionally meet with songs which preserve the traditions of the folk-song, but the great body of seventeenth century dramatists followed the example of Jonson, and substituted for it an art- lyric more or less classical in spirit and style. Yet the seventeenth century had not proceeded very far before a revival of interest in the popular song began. In 1609, Thomas Ravenscroft published his Pammelia^ a collection of rounds or catches, set to music, and distinctly popular in character. Here, for instance, we find such songs as ''Joan, come kiss me now," "The white hen she cackles," and " Blow thy horn, thou jolly hunter." The collection was well received, and was followed in the same year by another, entitled D enter omelia, and consisting of " pleasant Roundelaies, King Harry's mirth or freemen's songs and such delightfull catches." Two years later appeared Ravenscroft's third collection, Melismata, described as *' Musicall Phantasies, fitting the Court, Citie and Countrey," and includ- ing such popular airs as " There were three ravens sat on a tree," and ** The frog he would 194 Lyric of the English Renaissance a- wooing ride." How far this revival of interest in popular song proved creative, and how far it remained merely antiquarian, is, on the evidence before us, difficult to decide ; but the vast number of songs, of a more or less popular character, contained in the Pepys, Bagford and Roxburghe collections, bear witness to the fact that the popular song regained in the seventeenth century some of the popularity which it had enjoyed before the coming to England of the Italian song- lyric. The Elizabethan madrigal, in spite of the presence of a new rival, lived on into the seven- teenth century and retained a good deal of popularity for the space of nearly forty years. Michael East's seven collections of madrigals range between 1604 ^^id 1638, and in literary quality rank above most of the sixteenth century collections. But the classical taste of the age has left its influence upon many of these seventeenth century madrigals. The Tetrarchan mood gradually gives way to gallantry, or to the note of rebellion heard in the lyrics of Donne : at the same time we miss the Italianate graces of the earlier madrigal ; instead of these we meet with a greater directness of expression and a growing taste for epigram. This fondness for epigram- matic point is the extreme expression of that concision of style which is a feature of the Renaissance lyric from the time of Jonson 195 Robert Herrick onwards ; and it calls to mind the fact that many of the lyrists of the time — Sir John Davies, Ben Jonson, Herrick and others — were also writers of epigrams. The following madrigals will serve as illustrations of the new manner : Your shining eyes and golden hair, Your lily-rosed lips so fair ; Your various beauties which excel, Men cannot choose but like them well : But when for them they say they'll die, Believe them not, — they do but lie.^ Crowned with flowers I saw fair Amaryllis By Thyrsis sit, hard by a fount of crystal, And with her hand, more white than snow or lilies. On sand she wrote : My faith shall be immortal ; And suddenly a storm of wind and weather Blew all her faith and sand away together.^ Madrigals of this sort have much more in common with some of the epigrammatic verses of the Greek anthologists than with the kind of madrigal which William Byrd was setting to music twenty years earlier ; and we are therefore scarcely surprised to find in Orlando Gibbons' First Set of Madrigals (1612) the following adaptation of the famous dedicatory ^ From Thomas Bateson's First Set of English Madrigals^ 1604 ; quoted by Bullen, Lyrics from Elizabethan Song-Books^ p. 45. 2 From William Byrd's Psalms^ Songs and So?inets^ 161 1 ; ibid.^ p. 72. 196 pLy Lyric of the English Renaissance epigram from the Anthologia GrcBca, formerly attributed to Plato : Lais, now old, that erst all-tempting lass, To Goddess Venus consecrates her glass ; For she herself hath now no use of one, No dimpled cheeks hath she to gaze upon : She cannot see her springtide damask grace. Nor dare she look upon her winter face. The approximation of the madrigal to the manner of the Greek and Roman epigram may possibly be due to the fact that, as a pure lyric, it had to submit, during the later period of its existence, to the rivalry of the air or solo-song, which reached England from Italy just before the end of the sixteenth century. The air differed from the madrigal in several respects: the music was no longer polyphonic, but intro- duced a definite melody ; this, in its turn, led to the division of the theme into stanzas, the melody being repeated with each stanza after the manner of the popular song ; finally, the song was accompanied by music, the favourite instrument being the lute. This musical change brought with it a change in the character of the words set to music ; these no longer remained of secondary interest, but became once more, in Pindar's phrase, * 'lords of the lyre" — or the lute. The sole object of these composers of solo-songs, writes Sir Hubert Parry, ''seems to have b^en to supply a kind of music which 197 Robert Herrick would enable people with no voices worth considering to recite poems in a melodious semi- recitative, spaced out into periods in conformity with the length of the lines or the literary phrases." 1 The first collection of lute-accompanied songs was that of John Dowland, published in 1597. Many beautiful lyrics are found in this collection, including the familiar ** His golden locks Time hath to silver turned," and their literary quality is fully on a level with that of the miscellany-lyrics of the same date. Three years later, with the appearance of the First Book of Airs of Thomas Campion and Philip Rossiter, and Robert Jones's Fir^st Book of Songs and Airs, the solo-song won for itself an assured place in the musical world of the time. Books of ** Songs and Airs" appeared in rapid succession during the succeeding years, and the popularity of the solo-song was no doubt enhanced by the fact that it found a place in the masques of the court. The masque-songs of Jonson, to which reference has already been made, together with those of other masque- writers, were almost invariably of this character, and were sung to a musical accompaniment. As the century advanced, the old composers — Campion, Dowland, Jones, Ferrabosco — passed away, but their places were taken by a younger race, who ^ The Music of the Sevetiteenth Century (Oxford History of Music), p. 209. 198 r Lyric of the English Renaissance followed in the main the same traditions, and included among whom were Henry and William Lawes, Nicholas Laniere, John Wilson, John Gamble and John Playford. This later genera- tion of composers turned naturally to the songs of the Cavalier lyrists in their search for words to which to set their melodies. The extent to which the songs of Herrick received a musical setting has been indicated in an earlier chapter ; and, side by side with lyrics from the Hesperides, we find, in the song-books of the period, fre- quent borrowings from the published works of Carew, Lovelace, Waller, Cartwright, Davenant, Randolph, Thomas Stanley, Katherine Phillips, "the matchless Orinda," and even Francis Quarles. The Cavalier lyrist who was most fortunate in securing a musical setting for his songs was Thomas Stanley. In 1656, John Gamble, the composer, published a collection of songs, entitled *' Ayres and Dialogues to be sung to the Theorbo- Lute or Base- Viol" ; this consisted of eighty-four songs and two dialogues, the words of all of which were furnished by Stanley. Mention has been made of these facts in order to correct the statement, sometimes made by historians of our lyric poetry, that the seventeenth century lyric was far less closely associated with music than that of the Elizabethan age. It is true that the Caroline era produced no Campion capable of setting his own songs to 199 Robert Herrick music, but an examination of the song-books of the two periods shows that the lyrics of Carew, Lovelace, Herrick or Stanley, stood as fair a chance of being set to music as those of Marlowe, Breton, Greene or Barnfield. Turning, in the last place, to the lyrics which were written to be read, we notice, before all else, the rapid decline of the sonnet after the turn of the century. This has already been alluded to, and attempts have been made to explain the decline; the sonnet, alike in its temper and its form, was out of harmony with the spirit of the age, and it seems to have lacked the power of altering its character in the way that the madrigal did. Sonnets, and even sonnet- sequences, were written in the seventeenth century, but with the exception of those of Drummond of Hawthornden, who lived in a country which the flood-tide of the Renaissance reached very late, and those of Milton, which are a thing apart, they were the productions of obscure poets, content to keep to the backwaters of literary life. The last of the Renaissance sonneteers was Philip Ayres, who published a volume of ** Lyric Poems, made in imitation of the Italians," as late as 1687. I^ his preface he finds it necessary to apologise for writing such obsolete forms of lyric poetry as sonnets, can- zones, and madrigals ; he is aware that ** none of our great men, either Mr Waller, Mr Cowley 200 Lyric of the English Renaissance or Mr Dryden, whom it was most proper to have followed, have ever stoop'd to anything of this sort," and that the success of Spenser, Sidney, and Milton as sonneteers is a thing which ''cannot much be boasted of" (!) ; but he has followed the old manner because his genius has prompted him to do so.^ The quality of this derelict collection of Petrarchan love-lyrics is, as may be supposed, not high. With the decline of the sonnet-sequences pro- ceeded, though in a less marked degree, that of the miscellanies. This, however, furnishes us with no evidence whatever of the decadence of this kind of lyric poetry. The poets of the seventeenth century were less willing to cast their verses to the winds than those of the pre- ceding generation ; they preferred to keep them by them until the harvest was large enough to in- duce them to court publicity through the ordinary channels. And at the same time it is a mistake to suppose that the production of anthologies of lyrics by various poets ceased with the appear- ance of Davison's Poetical Rhapsody in 1602. Collections of lyrics and epigrams, hailing from various sources, appeared from time to time throughout the seventeenth century ; and among the most important of these were Wit's Recrea- tions (1640) and Musarum Delicics (1655), which contained some of Herrick's jewelled lines, and ^ Saintsbury, Caroline Poets, vol. ii., p. 269. Robert Herrick the editing of which was in the hands of such distinguished persons as Sir John Mennes, the Commander of the King's Navy, and Dr James Smith, the divine. What conclusion, then, can be arrived at as to the relation of the seventeenth century lyric to that of the Elizabethan age, and what reply can be made to those who bring against the later lyric the charge of decadence ? It is true that we have yet to consider the work of the greatest and most versatile of Caroline lyrics, but we are, nevertheless, in a position to state that the lyric of the first half of the seventeenth century is not inferior to that of the second half of the six- teenth, but different from it. It is true that the later period has nothing to show like the great Elizabethan sonnet-sequences, and it is also true that, when we pass from Marlowe, Shakespeare, Breton, and Campion to the next generation of lyrists, we find an undoubted falling off in spontaneity and pure songfulness. But in the seventeenth century we have, instead of the sonnet, the great outburst of religious lyric poetry associated with the names of Herbert, Crashaw, Vaughan, and Traherne, and in no way inferior to the sonnet in soaring exaltation or mystic rapture, though the love which inspires these lyrics is directed towards Heaven and not towards woman. And if in the secular song\ 202 » r Lyric of the English Renaissance there is a loss of spontaneity, tunefulness, and at times of idyllic beauty, there is an immense gain in all that pertains to art. A sense of form and of structure manifests itself; and the lyric, sacrificing romantic charm, wins instead a certain classic grace. Lastly, the seventeenth century brought to lyric poetry the sense of individuality, the personal note, the lyrical cry of a human soul amid its pleasures and its pains, its hopes and its fears. This was a new thing in our poetry, and it gives to the work of these Caroline lyrists a touch of modernity, a kinship with ourselves, which the Elizabethan lyric rarely possesses. 203 CHAPTER II THE LYRICAL POEMS OF THE HESPERIDES THE preceding chapter has been con- cerned with the main Hne of develop- ment taken by the secular lyric in England during the period of the Renaissance ; and before coming to a study of Herrick's individual poems, it is necessary to determine the general relationship which the poet bears to the tendencies of his age. We have to ask ourselves, What was his attitude towards the popular song, and towards the vari- ous forms of art-lyric which flourished under Elizabeth ? To what extent did he feel the spell exercised by the masterful genius of Donne, and how far did he conform to the classical traditions revived by Ben Jonson? Sealed as he was of the ''tribe of Ben," we may well expect to find in his verses some trace of that reform of lyric art begun by Jonson, and continued by other members of the '' tribe." Nor are our expectations disappointed ; of all Jon- son's disciples none accepted the lessons which he taught so completely as Herrick. The class- icism of Jonson, consisting as it does in the 204 The Lyrical Poems of the Hesperldes expression of sound sense in pure language, and also in the absorption of much of the colour and atmosphere of Greek and Roman poetry, is from first to last the classicism of Herrick. And though the disciple was doubt- less poorer than his master in the wealth of classical scholarship, we nevertheless feel that he moves among the great shadows of the ancient world, and arrays himself in their apparel, with more ease and grace. There is at times a touch of pedantry in Jonson, which suggests that he obtained his Roman citizen- ship with a great sum, whereas Herrick was undoubtedly free-born. The classical qualities of Herrick's style must be reserved for later consideration ; what we are concerned with here is his indebtedness to Greek and Roman poets for ideas and lyric themes, and the readiness with which he enters into the spirit of classical poetry. And, at the outset, it may be stated that his classicism is, in the main, Roman and not Greek. He gives us, it is true, in his lyric entitled The Cruel Maid (159) a free rendering of a portion of Theocritus 's twenty-third Idyll, and, as we shall see presently, he shows an intimate acquaintance with the Odes of Anacreon, and with sorne. of the poems of the Greek Anthology ; but he borrows much more freely from Roman authors, and, what is still more important, the classic colour in which his 205 \^-V-JL Robert Herrick lyrics are so often steeped, and the paganism which at times informs his verses, is that of Rome, and not that of Athens or Alexandria. The paganism of Herrick is one of his peculiar qualities. Jonson loved beyond all things to introduce into his lyrics some reference to ancient customs and ceremonial, to talk of Lares and Penates, or to call to mind some forgotten rite in the religious life of ancient Rome ; yet we are never tempted to forget that he was an Englishman of the Elizabethan and Jacobean age, who satirised beneath classic masks the humours of London life, and engaged in wit-combats with Shakespeare at the Mermaid Tavern in Bread Street. But with Herrick the case is different. We feel that there are times when, poring over the pages of the Roman lyrists and elegists in the seclusion of his Devonshire cell, he shakes off the fetters of time and place, and stands before us as a habitant of that city which clung for so long to "the religion of Numa," and found a peculiar gratification in presenting its offerings of " holy meal and spirting salt " before the images of its household Lares and Penates. Herrick's al- lusions to these ceremonial rites are so simple and so intimate that they give to his verses something more than a merely antiquarian colour. His Hymns to the Lares (see Nos. 324, 2)1'}^, 674) and To the Genius of 206 The Lyrical Poems of the Hespertdes his House (723) do not read like literary ex- ercises, but like true expressions of his genuine faith. Some of these poems, moreover, were written in his graver moments, and at critical junctures in his life. When the call comes to him to leave Dean Prior, he seizes the occasion to address a poem To Lar {^ioZ) • No more shall I, since I am driven hence. Devote to thee my grains of frankincense : No more shall I from mantle-trees hang down. To honour thee, my little parsley crown ; No more shall I (I fear me) to thee bring My chives of garlic for an offering ; No more shall I from henceforth hear a choir Of merry crickets by my country fire. Go where I will, thou lucky Lar, stay here, Warm by a glitt'ring chimney all the year. gain, it is impossible to doubt that the verses which he wrote after paying a visit to his father's grave are both reverent and sincere ; yet what other poet could, with propriety, have introduced on such an occasion the mortuary ceremonial of ancient Rome, in the way that Herrick has done in the opening verses of this poem ? That for seven lusters I did never come To do the rites to thy religious tomb ; That neither hair was cut, or true tears shed By me, o'er thee, as justments to the dead, Forgive, forgive me ; since I did not know Whether thy bones had here their rest or no. 207 Robert Herrick But now 'tis known, behold ! behold ! I bring Unto thy ghost th' effused offering : And look what smallage, night-shade, cypress, yew, Unto the shades have been, or now are due, Here I devote.^ Poems such as these bring home to us the con- viction that there was in Herrick a curious strain of paganism, which accords none too well with his duties as a Christian priest, but which gives to his lyrics a classical flavour not met with else- where in English poetry. But it is time to pass from this, and to come to a consideration of his indebtedness to the great classic masters of lyric poetry. Of the lyric poets of antiquity none made a deeper impression upon Herrick than that school of Alexandrian singers whose Odes are falsely ascribed to the Teian poet, Anacreon. Refer- ence has already been made to the popularity with which the so-called Odes of Anacreon were received by Elizabethan madrigalists, by mis- cellany lyrists, and by Ben Jonson in those love- lyrics entitled A Celebratio7i of Charis ; and this popularity increased rather than diminished in the Caroline age. It is uncertain whether Herrick read his Anacreon in the original Greek, or in the Latin version of the French humanist, Henri Estienne ; and except that it would be interesting to know whether he had a * To the Reverend Shade of his Religious Father (82). 208 I I The Lyrical Poems of the Hesperides knowledge of Greek, the point Is not of great importance. But between the Anacreon of the Odes and the Caroline poet in his lighter moods there was undoubtedly a remarkable affinity of temperament. The gaiety and frank hedonism of Anacreon, his picturesque and dainty fanciful- ness, and his fondness for self-portraiture,, are all qualities equally characteristic of Herrick. There are several references to Anacreon in the Hesperides, and in the poem entitled The Appari- tion of his Mistress calling him to Elysitim (575), Herrick definitely recognises that between him- self and the Greek lyrist there was a close bond of union : And that done, I'll bring thee, Herrick, to Anacreon, Quaffing his full-crown'd bowls of burning wine. And in his raptures speaking lines of thine. Like to his subject \ and as his frantic Looks show him truly Bacchanalian-like, Besmear'd with grapes, welcome he shall thee thither, Where both may rage, both drink and dance together. The vision of an Elysium where Anacreon quotes Herrick, and Herrick Anacreon, is one which it is pleasant to linger over. Among the Hesperides there are some six or seven poems which are fairly close translations of Anacreon,^ together with others which, partly ^See, in particular, The Cheat of Cupid {2>i\ The Wounded Cupid {ly^, and those lines On Hi7nselfi beginning " Born I was to meet with age" (519). O 209 Robert Herrick because of the mood which they reveal, and partly because of the short trochaic verse in which they are written, he entitles " Anacreontic Verses." But the influence of the Greek lyrist is by no means confined to these ; we feel it again and again in his sensuous love-lyrics to Julia, Electra, and his other mistresses, and in the voluptuous dream-fancies, such as The Vision (142) and The Vision to Electra (56), which are modelled on certain Odes of Anacreon, similar in conception and expres- sion. Still keeping to lyrics of which love is the theme, we cannot fail to recognise that such a poem as that entitled Upon the Loss of his Mistresses (39), in which he tells the number of those conquests of which Time has robbed him, bears something more than an accidental resemblance to the thirty-second Ode of Anacreon, in which that lyrist relates what spoils he has won in the lists of love at Athens, Corinth, and amongst Carian and Ionian dames. Or again, if wine be his theme, it is still Anacreon that inspires the strain ; his Hymn to Bacchus (304) and his Canticle to Bacchus (415) recall, both by their sentiment and their light trochaic verse, the manner of the Greek : To Bacchus : A Canticle. Whither dost thou whorry me, Bacchus, being full of thee ? The Lyrical Poems of the Hesperides This way, that way, that way, this, Here and there a fresh love is. That doth Hke me, this doth please ; Thus a thousand mistresses I have now ; yet I alone, Having all, enjoy not one. Herrick delighted equally in that fanciful side of Anacreon's genius which fashioned cameo-like pictures of Cupid stung by a bee, or drawing his arrow upon the poet who has given him warmth and shelter. Not only did he translate these odes, but he contrived others similar to them in manner, and rivalling them in the dainty grace of the workmanship : The Bag of the Bee. About the sweet bag of a bee Two Cupids fell at odds, And whose the pretty prize should be They vow'd to ask the gods. Which Venus hearing, thither came, And for their boldness stripp'd them. And taking thence from each his flame. With rods of myrtle whipp'd them. Which done, to still their wanton cries. When quiet grown she'd seen them, She kiss'd, and wip'd their dove-like eyes, And gave the bag between them.^ Finally, it seems to have been mainly from Anacreon, though the practice reappears also in 1 No. 92. 2H Robert Herrick Catullus, that Herrick drew the idea of addressing poems " To Himself," in which, exactly in the manner of the Greek poet, he lightly discourses of his hopes and fears, his sensuous delight in the gay pleasures of life, or his presentiment of gray hairs and advancing years. How intensely Ana- creontic, for instance, is the following : I fear no earthly powers. But care for crowns of flowers ; And love to have my beard With wine and oil besmear'd. This day I'll drown all sorrow : Who knows to live to-morrow ? ^ But while recognising the indebtedness of Herrick to Anacreon, it is important not to exaggerate it. It is in his shortest, lightest, and most sensuous lyrics that this influence is chiefly felt ; in his nobler and more sustained flights of song, he soars to heights where the Greek lyrist was unable to lend him guidance : the truth is that the whole of Anacreon is summed up in Herrick, but not the whole of Herrick in Anacreon. Of the Roman lyric poets, it is Catullus and Horace that have left the deepest impression upon him ; he was undoubtedly familiar with their works, and translates from both of them. Lowell has called Herrick '' the most Catullian of poets since Catullus," ^ and it is incumbent on us to see 1 No. 170. ^ "Essay on Lessing." 212 I The Lyrical Poems of the Hesperides what truth there is in the statement. In that spirited poem, To Live Merrily and Trust to Good Verses (201), he empties his goblet in honour of Catullus, and refers to him as follows : Then this immensive cup Of aromatic wine, Catullus, I quaff up To that terse muse of thine. His song To Anthea (74) is reminiscent in places of the most passionate of Catullus's love lyrics to Lesbia, Vivamtis, mea Lesbia^ at que amemus ; and his elegy Upon the Death of his Sparrow (256), though different in presentment, was undoubtedly suggested by the familiar Luctus in Morte Passeris of the Veronese lyrist. But the actual borrowings from Catullus are much slighter than those from Martial, Ovid, Horace, or Seneca, and indicate little more than that Herrick had read the Car7nina and remembered them. Yet the relationship which the English poet bears to the Roman goes deeper than mere reminiscence of phrase. In the first place, it should be borne in mind that the Hesperides bear a striking superficial resemblance to the Carrnina of Catullus in their apparently dis- orderly arrangement — an arrangement which ignores chronological order, and brings the loftiest strains of lyric song into close proximity with the coarsest epigrams. Penetrating beneath 213 Robert Herrick the surface, we notice the strlkingr sincerity of utterance which characterises either poet ; both of them lay bare their personal tastes, their loves and their hatreds, with absolute frankness. Herrick shares, too, Catullus's sympathetic nature, and his tender regard for friends and relations ; either poet is ready at all times to devote his muse to the service of his friends, and is keenly alive to the sense of bereavement. Herrick's lament for the death of his brother William (i86) falls, in passionate intensity, little short of the immortal lines in which Catullus bewails the death of his brother in the Troad.^ There is, too, a resemblance between their poems on the side of style. Herrick shows his critical faculty in attaching to Catullus the epithet ''terse," and the terseness of the Car- mina, the directness of appeal, the avoidance of surplusage and of mannerisms, find their counter- part in the Hesperides. But it is as love poets that Catullus and Herrick have usually been compared, and here, it must be confessed, the difference between them is great. In his love-poems to Julia, Corinna and the other mistresses, Herrick only on rare occa- sions glows with the same fiery passion which enkindles the Veronese poet's songs to Lesbia. The absence of passion on Herrick's part may be accounted for by the belief that he is singing ^ Carmina^ Ixviii. 214 The Lyrical Poems of the Hesperides only of imaginary mistresses, whereas we know that Catullus's Lesbia was luridly real ; but, how- ever explained, this lack of the genuine fire of love makes Herrick's verses seem very different from those of the Roman poet. We have only to compare the lines to Anthea with the fifth of the Carmina, on which, as already stated, they are based, in order to realise the difference between the love of the two poets. Herrick reproduces the somewhat fanciful lines — Da mi basia mille, deinde centum ; Dein mille altera, dein secunda centum ; Dein usque altera mille, deinde centum — cleverly enough : Give me a kiss, and to that kiss a score ; Then to that twenty add a hundred more; A thousand to that hundred ; so kiss on, To make that thousand up a milHon.^ But, unmoved by the passion and poignancy of the foreofoinor verses — Soles occidere et redire possunt : Nobis, quum semel occidit brevis lux, Nox est perpetua una dormienda — he substitutes for them some of his grossest lines. Peculiarly interesting is the attitude of Herrick to Horace. What is probably the first poem he ^ No. 74. 215 Robert Herrick ever wrote, A Country Life to Thomas Herrick, is singularly full of Horatian echoes, and shows the same delight in the associations of country life which we meet with in the Odes. A few years later, he translated the ninth Ode of Book III. — the dialogue between Horace and Lydia — and had it set to music. Throughout the Hesperides, too, and especially in the poems of a sententious character, we come upon passages, and sometimes short poems, which are little more than free trans- lations of Horace. Thus he loves to round off poems by a passage taken from the Roman master, and generally acknowledges the debt by italics. For instance, the bold figure of the last line of The Bad Season makes the Poet Sad (612): And once more yet ere I am laid out dead, Knock at a star with my exalted head — is an exact translation of the close of the first Ode of Book I. : Quodsi me lyricis vatibus inseres, Sublimi feriam sidera vertice. Similarly, the concluding couplet of the poem, To the Earl of Westmorland (459) : Virtue conceal'd, with Horace you'll confess, Differs not much from drowsy slothfulness — 216 The Lyrical Poems of the Hesperides is an acknowledged translation of the following : Paulum sepultse distat inertise Celata virtus.^ It is worthy of notice that Herrick turns to Horace for inspiration in his graver moments. The Hesperides bear witness to the fact that their author knew his Horace too well to fall into the common error that the Augustan poet was a mere seeker after pleasure, the bard of love and song and wine, who bids his readers enjoy the fleeting hours of present existence, taking no thought for the morrow. And it is significant that, when in the very highest spirits he writes To Live Merrily and Trust to Good Verses (201), and pledges in a bumper of wine the memory of Homer, Virgil, Ovid, Catullus, Pro- pertius, and Tibullus, he makes no mention of Horace. In his Bacchanalian lyrics he looks not to Horace, but to Anacreon ; and when he cele- brates in verse one of his many mistresses, he has in mind, not the love-lyrics which Horace devotes to his Lycjia, or Glycera, but the Lesbia poems of Catullus, the elegies of Ovid, or again, the sensuous odes of Anacreon. To Horace he turns, as also to Seneca, in his graver moods, to furnish him with some sententious apophthegm, or to inculcate some of the more practical lessons of philosophy — mastery of self and a life of modera- tion. Such poems as His Wish (153), Purposes 1 IV. Ode ix. 29. 217 Robert Herrick (615), or that entitled Men mind no State in Sick- ness (696), are clearly reminiscent of Horace, as is also that entitled His Age, dedicated to his friend John Weekes (336). In this last it is Horace's famous Eheu fugaces that inspires the song, together with the allied in spirit and equally- famous i9^^^^^r^ nives of Book IV. Nor can it, I think, be doubted that the noble poem, The Christian Militant (323), which is not unworthy of comparison with Words worth's //i:?//j Warrior, is in its philosophy more nearly akin to the blended Stoicism and Epicureanism that we meet with in the maturer poems of Horace than to the ethics of Christianity. If there was a kinship between Herrick and Horace in respect of their philosophy of life, there was also a kinship of tastes. Horace on his Sabine farm, and Herrick tilling his acres of glebe at Dean Prior, come near to one another in their surroundings and habits of life. Both had known the life of the court and the city, and both had followed up this life by one of comparative seclusion in the country, and had found in the activities and recreations of rustic life, and in the ever-changing face of Nature, matter for song. In the place of his seclusion Horace was more fortunate than Herrick ; at such times as he felt the monotony and tedium of the Sabine farm steal over him, he could escape to Rome, or to fashionable Tibur or Baia^, and there mingle 218 The Lyrical Poems of the Hesperides freely in the society of the literati and the courtiers. But Herrick, far away from London, and held fast by parochial duties, could not so readily pass from the one life to the other ; and as a result of this we find, instead of the affec- tionate terms in which Horace always refers to his country life, those occasional outbursts of spleen against Dean Prior, of which we have already taken count. But the point at which Horace and Herrick come nearest to one another is in the feeling that the work which they are doing, the monument which they are raising, is one which will outlive them. This faith in the immortality of poetry was, as literary historians have shown, common to most of the poets of the Renaissance. But it was in a very special sense the faith of Herrick, a faith to which he clung with a tenacity which no neglect could shake. The same faith was, of course, in Horace : it is the theme of the proud ode which closes the second book, and of the still prouder one at the end of the third. In his sure belief in the immortality of the Hesperides Herrick had Horace in mind, and the thought of that poet's fame, veiled for something like a thousand years beneath a cloud, and then effulgent in the stirring days of the Renais- sance, when the dead came to life again, and old things were made new, may well have cheered the Caroline lyrist amid his work. The very 219 Robert Herrick language in which he assures himself of this im- mortality is a clear echo of Horace's Non omnis moriar and Exegi monumentum aere perennius : Thou shalt not all die ; for, while love's fire shines Upon his altar, men shall read thy lines, And learned musicians shall, to honour Herrick's Fame and his name, both set and sing his lyrics.^ Behold this living stone I rear for me, Ne'er to be thrown Down, envious Time, by thee. Pillars let some set up If so they please : Here is my hope And my Pyramides.^ Space does not permit us to investigate further the indebtedness of Herrick to the writers of the classic world. A large number of lines taken direct from the works of Ovid show his diligent study of that poet, and here and there we come upon verses which recall Virgil and the great Roman elegists, Tibullus and Propertius. There are, too, throughout the Hesperides, frequent reminiscences of both the tragedies and the prose works of Seneca, as well as of the historical writings of Tacitus. Indeed, the more carefully the Hesperides are studied, the more do they 1 Up07t Hi?nself {^66). 2 His Poetry his Pillar (211). 220 The Lyrical Poems of the Hesperides reveal the fact that Herrick carried with him to his vicarage at Dean Prior the best works of the great Roman authors, and that during the long winter evenings which he spent there, he pored over their writings with the eyes of a scholar and a lover. His acquaintance with the lyric poetry of the Renaissance age was less profound. There is nothing to show that he had any acquaintance with the Petrarchan school of Italian lyrists who had inspired the poets of Elizabethan England. The reaction against the Petrarchists, begun by Jonson and Donne, was continued by Herrick. He has left us nothing in the nature of sonnet or canzone, nor is there much resemblance between his love lyrics and those of Renaissance Italy. Nor, again, can we trace in his works the influence of French lyric poetry ; the lustrous names of the poets of La Pleiade seem to have been unknown to him. It would be pleasant to think that he had read Remy Belleau, and that the Petites hiventions, the lyrics and idylls of La Bergerie and Les Amours et N ouveaux Eschanges des Pierres Precieuses found a place on his shelves side by side with the Odes of Anacreon. There was in fact much that was common to the two poets : both were lovers and imitators of Anacreon, who inspired both of them to write of love and of '' times trans-shifting," and to weave delicate fancies round the minute creations Robert Herrick of Nature. Herrick would have found pure delight in Belleau's beautiful song, Avril: Avril, I'honneur et des bois, Et des mois : Avril, la douce esperance Des fruicts qui sous le coton Du bouton Nourrissent leur jeune enfance. . . . ^ And the poet who sang of the hock-cart would have found a kindred soul in the author of Les Vendangeurs. W^xx\q}^s> Description of a Woman, again, is strikingly like Belleau's Portrait de sa Maistresse, but there is no reason for suggesting imitation ; either poet found his model in the twenty-eighth ode of Anacreon. ,«i^ J Herrick's attitude as a master of lyric poetry -^ to the lyrists of Elizabethan England and those of his own generation is very interesting and calls for closest study.) His classical sympathies and his sturdy allegiance to Ben Jonson made him turn aside from the dreamy mysticism of the sonneteers, nor could his mundane tem- perament appreciate the Platonic idealism of Spenser. jBut there was an undoubted strain of romance in Herrick's geniusj while his long as- sociation with English rural life, and his intense delight in all the pagan ritual of the country-side, brought him into touch with the simple idyllic poetry of England's Helicony and, ^ Belleau, (Euvres Poetiques^ ed. Marty-Lavaux, i. p. 201. 222 The Lyrical Poems of the Hesperidcs in spite of his artistic tastes and classical bias, with the ruder minstrelsy of the popular song. Among the Hesperides are several songs of a distinctly popular character, and others which, if savouring more of the artist, keep, nevertheless, to the rhythm of popular song. There were in the seventeenth century several songs which attained popularity, the hero of which was the roving, mirth-loving tinker. A song, entitled ''The Jovial Tinker," is contained in the Pepys Collection, and akin to it is that beginning — There was a jovial tinker, Dwelt in the land of Turvey — preserved in the First part of Merry Drollery Complete (1670). In the spirit of these songs Herrick wrote his Tinker's Song (1051), the popular accent of which is unmistakable : Along, come along, Let's meet in a throng Here of tinkers : And quaff up a bowl As big as a cowl To beer drinkers. The pole of the hop Place in the aleshop To bethwack us. If ever we think So much as to drink Unto Bacchus. 223 Robert Herrick Who frolic will be For little cost, he Must not vary From beer-broth at all, So much as to call For Canary. The rhythm of this song, with its ahernating iambs and anapaests, recurs in a good number of the songs of the Hesperides, most of which have a certain popular ring in them. We meet with it, or something very Hke it, in Up Tails -A II (727), which is also a version of another extremely popular song of the time, in Tke Hag is Astride (643), The Peter- Penny (762), Ceremonies for Christmas (784), Draw-Gloves (243), The May- pole is up (695), and in Twelfth- Night, or King and Queen (1035). The use of this rhythm for popular airs is fairly common in the seven- teenth century, a good example being The Encounter, published among the Rump-Songs in 1662. Again, Herrick's charm-songs have a distinctly popular flavour about them, and may be compared with those primitive charm-songs, "Against Stitch," ** Against a Swarm of Bees," etc., which are among the earliest pieces of verse in English literature. In his charms he is content to ignore art, and to set forth the superstitions which he gathered in the chimney-corners of Dean Prior in the simplest possible manner : 224 The Lyrical Poems of the Hesperides If ye fear to be affrighted, When ye are by chance benighted, In your pocket for a trust, Carry nothing but a crust j For that holy piece of bread Charms the danger and the dread.^ This I'll tell ye by the way, Maidens, when ye leavens lay ; Cross your dough, and your dispatch Will be better for your batch. ^ Herrick never wrote anything quite like the songs with recurring refrain which we meet with in the plays of Shakespeare and Dekker, and which approximate so closely to the manner of primitive folk-song ; but his charms, his may- pole songs and wassail-songs, and his lyrics for Christmas and Candlemas ceremonies, come very near the folk-lore rhymes of the English country- side, and offer a pleasing contrast to those art- lyrics of his, in which the chief inspiration is drawn from classic sources. When we turn from the popular song, and its allies, to the more formal art-lyric of the Elizabethan period, it is not easy to say precisely at what points Herrick came under the influence of the earlier masters. I It may be taken for granted that he was fairly well aquainted with the collections of madrigals and miscellany-lyrics ; and when the authors of these 1 A Charm (1065). 2 ^ Charm (1063). p 225 Robert Herrick sing of country life and country festivities, they come very near to Herrick. But the more artificial kinds of art-lyric, above all the sonnet and its kindred forms, were foreign to the taste of Ben Jonson's disciple, though the lyric of pastoralism, especially if written in amoebean form, was practised by him, as also by most of the secular lyrists of the time. It is significant, too, that whereas he makes frequent mention in his verses of the great lyrists of classical antiquity, and of Ben Jonson among the moderns, he does not once refer to Marlowe, Sidney, Spenser, Greene, Breton, Campion, Shakespeare, or any other of the Elizabethan masters of lyric song. Thus the reaction against the Petrarchan tradition of lyric poetry, begun by Donne and Jonson, is fully maintained in the Hesperides. Now and again, it is true, we overhear in that collection of verses echoes of the older music. Like many another lyrist of the time, he takes up the beautiful strain of Marlowe's '' Copie live with me and be my love " in his song. To Phyllis, to love and live with him (521), and rivals the earlier master in the idyllic beauty of the rustic associa- tions which he recalls. Again, Campion's matchless lyric, '' There is a garden in her face," with its refrain, ''Till 'Cherry ripe' themselves do cry," is echoed in the familiar " Cherry Ripe " ; and it is impossible to read Herrick's haunting '* Mad Maid's Song " without thinking of Ophelia. 226 r The Lyrical Poems of the Hesperides There is, further, a certain kinship between some of the lighter lyrics of the Hesperides and some of the madrigal-songs, especially those which break away from the Italian manner and set forth homely themes in simple and homely words. Some of Morley's canzonets and ballets on May- day rejoicings, or on the rustic game of barley- break, come, in spirit and expression, very near to Herrick's treatment of the same themes,^ and what is frequently regarded as the most perfect of all his idyllic songs, Corinndls going a-Maying (178), seems to have owed its inspiration to the following song from Thomas Bateson's First Set of English Madrigals ( 1 604) : Sister, awake ! close not your eyes ! The day her light discloses, And the bright morning doth arise Out of her bed of roses. See, the clear sun, the world's bright eye, In at our window peeping : Lo ! how he blusheth to espy Us idle wenches sleeping. Therefore awake ! make haste, I say, And let us, without staying, All in our gowns of green so gay Into the park a-maying.^ Compare the barley-break song in Morley's Canzonets or Little Short Aers (1597) (Bolle. p. 125), with Herrick's " Barley- Break " (loi). 2 BuUen, Lyrics from Elizabethan Song-Books^ p. 198. 227 Robert Herrick It would be interesting to have heard Herrick's opinions on the poetic genius of Donne, with whose lyrics he was certainly acquainted, and concerning whom, we may readily believe, he exchanged opinions with his master, Ben Jonson, during their hours together in the London tavern. The direct influence of Donne upon Herrick may be hard to determine, and in many respects their poetic tastes ran in opposite direc- tions ; yet it must, I think, be admitted that the ever-present personal note of the author of the Hesperides, the individuality and direct manner of his lyrics, were all qualities which Donne had been the first to introduce into the Elizabethan lyric, and that without the example of Donne before him, Herrick would somehow have written differently. In this quality of self- revelation the Hesperides have much more in common with the Songs and Sonnets of Donne than with the Forest or the Underwoods of Jonson. At the same time, it is not easy to single out poems of Herrick which directly recall those of Donne,^ and it must be confessed that the qualities which are most frequently regarded as characteristic of Donne's genius — his obscurity, his perversa ingenuity and met^physic wit, his cramped, diction and harsh rhythms — are directly opposed _ ^ Exception must perhaps be made in the case of No Loath- omeness in Love (21), which recalls Donne's The Indifferent', it is also probable that Herrick's Litany to the Holy Spirit (N.N. 41) was suggested by the Litany of Donne. 228 'he Lyrical Poems of the Hesperides to the lucidity and fluid melody of the vicar of EJean Prior. Of English lyric poets, the only one that can be compared with the great lyrists of antiquity, in respect of the influence exerted upon the author of the Hesperides^ was the one whom he so often and so loyally acclaimed as master — Ben Jonson. We can well believe that it was^l Jonson's precept and example that led Herrick to the study and imitation of the Greek and Roman lyric, that taught him structural form and precision of style, and that inspired him with his fastidious sense of artistic treatment. The classicism of Herrick is that of Anacreon, Catullus and Horace, but it is also that of Jonson, who overthrew the Petrarchan traditions and replaced them by those of antiquity. More- over, it was allegiance to Jonson, reinforced, it is true, by innate sanity of genius, which kept Herrick free from all the extravagances of the fantastic school of English lyrists that was grow- ing up around him. And in this respect it is to be noticed that what is almost Herrick s only mannerism of style — a certain love of in- version — is one which he shares with his master. Many a chance phrase scattered through the Hesperides is reminiscent of the Forest, the Underwoods and the Masques of Ben Jonson, and now and again we find him reproducing the music of his verse. Thus the rhythm — 229 Robert Herrick and something more than the rhythm — of one of Herrick's most perfect lyrics, The Night Piece to Julia (619), inevitably recalls the Song of the Patrico in Gipsies Metamorphosed. Jonson's song begins as follows : The faery beams upon you, The stars to glister on you ; A moon of light, In the noon of night. Till the fire-drake hath o'ergone you ; and this is the first stanza of Herrick's : Her eyes the glow-worm lend thee, The shooting stars attend thee ; And the elves also, Whose little eyes glow Like the sparks of fire, befriend thee. Reference has already been made (see page 32) to the relationship which the poem, entitled A Country Life : to his Brother, M. Tho. Herrick (106), bears to Jonson's Epistle to Sir Robert Wroth, and there is an equally close relationship between Herrick's Panegyric to Sir L. Pemberton ^Zll^ ^^^ Jonson's Penshurst. Both poems describe the hospitality of a seven- teenth century country-house, and many of the ideas introduced into the earlier poem reappear in the later. It would be necessary to quote the poems in full in order to bring out all the points in common, but a few 230 The Lyrical Poems of the Hesperides J verses will suffice to show the dependence of the one poet upon the other. Jonson praises, amongst other things, the generous table kept at Penshurst : &-. Whose liberal board doth flow With all that hospitality doth know ; Where comes no guest but is allow'd to eat, Without his fear, and of thy lord's own meat : Where the same beer and bread, and self-same wine That is his lordship's, shall be also mine. Here no man tells my cups, nor, standing by, A waiter doth my gluttony envy : But gives me what I call, and lets me eat ; He knows, below, he shall find plenty of meat. Herrick takes up this thought and expands it at some length : The wholesome savour of thy mighty chines Invites to supper him who dines ; Where laden spits, warp'd with large ribs of beef. Not represent but give relief To the lank stranger and the sour swain. Where both may feed and come again : For no black-bearded vigil from thy door Beats with a button'd staff the poor . . . Thus, like a Roman tribune, thou thy gate Early sets ope to feast and late ; Keeping no currish waiter to affright With blasting eye the appetite. Which fain would waste upon thy cates, but that The trencher-creature marketh what Best and more suppling piece he cuts, and by Some private pinch tells danger's nigh, 231 Robert Herrick A hand too desp'rate, or a knife that bites Skin-deep into the pork, or lights Upon some part of kid, as if mistook, When checked by the butler's look.^ Herrlck's dependence upon his master is un- mistakable, but it is only fair to notice the greater vividness and animation of his picture, and the way in which he has allowed his humour to play upon the scene. I Again, we may observe the connection between Jonson's famous song, '' Still to be Neat," and Herrick's Delight in Disorder (^'^, where the younger poet, taking to heart the instruc- tions of his elder, expresses his delight in the "wild civility" and ''sweet disorder" of women's attire, and grows lyrical over tempestuous petticoats and ribbons that flow confusedly. But the dependence of Herrick upon Jonson is not to be pinned down to particular poems : it finds ex- pression not so much in these as in the general tenor of his work. And when full recognition is made of his debt to the earlier lyrist, it is fair to add that at every point the disciple transcends the master. His range is wider, his taste surer; and whereas in Jonson we feel that we are in the presence of the intellectual artist and the verse- reformer, we invariably recognise in Herrick a quality higher than these — the genuine lyric * The inspiration of both Jonson's and Herrick's poem comes from the fifty-eighth epigram of Martial's third Book. 232 The Lyrical Poems of the Hesperides gift of one who sings because he must. Mr Swinburne, no mean admirer of Jonson's genius, has expressed this superiority of the pupil to the teacher in words which admit of no compromise : ** As we turn from Gray to Collins, as we turn from Wordsworth to Coleridge, as we turn from Byron to Shelley, so do we turn from Jonson to Herrick ; and so do we recognise the lyric poet as distinguished from the writer who may or may not have every gift but one in higher development of excellence and in fuller perfection of power, but who is utterly and absolutely transcended and shone down by his probably unconscious competitor on the proper and peculiar ground of pure and simple poetry." ^ /The secular lyrics of Herrick are mainly concerned with what have been, in all stages of the world's history, the most cherished themes of the lyre — love and ^song and wine. In close association with these are his festival lyrics, written to honour the marriage ceremonies of some friend or patron, or in celebration of some village revel. Lastly, there are his nature-lyrics, inspired by the beauty and fragrance of flowers, or by the joy which possesses him when the dark winter is over, and spring returns to gladden the face of the earth.1 Love is the supreme theme of the Hesperides, as of the Cavalier lyric generally, and to its pleasures ^ A Study of Ben Jonson, p. 98. 233 Robert Herrick /"derrick devotes some of his most perfect songs. ( Love is the theme of youth, but Herrick, if 1 certain statements made by him in his verses >>- parishioners. He turned this childlike mind to good account in his "graces for children," the most familiar of which might have come straight from "■ A Child's Garden of Verses ^ Here a little child I stand. Heaving up my either hand : 1 The White Island; or, Place of the Blest (128). 309 Robert Herrick Cold as paddocks though they be, Here I lift them up to thee, For a benison to fall On our meat and on us all. Amen.^ But in the following verses To God, which are not placed on the lips of a child, it is hard to believe that we are listening to a contemporary of George Herbert or Bishop Hall : — Lord, do not beat me, Since I do sob and cry, And swoon away to die Ere thou dost threat me. Lord, do not scourge me If I by lies and oaths Have soil'd myself or clothes, But rather purge me.^ In the Noble Numbers the epigrams are much more numerous than the lyrics, and many of them are confined to a single distich. Most of them add nothing to Herrick's fame as a poet, but occasionally they convey some new thought, or some old thought set forth in a new and striking way. The following may serve as examples : — God, when He takes my goods and chattels hence. Gives me a portion, giving patience : What is in God is God ; if so it be He patience gives. He gives Himself to me.^ * Another Grace for a Child {()^). 2 To God (49). ^ upon God (Sy)- 310 The Noble Numbers There is no evil that we do commit, But hath th' extraction of some good from it : As when we sin, God, the great Chemist, thence Draws out th' elixir of true penitence.^ The most sustained of the lyrics in the Noble Numbers are the two dirges — The Dirge of Jephthalis Daughter {^'^ and The Dirge of Dorcas (123). The beauty of the latter is some- what marred by the same kind of materialism which we find in the poet's ''Thanksgiving to God for his House," but the former is quite free from this. It represents the Jewish maidens gathered about the grave of the sacrificed virgin, shedding bitter tears for the sister they have lost, and strew- ing daffodils and other flowers about her tomb. There is at times a curious, but not unseemly, aroma of the bridal-chamber in this funeral dirge, but the tone of it is elegiac throughout, and the concluding stanzas are imbued with all the caressing fancy and exquisite pathos of Herrick's lyric genius : Sleep in thy peace, thy bed of spice, And make this place all paradise. May sweets grow here, and smoke from hence Fat frankincense : Let balm and cassia send their scent From out thy maiden-monument. May no wolf howl, or screech-owl stir A wing about thy sepulchre ! 1 Sin (196). Robert Herrick No boisterous winds, or storms, come hither To starve or wither Thy soft sweet earth ! but, hke a spring, Love keep it ever flourishing. May all shy maids, at wonted hours. Come forth to strew thy tomb with flow'rs : May virgins, when they come to mourn, Male-incense burn Upon thine altar ! then return. And leave thee sleeping in thy urn. Herrick's supremacy over all his contemporaries in the field of lyric poetry is partly due to the greater volume and variety of his poems, partly also to the fact that he was before all things a consummate artist. The mob of gentleman who, in these cavaliering days, spent idle moments in tossing off verses of gallantry to their mistresses, prided themselves upon nothing so much as the ease and speed with which they wrote. One of the most famous of them, ** natural, easy Suckling," even brought it as a reproach against Carew that — the issue of 's brain Was seldom brought forth but with trouble and pain.^ But Herrick, spending long years amid the seclusion of his country vicarage, and treasuring his poems with idolatrous affection, thought otherwise. The easy flow of his lyrics gives, ^ A Sessions of the Poets. 312 The Noble Numbers perhaps, the impression that they were written in haste ; but if so, they were corrected at leisure, and not given to the world until they had reached that state of chiselled perfection which satisfied the demands of a poet who was as fastidious as Gray : Better 'twere my book were dead, Than to live not perfected.^ In addition to the authentic text of 1648, we possess, as we have already seen, earlier printed versions of some of the Hesperides poems ; more- over, there are to be found among the Ashmole, Harley, Egerton, and Rawlinson MSS. earlier renderings of some of the most sustained of Herrick's verses, including the Farewell and Welcome to Sack^ some of the fairy poems, and the Nuptial Song on Sir Clipseby Crew. These versions have been carefully collated with those of the 1648 volume by Dr Grosart and Mr Pollard, and furnish us with abundant evidence of the author's unsparing use of the file. The twenty-three stanzas of the Harleian MS. version of the ''Nuptial Song" are reduced in the Hesperides to sixteen, though some of the rejected stanzas seem to our less exacting taste almost faultless. Elsewhere we find single lines, and sometimes whole stanzas, entirely remodelled, and a single illustration will show how much ^ His Request to Julia (59). 313 Robert Herrick they gain by the process. The fourteenth stanza of the epistle To Mr John Weekes (336) reads as follows in the Egerton MS. : — When the high Helen her fair cheeks Showed to the army of the Greeks. At which I'll rise (Blind though as midnight in my eyes), And, hearing it, Flutter and crow, and in a fit Of young concupiscence, and feel New flames within the aged steal. In the Hesperides it is altered to the following: — When the fair Helen from her eyes Shot forth her loving sorceries. At which I'll rear Mine aged limbs above my chair, And, hearing it. Flutter and crow as in a fit Of fresh concupiscence, and cry : No lust there's like to poetry. One of the most radical and most interesting changes introduced by Herrick into the Hesperides is that which we encounter in the poem, entitled The Apparition of his Mistress calling him to Elysium (575). This was first published in 1640, and contained the following lines describing the modern dramatists who sit with Homer, Virgil, ''soft Catullus," '' sharp-fang'd Martial," and other great classic poets in the green meadows of Elysium : 314 The Noble Numbers Among which synod, crown'd with sacred bays And flatt'ring ivy, we'll have, to recite their plays, Shakespeare and Beaumont, swans to whom the spheres Listen while they call back the former years To teach the truth of scenes. Eight years later, it seems that Herrick had come round to the common opinion of the age that Fletcher was a greater dramatist than Shake- speare, and so he alters the verses as follows : — Among which glories, crown'd with sacred bays And flatt'ring ivy, to recite their plays — Beaumont and Fletcher, swans to whom all ears Listen, while they, like sirens in their spheres, Sing their Evadne. We may think what we like of the poet's dramatic taste, but must acknowledge how much the later rendering surpasses the earlier in respect of style and rhythm. Illustrations of the emenda- tions made by the poet might be jurnished_tQ_aay extent, but they all tell the same tale — gain in te'rsene'SS aild~simpIicity ~ot utterance, and7 lik e- WTsertrfpu r i t y_a^ndji^;aniiy: joilrhyth m . ^Th e most obv igua-jquality-^ H errick's style is its freedom from the fashionable mannerisms of his day. There is at times a certain quaint^ ness in his diction, and, more rarely, a Jonsoniaij fondness for inversions. Mr Courthope has also drawn attenl;ion to his occasional use of strange words like " carcanet " and "pannicle," and to his py ^ Robert Herrick fgndness for diminutives like **cherrylet" and **pipkinnet" ; but in the twelve hundred poems of the Hesperides there is scarcely a trace of the strained conceits, the violent comparisons, the" "recondite allusions, and all the rest_.of the metaphysic wit of the fantastic school _pf poetry then in vogue. To the allurements of this seventeenth-century poetic diction even so surejii artist as Milton fell a victim in the early ^ portion of his career, but Herrick, from first^to last, IceptTilmseir free from blemish. At the same tinie,'Tie Ts free from the affectations of the Elizabethans, ^e admits into his verses neither thii^archaisms and provincialisms of Spender, nor the indirectness and over-subtlety of the sonneteers ; and everything in the nature of word- quibbling he regards with just abhorrence^ In the Ashmole MS. version of A Country Life (io6) there occurs the following line : Vice is vice-gerent at the court. Recognising afterwards that his readers might accuse him of punning, he recasts it thus : — Vice rules the most or all at court. Xhe- secret of his art consist^^n— the- perfect - adjustment of the style to 'the theme. In lyrics like The May-pole is up (695), The Hag is astride (643) or The Peter-Penny (762), where he is 316 The Noble Numbers imitating the rhythm of the popular song, his diction is also extremely simple. Simplicity is likewise sought in most of his song-lyrics, and the beauty of the song To Anthea (267), The Night-Piece to Julia (619), or The Mad MaicTs Song {/}^\2), is largely^ jdue to the magic effect produced by th^^omely wordsT^ In poems ^S^] of this nature he relies upon monosyllabic words '^ to a greater extent than any other English poet, and it is not at all difficult to find among the Hesperides whole stanzas like the following, where nothing but monosyllables appear : — A heart as soft, a heart as kind, A heart as sound and free As in the whole world thou canst find, That heart I'll give to thee.i Again, in the poem His Grange, or Private Wealth (724), which contains one hundred and forty-five words, only fifteen of them run to more than a single syllable. Where, however, he departs most widely from the manner of the song- lyric, as, for instance, in his odes and elegies, his style grows more elaborate. Still pursuing clear- ness and precision of utterance, and avoiding everything in the nature of preciosity, he at the same time manages to introduce high-sounding latinised words, enriches the verses with the treasures of classic story, and makes a bold use 1 To Anthea (267). Robert Herrick of figures of speech. The resuh is that his verses acquire a certain massiveness, a resonance, cR Td'^Sr aug ust, imperial splendour, which place tfiem at a wide distance from the homely strains of his songs*- We meet with this heightened style in his Farewell and Welcome to Sack, and in the lines, entitled The Apparition of his Mistress calling him to Elysium (575). His__styje as a l^ whole is not particularly rich in metaphor, but in some of his more sustained flights of song he uses it with magnificent effect, and in such a stanza as the following, we see him passing from one metaphor to another with the ease and bold- ness of Shakespeare : — Alas ! for me, that I have lost E'en all almost ; Sunk is my sight, set is my sun, And all the loom of life undone : The staff, the elm, the prop, the sheltering wall Whereon my vine did crawl. Now, now blown down ; needs must the old stock fall.^ A fondness for classic al allusions is one of the marked characteristics of his style, and gives to it much of its classical colour. These are not the trite references which we meet with in much of the poetry of the Renaissance ; without being recondite or obscure, they bear witness to his sound scholarship, and show, in particular, his curious delight in ancient ritual. These allusions ^ An Ode to Endymion Porter upon his Brother's Death (185). 318 The Noble Numbers are most noticeable in that early poem, A Country Life : to his Brother ^ Tho7nas Her rick (io6), and in His Age: To Mr John Wickes (336) ; and again, in his impassioned Farewell to Poetry, from which the following lines are taken : — And in that mystic frenzy we have hurled, As with a tempest, nature through the world, And in a whirlwind twirl'd her home, aghast At that which in her ecstasy had past. Thus crown'd with rosebuds, sack, thou mad'st me fly Like fire-drakes, yet didst me no harm thereby, O thou almighty nature, who didst give True heat wherewith humanity doth live Beyond its stinted circle, giving food. While fame and resurrection to the good ; Shoring them up 'bove ruin till the doom, The general April of the world doth come. That makes all equal. Many thousands should, Were't not for thee, have crumbled into mould, And with their sere-clothes rotted, not to show Whether the world such spirits had or no \ Whereas by thee those and a million since Nor fate, nor envy, can their fames convince. Homer, Musaeus, Ovid, Maro, more Of those Godful prophets long before Held their eternal fires, and ours of late (Thy mercy helping) shall resist strong fate. Nor stoop to the centre, but survive as long As fame or rumour hath or trump or tongue.^ Most of the poems describing the rustic festivals of the countryside are as simple as his 1 " Poems not included in the Hesperides" Pollard, ii. 264. 319 Robert Herrick songs, but even here there are times when reminiscences of the ceremonial rites of a bye- gone age come back to him, and then his imagination glows with a rare incandescence and his style takes on a richer colour. JThus^ many of the stanzas of that limpid poem, Corinna's going a- Maying (178), the theme_of >^HicE~is peculiarly English,_haye an undoubted classic aromaj^jiijthe figurative opening lines jmjght have come sixaight^from Ovid : Get up, get up for shame, the blooming morn Upon her wings presents the god unshorn. See how Aurora throws her fair Fresh-quilted colours through the air : Get up, sweet slug-a-bed, and see The dew bespangling herb and tree. The grace and purity of Herrick's diction are the natural complement to the grace and purity of his verse. He lived in an age when lyric 'poetry was wonderfully plastic in respect of the metrical moulds into which it flowed. The tyranny of the sonnet-structure was over, and no other rigid form of verse had arisen to take its place. The seventeenth century poet enjoyed perfect freedom in regard to form, and there was nothing to impede him in his desire to win for his lyric emotion that form which suited it best. Occasionally we find the freedom abused. I am not aware that any of the poets of this age followed the precept and example of Puttenham 320 The Noble Numbers who, in his Arte of English Poesies devised poems in the shape of triangles, cylinders, lozenges, and spheres,^ and declared that though at first there ** wil seeme nothing pleasant to an English eare, time and usage wil make them acceptable inough " ; but George Herbert carves his verses into the shape of altars and '' Easter wings," and even Herrick aspires to a pillar and a cross. ^ But these were only- momentary aberrations, and do not need to be taken into account here. Herrick had at his command an immense host of lyric measures, some of them of his own creation, and all of them skilfully adapted to the lyric theme which is being set forth. In his choice of metres, he shows once again that I between him and the Elizabethan lyrists thereil was not much in common. He will have nothing^' to do with the sonnet or canzone, nor do the slow-moving measures of the early Elizabethan lyric — Alexandrine, septenarius, and poulter's measure — which still drag their weary chains through some of the lyrics of Campion, find favour with him. Verses of more than five beats are extremely rare in the Hesperides, and a .striking- feature. of_ H errick's nietrLc._art- is hi§ fondness^ Jbr^ a short line in iambic or trochaic ^ See chapter xi., " Of Proportion in Figure." * See The Pillai' of Fame (1129) and The Cross {Noble Numbers^ 268). X 321 Robert Herrick f measure. Verses of four, three^ or two accents are extremefy common, and in his poem, Upon his Departure Hence (475), he keeps throughout to a line of a single accent. In his use of the heroic couplet, he seems to have followed the tendency of his age, which was slowly hammer- ing the Augustan distich out of the flowing heroic verse of Chaucer ; the sfructure of his earliest verses in this measure — e.g. the Farewell to Sack — is still free, but in his later poems, such as The Christian Militant, the pause at the end ^ of the couplet is rarely missed, and there is a nicer balance of parts. The delicacy of his ear and the fineness of his workmanship are best displayed in his strophic poems. Like most of the poets of the time, he keeps chiefly ^to~]anibic and trochaic measures. Dactyls are rarely IrieF^ith in his poems,^ and anapaests are reserved almost entirely for certain song-lyrics in which he is employing the rhythms of popular airs ^ ; but by the use of feminine rhymes, and by bringing into proximity lines of 1 His most effective use of the dactyl is in his poem To his Mistress (94) : Choose me your valentine. Next let us marry — Love to the death will pine If we long tarry. 2 Instances are Ceremonies for Christinas (784), 77^*? hag is astride (643). 322 The Noble Numbers different lengths, he attains a wonderful variety of effects. Thus the combination of verses with four accents and verses with two accents gives a delightful rhythm to his Thanksgiving to God for his House {Noble Numbers, 47) : Lord, thou hast given me a cell Wherein to dwell ; A little house, whose humble roof Is weather-proof, Under the spars of which I lie Both soft and dry ; . . . and equally happy is the union of verses of one, two, and three accents in To keep a Trtie Lent (Noble Numbers, 228) : Is this a fast, to keep The larder lean ? And clean From fat of veals and sheep ? Is it to quit the dish Of flesh, yet still To fill The platter high with fish ? No j 'tis a fast to dole Thy sheaf of wheat, And meat, Unto the hungry soul. It is to fast from strife. From old debate, And hate ; To circumcise thy life. 323 ' Robert Herrick To show a heart grief-rent ; To starve thy sin, Not bin ; And that's to keep thy Lent. A Still more signal Illustration of this device of metric art Is to be found, not unfittingly, in one of the several poems written In honour of Ben Jonson, from whom he had learnt so much of the harmonies of verse. Here a swelling effect is produced by the gradual lengthening of the linens the^ stanza advances^the rhythmic waves increasing in volume like the breakers of an in- coming tide : Ah Ben ! Say how or when Shall we, thy guests. Meet at those lyric feasts Made at the Sun, .^ N> The Dog, the Triple Tun ? Where we such clusters had " a/-V\ ^v^" As made us nobly wild not mad ; -r^\^ i And yet each verse of thine r t^ ^ ^ Out-did the meat, out-did the frolic wine.^ ^\ e\ All his poems are in rhyme, but occasionally he introduces, like Milton in Lycidas, a rhymeless verse Into his more highly- wrought stanzas. This is the case with the first line of His Re- cantation (246) : 1 A71 Ode for Ben Jonson (911). 324 The Noble Numbers Love, I recant, And pardon crave That lately I offended ; But 'twas Alas! To make a brave. But no disdain intended. Nor is he afraid of placing verses which rhyme together at a great distance from one another, the deHcacy of his ear assuring him that the effect of the rhyme will not be lost. Thus in the poem, To Daffodils (316), the rhyme of the first verse is not taken up till we reach the ninth, and in To Primroses filled with Morning Dew (257), the stanza of which is a masterpiece of the most cunning craftsmanship, there is the same interval : Why do ye weep, sweet babes ? Can tears ,'t Speak grief in you, b Who were but born " c Just as the modest morn Teem'd her refreshing dew ? Alas ! you have not known that shower That mars a flower, Nor felt the unkind Breath of a blasting wind ; Nor are ye worn with years, Or warp'd as we. Who think it strange to see Such pretty flowers, like to orphans young. To speak by tears before ye have a tongue. Thus does one attempt to bring Herrick's lyric raptures to the dissecting table, and lay bare 325 Robert Herrick their intricate and finely- wrought structure. But J. in so doing, it must be remembered that it is the prerogative of all high art to defy the last analysis ; we may codify Herrick's rhymes and tabulate his rhythms, but the evanescent, and yet ever-abiding, charm of his verse eludes our search. When, finally, we turn from the contemplation of the outward structure of Herrick's lyrics to the spirit which informs them, we are at once impressed by the universality of his genius in all that pertains to lyricism. His consciousness of discipleship, while it attests the humility of his nature, must not be allowed to obscure the fact that he was the supreme master of the lyre in his own generation, and the glorious con- summator of Renaissance song. All the most melodious notes in that loud chorus which made of the England of the Renaissance ''a nest of singing-birds," are heard in the Hesperides. Herrick can attune his lyre to the strains of Marlowe and the earliest melodists of Eliza- bethan song, and, at the same time, he can rival the courtly gallantries of his immediate contemporaries, Carew and Suckling. The varying ply of his genius gives him also the right to sit down, in that Elysium which his poetic fancy wrought, with Anacreon on his right hand, and Catallus and Horace on his left. He is at once romantic and classic, learned and 326 I The Noble Numbers popular. Nothing is too low for his genius, and nothing too high. He can stoop to the ale-house catch, fashioning it into a thing of beauty ; and he can rise to the full-voiced and intricate harmonies of the classic ode, giving to it fresh power and fresh enchantment. In like manner, he is the bard of the town and of the country, of the court and of the meadows. His songs are sung in the thatched cottages of Dean Prior, in the taverns of Temple Bar or Southwark, and beneath the fretted roof of Inigo Jones's banqueting-house at Whitehall. He can render the homage of matchless verse to court-ladies and princes of the blood, to aldermen and city madams, to village youths bringing in the hock-cart, or to maidens in sun-bonnets going a- Maying. He can write epithalamies for wealthy knights, and charms for simple house- wives ; the Countess of Carlisle inspires his muse, and so does Prudence Baldwin. He can weave poetry, as fine as threads of gossamer, out of the fancies of an esoteric fairy-lore, and at the same time he can touch with beauty the crude super- stitions of the country-side. He is both Christian and pagan, and, almost in the same breath, he will present his supplication to God the Father, and invite the protection of his " peculiar Lar." The comparison which is sometimes drawn between Herrick and the lyrists of a later day —Burns, Shelley, Heine — is of singularly little 327 Robert Herrick value, for it is like a comparison between youth and age. Civilisation has moved forward since the day on which Herrick published his HesperideSy and advancing years have brought to lyric poetry deeper purposes, intenser emotions, and more obstinate questionings as to the whence and whither, the meaning and worth, of life. The Renaissance song of Marlowe and Breton and Shakespeare and Dekker and Herrick is the song of children in the eager air of a spring morning. Life to them is a perpetual holiday and the world is very new and very wonderful. They are conscious at times that this joy cannot last for ever, and that "youth's a stuff will not endure " ; but the resilience of their natures soon lifts them out of their forebodings, and the thrill of exultation comes back to them with quickened pulse. They know nothing of the heartache of modern lyricism, and their philo- sophy of life is but to seize the day. With Burns and Shelley and Heine all this is changed. In them lyric emotion is adult and self-conscious. Their sweetest songs are only too often those that tell of saddest thought, and about them there gathers an intensity which is sometimes the child of hope, and sometimes of disillusion- ment. The passion of Burns, the alternating moods of hope and dejection which inform the songs of Shelley, the bitter-sweet emotion of Heine — these are almost unknown to Herrick I The Noble Numbers and the other masters of Renaissance song. Burns and Shelley and Heine are of necessity- more to us than Herrick can ever be ; for they speak to us in our own language, offering us hope and encouragement, rousing us to finer issues and nobler aspirations, or confirming us in our fears and misgivings. But there are times when, feeling that the world is too much with us, we try to free our minds from the burden of modernity ; and then it is that, in holiday mood, we turn to the Hesperides, and find refreshment of soul in the contemplation of an age that knew little of misgiving or disillusionment, and of a poet in whom, beneath the garb of an Anglican clergyman, there beat the heart of a votary of Apollo, "for ever piping songs for ever new," and bidding us gather rosebuds while we may in the bowered glades of Arcady. APPENDIX I HERRICK'S INDENTURE OF APPRENTICESHP (^September 25, 1607).^ THIS indenture witnesseth that Robert Herick the Sonne of Nicholas Herick of London, Goldsmithe, doth put him selfe apprentize to Sir Wm. Herick, knighte, citizen, and gold- smith of London to learne his Arte. And with him (after the manner of Apprentize) to serve from the feaste of St Bartholomew the apostle last past before the date heereof unto the full end and terme of Tenn yeres from thence next following to be full complete and ended. During which terme the said Apprentize his said master faithfully shall serve his secrets keepe his lawfuU commandements every where gladly doe. He shall doe no damage to his said master, nor see to be done of other but that so his power shall lett, or forthwith give warning to his master of the same. He shall not waste the goode of his said master nor lend them unlawfully to any p.son : He shall not commit fornication nor contract matrimony within the said terme. He shall not playe at the cardes, dice, tables or any other unlawfull games whereby his said master may have any losse with his own goode or others during the said terme without licence of his said master; he shall neither beg nor stele : he shall not haunt Tavernes nor absent him selfe from his said master's service daic nor nighte unlawfully. But in all thinges as a faithfuU ^ From the Herrick Papers at Beaumanor. Robert Herrick Apprentize he shall behave him selfe towards his said master and all his during the said terme. And the said master his said Apprentize in the same Arte which he useth, by the best means he can, shall teach and iustruct with due correction, finding unto his said Apprentize meate, drinke, Apparell, Lodging, and all other necessaries- according to the Custome of the Citty of London during the said terme. And for the true performance of all and singuler the said covenants and agreements either of the saide parties bindeth him selfe unto the other by theis presents. In witness whereof the parties above named to this Indenture interchang- ably have put their hand and seales the xxvth daie of September in the year of our Lord God 1607, and in ffyfte yere of the Raigne of our Soveraigne Lord King James, by the grace of God King of England Scotland ffrance and Ireland, defender of the ffaith etc. (Signed) ROBERT Hericke. APPENDIX II THE DIRGE OF ERIC BLOODAXE IT is a far cry from the publication of Hesperides back through the centuries to the old Norse Eiriks-Mal, or Dirge of Eric Bloodaxe^ the earliest of all Valhalla songs. But the dirge is so audacious in conception, and so heroic in spirit, that I cannot refrain from reproducing it here in the metre of Morris's Sigurd. The paganism of Robert Herrick was classic and not Teutonic, but he would, I think, have taken pleasure in this story of the apo- theosis of his far-distant ancestor. The poem in the Hesperides^ entitled The Apparition of his Mistress calling him to Elysiuviy is, after its kind, a treatment of the same theme which is set forth in the following poem. Eric Bloodaxe fell at the battle of Stainmoor, in Westmorland, which was fought about the year 954, and tradition informs us that the dirge was composed at the command of his wife Gunhild. It is most unfortunate that the poem is incomplete. The Old Norse text, with a translation into English prose, and fuller details as to the life of Eric Bloodaxe, will be found in the first volume of Magnusson and Powell's Corpus Poeticum Boreale, pp. 259-261. Odin. O say, what of dreams is this ? Methought ere the dawn I arose Valhalla's dwellings to garnish for the warriors slain by their foes. 333 Robert Herrick From sleep I awoke the Champions, I bade them stir their limbs, The benches with rushes to scatter, the beer-vats to fill to the brims ; Bade the Valkyrie bear the wine, as though a king were at hand, Or of chieftains, to gladden my heart, a fair and goodly band. Bragi. What uproar is this that I hear ? 'Tis as if a thousand men. Or some great host of warriors, were moving hither again. The boarded walls are creaking, as if to Odin's hall Balder himself were returning, of the gods the fairest of all. Odin. Of a truth thou speakest fondly, good Bragi, though thou art wise, 'Tis for Eric Bloodaxe it thunders, 'tis he who comes to the skies. Sigmund, and thou, Sinfiotli, rise in haste the king to greet. Bid him in, if it be Eric, give him welcome to this seat. Sigmund. Why lookest thou more for this Eric than for kings of other lands ? Odin. Because over many a kingdom he has borne his blood-stained brands. Sigmund. Then why didst thou rob him of victory, if thou thought'st him brave 'gainst all odds? Odin. Because who knows when the Grey Wolf shall threaten the seats of the gods. Sigmund {meeting Eric). All hail ! to thee, Eric the kingly, thou art welcome within these wards. 334 Appendix But what kings are these which follow from the clash of the keen-edged swords ? Eric. Kings are they five in number, I will tell thee all their names, And I myself am the sixth. . . . INDEX Act of Uniformity, 148-9 Aemilia, 47 Amery, Mr P. F. S., 105 «. Anacreon, 68, 183, 188, 205, 208 seg., 217, 221, 222, 246, 326 Anatomy of Melancholy i The, 172 Anthologia Grace a, 197, 205, 287 Apollo Chamber, loi, 116 Apologie for Poetrie, Sidney's, 167 Apparition of his Mistress calling him to Elysium^ The, 209, 260, 314-5 Arber, Professor, 26 Argument of his Book, The, 249-50 Arte of English Poesie, 163, 278, 321 Ashmole MSS., 73, 313, 316 Astrophel and Stella, 165 Athenae Oxonienses, 135 Autobiography of Sir Simonds D'Ewes, 35 seq, Ayres, Philip, 200-1 Ayres and Dialogues, 65 B Bad Princes pill the People, 128 Bad Season makes the Poet Sad, The, 68, 129, 132, 216 Bag of a Bee, The, 211 Bagford Ballads, 195 Baldwin, Prudence, 55, lOi, 103, 116, 151 Barnes, Barnabe, 183, 300 Barnfield, Richard, 200 Bastard, Thomas, 27S Bateson, Thomas, 196 «., 227 Beaumanor Park, 7, 23, 34 Beaumont, Francis, 123 Belleau, Remy, 221-2 Bennett, Sir John, 7, 18 Berkeley, Sir John, 132 Boileau, 276 Boleyn, Anne, i6 Bolle, Wilhelm, 161 n., 227 «. Book of Airs, Campion's, 185 Bradshaw, Mrs Katherine, 66 Brantham, 56, 86 Bray, Mrs, 105 n. Breton, Nicholas, 169, 200, 202, 32S Britannia' s Pastorals, 270 Brome, Richard, 194 Browne, William, 95, 182, 270 Buchanan, George, 278 Buckingham, Duke of, 57, 76, 79, 81 Bullen, Mr A. H., 162 «., 196 ;/.,. 227 n. Burns, Robert, 164, 236, 328 Byrd, William, 160-1, 196, 299 Cambridge, University of, 32 seq. Campion, Anne, 15 — Thomas, 184, 198, 202, 226, 238, 280, 284, 300, 321 Canticle to Bacchus, A, 210 Carew, Thomas, 64, 155, 180, 192, I99> 234, 312 Carlisle, Countess of, 85, 327 Carman's Whistle, The, 160 Carols, Christmas, 158 Cartwright, William, 62, 144 Castara, 182 Catullus, 71, 140, 183, 188, 2i2J^^.» 262, 283, 286, 296, 327 Celebration of Char is, A, 188, 208 Cephalas, 277 Ceremonies for Christmas, 224 Chambers, E. K., 174 Charles I., 65, 87, 128 seq.^ 136 337 Robert Herrick Charles II., 132, 140, 147 Charms, Herrick's, 224-5, 273-5 — Old EngHsh, 224 Charon and Philomel, 145 Chaucer, 255 Cherry Ripe, 226, 237 Chrestoleros, 279 Christian Militant, The, 218, 293, 322 Chronologische Anordnung der Dichtungen Her ricks, Die, 1 40 Civil War, The, 98, 127 seq. Coleridge, S. T., 179 Complimentary Poems, Herrick's, 293 Constable, Henry, 300 Content, not Gates, 292 Corbett, Dr, 49 Corinna, 214 Corinnas going a- Mayings 69, 144, 227, 240, 254, 320 Corpus Poeticum Boreale, 4 «. , 5 ^^ Cotton, Charles, 64, 193 Country Life, to Endyviion Porter, The, 251-3 — to Thomas Herrick, A, 21, 29- 32, 216, 230, 250, 316, 319 Courthope, Mr W. J., 315 Cowley, Abraham, 144, 182, 185 Cox, Captain, 159 Coxe, Richard, 15, 19 Crabbe, George, 113 Crashaw, Richard, 143, 171, 202, 304 Crew, Sir Clipseby, 40, 41, 261, 264 Crofts, John, 76 Cromwell, Oliver, 132 Crooke, Andrew, 124 Cruel Maid, The, 205 Cynthia's Revels, 189 D Daniel, Samuel, 17, 173, 185 Dante, 166 Dartmoor, 92, 105, 251 Davies, John, of Hereford, 279 — Sir John, 167, 196, 279 Dean Burn, 93, 94, 133, 150 — Court, 96, 114 — Prior, 89, 92 seq., 1 4 1, 149, 224, 240, 254, 273, 291 of Dekker, Thomas, 77, 225, 328 Delight in Disorder, 232 Delitiae Delitiarum, 281 Dell, William, 118-20 Denham, Sir John, 64, 145 Description of a Woman, 221 — of the King and Queen Fairies, A, 266-7 Deuteromelia, 194 Devil Tavern, The, 104 D'Ewes, Sir Simonds, 35, 42 Difference between Kings and Sub- jects, The, 128 Dirge of Dorcas, The, 311 — of Jephthah's Daughter, The, 311 Discontents in Devon, 99, 100 Divination by a Daffodil, \TJ, 291 Divine and Moral Songs, Campion's, 301 — 'Poems, Donne's, 301 Donne, Dr, 71, 170, 174 seq., 184, 188, 195, 228, 241, 262, 279, 301 seq. Dowland, John, 198 Downes, Andrew, 34, 42 Drayton, Michael, 173, 269-70 Drinking Songs, Herrick's, 245 seq. Drummond of Hawthornden, 180, 183, 185, 191, 200, 282 • Dryden, John, 145 East, Michael, 195 Eclogue, or Pastoral between Endy- niion Porter and Lycidas Herrick^ 78 Egerton MSS., 313, 3^4 Electra, 210 Elegy on the Death of Dr Donne, 180 Eiriks-Mal, or Dirge of Eric, 4 Elizabeth, Queen, 16, 159 Encoujtter, The, 224 England's Helicon, 168, 222 English Garner, An, 26 Epigrammes in the Oldest Gut, 279 Epigrams, Herrick's, 275 seq. Epigrams, Roman, Greek, and English, 275 seq. Epistle to Sir Robert Wroth, 32, 230 338 Index Epitaph on a Virgin, An, 295 Epitaphs, Herrick's, 293 seq. Epithalamia, Herrick's, 261 seq. Epithalamium, Spenser's, 262. Epithalayny to Sir Thomas South- well, 262 Eric Bloodaxe, 4, 333 Eric Hakonsson, 4-5 Eric, The Forester, 3 Ericke, Thomas, 6 Estienne, Henri, 208 Eupheme, Jonson's, 185 Exegi monumentum aere perenniiis, 220 Eyrick, John, 6- 11 — Mary, 6-12 — Robert, 5, 49 — Sir William, 5, 6 Fairfax, General, 131 Fairy-Poems, Herrick's, 266 seq. Fairy Temple, The, 266, 268, 271 Fane, Mildmay, Earl of Westmor- land, 58, 76, III, 136, 257 Farewell Frost, 257-8 Farewell to Sack^ 117, 245, 247-8, 322 Farnaby, Thomas, 281 Ferrabosco, A., 198 Field, Barron, 107-8 Fitzwilliam Virginal Book, 160 Fletcher, John, 122, 123, 193, 315 Fcedera, Rymer's, 88 Folk-Lore Poems, Herrick's, 272 seq. Folk-Song, 158 Forest, The, Jonson's, 187, 191, 228 Four Prentices of London, The, 24-5 Freeman, Thomas, 28c Fuller, Thomas, 133 Gamage, William, 280 Gamble, John, 199 Gardiner, S. R,, 83, 130 «., 132 «. Gibbons, Orlando, 196 Giles, Sir Edward, 87, 96, 113 Gipsies Metamorphosed, The, 230 Gnomic Verses, Herrick's, 291 Good Thoughts in Bad Times, 133 Golden Age Restored, The, 187 Gondibert, 144 Gosse, Mr Edmund, 69, 72, 143, 174, 180, 251 Graces for Children, Herrick's, 309 Greene, Robert, 34 Grosart, Dr, 19, 30, 39, 52, 89, 138, 140, 314 Gwyn, Owen, 34 H Habington, William, 182 Hagis Astride, The, 224, 272-3, 316 Hale, Dr E. E., 140 — John, 193 Hall, Joseph, 112 Hampton (Middlesex), 15 — Court, 16-18, 136 — Court Conference, 17-18 Happy Warrior, The, 218 Harington, Sir John, 279 Harlean MSS., 313 Hastings, Lord, 145 Hazlitt, Mr W. Carew, 79, 267 Heath, John, 279 Heine, 328 Hele, Sir Thomas, 112 Henrietta Maria, Queen, 69, 128-9, 130 — Princess, 130 Herbert, George, 103, 181, 202, 304, 321 Herric, Ivo de, 5 Herrick ; see also Eric, Ericke, Eyrick, Herric — Elizabeth, 125-6 — Julian, 8-15, 56, 86 — Mary, 7, 17 — Nicholas (senior), 6-14 — Nicholas (junior), ii, 14, 22, 86, 136 — Richard, 146-7 — Robert : ancestry, i seq. ; birth and early years, 1 1 seq. ; at Hamp- ton, 15-19; school, 19-21; ap- prenticeship, 22, 331; first poems, 28-32 ; at Cambridge, 32 seq. ; letters from Cambridge, 34 seq.\ college friendships, 39 ; course of 339 Robert Herrick Herrick, Robert — contimied. study, 41 ; graduation, 52 ; life in London, 55 seq. ; London friends, 60 ; poems of the London period, 63 ; his mistress-poems, ()6 seq.', his patrons, 76-81; mili- tary chaplaincy, 82 ; expedition to the Isle of Rhe, 82 ; character of his London life, 83; vicar of Dean Prior, 87 ; ^x\\.t%His Farewell unto Poetry, 89 ; at Dean Prior, 92 seq. ; his parishioners, 95 ; his attituae towards his life in Devon, 97 seq.:, poems of the Dean Prior period, 105 seq. ; posthumous fame at Dean Prior, 107; visit to London, 118; first appearance of his poems in print, 122-4 ; return to Dean Prior, 125 ; his royalist sym- pathies, 128; poems on the Civil War, 129 seq. ; ejection from Dean Prior, 133; visits John Weekes, 134; in London, 135; publica- tion oi Hesperides, 137; reception of his poems, 142 ; writes The New Charon, 145 ; life under the Commonwealth, 145-7 ; restored to Dean Prior, 149 ; death and burial, 150; the lyrical poems of the Hesperides, 204 seq. ; Herrick's debt to classical authors, 205 seq. ; his classic paganism, 205-8 ; in- debtedness to Anacreon, 208-12 ; to Catullus, 212-5 ; to Horace, 215-20; relation to Belleau, 221-2; to the Elizabethan lyrists, 222 seq. ; relation to Donne, 228 ; to Jonson, 229 seq. ; his love- lyrics, 233-45 ; his drinking- songs, 245-8 ; songs in praise of music, 248 ; his Nature-lyrics and lyrics of country life, 249- 61; his epithalamia, 261-4; iiis non-lyrical poems, 265 seq.; fairy- Doems, 266-72; folk-lore poems, 272-5; epigrams, 275 seq.; his debt to Martial, 284-6 ; his ^pi- grammes a la grecque, 287-91 ; gnomic verses, 291-3 ; occasional verses and epitaphs, 293-7 > the Noble Numbers, 298 seq. ; his religion, 304 seq. ; Herrick as an artist, 312 seq. ; his diction, 312- Herrick, Robert — continued. 20 ; his verse, 320-6 ; his lyrical range, 326 ; comparison with later lyrists, 327-9 », ; „ .r. — Robert (uncle of poet), 6, 14 | { — Sir William, 7, 14, 22-7, 33 seq., 56, 146 — Susannah, 61 w. — Thomas, ii, 14, 22, 29 — William, 86, 126, 214, 294 Hesperides, passim. Pleywood, John, 278-9 — Thomas, 24 His Age: to Mr John Weekes, 84, 218, 314, 319 His Cha7-ge to Jtilia at his Death, n His Content in the Country, 10 His Creed, 308 His Daughter's Dowry, 70,|73 His Farewell to Poetry, 59, 89, 1 10, 298-9, 319 His Grange, 102, 317 His Lachrymae, 63, 99, IIO His last Request to Julia, 127 His Mistress Shade, 123 His own Epitaph, 296 His Parting from Mistress Dorothy Keneday, 72 His Poetry his Pillar, 220 His Request to Julia, 313 His Return to London, 97, 135 His Sailing fro?n Julia, 8 1 His Tears for Thamasis, 20 His Winding Sheet, 127 His Wish, 217, 285 Historical Manuscripts Commission, Report of, 53-4 History of St John's College, Cam- bridge, 33 n. Hock- Cart, or Harvest-Home, The, 256-7, 265 Holy Sonnets, Donne's, 302 Homer, 253 Hopton, Lord, 130 Horace, 30-2, 93, 183, 185, 215 seq., 250, 291, 327 Howell, James, 58. 83 Hunt, Thomas, 109, 142 Hutton, Dr I^L, 57 Hymn to Bacchus, A, 2lo, 246 — to God, Donne's, 302 — to Juno, 2S8 340 Index Hymn to Neptune, 288 — to Sir Clipseby Crewe, A, 41 — to the Muses, 289 Hymns to the Lares, 206, 292 I Ignoramus, 47 Imelmann, Dr R., 159 n. In Nuptias Juliae et Manlii, 262 In Praise of Wometi, 234 Indifferent, The, Donne's, 177 Integer Vitce, Horace's, 185 J James I., 17, 45-8 Johnson, Dr, 180 Jones, Robert, 198 Jonson, Ben, 32, 62-4, no, 11 1-2, 123, 155, 183 seq., 196, 204, 206, 208, 226, 229 seq., 269, 280 /onsonus Virbius, 63 Jovial Tinker, The, 223 » Julia, 26, 69, 70, 71, 210, 214, 236 Julia's Churching, 71 Juvenal, 31 Keneday, Dorothy, 68 King, Dorothy, 107-8 Kingston, 21 Knight oj the Burning Pestle, The, 25 V Allegro, 252 La Bergerie, Belleau's, 22 1 La Pleiade, 221 Laniere, Nicholas, 65, 199 Laquei Ridiculosi, 280 Lascaris, Janus, 277 Laud, Archbishop, 118, 120, 306 Lawes, Henry, 65, 199 — William, 65, 199 Leges Conviviales, 62 Les Vendangeurs, Belleau's, 221 Lesbia, Catullus's, 71, 214-5, 217 Linsi-Woolsie, 280 Litany, Donne's, 303 Litany to the Holy Spirit, 107-8, 150, 305 Lok, Henry, 300 Love- Lyrics, Herrick's, 233 seq. Love Dislikes Nothing, 235 — Freed from Folly, 1 86 — Vagabonding, 283 Lovers Alchemy, 175 — Growth, 175 — Labour's Lost, 168 Lovelace, Richard, 144, 181, 199 Lowell, J. R., 212 Lowman, Bridget, 115 Luctus in Morte Passeris, 213 Lyly, John, 157, 164 Lyrics in the Elizabethan Drama, 163 seq., 194 M Mackail, Mr J. W., 277, 288 n. Mad MaicTs Song, The, 144, 226, 244-5» 317 Madrigals, English, 160 seq., 195, 225 Malherbe, 193 Map, Walter, 158 Markham, Gervase, 300 Marlowe, 157, 169, 170, 172, 200, 202, 241 Marshall, William, 141 Martial, 31, 232 «., 277, 284 seq. Mary Magdalen^ s Tears, 300 Masque of Augurs^ 186 — of Beauty, 186 Masques, Jonson's, 186, 229 Meadow Verse, The, 115 Metis mata, 194 Mennes, Sir John, 76, 117, 202 Mercury Vindicated, 186 Merry Drollery Complete, 223 Midsum??ier Night^s Dream, A, 271 Milton, John, 150, 156, 200, 237, 252 Miscellany-lyrics, 162, 168,225 Moderation, 128 More, Sir Thomas, 278 Morley, Henry, 139 — Thomas, 160-1, 227 Mullinger, Mr J. B., 42 n., 43, 46 n., 47«-> 53 »• Mundy, John, 299 341 Robert Herrick Musarum Deliciae, ii6, 201 Musica Transalpina, 160 N Nature-Poems, Herrick's, 249 seq. New Charon, The, 145 New Yearns Gift to Sir Simon Steward, A, 74. Nice Valour, Fletcher's, 122 Nichols, John, i n.,io n., 45«., 60 Night-Piece to Julia, The, 230, 239, 317 No Spouse but a Sister, 125 Noble Nu77ibers, 298 seq., et passim Non omnis mortar, 220 Non-lyrical poems, Herrick's, 265 seq. Norgate, Edward, 76 Northleigh, Henry, 114 Nuptial Song ojt Sir Clipsehy Crew, 264, 313 Nymphidia, 270-1 Obedience in Subjects, 128 Oberon^s Chapel, see Fairy Temple, The Oberon's Feast, 122 Oberon's Palace, 266, 267, 271 Observations on the Art of English Poesie, Campion's, 184, 284 OdeforBenJonson, 62, 63, 324 — to Endymion Porter, An, 318 Olor Jscamis, 144 On a Bee enclosed in Amber, 285 On Himself, 125, 296, 297 On Virtue, 284 Ophelia, 226 Orlando di Lasso, 160 Otia Sacra, 136 Overbury, Sir Thomas, 75. Ovid, 98, 120, 217, 220, 320 Owen, John, 280 Palatine Anthology, The, 281, 288 «. Pammelia, 194 Panegyric to Sir Lewis Pemberton, 75, 230, 285 Parliament of Roses to Julia, The^ 237 Parrott, Henry, 279 Parry, Sir Hubert, 197 — Sir George, 112 Parsons, Dorothy, 67, 119 — Thomasin, 118, 119 Parthenophil and Parthenope, 183 Parting Verse, The, 73, 81 Passionate Pilgri?n, The, 168 Pastoral Dialogues, Herrick's, 243 Pastoral Song to the King, A, 243 Pemberton, Sir Lewis, 75 Penshurst, Jonson's, 230-1, 285 Pepys, Samuel, 144, 147-8 — Ballads, 223 Petrarch, 160, 166, 183, 195, 221, 226 Philip, Earl of Pembroke, 76 Pierrepont, Robert, Viscount New- ark, 76, III, 136 Pindar, 197 Planudean Anthology, 277, 281 Plato, 171, 175 Playford, John, 65-6, 199 Plunder, The, 136 Poems of Devotion, Jonson's, 300 Poems on Music, Herrick's, 248 seq. Poetical Rhapsody, Davison's, 184, 201 Pollard, Mr A. W., 20, 119,275, 287, 314 Porter, Endymion, 58, 76-8, ill, 136, 261 — Thomas, ill Portrait de sa Maistresse, Belleau's, 222 Posting to Printing, 121 Potter, Amy, 67 — Dr, 87-8 Prayer to Ben Jonson, 64 Propertius, 217, 220 Proteus of Marble, 283 Puttenham, George, 163, 278, 294^ 320 Pyggott, Edmund, 15, 19 Quarles, Francis, 199 Quarterly Review, 107, 189 Queen Mab, Shakespeare's, 270 Quintilian, 41 342 Index I R Raleigh, Sir Walter, 241, 279 Ramsay, Robert, 65 Ramus, Peter, 41 Randolph, Thomas, 62, 64 Ravenscroft, Thomas, 194 Rawlinson MSS., 313 Eestoration Lyrists, The, 192 Rex Tragicus, 307 Rhe, Isle of, 58, 70, 81-3 Riley, Mr H. T., 54 Ritson, Joseph, 268 Rock of Rubies, The, 237 Rosary, The, 289 Rossiter, Philip, 198 Rowton Heath, 132 Roxburghe Ballads, 195 Rubbe and a Great Caste, 280 Ruggle, George, 47 Rump-Songs, 224 Saint Distaff's Day, 274 Saintsbury, Professor, 201 n. Salmasius, 281 Schelling, Professor, 156 Scott, Sir Walter, i, 23, 280 Scotirge of Folly, The, 279 Semple, Lord, of Beltreis, 16-7 Seneca, 217, 291 Sessions of the Poets, A, 312 n. Severall Poems, The, etc. , 1 24 Shakespeare, 31, 72, 123, 164, 173, 178, 190, 202, 225, 269, 315 Shelley, 328 Short Hymn to Neptune, A, 82 Sidney, Sir Philip, 156, 165, 167 Silent Woman, The, 190 Silex Scintillans, 144 Sin, 311 Smith, James, 201 Soame, Anne, 8, 18 — Sir Stephen, 8 — Sir Thomas, 60 — Sir William, 60 Solemn League and Covenant, The, 133 Songs and Sonnets, Donne's, 174 seq., 191 Songs for the Circumcision, 80 Sonnet, The Elizabethan, 165, 200-1 Sonnets, Shakespeare's, 173 Southwell, Sir Thomas, 262 Spenser, 156, 166, 173, 222,262,264 St John's College, Cambridge, 32 seq. Stanley, Thomas, 144, 199 State Papers, Domestic, 87, 118 Stationers' Register, The, 122-3, ^24 Steps to the Temple, 143, 304 Steward, Sir Simon, 74, 122, 267, 270 " Still to be Neat," 190, 232 Stuart, Lord Bernard, 132 Study of Ben Jonso7t, ^,233 Suckling, Sir John, 62, 64, 155, 181, 234, 312 Sufferings of the Clergy, Walker's^ 134 Sun- Rising, The, 178 Surrey, Lord, 1551 Swinburne, A. C, 157, 233 Syms, John, 98, 133, 148 Tears of the Beloved, 300 Temple, The, 304 Thanksgiving to God for His House ^ A, 103, 305, 323 Theocritus, 205 Tibullus, 217, 220 Tinkers Song, The, 223, 246 To Anthea, 213, 215, 239, 317 To Daffodils, 325 To Dean Burn, 97 To Dr IVeekes, 117 To Groves, 258 To his Book, 74, 137 ;/., 139, 286 To his Household Gods, 97 'To his Lovely Mistresses, 242 To his Maid Prew, 116 To his Mistress, 322 To his Saviour, 307 To his Tombmaker, 120 To keep a true Lent, 323 To Lar, 99, 207 To Live Merrily and trust to Gcod Verses, 63, 213, 217, 246 To Meadows, 258 To Music, 248 To Phillis, to love and live with hiin^ 240, 259 343 Robert Herrick To Primroses filled with Dew, 260, 325 To Robin Redbreast, 127, 295 To Sappho, 290, 292 To the Earl of Westmorland, 2 16 To the Genius of his House, 206 To the King, 137 To the King and Queen, 129 To the King upon his Cofning into the West, 130 To the Reverend Shade of his re- ligious Father, 14, 207-8 To the Rose, 238 To the Western Wind, 238 To the Yew and Cypress, 259 To Vulcan, 288 Totnes, 131 Traherne, Thomas, 202, 304 Trinity Hall, Cambridge, 48, 49, 54 Twelfth Night, 165 Two Centuries of Epigrammes , 279 Two Noble Kinsmen, The, 244 U Underwoods, Jonson's, 140, 191, 228 Upon a Black Twist rounding the Arm of the Countess of Carlisle, 86 Upon a Child that died, 295 Upon Electra, 289 Upon God, 310 Upon HijHself, 220 Upon his Departure hence, 322 Upon Julia washing herself in a River, 285 Upon the Death of his Sparrow, 213 Upon the Loss of his Mistresses^ 67, 210 Upon the Troublous Times ^ 129 Vaughan, Henry, 144, 171, 18] 202, 304 View of Devonshire, Westcote's, 96 Virgil, 217, 220 Vision, The, 210 Vision to Electra, The, 210 Vision of the Twelve Goddesses, The, 17 Visitation of Suffolk, Metcalfe's, 28 Vivanus, mea Lesbia, 185, 188, 213 Vow to Mars, A, 83 W Wake, The, 240 Wakefield Plays, The, 307 Walker, Mr E., 161 — John, 134 n., 135 Waller, Edmund, 62, 199, 238 Warmestry, Gervase, 77 Weekes, John, 40, 78-9, 84, 112-3, 117, 123-4, 134 Weever, John, 279 Welcofue to Sack, 43, 1 17, 245, 247 W^endell, Professor, 156 Westminster, 20, 118, 121, 135 — School, 19 Wheeler, Elizabeth, 61, 67 White Island, The, 309 Whitehall, loi Wilbye, John, 160, 162 Wilson, John, 199 Wingfield, Mercy, nie Herrick, 28, 86, 146 Wither, George, 182 Wit's Recreations, 201 Wood, Anthony a, 79, 134, 135 Worde, Wynkyn de, 159 Wordsworth, 218, 253 Worthies of Devon, Prince's, 96 Wright, Abraham, 281 Wyatt, Sir Thomas, 155 Yarde, Elizabeth, 114 — Lettice, 114 Yonge, Nicholas, 160 MEMORIES OF SIXTY YEARS AT ETON, CAMBRIDGE AND ELSEWHERE. By Oscar Browning, M.A., University Lecturer in History, Senior Fellow and sometime History Tutor at King's College, Cambridge, and formerly Assistant Master at Eton College. Illustrated. Demy 8vo. (9 x 5I inches.) i6s. net. *^* Mr Oscar Browning has during his career come into contact with many of the most distinguished men of his age. In his memoirs he gives a record of a long, useful and interesting life, full of the experiences of a man, who may he looked upon as one of the leading authorities upon education. But it is not only with Public School and University life that Air Browning has been associated ; possessed of a large circle of friends, men and women of eminence, he has many good stories to tell, many personal impressions to give of politicians, dons, artists, literary tnen, sportsmen and wits ; for Mr Browning is a man of varied interests and pursuits ; a member of the Athencsutn, he is also sometimes to be found at the Alpine and Otter Swimming Clubs. With upwards of half a century to draw upon, Mr Browning has been able to write a fascinating volume. GIOVANNI BOCCACCIO: A BIOGRAPHICAL STUDY. By Edward Hutton. With a Photo- gravure Frontispiece and numerous other Illustra- tions. Demy 8vo. (9 x 5I inches.) i6s. net. *^* In this book Mr Edward Hutton appears as the first biographer of Boccaccio in the English language ; for the short study of John Addington Symotids was little more than an essav. The story he tells with so much spirit, sympathy and humour is as fascinating and as free as any in the Decameron. But the book is much more than the story of Boccaccio' s life and love and time. Very fully documented, it is a study of the man and his work, especially of the Decameron, his most famous book, besides being in many ways a study of woman from Boccaccio' s point of view, viz. woman as she appears in his pages, not only in the Decameron, but in the Corbaccio and everywhere in his life. Boccaccio' s love for Fiammetta was, it seems, by no means the light affair we have been led to suppose, but by far the most serious and passionate event in his life. Mr Hutton for the first time unravels this mystery and numbers its days. Fiammetta becomes for us a real person — volup- tuous, unstable, capricious and infinitely adorable. The book should, with its charm and learning, its unpublished documents and notes, take its place as the standard work on Boccaccio. A concordance and full synopsis of the Decameron are given, ivith many bibliographies, in an appendix. The thirty-two illustrations have been most carefully chosen by Mr Hutton to illustrate Boccaccio' s fortune in pictorial art. ROBERT DODSLEY: POET, PUBLISHER AND PLAYWRIGHT. By Ralph Straus. With a Photogravure and i6 other Illustrations. Demy 8vo. (9 X 5 J inches.) 21s. net. *^,* Robert Dodsley must be regarded as one of the remarkable personages of the Eighteenth Century. There was, indeed, hardly a man distinguished in the world of letters during the first half of this century with whom this footman, who wrote poetry and plays and afterwards became the most celebrated publisher of his time, was not on terms of considerable intimacy. Short biographies of Dodsley exist, but these for the most part are fragmentary and inaccurate. Mr Ralph Straus has had access to over two hundred unpublished letters and papers which throw interesting sidelights upon the literary history of the early Johnsonian period. He has also brought to light new facts about Garrick, Gray and Sterne, clears up the mystery of the authorship of " The CEconomy of Human Life," once attri- buted to Lord Chesterfield, and prints for the first time various letters to and from, and agreements between, Dodsley and Pope, Horace Walpole, Garrick, Edmund Burke, Shenstone, Young, Dr Lowth, John Rich of Covent Garden, Lord Chesterfield, Richard Graves, William Melmoth and a host of others. The man who was patronised by De Foe and lived to patronise Sterne, the man whom Dr Johnson called " patron," the man with whom all the wits in London delighted to dine, the man who fathered the Annual Register and introduced Edmund Burke to half the world, the man too who edited the famous Old Plays and Collection of Poems, is certainly entitled to not a little consideration. Mr Straus's book will contain a bibliography, not only of Dodsley' s own works, but\ also of all the books which were issued from the Tully's Head during his lifetime. JOHN LOTHROP motley AND HIS FAMILY : Further Letters and Records edited by his Daughter and Herbert St John Mildmay, with numerous Illustrations. Demy 8vo. (9 x 5 j inches.) i6s. net. *:^* At the time of the publication of the Correspondence of J. L. Motley, a number of letters were considered as of too in- timate a character and of too recent a date for inclusion, and consequently the Editor had regretfully to omit them, but the intervening twenty years have removed this objection. Included among this correspondence now reprinted are interesting and intimate letters of the Prince Bismarck, Oliver Wendell Holmes, Lady William Russell, Tom Hughes, Mrs Abe Lincoln and others. Some early genealogical details are given in this volume, and an account of an early pilgrim father. There is also an account of travelling in Virginia nearly eighty years ago, and society and social life in various capitals and towns in Europe, of wars in Austria and America ; in short, many matters of particular and peculiar interest. SIMON BOLIVAR, " EL LIBERTADOR." A Life of the Chief Leader in the Revolt against Spain in Venezuela, New Granada and Peru. By F. Loraine Petre, Author of "Napoleon and the Conquest of Prussia," "Napoleon's Campaign in Poland," and " Napoleon and the Archduke Charles." With 2 Portraits, one in Photogravure, and Maps. Demy 8vo. (9 X 5 J inches.) 12s. 6d. net. *:^,* The name of Simon Bolivar^ widely known in Europe in the early part of the nineteenth century, has since fallen into oblivion more undeserved than the exaggerated reputation it then enjoyed. This is chiefly due to disgust engendered by the civil wars and revolutions which followed on the War of Inde- pendence. Now that things are gradually settling down in most of the South American Republics, European interest in them is rapidly increasing, and their importance is daily becoming greater. Bolivar, if not quite the Washington or the Napoleon that he has been represented to be, was still a very remarkable man, to whom most of these republics chiefly owe their emanci- pation from Spanish colonial misgovernment. The time seems to have arrived for this attempt to revive Europeayi interest in him. His career throws much light on the states he founded, and on the causes of the anarchy which followed on his death. It is interesting to Englishmen on account of the considerable part played by their countrymen in the struggle for independence. Finally, in connection with the agitation of the extretne party in India in favour of independence of England, the picture of the fatal results of premature acquisition of independence by ignorant populations affords an instructive warning. THE LIFE AND TIMES OF MARTIN BLAKE, B.D. (1593-1673), Vicar of Barnstaple and Pre- bendary of Exeter Cathedral, with some account of his conflicts with the Puritan Lecturers and of his Persecutions. By John Frederick Chanter, M.A., Rector of Parracombe, Devon, with 5 full- page Illustrations. Demy 8vo, (9 x 5J inches.) I OS. 6d. net. *:^* This account of the life and persecutions of a Country Town Parson during the Stuart Period is drawn from a MS. autobiography and original letters and papers. Blake was one of the moderate men of the period, who clung to his Church and sought to conform, as far as conscience would allow, to the violent changes in religious and social life, forced on men by those in authority for the time, yet against his will was involved in the troubles and per seditions. It gives a picture of religious, family and municipal life in a country town among the middle classes in the Seventeenth Century, and contains much of genea- logical interest. The illustrations are taken from contemporary pictures and monuments. LADY CHARLOTTE SCHREIBER'S JOURNALS : Confidences of a Collector of Ceramics and Antiques throughout Britain, France, Germany, Italy, Spain, Holland, Belgium, Switzerland and Turkey. From the Year 1869 to 1885. Edited by Montague Guest, with Annotations by Egan Mew. With upwards of 100 Illustrations, including some in colour. Royal 8vo. 2 Vols. 42s. net. *#* Mr Montague Guest had long been at work upon these two volumes when his death took place suddenly at Sandnngham last year. The journals from Lady Charlotte Schreiber's own hand describe her many tours from the year 1869 to 1885 in search^ especially, of those examples of English eighteenth-century porcelains which now form so splendid a feature of the Victoria and A Ibert Museum at S. Kensington. In these " notes ceramic,' ' as Lady Charlotte called her diary, she tells of many amusing traf^cs and discoveries ; the prices — wonderfully small, judged by modern standards — the names of dealers ; and addresses of private collectors ; and a thousand other interesting details. As with all of Lady Charlotte's undertakings, she followed the art of collecting with immense vigour and enthusiasm, and neither she nor the late Mr Charles Schreiber spared themselves in their desire to gather together a perfect collection. Like other collectors they often strayed from the strict pursuit of china ware, with the result that hundreds, one might say thousands, of other objects of art fell to their active and accomplished chase, many of which are illustrated in these volumes for the first time. Apart from the interest which this work possesses for the collector of ceramics and antiques, the life of the period and many more historical characters are drawn with a vivid and lively pen. Mr Guest has prepared a short introduction, telling something of his mother's remarkable gifts and character, and experiences, and Mr Egan Mew has added some notes which explain and give an added interest to the text. LETTERS AND JOURNALS OF SAMUEL GRIDLEY HOWE: Edited by his Daughter, Laura E. Richards. With Notes by F. B. Sanborn. Demy 8vo. (9 x 5J inches.) 16s. net. THE FOUNDATIONS OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY. By Houston Stewart Chamber- lain. A translation from the German by John Lees, M.A., D.Litt. (Edin.). With an Introduction by Lord Redesdale. 2 Vols. Demy 8vo. (9 x 5! inches.) 32s. net. *^* This is beyond question one of the most stimulating and important hooks written during the last twenty years. Its phenomenal success in the German original — it has gone through eight large editions in ten years — is a strong testimonial to its merits. To understand the present^ we must, in Mr Chamber- lain's opinion, see it growing out of the past, and so, when seek- ing to reveal the foundations upon which the nineteenth century rests, he has to pass in review the preceding centuries of our era. But the work is not merely a history, or a history of culture : only that past is treated of which is still a living and mould- ing force. With the brilliant comprehensiveness of an artistic mind, Mr Chamberlain shows us what we owe to Hellenic Art and Philosophy, to Roman Law and to the Advent of Christ : this is followed by a striking picture of the Chaos of Peoples in the dying Roman Empire and the Entry of the Jews into the Western History. Mr Chamberlain then proceeds in an in- teresting chapter, entitled Religion, to reveal the historical growth, and to estimate the importance, of our Christian beliefs. The second part of the book is devoted to the period 1200 to 1800, and bears the title, " The Rise of a New World." In seven sections — Discovery, Science, Industry, Economics, Politics and the Church, Philosophy and Religion, Art — he discusses the great movements, ideas and creations that have exercised an influence upon the age in which we live. 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A few extracts from the Diary were printed by Sir Richard Musgrave in his " Memoirs of the different Rebellions in Ireland," and he refers to the writer as " a very amiable and respectable lady," her name being " concealed at her own desire." Mrs Brownrigg went through many heart-rending experiences which are related at length and in grim detail. She was imprisoned for a time on the ship commanded by the notorious Captain Dixon, witnessed the massacre on Wexford Bridge, and was present in the town until it was relieved by Moore's troops, after spending " twenty-six days and nights of the most exquisite misery." The works of contemporary writers and historians have also been utilised and their discrepancies noted, while an attempt is made to arrive at a just verdict in the case of Loyalist v. Rebel. AIRSHIPS IN PEACE AND WAR: Being the second edition of "Aerial Warfare." By R. P. Hearne, with an Introduction by Sir HiRAM S. Maxim, and upwards of seventy Illustrations. Demy 8vo. (9 x 5I inches. ) 7s. 6d. net. *5,t* Great success attended the publication of " Aerial War fare " in England, Germany, the United States and other countries. The book was written at a time when aerial vessels had no im- mediate purpose beyond being employed for warlike require- ments. But so great has been the development during 1909, that it has been thought advisable to widen the scope of the work, and treat of the sporting, commercial and other uses to which aerial vessels can be put in time of peace. The entire book has been thoroughly revised and brought up to date, and a number of new chapters have been added dealing with the commercial uses of airships, etc. There are also full results of the aeroplane races of the year, new tables of records, and bringing out several interesting points in connection with aerial traffic. A chapter is devoted to the details of the principal aeroplanes of the year ; another chapter deals with the recent progress of dirigible balloons, and there is also a table of the airships of the world, together with much other useful information. "Airships in Peace and War " may now be said to cover the whole subject in a novel and interesting manner ; and as it has a full list of re- cords up to November 1909, it is one of the few works which deals fully with the events of this wonderful year. UNMUSICAL NEW YORK: A Brief Criticism of Triumphs, Failures and Abuses. By Hermann Klein. Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d. net. *^* This is a revision and enlargement of the manuscript of a lecture delivered by the author at Bechstein Hall, London, on October 2$th, under the title of " The Truth about Music in America." The original subject matter referred so essentially to New York, rather than the United States as a whole, that it has been thought only fair to modify the title of the book accord- ingly. The question — To what extent can New York really claim to be a musical city — has often been put, but never very definitely answered. Even Mr Klein, who is a musical authority and has lived in the Empire City seven or eight years, may be said to conclude his criticism with a note of interrogation. But at any rate he sets forth the actual state of affairs with a lucidity and candour which it has not hitherto been vouchsafed, and will enable the reader to form a pretty accurate opinion upon this interesting topic. WALKS AND PEOPLE IN TUSCANY. By Sir Francis Vane, Bart. With numerous Illustra- tions by Stephen Haweis and S. Garstin Harvey. Crown 8vo. 5s. net. *^* This book treats of many walks and cycle rides, practically describing, if not covering, the whole of Tuscany. It has been written with the especial object of setting before the reader not only the characteristics of the landscape, but no less the inhabi- tants of all classes, whom the author eyicountered. Not only, however, does he describe the people and the scenery, but he has placed on record his thoughts about them in a frank and bold manner. The author has also a considerable acquaintance with history, heraldry and genealogy, which prove useful to him in dealing with the social system of Italy in the past and of to-day. The general scheme of the author has been to take the two centres, Florence, the capital, and the summer resort, Bagni di Lucca, and he has made his expeditions from these, consequently cover- ing, with an effective network of raids, the mountains and valleys between. STAINED GLASS TOURS IN ENGLAND. By C. H. Sherrill, Author of " Stained Glass Tours in France." With 16 full-page Illustrations and 5 Maps. Demy 8vo. (9 x 5f inches.) Second Edition. 7s. 6d. net. INDIAN BIRDS: Being a Key to the Common Birds of the Plains of India. By Douglas Dewar, Author of " Bombay Ducks," " Birds of the Plains," "The Making of Species" (with Frank Finn). Demy 8vo. (9 x 5I inches.) 6s. net. *** The object of this hook is to enable people interested in Indian birds to identify at sight those they are likely to meet with in their compounds and in their excursions into the jungle. The existi7ig works on ornithology make it necessary to have the bird in the hand, which means to kill it before identification, a proceeding obnoxious to real bird lovers. Mr Dewar's volume is a key to everyday birds of the plains of India, a dictionary of birds so arranged that the budding ornithologist is able to turn up any particular bird in a few minutes. THE MAKING OF SPECIES. By Douglas Dewar, F.C.S., F.Z.S., B.A. (Cantab.), and Frank Finn, F.Z.S., M.B.O.U., B.A. (Oxon.). With 15 Illustra- tions. Demy 8vo. (9 x 5J inches.) 7s. 6d. net. LAKE VICTORIA TO KHARTOUM WITH RIFLE AND CAMERA. By Captain F. A. Dickinson, D.C.L.I. With an Introduction by the Rt. Hon. Winston Spencer Churchill, M.P. With numerous Illustrations taken by the Author. Uniform with " Big Game Shooting in the Equator." Demy 8vo. (9 x 5 J inches.) 12s. 6d. net. THE ISLE OF MAN. By Agnes Herbert, Author of " Two Dianas in Somaliland " and " Two Dianas in Alaska " (in collaboration with a Shikari). With 32 full-page Illustrations in colour by Donald Maxwell. Demy 8vo. (9 x 5I inches.) los. 6d. net. JOHN LANE: THE BODLEY HEAD, VIGO ST.. LONDON, W. ?ipTICE Those who possess old letters, documents, corre- spondence, MSS., scraps of autobiography, and also miniatures and portraits, relating to persons and matters historical, literary, political and social ^ should communicate with Mr. John Lane, The Bodley Head, Vigo Street, London, W.^ who will at all times be pleased to give his advice and assistance, either as to their preservation or publication, Mr. Lane also undertakes the planning and printing of family papers, histories and pedigrees » LIVING MASTERS OF MUSIC. An Illustrated Series of Monographs dealing with Contemporary Musical Life, and including Representatives of all Branches of the Art. Edited by ROSA NEWMARCH. Crown 8vo. Cloth. Price 2/6 net. HENRY J. WOOD. By Rosa Newmarch. SIR EDWARD ELGAR. By R. J. Buckley. JOSEPH JOACHIM. By J. A. Fuller Maitland. EDWARD A. MACDOWELL. By Lawrence Oilman. THEODOR LESCHETIZKY. By Annette Hull AH. ALFRED BRUNEAU By Arthur Hervey. GIACOMO PUCCINI. By Wakeling Dry. IGNAZ PADEREWSKI. By E. A. Baughan. CLAUDE DEBUSSY. By Mrs. Franz Liebich. RICHARD STRAUSS. By Ernest Newman. STARS OF THE STAGE. A Series of Illustrated Biographies of the Leading Actors, Actresses, and Dramatists. Edited by J. T. GREIN. Crown 8vo. Price 2/6 each net. ELLEN TERRY. By Christopher St. John. SIR HERBERT BEERBOHM TREE. By Mrs. George Cran. SIR W. S. GILBERT. By Edith A. Browne. SIR CHARLES WYNDHAM. By Florence Teignmouth Shore. A CATALOGUE OF MEMOIRS, "BIOGRAPHIES, ETC. THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF WILLIAM COBBETT IN ENGLAND AND AMERICA. By Lewis Melville. Author of " William Makepeace Thackeray." With two Photogravures and numerous other Illustrations. 2 vols. Demy 8vo. 32s. net. THE LETTER-BAG OF LADY ELIZABETH SPENCER STANHOPE. By A. M. W. Stirling. Author of «< Coke of Norfolk," and " Annals of a Yorkshire House." With a Colour Plate, 3 in Photogravure, and 27 other Illustrations. 2 vols. Demy 8vo. 32s. net. %* Extracts might be multiplied indefinitely, but we have given enough t« show the richness of the mine. We have nothing but praise for the editor's work, and can conscientiously commend this book equally to the student of manners and the lover of lively anecdote."— S/aKt/or-*/. MEMOIRS OF THE COURT OF ENGLAND IN 1675. By Marie Catherine Comtesse d'Aulnoy. Trans- lated from the original French by Mrs. William Henry Arthur. Edited, Revised, and with Annotations (including an account of Lucy Walter) by George David Gilbert. With Illustrations. Demy 8vo. 21s. net. %* When the Comte de Gramont went back to France and Mr. Pepys decided that to save his eyesight it was essential that he should suspend his Diary, the records of delectable gossip of the ever interesting Restoration Court became, of necessity, sadly curtailed. Indeed, of the second decade of the Golden Days the sedate Lvelyn has hitherto been almost the only source of information available to the public. Though the Memoirs of the Countess d'Aulnoy have always been known to students, they have never received the respect they undoubtedly merit, for until Mr. Gilbert, whose hobby is the social history of this period, took the matter in hand, no-one had succeeded in either deciphering the identity of the leading characters of the Memoirs or of verifying the statements made therein. To achieve this has been for some years his labour of love and an unique contribution to Court and Domestic history is the crown ot his labours. The Memoirs, which have only to be known to rank with the sparkling " Comte de Gramont" (which they much resemble), contain amusing anecdotes and vivid portraits of King Charles II., his son the Duke of Monmouth, Prince Rupert, Buckingham, and other ruffling "Hectors" of those romantic days. Among the ladies we notice the Queen, the Duchess of Norfolk and Richmond, and the lively and vivacious Maids of Honour. The new Nell Gwynn matter is of particular interest. The Memoirs are fully illustrated with portraits, not reproduced before, from the collection of the Duke of Portland and others. AUSTRIA: HER PEOPLE AND THEIR HOMELANDS. By James Baker, F.R.G.S. With 48 Pictures in Colour by Donald Maxvi^ell. Demy 8vo. 21s. net. *** The Empire of Austria with its strangely diversified population of many tongues is but little known to English readers. The Capital and a few famous interesting places, such as Carlsbad, Marienbad, the glorious Tyrol, and such cities as Golden Prague and Innsbruck are known to the English and Americans ; but the remarkable scenery of the Upper Elbe, the Ultava or Moldau and the Danube, the interesting peasantry in their brilliant costumes, the wild mountain gorges, are quite outside the ken of the ordinary traveller. The volume is written by one who since 1873 has continually visited various parts of the Empire and has already written much upon Austria and her people. Mr. Baker was lately decorated! by the Emperor Francis Joseph for his literary work and was also voted the Great Silver Medal by the Prague Senate. The volume is illustrated with 48 beautiful water-colour pictures by Mr. Donald Maxwell, the well-known artist of the Graphic^ who has made several journeys to Austria for studies for this volume. A CATALOGUE OF TAPESTRIES : THEIR ORIGIN, HISTORY, AND RENAISSANCE. By George Leland Hunter. With four full-page Plates in Colour, and 147 Half-tone Engravings. Square 8vo. Cloth. i6s. net. %* This is a fascinating book on a fascinating subject. It is written by a scholar whose passion for accuracy and original researcli did not prevent him from making a story easy to read. It answers the questions people are always asking as to how tapestries differ from paintings, and good tapestries from bad tapestries. It will interest lovers of paintings and rugs and historj' and fiction, for it shows how tapestries compare with paintings in picture interest, with rugs in texture intei'est, and with historic and other novels in romantic interest; presenting on a magnificent scale the stories of the Iliad and the Odyssey, the ^neid and the Metamorphoses, the Bible and the Saints, Ancient and Medieval History and Romance. In a word, the book is indispensable to lovers ol art and literature in general, as well as to tapestry amateurs, owners and dealers. FROM STUDIO TO STAGE. By Weedon Grossmith. With 32 full-page Illustrations. Demy 8vo. 1 6s. net. %* Justly famous as a comedian of unique gifts, Mr. Weedon Grossmith is nevertheless an extremely versatile personality, whose interests are by no means confined to the theatre. These qualities have enabled him to write a most entertaining book. He gives an interesting account of his early ambitions and exploits as an artist, which career he abandoned for that of an actor. He goes on to describe some of his most notable roles, and lets us in to little intimate glimpses "behind the scenes," chats pleasantly about all manner of celebrities in the land of Bohemia and out of it, tells many amusing anecdotes, and like a true comedian is not bashful when the laugh is against himself The book is well supplied with interesting illustrations, some of them reproductions of the author's own work. FANNY BURNEY AT THE COURT OF QUEEN CHARLOTTE. By Constance Hill. Author of " The House in St. Martin Street," " Juniper Hall," etc. With numerous Illustrations by Ellen G. Hill and reproductions of contemporary Portraits, etc. Demy 8vo. i6s.net. %* This book deals with the Court life of Fanny Burney covering the years 1786-91, and therefore forms a link between the two former works on Fanny Burney by the same writer, viz. "The House in St. Martin Street," and "Juniper Hall." The writer has been fortunate in obtaining much unpublished material from members of the Burney family as well as interesting contemporary portraits and relics. The scene of action in this work is constantly shifting — now at Windsor, now at Kew, now sea-girt at Weymouth, and now in London ; and the figures that pass before our eyes are endowed with a marvellous vitality by the pen of Fanny Bnrney. When the court was at St. James's the Keeper of the Robes had opportunities of visiting her own family in St. Martin Street, and also of meeting at the house of her friend Mrs. Ord "eveiything delectable in the blue way." Thither Horace Walpole would come in all haste from Strawberry Hill for the sole pleasure of spending an evening in her society. After such a meeting Fanny writes — " he was in high spirits, polite, ingenious, entertaining, quaint and original." A striking account of the King's illness in the winter of 1788-9 is given, followed by the widespread rejoicings for his recovery ; when London was ablaze with illuminations that extended for many miles around, and when "even the humblest dwelling exhibited its rush-light." The author and the illustrator of this work have visited the various places, where King George and 8ueen Charlotte stayed when accompanied by Fanny Burney. Among these are xford, Cheltenham, Worce.ster, Weymouth and Dorchester ; where sketches have been made, or old prints discovered, illustrative of those towns in the late i8th century savours of Georgian days. There the national flag may still be seen as it appeared before the union. MEMORIES OF SIXTY YEARS AT ETON, CAMBRIDGE AND ELSEWHERE. By Oscar Browning. Illustrated. Demy 8vo. 14s. net. MEMOIRS, BIOGRAPHIES, Etc 5 THE STORY OF DON JOHN OF AUSTRIA. By Padre Luis Coloma, S.J., of the Real Academia Espaiiola. Translated by Lady Morkton. With Illustrations. Demy 8vo. 1 6s. net. *^^* "A new type ol book, half novel and half history," as it is very aptly called in a discourse delivered on the occasion of Padre Coloma's election to the Academia de Espana, the story of the heroic son of Charles V. is retold by one of Spain's greatest living writers with a vividness and charm all his own. The childhood of Jeromin, afterwards Don John of Austria reads like a mysterious romance. His meteoric career is traced through the remaining chapters of the book ; first as the attractive youth ; the cynosure of all eyes that were bright and gay at the court of Philip II., which Padre Coloma maintains was less austere than is usually supposea ; then as conqueror of the Moors, culminating as the "man from God" who saved Europe from the terrible peril of a Turkish dominion ; triumphs in Tunis ; glimpses of life in the luxury loving Italy of the day; then the sad story of the war in the Netherlands, when our hero, victim of an infamous conspiracy, is left to die of a broken heart ; his end hastened by fever, and, maybe, by the "broth of Doctor Ramirez,' Perhaps more fully than ever before is laid bate the intrigue which led to the cruel death of the secretary, Escovedo, including the dramatic interview between Philip II. and Antonio Perez, in the lumber room of the Escorial. A minute account of the celebrated auto da fe in Valladolid cannot fail to arrest attention, nor will the details of several of the imposing ceremonies of Old Spain be less welcome than those of more intimate festivities in the Madrid of the sixteenth century, or of everyday life in a Spanish castle. %* "This book has all the fascination of a vigorous roman a clef . . . the translation is vigorous and idiomatic."— ilfr. Owen Edwards in Morning Post. THIRTEEN YEARS OF A BUSY WOMAN'S LIFE. By Mrs. Alec Tweedie. With Nineteen Illustrations. Demy 8vo. i6s. net. Third Edition. ^*j^ It is a novel idea for an author to give her reasons for taking up her pen as a journalist and v/riter of books. This Mrs. Atec Tweedie has done in "Thirteen Years of a Busy Woman's Li(e." She tells a dramatic story of youthful happiness, health, wealth, and then contrasts that life with the thirteen years of hard work that followed the loss of her husband, her father, and her income in quick succession in a few weeks. Mrs. Alec Tweedie's books of travel and biography are well-known, and have been through many editions, even to shilling copies for the bookstalls. This is hardly an autobiography, the author is too young for that, but it gives romantic, and tragic peeps into the life of a woman reared in luxury, who suddenly found herself obliged to live on a tiny income with two small children, or work — and work hard — to retain something of her old life and interests. It is a remarkable story with many personal sketches of some of the best-known men and women of the day. MAY6 WT t m. c;r.;V V. '- ' f(f[ ^ 197^ JUL u \^* ^ ■ ... '» *'• -•- ■"-^ LD21— A-40m-12,'74 (S2700I.) General Library University of California Berkeley ;!•><* U.C. BERKELEY LIBRARIES CD3SbM33Mfl