IB! 
 

 
 
 
 
 

 
 . 
 
 A 1 *o 
 
 
 
 

 
 
. 
 
 
 
 
 
THE 
 
 Hiftory of Pennfylvania, 
 
 I N 
 
 NORTH AMERICA, 
 
 FROM THE 
 
 Original Inflitution and Settlement of that Province, under 
 the firft Proprietor and Governor WILLIAM P-ENN, 
 in 1 68 1, till after the Year 1742; 
 
 WITH AN 
 
 INTRODUCTION, 
 
 RESPECTING, 
 
 The Life of W. PENN, prior to the grant of the Province, and the reKgioua 
 
 Society of the People called Balers; with the firft rife of the neighbouring 
 
 Colonies, more particularly of IVeft-Nnv-Jerfey, and the Settlement 
 
 of the Dutch and Sivcdes on Delaware* 
 
 TO WHICH IS ADDED, 
 
 A brief Defcription of the faid Province, 
 
 AND OF THE 
 
 General State, in which it flourifhed, principally between the Years 1760 and 1770. 
 
 The whole including a Variety of Things, 
 
 Ufeful and Jnterefting- to be known, refpecling that Country in early Time, &c 
 
 With an APPENDIX. 
 
 Written principally between the Years 1776" and 1780, 
 BY ROBERT PROUD. 
 
 I-ULCHRUM EST BENEFACERE RETPUBLIC.E, ETIAM BENEDICERE HAUD ABSURD 
 DUM KST, VEL PACE VEL BELLO CLARUM FIERI LICET." Sal. Catatln. 
 
 SED CUM PLERIOJJE ARBITRENTUR RES BELUGAS MAJORES ESSE O^UAM URBANASj 
 MINUENDA EST H2EC O?INIO." ClG. Ojf. 
 
 VOLUME I. 
 
 Philadelphia : 
 
 PRINTED AND SOLD BY ZACHARIAH POULSON, JUNIOR, 
 
 NUMBER EIGHTY, C H E S N U T-S TR EE T, 
 
 1797, 
 
" William Penn, the great legiflator of the Quakers j* 
 (in Pennfylvahia) " had the fuccefs of a conqueror, in efta- 
 " blifhing and defending his colony, among favage tribes, 
 " without ever drawing the fword; the goodnefs of the 
 " moft benevolent rulers, in treating his fubjects as his 
 ** own children ; arid the tendernefs of an uriiverfal father, 
 " who opened his arms to all mankind without diftinclioii 
 " of feel "or party. In his republic it was not the religious 
 " creed, but perform! merit, that entitled every member 
 <c of fociety to the protection and emoluments of the flate. 3 * 
 
 Effay on toleration, by Arthur O'Leary* 
 
 ( The copy-right fecured as the law direfls.) 
 
TO THE 
 
 Defcendants and proper SuccefTors 
 
 OF THE 
 
 Firft COLONISTS and early SETTLERS 
 
 O F 
 
 PENNSYLVANIA, 
 
 UNDER THE 
 
 rft Proprietor and Governor WitLiAM PENN, 
 
 AND 
 
 To the reft of its Inhabitants, 
 This HISTORY of that PROVINCE 
 
 / S DEDICATED, 
 
 BY THE AUTHOR, 
 
 HE following hiftory was written many years Thedefi g n - 
 as mentioned in the title page; but the great 
 change in this country, which enfued, and was 
 then forming, prevented the publication. It was 
 not only intended more particularly for the ufe of 
 the defcendants of the firfl and early fettlers of the 
 province, but alfo for a general information to all 
 others, refpecling its former flate^ &c. that by be- 
 holding the means, by which fmall things become 
 great, and what formerly made the country happy, 
 it might excite a fimilar conduct in pofterity, &c. 
 
 ^ Non minor eft virtus quam quarere farta titeri." 
 That which renders people happy, i's nccejjary to keep 
 jbemfo* 
 
 Though 
 
 151829926 
 
4 Preface dedicatory* 
 
 The means, Though the materials of this performance, and 
 or mate- t ^ e re gular accounts of the early progrefiive ad- 
 vances of this country, left by thofe who were 
 moil capable of giving them, appear, in fome 
 things, and more fo at particular times, very de- 
 fective, yet the compilation is made from the bed 
 that could be had, as tranfmitted from the moft 
 early fettlers, and their fucceflbrs, of the firft re- 
 putation and character, in the province; as well 
 as from the public records, and fuch other ac- 
 counts as may be depended on. 
 
 c. Pufey & Among the firfl collectors of thefe materials ap- 
 firft coilec- pears to have been Caleb Pufcy^ one of the early 
 memoriaV fettlers of Pennfyhania from about London, in 
 c. 1682; who, at different times, was both of the 
 
 provincial and proprietary's, or governor's, coun- 
 cil, and frequently in the affembly. He lived 
 many years ; was well acquainted with the public 
 affairs, and faw great improvements in the pro- 
 vince, His papers after his deceafe, in 1725, were 
 delivered to David Llcyd and Jfaac Nor r is; and 
 afterwards to James I^ogan^ about the year 1732. 
 From thefe perfons, who made fuch additions, as 
 came within their obfervation, they afterwards 
 parTed to John Kinfey ; who, in conjunction with 
 leveral others, his friends, revifed them ; and they 
 remained in his poffeflion till his death, in the year 
 
 The character of thefe perfons, above mentioned, 
 xvho, at different periods of time, filled fome of 
 the moft eminent public flations in the province, 
 will further appear in the enfuing hiftory; as be- 
 ing men who had not only the bett opportunity of 
 knowing the variety of incidents, arid the true fhite 
 of its internal affairs, from the beginning, but alfo 
 were themfelves actively concerned in a large fhare 
 of the public tranfadions; and fome of them, in 
 the different interefls both of the proprietary and of 
 Ms oppofers, 
 
 Bui 
 
Preface dedicatory. 5 
 
 But the perfon who took the moft pains to adjuft s. smith & 
 and reduce thefe materials into fuch order, as might hisM.s.&c. 
 be proper for the public view, before that of the 
 prefent publication, was Samuel Smith of Burling- 
 ton , in Ncw-Jerfcy, author of the hiftory of that 
 province; whole manufcript (which contained on- 
 ly the fpace of about forty years) after his deeeale, 
 in 1776, being thought by divers feniible and judi- 
 cious perfons, among his friends, to be capable of 
 further improvement, and ufeful alterations, or ad- 
 ditions, the prefent hiftory, therefore, is publifhed, 
 not only in a form, different from that of S. Smith's 
 manufcript, but alfo divers particulars therein, are 
 here much abbreviated, especially reflecting the 
 long and tedious difputes between fonie of the 
 governors and aiTemblies; and confiderable addi- 
 tions are made, from other accounts, of fuch things 
 as were either not at all touched upon, or but flight- 
 ly mentioned, by him; befides mod of the notes, 
 with the introduction^ and the dcfcrlpthn of the pro- 
 vince and its prefent ft ate , between the years 1760 
 and 1770; both which laft, not being attempted by 
 him, are, for the moft part, entirely new: So 
 that the whole comprizes, befides what may be 
 found of veracity, in other publications, refpecl- 
 ing the province, a true and genuine narrative of 
 the different public tranfaclions, the great and va- 
 rious improvements, memorable incidents, enter- 
 taining anecdotes, and things worthy to be known, 
 ior above fixty years, befides the faid prefent Jiate y 
 &c. 
 
 The reftoration and enjoyment of thofe natural SuVe & of 
 and civil rights and privileges, of which men origi- the hiitofy s 
 nally, by their folly and wickednefs, are often de* 
 prived, was the great end, for which the prede- 
 ceflbrs of the prefent inhabitants of Petinfyhania, 
 at firft, peaceably withdrew into this retirement, 
 from thofe, who, at that time, appeared either to 
 have loft, or too partially diftributed them; and 
 the prefervation thereof was the original defign of 
 
 the 
 
Preface dedicatory. 
 
 the civil government and conflitution of the pro* 
 vince; an account of which, &c. is the principal 
 fubjecl: of the following hiilory. 
 
 Hence, in the firft rife, and early progrefs, of 
 i s P rovmce > there manifeflly appears a remark- 
 able and extraordinary example of that excellent 
 wifdom, induftry and moderation, whofe effects 
 are replete with ufeful inflruclion to pofterity, for 
 having, in reality, rendered a people fo very hap- 
 py and flourifhing; not proved by the boafting 
 of mere theory and anticipation, but by a happy 
 experience for many years. 
 
 It is Hkewifc by means of the fame kind of evi- 
 ncfitof hif- dence, or proof, fo far as hiflory favors us with 
 the experience of former times, in all ages ancl 
 countries, that men may be taught, not only that 
 the happy ftate of any country cannot reafonably 
 be expected long to continue, in the fame degree 
 of increafing profperity, as before, without the 
 continued prevalence of principles and means, 
 among the people, in general, fimilar to thofe by 
 which it was firfc obtained; but alfo how liable 
 fuch a happy and profperous condition is again to 
 be loft, by that folly or depravity, which has ever 
 been fatal, where it got the afcendency, though 
 generally under the moll plaufible appearances. 
 
 " Fa Hit enim vitium fpecie virtutis & umbra** 
 Evil deceives under the pretence, or appearance of good* 
 
 Human na- ^ or t ^ le hiftory of all nations abounds with in-, 
 fiances of the fame nature, operating in all the 
 & . defendants of Adam and Eve, .'which we are told^ 
 prevailed in thefe firft parents, or reprefentatives, 
 of mankind; and through this medium of hiflory, 
 it may be clearly feen, as in a glafs, that too much, 
 or very great, profperity has been, and confe- 
 quently may ftill be, as fatal to the human race, 
 (which is capable of bearing only a certain propor- 
 tion of it) as the extreme of adverfity; and that 
 the effects of plenty, pride and ambition, in the 
 
 one 
 
Preface dedicatory. .7 
 
 one, have been, and thence may flill be, no lefs 
 pernicious, than thofe of want, oppreilion and dif- 
 trefs, in the other; But how little have pofterity 
 profited from fuch former examples! human na- 
 ture is (till the fame; the interdicted tree, with 
 its forbidden fruit , is (till as tempting as ever it 
 was. 
 
 " Felix qiiem faclunt aliena pericida cautum" 
 Happy is he whom the harms of others make wary. 
 
 How often, under fome plaufible pretence or Men i ove 
 other, are peace and improvement wantonly ex- change, &e. 
 changed for war and deftruclion; whole natural 
 confequence are violence and oppreflion! Have 
 we not feen the commencement of this already, 
 even, within our borders, in this young country? 
 
 which the former had Tendered fo flouriihing and 
 happy. The firft and early colonifls, or fettlers pennfyiva- 
 and makers of the province, left the finely culti- nia - 
 vated plains of Europe, with their neareft and 
 deareft connections there, to enjoy and promote 
 the former, in this wildernefs, in fuch degree of 
 perfection, as feemed importable for them there, 
 and to avoid the latter, with its confequences ; 
 from which, in an eminent degree, it is mod 
 manifefl, their wifdom, virtue, moderation, and 
 good policy, through much Jabor, danger and ex- 
 pence, many ways, and in a very fignal, pacific 
 and extraordinary manner, effected the deliverance 
 and prefervation of the inhabitants, while they di- 
 rected the affairs of the colony, and for fo many 
 years prolonged the golden days of Pennfyfoania. 
 
 For, as there appears to be a conftant decay, in Happy con- 
 human affairs, and all things have their beginning fequui*, 
 and end, fo is it not mamfeft, in the courfe of na- &c ' 
 ture, or of all things within the circle of human 
 obfervation, that a conftant recurring to firft prin- 
 ciples, or, that a renovation, or melioration, to 
 balance this decay, is always neceflary, both in an 
 individual and collective capacity? But then do 
 
 all 
 
w. Penn a 
 wife pro- 
 
 moter of 
 
 improve- 
 meat, &c. 
 
 
 Extracts 
 from W. 
 Penn's 
 
 writings. 
 
 Preface dedicatory. 
 
 all the boafted improvement of men, or melio- 
 ration of the human race, &c. in reality, and in 
 the general, amount to any more, than what is 
 intimated by this fimilitude? viz. 
 
 " Like leaves on trees the race of man is found ; 
 Now green in youth, now withering on the 
 
 ground ; 
 
 Another race the following fpring fupplies ; 
 They fall fucceflive, and fucceffive rife: 
 So generations, in their courfe, decay; 
 So flourifh thefe, when thofe are paft away." 
 
 POPE'S HOMER. 
 
 The worthy founder and father of the province 
 appears to have been well acquainted with the true 
 means of this melioration, in the ftate of mankind, 
 by infifting, fo much as he did, on the early culti- 
 vation of piety arid virtue, and on a good educa- 
 tion of youth, in its different branches; with a juft 
 and vigorous magiftracy, or government, and 
 good order ; of which he was ever the firm friend 
 and fupporter, not to fay, the reformer, or impro- 
 ver, of it, for the benefit, and further happinefs 
 of civil fociety ; as iufficiently appears by his writ- 
 ings, and in his excellent example of that of 
 Pennfylvania; in which, as he exhibited himfelf 
 a ftrenuo-us advocati, and a remarkable extender 
 of juftice, mercy, and all rational liberty, fo was 
 he alfo a fevere enemy to all licentioufnefs, injuf- 
 tice, and criminal indulgence of vice and wicked- 
 nefs. 
 
 " There can be no pretence (fays he) of con- 
 fcience, to be drunk, to whore, to be voluptuous, 
 t;o game, to fwear, curfe, blafpheme and prophane; 
 no fuch matter. Thefe are fins againft nature; 
 and againft the government, as well as againft the 
 written laws of God. They lay the ax to the root 
 of human fociety; and are the common enemies 
 of mankind. It was to prevent thefe enormities, 
 
 that 
 
Preface dedicatory. g 
 
 that government was inftituted ; and (hall govern- Duty of 
 ment indulge that, which it is inftituted to cor- the ma s if - 
 rect? This were to render the magiftracy ufelefs, and tracy ' &c ' 
 the bearing of thefword vain; there would be then 
 no fuch thing, in government, as a terror to evil- 
 doers; but every one would do that, which he 
 thought right in his own eyes ; God almighty deli- 
 ver us from this fort of tyranny!" 
 
 " Nothing (continues he) weakens kingdoms Great im- 
 like vice; it does not only difpleafe Heaven, but 
 difable them;" u It is our intereft to be goodj 
 and it is none of the leaft arguments for religion, 
 that the piety and practice of it is the peace and 
 profperity of government; and confequently that 
 vice, the enemy of religion, is, at the fame time, 
 the enemy of human fociety, What, then, mould 
 be more concerned for the prefervation .of virtue, 
 than government ? that, in its abftradt, and true 
 fenfe, is not only founded upon virtue, but with- 
 out the prefervation of virtue, it is impoffible to 
 maintain the beft conftitution, that can be made. 
 And, however fome particular men may profper 
 that are wicked, and fome private good men mif- 
 carry, in the things of this world, in which fenfe, 
 things may be faid to happen alike to all, to the 
 righteous as to the wicked^ yet I dare boldly affirm, 
 and challenge any man to the truth thereof; that^ 
 in the many volumes of the hiftory of all ages and 
 kingdoms of the world, there is not one inftance to 
 be found, where the hand of God was againft a 
 righteous nation, or when the hand of God was not 
 againft an unrighteous nation, firft or Jaft; nor 
 where a juft government perifhed, nor an unjuft 
 government long profpered. Kingdoms are rarely 
 fo fhort lived as men ; yet they ajfo have a time to 
 die; but as temperance giveth health to men, fo 
 virtue gives time to kingdoms ; and as vice brings 
 men betimes to their graves, fo nations to their 
 
 nun,* 1 
 
 [2] Refpecllng 
 
lo Preface dedicatory. 
 
 Modes of Refpecting modes of government, the memo- 
 govern- table founder of that of Pennsylvania declares, 
 
 nient. . mi -in r r 
 
 " Inere is hardly one frame 01 government, in 
 the world, fo ill defigned by its firft founder, that, 
 in good hands would not do well enough; and 
 hiflory tells us, the befl, in ill ones, can do no- 
 thing, that is great or good; witnefs, the Jewifo 
 and the Roman Hates. Governments, like clocks > 
 go from the motion, which men give them ; and 
 as governments are made and moved by men, fo 
 by them are they ruined too: wherefore govern- 
 ments rather depend upon men, than men upon 
 governments. Let men be good and the govern- 
 ment cannot be bad ; if it be ill they will cure it : 
 but if men be bad, let the government be never fa 
 good, they will endeavour to warp and fpoil it to 
 their turn." " That, therefore, which makes a 
 good conflitution, muft keep it, viz. men of wifdom 
 and virtue; qualities, that, becaufe they defcend not 
 with worldly inheritances, muft be carefully pro- 
 pagated by a virtuous education of youth; for which 
 after ages will owe more to the care and prudence 
 of founders, and the fucceflive uiagiftracy, than to 
 their parents, for their private patrimonies" 
 
 preatim- " I would think (fays he in another place) 
 
 eoo'cTedu^ ^ at tnere are ^ ut fe w people fo vicious, as to care 
 cation. to fee their children fo ; and yet to me it feems a 
 plain cafe, that, as we leave the government, they 
 will find it: if fome effectual courfe be not taken, 
 what with neglect, and what with example, impiety 
 and the miferies that follow it, will be entailed upon 
 our children. Certainly it were better the world 
 ended with us, than that we mould tranfmjt our 
 vices, or fow thofe evil feeds, in our day, that will 
 ripen to their ruin, and fill our country with mife- 
 ries, after we are gone; thereby expofmg it to the 
 curie of God, and violence of our neighbours. 
 But it is an infelicity we ought to bewail, that men 
 are apt to prefer the bafe pleafures of their prefent 
 extravagances to all endeavours after a future 
 
 benefit; 
 
Preface dedicatory. I x 
 
 benefit; for, befides the guilt, they draw down 
 upon themfelves, our poor pofterity muft be greatly 
 injured thereby; who will find thofe debts and in- 
 cumbrances harder to pay than all the reft, we 
 can leave them under." 
 
 " Upon the whole matter (continues he) I take Good ed*. 
 the freedom to fay, that, if we would preferve our c , ati f n con " 
 
 n i i i rr> duClVC tO 
 
 government, we mult endear it to the people. To goo d go- 
 do this, befides the neceflity of prefent, juft and vemm&nt. j 
 wife things, we muft fecure the youth : this is not 
 to be done, but by the amendment of the way of 
 their education; and that with all convenient fpeed 
 and diligence. I fay, the government is highly 
 obliged : it is a fort of truftee for the youth of the 
 kingdom; who, though now minors, yet will have 
 the government, when we are gone. Therefore 
 deprefs vice, and cherijh virtue; that through good 
 education, they may become good; which will truly 
 render them happy in this world, and a good way 
 fitted for that which is to come. If this be done, 
 they will owe more to your memories for their 
 education, than for their eftates." 
 
 Such maxims and advice are of univerfal con- Men's opi- 
 cernment, and interefting to all governments ; but nions var r 
 the opinions of different men frequently vary much m lc ' 
 on the fame fubjecls; and that, even, on impor- 
 tant as well as trifling affairs ; and their conduct is 
 no lefs cdntradiclory, and fometimes feemingly ir* 
 rational; they are fo liable to embrace oppofite ex- 
 tremes, that they often deviate from the middle way 
 of rectitude : Hence, while the forward, felfifh and 
 lefs qualified, frequently from finifter, or mean 
 views, folicit and fucceed into the public offices and 
 magiftracy, as well as into divers other important | s ^ ^ 
 departments of life, for which they are unfit and fe& in go- 
 improper, it is to be regretted, that fometimes the ^d^agi- 
 more worthy, and better qualified, who are aclu- fbacy, &c. 
 ated, in what they do, by more generous principles, 
 too often from diffidence of their own abilities, 
 
 and 
 
22 Preface dedicatory. 
 
 and an abhorrence of a connection with others, in 
 their improper conduct, entirely decline being con- 
 cerned in fuch ftations, and thereby refufe that be- 
 nefit, which they might otherwife, mod probably, 
 adminifler to themfelves and their country. 
 
 Some pibus But ought the mifufe of a right and neceffary 
 men incon- thing to be a fufficient reafon for rejecting that thing 
 tfieircon- altogether? mail the abufe and perverfion of go- 
 tiu<a, &c. vernment, and the ill adminiflration of the magif- 
 tracy, by wicked men, give juft occafion for any 
 fober, thinking and rational perfon, qualified and 
 fuitable to be ferviceable to his country, in that very 
 important department, to condemn the right ufe of 
 them? and entirely to refufe his afliftance in a 
 thing fo neceffary as the magidracy?- whether it 
 be from political confiderations, or a perfuafion, 
 that the execution of it is, in fome refpects, con- 
 trary to the nature of Chridianity ? like the Ana- 
 iaptifts^ in Germany formerly, in the time of Charles 
 the fifth; and as indicated by the conduct of 
 fome in later years ? Certainly, if' fuch reafoning, 
 or conduct, as this, ought to prevail, and be imi- 
 tated, in the extreme, then, to be confident with 
 themfelves, it is mod manifed, fuch perfons as 
 reafon and act thus, ought to poflefs no private 
 property ; religion itfelf, under pretence of which 
 this notion, or conduct, feems to have been found- 
 ed, mould no- longer be profefTed by them; nay, 
 they abfolutely ought to defid from propagating 
 their own fpecies! Becaufe thefe things are molt 
 of all abufed, or perverted; from which have 
 flowed the greated evils in the world ; and in con- 
 fequence of the lad arife all the wickednefs and 
 unhappinefs of mankind, &c. for the redraint 
 and correction or remedy, of which, it has pleafed 
 divine Providence mercifully to ordain government 
 and magidracy, &c. and to communicate know- 
 ledge and ability to the indudry of men, for that 
 happy purpofe: But who is not able to fee the 
 
 inconfidency 
 
Preface dedicatory. 13 
 
 inconfiftency of fuch reafoning? How ftrangely 
 liable are mankind to err! how varioufly do they 
 go aflray, even, under well intended views ! Men 
 may go north till they come fouth. 
 
 But Pennfyfoania was fettled upon very different p en nfylva- 
 principles ; for it was impoffible for the govern- ni ' a an ex - 
 ment of it to be founded on fuch notions; William t^coun" 
 Penn was far from being actuated by the extrava- tries, &c, 
 gance of this kind of enthufiafm, in giving fuch 
 an excellent example to mankind, and (hewing 
 them how happy it is poilible for men to live in the 
 world, if they pleafe: for, while he diflinguifhed 
 between the too general abufe of power, and the 
 exertion of a jufl authority, he laid a foundation 
 for happy confequences ; as manifefled in the late 
 glorious example and profperity of the province, 
 to fuch a degree of both private and public felicity, 
 as hath exceeded that of mod other countries, 
 that we know of, in the world, confidering its 
 age, fituation, extent, and other circumftances : 
 This, though defectively exhibited, will, at leaft, 
 in part, appear in the following hiftory, and in 
 the {ketch of the general ftate of the country be- 
 tween the years 1760 and 1770, at the conclu- 
 fion. During all which golden age of the province, 
 the effects of William Penrfs government and con- 
 duct appear to have excelled thofe of the wife Solon* 
 fo far as the effects of peace., and prevention of mili- 
 tary evils and deftruction are preferable to thofe of 
 war : For by reafon of the natural injuflice, and 
 the violent operation of the latter, the happy con- 
 fequences of the former are generally impaired, or 
 deftroyed, and never can be long preferved by it ; 
 fo that the emphatical expreffions of the great legif- 
 lator of Athens i as recorded by Plutarch in his life 
 of Solon, appear more applicable to the lawgiver 
 of Pcnnfyfaania, viz. 
 
 Whut 
 
14 Preface dedicatory. 
 
 " What pow'r was fit I did on all bellow; 
 Nor rais'd the poor too high, nor prefs'd too low; 
 The rich that rul'd, and every office bore, 
 Confin'd by laws, could not opprefs the poor; 
 Both parties I fecur'd from lawlefs might; 
 So none prevail'd upon another's right." 
 
 Various But ambition is rooted in human nature, and 
 bitUm &c" demands reflraint ; it aflumes all manner of appear- 
 ances whatfoever, and is now working wonders, 
 in the world, under the name of equality and the 
 rights of man; Hence to miilake innovation for 
 renovation, and a love of change for melioration, 
 connected with fuch an idea of fclf-independmcy^ as 
 is inconfiHent with the enlargement of civilization, 
 or of the focial happinefs of mankind, in any great 
 or extenfive degree, have ever produced thofe per- 
 nicious confequences, which have flowed from the 
 revolutionary governments of nations and coun- 
 tries ; whofe felicity confifts in the unity, harmony, 
 or a jufl dependency of their parts ; and the more 
 extenfive thofe parts -are, in fuch a flate, the greater 
 and more durable is mod likely to be the happinefs 
 of thofe very conftituent and particular parts, as 
 well as of the whole; and vice verfd. 
 Compari- jr or as an afTemblage of fimilar rays of light 
 cffeAs of adds to the luilre of each individual ray, of which 
 unity, & c . it is compofed ; and the larger the affemblage, fo 
 much greater is that luilre, in proportion to the 
 number of rays; fo the happy, or unhappy flate 
 of mankind individually may be confidered, as 
 augmented, or diminiflied, beyond the poflibility 
 of a folitary enjoyment only, according to the ge- 
 neral prevalency and extenfivenefs of thefe two dif- 
 ferent flates, in a national or colle&ive capacity: 
 The jufl and proper confideration of which might 
 incitement ^ ave no final 1 tendency to incite men more effec- 
 to unity & tually to cultivate and extend fuch a Hate of har- 
 monv an j un ity in the world, as neceffarily mufl, 
 above all other means, ever constitute, preferve 
 
 and 
 
Preface dedicatory. 15 
 
 and increafe, or advance, their felicity, fo far as 
 human nature is capable of it, both in a particu- 
 lar and general relation ; rather than the contrary, 
 or difcord, rebellion and revolt, fo often advocated, 
 purfued, and in the end, unhappily experienced, 
 under the plaufible name and falfe appearance, of 
 melioration. 
 
 But how muchfoever the recommendation and Original 
 extenfion of unity, concord and amity, with a due hap^inefs f 
 fubmiflion, in civil fociety, may be contrary to the and mifery 
 ambition, and felfifh views, of an independent and ? u 
 rebellious Jpirit, in any age, or country, yet it is 
 moft certain that as the former conflituted the ftate 
 of original, and moft complete, felicity, fo the latter 
 occafioned the contrary; and cannot, in the na- 
 ture of things, do otherwife; and that human 
 happinefs may be much further increafed, or aug- 
 mented, both in an individual and collective capa- 
 city, than either idlenefs or wickednefs will permit 
 many to believe, or think poffible, thc province of Example of 
 Pennfyfoania has afforded a very fignal example ? P^ nnf V lva " 
 and inconteftible proof, to the admiration of 
 flrangers ; and doubtlefs far beyond the credibility 
 of many, who are not fufficiently acquainted with 
 the early, as well as the later ftate of the country. 
 
 To conclude, as the world is faid to have been HOW goo4 
 formed out of a chaos, and that order fprung from {^"eve 
 diforder, by the effect of Omnipotence ; fo, in the and rd 
 rife of this province, appears a remarkable inftance ed * 
 pf happy confequences, from apparent unhappy 
 caufes; rational liberty, with an equal participa- 
 tion of natural and civil rights, and religious pri- 
 vileges, with the glorious effects, have rifen out 
 of oppreflion, perfecution and bigotry: But, as 
 tjie abufe of the former has always introduced the 
 latter, fooner or later ; and as human nature ever 
 remains to be the fame, fo the reverfmg of thofe en- 
 joyments continues to be no lefs incident to the hu r 
 man race, than it was in former ages of the world \ 
 
 and 
 
l6 Preface dedicatory. 
 
 and their prefervation depends as much upon the 
 wifdom and conduct of the pofleflbrs of them, as 
 their reftoration will do, on means fimilar to thofe, 
 which raifed, and fo long preferred, the happy 
 flate of the province of Pennfyfoania* 
 
 Philadelphia^ 1797^ 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 O F T H 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 PART THE FIRST. 
 
 The parentage, birth and education of William Penn, with the time 
 and manner of his embracing the religion of the people called 
 Quakers, &C. 
 In the account of the religious fyftem and manners of the >ua1ters 9 
 
 are comprehended: 
 
 1. The time, motive and manner of their firft rife, and becoming 
 
 a religious fociety. 
 
 2. Their firft and chief principle. &c. 
 
 3. Their worfhip and miniftry, withfome of their chief and particular 
 
 doctrines. 
 
 Their other tenets, do&rines, practices ajid cuftoms, more pecu- 
 liar to them than to other people, are ranged under the following 
 heads, viz. 
 
 1. Their jnjtice, veracity and true Chriflian fortitude* 
 
 2. Their temperance and moderation. 
 
 3. Their charity and loving one another* 
 
 4. Under the firft of thefe heads are coniprifed : 
 
 Their difufe of faltering titles, and their not refpecling perfons, &c. 
 Their ufmg the plain and true fpeech of thou and thee, to a fmgfe 
 
 perfon, &c. 
 
 Their difufe of the common falutations, &c. 
 Their non-obfervance of hoiy-days, fajl-days, &c. 
 Their manner of naming the months, and days of the week, &C 
 Their refufmg to pay tithes, prieJIS wages, &c* 
 Their ftrictly paying the government taxes, dues, &c. 
 Their not iuffering the Negro or Jlave-trade among them. 
 Their refufmg tofwear on any occafion. 
 Their fortitude, in valiantly fuffering for their teftimony- 
 
 5. Under the fecond head are., 
 
 Their difufe of gaming, fports, plays t &c. 
 Their avoiding fuperfluity, viz. 
 
 In their diet and difcourfe. 
 
 In their furniture arid apparel. 
 
 At their llrtks, marriages and funerals* 
 
 3] . 6. Undef 
 
1 8 Contents of the Introduftion. 
 
 6. Under the third head are reprefented: 
 
 Their loving one another, and refraining from Jaw-fuitr, among tkejn- 
 
 felves. 
 
 Their loving enemies, and not ^fighting , but /offering, &c- 
 Their charity to the poor : With ibme conclufions on divers of thefe 
 
 things, from R. Barclay. 
 
 7. Their marriages,, births, turials and difcipTine, from lP. Penn; con- 
 cluded with fome further hints of the temper, and general difpe- 
 fition of mind, and of the practice of this people, in early time, 
 from W. Penn, and W. Edmundfon. 
 
 Further account of the life of William Penn, contmued till about the 
 time of the grant and fettlement of Pennfyhania. 
 
 PART THE SECOND. 
 
 1 . Firft European difcoveries of the different parts of America, by 
 Spain, Portugal and England, from the year 1492 to 1497. 
 
 2. Summary of the ancient Virginia; and of the Diitch and Swede's 
 pretenfions to what Was called New Nefhtrland by the former, and 
 New Swedeland by the latter : With a fketch of the firft fetdement, 
 government and revolutions of thefe people on the Delaware 15ay and 
 river; Including fome account of the Maryland grant to the Lord 
 Baltimore, in 1632 ; and of the reduction of the Dutch and Swedes 
 under the Britifii government in 1664. 
 
 3. Firit rife of New-Jerfey, in 1664 ; and fome account of the En- 
 gliih adminiftration by 'the governors of N. Tork, over the country on 
 Delaware, till it was retaken by the Dutch, in 1673 ; and of the go- 
 vernment there, after it was furrendered to England. 
 
 4. Divifronof Ncw-Jerfey into Eaft and Wejl New-Jerfey t in 1676; 
 whereby W. Penn firft became concerned in the latter; With a fum- 
 mary of the firft fettlement and public tranlacHons of Weft New-Jcrfey, 
 by the Quakers, &c. continued from the diviiion of the province, in 
 1676, till about the time of W. Penn's obtaining the grant of Pennfyl- 
 i>ania, in 1681, &c. 
 
 5. A fketch of the religious (late of Weft N. Jerfey, about that time y 
 with fome further hints of its general fituation, or ftate, till the fur- 
 render of the refpeclive proprietary governments to the crown, in 
 1702. 
 
 Note, When the a.onths are mentioned in their numerical order, in the following 
 hiftory, Marchu jnderitood to be the firft month of the year, before the change 
 cf tke ftyle, in i r^z; aficr which the year commenced on' the firft of January. 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 PART THE FIRST. 
 
 CONTAINING, 
 
 MEMOIRS 
 
 O F T H E 
 
 LIFE 
 
 O F 
 
 W I L L I A M P E N N, 
 
 Prior to his founding the Province of Pennfyhania; 
 
 AND INCLUDING, 
 
 A general and comprehenjive view of the rife, princi- 
 ples ', religious Jy/tem andpraclice, or manners, of 
 the people called QUAKERS, who firft fettled 
 the province, under his government. 
 
 JL HE wifdom of former ages, when tranfmitted, office and 
 in writing, to poflerity, is an ineftimable treafure ; ufe ef hif; 
 hut the aftions of illuftrious and virtuous perfons, tor5> ' 
 in the fame manner exhibited, is ftill more benefi- 
 cial: by the former our judgments are rightly in- 
 formed, and our minds brought into a proper way 
 of thinking; by the latter we are animated to an 
 imitation; and while the excellency of noble ex- 
 amples is difplayed before our underflandings, our 
 minds are infpired with a love of virtue. This ap- 
 pears to be the office of hiflory; by which every 
 fucceeding age may avail itfelf of the wifdom, and, 
 even, of the folly, of the preceding, and become 
 wifer ancl happier by a proper application. Tfa ough 
 
 this 
 
2O JntroduBion. 
 
 this medium when we view the conduct of thofe 
 
 freat men of antiquity, who have benefited man- 
 ind, in their moft effential interefts, they ap- 
 pear frequently to have been a&uated by motives, 
 the mofl difmterefled, and attended with a fatisfac- 
 tion more than human ! Adverfity, which refines 
 men, and renders them more fit to benefit the hu- 
 man race, is a frequent concomitant of worthy 
 minds; and apparent fuccefs doth not always imme- 
 diately attend noble and juft defigns: When a So- 
 crates is put to death, wifdom and truth feem to fuf- 
 fer; and when an Arlftldes is exiled, juflice appears 
 to be in difgrace. But virtue is its own reward, and 
 depends not on the fluctuating opinions of mortals, 
 nor on the breath of popular applauf e ; which is 
 often on the fide of error, and entirely oppofite to 
 the real interefts of its votaries. 
 
 w. penn An example of true wifdom and fortitude, is 
 an example no lefs confpicuous in the venerable founder of the 
 d province of Pennfylvania y the truly great and wor- 
 thy William Penn y than in many of the celebrated 
 fages and legiflators of former ages ; who, in oppofi- 
 tion to the vulgar notions of the times in which they 
 lived, have feemingly fuifered in their own particu- 
 lars, in order to benefit mankind: this will appear 
 in the following {ketch of his life, both with reipect 
 to his religion in joining with the people called jQua- 
 kers, and likewife in. fettling the province itfelf. In 
 both of which his engagement for the happinefs of 
 men was not unattended with a large fjiare of that 
 difficulty and oppofition, to. which the mofl excel- 
 lent undertakings are generally expofed : but minds 
 of fuch exalted virtue are actuated by motives above 
 mortality, and indifputably are influenced by fome- 
 thing divine; without which, as Cicero fays, " there 
 never was a really good and great man.* 
 
 His 
 
 * " CrtJfitJurtt ejl ncmincm v'irtrum btnvrum ialcm fuffi, ntji adj 
 jpfo; & ntmo un^uam fuit Mir Kia.rWs f-r.c ajfiatu aliquo divtHo'* 
 
 Cic, de nat^ra 
 
Introduftlon. 
 
 21 
 
 His father, Sir William Penn, was of eminent or his r 
 character; and fervcd both under the parliament, 
 and king Charles the fecond, in feveral of the higheft 
 maritime offices.* He was born in Briflol, anno 
 1621; and married Margaret , daughter of John 
 Jafper, of Rotterdam in Holland, merchant; by 
 whom he had his fon William Penn. He was him- 
 felf the fon of captain Giles Penn, feveral years 
 conful for the Engtijh, in the Mediterranean; and 
 of the Penns of Penns-hdge^ in the county of Wilts; 
 and thofe Penns of Penn, in the county of Bucks; 
 and by his mother, from the Gilberts, in the coun- 
 ty of Somerfet, originally from Torkjkire. 
 
 He was addicted from his youth to maritime af- His 
 fairs, and made captain at twenty-one years of age; 
 rear admiral of Ireland, at twenty-three; vice ad- 
 miral of Ireland, at twenty-five; admiral to the 
 Straits, at twenty -nine; vice admiral of England, 
 at thirty-one; and general in the firft Dutch war, 
 at thirty-two. Whence returning, anno 1655, he 
 was a parliament man for the town of Weymo-uih ; in 
 1660, he was made commhTioner of the admiral- 
 ty and navy, governor of the town and fort of 
 Kings ail \ vice admiral of Munjier, and a member 
 of that provincial council ; and anno 1 664, he was 
 chofen great captain commander under the Duke 
 of Tork, in that fignal, and mod evidently fuccef- 
 ful fight with the Dutch Fleet. 
 
 Thus he took leave of the fea, but continued His dsat 
 flill in his other employments, till 1669; at which 
 time, through bodily infirmities, contracted by the 
 
 care 
 
 * W. Pcnn, In his printed works, fays further refpe&ing his father, 
 Admiral Penn;- " He was engaged both under the parliament and king; 
 but not as an aclor in the domeftic troubles; his compafs always fleering 
 him to eye a national concern, and not inteftine wars. His fervice, 
 therefore, being wholly foreign, he may be truly laid to ferve his country, 
 rather than either of thele interetts, fo far as they were dhtinct from 
 rach other." Again, " In the attack on Htfpaniola, his employ was 
 only as general of the fleet; from which the mifcarriage did not arife; 
 .,'. was owing to the land forces, over which he had no command. 
 
 PJC^W'I Work*, 
 
IntroduEiion. 
 
 care and fatigue of public affairs, he withdrew, 
 prepared and made for his end. He died at Wan- 
 fiead^ in the county of E/fix, on the 1 6th. day of 
 September 1670, in the 49th. year of his age; 
 leaving a plentiful eftate, in England and Ireland, 
 with his paternal blefling to his fon William; to 
 whom he was perfectly reconciled, after the great 
 difpleafure, he had before conceived at his joining 
 in religious fociety with the Quakers; " Thus 
 (fays his fon) from a lieutenant he palfed through all 
 the eminent offices of fea employment, and arrived 
 to that of general, about the 3oth. year of his age; in 
 a time full of the biggeft fea action, that any hiflory 
 mentions; and when neither bribes nor alliance, 
 favour nor affection, but ability only, could pro- 
 mote." Having acquitted himfelf with honor and 
 fidelity, in all his public offices, after the reftora- 
 tion he was knighted by king Charles the fecond, 
 and became a peculiar favorite of yamcs^ duke of 
 Tork; whofe friendfhip, favor and benevolence 
 et- were a fter his death, continued to his fon; which, 
 
 er to W. . . n j r i i 
 
 Popple af- in a particular manner he requeued or tne auke, 
 s. on kj s death bed. 
 
 Birth and The memorable William Penn, fon and heir of 
 education the above mentioned Sir William^ or admiral Penn, 
 anc * t ^ le ^ r ^- P ro P r i etor an d governor of Pennfyl- 
 vania, was born in London, on the fourteenth day 
 of October, 1644. He was endowed with a good 
 genius; and his father, from the promifing pro- 
 fpect, which he had, of his advancement was in- 
 duced to give him a liberal education: He accord- 
 ingly made fuch early improvements in literature, 
 that, about the fifteenth year of his age, he was 
 entered a ftudent at Chrlft's church college in Oxford. 
 
 At this time more particularly (fays the writer 
 Ox " of his life) began to appear in him a difpofition of 
 mind after true fpiritual religion; of which before 
 he had received fome feiife and tafle, through the 
 miniflry of Thomas Loe, a preacher under the de- 
 
 nomination 
 
frttroduftioti, 
 
 nomination of a Quaker. In this place, he, and 
 certain {Indents of that univerfity, withdrawing 
 themfelves from the national way of worfliip, held 
 private meetings, for the exercife of religion; 
 where they both preached and prayed among them- 
 felves; which gave great offence to the heads of 
 the college. He, being then but fixteen years of 
 age, was fined for non-conformity; and, at laft, 
 for his perfevering in the like religious practices, 
 was expelled the college. 
 
 From thence, after he returned home, he ftill 
 retained the fame turn of mind, and continued to 
 prefer the fociety of fober and religious perfons. 
 His father, judging this to be a great obftacle in 
 the way of his fons preferment, endeavoured, by 
 divers means to deter and divert him from it. For 
 which purpofe, after having ufed both the force of 
 perfuafion upon his mind, and the feverity of 
 {tripes upon his body, without fuccefs, he at length 
 was fo far incenfed againft him, that, in great re- 
 fentfnent of rage, he turned him out of his houfe! 
 
 His patience furmounted this difficulty, till his He 
 father's affection had fubdued his anger. He then him to 
 lent him to France in company with fome perfons F 
 of quality, who were making a tour thither. 
 He continued there a considerable time, till a quite 
 different converfation had diverted his mind from 
 the ferious thoughts of religion. There he acquir- 
 ed the knowledge of the French language^ and a 
 perfectly accomplifhed, polite and courtly behavi- 
 our. His father, on his return, thinking the inten- 
 tion of his travels was fully anfwered, received him 
 with great fatisfaction. His conduct and behavi- 
 our, for fome time after this, being reprefented to 
 be fuch as juftly entitled him to the character of a 
 complete young gentleman. 
 
 About the year 1664 his fpiritual conflict, or 1664. 
 religious exercife of mind, is faid to have been very 
 great: his natural inclination, his lively and active 
 
 difpofition 
 
'2 4 Introduction. 
 
 HI* great difpolitioji, his acquired accompliihments, his fa* 
 eonflia of t h er > s favour, the refpeft of his friends and ac- 
 
 mind and . Tin i ri 
 
 refoktion. quanitances, did ftrongly prefs him to embrace the 
 glory and pleafures of this world, then, as it were, 
 courting and carefling him, in the bloom of youth, 
 to accept them; but, his earned fupplication be- 
 ing to the Almighty for prefervarion, he was, in 
 due time, providentially favoured with refolution 
 and ability to overcome all oppofition and to pur- 
 fue his religious profpeft, and what he believed 
 was his belt intereft, through all the reproaches, 
 and perfecutions which attended him. 
 
 He is fully In the year 1666, and the 22d. of his age, his 
 C f"h in oua f atner committed to his care and management a 
 ke prind- confiderable eftate, in Ireland; which occafioned 
 pies in ire- hi s refidence in that country ; there, beiner at Cork* 
 
 land. ... . r i 11 i \ r\ i 
 
 at a religious meeting or the people called Quakers ^ 
 he was thoroughly and effectually convinced of their 
 principles, by means of the preaching of Thomas 
 Loe, before mentioned; \vhofe miniftry ten years 
 before had made fome impreilions upon his under- 
 ftanding ; fo that he afterwards conftantly attended 
 the religious meetings of that people, even through 
 the heat of perfecution. 
 
 j667 Being again at a meeting in Cork, in the year 
 
 w Penn l ^7 -> ^ e j w i tn niany others, was apprehended, 
 committed and carried before the mayor, who, obferving that 
 with pri th. n k* s drefs difcovered not the Quaker, would have 
 Quakers, fet him at liberty, upon bond for his good beha- 
 viour; which, refufing to give, he was, with about 
 eighteen others, committed to prifon; he had du- 
 ring his refidence in Ireland, contracted an intimate 
 acquaintance with many of the nobility and gentry ; 
 and, being now a prifoner, he wrote a letter-, on 
 the occafion, to the Earl of Orrery, lord prefident 
 of Murijter; wherein he briefly informed him of 
 his fituation, pleaded his innocence, and boldly 
 exhibited the inconfiftency with true chriftianity, as 
 well as the ill policy, of fiich kind of perfecution^ 
 
 efpecially 
 
Introduction. 2 if 
 
 especially in Ire/and. The earl immediately ordered 
 his difcharge. But his imprifonment was fo far 
 from terrifying him, that it ftrengthened him in his 
 refolution of a clofer union with that people, whofe 
 religious innocence appeared to be the only crime, 
 for which they fufferecL 
 
 His more openly joining with the Quakers now 1667. 
 brought him under that reproachful name; and He openly 
 the compliments and carefles of his companions J oins tho 
 were changed into feoffs and derifion ; and he be- ^ a 
 came a by-word, and the fubjecl: of fcorn and con- 
 tempt both to the profelfor of religion, and to the 
 profane* 
 
 His father by a letter from a nobleman of his Great con< 
 acquaintance, being informed of the fituation of his teft be- 
 fon, fent for him home. Upon his return, though J" a ^ 
 there was no great alteration in his drefs, yet the him. 
 manner of his deportment, and the folid concern 
 of mind, which he appeared to be Under, were 
 manifefl indications of the truth of the information 
 which his father had received ; who thereupon at- 
 tacked him afrelh. " And here my pen (fays the 
 writer of his life) is diffident of her abilities to de* 
 fcribe that moil pathetic and moving conteft, be- 
 tween his father and him* His father, by natural 
 love, principally aiming at his fon's temporal ho- 
 nour; he, guided by a divine impulfe, having 
 chiefly in view his own eternal welfare ; his father 
 grieved to fee the well accomplilhed fon of his . 
 hopes, now ripe for worldly promotion, voluntari- 
 ly turn his back on it; he, no lefs afflicted, to 
 think that a compliance with his earthly father's 
 pleafure, was inconfiftent with an obedience to his 
 heavenly one; his father prefling his conformity 
 to the cuftoms and fafhions of the times; he mo- 
 deflly craving leave to refrain from what would 
 hurt his confcience ; his father earneflly entreating 
 him, and, almofl on his knees, befeeching him to 
 yield to his defire; he, of a loving and tender dil- 
 [4] pofition 
 
2 6 Introdiiill'j ti , 
 
 pofition, in extreme agony of fpirit, to behold hi^ 
 father's concern and trouble; his father threatening 
 to difinherit him; he humbly fubmitting to his fa* 
 ther's will therein ; his father turning his back on 
 him in anger; he lifting up his heart to God, for 
 ftrength, to fupport him in that time of trial!" 
 
 \remarka- During this contefl, the writer of his life men- 
 bie iniiance tions one very remarkable inflance, among others, 
 fm ~ of his fmcerity: " His father, finding him too 
 fixed, to be brought to a general compliance with 
 the cuftomary compliments of the times, feemed 
 inclinable to have born with him, in other refpects , 
 provided he would be uncovered, in the prefence 
 of the king, the duke and himfelf; this being propof- 
 ed, he defired time to confider of it; which his 
 father fuppofing to be with an intention of con- 
 fulting his friends, the Quakers, about it, he allur- 
 ed him that he would fee the face of none of them, 
 but retire to his chamber, till he fhould return him 
 an anfwer. Accordingly he withdrew, and, hav- 
 ing humbled himfelf before God, with failing and 
 fupplication, to know his heavenly rnind and will, 
 he became fo llrengthened in his refolution, that.* 
 returning to his father, he humbly fignified, that 
 he could not comply with his defire therein/* 
 
 " When all endeavours proved ineffectual to 
 furns^him ^ a ^ e m ' s conflancy, and his father faw himfelf ut- 
 out of doors terly difappointed of his hopes, he could no longer 
 a fecond e ndure him in his fight, but turned him out of 
 doors the fecond time. Thus expofed to the chari- 
 ty of his friends, having no other fubfiftence, (ex- 
 cept what his mother privately fent him) he endur- 
 ed the crofs with a chrlflian patience and magna- 
 nimity, comforting himfelf with the promife of 
 Chrift; " Verily I fay unto you, there is no man, that 
 hath left houfc, or parents, or brethren, or wife, or 
 children, for the kingdom of God's fake, who Jhall 
 not receive many fold more, in this prcfent time, and 
 in the world to come, life cverlajtivg" 
 
 After 
 
<c After a confiderable time, his fleady perfeve- His father's 
 ranee evincing his integrity, his father's wrath be- w f athf me 
 
 r tf/- i V i i i . what abat- 
 
 came iomewhat mollified, io that he winked at his e d. 
 return to, and continuance in his family; and 
 though he did not publicly feem to countenance 
 him, yet, when imprifoned for being at meetings, 
 he privately ufed his intereft to get him releafed." 
 
 " About the year 1668, being the 24th. of his j668, 
 age, (continues the writer of his life) he frrft ap- 
 peared in the work of the miniilry, rightly called 
 to, and qualified for, that office; being fent of God 
 to teach others what himfelf had learned of him ; 
 commiilioned from on high, to preach to others 
 that holy f elf -denial ^ which himfelf had practifed; 
 to recommend to all that ferenity and peace of con- 
 fcience, which himfelf had felt; walking in the 
 light, to call others out of darknefs; having drank 
 of the water of life, to direct others to the fame 
 fountain ; having tafted of the heavenly bread, to 
 incite all men to partake of the fame banquet; being 
 redeemed by the power of Chrlft, he was fent to 
 call others from under the dominion of Satan, into 
 the glorious liberty of the fons of God, that they 
 might receive remiflion of fins, and an inheritance 
 among them that are fanctified through faith in 
 Jefus Chrift." 
 
 Qf the rife, religious principles and praclice, &fr. of 
 tbe people called Quakers. 
 
 Before I proceed to be more particular refpec- Account 
 ting Will} am Penn, I mall here intermit the further of the Qua* 
 account of his life; and, that the reader might ker * &c * 
 have fome juft idea of the people, with whom he 
 joined in religious fociety, and who firft fettled the 
 province of Pennfyhania, under him, I (hall next 
 exhibit a fhorl Summary- of the rife, religious prin- 
 ciples, general fyitem and practice or manners, of 
 the people called Quakers, fufficient for the pur- 
 pofe, principally extracted from their own accounts, 
 
 and* 
 
2 8 Introduction. 
 
 and in their own words, referring the more in* 
 quifitive enquirer to their particular writings, for 
 further information,* 
 
 Evidences Nothing can be a more fignal evidence of an 
 cf God's over-ruling Providence, fuperintending the works 
 
 providence, r , ' . i i o i i r i 
 
 in the riie ox the creation, and directing the end or things, 
 of the Qua- than the rife of good out of evil; and the conver- 
 iion of the wicked machinations of perverfe man- 
 kind to good purpofes : that out of perfecution and 
 hatred ihould fpring charity, and mutual bene- 
 volence; that from tyranny and ignorance mould 
 flow rational liberty, and true knowledge, is as 
 manifeft a demonftration of an all preferring caufe, 
 as the creation itfelf is evident of its own exiftence : 
 this appears, in part, from the rife of the religious 
 people called Quakers ^ and the fettling of the flou 
 riming province of Pennfylvania. 
 
 Time of Near the middle of the 1 7th. century, during the 
 ie rife of c j v ]j wal 5 m England^ when men were tearing each 
 
 jeers. - other in pieces, and when confufion and bloodfhed 
 had overfpread the nation, many fober and thinking 
 perfons of the different religious focieties, weigh- 
 ing the uncertainty of human affairs, and behold- 
 ing the various viqifptudes in the political fyftem, 
 after having examined the many vain and futile opi- 
 nions, and abfurd cufloms, in religion, which were 
 either Tmpofed, praclifed or infilled on, by the 
 various profefibrs of Christianity ^ under all deno- 
 minations, in that country, withdrew themfelves 
 from their affemblies for divine worlhip ; and, 
 having their minds turned to what appeared to 
 them more rational, and confident with a rightly 
 informed underiianding, and a life more congru- 
 ous, or agreeable, to the mind of that Deity which 
 is fpiritual, and communicates his goodnefs and 
 
 knowledge, 
 
 * Among other writings of this people, ^he reader is referred to the, 
 following : 
 
 Their hiftory, by W. Sewel, in folio, and by J. PvUtty, in 4to. Their 
 fuffcrings, in two vols. folio, by J-of. Beffe, alfo to the works, or writings, 
 of R. Barclay, W. Penn, G. Fox, If. Penington, Samuel Fifher, E(J. Buy* 
 jough5 } Fr. Howgill, Thomas Story, with many others. 
 
Introduction. 29 
 
 knowledge more nearly through a medium of his 
 own nature; and places the human mind above 
 the reach of terreilrial influence; they thence fell 
 into that practical belief, and chriftian conduct, 
 which gave rife to this religious fociety.* 
 
 It was not till the year 1650, that the name of w^ rft 
 Quakers was impofed on them ; who before had ge- called Qua. 
 nerally gone under the denomination of profejjors^ kers " 
 or children^ of the light; but the mod common ap- l6j > a 
 pellation, by which they diftinguimed themfelves 
 from others, and even to this day, is by the name 
 cf Friends. 
 
 " Now thefe people (faith Robert Barclay, one caufe and 
 of their early and principal writers) who hold forth manner of 
 the principles and doctrines hereafter to be menti- ^ ^ 
 oned, were not gathered together by an unity of uniting 1^ 
 opinion, or by a tedious and particular difquifition of fouet J- 
 notions and opinions, requiring an aflent to them, 
 and binding themfelves by leagues and covenants 
 thereto ; but the manner of their gathering was by a 
 fecret want; which many truly tender and ferious 
 fouls in divers and fundry feds, found in themfelves, 
 which put each feel in learch of fomething beyond 
 all opinion; which might fatisfy their weary fouls, 
 even, the revelation of God's righteous judgment 
 in their hearts, to burn up the unrighteous root 
 and fruits thereof; that, the fame being dellroyed, 
 and done away, the inward peace and joy of the 
 holy fpirit, in the foul, might be felt to abound, 
 and thence power and life to follow him, in all his 
 commandments. And fo many came to be joined 
 and united together in heart and fpirit, in this one 
 life of righteoufnefs, who had been long wandering 
 
 in 
 
 * It may he here noted, that the fame unhappy and diftra&ed times 
 likewife originally gave rife to the inftitution of the Royal Society, in Lon- 
 don: When men were tired out with wars, contentions, and the changes 
 confequent thereon, divers perfons of genius and fortune began to 
 turn their minds from the broils of ftate affairs, to a philosophic life; and 
 by degrees formed that venerable body, for the promotion of fcicnce and 
 natural knowledge; a fociety, which has done no fmall honour to the 
 Brit'fi niition, and has been of great benefit to mankind. 
 
 Ytfe fpedhtor, No. 262, on the rife of the R. Society, 
 
3 o Introduction* 
 
 in the feveral feels; and by the inward unity, came 
 to be gathered in one body ; from whence, by de- 
 grees, they came to find themfelves agreed in the 
 plain and iimple doftrines of ChrlJL And as this 
 inward power,* they longed for, and felt, to give 
 them vidory over fin, and bring the peace, that fol- 
 lows thereon, was that, whereby they were brought 
 into that unity and community together; fo they 
 came firft thence to accord in the univcrfal preach- 
 ing of this power to # //, and directing all unto it ; 
 which is the firft and cklefeft principle held by 
 them, viz. 
 
 rirft and " That there is fomewhat of God, fome light, 
 chief prin- fome grace, fome power, fome meafure of thefpirit, 
 !* 16 * me divine, fpiritual, heavenly, fubflantial life 
 and virtue, in all men ; which is a faithful witnefs 
 againft all unrighteoufnefs, and ungodlinefs in the ; 
 heart of man, and leads, draws, moves and inclines 
 the mind of man to righteounefs, and feeks to leav- 
 en him, as he gives way thereunto, into the nature 
 of itfelf ; whereby an inward, thorough and real re- 
 demption may be wrought in the hearts of all men, 
 of whatfoever nation, country or kindred they be, 
 notwithftanding whatfoever outward knowledge, 
 or benefit, they may be, by the providence of God, 
 deprived of: becaufe whatfoever they want of that, 
 yet fuch a meafure of this light, feed, life and 
 word, is communicated to all, as is fufficient truly 
 to convert them from the evil of their ways, puri- 
 fy and cleanfe them, and confequently bring them 
 to falvation. And in the affirming of this, they do 
 
 * Whence the name of Quakers impofed 
 It may be obferved, " that through the deep and inward operation 
 of this poiver in them, a dread took hold on them, not only to the be-, 
 getting of God's fear in their hearts, but even to the reaching and in- 
 Uniting of their outward man, hence the name of ^taters, or Tran- 
 /. ; ''/v, hath been in reproach, by their enemies call upon them, which 
 icrvcth to ditlinguifh them from others, though n<,t aJJ'umcd by them ; 
 yet as the Chrijlians of old, albeit the name of Chrijlian was caft upon 
 them by way of reproach, gloried in it, as defiring, above all things, to- 
 be accounted the followers of Chrijl ; fo they alio are glad the world 
 reproacheth them as fuch, who tremble before the LorJ t and 'who ivori out 
 tba-ir falvation in fear and trembling" 
 
Introduction* 3 \ 
 
 not at all exalty^, or nature; (as do the Socmians) 
 in that they freely acknowledge that man's nature 
 is denied and corrupted, and unable to help him 
 one Hep, in order to falvation; judging nothing 
 more needful than the full and perfecl denial and 
 mortification of felf, in order thereunto. Nor do 
 they believe this feed, light and grace to be any part 
 of man's nature; or, any thing that properly, or 
 -eflentially, is of man ; but that it is a free grace 
 and gift of God, freely given to all men, in order 
 to bring them out of the fa/I, and lead them to life 
 eternal. Neither do they fuppofe this feed, word 
 and grace, which is fufficient to lead to falvation, 
 to be given to men without Chrift ; for they believe 
 it to be the purchafe of Chrtft's death, W/JG lofted 
 death for every man : fo that they confefs all to be 
 derived to them in and by Chrift, the mediator; 
 to whom they afcribe all. Yea, they believe this 
 light, grace and feed to be no other, but a meafure 
 of that life and fpirit, that was in Chrift Jefus ; 
 which, being in kirn, who is the head, in the ful- 
 nefs of it, is from him, (in whom it refideth) as 
 he is afcended up unto, and glorified in, the hea- 
 vens, extended to all men, in order to redeem them 
 from fin, and convert them to God." 
 
 " Thus, according to this principle, without 
 attributing any thing to felf or to the nature of 
 man, or, claiming any thing without Chrift, the 
 unlverfal love of God to all men is exhibited ; where- 
 by the njlfems of falvation by Chrift, and reconci- 
 liation umo God, is fo afferted, that no man is al- 
 together excluded from it, but each fo reached, 
 as puts him into a capacity to be faved." 
 
 Hence, as it naturally arifes from this univerfal Definition 
 principle, the church Catholic, or unlverfal, with- of the 
 out which there can be no falvation, is by them ^^^ 
 underflood to comprehend all perfons, or fo many, univ 
 of every nation and kind of people, without ex- &c * 
 veption, whether they hav.e the knowledge and be- 
 nefit 
 
32 Introduction. 
 
 Barclay's nefit of the fcrlpturcs and chrifllaniiy outwardly b/ 
 apology. wor j or no t 5 as are obedient to the principle of 
 the holy light and teilimony of God, in their hearts* 
 fo as thereby to become cleanfed and fanctified ; of 
 which Catholic church there may be members both 
 among Heathens, Turks, Jews, and all the feve- 
 ral forts of Chriftians. 
 
 particular And this they think may not be derogatory from 
 outward the propriety and neceflity of a particular outward 
 diurdi vifible church of Chrift; which is abfolutely requi- 
 ibid. fite, where God affords the opportunity of the 
 knowledge Gtchrtftianity; as it confifls of a fociety* 
 or number of perfons, who, through the belief 
 of the true principles and doclrines of the chrifti- 
 an faith; their hearts being united by the fame lovo 
 of God, and their understandings informed in 
 the fame truths, aflbciate and affemble together, 
 for divine worfhip ; to bear a joint teftimony for 
 the truth, againft error; and for the mutual edifica- 
 tion and flrengthening of one another: So that a 
 perfon may be a member of the true Catholic churchy 
 who, at the fame time, may not be a member of 
 any particular church of Chrift: but, that no man 
 can properly be a real member of a particular 
 church of Chrift, who is not one of the Catholic 
 church ; and that the outward teftimony and pro* 
 feflioa of chnftianity can only be requifite to be 
 believed and held forth, where it is known, or 
 revealed, and not other wife. 
 
 of their Confident with the nature of this univerfol prin* 
 ciple y and the difinition of the church arifing there- 
 from, appears to be their worjkip.; which, accord- 
 ing to the account of it, given by themfelves, was 
 more diverted of thofe numerous external and bo- 
 dily exercifes and performances, which either the 
 ignorance or ingenuity of men, had introduced, 
 under the fpecious pretence of thereby rendering 
 themfelves more acceptable to zfpiritual Being, than 
 that of any other religious iocieties, known to 
 
 them 
 
IiitroduEllon. 33 
 
 them, at that time, under the name of Chriftians : 
 A worfhip, which they profefled to be fpiritual, and 
 performed in the mind; not being confined to par- 
 ticular perfons, times, places, nor ceremonies; but 
 more congruous to, or confident with the nature of 
 a fpiritual divinity, the object of all true wor/hip, 
 according to the New Teftament ; which exprefsly 
 declares, " that the worfhip of God ought to be per- 
 formed in fpir it and in truth, and not to be confined to 
 aay external mode, place or particular perfon; and 
 for this reafon, becaufe God is a fpirit ; and confe- 
 quently a fpiritual <worjhip is the fole rational, and 
 mojl agreeable to his nature:" This is the only pre- 
 cept, or declaration, concerning divine worfhip; 
 and the manner of it, which is left us by the au- 
 thor of Chriftianity. 
 
 Hence faith R. Barclay, " Albeit, I fay that Barclay's 
 this worfhip is neither limited to times, places nor a F ol<) gy- 
 perfons; yet I would not be underflood, as if I 
 intended the putting away all fet times and places to 
 worjkip: God forbid I fhould be of fuch an opi- 
 jiion. Nay, we are none of thofe that forfake the 
 affembling of themfefoes together; but have even, 
 certain times and places, in which we carefully 
 meet together to wait upon God, and worfhip him. 
 To meet together we think neceflary for the peo- 
 ple of God; becaufe, fo long as we are cloathed 
 with this outward tabernacle, there is a neceffity to 
 the entertaining of a joint andviftblefellowfiip, and 
 bearing of an outward teftimony for God, and 
 feeing of the faces of one another; that we may 
 concur with our perfons, as well as fpirits;" 
 which meeting together is no part of worfhip in 
 itfelf, but only a preparatory accommodation, iu 
 order to a public vifible wormip; which confiftg, \vorhip d 
 when met, in a filent watching and waiting upon the Qua^ 
 God in themfelves, (or in their minds) and a be- ker 
 ing gathered from all vifibles thereinto. And as 
 every one is thus ilated, they come to find the good 
 over the evil, and the pure overjhe impure; in 
 
 whi.ck 
 
34 Introduction* 
 
 which God reveals himfelf, and draweth near ta 
 every individual ; and fo he is in the midft, in the 
 general 5 whereby each not only partakes of the 
 particular refrefliment and ftrength, which comes 
 from the good in himfelf, but is a fharer of the 
 whole body, as being a living member of the bo- 
 dy, having a juft fellowfhip and communion with 
 fill. And, as this worfhip is ftedfaftly preached, 
 and kept to, it becomes eafy; though it be very 
 hard, at fir ft, to the natural man; whofe roving 
 imaginations, and running worldly defires, are not 
 eafily brought to filence.'V " And, as every one 
 is thus gathered, and fo met together inwardly, in 
 their fpirits, as well as outwardly, in their perfons, 
 there the fecret power and virtue of life is known< 
 to refrefh the foul, and the pure motions and 
 breathings of God's fpirit are felt to arife; from 
 which, as words of declaration, prayers or praifes, 
 arife, the acceptable worfhip is known, which edi- 
 fies the church, and is well pleafmg to God. And 
 no man here limits the fpirit of God, nor bringeth 
 forth his own conned and gathered fluff; but 
 every one puts that forth, which the Lord -puts 
 into their hearts; and it is utt erred forth, not in 
 man's will and wifdom, but in the evidence and de- 
 monftration of the fpirit and of power. Yea, though 
 there be not a word fpoken, yet is the true fpiritual 
 worfhip performed, and the body of Chrift edified ; 
 yea, it may and hath often fallen out among us, 
 that divers meetings have palled without one word > 
 and yet our fouls have been greatly edified, and 
 our hearts wonderfully overcome with the fecret 
 ienfe of God's power and fpirit; which, without 
 words, have been miniitered from one veflel to 
 another." " Many are the bleffed experiences, 
 which I could relate of \&i$Jilence, and manner of 
 war/hip ; yet I do not commend, and fpeak offilencC) 
 as if we had a law in it^ to ihut out praying or 
 preaching, or tied ourfelves thereunto; not at all: 
 For, as our worfhip confiils not in the words, fo, 
 
 neither- 
 
heither in ftlcnce, as filencc; but In an holy depend- * , 
 
 tftftt? tf/* /? mind upon God: from which depend- 
 arice filence neceffarily follows, in the firft place^ 
 until words can be brought forth, which are from 
 God's fpirit. And God is not wanting to move, 
 in his children, to bring forth words of exhorta- 
 tion, or prayer, when it is needful; fo that of the 
 many gatherings and meetings of fuch as are con- 
 vinced of the truth, there is fcarcc any, in which 
 God raifeth not up fome or other, to minifter to 
 his brethren; that there are few meetings, that 
 are altogether Jllent"" And when any are, 
 through the breaking forth of this power, conftrain- 
 ed to utter a fentence of exhortation or praife, or 
 to breathe to the Lord, in prayer, then all arc 
 fenfible of it; for the fame life in them anfwers to 
 it, as, in ivdter, face ciifivcreth to face." " And 
 there being many joined together in the fame work^ 
 there i : s an inward travail and wreftling; and alfo, 
 as the meafure of grace is abode in, an overcom- 
 ing of the power and fpirit of' darknefs (in the 
 rnind:) and thus we are often greatly ftrengthened 
 and renewed in the fpirits of our minds, without 
 a word, and we enjoy and poffefs the holy fellow- 
 foip and communion of the body and blood of Chrlft; 
 by which our inward man is nourifhed and fed; 
 which makes us not to dote upon outward water, 
 and brciid<\nd wine, in our fpiritual things." " This 
 is that divine and fpiritual ivorflrip, which the world 
 neither knoweth nor underftandeth, which the vul- 
 ture's eye feeth not into." " And its excellency 
 is fuch, that it can neither be flopped, intercepted 
 nor counterfeited by the malice, or power of men 
 or devils, as all others can." 
 
 As that, which is neceflary to make a man a 
 Chrijlian, fo as without it he cannot be truly one, of - 
 inuit conlequently be much more neceltary to make mit 
 a man a miniiler of Chriftianiifr (feeing the one is 
 a degree above the other, and has it included \|n it) 
 fo this people accordingly m^hitained tha^as the 
 
 inward 
 
 
j6 IntroduEllon. 
 
 inward call, power and virtue of the fpirit of God \ 
 indifpenfably necefiary to make a man a true Chrif- 
 tian, fo it mud of confequence be much more fo, 
 for the qualification of the miniftry ; without which 
 they believe none can poflibly be a true minifler of 
 Barclay's tne new teftament ; infomuch that they aflert, '" that 
 apology, not only in a general apoilaCy it is needful men be 
 extraordinarily called, and railed up by the fpirit 
 of God; but that, even when feveral affemblies, 
 or churches, are gathered by the power of God, 
 (not only into the belief of the principles of truth, 
 fo as to deny errors and herefies, but alfo into the 
 life, fpirit and power of Chrlftian\ty\ fo as to be the 
 body and houfe of Chrift indeed, and a fit fpoufe 
 for him) that he, who gathers them, doth alfo, for 
 the preferving them in a lively, frefh and powerful 
 condition, raife up, and move, among them, by 
 the inward immediate operation of his own fpirit x 
 miriiftcrs and teachers, to inftrucl:, teach and watch 
 The quaiifi- over them : who being thus called, are manifeft in 
 cat Jon, cull, tne hearts of their brethren ; and their call is thus* 
 thei/ mint verified in them; who, by the feeling of that life 
 ftcrs - and power, that pafleth through them, being in- 
 wardly builded up, by them daily, in the moft holy 
 faith, become the feals of their apoftle/hip. And 
 this is anfwerable to the faying of the apoftle Paul : 
 " fince ye feek a proof of Chrl/Ps fpeaking in me y 
 which to you-wards is not weak, but is mighty in 
 you." " So this is that, which gives a true, fub- 
 jlantlal call and title to a -niiniftcr; and not of the 
 bare name: And to fuch ?nin[fters \ve think the 
 outward ceremony of ordination, or laying on of 
 hands, not neceffary:" neither are the outward 
 qualifications of letter-learning, and fchool divinity 
 abfolutely requifite:" *"" But, in a true church of 
 
 Chrift 
 
 * Though they held, as above, a fpiritual teaching and iriftru&ion, in 
 
 the mind, inofl fuitahle, reafonahle, adequate and nccefl'ary to a fpiritual 
 
 .Tee R. B ? s. intelligence in religion, yet they never meant thereby that natural fclence 
 
 writings, and the knowledge of languages and literature, &c. were not ufeful, a*' 
 
 &c, the proper means, or meditmi, ci' communicating external knowledge 
 
Introdufiiou. 
 
 37 
 
 Gbrrft gathered together by God, not only into the 
 belief of the principles of truth, but alfo into the 
 power, life and fpirit of Chrift, the fpirit of God 
 is the orderer, ruler and governor ; as in each par- 
 ticular, fo in the general. And when they arlem- 
 ble together, to wait upon God, and to worfhip 
 and adore him ; then fuch as the fpirit fets apart for 
 the minillry, by its divine power and influence, 
 opening their mouths and giving them to exhort, 
 reprove and inftruft with virtue and power ; thefe 
 are thus of God ordained and admitted into the mi- 
 niftry ; and their brethren cannot but hear them, 
 and receive them, and alfo honour them for their 
 works fake. And fo this is not rnonopolifed to a 
 certain kind of men, as the Clergy (who are to that 
 purpofe educated and brought up, as other carnal 
 artifts) and the reft to be defpifed as Laicks ; but it is 
 left to the free gift of God to choofe any whom he 
 feeth meet thereunto, whether rich or poor, fervant 
 or matter, young or old, yea, male or female. And 
 fuch as have this call verify the gofpel, by preaching 
 not in fpeech only, but alfo in power, and in the holy 
 ghoft, and in much fulnefs; and cannot but be re- 
 ceived and heard by the Jheep of Chrift" 
 
 William Penn, in his account of the rife and pro- See w 
 grefs of this people, printed among his literary pom's r 
 works, further obferves: " And as God had de- ^f~ t 
 livered their fouls of the wearifome burden of fm Quakers, 
 and vanity, and enriched their poverty of fpirit, 
 and fatislied their great hunger and thirit after eter- 
 nal 
 
 and information among Mankind, even, in religious affairs; (which is 
 plainly mamfefted in the labours and literary works of this very author, 
 R. Barclay, and divers others of that fociety) as well as in the common 
 outward concerns of life, and thofe things, for which they are adequate 
 arid fuita'hle : and therefore, they had fchools and feminaries of learning 
 among then), for the acquifition thereof, and other ui'eful fciences, as 
 ftther people have. But their excluding literature, or fchool-karning, 
 from being atyolutely neceffary in divinity, according to the Chrijlian iyi- 
 tem; and the great harm, which they believed and declafed the geneial 
 perverfion, or mifufe thereof, had produced in Chriilendom, occafioned 
 divers of them to be fo fevere on the fubject, that many, from thehce, 
 Lave miftakenly fuppofed, they e-nUrclv disapproved of. huimn lean;ir; 
 i every re-fpeft. 
 
3 Intro JuEiioJi. 
 
 nal righteouinefs, and filled them with the good 
 things of his own houfe, and made them ftewafds 
 of his many-fold gifts; fo they went forth to all 
 quarters of th^fe nations, to declare to the inhabi- 
 tants thereof what God had done for them; what 
 they had found, and where and how they had found 
 it, viz. the way to peace with God; inviting all to 
 come and fee aiid tafte, for themfelves, the truth 
 of what they declared unto them.'* 
 
 The man- " And as tne ^ r teftimony was to the principle of 
 no- and God in man, the precious pearl and leaven of the king- 
 theT" f d om -> as tne om *y blefied means, appointed of God, 
 preaching, to quicken, convince and fanftify men; fo they 
 opened to them what it was in itfelf^ and what it 
 was given to them for: how they might know it? 
 from their own fpirit and that of the fubtil appear^ 
 ance of the evil one: and what it would do for thofe , 
 whofe minds mould be turned oft from the vanity 
 of the world, and its lifelefs ways and teachers, and 
 adhere to this bleffed light in themfelves, which 
 difcovers and condemns iin, in all its appearances, 
 and mows how to overcome it, if minded and 
 obeyed in its holy manifeftations and convictions; 
 giving pcrvver to fuch, to avoid and refill thofe 
 things, that do not pleafe God, and to grow firong 
 in love, faith and good works: that fo man, whom 
 fin hath made a wildcrnefs, over-run with briars 
 and thorns, might become as the garden of God., 
 cultivated by his divine power, and replenifhed 
 with the moft virtuous and beautiful plants of God's 
 own right hand planting, to his eternal praife/' 
 
 They could " But thefe experimental preachers of glad tidings i 
 "re P? y & of God's truth and kingdom, could not run when 
 when they they lift, nor pray or preach when they pleafed, 
 pleafed, &c. but, as Chrift, their redeemer, prepared and mov- 
 ed them, by his own bleffed fpirit; for which they 
 waited in their fervices and meetings, and fpoke as 
 that gave them utterance; and which was, as thofe 
 having authority, and not like the dreaming, dry 
 
 and 
 
Jnlfoduftion. 2 A 
 
 und formal Pharifccs. And fo it plainly appeared 
 to the ferious minded, whofe fpiritual eye the' Lord 
 Jefus had, in any meafure, opened: fo that to one 
 was given the word of reproof, to another the word 
 of exhortation, to another the word of cojifolation, 
 and all by the fame fpirit, and in the good order 
 thereof, to the convincing and edifying of many." 
 
 " And truly (faith W. Penn) they waxed flrong 
 and bold, through faithfulnefs ; and by the power < 
 and jfpirit of the Lord Jefus became very fruitful ; 
 thoufands, in a fliort time, tfeing turned to the 
 truth, in the inward parts, through their teftimony, 
 in miniftry and fufferings; infomuch as, in moil 
 countries, and many of the confiderable towns of 
 England, meetings were fettled, and daily were 
 added fuch as mould be laved, for they were dili- 
 gent to plant and to water; and the Lord bleffed 
 their labours with an exceeding great incrcafe; not- 
 withftanding all the oppofition, made to their blef- 
 fed progrefs by the falfe rumours, calumnies and 
 bitter perfecutions ; not only from the powers of 
 the earth, but from every one that lifted to injure 
 and abufe them: fo that they feemed, indeed, to 
 be as poor jheep appointed to the Jlanghter and as a 
 people ', killed all the day long." " So many and cruel See their 
 were the fufferings of this people on a religious fufferings 
 account, and, in part, recorded in their writings, J. n z vols> , 
 which they endured from profefTors, as well as from iLffe,&c. " 
 profane, and from magiftrates, as well as the rab- 
 ble, that it may be truly faid of this abufed and 
 defpifed people, they went forth weeping, and fow- 
 ed in tears, bearing teftimony to \hz precious feed, 
 even, the feed of the kingdom, which {lands not in 
 words, the fineft, the higheft, that man's wit can; 
 ufe, but in power; the power of Chrift Jefiis, to 
 whom God the Father, hath given all power, in 
 heaven and in earth; that he might rule angels 
 above, and men below ; who empowered them, as 
 their work witnefleth, by the many, that were turn- 
 ed, 
 
45 Introduction* 
 
 ed^ through their mini/try, from darknefs to light, 
 and out of the broad into the narrow way of life 
 and peace; bringing people to a weighty, ferious 
 and God-like converiation, the practice of that 
 doctrine, which they taught/' 
 
 Of their milrijicrs and mini/try, W. Perm ffcaks as 
 
 follows : 
 
 vr. Pennon i. " They were changed men themfelves before 
 their mini- ^gy W ent abroad to change others. Their hearts 
 were rent, as well as their garments; and they knew 
 the power and work of God upon them. And this 
 was feen by the great alteration it made ; and their 
 finder courfe of life, and more godly converfation, 
 that immediately followed upon it." 
 
 2. " They went not forth to preach in their own 
 time, or will, but in the will of God; and fpoke 
 not their own fludied matter, but as they were 
 opened and moved of his fpirit; with which they 
 were well acquainted, in their own converfion; 
 which cannot be exprefled to carnal men, fo as to 
 give them any intelligible account; for to fuch it 
 is as Chrlft faid, like the blowing of the wind, which ?io 
 man knows whence it comcth^ or whither it goctb.*^ 
 Yet this proof and zeal went along with their mi- 
 ll iltry, that many were turned from their lifelefs 
 profeffions, and the evil of their ways, to an in- 
 ward and experimental knowledge of God, and 
 an holy life as thoufands can witnefs. And as they 
 freely received, what they had to fay, from the 
 Lord, fo they freely adminiftered it to others." 
 (And, as R. Barclay further obferves on the fub- 
 jed) " they coveted no man's filver, gold nor ap- 
 parel; fought no man's goods; but fought them, 
 and the falvation of their fouls: whofe hands fup- 
 plied their own neceflides, working honeftly for 
 bread, for themfelves and families. And if, at 
 any time, they were called of God, fo as the work 
 of the Lord hindered them from the work of their 
 trades, they took what was freely given them bv 
 
 fuch % 
 
Introduction. 
 
 fuch, to whom they had communicated fpirituals^ 
 and having food and raiment, were therewith con- 
 tent. 
 
 3. " The bent and ftrefs of their miniftry (con- 
 tinues W. Penn) was corwerfion to God, regeneration 
 and holinefs. Not fchemes of doctrines, and verbal 
 creeds, or new forms of worfhip; but a leaving 
 off, in religion, the fuperfluous, and reducing the 
 ceremonies, and formal part, and pr effing earneft- 
 ly, tio&Jubftantial) the necejjary and profitable part> 
 to the foul. 
 
 4 " They directed people to a principle in them- 
 fellies, though not of themfelves, by which all, 
 that they aflerted, preached and exhorted others 
 to, might be wrought in them, and known to them, 
 through experience, to be true: which is an high 
 and diftinguiming mark of the truth of their mi- 
 niftry, both that they knew what they faid, and 
 were not afraid of coming to the teft-V for, as they 
 were bold from certainty, fo they required confor- 
 mity upon no human authority, but upon convic- 
 tion of this principle; which they aflerted was in 
 them, that they preached unto; and unto that they 
 directed them, that they might examine and prove 
 the reality of thefe things, which they had affirm- 
 ed of it, as to its manifeflation, and work in man. 
 And this is more than the many miniflers in the 
 world pretend to."" Thus this people did not 
 only in words, more than equally with others, prefs 
 repentance, converfion and holinefs, but over and 
 above did it knowingly and experimentally; and 
 directed thofe, to whom they preached, to a fuffici- 
 ent principle; and told them where it was, and by 
 what tokens they might know it, and which way 
 they might experience the power and efficacy of it* 
 to their fouls* happinefs; which is more than theory 
 zn&fpeculation; upon which moil other minifters 
 depend: for here is certainty; a bottom upon which 
 man may boldly appear before God, in the great 
 day of account, 
 
 5- 
 
5. " They reached to the inward ftate and con- 
 dition of people, which is evidence of the virtue 
 of their principle, and of their miniflering from it, 
 and not from their own imaginations, glories or 
 comments, upon fcripture. For nothing reaches 
 the heart, but what is from the heart, or pierces 
 the confcience, but what comes from a living con- 
 fcience. Infomuch, as it hath often happened, 
 where people have, under fecrecy, revealed their 
 ftate, or condition, to fome choice friends, for ad- 
 vice, or eafe ; they have been fo particularly direct- 
 ed, in the miniilry of this people, that they have 
 challenged their friends, with difcovering their fe- 
 crets, and telling their preachers their cafes, to 
 whom a word had not been fpoken. Yea, the very 
 thoughts and purpofes of the hearts of many have 
 been fo plainly detected, that they have, like Na- 
 thaniel, cried out of this inward appearance of 
 Chrift, " Thou art the f on of God, thou art the king 
 of Ifrael" And thofe, that have embraced this 
 divine principle, have found this mark of its truth 
 and divinity, that the woman of Samaria did of 
 Chrift, when in the flefh, to be the Meffiah, viz. It 
 had told them all that ever they had done; fhewn 
 them their infides, the molt inward fecrets of their 
 hearts, and laid judgment to the line, and righ- 
 teoufnefs to the plummet; of which thoufands can, 
 at this day, give in their witnefs. So that nothing 
 has been affirmed by this people, of the power and 
 virtue of this heavenly principle, that fuch as have 
 turned to it, have not found true,, and more; and 
 that half had not been told them, of what they 
 have feen of the power, purity, wifdom and good- 
 nefs of God therein. 
 
 6. " The accomplifhments, with which this prin- 
 ciple fitted, even fome of the meaner!: of this people, 
 for their work and iervice; furniming fome of them 
 with an^ extraordinary underftanding, in divine 
 things, and an admirable fluency and taking way of 
 
 expreilion^ 
 
Introduction. 43 
 
 expreflion, gave occafion to fome to wonder, faying 
 of them, as of their matter, " Is not this fuch a 
 mechanic's fon? How came he by this learning? As 
 from thence others took occafion to fufped and 
 in/innate, they were Jefuits in difguife, who had 
 the reputation of learned men for an age part, 
 though there was not the leafl ground of truth for " 
 any fuch reflection, in that their miniflers are 
 known, the places of their abode, their kindred 
 and education. 
 
 7. " That they came forth low, dcfpifed and 
 betted^ as the primitive Chriftiam did; and not by 
 the help of worldly wifdom or power, as former 
 reformations, in part, have done; But, in all 
 things, it may be faid, this people were brought forth 
 in the crofs ; in a contradiclion to the ways, worjhips, 
 fafoions and citjloms of this world; yea, again/I wind 
 and tide^ that no Jiejh might glory before God. 
 
 8. " They could have no defign to themfelves, 
 in this work, thus to expofe themfelves to. f corn 
 and abufe; to fpend and be fpent: leaving wife 
 and children, houfe and land, and all that can be 
 accounted dear to men, with their lives in their 
 hands; being daily in jeopardy, to declare this 
 primitive mcjfage, revived in their fpirits, by the J oh " H( j' j h * 
 good fpirit and power of God, viz. That God is ili.Th. aoi 
 light and in him is no darknefs at all; and that he . ar - L J oh ^ 
 has fent his fpn, a light into the world, to en- 1 ' 
 lighten all men, in order to falvation; and that 
 
 they, that fay they have fellowfhip with God, 
 and are his children and people, and yet walk in 
 darknefs, viz. in difobedience to the light in their 
 confciences, and after the vanity of this world, 
 they lie, and do not the truth. But, that all fuch- 
 as love the light, and bring their deeds to it, and 
 walk in the light, as God is light, the blood of 
 Jefus Chrift, his Son, fhould cl.eanfe them from 
 all fin. 
 
44 Introduction. 
 
 9. " Their known great conftancy and patience , 
 in fuffering for their teitimony, in all the branches of 
 it, and that fometimes unto death, by beatings, 
 bruifmgs, long and crowded imprifonments, arid 
 noifome dungeons. Four of them, in New England, 
 dying by the hands of the executioner, purely for 
 preaching among that people; befides banimments, 
 and exceflive plunders and fequeftrations of their 
 goods and eflates, almofl in all parts, not eafy to 
 be expreffed, and lefs to have beefi endured, but 
 by thofe that have the fupport of a good and glo- 
 rious caufe; refufing deliverance by any indirect 
 ways, or means, as often as it was offered to them. 
 
 10. " That they did not only not mew any dif-, 
 pofition to revenge, when it was at any time in 
 their power, but forgave their cruel enemies; 
 fhewing mercy to thofe, who had none for them. 
 
 11. " Their plainnefs with thofe in authority, 
 like the ancient prophets, not fearing to tell them, 
 to their faces, of their private and public fins: and 
 their prophecies to them of their afflictions and 
 downfall, when in the top of their glory: Alib 
 of fome national judgments; as, of the plague and 
 
 fire of London, in exprefs terms; and likewife par- 
 ticular ones, on divers perfecutors, which accord- 
 ingly overtook them; and were very remarkable 
 in the places, where they dwelt, which in time, 
 may be made public for the glory of God." 
 
 of their " As to tne doftrine, which they taught, (fays the 
 
 doctrines, fame author) having already given fome account 
 
 of their fundamental principle, their charaffieriftic ; 
 
 or main diflinguifhing principle, viz. the light of 
 
 Chrift within; which is, as the root of the goodly 
 
 .tree of doctrines,, that grew, and branched out 
 
 from it, I mall, therefore, now fpeak of them, in 
 
 their natural and experimental order. 
 
 Re ent- " Firft, repentance from dead works, to ferve the 
 since. Jiving God ; which comprehends three operations ; 
 
 fir ft 
 
45 
 
 firft, a fight of fin; fecondly, * fenfe and godly 
 forrow for fin ; thirdly, an amendment for the time 
 to come. This was the repentance, they preached 
 and preffed, and a natural refult from the princi- 
 ple, they turned all people to. For of light came 
 fight; and of fight came fenfe and forrow; and of 
 fenfe and forrow came amendment of life. Which 
 doftrine of repentance leads to jttftification ; that is, 
 forgi-venefs of fins, that are paft, through Chrift, 
 the alone propitiation and the fancJification or pur- 
 gation of the foul, from the defiling nature and 
 habits of fin prefent, by the fpirit of Chriji in the 
 foul; vfhichisjtsftt/icatwn, in the complete fenfe of 
 the word, comprehending both j unification from 
 the guilt of the fins that are paft, as if they never 
 had been committed, through the love and mercy 
 of God in Chrift *Jefus ; and the creatures being 
 made inwardly juft, through the cleanfing and 
 fandifying power and fpirit of Chriji revealed in 
 the foul, which is commonly called fancJification: 
 But that none can come to know Chrift to be their 
 facrifice, that reject him as their fanclifier; the end 
 of his coming being to fave his people from the 
 nature and defilement, as well as guilt, of fin; and 
 that, therefore, thofe that refill his light and fpirit, 
 make his coming and offering of none effect to 
 them. 
 
 " From hence fprang a fecond doctrine, they 
 were led to declare, as the mark of the prize of the 
 high calling, to all true Chriftians, viz. perfection 
 from fin, according to thefcriptures of truth; which from fin> 
 teftify it to be the end of Chrift' s coming, and the 
 nature of his kingdom; and for which his fpirit 
 was, and is given, viz. to be-perfecJ as our heavenly 
 Father is perfect ; and holy, beca.it.fe God is holy" 
 And this the apoftles laboured for ; that the Chrif- 
 tians fhould ^fanclified throughout, in body, foul and 
 fpirit" But they never held a perfection in wif- 
 (lom and glory in this life, or from natural infirmities, 
 
*g Introduction* 
 
 or death; as fome have, with a weak, or 111 mind, 
 imagined, or infmuated againft them. 
 
 cc This they called a redeemed Jiate, regeneration,, 
 or the new birth: teaching every where, according 
 to their foundation, that without this work were 
 known, there was no inheriting the kingdom of 
 God. 
 
 Eternal re- " Thirdly, This leads to an acknowledgment of 
 wards and eternal rewards and piinifhments, as they have good 
 reafon; for elfe, of all people, certainly they muft 
 be the moft miferable; who, for above forty years,* 
 have been exceeding great fufferers, for their pro- 
 felHon, and in fome cafes, treated worfe than the 
 worft of men; yea, as the refufe and off-fcouring of 
 all things. 
 
 " This was the purport of their doctrine and mi- 
 ntftry ; which, for the moft part, is what other 
 profeflbrs of Chriftianity pretend to hold, in 
 words and forms, but not in the power of godli- 
 nefs; which, generally fpeaking has been long loft, 
 by men's departing from that principle and feed of 
 life, that is in man; and which man has not regard- 
 ed, but loft the fenfe of; and in, and by which 
 only, he can be quickened in his mind, to ferve the 
 living God, in newnefs of life. For as the life of 
 religion was loft, and the generality lived and 
 worfhipped God, after their own wilh, and not 
 after the will of God, nor the mind of Cbrift^ 
 which flood in the works, and fruits of the holy 
 /pint; fo that which they preffed was not notion, 
 hut experience ; not formality, but Godlincfs; as be- 
 ing fenfible in themfelves, through, the work of 
 God's righteous judgments, that, without holinefs, 
 no man mail fee the Lord with comfort" 
 
 Having thus far mentioned the manner of the 
 fir ft rife of this people, with their prime, or fun- 
 damental principle, and fome of their chief doc- 
 
 trines^ 
 
 * W. P. writ this about tbe year 1694. 
 
Introduction. 
 
 47 
 
 trines, arifing from it, in the next place, follows of their 
 an account of that order, and difcipline, with divers ^t^cu 
 cuitoms, more peculiar to themfelves, than totomsapa 
 others, into which as a reformed fociety, by the 
 fame principle they profefled themfelves to be led 
 and brought; and of that innocent, exemplary and 
 uniform life and conduct, for which, confident 
 therewith, they are faid to have been very remark- 
 able among all Torts of people, to whom they were 
 known, in early time. 
 
 Of thefe cuftoms, doctrines and practices, or 
 manners, for which they were, and flill are, more 
 particularly diftinguifhable, I mall firft obferve, that 
 though fome of them may probably appear iingular, 
 or trivial to Grangers, and to thofe who are not fuffi- 
 ciently acquainted with the moderation and fmceri- 
 ty of this people, yet, as they profefs them to arife 
 from this fundamental and univerfai principle, held 
 by them, as before mentioned ; from which all the 
 virtues fpring, and every practice is more or lefs 
 important, and not from any whimfical, or fellifh 
 humour, or defire to appear fingular, fo, in this 
 light, if it be granted as reafonable, a contrariety 
 of conduct will rather appear, and ought to be ac- 
 counted, fingular, ftrange or out of the way; 
 feeing, it is very plain, their adverfaries themfelves, 
 in placing fo much ilrefs, as they have done, on the 
 practice of the contrary, in the view of this people, 
 indefenfible, have rendered fome of thefe apparent- 
 ly ihfignificant things of much greater importance 
 than they would otherwife have been ; I mall there- 
 fore, in this abftract, arrange them under certain 
 following heads, referring to their own writings, 
 for their reafons and probations of their ufe and 
 practice, <viz. 
 
 1. Their juftice, veracity and true chriflian for- 
 titude. 
 
 2. Their temperance and moderation. 
 
 3. Their charity, and loving one another. 
 
48 Introduction. 
 
 ' i. Under the firil of thefe heads it is not my 
 intention to fpecify every particular, which may 
 properly come under it, in refpect to the juft and 
 due appropriation of the true and proper attributes 
 and rights, of God and man refpectively ; but as 
 their fenfe of juftice and propriety, in thefe re- 
 fpects, went confiderably higher, and led them 
 further, in their practice, than that of other peo- 
 ple, I mail, therefore, only mention thofe things, 
 for which they were particularly diftinguifhed from 
 them, in s* 
 
 Their dif- Firft 9 Their difufe of vain compliments, and 
 "foments" 1 " fl atterm g titles, bowing, kneeling, and uncover- 
 &t. ing the head to mankind ; and their uling the fm- 
 gular language, thou and thee, to a iingle perfon, 
 in difcourfe, according to the true form of fpeech ; 
 though fo contrary to the general practice of peo- 
 ple in common ; believing all tokens of adoration 
 and worfhip belong to God only; and that plain", 
 but civil language, and true fpeeches are mofl be- 
 coming the profeflbrs and followers of truth. 
 Refpecting thefe and other things of that nature, 
 R. Barclay obferves; " I would not have any 
 judge, that hereby we intend to deflroy the mutual 
 relation that either is betwixt prince and people^ 
 mafter and fervant, parents and children ; nay, not 
 at all ; we mail evidence that our principle in thefd 
 things, hath no fuch tendency, and that thefe na- 
 tural relations are rather better eftablifhed, than 
 do any ways hurt by it." " Thus (fays W. Penn) not 
 to re fp e & perfons^ was, and is another of their doc- 
 trines and practices; for which they were often 
 buffeted and abufed. They affirmed it to be fulfill, 
 to give flattering titles, or to ufe vain geliures and 
 compliments of refpect ; though to virtue and au- 
 thority they ever made a difference ; but after their 
 plain and homely manner, yet fincere and fub- 
 iiantial way; well remembering the good exam- 
 ples of Mordecai and Elibu^ but more efpecially 
 the command of their lord and mailer, Jefus 
 
 Cbrijlj 
 
Introdutllon. 49 . 
 
 Shrift; who forbade his followers to call men, 
 Rabbi; which implies Lord or Mafter; alib the 
 fafliionable greetings and faint ations of thofe times ; 
 that fo /^ love and /w/sr, to which the proud 
 mind of man is incident in his fallen ftaic, might 
 not be indulged, but rebuked. And though this 
 rendered their converfation difagreeable; yet they 
 that will remember what Chrift laid to the Jews, 
 " How can yoir believe me, who receive honor one 
 from another" will abate of their refentment, if 
 his doctrine has any credit with them." 
 
 " Thev alfo ufed the plain language of thou n 
 
 i/ J r ' i r i r i ' i Theyfpcak 
 
 and wee to a 1 ingle perfon, whatloever was his de- the P bm 
 eree among men. And, indeed, the wifdom of lan s ua g e 
 
 , r . , . . r . . twit and 
 
 God, was much leen, m bringing forth this peo- ^ to a 
 pie, in fo plain an appearance: for it was a chfe fin g !e P <!r - 
 and diftingiiifliing teft upon the fpirits of thole, i( 
 they came among; mewing their in/ides, and what 
 predominated^ notwithflanding their high and great 
 profellion of religion. This among the reii^ 
 founded fo harfh to many of them, that they took 
 very great offence at it; forgetting the language they 
 ufe to God, in their prayers, and the common 
 ftile of the fcriptures; and that it is an abfolute 
 and eflential propriety of fpeech." 
 
 " Nor could they humour the cuftom of good ^ ma f ^ m 
 night i good-morrow ', God fpced; for they knew the tations not 
 night was good, and the- day was good, without 
 wifhing of either; and that, in the other expref- 
 fion, the holy name of God was too lightly, and 
 unthoughtfully ufed ; and therefore, taken in vain. 
 Befides, they were words and wiflies of 'courfe, 
 "and are ufually as little meant ^ as are love and fir- 
 vice, in the cuftom of, cap and knee; and fuper- 
 fluity in thefe, as well as in other things, was 
 burdenfome to them and therefore they did not 
 only decline the ufe of them, but found themfelves 
 often prefled to reprove the practice," 
 
 To 
 [7] 
 
50 Introduction. 
 
 They do To this place may be referred, their non-obfer<* 
 not obiervc vance o f thofe called holy days, and days appointed 
 
 he! y days f . J , '. . . J . r . r ,. 
 
 fait days, for jo/tings, prayings and rejoicings; as being reli- 
 
 &c - gious. ceremonies prefcribed by men, whom they 
 
 did not allow to have a jufl right to impofe any 
 
 religious practice on, or againft, the confcience 
 
 which is God's peculiar prerogative. 
 
 Their man- They were likewife in the cu-ftom of ufmg the 
 
 erofn f m - numerical names of the months , and days of the 
 
 otfhe week 5 , week, efpecially the latter; ^frft^fecond^ third 
 
 &c - day of the week, &c. inftead of the vulgar names 
 
 of the heathen gods, commonly ufed, and given 
 
 to thofe days, by other people; and fo inconfiftent 
 
 with a thorough chriitian practice, in that refpect.* 
 
 Theyrefufe Secondly, Their refufing to pay tithes and wages 
 
 to pay towards the fupport of a miniftry, from which 
 
 church t ^ le y rece i ve d no advantage, but entirely difowned, 
 
 rates, &c. fo unreafonablv exacted of them by its advocates 
 
 and votaries; of which fays W. Penn, " Another 
 
 part of the character of this people was and is, 
 
 that they refufe to pay tithes, or maintenance to a 
 
 national miniftry; and that for two reafons; the 
 
 one is, they believe all compelled maintenance, evea 
 
 to gofpel minifters, to be unlawful; becauie ex- 
 
 prefsly contrary to Chrift's command, who faid, 
 
 " Freely 
 
 * As our common names of the months were firft impofed by the 
 Payan Romans ; fome of them in honor of their gads; as January, Febru- 
 ary and March; others, in complaifance to common (crumpets; as, April 
 and Ma\; while others were denominated in honor of their dcifed em- 
 ferors; as, 'July and Au^ujl ; moft of the reft being numerical; fo the 
 vulgar names of the days of the week, now ufed, are handed to us from, 
 our heathen anceftors, the Saxons; which they are faid to have intro- 
 duced, in reference to their idol's , which they, under particular repre- 
 fentations, or figures, worfhippcd, as gods, on the refpective days, ap- 
 propriated for each of them; hence, to the firft day of the week, on 
 which they worfhipped the Sun, they gave the name of Surfs Jay t or 
 Sunda\; and fa of the reft; adoring the J\loor/, on Monday; and their 
 idols tftifce, on Tiicfday; Wo Jen on WeJnefday; Tbor, on TlurfJa-j; 
 Friva, on Friday; and Stater on Saturday, calling it Seaier't day, &c. 
 The ^jiai-frs' thought the common names as expreffed in the New Tefta- 
 ment, more fuitable and proper for the ufe of Chriftians, than the vul- 
 gar pagan appellation; and, even, preferable, fetting aiide Chrifhianity, 
 in the cafe: neither did they like the imitation thereof, in tbe names of 
 pcpifh faints, given to times and places, and other fimilar cercmoaiv 
 and obfervatioa?. 
 
Introduction. 5 * 
 
 *' Freely you have received, freely gwe:" at leau% 
 that the maintenance of gofpel miniflers fhould be 
 free, and not forced. The other reafon of their 
 Vefufal is, becaufe thcfe miniflers are not gofpel 
 jones; in that the Holy Ghoft is not their foundation, 
 but human arts and parts, fo that it is not matter 
 of humour, or fullennefs, but pure confcience 
 towards God, that they cannot help to fupport 
 national miniftries, where they dwell; which but 
 too much, and too vifibly become ways of worldly 
 advantage and preferment." 
 
 Thirdly, Their great care and flriclnefs, in ren- T^ 
 dering to Cafar, according to their manner of ftriaiy pay 
 expreilion, that is, to the government, its dues; in ^[^0- 
 the punctual payment of taxes, cufloms, and dif- vemment. 
 couraging all illicit and clandefline trade; and in 
 being at a word in their dealings : Infomuch, that, 
 in their particular printed advices to their bre- 
 thren, they fay, " As the bleffed truth, we pro- 
 fefs, teacheth us to do juflly to all men, in all 
 things ; even fo more efpecially, in a faithful fub- See Y. 
 ieclion to the government, in all godlinefs and ho- me * in ? 
 
 J n .*. , "11- t epiftle tor 
 
 nefty; continuing to render unto the king what is IJISt 
 his due, in taxes and cufloms, payable to him ac- J 7 X 9 
 cording to law." " For our ancient teflimony I73 *' 
 hath ever been, and ftill is, againfl defrauding the 
 king of any of the above mentioned particulars, 
 and againfl buying goods reafonably fufpecled to be 
 pun" " or doing any other thing whatfoever to 
 the injury of the king's revenue, or of the com- 
 mon good, or to the hurt of the fair trader ; fo, 
 if any perfon or perfons, under our name or pro- 
 feflion, mail be known to be guilty of thefe, or 
 any other fuch crimes and' offences, we do earneflly 
 advife the refpeclive monthly meetings, (hereafter ex- 
 plained) to which fuch offenders belong, that they 
 feverely repremand, and teftify agalnjl fuch offend* 
 ers, and their unwarrantable, clandefline, and un- 
 lawful actions ; we being under great obligations 
 of gratitude, as well as duty, to numifefl, that we 
 
as truly cwfcientious to render ta Gafar the things 
 that are Cafar's, as to fupport any other branch of 
 pur Chriflian teftimony" And ib great was the im- 
 portance of this affair \vith them, that an annual 
 enquiry was regularly made through all parts of the 
 Britijh dominions, where they had members of fo- 
 ciety, whether the purport of thefe advices were 
 duly put in practice, or not, and to enforce the fame. 
 
 They were ic It hath moreover been a well known, dif- 
 
 thcir V dcai' n tm g u i mm g characterise of this people, that an- 
 
 ings. j. ciently they did, from a religious principle, keep to 
 
 Rutt > r r a word, in buying and felling, and forbear that 
 
 multiplicity of words, in making bargains; in 
 
 / which, how common foever among dealers, there 
 
 i wanteth not fin, as the wife man obferves, nor 
 
 very often deceit."- " For they were, (fays W. 
 
 Penn) at a word in their dealing; nor could their 
 
 cuftomers, with many words, tempt them from it, 
 
 having more regard for irufb, than cuilom; to 
 
 example than gain." 
 
 Fourthly, As their juftice was very remarkable 
 in their Uriel and conflant adherence to the laws 
 
 s dues, but in 
 conferences, in refer- 
 were not affect- 
 
 e d thereby; in which fit nation neverthelefs they 
 SiH were a ^ wa Y s paffive; Ib were they very particularly 
 diilinguiihable for refraining from certain things, 
 . - under the articles of trade, even, accounted lawful, 
 or permitted by the laws of the land, where they liv- 
 ed , which they thought unchrijllan , or unjuft; among 
 '%c y] v'hich I find the. trading in Jla-ues ; or the importa* 
 'meeting p i0n o f ne v rccs from their native country into other 
 
 niiriutt's, iii r c i i r /? n_* 
 
 M. s. for parts of the world, lorj/aves, was a practice ever 
 1727, &.c. highly cenfured, and a traffic never allowed among 
 t* them, in Great Britain, though permitted and pro- 
 
 tected by the LegiJIature.* 
 
 Fifthly, 
 
 * It may be noted, that, though fome of this fociety, in Ai>irri:a, in 
 cvrly time, \vhcn fervuuts were very icarcc, or affifluncc difficult to h 
 
Introduction, r \ 
 
 Fifthly, Their truth /peaking, and refu/ing to They re- 
 fwcar, on any occafion; ufmg the plain and fimple ufeto 
 
 V rr J , . n i r , fwear on a- 
 
 affirmation and negative, mitead of an oath. n y occafion, 
 " Another doctrine of theirs (fays W. Penn) was 
 the/ujfic'uncy of truth-fpcaking, according to Chrift's 
 own form of found words, of yea, yea; nay, nay, 
 among Chriftians, without /wearing, both from 
 Chrift's prohibition, to fwear not at all, Matt. v. 
 and for, that they being under the tie and bond 
 of truth in themfelves, there was no neceffity for 
 an oath ; and it would be a reproach to their Chrlf- 
 tlan veracity to allure their truth by fuch an extra- 
 ordinary way of fpeaking; fimple and uncompound- 
 ed anfwers, as, yea and nay, (without affeverations, 
 atteftations, or fupernatural vouchers) being moft 
 fuitable to evangelical righteoufnefs. But offering, 
 at the fame time, to be punifhed to the full, for 
 falfe /peaking, as others for perjury, if ever guilty 
 of it; and hereby they exclude with all true, all falfe 
 and profane /wearing, for which the land did, and 
 doth mourn; and the great God was, and is, not 
 a little offended with it." 
 
 Sixthly, Their cheerfully and valiantly fuffering, Thelr v , iU _ 
 both in perfon and eflate, from all ranks of people, antly fuf- 
 for their confcientious non-compliance with the f f n . n s f !f 
 
 i r i i n r i their teftl " 
 
 vulgar and unrealonable cultoms or the times, m m ony. 
 which they lived, without endeavouring any reta- 
 liation, when in their power; their fteady perfe- 
 yerance, in patiently and paffively enduring, for a 
 
 long 
 
 got, in that country, inadvertently fell into the practice of purchafmg 
 thefe neyo-Jlaves, after they were imported, and others receiving them, 
 by inheritance, &c. whereby formerly, in this part of the world, divers, 
 of them became poffefled of thefe people: Yet this unnatural traffic 
 there has been fmce, and is now, juftly and entirely difapproved and for- 
 bidden among them, in all its branches: A trade fo monftrous and 
 abominable, fo unparallelled, both in ancient and modern hiflory, all its 
 circumftances, cruelty, and the whole manner of carrying it on, being 
 impartially and duly confulertd, that it feems unaccountable and afto- 
 iiifhing, that any nation, at leait, pretending to juftice and chriftianity, 
 ihould countenance or tolerate fuch a pradHce, luch an unnatural, and , 
 moft deteitable traffic! Nay in its consequences, moft manifefHy impo- 
 litic, as well as a moft pernicious, diabolical and inhuman bufinefs! bpth 
 in its prefent operation and confcf[uential elfefts, &c. 
 
^ Introduction. 
 
 long feries of years, the rigour of fucli laws, as 
 either defignedly, or otherwife, afle&ed their con- 
 fciences, and were ufed to force, or compel, con- 
 formity, in religious matters; which they always 
 diflinguiflied from civil affairs, fo abundantly de- 
 monftrate the Chrillian patience and fortitude of 
 this people, that it would fill a large volume to 
 fpecify only the principal, or at lead, the common 
 incidents of this nature, which have been confpi- 
 cuous among them: therefore, referring to their 
 own writings, for an account of them, I mall only 
 here infert what R. Barclay mentions, in fhort, on 
 this point, in addrefling his apology for the true 
 Chrr/lian Divinity, as held by this people, to king 
 Charles the fecond; who, after having hinted their 
 hard and cruel fufferings, both under Cromwell 
 and the parliament L , and alfo after the king's redo- 
 ration, fays, " For indeed their fufferings are 
 R. Bar- fmgular and obvioufly diilinguifhable from all the 
 day's apo- re ft. o f f uc h as }i ve unc ler thee a in thefe two re- 
 
 lofflr ' * ' fpefts." 
 
 " Firft, In that, among all the plots contrived by 
 dy ' others againd thee, fmce thy return into Britain, 
 there never was any, owned by that people, found 
 or known to be guilty (though many of them have 
 been taken and imprifoned on fuch kind of jealou- 
 fies) but were always found innocent and harmlefs, 
 us became the followers of Chrift; not coveting 
 after, nor contending for, the kingdoms of this 
 world, but fubject to every ordinance of man, for 
 confcience fake." 
 
 " Secondly, In that, in the hotted times of per* 
 fecution, and the mod violent profecutions of thofe 
 laws, made againd meetings, being cloalhed 'with 
 innocency, they have boldly dood to their teftimo- 
 ny for God, without creeping into holes, or cor- 
 ners, or once hiding themfelves, as all other dijfcnt-* 
 crs have done; but daily met according to 'their 
 cudom, in the public places appointed for that end ; 
 
introduction. 
 
 Jo that none of thy officers can fay of them, that they 
 have furprifed them in a corner, overtaken them 
 in a private conventicle, or catched them lurking in 
 their fecret chambers ; nor needed they to fend, out 
 fpies to get them, whom they were lure daily to 
 find in their open aflemblies, teftifying for God 
 and his truth." 
 
 2. Under the fecond bead of temperance and mo- s 
 deration^ which were confpicuous through their head - 
 whole conduct, it is not my defign to enumerate 
 every thing, practifed by them, which properly be- 
 longs to thefe virtues; but only, as before, prin- 
 cipally to exhibit wherein they were diltinguimable 
 from other people, in thefe refpects. 
 
 Firft, Their difufe of all gaming, and vain f ports ; Their an- 
 as the frequenting of plays , borfe-races^ &c. was ul f of a - 
 a cuftom ftrictly and conftantly adhered to by them; ^"f^ 
 as being moft confillent with a truly chriflian life; p^y*. &c - 
 the ufe of thefe, and fimilar things, having, in their 
 eftimation, a manifeft and infallible tendency to 
 draw away, and alienate the human mind from the 
 mod important object of true happinefs, as thus 
 exprefied by R. Bar clay , viz. 
 
 " It will not be denied but that men ought to be R 
 more in love of God, than of any other thing; for 
 we ought to love God above all things. Now it is 
 plain, that men, who are taken up with love, whe- 
 ther it be of women, or of any other thing, if it 
 hath taken a deep place in the heart, and poffefs 
 the mind, it will be hard for the man fo in love, 
 to drive out of his mind the perfon, or thing fo 
 beloved; yea, in his eating, drinking and ileeping, 
 his mind will always have a tendency that way; 
 and in bufmefs, or recreations, however intent he 
 be in it, there will be but a very ihort fpace of 
 time permitted to pafs, but his mind will let fome 
 ejaculation forth towards its beloved. And albeit 
 fuch an one mult be converfant in thofe things, that 
 the care of this- body, and fuch like things call for; 
 
 yet 
 
56 Introduction. 
 
 yet will he avoid, as death itfelf, to do thofe things 
 that may offend the party fo beloved, or crofs his 
 defign in obtaining the thing fo earneftly defired: 
 though there may be fome fmall ufe in them, the 
 great defign, which is chiefly in his eye, will fo 
 balance him, that he will eafily look over, and dif- 
 penfe with fuch petty neceffities, rather than endan- 
 ger the lofs of the greater by them. Now, that 
 men ought to be thus in love with God, and tlie. life 
 to come, none will deny; and the thing is app&rsat 
 from thefe fcriptures, Matt. vi. 20. but lay up for 
 yourf elves treafures in heaven. Col. iii. 2. Jet your 
 affections on things above, SsV. and that this hath been 
 the experience and attainment of fome the fcripture 
 alfo declares, Pfalm Ixiii. i, 8. 2 Cor. v. 2." 
 
 " And again, that thefe games, fports, plays, 
 dancings, comedies, &c. do naturally tend to draw 
 men from God's fear; to make them forget heaven, 
 death 2&& judgment; to fofter luft, vanity and wan- 
 tonnefs; and therefore are moft beloved, as well as 
 ufed by fuch kind of perfons, experience abun- 
 dantly fhews, and the moft ferious and confci- 
 entious, among all, will fcarcely deny; which if 
 it be fo, the application is eafy." 
 
 They a- Secondly, They avoided fuperfluity in the gene- 
 voided fu- ral courfe of their living; obferving fuch a tem- 
 per uity, p erate mec ]i um m t j le u fe O f things, as they were 
 fenfible conduced moft to a good ft ate both of bo- 
 dy and mind; which diftinguifhed them from 
 others, not only in their eating and drinking, in 
 their conversation and difcourfe, being generally of 
 few words, but pertinent; but alfo in fat furniture 
 of their houfes, their apparel, or drcfs; and in their 
 births, marriages and funerals ; and not only fo but 
 they even fometimes, condemned and difufed what 
 They did on ty k' ac * a ten ^ency to excefs; " Thus (fays W. 
 not drink Penn, on the cuftom of drinking healths)' they 
 healths, forbore drinking to people, or pledging of them, 
 as the manner of the world is : a practice, that is- 
 
 not 
 
Introduction. 57 
 
 not only unneceflfary but they thought, evil, in the 
 tendencies of it, being a provocation to drink more, 
 than did people good, as well as that it was in it- 
 felf vain and heathenijh" 
 
 But, in regard to feveral of fuch things, and They a 
 the proper ufe of temporal enjoyments, R. Bar- J 
 clay further obferves: " Let not any one judge, 
 that from our opinion in thefe things, any necef- 
 fity of levelling will follow; or, that all men muft 
 have things in common; our principle leaves every 
 man to enjoy that peaceably, which either his own 
 indufhy, or his parents, have purchafed for him; 
 only he is thereby inftru&ed to ufe it aright, both 
 for his own good and that of his brethren; and 
 all to the glory of God : in which alfo his acls are 
 to be voluntary, and in no ways conftrained. And 
 further, we fay not hereby, that no man may ufe 
 the creation more or lefs than another: for we 
 know, that as it hath pleafed God to difpenfe it 
 diverfely, giving to fome more, and to fome lefs, 
 fo they may ufe it accordingly." " The fafe place 
 then is, for fuch as have fulnefs, to watch over 
 themfelves, that they ufe it moderately, and refcind 
 all fuperfluities, being willing, as far as they can, 
 to help the need of thofe, to whom Providence 
 hath allotted a fmaller allowance. Let the brother 
 of high degree rejoice, in that he is abafed; and 
 fuch as God calls, in a low degree, be content 
 with their condition, not envying thofe brethren, 
 who have a greater abundance ; knowing they have 
 received abundance, as to the inward man ; which 
 is chiefly to be regarded. And therefore, beware 
 of fuch a temptation, as to ufe their calling as an 
 engine to be richer , knowing they have this advan- 
 tage beyond the rich and noble, that are called, that 
 the truth doth not any ways abafe them, nay, not 
 in the efteem of the world, as it doth, in the others ; 
 but that they are rather exalted thereby, in that, 
 as to the inward and fpiritual fellowmip of the 
 
 T81 faints. 
 
.'8 
 
 Introduction* 
 
 Of their 
 chriftian 
 charity. 
 
 faints, they become the brethren and companions 
 of the greateft and richeft; and, in this refpecl, let 
 him of low degree rejoice that he is exalted" 
 
 As to the third head, in what manner they held 
 and pra&ifed chrijlian charity, in its higheft and 
 fublimeft fenfe, appears, in part, from what has 
 been already faid of their Jirft and chief principle ; 
 reipecting fome particular branches I mail further 
 mention from W. Penn: 
 
 Their lov Firfl, " Communion, and loving one another* 
 ing one This is a noted mark, (fays W. P.) in the mouth 
 another. o f a jj f orts o f p eO pl e? concerning them : they will 
 meet, they will help and ftick to one another ', whence 
 it is common to hear fome fay, look how the Qua- 
 kers love and take care of one another. Others lefs 
 moderate, will fay, the Quakers love none but them- 
 felves. And if loving one another, and having an 
 intimate communion, in religion, and conftant cure 
 to meet to worfhip God, and help one another, be 
 any mark of primitive chriftianity, they had it, 
 - bleffed be the Lord, in an ample manner.'* 
 
 They did Their entire difufe of going to law one with ano- 
 not go to ther was a fingular inflance of their high fenfe, 
 wlthano- anc ^ ft eac ty an d uniform practice of chrijlian love 
 and charity : " To go to law one with another, 
 (faith one of their writers) as it was among the 
 primitive Chrijlian s, is deemed an utter fault, and 
 breach of fellowmip with them; and commencing, 
 or defending fuits at law, in any cafe, without 
 urgent neceffity, is forbidden:" Their differences, 
 and difputes, one with another, about their tem- 
 poral affairs , when they happened, which was but 
 feldom, being generally compofed and fettled by 
 arbitrators, or perfons chofen, for that purpofe, by 
 the parties, among themfelves, without going to 
 law."* 
 
 Secondly, " To love enemies, (continues W. Penn} 
 this they both taught and praclifcd. For they did 
 
 not 
 
 * See R, Barclay's anarchy of the Ranters, &c. on this he-T'5. 
 
 ther. 
 
 Their lov- 
 ing ene- 
 mies 
 
Introduction, j 
 
 only refufe to be revenged for injuries done 
 them, and condemned it, as of an unchriftian fpi- 
 rit, but they did freely forgive, yea, help and re- 
 lieve thofe, that had been cruel to them, when it 
 was in their power to have been even with them: 
 of which many and fmgular inftances might be 
 given : endeavouring through faith and patience, to 
 overcome all injuftice and oppofition; and preach- 
 ing this doctrine? as Chrijiians, for others to follow." 
 
 Thirdly, Not fighting, but fuffering, is another They did 
 tefthnony, peculiar to this people, in the words of notfi g ht 
 
 Tf-r -n J . , , rrt rr rni ^ ; n- " ut funer, 
 
 W. Penn 9 viz. ihey affirm, lhat Chrtftiamty & c . 
 teacheth people to beat their fwords into plow/hares, 
 and their f pears into pruning hooks , and to learn war no 
 more; that fo the wolf may lie down with the lamb, 
 and the lion with the calf, and nothing that deftroys 
 be entertained in the hearts of the people: exhorting 
 them to employ their zeal againft Jin, and turn 
 their anger againft Satan, and no longer war one 
 againft another; becaufe all wars and fightings come 
 of men's own hearts lufts, according to the apoftle 
 James, and not of the meek fpirit of Chrift Jefus ; 
 who is captain of another warfare; and which is 
 carried on with other weapons. Thus, as truth 
 fpeaking fucceeded [wearing, fo faith and patience 
 Succeeded fighting, in the doclrine and practice, of 
 this people. Nor ought they, for this, to be ob- 
 noxious to civil government ; fince if they cannot 
 fight for it, neither can they fight againft it; which 
 is no mean fe.curity to any flate: nor is it reafon- 
 able that people mould be blamed for not doing 
 more for others, than they can do for themfelves. 
 And, Chriftianity fet afide, if the cofts and fruits 
 of war were well confidered, peace, with all its in- 
 conveniencies, is generally preferable. And though 
 they were not foi fighting, they were for fubmitting 
 to government ; and that not only for fear, but 
 for conference fake, where government dotjj not in- 
 terfere with confcience ; believing it to be an ordi- 
 nance 
 
(>o Introduftlon. 
 
 nance of God, and where it is juftly aclminiflered, 
 a great benefit to mankind.* Though it has been 
 their lot, through blind zeal in fome, and intereft 
 in others, to have felt the ftrokes of it with a 
 greater weight and rigour, than any other -perfua- 
 fion, in this age; while they, of all others, religion 
 fet afide, have given the civil magiftrate the leaft 
 occafion of trouble, in the difcharge of his office.' ' 
 
 Concerning this point it may be further obferved 
 from R. Barclay^ wz.- " For it is as eafy to ob- 
 fcure the fun, at mid-dny, as to deny that the pri- 
 mitive Chriilians renounced all revenge and fight* 
 ing, and although this thing be fo much known, yet 
 it is as well known, that almoft all the modern lefts 
 live in the neglecl and contempt of this law of Chrift, 
 and likewife opprefs others, who in this agree not 
 with them, for confcience fake towards God: even, 
 as we have fuffered much in this our own country, 
 becaufe we could neither ourfelves bear arms, nor 
 fend others in our places, nor give our money for the 
 buying of drums, flandards, and other military 
 attire. And laftly, becaufe we could not hold 
 our doors, windows and mops clofe, for confci- 
 ence fake, upon fuch days as fafts and prayers were 
 appointed, to defire a bleffing upon, and fuccefs r 
 for, the arms of the kingdom, or commonwealth, 
 under which we live; neither give thanks for the. 
 victories acquired by the effufion of much blood. 
 By which forcing of the confcience they would 
 have conftrained our brethren, living in divers, 
 kingdoms at wa,r together, to have implored our 
 God for contrary and contradictory things, and 
 confequently impoflible; for it is impofiible that two 
 
 parties 
 
 * It is obfervablc, that though they absolutely declined all military fer- 
 vice, not only in their perfons, but alfo in their refufing to procure fub- 
 flitutcs^or others, in their roorn, by hiring, or in any wile paying, or 
 contributing for the perfonal fervico of njcli for them, in that capacity, 
 or for any particular military purpofe iblely; yet in all other refpccls, 
 they pun&ually and willingly paid their taxes, though of a mixed nature, 
 that is both military and civil, for the fupport of government, as before 
 obferved. Vide page jj. 
 
Introduction. 6 ( 
 
 parties fighting fliould both obtain the victory. 
 And becaufe we cannot concur with them, in this 
 confufion, therefore, we are fubjecl; to perfecu- 
 tion." 
 
 Fourthly , The laft thing I fhall mention under Their cha , 
 this bead) is their maintaining all their own poor, at rity to the 
 their own expencc; or, without being chargeable poor> &c * 
 to others, befides contributing towards the fupport 
 of the poor of other focieties, equally with them- 
 felves, in all common poor rates or taxes: info- 
 much that no fuch thing as a common beggar was 
 permitted, or known, to be among them, of that 
 fociety. For, as they fuffered none of their foci- 
 ety to be in fo neceliitous a condition, as others, fo 
 they were fo careful in the education of their chil- 
 dren and youth, that there were none among them, 
 brought up without a competency of ufeful and 
 plain learning; thefe things being annually and 
 methodically enquired into, and ftriclly pracldfed 
 through the whole fociety, in every place. Thus, 
 while, in thefe important matters, they were no 
 ways burthenfome to others, and while they con- 
 tributed to other focieties equally with themfelves, 
 in paying all poor rates and taxes of every kind, 
 they were moreover and befides no lefs noted for 
 mofl other acts of beneficence according to their 
 ilations in civil fociety; being ever among the 
 iirft, in works and inftitutions of charity, where 
 they lived, according to their abilities: fo that in 
 contributions of this nature, they were obferved 
 moftly either to be among the introducers or pro- 
 moters of them, or other wife diflinguiihed for their 
 liberal donations; and if any were in diftrefs, they . 
 were generally known to be among the firli to re- 
 lieve them. 
 
 As the practice of divers of thefe particulars, 
 mentioned under the preceding heads, made them 
 appear, at firft, very fmgular to many in all ranks 
 and focieties of people; from whom they fuffered 
 
 much 
 
62 Introduclwn. 
 
 Theft: much redicule, unmerited abufe, and cruel per- 
 ^ ecu ^ on ? chiefly on account of divers of thefe 
 things ; and as they flill appear to be f abject to 
 
 < &" " f ornetnnl g of tne f ame nature, though in lefs de- 
 ' grec, in fome places, where they are but little 
 known, and labor under falfe reprefentations ; and 
 where ignorance and a blind zeal difpofe people 
 to reject and defpife moderate enquiry ; or where 
 a ftrong attachment to old cufloms, however ab- 
 furd, too frequently flights and refufes ibber rea- 
 ioning, on religious fubjecls, for unprofitable and 
 acrimonious dilputes, I (hall, therefore, clofe this 
 * part with the following ihort conclufions, refpect- 
 ing them, from R. Barclay, 'viz. 
 
 Conctufi- " But laftly, to conclude, if to give and receive 
 nsfrom flattering titles, which are not ufed becaufe of the 
 c ay ' virtues inherent in the peribns, but are, for mod 
 part, bellowed by wicked men upon fuch as them- 
 felves; if to bow, fcrape and cringe to one another; 
 if, at any time, to call one another bumble fervant, 
 and that moil frequently without any defign of 
 real fervice; if this be the honor that comes from 
 God, and not the honor, that is from below, then 
 indeed our adverfaries may be faid to be believers, 
 and we condemned, as proud and itubborn, in 
 denying all thefe things. 
 
 " But if, with Mordccai, to refufe to bow to 
 proud Hamon, and with ///??/, not to give fatter- 
 ing titles to men, left ive jhould be reproved by our 
 Maker; and if, according to Peter s example, and 
 the angel's advice, to bow only to God, and not 
 to our fellow fervants; and if, to call no man 
 lord nor mqfter^ except under particular relations, 
 according to Chrifis command; I fay, if thefe 
 things are not to be reproved, then are we not 
 blame worthy in fo doing. 
 
 " If to be vain and gaudy in apparel; if to 
 paint the face and plait the hair; if to be cloathed 
 with gold and filver, and precious Hones; and, if 
 
63 
 
 to be filled with ribbands and lace, be to be 
 cloathed in modeft apparel; and, if theie be the 
 ornaments of Chriftians; and, if that be to be 
 humble, meek and mortified, then are our adver- 
 faries good Chriftians indeed, and we, proud, fm- 
 gular and conceited, in contenting ourfelves with 
 what need and convenience calls for, and con- 
 demning what is more, as fuperfluous; but not 
 otherwife. 
 
 " If to ufe games, fports, plays; if to card, 
 dice and dance; if to fmg, fiddle and pipe; if to 
 ufe ftage plays and comedies, and to lie, counter- 
 feit and diffemble, be to fear always ; and if that 
 be to do all things to the glory of God; and if 
 that be to pafs our fojourning here in fear; and 
 if that be to ufe the world, as if we did not ufe 
 it; and if that be, not to fafhion ourfelves acord- 
 ing to our former lulls ; to be not conformable to 
 the fpirit and vain converfation of this world ; then 
 are our adverfaries, notwithflanding they ufe theie 
 things, and 'plead for them, very good, fober and 
 ielf-denying Chriftians, and we juftly to be blamed, 
 for judging them, but not otherwife. 
 
 " If the prophanation of the holy name of God ; 
 if to exact oaths one from another, upon every 
 ilight occaflon; if to call God to witnefs, in things 
 of fuch a nature, in which no earthly king would 
 think himfelf lawfully and honorably to be a wit- 
 nefs, be the duties of a Chriflian man, I mall con- 
 fefs that our adverfaries are excellent good Chrif- 
 tians, and we wanting in our duty: but if the con- 
 trary be true, of neceffity our obedience to God,' in 
 this thing, inuft be acceptable. 
 
 " If to revenge ourfelves, or to render injury, 
 evil for evil, wound for wound, to take eye for 
 eye, tooth for tooth; if to fight for outward and 
 perilling things ; to go a warring one agai'nfl ano- ; 
 ther, with whom we never law, and with whom 
 we never had any .conteft, nor any thing, to do; 
 
 jict 
 
64 Introduction. 
 
 being moreover altogether ignorant of the caufe of 
 the war, but only that the magiftrates of the nati- 
 ons foment quarrels againft one another ; the cau- 
 fes whereof are, for the mod part, unknown to 
 the foldiers, that fight, as well as upon whole fide 
 the right and wrong are; and yet to be fo furious, 
 and rage one againft another, to deftroy all, that 
 this, or the other worfhip may be received, or be 
 abolifhed; if to do this, and much more of this 
 kind, be to fulfil the law of Chrift, then are our 
 adverfaries, indeed, true Chriftians, and we mifer- 
 able heretics, that fuller ourfelves to be fpoiled, ta- 
 ken, imprifoned, beaten and evilly treated, with- 
 out any refiftance, placing our truft only in God, 
 that he may defend us, and lead us, by the way 
 of the crofs, into his kingdom: but if it be other- 
 wife, we mail certainly receive the reward, which 
 the Lord hath promifed to thofe, that cleave to him y 
 and, in denying themfelves, confide in him. 
 
 " And, to fum up all, if to ufe all thefe things, 
 and many more, that might be inftanced, be to 
 walk in theftrait way, that leads to life ; be to take 
 up the crofs of Chrift; be to die with him to the lifts, 
 and per'ijhing vanities of this world, and to arifc 
 with him in newnefs of life, and to Jit down with him 
 in the heavenly places, then our adverfaries may be 
 accounted fuch, and they need not fear, they are 
 in the broad way which leads to deJlrucJion; and we 
 are greatly miftaken, that have laid afide all thefe 
 things for Chrift's fake, to the crucifying of our 
 own lufts, and to the procuring to ourfelves fhame, 
 reproach, hatred and ill-will, from the men of this 
 world: not as if, by fo doing, we judged to merit 
 heaven, but, as knowing they are contrary to the 
 will of him, who redeems his children from the 
 love of this world, and its lufls, and leads them 
 in the ways of truth and holinefs, in which they 
 take delight to walk," 
 
 ttf 
 
Introduction. 65 
 
 Of their marriages > births and burials ^ from W. Penti. 
 
 " Their way of marriage is peculiar to them; of their 
 and mews a diftinguifhing care, above other focie- marriages, 
 ties, profefling chriftianity. They fay that marri- &c * 
 age is an ordinance of God; and that God only can 
 rightly join man and woman in marriage. There- 
 fore, they ufe neither prieft nor magiflrate ; but 
 the man and woman concerned take each other as 
 hufband and wife, in the prefence of divers credi- 
 ble witneffes, promtfing to each other , with God's 
 afjlftance^ to be loving and faithful in that relation, 
 /'// death jhall feparate them. But antecedent to 
 this they firfl prefent themfelves to the monthly 
 meeting for the affairs of the church, where they 
 refide ; there declaring their intentions to take one 
 another, as hufband and wife^ if the faid meeting 
 have nothing material to objecl againft it they are 
 conftantly afked the necelfary queftions, as, in cafe 
 of parents or guardians , if they have acquainted, 
 them with their intention, and have their confent, 
 &c. The method of the meeting is, to take a 
 minute thereof, and to appoint proper perfons, to 
 enquire of their converfation and clearnefs from all 
 others, and whether they have difcharged their 
 duty to their parents, or guardians; and to make 
 report thereof to the next monthly meeting where 
 the fame parties are defired to give their attendance. 
 In cafe it appears they have proceeded orderly, the 
 meeting pafles their propofal, and fo records it in 
 the meeting book. And in cafe the woman be a 
 widow, and hath children, due care is there taken, 
 that provifion alfo be made by her for the orphans, 
 before the meeting pafs the propofals of marriage j 
 advifing the parties concerned, to appoint a conve- 
 nient time and place, and to give fitting notice to 
 their relations, and fuch friends and neighbours as 
 they defire mould be witneiles of the marriage; 
 where they take one another by the hand, and, by 
 name, prornife reciprocally, love and fidelity, after 
 1 [9] the 
 
66 Introduction. 
 
 I 
 
 the manner before exprefied. Of all which pro- 
 ceedings, a narrative, in way of certificate, is made; 
 to which the faid parties let their hands, thereby 
 confirming it as their act and deed; and then di- 
 vers relations, fpedtators and auditors, fet their 
 names, as witnefles of what they faid and figned. 
 And this certificate is afterwards regiftered in the 
 record belonging to the meeting, where the mar- 
 riage is folemnized, which regular method has 
 been, as it deferves, adjudged in courts of law a 
 good marriage, where it has been, by crofs and ill 
 people, difputed and contefted, for want of the 
 accuflomed formalites of prieft and ring, &c. ce- 
 remonies they have refufed; not out of humour, 
 but confcience reafonably grounded, in as much 
 as no fcripture example tells us, that the prieft had 
 any other partj of old time, than that of a witnefs, 
 among the reft, before whom the Jews ufed to take 
 one another: and therefore this people look upon 
 it, as an impoiition, to advance the power and 
 profits of the clergy: and for the ufe of the ring, 
 it is enough to fay, that it was an heathenijh and 
 vain cuftom, and never in practice among the peo- 
 ple of God Jews, or primitive Chriftians ;---the 
 words of the ufual form, as, with my body I tbcc 
 worjhip, SsV. are hardly defenfible. In fliort, they 
 are more careful, exact and regular, than any form 
 now ufed; their care and checks being fo many, 
 and fuch, as no clandeftine marriages can be per- 
 formed among them." 
 
 Their " It may not be unfit here to fay fomething of 
 
 births. their births and burials, which make up fo much 
 of the pomp of too many called Cbrjjlians. For 
 births, the parents name their own children; which 
 is ufually ibme days after they are born, in the 
 prefence of the midwife, if me can be there, and 
 thofe that were at the birth; who afterwards fign 
 a certificate for that purpofe prepared, of the birth 
 and name of the child, or children; which is re- 
 corded 
 
Introduction. 67 
 
 corded in a proper book, in the monthly meeting, 
 to which the parents belong; avoiding the accuf- 
 tomed ceremonies and feftivals." 
 
 " Their burials are performed with the fame Their bu^ 
 fimplicity. If the body of the deceafed be near ria1 *' 
 any public meeting place, it is ufually carried thi- 
 ther, for the more convenient reception of thofe, 
 that accompany it to the burying-ground. And it 
 fo falls out fometimes, that while the meeting is 
 gathering, for the burial, fome or other has a 
 word of exhortation, for the fake of the people 
 there met together. After which the body is 
 borne away by young men, or elfe by thofe, that 
 are of the neighbourhood, or thofe that were moll 
 of the intimacy of the deceafed party; the corpfe 
 being in a plain coffin, 'without any covering or fur- 
 niture upon it. At the ground they paufe fome 
 time before they put the body into the grave; 
 that, if any there mould have any thing upon 
 them, to exhort the people, they may not be dif- 
 appointed; and that the relations may the more 
 retiredly and folemnly take their laft leave of the 
 body of their departed kindred, and the fpeclators 
 have a fenfe of mortality, by the occafion then 
 given them, to reflect upon their own latter end: 
 otherwife they have no fet rites, or ceremonies, 
 on thofe occafions. Neither do the kindred of 
 the deceafed ever wear mourning; they looking 
 upon it, as a worldly ceremony and piece of 
 pomp ; and that what mourning is fit for a Chrif- 
 tian to have, at the departure of a beloved rela- 
 tion, or friend, mould be worn in the mind, which 
 is only fenfible of the lofs: and the love they had 
 to them, and the remembrance of them, to be 
 outwardly exprefled by a refpecl to their advice, 
 and care of thofe they have left behind them, and 
 their love of that they loved, which conduct of 
 theirs, though unmodiih or unfafhionable leaves 
 nothing of the fubflance of things neglected, or 
 
 undone; 
 
68 Introduction. 
 
 undone: and as they aim at no more, fo that 
 plicity of life is what they obferve with great fatis- 
 f action, though it fomethnes happens not to be with- 
 out the mockeries of the vain world they live in." 
 
 Thcfe " Thefe things, to be fure (continues W. Penii) 
 things not gave them a rough and difagreeable appearance 
 tatfo/o?" w frk ^ e generality: who thought them turners of 
 Angularity, the ivorld ufijidc down ; as, indeed, in fome fenfe 
 &c.buta t key were . t>ut in no other than that, wherein 
 
 fenfe of J r -i i 
 
 duty, &c. Paul was io charged, viz. to bring things back into 
 their primitive and right order again. For thefe, 
 and fuch like practices of theirs, were not the re- 
 fult of humour p , or for civil di/lincJiom, as fome 
 have fancied, fcut a fruit of inward fenfe ^ which 
 God, through his holy fear, had begotten in 
 them. They did not confider how to contradict 
 the world, or diitinguifh themfelves, as a party 
 from others; it being none of their bufmefs, as it 
 was not their intereii : no, it was not the refult of 
 confultation, or a framed defign, by which to de- 
 clare, or recommend fchifm or novelty. But, 
 God having given them a fight of themfelves, 
 they faw the whole world in the fame glafs of truth ; 
 and fenfibly difcerned the affections and paflions 
 of men, and the rife and tendency of things; 
 what it was that gratified the luft ofthejtefh, the luft 
 of the eye, and the pride of life; which are not of 
 the father, but of the world. And from thence 
 fprung, in the night of darknefs, and the apoftacy., 
 which hath been over people, through their de- 
 generation from the light and fpirit of God, thefe, 
 and many other vain cuftoms, which are feen by 
 the heavenly day of Chrift^ that dawns in the foul, 
 to be either wrong in their original, or by time 
 and abufe, hurtful in their practice: and though 
 thefe things feemed trivial to fome, and rendered 
 thefe people ftingy and conceited, in fuch perfons 
 opinions^ there was, and is, more in them, than 
 they were, or are, aware of." 
 
Introduction. 69 
 
 " It was not very eafy, to our primitive friends. 
 to make themfelves fights and fpeclacles, and the 
 feorn and derifion of the world ; which they eafily 
 forefaw muft be the confequence of fo unfafhion- 
 able a converfation in it. But here was the wif- 
 dom of God feen, in the foolifhnefs of thefe 
 things; firfl, that they difcovered the fatisfacJion 
 and concern, that people had in, and for, the 
 liifhions of this world, notwithstanding their high 
 pretences to another; the greater! hcnejiy, virtue, 
 ivifdom and ability were unwelcome without them. 
 Secondly, It feajonably and profitably divided con- 
 verfation ; for this, making their fociety imeafy to 
 their relations and acquaintance, gave them the 
 opportunity of more retirement andfolitude ; where- 
 in they met with better company, even, the Lord 
 God, their Redeemer ; and grew flrong in his love, 
 power and wifdom; and were thereby better qua- 
 lified for his fervice. And the fuccefs abundantly 
 fliewed it: BleJJcd be the name of the Lord." 
 
 " And though they were not great and learned 
 in the. efteem of the world, (for then they had 
 not wanted followers, upon their own credit and 
 authority) yet they were generally of the mofly^- 
 ber of the feveral perfuafions, they were in, and 
 of the moft repute, for religion; and many of them 
 of good capacity, fubftance and account among 
 men." 
 
 " And alfo fame among them wanted not for 4 
 parts, learning or eftate ; though then, as of old, 
 not many wife or noble, &c. were called ; or, at 
 lead, received the heavenly call ; becaufe of the 
 crofs, that attended the profeflion of it, in fincerity. 
 But neither do parts or learning make men the 
 better Chriflians, though the better orators and 
 difpittants and it is the ignorance of people about 
 the divine gift, that caufes that vulgar and mif- 
 chievous miitake. Theory and praclice, peculation 
 and enjoyment, words and life, a r e two things. " 
 
 Of 
 
7 Introduction* 
 
 Of their church difciplinc, from the fame author, 
 
 W. Penn. 
 
 of their dif- In the next place, in order to form fome idea 
 cipiine, &c. O f the religious care, difcipline, and practice, 
 which they ufed as a Chrillian and reformed foci- 
 ety, alfo in a collective capacity, that they might 
 live orderly and confident with their principles and 
 profeflion, the following extract, from W. Pcnn, 
 exhibits the church power, which they owned and 
 exercifed, and that which they rejected and con- 
 demned, with the method of their proceedings 
 againft erring and diforderly perfons, of their 
 community, viz. 
 
 " This people encreafmg daily both in town 
 and country, an holy care fell upon fome of the 
 ciders among them, for the benefit and fervice of 
 the church. And the firfl bufinefs, in their view, 
 after the example of the primitive faints, was the 
 exercife of charity; to fupply the neceflities of tint 
 poor, and anfwer the like occafions. Wherefore 
 collections were early and liberally made for that, 
 ^and divers other fervices, in the church, and in- 
 trufled with faithful men, fearing God 9 and of 
 good report, who where not weary in well doing; 
 adding often of their own, in large proportions, 
 which they never brought to account, or defired 
 fhould be known, much lefs reflored to them, 
 that none might want, nor any fervice be retarded, 
 or difappointed." 
 
 " They were alfo very careful, that every one, 
 who belonged to them, anfwered their. prof efli on, 
 in their behaviour among men, upon all occafions; 
 that they lived peaceably, and were, in all things, 
 good examples. They found themfelves engaged 
 to record their fufferings and fervices ; and in the 
 cafe of marriage, which they could not perform 
 in the ufual methods of the nation, but among 
 themfelves; they took care that all things were 
 clear between the parties, and all others, and it 
 
Introduftion, 7 I 
 
 was then rare, that any one entertained an inclinati- 
 on to a perfon, on that account, till he, or (he, had 
 communicated it fecretly to fome very weighty 
 and eminent friends among them, that they might 
 have a fenfe of the matter ; looking to the counfel 
 and unity of their brethren, as of great moment 
 to them. But becaufe the charge of the poor, 
 the number of orphans, marriages, fufFerings and 
 other matters, multiplied; and that it was good, 
 that the churches were in fome way and method 
 of proceeding in fuch affairs, among them, to 
 the end they might the better correfpond, upon 
 occafion, where a member of one meeting might 
 have to do with one of another; it pleafed the 
 Lord, in his wifdom and goodnefs, to open the 
 understanding of the firft inftrument of this difpen- G . FOX, the 
 fat ion of life. Georve Fox. about a good and orderly fi rA illrtru - 
 
 r ! uri T_ i mcnt. &c. 
 
 way of proceeding; who felt a holy concern to 
 vifit the churches, in perfon, throughout this na- 
 tion, to begin and eilablifh it among them: and 
 by his epiftles, the like was done in other nations 
 and provinces abroad; which he alib afterwards 
 vifited and helped in that fervice." 
 
 " Now the care, conducl and difcipline I have 
 been fpeaking of, and which are now* praclifed 
 among this people, are as follow: 
 
 " This godly elder, in every county where he 
 travelled, exhorted them, that fome out of every 
 meeting of worfhip,, mould meet together, once 
 in the month, to confer about the wants and oc- 
 cafions of the church. And as the cafe required, 
 fo thofe monthly meetings were fewer, or more in 
 number, in every refpedive county; four or fix 
 meetings of worfhip ufually making one monthly 
 meeting of bitfincfs. And accordingly the brethren 
 met him from place to place, and began the faid 
 meetings, viz. for the poor, orphans, orderly walk- 
 ing, integrity to their profeffion, birth.?, marriages, 
 burials, fujferlngs., &c. And thefe monthly meetings 
 
 flioul4 
 
 * Written in 1694, 
 
 
72 Intro dud ion. 
 
 mould, in each county make up one quarterly 
 meeting (held once every quarter of a year) where 
 the moil zealous and eminent friends of the county 
 mould affemble, to communicate advice, and help 
 one another, efpecially when any bufmefs feemed 
 difficult, or a monthly meeting was tender of deter- 
 mining a matter." 
 
 " Alfo that thefe feveral quarterly meetings mould 
 digeft the reports of their monthly meetings, and 
 prepare one for each refpeclive county, once 
 a year, againft the yearly meeting, in which all 
 quarterly meetings refolve; which is held in London: 
 where the churches, in this nation, and other na- 
 tions and provinces, meet, by chofen members of 
 their refpeclive counties, both mutually to com- 
 municate their church affairs, and to advife and 
 be advifed, in any depending cafe, to edification. 
 Alfo to provide a requifiie jlock, for the difcharge 
 of general expences, for general fer vices, in the 
 church not needful here to be particularized." 
 
 " At thefe meetings any of the members of the 
 churches may come, if they pleafe, and fpeak 
 their minds freely, in the fear of God, to the mat- 
 ter; but the mind of each quarterly meeting therein 
 reprefented, is chiefly underftood, as to particular 
 cafes, in the fenfe delivered by the perfons deputed 
 or chofen, for that fervice by the faid meeting." 
 of their (.<. During their yearly meeting-, to which their 
 
 difciplme, , 9 / / T * i 
 
 & c . other meetings refer, in their order, and natu- 
 
 rally refolve themfelves, care is taken by a felecl 
 number for that fervice, chofen by the gene- 
 ral afTembly, to draw up the minutes of the faid 
 meeting, upon the feveral matters, that have been 
 under consideration therein, to the end that the 
 refpeclive quarterly and monthly meetings may be in- 
 formed of all proceedings; together with a gene- 
 ral exhortation to holincfs, unity and charity. Of 
 all which proceedings, in yearly, monthly and quar- 
 terly meetings, due record is kept by fome one ap- 
 pointed 
 
fntroduftion. 7 
 
 pointed for that fervice, or, that hath voluntarily 
 undertaken it. Thefe meetings are opened, and 
 uiiially concluded, in their folemn waiting upon 
 God; who is fometimes gracioufly pleafed to an- 
 fwer them with as fignal evidences of his love and 
 prefence, as in any of their meetings of wormip." 
 
 " It is further to be noted, that, in thefe folemn 
 affemblics, for the churches fervice, there is no one 
 prcfides among them, after the manner of the 
 affemblies of other people ; Chrift only being their 
 frejident) as he is pleafed to appear in life and 
 wifdom, in any one, or more of them, to whom, 
 whatever be their capacity, or degree, the reft 
 adhere with a firm unity, not of authority but 
 conviction; which is the divine authority and way 
 of Chrift's power and fpirit in his people ; making 
 good his blefled promife, that he 'would be in the 
 midji of his^ where and whenever they were met to- 
 gether , in his name, even, to the end of the worlds 
 So be it." 
 
 cc Now, it may be expecl:ed> I fnould here fet of their 
 down what fort of authority is exercifed by this peo-s church 
 
 , r i r i ' r r POWCf afi 
 
 pie, upon men members of their iociety as correi- authority. 
 pond not, in their lives 9 with their profejjlon^ and 
 that are refractory to this good and wholefome or- 
 der, fettled among them; and the rather, becaufe 
 they have not wanted their reproach and fufferings 
 from fome tongues and pens, upon this occafioiu 
 in a plentiful manner. 
 
 " The power, they exercife, is fuch as Chrljt 
 has given to his own people, to the end of the 
 world, in the perfons of his difciples, v'jz. to over* 
 fee, exhort , reprove, and y after long fuffcrin^ and 
 waiting upon the dif obedient and refractory, to difcwn 
 them, as any more of their communion^ or, that they 
 will any longer fraud charged > in the fight and 
 judgment of God or mcv y with their converfatk)n 7 
 or behaviour, SG any of them, until they repent* 
 The fubjec"e matter about which this authority, in 
 
 
74 Introduction. 
 
 any of the foregoing branches of it, is exercifed , 
 is fir ft , in relation to common or general practice. 
 And, fecondly, about thofe things, that more 
 itritlly refer to their own character and profcjjion, 
 and which diftinguifhes them from all other pro- 
 feiTors of Chrtftianlty ; avoiding two extremes, 
 upon which many fplit, viz. perfection and liber- 
 tinifjn; that is a coercive power, to whip people in- 
 to the temple ; that fuch as will not conform, though 
 againft faith and confcience, {hall be punifhed, in 
 their perfons and cftates: or, leaving all loofe, and 
 at large, as to practice; and fo unaccountable to all 
 but God and the magiftrate. To which hurtful ex- 
 treme, nothing has more contributed, than the 
 abufe of church power, by fuch as fufler their paf- 
 fion, and private intereft to prevail with them, to 
 carry it to outward force, and corporal punifh- 
 ment. A practice, they have been taught to dif- 
 like, by their extreme fufferings, as well as their 
 known principle for an tmiverfal liberty of con- 
 fcience" 
 
 " On the other hand, they equally diflike an 
 independency, in fociety, an unac count ablencfs m prac- 
 tice and confer fation, to the rules and terms of their 
 own communion, and to thofe, that are the mem- 
 bers of it. They diftinguifh between impofing any 
 practice, that immediately regards faith or ivor- 
 Jhip (which is never to be done, or fuffered, or 
 fubmitted to) and requiring Chriftian compliance 
 with thofe methods, that only refpecl church bufi- 
 nefs, in its more civil part and concern ; and that 
 regard the difcreet and orderly maintenance of the 
 character of the fociety, as a ibber and religious 
 community. In fhort, what is for the promotion 
 of holinefs and charity^ that men may practife \vhat 
 they profefs, live up to their own principles, and 
 not be at liberty to give the lye to their own pro- 
 feffion, without rebuke, is their uie and limit of 
 church. power. They compel none to them; but 
 
 oblige 
 
introduction. 7 J 
 
 oblige thofe that are of them, to walk fuitably, or 
 they are denied by them: that is all the mark, 
 they fet upon them, and the power they exercife, 
 or judge a Chriftian fociety can exercife upon 
 thole that are members of it." 
 
 " The way of their proceeding againfl fuch as 
 have lapfed or tranfgreiled, is this: He is vifited by 
 ibme of them, and the matter of fact laid home 
 to him, be it any evil practice againfl known 
 and general virtue, or any branch of their parti- 
 cular teftimony, which he, in common, profeffeth 
 with them. They labour with him in much love 
 and zeal, for the good of his foul, the honor of God, 
 and reputation of their profeffion, to own his fault, 
 and condemn it, in as ample a manner, as the 
 evil, or fcandal was given by him ; which, for the 
 mod part, is performed by foine written teftimony, 
 under the party's hand; and if it fo happen, that 
 the party prove rcfradory and is not willing to clear 
 the truth, they profefs, from the reproach of his, 
 or her, evil doing, or unfaithfulnefs, they, after re- 
 peated entreaties, and due waiting for a token of 
 repentance, give forth a paper to difown fuch a 
 fact, and the party offending : recording the fame, 
 as a teftimony of their care for the honor of the 
 truth, they profefs." 
 
 " And if he, or me, mail clear the profejjion, 
 and themfehes, by fincere acknowledgment of 
 their fault, and godly forrow for fo doing, they are 
 received, and looked upon again as members of their 
 communion. For, as God, fo his true people upbraid 
 no man after repentance." 
 
 That the general conduct and practice of this Their con- 
 people have been, in a remarkable manner, con- ^2^t "* 
 fiftent with their profeffion, we are well allured, with their 
 not only by the accounts given by themfelves, but F fcffion 
 alfo by thofe of others, who appear to have been 
 belt acquainted with their manner of life, in early 
 
 time 5 
 
Introducllon. 
 
 time; and whofe certain knowledge enabled them 
 to fpeak with that moderation, which is diverted 
 of pailion and prejudice; befides, it is manifeft 
 from the many acrimonious and abufive writing? 
 of their enemies themfelves againfl diem, yet ex- 
 tant, that their conformity to the principles and 
 cuftoms before mentioned, was the chief caule of 
 the fevere perfecution and fuffering; which they fo 
 long endured : for which, if any instances of in- 
 temperate zeal, in early time, appeared in any 
 individuals among them, (from which, probably, 
 the firft rife of no religious fociety has been en- 
 tirely free) it feem$ to have been too much the 
 delight of their adverfaries to exaggerate and mif- 
 reprefent them. For, as they profeffed no theory, 
 but what they chiefly derived from practice or con- 
 viction; nor fpeculatioTi, but what they principal- 
 ly had from experiment, fo it has been long ob- 
 ferved, particularly in Great Britain, that, as any 
 of the members of this fociety failed in the practi- 
 cal part, they confequently, for the moft part, 
 discontinued the profeffion, in proportion; and 
 either went over to fuch other religious focieties, 
 as place lefs ftrefs on the praclice of Ghriftianity, 
 or of true religion; or elfe they made no formal 
 profeffion of it at all, with any particular fet of 
 people: fome apparentlv from an irreligious, mean 
 and indolent, or depraved turn of mind; and 
 others, probably, from looking upon all forms of 
 religion, as vain; and that the knowledge of truth, 
 and the interior of religion, or the intercourfe be- 
 tween the creature and the Creator, depends not 
 upon, nor is neceflarily connected with, any fixed 
 form; but is rather obfcured, or impeded, by that 
 attention, which fuch forms, in general require; 
 or which ultimately have fo much tendency to en- 
 prois the minds of many people with that flaviih 
 formality, which is obiervable to terminate in, 
 mere religious fupcrjtjtion, 
 
 JSfeverth clefs 
 
Int&ctuttion* 77 
 
 Neverthelefs it is well known, that in later times, 
 divers among them have been obferved, under the 
 covering of a plain garb, and a formal compliance 
 to fundry of thefe external cuiioms, before men- 
 tioned, to make this profeflion an engine to accu- 
 mulate wealth, and from an apparent zeal for their 
 profeflion, in divers of thofe very things, without 
 the poflellion of the real life, or fubflance, of it, 
 have notwithflanding continued among them, and 
 ufed that credit and reputation, which the fociety, 
 in general, had acquired by a better principle, fo 
 as to obtain low, terreftrial enjoyments, and 
 worldly advantages, even, beyond others of the 
 fame degree, or rank of people. For it cannot 
 be reafonably fuppofed that every perfon who is 
 born and educated, or brought up, merely in the ; 
 form, is therefore confequently experienced in 
 every practical truth of the profeflion, fo much as 
 thofe, who have embraced the fame from real con- 
 viction and experience, in their own minds, unlefs 
 they poflefs the fame experience and enjoyment; 
 which may, or may not be the cafe; for profef- 
 iion, or implicit belief, alone, cannot give a lively 
 experience, nor a bare aflent, convince the judg- 
 ment. 
 
 But the Chriftian care of this fociety, as ap- 
 pears by their difcipline, already mentioned, as 
 well as by the many additions, fince made by 
 them, to this part of their religious ceconomy, 
 has not been fmall, to prevent and redrefs this 
 evil, as well as to remedy all other deviations from 
 the truth of their profeffion, and the primitive 
 practice among them; which, in fome or other of 
 their members, cannot but fometimes happen, 
 while in this frail and mortal ftate of exiftence: 
 Yet the refult of this very care, fo far, at leaft, 
 as it re/peels the external obligations, upon the 
 members of this fociety, and the many rules in- 
 creafed from time to time, among them, for that 
 purpofe, it is thought by fome, has had this cer- 
 tain 
 
78 Introduction. 
 
 tain and inevitable tendency, to render it, in fact, 
 
 more formal, and to diilinguifli it more, in reali- 
 
 sceR.Bjr- ty, as SL fed, than fome of its fir ft, or early prin- 
 
 veriaTiove" ppal founders, by their writings, appear to have 
 
 &c. intended ; who would not admit of that name, nor 
 
 the natural contract edneis of fuch a diflinction, 
 
 particularly R. Barclay, and others among them. 
 
 I fhall, therefore, after having, in a few words, 
 further expreffed refpecting them, in early time, 
 from two perfons of eminence in their religious 
 foeiety, W. Penn and W. Edmundfon, conclude this 
 account. The former, addreffing himfelf to them, 
 fpeaks thus, viz. 
 
 account of " The glory of this day, and foundation of the 
 the rdigi- hope, that has not made us afhamed fmce we were a 
 "heprirm- people," " is that bleffed principle of light and 
 tive Qua- life of Chrtft, which we profeis, and direct all people 
 to, as the great and divine injlrumcnt and agent of 
 man's converfion to God. It was by this, that we 
 were firil touched, and effectually enlightened, as 
 to our inward flate; which put us upon the con- 
 fideration of our latter end, caufing us to fet the 
 Lord before our eyes, and to number our days, 
 that we might apply our hearts to wifdom. In that 
 day we judged not after the fight of the eye^ or 
 after the hearing of the car, but according to the 
 light and jenfc this bleffed principle gave us, fo we 
 judged and acted, in reference to things and per- 
 fons, ourfelves and others; yea towards God, our 
 Maker: for, being quickened by it in our inward 
 man, we could eafily difcern the difference of things, 
 and feel what was right, and what was wrong, and 
 what v/as fit, and what was not, both in reference 
 to religion and civil concerns. That being the 
 ground of the fellowfhip of all faints; it was in 
 that our fellowfhip flood. In this we defired to 
 have a lenfe of one another, acted towards one 
 another, and all men, in love, faithfulnefs and 
 
Introduction. 79 
 
 " In feeling of the ftirrings and motions of this 
 principle in our hearts, we drew near to the Lord, 
 and waited to be prepared by it ; that we might/^/ 
 drawings and ?novings, before we approached the 
 Lord in prayer, or opened our mouths in miniftry. 
 And in our beginning and ending with this, flood 
 our comfort, fervice and edification. And, as we 
 ran fafter, or fell fhort, in our fervices, we made 
 burdens for ourfelves to bear; finding in ourfelves 
 a rebuke, inflead of an acceptance ; and in lieu of 
 well done, " Who has required this at your hands?" In 
 that day we were an exercifed people; our very 
 countenances and deportment declared it." 
 
 " Care for others was then much upon us, as well 
 as for ourfelves ; efpecially of the young convinced. 
 Oft had we the burden of the word of the Lord 
 to our neighbours, relations and acquaintance ; and 
 fometimes flrangers alfo. We were in travail like- 
 wife for one another's prefervation ; not feeking, 
 but fhunning occafions of any coldnefs, or raifun- 
 derflanding ; treating one another as thofe that be- 
 lieved and felt God prefent. which kept our con- 
 verfation innocent, fcrious and weighty ; guarding 
 ourfelves againfl the cares and friendihips of this 
 world. We held the truth in the fpirit of it, and 
 not in our own fpirits, or after our own wills and 
 affections, they were bowed and brought into fub- 
 jection, infomuch that it was vifible to them, that 
 knew us. We did not think ourfelves at our own 
 difpofal, to go where we lift, or fay, or do, what 
 we lift, or when we lift. Our liberty flood in. 
 the liberty of truth ; and no pleafure, no profit, no 
 fear, no favour, could draw us from this retired, 
 ftricl and watchful frame. We were as far from 
 feeking occafions of company, that we avoided 
 -them what we could, puriuing our own bufinek 
 with moderation, inftead of meddling with other 
 people's unnecefjarily" 
 
 " Oar words were few and favcry, our looks 
 compofed and weighty, and our whole deportment 
 
 verv 
 
So Introduction. 
 
 very obfervable. True it is, that this retired and 
 {tricl fort of life from the liberty of the converfa- 
 tion of the world, expofed us to the cenfures of 
 many, as humorifts, conceited, 9xAf elf righteous per- 
 fons, &c. but it was our prefervation from many 
 fnares, to which others were continually expofed, 
 by the prevalency of the luft of the eye, the luft of 
 the flem, and the pride of life, that wanted no 
 occafions, or temptations to excite them abroad, in 
 the converfe of the world.' * 
 
 The words of W. Edmimdfon, on this head, arc 
 thefe, " At the firft, when the Lord called and 
 
 account of gathered us to be a people, and opened the eyes of 
 ousHvefof our underflandings, then we faw the exceeding 
 the primi- fmfulnefs of fin, and the wickednefs that was in 
 - tne world ; and a perfeft abhorrence was fixed, in 
 our hearts, againfl all the wicked, unjuft, vain, un- 
 godly, unlawful part of the world, in all refpects \ 
 and we faw the goodly, and moft glorious lawful 
 things of this world to be abufed; and that many 
 fnares and temptations lay in them; and many 
 troubles and dangers of divers kinds ; and we felt 
 the load of them, and that we could not carry them, 
 and run the race, the Lord had fet before us, fo 
 cheerfully as to win the prize of falvation ; fo that 
 our care was to call off this great load and burden 
 of our great and gainful way of getting riches, and 
 to lerTen our concerns therein, to the compafs that 
 we might not be chargeable to any, in our ftations* 
 and fervices required of us, and be ready to an- 
 fwer Chriil Jeliis, our Captain, that called us to 
 follow him, in a fpiritual warfare, under the dif- 
 cipline of his daily crofs and felf-denial ; and then 
 the things of this world were of fmall value with 
 us, fo that we might win Chrift; and the goodlidr. 
 things of the world were not near us, fo that we 
 might be near the Lord; and the Lord's truth, 
 outbalanced all the world, even the moft glorious 
 part of it. Then great trading was- a burden, and 
 
 great 
 
Infrodu&ioft. 8 1 
 
 concerns a great trouble; all ne"edlefs things, 
 fine houfes, rich furniture, gaudy apparel, were an 
 eye-fore; our eye being fmgle to the Lord, and 
 the infhining of his light, in our hearts; which 
 gave us the fight of the knowledge of the glory of 
 God; which fo afFe&ed our minds, that it flamed 
 the glory of all earthly things; and they bore no 
 maftry with us, either in dwelling, eating, 'drinking^ 
 buying, felling, marrying, or giving in marriage. 
 The Lord was the objecl of our eye; and we all 
 humble and low before him, and felf of fmall re- 
 pute; minifters and elders, in all fuch cafes, walk- 
 ing as good examples, that the flock might follow 
 their foot-fteps, as they followed Chrift; in the 
 daily crofs of felf-denial, in their dwellings, cal- 
 lings, eating, drinking, buying, felling, marrying-^ 
 and giving in marriage; and this anfwered the 
 Lord's witnefs in all confciences, and gave us great 
 credit among men." 
 
 Such appear to have been the people called Qua- 
 kers ^ as to their firft rife, principles, doctrines, 
 religious fyitem, and general practice, or manners; 
 in early time; with whom W. Penn joined in foci- 
 ty; fuch they appear to have been, who principally 
 firft fettled Weft Jerfey and Pennfyfoania: By a 
 conduct influenced chiefly by the principles above 
 mentioned has this country providentially advanc- 
 ed to that juftly admired and happy ftate, and im- 
 portance, for which, it has now long been grow- 
 ing more and more confpicuous : Of this people 
 as a religious fociety, I (hall, at prefent take my 
 leave, till I again reviilt them, as tranfplanted from 
 Europe, into thefe provinces, and obferve their pro- 
 ceedings, in their new and political fituation; in 
 the mean time, I return to, and refume, my inter- 
 mitted account of the life of W< Penn. 
 
 About this time (1668, and the twenty-fourth 
 
 year of his age) William Penn published fevefal 
 
 of his firft pieces, now extant in his printed works; 
 
 [n] one 
 
8 2 Litroduflton. 
 
 1668. one of which, entitled, " 27?^ fandy foundation 
 
 faft P ri*fo a & en 9" was wr * tten ' m confequence of a difpute, 
 
 ings, &c. which he had in London with one Vincent, a Pref- 
 
 byter. In this he expofed the vulgar notion of 
 
 the Trinity, and fome other religious tenets ; 
 
 which gave fo much offence to thole then at the 
 
 helm of the church, that they immediately took 
 
 the old method of reforming what they called er- 
 
 ror, by their ftrongeft argument, viz. " An order 
 
 for imprifoning him in the tower of London ;" there 
 
 he was under clofe confinement, and even denied 
 
 His impri- the vifits of his friends : but yet his enemies attained 
 
 fonmeut in no t their purpofe; for when, after fome time, his 
 
 ^London* fervant brought him word, that the bifhop of 
 
 London was refolved he mould either publicly re- 
 
 cant, or die a prifoner, he made this reply: " All 
 
 * is well: I wifh they had told me fo before; fince 
 
 the expecting a releafe put a flop to fome bufinefs : 
 
 His refolu- thou mayft tell my father, who, I know, will afk 
 
 tion. j-hee thefg W0 rds ; that my prifon mail be my grave, 
 
 before I will budge a jot; for I owe my confcience 
 
 to no mortal man. I have no need to fear; God 
 
 will make amends for all. They are miflaken in 
 
 me; I value not their threats and refolutions: for 
 
 they mail know I can weary out their malice and 
 
 peevifhnefs; and in me mall they all behold a re- 
 
 folution above fear; confcience above cruelty; 
 
 and a baffle put upon all their defigns, by the fpirit 
 
 of patience, the companion of all the tribulated 
 
 flock of the blefled Jefus, who is the author and 
 
 fmifher of the faith, that overcomes the world, 
 
 yea, death and hell too. Neither great nor good 
 
 things were ever attained without lofs and hard- 
 
 fhips. He that would reap and not labor muft 
 
 faint with the wind, and perifli in difappointments ; 
 
 but an hair of my head fliall not fall without the 
 
 providence of my Father, that is over all." 
 
 " A fpirit warmed with the love of God" (fays 
 the writer of his life) " and devoted to his fervice, 
 
 ever 
 
 
Introduction. 83 
 
 ever purfues its main purpofe : he, being now re- He writes 
 ftrained from preaching, applied himfelf to writ- [Jlatifesin 
 ing; feveral treatifes were the fruits of his folitude, the tower, 
 particularly, that excellent one, entitled, No crofs, 
 no crown; a book, which, tending to promote the 
 general defign of religion, was well accepted, and 
 foon pad feveral impreiFions." 
 
 He alfo, in the year 1669, writ, from the tower, 
 a letter to the lord Arlington, then principal fecre- 
 tary of Mate, by whofe warrant he was committed, ^writes 
 in vindication of his innocence, and to remove to the lord 
 fome afperfions call upon him; in this letter, with Arlington, 
 chriftian boldnefs, and elegance of flile, he pleads 
 the reafonablenefs of toleration in religion, mews 
 the fingular injuftice of his imprifonment, and de- 
 clares his firm refolution to fuffer, rather than 
 give up his caufe; he likewife requefts the fecre- 
 tary to lay his cafe before the king, and defires 
 he may be ordered a releafe; but, if that mould 
 be denied, he intreats the favour of accefs to the 
 royal prefence, or at lead, that the fecretary him- 
 felf would pleafe to give him a full hearing, &c. 
 And in order to clear himfelf from the afperfions, 
 call on him, in relation to the doclrlnes of the 
 Trinity, the incarnation, and fathf action of Chrift, 
 he publifhed a little book called, " Innocency with 
 her open face" by way of apology for the aforefaid, 
 Sandy foundation fhaken : in this apology he fo fuc- 
 cefsfully vindicated himfelf, that foon after the 
 publication thereof, he was difcharged from his He i s <*i 
 imprifonment; which had been of about feven c 
 months continuance. 
 
 In the latter part of the fummer this year, he 
 went again to Ireland. Being arrived at Cork, he 
 there vifited his friends the Quakers, who were in He goes to 
 prilbn, for their religion, attended the meetings Ireland 
 of his fociety, and afterwards went from thence to 
 Dublin; where an account of his friends fufFerings 
 
 being 
 
4 Introduction. 
 
 being drawn up, by way of addrefs, it was by him 
 prefented to the lord lieutenant. 
 
 During his flay in Ireland, though his bufmefs, 
 isbufi- in the care of his father's eftate, took up a confi- 
 efs there, ^erable part of his time, yet he frequently attend- 
 ed, and preached in the meetings of his friends, 
 efpecially at Dublin and Cork; in one of which 
 places he ufually refided. He alfo wrote, during 
 his refidence there, feveral treatifes, and took every 
 opportunity in his power, to foliicit thofe in autho T 
 rity, in behalf of his friends }n prifon: and, in 
 the beginning of the fourth month, 1670, through 
 his repeated applications to the chancellor, the lord 
 ?'? 'Arran, and the lord lieutenant, an order of coun- 
 cil was obtained for their releafe. Having fettled 
 his father's concerns to fatisfaftion, and done his 
 friends, the .Quakers, many fignal fervices, he 
 fhortly after returned to England. 
 
 In the year 1670 was parted the conventicle aci,, 
 which prohibited the meetings of the dilTenters, 
 under fey ere penalties. The rigour of this law 
 was immediately executed upon the .Quakers; who 
 not being ufed to give way, in the caufe of religi- 
 on, flood mod expofed. They being kept out of 
 their meeting houfe, in Grace-church flreet in Lon- 
 don, by force,, met in the flreet itfelf, as near it 
 as they could : W. Penn, preaching here, was ap- 
 prehended, and by warrant, dated Augufl four- 
 He is com. teenth, 1670, from Sir Samuel Starling, the lord 
 nutted to m ayor, committed to Newgate; and, at the next 
 Newgate. .fcfl; onS;> at t } le Q/j Bailey, was, together with 
 William Mead, indiyted for being prefent at, and 
 preaching to, an unlawful, feditious and riotous af- 
 fembly. At his trial he made fuch an excellent de- 
 . fence, as difcovered at once both the free fpirit oi 
 
 lamoustri- :,,/> 11 
 
 ai of Penn an Enghfonuui, and the undaunted- magnanimity 
 
 and Mead. o f a Ckriftian; mfomuch that notwkhflanding the 
 
 mofl partial frowns and menaces of the bench, the 
 
Introduction. g * 
 
 jury acquitted him. The trial itfclf was foon af- 
 ter printed; it exhibits a fignal inftance of the 
 attempts of the ignorance and tyranny of that 
 time; and may be feen in his printed works. 
 
 Not long after this famous trial, and his dif- His father's 
 charge from Newgate, his father died, entirely re- "oa"J a " 
 conciledto his fon; to whom, as before obferved, death. " 
 he left both his paternal blefiing, and a plentiful 
 eftate. His death-bed expreflions, and lalt advice 
 are very remarkable, inftruclive, and may be feeri 
 in W. Penn's treatife, entitled, No crofs, no crown, 
 among the fayings of other eminent perfons. 
 
 He was about this time employed in defence of 5? 7 ?* 
 
 , . ... i i_r j-r -i Hedifputcs 
 
 his religious principles, in a public diipute with one with j.ives 
 *feremy foes, a celebrated Baptift. Afterwards in ^ ld r vi ? t o 
 
 .- , IT- i ^ r- , Oxford, &c. 
 
 the ninth month this year, being at Oxford, and 
 obferving the cruel ufage and perfecution, which 
 his innocent friends fuffered there from the junior 
 icholars, too much by the connivance of their fu- 
 periors, he wrote a letter to the vice chancellor, on 
 the fubject. 
 
 In the winter, this year, having his refidence at Hepubiyh- 
 Penn, in Buckingha?njhire, he publifhed a book, e s a book- 
 entitled, " A reafonable caveat againft Popery ;" pf^ &<~ 
 wherein he both expofes and confutes many erro- 
 neous doctrines of the church of Rome, and efta- 
 bliflies the oppofite truths, by found arguments ; a 
 work alone fufficient, on the one hand, to wipe off 
 the calumny, cafl upon him, of being a favourer 1670. 
 of the Romyb religion ; and, on the other, to mew, 
 fhat his principle being for an univerfal liberty of 
 confcience, he would have had it extended, even to 
 the Papifts themfelves, under a fecurity of their not 
 perfecuting others. 
 
 In the lad month of this year, while he was . 
 
 T . . , . . . ; 2 , . r . . He is taken 
 
 preaching in a religious meeting of his friends, m an 
 Wheeler ~Jlreet, London, he was forceably feized by ^ 
 a party of foldiers, fent thither for that purpofe, 
 
 and 
 
86 Introduction, 
 
 and brought to the tower, by an order from the 
 lieutenant. In his examination, on the occalion, 
 before the lieutenant of the tower, Sir John Robin- 
 Jon, Starling, the lord mayor, and others, his be 
 haviour was very remarkable, fpirited and extraor- 
 dinarily adapted to the nature of the occafion. It 
 may be feen in the printed account of his life, 
 prefixed to his literary works; in which, as the 
 lieutenant's words and conduct appear high, im- 
 perious, and towards him manifeitly inimical, fo 
 his replies were fmart, fenfible and bold : and, on 
 the lieutenant's charging him with his having been 
 as bad as other people, and that both at home and 
 abroad, he received this remarkable anfwer from 
 ^ p ><> z. " I make this bold challenge to ail 
 men, women and children upon earth, juflly to ac- 
 cufe me, with ever having feen me drunk, heard me 
 fwear, utter a curfe, or fpeak one obfcene word, 
 (much lefs that I ever made it my practice) I fpeak 
 this to God's glory, that has preferved me from 
 the power of thofe pollutions, and that, from a 
 child, begot an hatred in me towards them. But 
 there is nothing more common, than when men 
 are of a more levere life than ordinary, for loofe 
 perfons to comfort themfelves with the conceit, 
 that they were once as they are, as if there were no 
 collateral, or oblique line of the compafs, or 
 globe, men may be faid to come from to the Arttk 
 pole, but directly and immediately from the An- 
 tarctic. Thy words fh all be thy burden, and I tram- 
 ple thy Jlander, as dirt, under my feet." 
 
 sent apri- He was fent prifoiier to Ncu'gate for fix months ; 
 
 foner to where, during his confinement, he wrote feveral 
 
 Site's treatifes, and occafional pieces of controverfy, ex- 
 
 to the par- tant in his works ; and the parliament being about 
 
 Hament * to take meafures for enforcing with greater ieverity 
 
 the aforefaid conventicle aft, he whofe freedom of 
 
 fpirit a prifon could not confine from advocating 
 
 the caufe of liberty, wrote from the fame place, 
 
 the following paper, directed. 
 

 Introduction. 87 
 
 u To the high court of Parliament" 
 " Forafmuch as it hath pleafed vou to make an * 67 *: 
 
 A. p p 1 2 C3.1; 1* 
 
 t?c7, entitled, " An aft for /upprcfling /editions con- ontoparU- 
 Denticles - the dangerous practices of feditious feciaries- ?"!"!;: in c 
 
 ,., ,, A i J V T r behalf of 
 
 cSJr. and that, under pretence of authority from 
 it, many have taken the ungodly liberty of plun- in s 
 dering, pillaging and breaking into houfes, to 
 the ruin and detriment of whole families, not re- 
 garding the poor, the widow and the fatherlefs, 
 beyond all precedent, or excufe; and, that we are 
 inforrned it is your purpofe, inftead of relaxing 
 your hand, to fupply the defects of that ad, by 
 Rich explanatory claufes as will inevitably expofe 
 us to the fury and intereft of our feveral adverfa- 
 ries; that under pretence of anfwering the in- 
 tents of the faid ad, will only gratify their private 
 humours, and doubtlefs extend it beyond its origi- 
 nal purpofe, to the utter deftrudion of us, and 
 our fuffering friends." 
 
 " We, therefore, efteem ourfelves obliged, in 
 Chriftian duty, once more to remonflrate:" 
 
 " Firft, That we own civil government, or ma- 
 giftracy, as God's ordinance, for the punifhment 
 of evil doers, and the praife of them, that do well; 
 and though we cannot comply with thofe laws that 
 prohibit us to wormip God, according to our con- 
 fciences, as believing it to be his alone prerogative, 
 to prefide in matters of faith and wormip, yet we 
 both own and are ready to yield obedience to every 
 ordinance of man, relating to human affairs, and 
 that for confcience fake." 
 
 " Secondly r , That we deny and renounce, as an 
 horrible impiety, all plots and conipiracies, or to 
 promote our intereft, or religion, by the blood and 
 deftrudion of fuch as diiTent from us, or yet thofe, 
 that perfecute us." 
 
 " Thirdly, That in all revolutions we have de- 
 meaned ourfelves with much peace and patience 
 
 (difowning 
 
88 Introduction. 
 
 (difowning all contrary actings) notwithstanding 
 the numerous profecutions of cruel and ungodly 
 men; which is a demonflradon of our harmlefs 
 behaviour, that ought not to be of little moment 
 with you." 
 
 " Fourthly, That as we have ever lived moft 
 peaceably under all the various governments, that 
 have been fince our firft appearance, (notwithftand- 
 ing we have been as their anvil, to fmite upon) fo 
 we do hereby fignify, that it is our fixed refolution 
 to continue the fame; that where we cannot actu- 
 ally obey, we patiently mail fufFer, (leaving our 
 innocent caufe without daring to love ourfelves unto 
 the death, for our bleffed teilimony's fake) there- 
 by manifeiling to the whole world, that we love 
 God above all, and our neighbours as ourfelves/' 
 
 " If this prevails not with you to fufpend your 
 thoughts of reinforcing your former act, we do 
 defire that we, or fome of our friends, may receive 
 a free hearing from you, (as feveral of us had 
 upon the firft act for uniformity) having many 
 great and weighty reafons to offer againft all fuch 
 fevere proceedings, to the end all wrong meafures 
 of us, and of our principles, may be rectified; 
 and, that you, being better informed of both, 
 may remove our heavy burdens, and let the op- 
 preifed go free; for fuch moderation will be well 
 pleafing both to God and good men/' 
 
 " From us who are prifoners, at Newgate (for 
 conference fake) on behalf of ourfelves, and all 
 our fufFering friends in England, &c. 
 
 " WILLIAM PENN and federal others, 
 " Newgate, Second month, 1671." 
 
 He travels ^is fix months imprifonment, in Newgate, be* 
 into Hoi- ing expired, he was let at liberty, and mortly af- 
 ter " went into Holland and Germany. Of his bufi- 
 nefs, or fervices, at this time, in thefe countries, 
 I find no particular account, befides fome fmalJ 
 
 mention 
 
89 
 
 mention made thereof, by himfelf, in his journal 
 of his fubfequent travels afterwards into thofe 
 countries. 
 
 In the beginning of the year 1672, and the 
 twenty-eighth of his age, he married Gulielma 
 Maria Springett, daughter of Sir William Springett, Hertford* 
 formerly of Darling in SuJJex ; who was killed in lhire ' 
 the time of the civil wars, at the fiege of Bamber; 
 his widow was afterwards married to Ifaac Pening- 
 ton, of Peter's Chalfont, in Buckingham/hire; in 
 whofe family her faid daughter was brought up ; a 
 young woman, whom a virtuous difpofition, joined 
 to a comely perfonage, rendered well accomplim- 
 ed. Afterwards, pitching upon a convenient ha- 
 bitation at Rickmerfivorth, in Hertford/hire 9 he 
 refided there with his family, often vifiting the 
 meetings of his friends. 
 
 In the Seventh month this year, (1672) he vifit* nevHitshi 
 ed his friends in Kent, Suffex and Surry; of which friends hi 
 
 his memorandums furnifh us with an obervation of ' " 
 
 that fmgular induftry, \vhich the free minifters of 
 the gofpel exercife, in the difcharge of their office; 
 for, in the fpace of twenty-one days, he with his 
 companion, under the like concern, were prefent 
 at, and preached to ? as many affemblies of people, 
 at diftant places, viz. Rochefter, Canterbury, Dover , 
 Deal) Folk/tone, AJhford, and other places in Kent; 
 at "Lewes ) Horfnam, Stenhing, ffc, in SuJJex ; and 
 at Charlewood and Rygate in Surry. " Great was 
 their fervice, in thefe counties; (fays the writer 1674. 
 of his life) their teftimonies, effeclual to the 
 ftrengthening of their friends, filencing of gain- 
 layers, and to a general edification, were received 
 by the people with joy, and openneis of heart; and 
 themfelves in the performance of their duty, filled 
 with fpiritual coniblation." W. Penn gives this ac- 
 count of their Lift meeting, in that journey, being 
 at Rvgate: " The Lord fealed up our labours and 
 travels according to the defire of my foul and fpi- 
 
 12] lit, 
 
Introduction. 
 
 He writes 
 en divers 
 
 A letter to 
 a Roman 
 catholic. 
 1675. 
 
 rit, with his heavenly, refrefhments, and fweet liv* 
 ing power and word of life, unto the reaching of all, 
 and confolating our own hearts abundantly/' He 
 concludes his narrative with thefe words:- " And 
 thus hath the Lord been with us, in all our travels 
 for his truth; and with his bleilings of peace are 
 we returned ; which is a reward beyond all worldly 
 treafure." 
 
 About this time many oppofers of the Quakers , 
 fome of whom being diflenters themfelves, who 
 had enough to do in time of perfecution, by a cau- 
 tious privacy? w r hich they called chriftian prudence^ 
 to fecure their heads from the dorm, began, under 
 the fun-fhine of the king's indulgence, to peep out, 
 and (in the words of the writer of W. Penn's life) 
 by gainfaying the truth, to make its defence necef- 
 fary; fo that he had plenty of controverfial exer- 
 cife for his pen, the remainder of this year, and 
 the two next enuring; which produced feveral valu- 
 able treatifes, extant in his works, together with 
 divers remarkable and excellent letters and epiftles, 
 written both to fingle perfons, collective bodies of' 
 men, and others, in a more general capacity, in 
 England., Holland, Germany and elfewhere; which, 
 as they are principally of a religious, and fome of 
 them of a political nature, may likewife be feen in 
 his printed writings. Among thefe appears the 
 following letter to a Roman catholic, viz. 
 
 " My Friend" 
 
 " Chrift Jefus did redeem a people with his' 
 molt precious blood, and the ancient church of 
 Rome, among other churches, was one; but as the 
 fea lofes and gets, and as profperity changes it;; 
 itation, fo the chaftity of the church of Rome is 
 loft ; me having taken in principles and difciplinc r 
 that are not of Chriil, neither can be found in the 
 holy fcriptures." 
 
 " If thou wert to die, wouldeft not thou leave a 
 plain will to thy children? fo have Chrifl and his 
 
 apbfHes, 
 
Introduction. g I 
 
 apoftles, in the fcriptures. Read and thou mayeft 
 behold the fimplicity, purity, meeknefs, patience 
 and felf-denial of thofe Chriftians and churches. 
 They are Chrift's, that take up his crofs to the 
 glory and fpirit of this world; which the church 
 ol Rome lives in. Behold the pride, luxury, 
 cruelty, that have, for ages, been in that church, 
 even the heads and chieftains thereof! It is a mif- 
 take to think that Chrift's church, which has loft 
 its heavenly qualifications, becaufe it once was. 
 What is become of Antioch, Jerufalem, &c. both 
 churches of Chrift, and before Rome? Nor is it 
 number, (the Devil has that;) nor antiquity, (for 
 he has that;) but Chrift-likenefs, and conformity to 
 Jcfus ; who hath divorced thofe, that have adulte- 
 rated; and though he had left but two or three 
 (though there were thoufands) yet he would be in 
 the midft of them: and they have been in the 
 wildernefs, people crying in fackcloth. The ge- 
 nerality declined from Chrift's fpirit; and it was 
 loft, and the teachings of it: And then came up 
 form, without power, and a wrathful fpirit, to 
 propagate it; and this made up the great whore, 
 that looked like the Lamb's bride, Chrift's church, 
 but was not; which God will judge. Remember 
 that God was not without a church, though the 
 natural church and priefthood of the Jews apofta- 
 tifed: fo, in the cafe of the church of Ro?ne." 
 
 " Now is the Lord railing up his old power, 
 and giving his fpirit, and moving upon the waters, 
 (the people) that out of that ftate all may come, 
 and know God in fpirit, and Chrift, his Son; 
 whom he has fent into the people's hearts, a true 
 light. And, my friend, build not upon fancies, 
 nor the traditions of men, but Chrift the fure 
 foundation, as he appears to thee, in thy confci- 
 ence; that thou may eft feel his power to redeem 
 thee, up to himfelf, out of the earthly, fenfual 
 fpirit, to know thy right eye plucked out, the true 
 
 mortification j 
 
Introduction. 
 
 mortification; and this brings thee to the church 
 of the firft born, that is more divine and noble, 
 than an outward glittering church, that is inwardly 
 polluted: For, know, as thou fowefl, thou reaped, 
 in the great day of account. So to God's fpirit, in 
 thy own confcience, do I recommend thee, that 
 leads out of all evil, and quickens thee to God, as 
 thou obeyed it, and makes thee a child of God, 
 and an heir of Glory. \ am in much haile, and 
 as much love, 
 
 * fi Thy true friend 
 
 " WILLIAM PENN." 
 " London, ninth O&ober, 1675." 
 
 In the year 1676, he became one of the princi- 
 pal pcribiis, concerned in fettling Weft New Jcrfey, 
 ' m &*&*&* as hereafter will appear, in the fecond 
 , &c, part of this introduction, jn the account of the 
 firft fettling and government of that colony. About 
 this time alfo he writ to fome perfona of great qua- 
 lity, in Germany, as appears in his works ; encou- 
 raging them to a perfeverance in the paths of vir^ 
 tue and true religion; with the love of which he 
 had underftood their minds were happily and di- 
 vinely kifpircdu 
 
 In the year 1677, he travelled into Holland and 
 Germany, in company with feveral of his friends, 
 the Quakers , on a religious vifit, to thefe countries ; 
 of which there is extant, in his works, an account, 
 or journal, written by himfelfj in a plain, familiar 
 ftile,and particularly fuited to perfons of a religious 
 turn of mind. It does not appear to have been 
 originally intended to be publifhed; for, in the 
 preface, to its firft publication, the author himfelf 
 fays, u It was written for my own, and fome rela- 
 tions, and particular friends fatisfaction, as the 
 long time it hath Jain filent doth (hew, but a copy, 
 that was found among the late gountefs of Conway*s 
 papers, falling into the hands of a perfon, that 
 jnuch frequented that family, he was earned with 
 
 me. 
 
Introduction. Q 
 
 me, both by himfelf and others, to have leave to 
 publiih it, for a common good," &c. In this ac- 
 count are included divers letters, epiftles and reli- 
 gious pieces, written during his travels there, to 
 perfons of eminence and others, whom he either 
 vifited in perfon, or writing, or both: It is con- 
 tinued from the twenty-fecond of the Fifth month, 
 1677, when he left home, to the firft of the Ninth 
 month the fame year, when he arrived well at 
 Worminghurfti his habitation, in Siiffex. 
 
 In this journal mention is made of his having 
 religious meetings, or paying perfonal vifits, at Namesof 
 Rotterdam, Leyden, Haerlam and Amjlerdam; in fome place* 
 which laft place he made fome flay, being employ- 
 ed there in aflifting to regulate and fettle the affairs 
 of his religious fociety in that city, &c. from thence 
 he -writ to the king of Poland, in favour of his 
 perfecuted and fuffering friends, the Quakers, at 
 Dantzick. He was alfo at Naerden, Ofnaburgh and 
 Her-wcrden; in the laft of which places he had 
 religious meetings and agreeable converfation with 
 the princefs Elizabeth Palatine and others. He l6 77- 
 vifited Paderborn, Cajjel and Frankfort; here he 
 made fome ftay, and writ an epiftle, " To the 
 churches ofjefus throughout the world," &fr. From 
 hence he went by the way of Worms to Crisheim ; 
 where he found a meeting of his friends, the Qua- 
 kers; and writ to the princefs, before mentioned, 
 and the countefs of Homes, two Proteflant ladies 
 of great virtue and quality, at Herwerden. Thence 
 by Frankenthall to Manhelm ; from which place he 
 wrote to the prince eleclor Palatine of Heydelburgh. 
 He was likewife at Mentz, and divers other places, 
 on the Rhine ; as Cullcn, Duyjburgh, sfr. But, on 
 account of his being a Quaker ^ he was prohibited to 
 enter into Mulbeim, by the Graef, or earl of Bruch 
 and Falkenjleyn, lord of that country; on which 
 occafion he wrote to him from Duvjburgh 9 a fharp 
 letter of reproof and advice; and to his daughter, 
 
 the 
 
94 
 
 Introduction. 
 
 the countefs, a virtuous and religious lady, at Mul- 
 Jjcim, on whofe account his vifit there was princi- 
 pally intended, he fent a confolatory epiftle. 
 
 He then vifited Wefel, Rees, Emrick, C/eve, 'Nim- 
 meguen, Lippenhufen, Groningen^ Embdcn, Bemem.nd 
 the Hague; and divers of thefe places, feveral times, 
 frequently writing letters of advice and religious 
 comfort to divers virtuous and religious perfons of 
 great quality, and others; with feveral of whom 
 he correfponded ; and at the laft mentioned place 
 he corrected and rmifhed feveral long epiflles of a 
 religious nature; which were written and intended 
 for the prefs, both in his firft and fecond journey, 
 in Germany ; which are now extant in his works. 
 From the Hague he went to Delft : , Wondcrwick, and 
 fo to the End; and from thence by the packet, to 
 Harwich, and home, within the limits of the time 
 above mentioned. 
 
 foiidts After his return from Germany^ the people called 
 Quakers being harrafled with fevere profecutions, 
 in the exchequer-) on penalties of twenty pounds 
 per month, or two-thirds of their eflates, by laws 
 made againft Papifts, but unjuftly turned upon 
 them; W. Penn, foliciting the parliament for re- 
 drefs of thofe grievances, prefented petitions, on 
 
 the occalion, both to the lords and commons; 
 * f* ?? 
 
 where, upon being admitted to a hearing before a 
 
 committee, on the twenty-fecond of the month, 
 called March, 1 678, he made the following fpeech- 
 es, viz. 
 
 His firft fpeecb to the committee. 
 
 *' If we ought to believe that it is our duty, 
 according to the doclrine of the apoftle, to be 
 always ready to give an account of the hope, that is 
 
 w^'^firfi ^ n us > anc ^ at to evei T fber and private enquirer; 
 fpeechto certainly much more ought we to hold ourfelves. 
 committee obliged to declare, with all readinefs, when called 
 
 of parlu- > r 
 
 to it by fo great authority, what is mt our hope., 
 
 efpecially 
 
Introduction, 
 
 when our very fafety is eminently con- 
 cerned in fo doing, and that we cannot decline this 
 difcrimination of ourfelves from Papifts, without 
 being conicious to ourfelves of the guilt of our 
 own fufferings ; for that mud every man needs be, 
 that fuffers mutely, under another character than 
 that, which truly and properly belongeth to him, 
 and his beKef. That which giveth me a more than 
 ordinary right to fpeak, at this time, and in this 
 place, is the great abufe, that I have received ? 
 above any other of my profeflion; for, of a long 
 time, I have not only been fuppofed a Papift, but 
 a fem'mary, a yefuit, an emjjary of Rome 9 and in 
 pay from the Pope, a man dedicating my endea- 
 vours to the interefl and advancement of that party. 
 Nor hath this been the report of the rabble, but 
 the jealoufy and infmuation of perfons otherwife 
 fober and difcreet: Nay, fome zealous for the 
 Proteflant religion, have been fo far gone in this 
 miftake, as not only to think ill of us, and to de- 
 cline our converfation, but to take courage to them- 
 felves, to profecute us for a fort of concealed Pa- 
 pifts ; and the truth is, what with one thing, and 
 what with another, we have been as the wool-fads, 
 and common ivhipping-ftock of the kingdom; all 
 laws have been let loofe upon us, as if the defigo 
 were not to reform, but to deflroy us, and that 
 not for what we are, but for what we are not: It 
 is hard, that we mufl thus bear the (tripes of another 
 intereft, and be their proxy, in punimment; but it: 
 is worfe, that fome men can pleafe themfelves in 
 fuch a fort of adminifiration/' 
 
 " I would not be miftaken, I am far from think- 
 ing it fit that Papift s mould be whipped for their 
 confciences, becaufe I exclaim againft the injuflice 
 of whipping Shakers for Papift s : No, for though 4 
 the hand, pretended to be lifted up againfl them, 
 hath (I know not by what direction) lit heavy upon 
 us, and we complain; yet we do not mean, that 
 
 .any 
 
9 6 Introduction. 
 
 any fhould take a frefli aim at them, or that they 
 muft come in our room; for we mult give the 
 liberty we afk, and cannot be falfe to our princi- 
 ples, though it were to relieve ourfelves; for we 
 have good will to all men, and would have none 
 luffer for a truly fober and confcientious diffent, 
 on any hand: and I humbly take leave to add, that 
 thofe methods, againfl perfons fo qualified, do not 
 feem to me to be convincing, or indeed adequate to 
 the reafon of mankind; but this I fubmit to your 
 confi deration." 
 
 u To conclude, I hope we mall be held excufed 
 of the men of that profeflion, in giving this dif- 
 tinguifhing declaration, fince it is not with defign 
 to expofe them; but, firft, to pay that regard, we 
 owe to the enquiry of this committee; and, in the 
 next place, to relieve ourfelves from the daily fpoil 
 and ruin, which now attend and threaten many 
 hundreds of families, by the execution of laws, 
 that we humbly conceive were never made againft 
 
 us." 
 
 His fecond fpeech to the committee* 
 
 w. P'S. " The candid hearing, our fufterings have re* 
 fecond ceived from the committee- and the fair and eafy en- 
 
 fpeech to t i . ' 
 
 the com- tertamment, that you have given us, oblige me to 
 mittec of a dd what ever can increafe your iatisfaclion about 
 lt> us. I hope you do not believe, I would tell you 
 a lie; I am fure I mould choofe an ill time and 
 place to tell it in; but, I thank God it is too late 
 in the, day for that. There are fome here that have 
 known me formerly; I believe they will fay, I ne- 
 ver was that man; and it would be hard, if after 
 a voluntary neglect of the advantages of this world, 
 I fhould lit down, in my retirement, fhort of com- 
 mon truth." 
 
 " Excufe the length of my introduction, it is for 
 this I make it. I was bred a Protcjia?it, and that 
 ftrictly too: I loft nothing by time or ftudy; for 
 
 years, 
 
97 
 
 years, reading, travel and obfervations made the 
 religion of my education the religion of my judg- 
 ment : my alteration hath brought none to that be- 
 lief; and though the pofture I am in may feem odd, 
 or ftrange to you, yet I am confcientious; and (till 
 you know me better) I hope your charity will ra- 
 ther call it my unhappinefs, than my crime. I do 
 tell you again, and here folemly declare, in the pre- 
 fence of Almighty God, and before you all, that 
 the profeflion I now make, and the fociety I now 
 adhere to, have been fo far from altering that Pro- 
 teftant judgment I had, that I am not confcious to 
 myfelf of having receded from an iota of any one 
 principle, maintained by thofe firft Proteftants and 
 reformers of Germany, and our own martyrs, at 
 home, againft the Pope, and See of Rome. 
 
 " On the contrary, I do, with great truth, affure !6 7 8. 
 you, that we are of the fame negative faith, with 
 the ancient Protejiant church, and, upon occafion, 
 mall be ready, by God's afliftance, to make it ap- mhtee of 
 pear, that we are of the fame belief, as to the moft P arhament ' 
 fundamental pojfitwe articles of her creed too. And, 
 therefore it is, we think it hard, that though we 
 deny, in common with her, thofe do&rines of 
 Rome, fo zealoufly protefted againft, from whence 
 the name Proteftants ; yet that we fhould be fo un- 
 happy as to fuffer, and that with extreme feverity, 
 by thofe very laws on purpofe made againft the 
 maintainers of thofe do&rines, we do fo deny. 
 We chufe no fuffering, for God knows what we 
 have already fuffered, and how many fufficient and 
 trading families are reduced to great poverty by it. 
 We think ourfelves an ufeful people : we are lure 
 we are a peaceable people; but, if we ftill fuffer, 
 let us not fuffer as Poplfh recufanls, but as Protef-* 
 t eft ant diffenters. 
 
 " But I would obviate another objection, and 
 
 that none of the leaft, that hath been made againft 
 
 us, viz. 'That ive are enemies to government, in gene- 
 
 [13] ral, 
 
9 8 Introduction. 
 
 ral, and particularly difaffecJed to this we live under: 
 I think it not amifs, but very feafonable, yea, my 
 duty, now to declare to you, (and that I do with 
 good confcience, in the fight of the Almighty God) 
 firft, that we believe government to be God's ordi- 
 nance; and next, that this prcfent government is 
 eftablifhed by the providence of God, and law cf the 
 land) and that it is our chriftitm duty readily to obey 
 it, in ally?//? laws; and wherein we cannot comply, 
 through tender nefs of confcience, in all fuch cafes, not 
 to revile, or confpire againft the government, but, 
 with chriflian humility and patience tire out all 
 miftakes about us; and wait their better informa- 
 tion; who, we believe, do as undefervedly as fevere- 
 ]y treat us; and I know not what greater fecurity 
 can be given by any people, or how any govern- 
 ment can be eafier from the fubjects of it. 
 
 " I fhall conclude with this; that we are fo far 
 from efteemihg it hard, or ill, that the houfe hath 
 put us upon this difcrimination, that, on the con- 
 trary, we value it as we ought to do, for an high 
 favour, (and cannot chufe but fee, and humbly 
 acknowledge God's providence therein) that you 
 mould give us this fair occafion to difcharge our- 
 felves of a burden we have, not with more patience 
 than injuftice, fuffered but too many years under; 
 and I hope our converfation mall always manifefl 
 the grateful refentment of our minds, for the juf- 
 tice and civility of this opportunity ; and fo I pray 
 God direct you." 
 
 parliament The committee agreed to infert in a bill, then 
 Ci7he UecI; Depending, a pfovifo, or claufe, for relief, in the 
 Quakers cafe complained of; and the fame did pafs the 
 O f Commons : But before it had gone through 
 of Lords , it was quafhed by a fudden 
 prorogation of the parliament. 
 
 About this time, and the following year, the 
 - 5 people's minds being hurried and difturbed with 
 rumours of plots, apprehenfions of a French inva- 
 
 fion 3 
 
Introdu Elton. 99 
 
 lion, and defigns to fubvert the Proteftant religion, 
 and introduce Popery , he \vrit and publifhed feve- 
 ral pieces by way of advice to his friends, the 
 .Quakers, in particular, and alfo for fettling the 
 minds of the people in general, and turning them 
 to their real and bed interefl, both in a religious and 
 political fenfe; among which was publifhed, in the 
 vear 1679, that excellent treatife, entitled, " An 
 addrefs to Prot eft ants of all perfuajions" &c. 
 And in the year 1681, there being a frefh perfecu- 
 tion againft his friends, the Quakers, in the city of 
 'BHftol, W. Penn writ them the following epiftle, 
 (which is here inferted as a fpecimen of his writing 
 on fuch occafions) for their Chrtftian confolation 
 and encouragement, directed, 
 
 " To the friends of God in the city of Briftol" 1681. 
 
 " This fent to be read among them, when af- 
 fembled to wait upon the Lord." 
 
 " My beloved in the Lord," 
 
 " I do hereby fend amongft you the dear and To hig pcr< 
 tender falutation of my unfeigned love, that is held 
 in the fellowfhip of the lading gofpel of peace, 
 that has many years been preached and believed 
 amongft you, befeeching the God and Father of 
 this glorious day of the Son of man, to increafe 
 and multiply his grace, mercy and peace among 
 you; that you may be faithful, and abound in every 
 good word and work, doing and fuffering what is 
 pleating unto God; that you may prove what is 
 that good and acceptable and perfect will of God; 
 which it becomes you to be found daily doing; that 
 fo an entrance may be adminiftered unto you abun- 
 dantly into the kingdom of our Lord and Saviour 
 Jefus Chrift, that is an everlafting kingdom. My 
 beloved brethren and tiflers, be not caft down at the 
 rage of evil men, whofe anger works not the 
 righteoufnefs of God ; and whofe cruelty the Lord 
 will limit. Nothing flrange, or unufual, is come 
 to pafs, it makes well for them, that eye the Lord 
 
 in 
 
I o O Introduction . 
 
 in and through thefe fufFerings: there is food in 
 affli&ion, and though the inilruments of it cannot 
 fee it, all (hall work together for good to them that 
 fear the Lord : keep your ground in the truth , that 
 was, and is the faints victory. They that fhrink, 
 go out of it; it is a fhield to the righteous: feel it, 
 arid fee, I charge you by the prefence of the Lord, 
 that you turn not afide the Lord's end towards you, 
 in this differing, by confulting with flefh and blood, 
 in eafing your adverfaries ; for that will load you. 
 *68i. Keep out of bafe bargainings, or conniving at 
 w.penn, fl em jy evafions of the croft. Our Captain would 
 
 to his per- r , J , , . A n . , , 
 
 fecuted not leave us luch an example : let them ihrink that 
 friends in know not why they mould Hand ; we know, in 
 
 Briilol. iii 11 i -i 
 
 whom we have believed: he is mightier in the 
 faithful, to fuffer and endure to the end, than the 
 world, to perfecute: call to mind thofe bleffed an- 
 cients, " That by faith overcame of old, that en- 
 dured cruel mockings and fcourgings, yea more- 
 over, bonds and imprifonments, that accepted not 
 deliverance, (to deny their teftimony) that they 
 might obtain a better refurreclion:" They were 
 iloned ; they were tempted ; they were fawn afun- 
 der; they were flapi with the fword; but ye have 
 not fo refifled unto blood; and it fufficeth, I hope, 
 to you, that the Lord knoweth how to deliver the 
 godly out of temptation, and to referve the unj'uit 
 unto the day of judgment, to be punifhed; when 
 it may be truly faid, " It mail go well with the 
 righteous, but very ill with the wicked." The 
 Lord God, by his power, keep your hearts living 
 to him ; that it may be your delight to wait upon 
 him, and receive the bounty of his love; that, 
 being fed with his daily bread and drinking of his 
 cup of blefTmg, you may be raifed above the fear 
 and trouble of earthly things and grow flrong in 
 him, who is your crown of rejoicing; that, hav- 
 ing anfwered his requirings, and walked faithfully 
 pefore him, you may receive, in the end of your 
 days, the welcome fentence of gladnefs. Eternal 
 
 riches 
 
Introduction. 101 
 
 riches are before you, an inheritance incorruptible: 
 prefs after that glorious mark: let your minds be 
 let on things that are above, and when Chrifl, that 
 is the glory of his poor people, mail appear, they 
 mail appear with him in glory ; when all tears mail 
 be wiped away, and there mall be no more forrow, 
 or fighing, but they, that overcome, mall Hand as 
 Mount Sion, that cannot be removed." 
 
 " So, my dear friends and brethren, endure, 
 that you may be faved, and you mall reap, if you 
 faint not. What mould we be troubled for? our 
 kingdom is not of this world^ nor can be fhaken 
 by the overturning here below. Let all give glory 
 to God on high, live peaceably on earth, and fhew 
 goodwill to all men; and our enemies will at laft, 
 fee they do they know not what, and repent, and 
 glorify God, our heavenly Father. O! great is 
 God's work on earth. Be univerfal in your fpirits, 
 and keep out all flraitnefs and narrownefs : look to 
 God's great and glorious kingdom, and its pro- 
 fperity: our time is not our own, nor are we our 
 own : God hath bought us with a price, not to ferve 
 ourfelves, but to glorify him, both in body, foul 
 and fpirit; and, by bodily fufferings for the truth, he 
 is glorified: look to the accomplifhing of the will 
 of God, in thefe things; that the meafure of 
 Chrifl's fufferings may be filled up in us, who bear 
 about the " dying of the Lord Jefus;" elfe our 
 fullering is in vain. Wherefore, as the flock of 
 God, and family and houfe-hold of faith, walk 
 with your loins girded, being fober, hoping to the 
 end, for the grace and kindnefs, which mall be 
 brought unto you, at the revelation of Jefus Chrift,, 
 to whom you and your's are committed: his pre- 
 cious fpirit minifter unto you, and his own life 
 be fried abroad plenteoufly among you, that you 
 may be kept blamelefs to the end. I am your 
 friend and brother in the fellowfhip of the fufter- 
 ing for truth^ as it is in Jefus , 
 
 " WILLIAM PENN. 
 
 f Worminghurfl, the 2#h. of the Twelfth month, 1681." 
 
1 02 Introduction. 
 
 Having thus far purfued this abftracted account 
 of the life of W. Penn, I mall, in the next place, 
 after having previoufly given a brief preliminary de- 
 fcription of the firft rife of the Britifo colonies, in 
 America, and more efpecially of Weft New Jerfey^ 
 in which he was fo much concerned, attend him 
 in the fettlement and colonization of his province 
 of Pennfylvania. 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 PART THE SECOND. 
 
 CONTAINING, 
 
 A fhort preliminary fketch of the firft colonization 
 of continental America by the Englifh; Of the 
 Dutch and Swedifh fettlements^ pretenfions and 
 proceedings^ on Hudfon's or North river, and 
 on the bay and river of Delaware; But more 
 particularly ', of the rife, government, and early 
 tranfaclions of the colony of Weft New Jerfey, 
 previous to thofe of Pennfylvania. 
 
 JL HE firft European difcovery of fome of the in- 
 fular parts of America ', in the year 1492, by Chrif- 
 topher Columbus^ and the fuccefs of his fubfequent 
 voyages, as well as thofe of Americus Vefpucius, bus, and by 
 between the years 1496 and 1499, to that conti- 
 nent, both in the fervice of Spain, are now fo well 
 known as here to need no repetition; and, for the 
 fame reafon, it is unneceiTary to fpecify, in this 
 place, how, or why, this newly difcovered part 
 of the world was called America^ from the name 
 of the latter of thefe perfons; whofe laft voyage, 
 in the employment of Portugal^ gave that part of 
 South America now called Brajil, to that kingdom ; 
 as the prior difcoveries of Columbus and himfelf had 
 added, befides the iflands, immenfe traft of ter- 
 
 ritorv 
 
1 04 Introduction. 
 
 ritory to Spain, both in the northern and fouthern 
 latitudes of continental America; according to that 
 univerfally acknowledged law of nations, which 
 afligns all wade and uncultivated countries to the 
 prince, who is at the charge of the firfl difcovery 
 of them.* 
 
 1497- I fhall only, therefore, in this place, previoufly 
 
 foveHes/by mention, that, in the year 1497, J otm and Seba f~ 
 the Cab'ots, tian Cabot, father and fon, in the fervice of king 
 Henry the feventh of England, by the bed accounts, 
 are generally acknowledged to have been the firft 
 Europeans, who difcovered that part of north Ame- 
 rica, where the Englijh colonies were afterwards 
 fettled, along the Atlantic more, including New- 
 foundland, from 60, or 68 degrees north, to fo 
 far fouth, as the ifle of Cuba, or the latitude of 
 Florida^ 
 
 All 
 
 * See JufHnian, Grotius, &c. on this fubject. 
 
 Columbus is faid to be buried in the cathedral of Seville, in Sj>aia t with 
 this infcription on his tomb. 
 
 " Columbus has given a neiv world 
 
 To the kingdoms of Cajlile and Leon" 
 
 Herrera, the great Spanifh hiftorian of America, exprefsly affirms, 
 " That neither on the continent, nor ifles of the Wefl Indies (the name 
 the Spaniards ufually give to all America) were there either {ilk, wine, fu- 
 gar, olives, wheat, barley or pulfe; all which (adds Herrera) and ma- 
 ny other things have been traniported thither from S/a/'." Their own 
 fole original productions were tobacco, indigo, cocheneal, cotton, gin- 
 ger, cocoa, piemento, fundry ufeful drugs and woods for dying, furni- 
 ture, phyfic," &c. 
 
 ANDERSON'S hiilorical deduction of commerce, &c. 
 
 f " The main end of the above attempt of the Cabots, from England, 
 was laid by the \vriters of, or near, thefe times, to have been to difcover 
 a north-well paffageto the Indies, OT fpice iflands, or, to Catbaia; as they 
 then termed a country, fince known to be China; whither iome travellers 
 had gone over by land, in the eleventh, twelfth and thirteenth centuries. 
 Cabot having failed fo far north as 67^ degrees, the land which he firft 
 faw, was the country between the mouth of the river of Canada and 
 Hm'fons ftrait; and which he, therefore, named Prima -vijla; (i. e. firft 
 discovered) which name it foon loft; and next got the name of Corteria- 
 L's, from a Portuguese; who, from Li/Ion, fell in with that couft, anno 
 1500, calling alfo the north part of it EJiot'dand, After the French had 
 I'fttli-d in Canada, they freely called the country Neiv France. J,aftly, the 
 F.nglifr difcoveries, on tl\e north parts of that country, deep into the 
 bay of Knt ! f',n, c;illcd it N'e-ir Britain; though the Poriugt'eze, in fome 
 of their maps, called it 7.-r;v di Labrador: its only produce hitherto 
 being peltry, furs and frathei*." 
 
 ANDERSON^ &C. 
 
Introduction* itij 
 
 All this extent of territory, or, lead, from 34 The ancient 
 to 45 degrees of north latitude, including all that vh s inia - 
 traft of land, which is fituated between the ex- 
 treme bounds of New England and Carolina^ north 
 and fouth, was, in the reign of queen Elizabeth,' 
 named Virginia; which was then deemed to com- 
 prehend all the habitable part of the Britifh con- 
 tinental territories in America. Which name is faid 
 to have been given it, either by the queen herfelf, 
 or by Sir Walter Raleigh; who, in the year 1584, 15 sV- 
 obtained a patent from the queen^ for making a 
 fettlement in America. This was accordingly at- 
 tempted, at different times ; : though at firft unfuc- 
 cefsfully, in that part of the continent, which flili 
 retains the name of Virginia.* 
 
 In the year 1606, file whole extent of this tef- 1606. 
 ritorv was^ divided into two parts, or colonies, by Y 11 ? 11 ^ 
 
 ' ,.jrS' r dwdedmto 
 
 a charter obtained or king James ^ tor two compa- two colo- 
 nies. The firfl was called the South Virginia com- nies> 
 pany, comprehending the now named provinces of 
 Maryland, Virginia and Carolina; or all the country 
 which is fituated between 34 and 41 degrees of 
 N. latitude, which includes part of Pennfylvania. 
 
 Thefe 
 
 * " In the year 1584, Sir Walter Raleigh formed his fcheme with a 
 number of gentlemen and merchants, for making a fettlement in America; 
 for which purpofe queen Elizabeth, on lady day, this year, grants him,' 
 &c. a charter for the pcffeffing of fuch remote heathen lands, not then 
 inhabited by Clrijlians, as they fhould difcover in fix years; of which 
 they thereby had the property granted to them forever, referving to the 
 crown the fifth part of all the gold and filver ore found therein, with 
 power to feize, to thei? proper ufe, all ihips, with their merchandize, 
 that fhall without leave, plant within two hundred miles of this intesd- 
 ed fettlement; excepting however, the queen's fubjecUs'and allies, fifliing at 
 Newfoundland" &c. " Grants free denization to the planters and their 
 pofterity refiding there," " Powers are alfo granted to the patentees, for 
 making Bye-laivs there, not repugnant to thofe of England" Amidas 
 and Barlow, with two veffels, were accordingly fent the fame year." 
 They arrived at a part of what is now called Virginia; which name, 
 cither the queen herlelf, or Sir Walter Raltigh, gave that country; where 
 making fbme infignificant trade with the natives, they returned home." 
 
 " N. B. In this, arid fome other patents of thrfe times, there was no 
 diilindt place, longitude nor latitude, fixed or limited, for fuch plantation, 
 although, undoubtedly, Ncrib America was the country intended." 
 
 Anderfon^ &c 
 
xof> Introduftion. 
 
 Thefe were called the London adventurers. The 
 fecond company were called the Plymouth adven-> 
 turers ; who were empowered to plant and inhabit 
 Ib far as to 45 degrees of N. latitude, in which 
 compafs was included what is now called Pennfyl* 
 vania, in part, New Jerfey, New Tork and New 
 England. 
 
 planting of The firfr., or London company , which moft pro- 
 vkginia. perly ought to be called the Virginia company, did, 
 in this fame year 1 606, or the next following, ef- 
 fecl a fettlement near the mouth of Powhatan, now 
 called James's river, within Chefapeak bay, which 
 they named James town; which name it (bill re- 
 tains. This is faid to have been the firfl Engliffr 
 colony, on the continent of America, which took 
 root, and has continued permanent to our days; all 
 former attempts having proved abortive. 
 
 1610. From this time, till the year 1620, the planting 
 Planting of o f New-England, or the northern divifion, appears 
 & c , ngan not to have been fuccesfully undertaken; though 
 there had been fever al voyages made during this 
 interval, but moftly in a trading way, to* that part 
 of the continent.-* But HI the year 1620, the firft 
 permanent plantation,, or, which remains fuch to 
 this time, appears to have been made in that coun- 
 try; to which: king Charles the firft, then prince 
 of Wales, is faid to have given the name of New- 
 England:^ " For which purpofe (fays governor 
 Hutchinfen, in his hiftory of MaJJachufctts bay). 
 a new patent was granted, bearing date, Novem- 
 ber third 1620, incorporating the adventurers to 
 
 the 
 
 *" H It is evident, from the charter^ that the original deTign of it was 
 t6 conftitute a corporation in England, like that of the Eaft Indies , and 
 other great companies, with powers to fettle plantations within the limits 
 of the territory, under fuch forms of government andmagiftracy as fhould 
 be fit and neceffary." 
 
 Hutcbinfons bt/tory of Ma/ucbti/eiti ay- 
 
 f " Captain John Smith, having furveyed the inland country, and 
 prefented a map of it to Charles, prince of Wales, the prince gave th'e 
 countr the -name of Neiv Enland." 
 
 , 
 country the -name of Neiv England." 
 
 i) &'<.., 
 
Introduftiun. 107 
 
 the northern colony, by the name of 'The Council 
 for the affairs of New-Eng/and; the bounds of the 
 country were exprefled between forty and forty- 
 eight degrees north.** 
 
 In the year 1623, there we-re fo many complaints 
 made of bad management, that, en enquiry, a 
 Quo warrants was iffued againfl the Virginia char- 
 ters, including both North and South Virginia; and 
 it is faid, after a trial in the Kings Bench^ they were 
 declared forfeited.* 
 
 * " In volume feventeenth of Rymtr''* Fadej-a, page 608, we have a 
 more diftincl: view of the condition of the colony of Virginia; in a com,- 
 mifiion from King James, to many lords and gentlemen, as follows, 
 viz. " WE, having by letters patent of the fourth year of our reign, 
 granted powers to divers knights, gentlemen and others, for the more 
 fpeedy accomplifhment of the plantation of Virginia, that they ftiould 
 .divide themfelves into two colonies; the one to confift of Londoner j-, 
 called the Firjl Colony, and the other, of thofe of Brijlol, Exeter and 
 Plymouth, called the Second Colony. And we did, by feveral letters under 
 our privy feal, prefcribe orders and coiutitutions, fpr direfting the affairs 
 of faid eohny. 
 
 " And whereas, afterwards, upon the petition of divers adventurers 
 and planters of the faid Flrft (or London) colony, WE, by letters patent 
 in the feventh year of our reign, (anno i6ioy incorporated divers no- 
 blemen, knights, &c. by the name of The Treafurer and Company of Ad- 
 venturers and Planters of the city of London, for tbefirft Colony of Virginia; 
 granting them divers lands, territories,, &c. to be conveyed by them to 
 the adventurers and planters; with power to have a council there refi- 
 4ent, for the affairs of the celony ; and alfo to place and difplace officers, 
 
 " And afterwards, in the tenth year of our reign, ([613) by letters 
 patent, did further mention to give that Company divers 2jls t on that 
 coaft." 
 
 " And whereas, WE, finding the courfes taken, for the fettling of 
 the faid colony, have not taken the good effect, we intended, did, by a 
 Jate commiffion to fundry perfons of quality and fruft. caufe the ftau 
 of the faid colony to be examined into; who, after much pains taken, 
 reported, that ineft of our people fent thither, had died by ficknefs and 
 iamine, and by majj~acret,s by the natives; and that fuch as are ftiil living, 
 were in a lamentable neceffity and want; though they (the CommifTi- 
 oners) conceived the country to be both fruitful and healthful; and that, 
 if induftry were ufed, it would produce many good ftaple commodities." 
 " But by negletft of the Governors and Managers here, it Jiad, as yet, 
 produced few, or none"" That die laid plantations are of great 
 importance; and would, as they hoped 4 remain a lajjing monument of 
 our moft gracious and happy government to all pofterity, if the fame 
 
 were profecutcd to thefe ends, for which they were fcrft underfciken." 
 
 " Whereupon, We, entering into mature confideratjon of the premifes, 
 did, by advice of cur Privy Council, reiblve to alter the charter of the 
 faid Company, as to points of government: but the faid Treafurer and 
 Company not fubmitting thereto, The faid charters are no-w avoided by a 
 ^tio Warranto. Wherefore, We direcl: you to confidcr theilateof the 
 <Taid colony, and what points are fitting to be infertcd in the intended new 
 
 charter, 
 
O Introduction, 
 
 i625< " And about the year 1625," (f avs Anderfoflj 
 The rcfent m ^ s ^iftorical deduction of commerce, &c.) - 
 form of go- " King Charles the firft iflfued the following procla- 
 vernment mat i on w hich firft laudably eflablifhed the prudent 
 
 fettled z.n c * / . . . . . r , 
 
 virgnja. form or government, in which this, (i. e. south 
 Virginia ; or what is now called Virginia J) and the 
 other regal colonies, have remained to this day 
 (1761) i>/%. That, whereas, in his royal father's 
 time, the charter of the Virginia Company was, 
 by a Quo warranto annulled; and whereas, his faid 
 father was, and he himfelf alfo is of ppinion, that 
 the government of that colony by a company in- 
 corporated, cpnfifung of a multitude pf perfons 
 of various difpofitions, among -whom affairs of the 
 greateft mp.ment are ruled by a majority of votes., 
 was not fo proper for carrying on profperoufly the 
 affairs of the colony: wherefore, t.o reduce the 
 government thereof to fuch a courfe, as mig/ht bed 
 agree with that form, which was held in his royal 
 monarchy; and confidering alfo that we hold thefe 
 territories of Virginia, arid the Somer \fles, as alfo 
 that of N,eiv England, (lately planted) with the 
 limits thereof, to be a part of our royal empire; 
 We ordain, that the government of the colony of 
 Virginia mail immediately depend on ourfelf, and 
 not to be committed to any company or corporation; 
 to whom it may i>e proper to trufl matters of trade 
 and commerce, but cannot be fit to commit the 
 ordering of ftate affairs/ Wherefore our commif- 
 fioners for thofe affairs {hall proceed as directed, 
 till we eftabliih a council here, for that colony ; to 
 be fubordinate to our Privy Council." " And, 
 that we will alfo eflablilh another council, to be 
 refident in Virginia, who fhall be fubordinate to 
 our council here,, for that colony. And, at our own 
 
 charge 
 
 charter, and to report to Us." " And in the meantime to take care 
 
 to fupply the Planters there with neceffaries, and to do ail other acls 
 needful for maintaining the colony." 
 
 " Moreover the King (Ibidem page 618) appoints Sir Francit Wyat, 
 Governor of the colony, with eleven Counfellors, refidingin the colony." 
 
 Anderfon, &C. vol. a. page 1.8, 
 . 
 
 " 
 
Introduction* 1 o 
 
 charge we will maintain thofe public officers and 
 minifters, and that ftrength of men, munition, and 
 fortification, which mall be neceffary for the de- 
 fence of that plantation." 
 
 After the diffolutj.on of the Virginia charters, 
 the Britifh continental territories, in America, that 
 had before gone under the name of Virginia, being 
 under the immediate direction of the crown, and 
 ;it liberty to be granted to whom the crown thought 
 proper, particular patents, in confequence thereof, 
 for fuch parts as remained unplanted, were accord- 
 ingly granted a various times, and on different 
 occafions. And in the year 1628, on the fourth And i 
 of March, the fettlers on Majfachufetts bay ob- New -En- 
 tained their firfl royal charter, for the government gan 
 of that colony; Matthew Cradock being appointed 
 the firft Governor, and Thomas Goffe, deputy Go- 
 vernor; the patent, from the council of Plymouth h 
 .having given them a right to the foil only, but no 
 powers of government. 
 
 In the year 1609, the Dutch Eaft India compa- 
 ny, according to their own writers, employed ^ e c r h GI ~ 
 Henry Hudfon, an Englishman, to attempt the dif- claim, &c, 
 covery of a north weft paffage to China; in this 
 .voyage he difcovered Delaware bay;* and alfo failed 
 to the place, where New Tork now (lands, and up 
 North river, called by him Hudfon's river, fo far 
 north, as latitude 43 degrees. t In confequence of 
 
 which 
 
 * " Sir Thomas Wef., Lord Delaware, made Captain General of 
 Virginia, in 1609, in his fecond voyage to that colony, in the year 1618, 
 died at fea; and I think, (fays Stitl, in his hiftory of Virginia,} I have 
 fomewhere feen, that he. died about the mouth of Delaware bay, which 
 thence took its name from him." 
 
 Stiff's bijlory of Virginia. 
 
 But I find, in an old Sweedifh manufcript, it was called Pcutaxatby the 
 Indians. 
 
 f " Henry Hudfon, an iLngllJbman, according to our authors, in the year 
 1608, under a commiflion from the king, his mailer, difcovered Long- 
 I/land, Nfw-Tori-y and the river that ilill bears his name; and afterwards 
 ibid the country, or rather his right, to the Dutch" 
 
 \it/j's /ji/lory r>f Nev}-Yrl 
 j j / 
 
1 1 o Introduction* 
 
 which, the Dutch y having purchafed of him, as 
 they lay, his chart of discoveries, on the coaft, 
 obtained a patent from the dates, in the year 1614, 
 for an exclufive trade, on the faid river ; and made 
 a fettlement, in the province, now called New Tork ; 
 to which they gave the name of New Net her land; 
 claiming within the fame the country on Dela- 
 ware:* On the ifland, called Manhattans, at the 
 mouth of the faid river they creeled a fort; where 
 they afterwards, in the year 1656, laid out and 
 began their town of Nciy-Amfterdam^ now New- 
 Tork* 
 
 11623. In the year 1623, they erected feveral forts in 
 different parts of the new territory, to which they 
 had thus made claim ; among which they built one 
 on Delaware, (by them called South river J near 
 Gloucefter, in ffew-Jcrfey* But the commodious 
 fituation of New-Tork, for the fea and trade, in- 
 duced mod of them, who were fettled on the 
 Delaware, foon afterwards to quit it, and fix their 
 fettlements on both fides of North river, before 
 any of the Swedes came into America. 
 
 In 
 
 * " The extent of Neiv-Nctlerlaad, (fays Smith, in his hifiory of JV>w- 
 Tork,) was to Delaware, then called South river, and beyond it; For I 
 find in the Dutch records, a copy of a letter from William Kieft, their 
 Governor, at Nnw-Amjltrdani, May fixth, 1638, directed to Peter Mi- 
 *vif, who feems, by the tenor of it, to be the Stv.-edtjh Governor of 
 N-etu- Sweden, " AHerting that the whole fouth river of New-Nether- 
 lands had been in the Dutch poffeffion many years, above and below, befet 
 v/ith forts, and fealed with their blood." " Which ( Kieft adds) has 
 happened, even, during your adminiftration, in New-Nctberland, and fa 
 well known to you." 
 
 ** In tlie year 1642, Kieft fitted out two Sloops to drive the Englijb 
 fHit of Scbuylkill, of which the A4aryleii4fri had lately poffcfied them- 
 felves. The inltrudtions, dated, May twenty -fecond, to Jan Janfoa 
 Alp endam, who commanded in that cnterprize, are upon record, and 
 ftrongly aflert the right of the Dutch both to the foil and trade there." 
 
 Smith's I'tjlory of New-York. 
 
 The Dutch are reported, about the year 1623, to have furnifhed the 
 Jnd~ia.m with Fire-arms, and to have taught them the ufe thereof, that 
 J>y their afliflance, they might expel the Jb' ///?> } when they began to 
 fettle aro^d them- 
 
 Smiths hiflory of Ueiv-*Jtrfe'j, and othf & ' 
 
r i r> 
 
 In the yeaf 1626, under the reign of Gitftavus 
 Adolphitsi king of Sweden, a fcheme was let on 
 foot in that kingdom, for fettling a colony in Ame* and 
 r/Vtf; This was chiefly promoted by the great com-- 
 mendation which William Ufeling^ an eminent mer- * 
 ehant, gave of this country; and the undertaking 
 was, in the following year, 1627, principally 
 through his means and perfuafion, put in execu- 
 tion. 
 
 The firft landing of the Swedes arid Fins, this 
 year, was at cape In/open, the interior cape of De- 
 laware;* which, from its pleafant appearance to 
 
 * This cape is frequently confounded with cape Hinlopen, the exte- 
 rior, or the Falfe-cape, in Feniuick* s ifland, being written in the lame 
 manner, and fometimes, Henloptn; faid to be a Swedifh word, figni- 
 fying, Entering in: It was alfo formerly, fometimes called cape Corne- 
 lius, and afterwards by William Ptnn, cape James. It is iituated in 
 north latitude 38 degrees, 56 minutes. 
 
 In the notes to Smiths hiftory of Neio-Jerfey, is inferted ah extract 
 from a pamphlet, faid there to have been publifhed in 1648, entitled, 
 " A defcription of tkt province of Neiu-Allivii, in Worth America" &C. 
 [which country, extendklg from the weft bank of North- river to the 
 bounds of Virginia , is faid to have been granted by king Ja/nes the firll 
 to fir Edward Ploeyden, made earl Palatine of the fame,] giving, among; 
 other things, an account of the country, on the bay and ritfef of Dl-la- 
 tvare: and thowgh part of it, at this time, appears not very intelligible, 
 yet, as it is funtewhaif curious, and exhibits whatnotion, or knowledge", 
 of this country, was then propagated, the following extract therefrom, 
 may probably be entertaining to Ibme. 
 
 The author, giving an account of the difco verier, of Ci-fof, further 
 fays, 
 
 " The faid Cabof took poffeffiori in latitude 37 degrees', of that part 
 called Virginia and Chefapeal: bay, ^and of the next great bay, in, or 
 near 39 degrees, called now by the Dutch, cape Henlopen, the Sauth-ri-ver^ 
 and by us cape James, and Delait+are bay, of the baroa of Delations s 
 iiame, being then governor of Virginia-, who, by fir I'.bomasDate, and 
 iir Samuel Argoll, forty years fince, took pollefllon and atturnment of the 
 indian kings; and fixty years fince, fir Walter Raleigh feated and left 
 thirty men, and four pieces of ordnance; and the creek, near cape 
 yames, by the Dutch called Horekill^ by US Roymour>t, and by the Indians^ 
 Cvi Achomoca ;" (fpcakingof the Dutch, in Nt-w-Netherland, hefays,)-*- 
 '' and in general they endanger all fiis majefties adjoining countries, nioft 
 wickedly, felonioufly, and trafteroufly, contrary to the marine and ad- 
 miral laws of all chriftiaiis, fell, by wholefale, guns, powder, fhot and 
 arrtmunitien to the Indians, iriRructing them in the ufe of our fighls and 
 arms; likewife, the Sivedes hiring out three of their foldiers to the 
 Siifquahannocks) have taught them the ufe of our arms and fights." 
 
 " Whereas, that part of America, or North-Virginia, lying about 3 9 
 degrees, on Delaware bay, called The province of New Albion, is fitU- 
 ted in th? Left, and fame temper as Italy; between toe cold Germany^ 
 
X 1 2 Inirodu&iori. 
 
 them, they named Paradife-point.- They ate laid 
 to have purchafed of fome Indians, the land from 
 cape In/open, to the falls of Delaware, on both 
 iides of th^ river; which they called New-Swede- 
 land fir earn; and made prefents to the Indian chiefs, 
 to obtain peaceable poiTefTion of the land fo pur- 
 chafed: 
 
 and too hot Barbary: fo this lying juft midway between' New- England, 
 two hundred miles' north; and Virginia, one hundred and fifty miles 
 fouth; where now are fettled eight thoufand Englijb, and one hundred 
 and forty fhips in trade, is fr'eed from the extreme cold and barrennefs 
 of the one, and heat and aguifh marflies of the oiher; and is like Lom- 
 6arJy; and a rich, fat foil, plain, and having thirty-four rivers, on the 
 main land; feventeen great ifles; andpartaketh of the h'ealthieft air, and 
 moft excellent commodities of Europe, and replenifhed with the good- 
 lieft woods of oak, and all timber tor (hips and mails, mulberries, fweet 
 Cyprus, cedars, pines and firs; four forts of grapes, for wine and raifins 
 and with the greateft variety of choice frtiits, fifh and fowl; ftoredwith 
 all forts ef corn, yielding five, feven and ten quarters an acre : filkgrafs, 
 fait, good mines, and dyers ware; five forts of deer, buffs, and huge elks, 
 to plow and work, all bringing three young at oncei The uplands co- 
 vered many months with berries, roots, chefnuts, walnuts, beech and 
 oak-mail, to feed them; hogs and turkies, five hundred in a flock; and 
 having, near the colony of Mantles, four hundred thoufand acres of 
 plain mead land, and mere level, to be flowed and flooded by that river, 
 for corn, rice, grapes, flax and hemp. After feventeen years trading, 
 and difcovering there, arid trial made, is begun to be planted and ftored 
 by the governor and company of New-Albion, confiiting of forty-four 
 lords, baronets, knights and merchants; who, forthe true informing of 
 thenlfelves, their friends, adventurers and partners, by reiidents and 
 traders there four feveral years, out'of their journal books, namely cap- 
 tain Browne, a fhip maftsr, and matter Stafford, his mate, and by cap- 
 tain Glay&ourit, fourteen years there trading, and Conjlantine hi:s Indian* 
 there born and bred, and by mafter Robert Evelin, four years there, yet 
 by eight of their hands fubfcribed and enrolled, do teftify this to be the 
 true ftate of the country of the land and Delaware bay, or Charles'" s ri- 
 ver; which is further witnefled by captain Smith, and other books oi 
 Virginia, and by New-England profpedl, Neiv-Cunaan, captain Powell*' 
 map, and other defcriptions of New England and Virginia" 
 
 " Mafter Evelht's letter. 
 " Good Madam, 
 
 " Sir Edmund, our noble governor and lord, earl Palatine, 
 perfifting ftill in his noble purpofe, to go on with his plantation, on De- 
 laware or Charles's river, juft midway between New- England and Vir- 
 ginia, where, with niy unkle Young, I feveral years refrded, hath often 
 informed himfelf, both of me and mafter Straiten, as I perceive by the 
 hands fubfcribed, of Edward Monmoath, Tenis Pake, and as mafter Buck- 
 bam, mafter White, and other (hip mailers and failors, whofe hands I 
 know, and it to be true, that there lived and traded with me, and is 
 fuffkiently inftructed of the ftate of the country and people there. And 
 1 fhould very gladly, according to his defire, have waited upon you into 
 Hampjhire, to have informed your honor, in perfon, had I not, next 
 been pafling to Virginia. But never thelefs, to fatisfy you of the 
 
 truth. 
 
Introduction. 113 
 
 ehafedv- with whom they appear to have lived in 
 much amity; but they were frequently difturbed 
 by the Dutch ; who, in the year 1630, built a fort 1630, 
 \vithin the capes of Delaware, at the place now 
 called Lewis-town, but then, and fornetime fmce, 
 
 Hoerkitl; 
 
 truth, I thought good to write unto you my knowledge, and firft, to 
 defcribe to you, from the north fide of Dsta-ware, unto HuJfons river, 
 in fir Edmund's patent, called New Albion; which lyeth jult between 
 STtiv- England and Maryland^ and that ocean-fea; I take it to be about 
 one hundred and fmy mile*; I find fome broken land, ifles and inlets, 
 and many fmall ifles at Egg-lay. But, going to Delaware-bay} by cape 
 .flf.y-y; which is twenty-four miles, at moft, and is, ai I underftand, very 
 well ft't o?:t, and printed in captain PoiudTs map of Ne.iv- England, done, 
 as is told me, by a draught I gave to M. Daniel, the plot maker; which, 
 fir Edmund faith, you !| ve at home; on that north fide, about five miles 
 within, a port, or road, for any fhips, called the Nook; and within lyeth 
 the king of Kecbetneches, having, as I fuppofe, about fifty men; and twelve 
 leagues higher, a little above the bay and bar, is the river of Mantefes^ 
 which hath twenty miles on Charles river, and thirty miles running up 
 a fair navigable, deep river, all a flat level of rich and fat black marfh 
 mould; which I think to be three hundred thoufand acres. In this fir Ed- 
 OTWU/ intends, as he faith, to fettle; and there the king of Ivfantefis hath about 
 one hundred bowmen. Next above, about fix leagues higher, is a fair 
 deep river, twelve miles navigable; where is Fres-Jlone, and there, over 
 againft it, is the king of Sltontffis; and next is Afomocbes river and king, 
 with an hundred men; and next is Eriwonetfa a king of forty men; 
 where we fat down; and five miles above is the king of Ramcock^ with 
 ene hundred men; and four miles higher the king of Ax'ton, with two- 
 handred men; and next to him, ten leagues over land, an inland king 
 Calcdfar y with one hundred and fifty men; and then there is, in the mid- 
 dle of Charles's rivtr, two fair woody iflnnds, very pleafant and fit for 
 parks, one of one thoufand acres, the other of one thoufand four hundred, 
 or thereabouts; and fix leagues higher, near a creek, called Mojilian^ the 
 king having two hundred men; and then we corne to the falts, made by 
 a rock of limcftone; as I fuppofe, it is about fixty-five leagues from the 
 fea: ueur to which is an ifle, fit for a city; all materials there to 
 build; and above, the river fair and navigable, as the Indians inform me; 
 for I went but ten miles higher. I do account all the Indians to be about 
 eight hundred; and are in fevoral factions and war againft the Sufquahan- 
 nocks; and are all extreme fearful of a gun, naked and unarmed againft 
 our (hot, fwords and pikes. I had fome bickering with fome. of them; 
 and they are of fo little efteem, as I duril, with fifteen men, fit' down, or 
 trade in defpight of them; and fince my return eighteen Swedes are fet- 
 tled there; and fo foraetinics lixteen Dut^jtaen do, in a boat, trade with-, 
 out fear of them." 
 
 " I faw there an infinite quantity of buirards, fwans, geefe and fowl, 
 covering the ihorcs; as within, the like multitude of pidgeons, and llorc 
 of turkies; of which 1 tried one to weigh forty-fix pounds. There is 
 much variety aud plenty of delicate frefh lea filh, and ihell fiih, and 
 whales or grampus; elks, deer that bring three young at a time, and the 
 woods beftrewed many months with chefnuts, walnuts and maft of fe- 
 veral forts, to feed them $nd hogs, that would increafe exceedingly. 
 Thtrs the barren grounds have four kind^of grapes, and many mulber- 
 ries, 
 
1 1 4. Intr oduEiion. 
 
 The swedes liocrklll ; But both they and the Dutch appear tc* 
 and Dutch jj ave agreed fo far together, as to unite in expel- 
 amft 3 "the ling fuch Englifhi as about this time, began to fet> 
 EnfcLi&,&c. t j e ne ar, or on the call fide of Delaware^ and to 
 prevent them from, coming among them. 
 
 la 
 
 ries, with afh, elms, and the talleft and greateft pines and pitch trees,, 
 fhat I have feen. There are cedars, cypfefs and faflufras, with wild 
 fruits, pears, wild-cherries, pine-apples, and the dainty Parfcmcnas; and 
 there is no queftion but Almonds, and other fruits of Spain, will profper, 
 as in Virginia: And (which is a good comfort) in four and twenty hour&j 
 you may fend, or sjcvby fea, to Neva-England, or Virginia, with a fair 
 wind; you may have cattle, and from tfve Indians two thoufand bufhels 
 of corn, at twelve pence a bufhel, in truck; fo as victual* are there 
 cheaper and better than to be tranfportcd; neither do I con-ceive any great 
 need of - fort, or charge, where there isnoenerry." 
 
 " If my lord Palatine will bring with him three hundred men, or 
 more, there is no doubt, but he may do very well, and grow rich; for it 
 is a moft pure healthful air, and fach pure wholcforne fprings, rivers and' 
 waters, as are delightful of a dcfert, as can be feeaj with fo many va- 
 rieties of fevtral ffowers, trees and forefls, forfwine; fonrany fair rifings 
 and profpe&s, all green and verdant : and Maryland, a good friend and 
 neighbour, ifi four and twenty hours, ready to comfort and fupply." 
 
 " And truly, I believe, my lord of Baltimore will be glad of my lord 
 Palatines plantation and afSftance, againft any enemy, or bad neigh- 
 bour : and if my lord Palatine employ fome men to fow flax, hemp and 
 rapes in thefe rich marines, or build fhipSj and make pipe ftavea-, and 
 load fome mips with thefe wares-, or fiih, from the northward, he may 
 have any money, ware, or company, brought hirer, by hia own lh!p, 
 or the fhips of Virginia, or Neiu- England, all the year." 
 
 " Arid becaufe your honour is of i.\e noble hoitfe of the Pallets, and* 
 as I am informed, defire to lead many of your friends and kindred thi- 
 ther, whom, as I honour,, I defire to ferve, 1 iiiall entreat you to believe 
 me, as a gentleman and chriilian, I write to you nothing but the truth,, 
 and hope there to take opportunity, in due feafon to vilit you, and do 
 all the good offices, in Virginia, my place and friends can ferve you in : 
 And thus tendering myfervice, I reft, madam-, youi honours moft hum- 
 ble, faithful fcr-vant, 
 
 " Ralcrt Evelin." 
 
 " Now fince mafter Elmss t s letter, and fcven years difcoveries of the 
 lord governor in perfon, and by honeft traders with the Indians, we find, 
 tefide the Indian kings, by him known and printed, in this province, 
 there are, in all twenty-three Indian kings, or chief commanders, and 
 befides the number of eight hundred by him named, there are, at leafl, 
 one thoufand two hundred, under the Raritan kings, on die north fide, 
 next to HuJfon's river; and thofe come down to the ocean, about Little- 
 egg-bay, and Handy Barnegate, and about the fouth cape, two fmall kings- 
 of forty men a piece, called r l"irans, or Tiafcons;- and a third reduced to 
 fourteen men, at Roymoient: The Sufquaba/moch are not now, of the na- 
 turals, left above one hundred and ten, though with their forced auxilia- 
 ries, the Ihon-a-Does, and Wycomefcs., they can make two hundred and 
 fifty; Thefe together are counted valiant and terrible to other cowardly 
 dull Indians ; which they beat with the fight of guns only," 
 
 The 
 
Introduction. nj 
 
 In 1631, the Swedes crafted a fort on the weft 1631. 
 fide of Delaware- at a place near Wilmington* upon Th eSwede 
 
 i f' i /Tii r r r er *& a fort 
 
 the river, or creek, which lull, from the name of 
 the fort, is called Chriftina 9 or Chri/leen 9 where &c - 
 they had hid out a town, and made their firft fet- 
 dement. 
 
 On 
 
 ** The eighth feat is Kihhrpy, near the fails of Claries river, near 
 two hundred miles up from the ocean; it hath clear fields to plant and 
 fow; and near it are fvveet, large meads of Clover, or Huney-fuckle, no 
 ivhere elfein America, to be feen, unlefs tranfported from Ettrop-ej a ftiip 
 of one hundred and forty tons may come up to thefe falls; which is the 
 Ibeft feat for health, and a trading houfe to be built on the rocks; and ten 
 leagues higher are Lead-minet, in ftony hills." 
 
 " The ninth is called mount Ploydtn, the feat of the Rarltan kings, on 
 the north fide of this province, twenty miles from Sand-bay fea, and 
 ninety from the ocean, next to Amara-h'sil, the retired ParaJife of the 
 children of the Ethiopian emperor, a wonder; for it is a fquare rock, 
 two miles compafs, one hundred and fifty feet high, a wall-like precipice, 
 a ftrait entrance, eafily made invinfibie; where he keeps two hundred for 
 his guard; and under it is a flat valley, all plain, to plant and fow." 
 
 " The Sufquebammck^t new town is alfo a rare, healthy and rich place, 
 with it a chryftnl broad river; but fome falls below hinder navigation ; 
 and the Hook-hill, on the ocean, \vith its clear fields, near HndfoKs river, 
 on the fouth iide is much commended for health and fifh, were it not fo 
 northerly/* 
 
 " The bounds arc one thoufand miles compafs, of this moft temperate 
 rich province; for our fouth bound, is Maryland* northbound; and be- 
 ginning at Aqunis, or the fouthermoft, or firft cape of Delaware bay, in 
 38 degrees, 40 minutes, and fo runneth by, or through, cr including 
 Kent ifle, through Cbefapcak bay, to Pifccta^vay^ including the falls of 
 Petotvmack river, to the head, or northermoft branch of tlrat river, being 
 three hundred miles due weft; and thence northward to the head of Hud- 
 font river, fifty leagues; ar.d fo down Hudfonf river, to the ocean, fixty 
 leagues, and thence to the ocean and ifles acrofs Delaware bay, to the 
 fouth cape, fifty leagues; in all feven hundred and eighty miles. Then 
 all Hudfans river, ifles, Long-ifle, or Pamunke, and all ifles within ten 
 leagues of the faid province being. And note, Long-tfland alone is 
 twenty miles broad, and one hundred and eighty long; fo that alone is 
 four hundred miles compafs. Now I have examined all former patents, 
 fome being furrcndered, and fome adjudged void, as gotten on falfe fug- 
 geftions; as, that at the council table was, at mailer Conge s fuit of Man- 
 tacb-ttfets; and, as captain daylong heretofore fecretary, and now trea- 
 furer, of Virginia, in difpute \v; r h mafter Leonard Calvert, alledgeth; 
 that of Maryland is like wife void, in part, as gotten on falfe fuggeftions; 
 for, as captain Clayborn flieweth, the Maryland patent, in the firft part, 
 declareth the king's intention to be, to grant aland, thereafter defcibed, 
 altogether dijhabited and implanted, though pcrTefied with Indians, Now 
 Kent-i/le was with many houfeholda of Englijb by captain C. Clayborn before, 
 feared; andbecaufe hismajefty, by his privy fignet, ihortly after declared, 
 it was not his intention to grant any lands before feated and habited : and 
 for that it lyeth, by the Maryland printed card, cler/i northward, within 
 Albion, and not in Maryland: and not only late fsaman, but old Depo< 
 
 fitions 
 
1 1 6 Introduftibn. 
 
 1 63 1,&-. On the ifland Tenecum, in the river Delaware *, 
 f ixteen mi i es above this town, they built a fort, 
 which they called New Gottemburgh ; here their 
 Governor, yohn Print z^ had a fine fettlement, 
 which was named Printz's Hall; and on the farrife 
 ifland the principal fettlers had their plantations. 
 They had alfo other forts, as at Chefter, Elftngburg 
 near Salem, &c. 
 
 163*. On the twentieth of June 1632, the young lord 
 The firfc Baltimore- Cxcilius Cafoert, obtained from king 
 
 rile of the , . , . . o 
 
 colony of Charles i a grant or the unoccupied part of Virginia, 
 Maryland. f rom Potowmack river northward, including lands 
 both on the eaft and weft fide of Ghefapeak; of 
 which his father, Sir George Cafoert^ Secretary of 
 ftate, had before received a promife, but died be- 
 fore the grant was made out; the king himfelf 
 named it Maryland, in honor of his queen, Hen- 
 rietta Maria. 
 
 1631. This province is fituated between 37 and4ode- 
 situdtion g rees O f nor th latitude, and according to the words 
 
 and bounds o > o m 
 
 of Mary- of the patent, Tis all that part of a Penmfula, 
 land. lying between the ocean on the eaft, and the bay of 
 Chefapeak, on the weft, and divided from the other 
 part, by a right line,, drawn from the cape, called 
 Watkins's point, fituated in the aforefaid bay, near 
 the river Wigbco, on the weft, unto the main ocean, 
 
 on 
 
 fitions, in Cla\l>orn t s hand, {foe -A* it to he out of P.f.irria'n'- and for that, 
 Alblons privy fignet is elder, and before Maryland patent; Clayborn, by 
 force, entered and tbruft out matter Cal-vert out of K*r>i -, next 'Maryland 
 pa-ent, coming to the ocean, faith, along by the ocean, upcn Delaware 
 bay; that is, the firft cape of the tM-o, nioA plain in -view, and expreffed 
 in all the late JLnglijb and 'i:td< rcr..! 1 -; and unt* Del-.iii-are bay is not 
 'into the hay, nor farther thin the cape, heading the bay, being in 38 
 degree?, 40 minutes, or, at moft, by feven observations I have feen, 38 
 degrees 50 minutes; fo as undoubtedly, that is the true intended, and 
 ground bound and line, and further; for the words following are not 
 words of grant, hut words of declaration, that is. Which Delaware-Lay 
 lyeth in 40 degrees, where New-P.ngland ends; thefe are both untrue, and 
 fo being declarative, as a falfe fuggeftion, is void^ for no part of J)ela~ 
 ware bay lyeth in 40 degrees*, new if there were but the leaft doubt of 
 thefe true bounds, I fnould rvifh, by confent, or commiffion, and peram- 
 bulation and boundary; not but there island enough for all; and I hold 
 Kent-iflr, having lateiy but twenty men in it, and the mill and fort pul- 
 led down, and in war with all the Indians near it, is not worth the 
 teeping.*' 
 
Introduflion. 1 1 7 
 
 en the eaft; and between that bound, on the fouth, 
 unto that part of Delaware bay, on the north, 
 which lies under the fortieth degree of north lati- 
 tude, &c. and all that tract -of land, from the afore- 
 faid bay of Delaware, in a right line, by the de- 
 gree aforefaid, to the true meridian of the firft 
 fountain of the river Potowmack, and from thence 
 tending towards the fouth, to the further bank of 
 the aforefaid river, and following the weft and fouth 
 fide of it, to a certain place called Cinquack, fitu- 
 ated near the mouth of faid river, where it falls 
 Into the bay of Cbefapeak, and from thence by a 
 ftraight line, to the aforefaid cape, called Watkins's 
 point, &c." 
 
 Thefe are the bounds of Maryland, as exprefTed 
 in the patent ; concerning which afterwards there 
 was fo long a difpute between the Proprietaries of 
 that province, and of Pennfyfoania ; arifmg prin- 
 cipally from the different conftruclion of the words, 
 expreffing the boundary between them, made by 
 each party, and of the intention of the faid grant: 
 for, firft, the extent of land, contained in the 
 fortieth degree of latitude which was to be the 
 north boundary of Maryland, by charter, was 
 afterwards claimed by both provinces, as lying 
 entirely within each of their reflective grants; 
 which made a very material difference, 
 
 Secondly, That part of the weftern fhore of De- 1632. 
 laware, which appears to come within the bounds bou " s ^ 
 of Lord Baltimore's grant, had, long before this tween Ma- 
 time, been poflefled and inhabited by both Dutch r y !an j , and 
 
 in if rr- i i 11 i Pennfylva- 
 
 and swedes mcceinvely; and was claimed by the n ia, &c. 
 former as a part of New Netherlands and was 
 then actually in pofleilion of the latter; whereas 
 it appears manifeft, both from the Maryland 
 patent, and the beft documents, that only fuch 
 lands were intended to be granted to the Lord 
 Baltimore, as were uncultivated, and uninhabited 
 by any people except Indians. But as this affair 
 will be further mentioned in the following hif- 
 tory of Pennfyhania, I {hall only obferve, in 
 
 this 
 
1 1 8 Introduction. 
 
 this place, that, in confequence of this grant, the 
 following year, the laid Lord Baltimore (being a 
 Roman Catholic) carried feveral hundred perlons 
 to his new colony, moftly Papifts, that there they 
 might enjoy quietly the e^erciieof their religion.* 
 
 i ?54, &c. John Printz, continued Governor of the Swedes^ 
 of the on Delaware^ from his arrival till about the 
 T Y ear * 654, when he returned to Sweden, having 
 . iirft deputed his fon-in-law, John Papcgcia^ Go- 
 venior in his flead; who alib, fometime after, re- 
 turned to his native country, and left the govern- 
 ment to John Rtfingh. 
 
 It was during the admmiflration of Printz, in 
 in 1651, that the Dutch built fort Cqfimir^ now 
 called New Caftle on Delaware,^ againft which he 
 
 folemnly 
 
 * " The year 1632 (foys Anderfon, before quoted) gave rife to the 
 colony of Maryland^ being a part of what was then reckoned Virginia. 
 Sir George Calvert, fecrctary of ftate, (he, or his ion, being afterwards 
 created lord Baltimore} having, in the years 1621 and 1622, obtained of 
 king Ja/n, a grant of part of Newfoundland, he, fome time after, re- 
 moved thither, with his family, but he fbon found it to be one of the 
 worft countries, in the habitable world. Whereupon he returned back to 
 Rnglind, and, he being a confcientious Roman catholic, (fays fir William 
 Knth, in his hiftory of Virginia) was inclined to retire, with his family, 
 to fome part of Virginia, there quietly to enjoy the free exercife of his 
 religion; for which purpofe he went thither himfelf;" (in, or about the 
 year 1631) " but being difcouraged by the univerfal diflike, which he 
 perceiving the people of Virginia had to the very name of a P-'piJt, he 
 left Virginia, and went further up the bay of Cltafpeak; and finding 
 there a very large tracT. of land, commodioufly watered with many fine 
 rivers, and not yet planted by any CLrifiians, he returnee! for England, 
 a.nd reprefented to the king, that the colony of Virginia had r.ot, as yet, 
 occupied, any lands beyond the fouth bound of Potoiumack river; whereupon 
 he obtained a promife of the king's grant, but dying before it was made 
 out, his fon Caecilius took it out in his own name, on tae twentieth of 
 June, 1632; the king himfelf naming it Maryland, in honour of his 
 queen, Henrietta Maria. It is held by the lords Baltimore of the crown, 
 in fre. and common foci^e, as of tbs kings honour of luindjor, yielding and 
 faying yearly for ever (if demanded) tivo Indian arrows; by which 
 charter this lord proprietary has as plenary, or fovereign, a power, as 
 any in America; having the fole right to all the quit rents cf land there- 
 in, which he fhall grant out to his Land -holders; who, however, are 
 empowered by ths crown, to lay on all proper taxes, &c. in their general 
 courts, compofed of their reprefentatives duly ele&ed, and of the coun- 
 cil : and the governor is always to be appointed by the faid lord propri- 
 etary, with the king's approbation, c." 
 
 f This place, after it came into the hands of the Engttfl, was fome-! 
 times called Delaware ttfwn. 
 
Introduction. 1 1 9 
 
 iblemnly protefted ; and afterwards Rifingb took it 
 from them by ftratagetn. He likewife renewed the 
 league of friendship with both the Engll/h and 
 Dutch in the neighbourhood; and aifo withths 
 Indians, at a mseting held with their chiefs, for 
 that purpofe, at Printers hall, on Tens cum Ifiand. 
 
 The Indians had before complained., that the 
 Swedes had introduced much evil among them ; in 
 confequence of which they alledged, that many of 
 the Indians, fmce their coming were dead. But 
 the Swedes, at this treaty, by making them pre- Treaty be- 
 fents, and treating them kindly, removed their tween the 
 murmurings, renewed and fixed a more drift and ^an!. Uld 
 permanent friendfhip between them. Their chief, 
 Noamen, expreiTed, <c That as formerly they had 
 been but one body and one heart, they mould be 
 henceforward as one head; It was concluded with 
 mutual engagements to affift, and ftand by each 
 other, in all future attempts, that fhould be made 
 againfl either party. This league, or agreement, is 
 laid to have been faithfully kept by the Indians. 
 
 But the Dutch, who, in the neighbouring fettle- The Dutch 
 ment, had before been troublefome, to the Swedes, redu ^ 
 in the year 1655, ntte( ^ out f lx or feven veffeis, 
 from New Amfierdam, with fix or feven hundred 
 men ; and, in the fummer of this year, under the 
 command of their Governor, Peter Stv.'vej ant came 
 up Delaware, and compelled the Swedes, who were 
 in an unprepared condition to oppofe them, to de- 
 liver up their forts, on terms. They deftroyed 
 New Gottcmburg, with fuch houfes as were without 
 the fort; plundering the inhabitants, and killing 
 their cattle. The officers and principal inhabitants 
 among the Swedes, were carried prifoners to New 
 Amjlerdam\ and thence to Holland; but the com- 
 mon people, fubrnitting to the Dutch, remained 
 in the conntry. Thus the Dutch became pof- 
 feffed again of that part of the weft fide of Dela- 
 ware bay, &c. iince called the Three kwer counties 
 on Delaware. 
 
 This 
 
I2O Introduction. 
 
 Smith's hif- This country was afterwards under* the command 
 eW f Lieutenant Governors, iubject to the controul 
 of, and commifTioned by, the Direclor General of 
 New Amftcrdam, (now New York) John Paul 
 Jacquet was the firft Vice Director, or Lieutenant 
 Governor, of South River (now Delaware) his 
 fucceffors were Alricks, Hinojojfa and William Beek- 
 man. 
 
 1657, &c. Thefe Lieutenants had power to grant lands, and 
 
 ibid, their patents made a part of the ancient titles of 
 
 the prefent poiTefTors. Alricks's commillion of the 
 
 twelfth of April, 1657, mews the extent of the 
 
 Dutch- claim, on the weft fide of Delaware^ at that 
 
 time. He was appointed Director General of the 
 
 Colony of South river of New Netherlands*, and 
 
 Extent of the fortrefs of Cafimir^ now called Niewer Amftel^ 
 
 da e im Dut oa ( New Cafile) with all the lands depending thereon, 
 
 Delaware, according to the^ firft purchafe and deed of releafe 
 of the natives, dated July nineteenth, 1651, be- 
 ginning at the weft fide of the Minquaas, or Ghrif- 
 tina Kill, in the Indian language, Sufpecough, to 
 the mouth of the bay, or river, called Bompt-hook, 
 in the Indian language, Canaraffe\ and fo far in- 
 land as the bounds and limits of the Minquaas land, 
 with all the dreams, &c. appurtenances and de- 
 pendencies." 
 
 ibid. cc Of the country northward of the Kill no 
 mention is made. In 1658, orders were given to 
 William Beekman, to purchafe Cape Hinlopen from 
 the natives; and to fettle and fortify it; which, for 
 want of goods, was not done till the fucceeding 
 year." 
 LordBai- " In the year, 1659, frefli troubles arofe from 
 
 Sim 6 ' 8 on ^ Maryland claim to the lands on South river; 
 
 Delaware, and in September, Colonel Nathaniel /?/>, a's com- 
 
 &c - miffioner. from Fendal, Lord Baltimore's Governor, 
 
 arrived at Niewer Amftel^ from Maryland. The 
 country was ordered to be evacuated; Lord Ifo/- 
 tlmore claiming all the land between 38 and 40 
 degrees of latitude, from fea to fea." 
 
 This 
 
ktfoduffion, 121 
 
 This claim of Lord Baltimore appears to have 
 laid long undetermined, and, in Auguft, 1663, a 
 (hip arrived from Holland, at South river, with new 
 planters, ammunition and implements of hufban- 
 dry. Lord Baltimore's fon landed a little after, and 
 was entertained by Beekman, at Niewer Amjlel. 
 This was Charles, the fon of Csscilius, who, in 
 1 66 1, had procured a grant and confirmation of . ,. 
 
 ' /r i r r 1 r i ^ Impedi- 
 
 the patent palled in favor of his father in 1632. mentstothe 
 The papiftical principles of the Baltimore family, advance - 
 
 r i . , . J 7 ment of 
 
 the charge of colonizing, the parliamentary war Maryland, 
 with Charles the firfl, and Oliver's ufurpation, all &c - Ibid - 
 confpired to impede the fettlement of Maryland, 
 till the year 1661, and thefe confiderations account 
 for the extention of the Dutch limits on the weft 
 lide of Delaware" 
 
 Thus till the year 1664, New Sweden and New 
 Netherland continued in pofleflion, and under the 
 government, of the Dutch; who, about one hundred 
 and fifty miles up Hudson's or North river, at their 
 fort Orange (now Albany) are fold, then to have 
 carried on a very profitable trade with the Indians, 
 even, as far as Quebec. 
 
 King Charles the fecond, having no great re- Grant of 
 gard for the Dutch, and being determined to pre- ^ e ^otd 
 vent the confequences, that might arife from a fet- to the Duke 
 tlement of that nation, in the midfl of the Britifh ^ f c York ' 
 colonies, granted a patent to his brother James, 
 Duke of fork and Albany, dated March twentieth, 
 1664, for fundry traces of land, in America, in- 
 cluding what the Dutch claimed under the name Bounds of 
 of New Netherland, thus defcribed and bounded, the s rant - 
 viz. " All that part of the main land of New- 
 England, beginning at a certain place, called, or 
 known, by the name of St. Croix, next adjoining 
 to New Scotland, in America; and from thence 
 extending along the fea coaft unto a certain place, 
 Pemaquie, or Pemaquid, and fo up the river thereof, 
 to the furthermoft head of the fame, as it tendeth 
 north ward 5 and extending from thence to the river 
 [16] of 
 
I 2 2 
 
 Introduction* 
 
 of Kimbequin, and fo upwards, and by the fhorteff 
 courfe to the river Canada, north ward: arid alfo 
 all that iiland, or iflands, commonly called by the 
 feveral name or names, of Meitowacks, or Long 
 Jfland, fituate and being towards the welt of Cafe 
 Cod, and the narrow Higanfetts, abutting iipon the 
 main land, between the two rivers, there called or 
 known by the feveral names of Connecticut and 
 Hudfon rivers; and all the land from the well-fide 
 of Connecticut river to the eaft fide of Delaware 
 Bay; and alfo all thofe feveral Illands called or 
 known by the name of Martin's Vineyard or Nan- 
 tucks, otherwife Nantucket," c. 
 
 Upon this Sir Robert Carr, joined in Commif- 
 fion with Colonel Richard Nicolls, George Cart- 
 wright and Sa?mtel Maverick, were immediately 
 fent with a fmall fleet and fome land forces, to put 
 the Duke in poifeffion of the country, which they 
 accordingly effected; for coming upon the Dutch 
 at unawares 5 an d unprepared, they were obliged 
 go- to fur-render up the country, and their town of 
 w dnifterdam, on North river ; which was thence 
 if- f orw a r d called New-Tork, in honor of the Duke 
 
 toryolNew r 
 
 York, &c. 01 lork. 
 
 " Cartwrigbt was commiffioned to fubdue the 
 
 Dutch, at fort Orange; the garrifon capitulated on 
 
 the twenty-fourth cf September, and he called it 
 
 Albany, from the Duke's Scotch title. While Cart- 
 
 Firft league wright was" here, he had an interview with the 
 
 of friend- Indians of the Five nations, and entered into a lea- 
 
 the P bidians, gue of frienuihip v/ith them, \vhich remarkably 
 
 & c - continues to this day." 
 
 inhabitants ^ ne commiffioners likewise fent Sir Robert Carr, 
 on Deia- with the fhips under his command, to reduce the 
 inhabitants on Delaware bay and river; which he 
 efFecled without much difficulty; for, on his arri- 
 val at New- Amjlel (New Caftle) the Dutch and 
 Swedes, on the firfl of Oclober, 1 664, capitulated 
 and furrendered their fort; fix of the principal per- 
 
 fons 
 
 vernment. 
 
Introduction* 
 
 foils among them figning articles of agreement and 
 fubmiffion to the Britifh government.* 
 
 " The Englifh being now poffeffed of all the 
 country of New Netherlands Colonel Richard Ni- vemment 
 colls took the government upon him, with the (tile Y 
 of Deputy Governor, under the Duke of Tork, of on 
 all his territories in America*" very few of the wa 
 inhabitants chofe to remove out of the country; 
 and Governor Stuyvefant himfelf held his eftate 
 and died in it. 
 
 In the latter end of Oclober, affairs being in a 
 quiet Situation at New Tork, Nicolls was commif- hiftory 
 fione4 by Cartwright and Maverick, to repair to 
 Delaware bay, for the government of that place, 
 by deputing iuch officers, civil and military, and 
 for taking fuch other meafures, as he mould think 
 
 proper, 
 
 * Thefe articles were as follow, viz. 
 
 ARTICLES OF AGREEMENT between the honorable Sir Robert 
 Carr^ knight, on behalf of his majefty of Great Britain, and the JSurgy 
 Majlen, on behalf of themfeives and all the Dutch and Swedes, inr 
 habitants on Delaware bay, and Delaipare river. 
 
 I. " That all BurgejTes and Planters will fubmit themfelyes to his Ma- 
 without any reiiftance. 
 
 a. " That whoever, or wha,i natjon foever, doth fubmit to his Ma- 
 authority, fhall be protected in their eftates, real a;id perfonal 
 ivhatfoevcr, by his Majefty 's laws and juftice. 
 
 3. " That the prefent Magillrates fiiall be continued in their offices 
 and jurifdi6lions, to exercife their civil power as formerly. 
 
 4. " Tbat if any Dutchman > or other p-rfon, fhall defire to depart 
 from this river, it fhall be lawful for him fo to do, with his goods, 
 within fix months after the date of thefe articles. 
 
 5. " That the Magiftrates, and all the inhabitants (who are included 
 in thefe articles) fhall take the oaths of allegiance to his Majefty. 
 
 6. " That all people fhail enjoy the liberty of their confciences, in 
 Church difcipline, as formerly. 
 
 7. " That whoever fhall take the oaths, is, from that time, a free 
 denizen, and fhall enjoy all the privileges of trading into any of big 
 Majefty's dominions, as freely as any Englijhman, and may require a cer- 
 tificate for fo doing. 
 
 8. " That the Sclout, the Burgo Mafer, Sheriff and other inferior 
 Magiftrates fhall ufe and exercife their cuftomary power, in uciininifira- 
 tian of juftice, within their precincts, for fix months, or until his M^ 
 jefty's pleafure is further known. 
 
 *' Dated O&vber I/. 1664." 
 
 \ 
 
1 24 IntroduElion. 
 
 proper, till the King's pleafure fhould be further 
 known. In which fituation, affairs in this quarter, 
 remained till the year 1668; when Nicolls and his 
 Council, at New Tork^ gave further directions, 
 for a better fettlement of the government on De- 
 laware, which appears, at that time, to have been 
 principally admimftered by Carr; who refided on 
 the place.* 
 
 The 
 
 * Thefe directions were : 
 
 ' That it is neceflary to hold up the name and countenance of a gar- 
 rifon, in Delaware, with twenty men, and one commiflion officer. 
 
 " That the commiflion officer {hall undertake to provide all forts of 
 provifions for the whole garrifon, at the rate of five pence per day, viz. 
 wholcfome bread, beer, peafe, or beef, that no juft complaint be made 
 of either; that the foldiers (fo far as conveniently may be) be lodged in 
 the fort, and keep the ftockades up, in defence ; that the civil govern- 
 ment, in the refpedtive plantations, be continued till further orders. 
 
 " That, to prevent all abufes, or oppofitions, in civil Magiftrates, fo 
 often as complaint is made, the commifiion officer, captain Carr, fhall 
 call the Scbout, with Hans Block, Ifrael Holme, Peter Rambo, Peter Coct, 
 Peter Aldrick, or any two of them, as counfellors, to advife and deter- 
 mine, by the major vote, what is juft, equitable and neceffary, in the 
 cafe and cafes, in queftion. 
 
 " That the fume perfons alfo, or any two or more of them, be cal- 
 led ^p advife and direct what is beft to be done in all cafes of difficulty, 
 which may arife from the Indians, and to give their council and orders, 
 for the arming- of the fever"al plantations and planters, who muft obey and 
 attend their fummons upon fuch occafion. 
 
 " That two-thirds, at leaft, of the foldiers remain conftantly in and 
 about Neiucajlle at all hours. 
 
 " That the fines or premunires, and light offences be executed with 
 moderation; though it is alfo neceffary that ill men be punifhed, in an 
 exemplary manner. 
 
 " That the commiflion officer captain Carr, in the determination of 
 civil affairs, whereunto the temporary, before mentioned, counfellors are 
 ordered, fhall have a cafting voice, where votes are equal. 
 
 " That the new appointed courifeliors are to take the oath to his Royal 
 Highnefs 
 
 V That the laws of the government, eilablifhed by his Royal Hlgbnefs 
 be mewed, and frequently communicated to the faid counfellors, and 
 .all others, to the end that, being therewith acquainted, the practice of 
 them may alfo, in convenient time, be ellablilhed: which conduceth to 
 the public welfare and common juftice. 
 
 " That no ofFenfive war be made againft any Indians, before you re- 
 ceive directions from the government for fo doing. 
 
 " That in all matters of difficulty and importance, you muft have 
 recourfe, by way of appeal, to the Governor and Council at New-York, 
 
 Dated, tLe 2JJI. of dpril, 1 6 68.' 
 
Intro dn8 ion. 125 
 
 The Duke of Tork, having been thus feized of Firft rifc> 
 all that tract of land, before defcribed, did, by extent and 
 his deeds of leafe and releafe, bearing date the ^Lj* 
 23d. and 24th. days of June 1664, in confidera- f ey . 
 don of a competent fum of money, grant and con- 
 vey a part thereof, unto John, Lord Berkeley, 
 Baron of Stratton, and Sir George Carte ret, of 
 Saltrum, in Devon; who were then members of 
 the King's Council, and to their heirs and affigns 
 forever, bounded and defcribed as follows: " All 
 that tract of land adjacent to New-England, and 
 lying and being to the weftward of Lo?ig-Ijland, 
 and Manhattans -I/land, and bounded, on. the eaft, 
 part by the main lea, and part by Hudforfs river ; 
 and hath upon the Weft, Delaware texy, or river; 
 and extendeth fouthward to the main ocean, as 
 far as cape May, at the mouth of Delaware bay; 
 and to the northward, as far as the northermoft 
 branch of the faid bay, or river, of Delaware, 
 which is in 41 degrees, 40 minutes of latitude^ 
 and croffeth over thence, in a ftraight line, to 
 Hudfon's river, in 41 degrees, of latitude, which 
 faid trad: of land is hereafter to be called Nova 
 Ctefaria, or New-Jerfey," &c. " in as full and am- 
 ple manner as the fame is granted unto the faid 
 Duke of Tork, by the before recited letters pa- 
 tent." 
 
 Thus New Nether/andbeczme divided into New- . T 
 
 1\ CW- Nc-* 
 
 Jerfey and New-Tor k; the former named from thetheriand 
 ifle of Jerfey, in compliment to Sir George C^rtentf, dividedinto 
 
 T. r r i r i_ i_ i i New- Jer- 
 
 whole family came from thence; the latter tookf ey an a 
 its name in honor of James Duke of Tork. New- York. 
 
 Lord Berkeley and Sir George Carteret, having Smith's 
 agreed upon certain conftitutions or conceffions, ^S er . of 
 to fuch adventurers as mould chufe to fettle within f ey . 
 their grant, (which was the firft conflitution of 
 New Jerfey >*} appointed Philip Carteret, the firft 
 
 Governor; 
 
 * Thefe concefliens, or conftitutions, may be feen in the appendix to 
 Smith's hiftory of Ntrw-Jerfeyj No I. 
 
126 IniroduEllon. 
 
 Governor; who arrived in the latter part of the 
 fummer, 1665; and thefe conceflions or agree- 
 ments with the people, were fo well liked by them, 
 that the eaftern parts of the province were foon 
 confiderably peopled. In this fituadon the confti- 
 tution and government continued till the year 
 1676, when the province was divided into Eajl 
 and Weft New-Jerfey. 
 
 After a prudent adrniniftration of three years 
 Nicolls returned to England; and colonel Francis 
 Lovelace was appointed, by the Duke, to fucceed 
 Nicolls , in the government of New-fork; which 
 he began to exercife in May, 1667. During his 
 time affairs appear to have been in a tranquil fitu- 
 ation, on I)ela?yare 9 till about the year 1668; wheo. 
 a diilurbance happened from fome of the tribe of 
 Manias Indians, nigh the river, about the place 
 where Burlington now (lands, who had murdered 
 the fervants of one of the fettlers. 
 
 This appears to have been the confequence of 
 
 rranfao r* _. : ~i 
 
 - drunKCimefs ; by realon or me Indians themlelves 
 
 la ware re- f/ }erc ^p n r.equefting an. abfolute prohibition^ upon the 
 
 Indians, whole m;6T, of felling jft r n& liquors to the Indians 
 &c. generally. Such were the early effects of ftrong 
 
 liquor among this people; which ever fjnce has 
 been fo ruinous and fatal to them ; and fo frequent- 
 ly the fource of pernicious evils to the European 
 fettlers, near them. Their ignorance of the nature 
 and effects of drunkennefs, to which at firft they 
 were abfolute (hangers, rendered them lefs prepar- 
 ed to refift the temptation ; and the extreme effecls 
 of madnefs, arifing from intoxication, in a favage 
 (late, were confequently more unreftrained and 
 brutilh; and, when enraged, more (hocking and 
 barbarous than among civilized people: never- 
 thelefs, this requeft of an abfolute prohibition of 
 the fale of ftrong liquors among them, (liews their 
 fenfe of the introduction of the temptation, their ' 
 weaknefs to refift it, and the bed means, with them, 
 to avoid the pernicious confequences of it; which 
 
Introdufficn . 127 
 
 requeft, afterwards was, from time to timey fre- 
 quently and earneilly repeated by the different na- 
 tions, in thefe parts, before they were much cor- 
 rupted by this, and other European vices. 
 
 Human nature, when deftitute of a good edu- j/^g. 
 cation, and thofe benefits, which arife from a wife why t})e 
 and early inftitution in the bed knowledge and Indians are 
 cuiloms, being the more prone to imbibe and in- ^"n_ to 
 dulge low, immediate and fenfual gratifications, nci a> &c. 
 than when it is aided by thefe excellent advantages; 
 \vhich teach to afpire after and purfue the more 
 exalted and arduous paths of virtue and felf-deniai; 
 views, \vhich, as" well as the prefent, alfo refpecl 
 a future more high and lading felicity, fo far above 
 the untutored ideas of favages, is a confideration, 
 that may, in part, account for the greater depra- 
 vity of the Indians^ refpeftihg this vice of drunken- 
 nefs, than is to be found among other people. 
 
 Thefe Indians , along the Delaware , and the ad- since the 
 jacent parts of Nsw^Jerfey and Pennfylvama^ fo Eur P eaili 
 far as appears by the belt accounts of the early among 
 fettlement of thefe provinces, when cfear of the tiie - n - 
 effects of the pernicious poifon of ilrong liquor, 
 and before they had much imbibed, and to their 
 own natural depravity added, fuch European vices 
 as before they were Grangers to, were naturally, 
 and in general, an incffenfive, faithful and hofpi- 
 table people. 
 
 Governor Lovelace writ to Carr, respecting this Governor 
 affair; giving him directions how to proceed in Lovci ^ e 
 
 i 11 r /-r r r,- IT, glVCS du'<iC- 
 
 the government both or Chrlftians and Indians; Sons to 
 to confult \vith the Indians^ and to fend the ftate Carr> 3cr - 
 of the affair to the council at New-Tbrk. But it 
 appears to have been afterwards neglected till the 
 year 1671, when William Tomm and Peter A tricks ar- 
 rived at New-Tbrk from Delaware, with the parti- 
 culars of the affair ; declaring that if fpecial care 
 was not taken, and effectual means ufed, the worfl 
 confequenc^s would enfue. 
 
 Upon 
 
128 Introduction. 
 
 Upon this the Governor and Council immedi- 
 ately took meafures to prevent further mifchief ; and 
 from Alrictfs advice, made proper difpofitions to 
 bring the offenders to juflice: The Governor prp- 
 hibited, on pain of death, the felling of powder, 
 fhot, and itrong liquors to the Indians ; and writ 
 to Carr, on the occafion, to ufethe utmoft vigi- 
 lance and caution. 
 
 Remark- But the Indians themfelves were determined, if 
 3 r le T ^ poffible, to brinff the murderers to iuftice; and 
 
 of Tufhce f rr~ n i i r 
 
 among the and accordingly one or tnern Tajhiowyean^ the chief 
 Indians, offender, was fhot to death, in the night by the 
 Indians ^ who brought his body to Wicocoa; which 
 was afterwards hung in chains at New-Cajile; the 
 other principal perfon, concerned in the murder, 
 hearing the report of the gun, ran into the woods, 
 and made his eicape, not being heard of afterwards. 
 
 The Indians^ on this affair, fummoned many of 
 their young men together, and, in the prefence of 
 the Englifo, told them, that all mould in like man- 
 ner be treated, who mould be found in the like 
 practice: This, at a time, when the Indians were 
 numerous and ftrong, and the Europeans few and 
 weak, was a memorable at of juftice, and a proof 
 of true friendship to the Englijh^ greatly alleviating 
 the fear, for which they Had fo much reafon among 
 favages, in this 'then wildernefs country. 
 
 Befide this, there was another difturbance, about 
 tu?banc e d s lf ~ tne ^ ame ti me 5 a Svuede, at Delaware, who gave 
 on Deia- out that he was the fon of Conningsmarke 9 the 
 ware, & c . gweJifh general, attempted to make an infurrec- 
 tion, in order to throw off the Engltfh allegiance. 
 With him was affociated Henry Coleman, one of 
 the Fins, on the fame river, a man of property, 
 and who well underftood the Indian language. 
 But by the timely care and vigilance of the go- 
 vernment their intention was prevented. The 
 former was taken and fecured; as to the latter, 
 who kept himfelf among the Indians, it does 
 
 not 
 
Introduttiori. I d 
 
 fiof appear what became of him. Connings?i(arkc^ 
 commonly called the Long Fin^ was condemned to 
 die; but, in confideration that his death would 
 involve many other deluded people in deep fufFer- 
 ing, his punifhment was mitigated to a whipping^ ' 
 and branding with the letter R. for Rebellion, and 
 to be fent abroad, lie was accordingly brought 
 fettered from Delaware, and kept prifoner in the 
 Stadt-houfe, at New-York, for one year 5 and then 
 tranfported to Barbadoes, for fale. It was further 
 ordered^ that the chief of his accomplices mould 
 forfeit to' the King one half of theif goods and chat- 
 tels ; and a fniatlef imilcl to be laid on the reft ; to 
 be left at the difcfetion of CommilTioners, ap- 
 pointed to examine the matter. 
 
 At this time there is like wile an account of an 
 Indian rape, committed on a Chriftian woman. 
 The Indian was taken and condemned to death by 
 by the Comrnimoners at Delaware; but he broke 
 jail. -And one Douglas at Hoarkill, after this, for 
 making a difturbance among the new fettlers, by 
 feditiotis practices, was fecured in jail, and after- 
 wards fent to New-Tork, where he had his trial; 
 and was fent to the eailward, and ordered not to" 
 return. 
 
 Near the beginning of the year 1 669, a com- 1669, 
 million and letters of inftruclion were fent from 
 New-Tor/^ to the Hoarkiil, authorizing Hermannus proceed- 
 Frederickfon to be Schout, Slandefi Matfon, Otto in s s on De ' 
 Walgaft, and William Cleahn, to be CommifJioners : l 
 who were to keep good order there ; and to try all 
 matters of difference, under ten pounds, among 
 themfelves: Which feems to have been intended 
 to fave them the trouble of going to Newcajtle, 
 upon every trifling occafion; but for all matters 
 above ten pounds they were to apply themfelves to 
 New-York; and fo for all criminals. Governor 
 Lovelace alfo gave an order to captain Martin 
 Prieger y to receive the cuftonu, for all European 
 [-*?} 
 
I jd Introduction. 
 
 goods, imported at the Hoarkill, and on the furs 
 and peltry exported from thence, viz. ten pounds 
 per cent, in the following words: 
 
 1669. " Whereas I am given to underftand, that all Eu- 
 Appoint- ropean goods imported at the Hoarkill in Delaware 
 Coiie<ft*r, bay, did heretofore pay cuftom, at the rate of 
 &c. at ten pounds per cent, and all furs and peltry ex- 
 S a Lewis- ported from thence, at the fame rate; which turned 
 town. to fome advantage towards the fupport of govern- 
 ment; upon mature advice and confideration had 
 thereof, I have thought fit to renew the former 
 cuftom, and do, therefore, hereby order and ap- 
 point Captain Martin Prieger, who is a perfon 
 well verfed in the trade of thofe parts, and very 
 well known there, both to the Chriftians and In- 
 dians , to be Receiver and Collector of the cuf- 
 toms at Hoarkill) where, by himfelf, or his depu- 
 ty 3 > he is to receive ten per cent, of all European 
 goods, imported there, whether coming from this 
 place, Newcaftle in Delaware, or any other parts v 
 and ten per cent, alfo for all furs, or peltry ', ex- 
 ported from thence, according to former cuftom 
 and ufage, on that behalf; and all perfons what- 
 foever, trading thither, or from thence, to any 
 other place, are to take notice thereof, and obey 
 this my commiffion, under the penalty of confif- 
 cation of their goods, if they fhall prefume to do 
 otherwife, the faid Captain Prieger ftanding oblig- 
 ed to be anfwerable here, for all fuch cuftorns, as 
 fhall be received by himfelf, or deputy, there; 
 of which he is to render unto me a due and ex- 
 ad account."* 
 
 Irx 
 
 * Hoarklll) the fettlement fo called, from a fmaH river, or creek* 
 near Cape-Inlopen, or Henlopen, at the mouth of Delaware bay, was a 
 place of cojifiderable importance to the Swedes^ about that time, 
 though fincc chiefly become a refidence for pilots only, and called 
 Leivis'to'wn ; before which, at the entrance of the bay, is the road, for 
 ftiips, &c. 
 
 This place (from an old M. S.) is faid to have been named Hoarkill 
 by the Dutch, from the Indians proftituting their young women to the 
 
 Netherlander**. otherwife it is by David Pierterfz de Uries, who, 
 
 about the year, 1630, firft endeavoured to fettle there, called Sivanendalf, 
 
 Other 
 
131 
 
 In the Spring of the year 1672, the town of 1671. 
 Newcaftle was, by the government of New-York, 
 made a corporation; to be governed by a Bailiff, ed. 
 and fix Alfociates; after the firft year four old to 
 go out, and four others to be chofen. The Bai- 
 liff was Prefident, and had a double vote: the 
 Conftable was chofen by the bench. They had 
 power to try caufes, as far as ten pounds, without 
 appeal. The Englifh laws were eftablifhed in the 
 town, and among the inhabitants, on both fides 
 of Delaware. The office of Schout was conver- 
 ted into that of Sheriff, for the Corporation and 
 river, annually chofen. And they were to have 
 free trade, without being obliged to make entry 
 at New-York, as before. 
 
 About this time an acl of violence was com- 
 mitted, at Hoarkill, by a party of people from Th J: Mzr J; 
 
 J ^ > . * . J landers dif- 
 
 Maryland, led by one Jones; who feized on the turb the in- 
 Magiflrates and other inhabitants, plundered them J^itantsat 
 
 . , rr i i rr-i i i Hoarkill. 
 
 and carried oil the booty. Ihey were joined by 
 one Daniel Brown, a planter of Hoarkill. Brown 
 was taken, and fent to New-York; and there tried 
 and convicted; but, on promife of amendment, 
 and fecurity given for his good behaviour in fu- 
 ture, he was difmirTed. 
 
 Governor Lovelace wrote a fpirited Letter to the Governor 
 Governor of Maryland, on the occafion, com- Lovelace's 
 plaining of the outrage and injuftice, and requeft- th 
 ing that the perpetrators might be duly punifhed. 
 He likewife writ to Captain Carr, who prefided 
 at Delaware, on the fame affair, advifmg him, for 
 the prefent, to pafs by what was done, till he 
 heard from England; but in the mean time, that 
 the inhabitants there fhould prepare, and put 
 
 themfelves 
 
 Other accounts affirm, That the original of the name arcfe from the 
 winding and turning of the creek, much in the fhape of a hern, whence 
 
 the Dutch word, Hoernkill: This is the tradition of the inhabitants 
 
 ''there, &c. But foon after it came into the hands of the EngHJb, it took 
 the above name of Le-wis-toivn;-~~~ and the creek appears to be much 
 diminilhed, &c, 
 
 V 
 
x 3 2 Introduction. 
 
 themfelves in a pofture of defence againil any fu- 
 ture fimilar invafion.* 
 
 In 
 
 1 The iirft of thefe letters is dated the twelth of Anguft 1672, and 
 *s as follows, viz. 
 
 " To Philip Calvert, Efquire, Governor of Maryland. 
 SIR, 
 
 " I thought it had been impoffible, now !.n thefe portending boi- 
 fterous times, wherein all true hearted Englijlmen are buckling oh their 
 armour, to vindicate their honors, and to aifert the imperial intereft of 
 his facred Majefty's rights and dominions; that now, without any ji;ft 
 grounds, either given or pretended, fuch horrid outrages (hould he com- 
 mitted on his majefty's liege fubjedb, under the protection of his Royal 
 Highnefs's authority, as was exercifed by one Jones, who, with a party, 
 as difiblute as himfelf, took the pains to ride to the JJoarkills^ whtre w 
 derifion and contempt of the Duke's .authority, be bound the Magitlrates 
 and inhabitants, defpiterully treated .them, rifled and plundered them of 
 their goods; and when it was dema-nded, by wb^at authority he acted, 
 he anfwered in no other language, but a cocked piftol to his breaft; 
 which if it had fpoke, had, for eyer filer.ced him. I do n^t remember 
 I have heard of a greater outrage and riot, committed on his Majefty's 
 fubjects, in America, but once before in Maryland - t You cannot but 
 imagine his Royal Jiighnefs will not be fatisfied with thefe violent pro- 
 ceedings; in which the indignity reboun.ds on him ; neither can you but 
 'believe it as' eafy an -undertaking to me, to retaliate the fame affront 
 on Jong's he^d, arid accomplices, as he did on thofe indefenfible inha- 
 bitants: bujt I rather chufe to have firft a more calm redrefs from you; 
 to whom I now appeal, and from whom I may, in juftice, expect that 
 right, in the caftigation of Jones cum fociis, that your nature and the 
 law has provided for; otherwife I mult apply myfelt to fiich other reme- 
 dies, as the exigence of this indignity (hall perfwade me to; thus, leav- 
 ing it to your confideration, I fhall remain your very humble fervant, 
 
 The following is his letter to Cafr, on the fame occafion, viz. 
 
 " SIR, 
 
 " The letters you fent trie, by the exprefs over land, came fafe to my 
 hands, with the enclofed relation and papers, concerning the Hoarkill, 
 and the Marylanders forceably poffefling themfelves of the place; as alfo 
 of the goods and eftates of fome of the inhabitants; of which we had 
 fome rumours before, but did not give much credit to it; fuppofing what 
 was done before to be the rafh action of forne private perfon , not think- 
 ing the authority of Maryland would invade his royal highnefs's terri- 
 tories; which he hath been poffeffed of for near eight years, without 
 giving the leaft overture of it to me 3 who am his Royal Highnefs's de- 
 puty. Their former violent action and force upon thofe poor unarmed 
 people, together with the particulars of their plunders, I had immedi- 
 ate opportunity of tranfmitting to his Royal Highnefs, by a fhip then 
 bound away for London / the which I made ufe of, and recommended 
 their cafe; and I hope, it hath long ere this arrived at his hands, fo that 
 fome directions, about it, may be expected in a fhort time; till when, 
 i think it beft, for the prefent, to leave matters there as they are; but, 
 
 a? 
 
In this year the inhabitants of New-Cqftle and Dutch 
 Koarkill, being 'ikewife plundered by the Dutch 
 privateers, were permitted by the government at 
 Ncw~Tork, in reparation of their lofTes, to lay an 
 impofition to the value .of four guilders, in Warn* 
 pum, upon each anker of ftrong rum, imported, 
 or fold there; power being given to the Magiftrates, 
 to levy and receive the fame. This was to continue 
 only one year for tryal Wampum was the chief 
 currency of the country; of which, at this time, their chlef 
 the Indians had carried fo much away, that it was "* 
 become fcarce. To encreafe the value of which, 
 the Governor and Council, at New-Tsrk, in the 
 year 1673, iiTuejd a proclamation; which was pub- 
 limed 
 
 as to the doud, which hangs over your head*, at Delaware, which, it is 
 laid, they are making preparations to invade, my inftrucSHons and orders 
 to you, and the officers in general, are, that you put yourfelves in the 
 .belt pofture of defence pofiibly -you can, by fitting up the fort in the town; 
 keeping your companies in arms, both, there and up the river; who are to 
 provide themfelves with fitting ammunition; and that all foldiers be at 
 an hours warning, upon any alarm, or order given; and that, at the 
 town efpecially, you make your guards as ftrong as you can, and keep a 
 ftricT: watch; and if any enemy come to demand the place, that you firft 
 tlefire to know their authority and commiilion, and how it comes to pafs 
 thofe of Maryland fhould now make fueh an invafion, after fo long quiet 
 pofleflion of thofe parts by his Royal Highnefs'? Deputies, under his 
 Majefty's obedience, and by other nations before that, feveral years be- 
 fore the date of the Lord Baltimor^s patent; whom they never di/turbed, 
 by arms; and whofe right is now devolved upon the Duke. Stand well 
 upon your guard, and do not begin with them; but, if they firft break 
 the peace, by firing upon your guards, or any fuch hoftile adtion, then, 
 ufe all poflible means to defend yourfelves and the place; and command all 
 his Majefty's good fubjects to be aiding and affifting to you; who, I hope, 
 \vill not be wanting to their abilities. In all matters of concern, you 
 are to take advice of the chief officers there. 
 
 " This will come to you by your Bailiff", Mr. Peter Alricks y who 15 
 battening over land, to fecure his affairs there, in this portending inva- 
 4Tion, and to give Jhis bcft help for the fafeguard of the place, and his 
 Royal Highnefs's intereft, upon all occafions. Fail not to fend an exprefs 
 to me, by whom 1 fhall give you fuch further directions and afTiftance as 
 will be requifite; and, if occafion fhould be, will come over myfelf in 
 perfon; though the fpring would be more fui table for me, than a winter 
 voyage; fo recommending all things to your care and vigilance, of which 
 -I expert a good account, I conclude, being your very loving friend, 
 
 " Francis Lovelatt, 
 rt 
 
 Port JOBtr, in New-Tori- 1 
 'Jib. of Oflober, 1672 " 
 
* 34 Introduction. 
 
 lifhed at Albany -, Efopus, Delaware, Long-IJIand, 
 and parts adjacent. 5 * 
 
 The ambitious defigns ofLswis the XlVth. king 
 N/W 7 v rk ^ ^ raYice -> a g am ft the Dutch , and the attachment 
 &c. W taken ot Charles the lid. of England, to the French court, 
 
 Dutch the & ave r ^ e t0 t ^ le war w ^k t ^ le States General in 
 
 1672; which, in the fummer of the next following 
 
 smith's hif- year, extended itfelf to America; when a few Dutch 
 
 tory of N. {hips arrived at New Tork, under the command of 
 
 Commodores Cornelius Evertfe and Jacob Benkes 
 
 &c. The fort furrendered without any refiftance, 
 
 all the magiftrates and conftables from Eaft Jerfey, 
 
 Long I/land, Efopus and Albany were immediately 
 
 Tuirmoned to Ncw-Tork, and the major part of 
 
 them fwore allegiance to the States General and the 
 
 prince of Orange, upon which colonel Lovelace 
 
 returned to England. 
 
 From the Dutch records it appears that deputies 
 were fent by the people, inhabiting the country, 
 even, as far weft ward as Delaware river; who in 
 the name of their principals, made a declaration of 
 their fubmiflion; in return for which certain pri- 
 vileges were granted them, and three judicatories 
 erected at Niewer Amftel, (New Cajlle) Upland 
 (Cbcjlcr) and Hoar kill, (Lewiftown) under An* 
 thony Cohe> who was commiffioned Governor.! 
 
 The 
 
 * u This is the Indian money, by them called Wampum; by the Dntck y 
 Servant. It is worked out of fhells, into the form of bead?, and perfo- 
 rated to firing on leather. Six beads were formerly valued at a Stiver; 
 twenty Stivers made what they called a Guilder; which was about fix- 
 pence currency, or four pence, ilerling. The white Wampum was 
 worked out of the infide of the great Conqitcs. The black, or purple, 
 was formed out of the inf.de of the Mii/lle^ or Glam-JhM. 1 hefe, being 
 ftrung on leather, are fometimes formed into belts, about four inches 
 broad, and thirty in length; which are commonly given and received at 
 treaties, as feals of friendmip. Wampum has been long made by certain 
 poor Indian families at Albany, who fupport themfelves by coining this 
 calh for the traders." 
 
 f Colws commiflion, tranflated as follows, fhews the extent of tlie 
 Dutch claim, at that time in this country, viz. 
 
 " The honourable and awful council of war, for their High Mighti- 
 qeffes, the States General of the United Netherlands and his Serene 
 
 Highnels 
 
Introduction. 
 
 The Dutch Governor enjoyed his office but a 1674. 
 fhort time; for, on the 9th. of February 1674, the ^ Ne 
 treaty of peace between England and the States Ge- York! &c 
 neral was figned at Weftminfter ; the fixth article of is 
 which reflored this country to the Englijh; the terms 
 of it were generally, " that whatfoever countries, 
 iflands, towns, ports, caftles or forts, have or mall 
 be taken, on both fides, fmce the time that the 
 late unhappy war broke out, either in Europe^ or 
 elfewhere, (hall be reflored to the former Lord 
 and Proprietor, in the fame condition, they mall 
 be in, when the peace itfelf fhall be proclaimed; 
 after which time there fhall be no fpoil nor plunder 
 of the inhabitants, no demolition of fortifications, 
 nor carrying away of guns, powder or other mili- 
 tary 
 
 Highnefs the Prince of Orange, over a fquadr&n of (hips, now at anchor" 
 in Hudfon's river, in New Netherlands to all thofe who {hall fee Ar hear 
 thefe Greeting* As it is necefiary to appoint a fit and able perfon to car- 
 ry the chief command over the conqueft of New Netherlands, with all its 
 appendencies, from cape Hinlopen on the fouth fide of the South or Dela- 
 ware hay, and fifteen miles more foutherly, with the faid bay and South 
 river, included, fo as they were formerly poffeffed by the directors of the 
 city of Amjlerdam, and after by the EngHJb government, in the name and 
 light of the Duke of York, and further from the faid Cape Hinlopen along, 
 the Great Ocean to the eaft end of Long I/land and Shelter IJland, from 
 thence weflward to the middle of the found, to a town called Greenwich j 
 on the Main, and to run landward in northerly ; provided that fuch line 
 ihall not come within ten miles of North Alver, conformable to a Provin- 
 cial Treaty, made in 1650, and ratified by the States General, Februa- 
 ry aad. 1656, and January a^d. 1664; with att Lands, Rivers, Lakes/ 
 Kills, Creeks, Frefh and Salt Waters, Fortretfes, 'Cities, Towns and 
 Plantations, therein comprehended. So it is, that we, being fufficiently 
 allured of the capacity of Anthony Colve, captain of a company of foot,; 
 in the fervice of their High Mightineffes, the States General of 
 the U/iited Netherlands, and I) is Serene Highnefs the Prince of Orange Y 
 &c. by virtue of our Commiffion, granted us by their before men- 
 tioned High jVlightineffes, and his Highnefs, hs.te appointed and qua- 
 lified, as we do by thefe prefents, appoint and qualify, the faid captain? 
 Anthony Co/ve to govern and rule the lands, with the appenxlencie<r 
 and dependencies thereof as Governor General; to protect therr> 
 from all invafions of enemies, as he {ball judge moft neceflary ; 
 hereby charging all high and low officers, juflices and magiftrates, and" 
 others in authority, foldiers, burghers, and all the inhabitants of thiy 
 land, to acknowledge, honour, refpect and ober, the faid A thony Co've, 
 as Governor General ; for fuch we judge necefiary for the fervice of the 
 country, waiting the approbation of our principals This done at fort 
 SendriiJk } the lath, day of Auguft, 1673." 
 Signed by 
 
 CORNELIUS EVERTS*, junior- 
 
 JACOB 
 
136 Introduction. 
 
 tafy ftores, which belonged to any caftle or fort v 
 at the time when it was taken." 
 
 Edm. An- Upon conclufion of the peace, in i 674, the Duke-" 
 drofs, ap^ O f Xork^ to remove all" controverfy refpedtirig his 
 vernor of property, obtained a new patent from the King r 
 New York, dated the 29th. of June, for the lands granted, in 
 1664; and two- days after commiffioiied Major , 
 afterwards, Sir Edmund Artdrofs to be Governor of 
 his territories in America; which were refigned 
 to him by the Dutch poffeflbrs, on hfe arrival at 
 New-Tork, on the 31 ft.- of October following. Up- 
 on which he authorized captain Cantwcll and Wil- 
 liam Tomm^ to take porTellion of tne fort and ftores 
 at Ncwcqfth, for the King's ufe; and gave them di- 
 reclions to take proper ineafures to eftablim order 
 and tranquility there, and the other places on Dela- 
 ware; enjoining all to comport themfelves 1 amica- 
 bly to the neighbouring' colonies. 
 
 As Weft New Jerfey was, at firft, fettled princi- 
 Pally by the fame kind of people as Pennfylvania; 
 of \vas afterwards, viz. by the people called Quakers, 
 " f a ^ ort introductory account of the firft arid ear- 
 ly fettlement of that colony by thefe people, &c. in 
 \vhich like wife William Penn was fo much concern- 
 ed may, in this place, not be improper. 
 
 In or about the year 1675, the Lord Berkeley 
 Berkeley fold his half of the Province of New Jerfey to a 
 feiu weft- perfon named John Fenwicke, in truft for Edward 
 c ' Byllingc^ and his afligns, in confequence of which 
 the former, this year, arrived with a number of 
 paflengers, in a mip., called the Griffith from Lon- 
 don, on a vifit to his new purchaie.* He landed at 
 
 * Both Fen-wicke and Bylllnge are faid to have been of the people cal- 
 led ^itakers; reflecting w'hofe particular charadlers, nothing very mate- 
 rial appears. Fenivuke brought with him two daughters, and many fer- 
 vants: two of the latter, viz. Samuel Hodge and John Adams afterwards 
 married his daughters. Some of the others in this fhip, were Edmund 
 Champnefs, Fenwicke's fon in law, Edward Wade, Samuel Wade, John. 
 Smith and wife, Samuel Nicholfon, Richard Guy, Richard Noble, 
 Richard Hancock, John Pledger, Hipolite Lufever, and John Matlack^ 
 thefe, and others with them, were mailers of familie*. 
 
arrves 
 
 fntrvduftion. 137 
 
 a place, in Weft Jerfey, fituated upon a creek, or 
 fmali river, which runs into the river Delaware; 
 to which place he gave the name of Salem ; a name 
 which both the place and creek ftill retain. This 
 was the firft Envjifh (hip, which came to f^/?- 7^- FirftEr '- 
 
 - i 6 \ r J gl'ft flP 
 
 fey; and it was near two years before any more a 
 followed: This Jong interval is fuppofed to have w- 
 been occafioned by a disagreement between Fen- 
 wicke and Bylhnge; whjch was at laft compofed by 
 the kind offices of William Penn. 
 
 Byilinge, having been reduced in his circum- 
 ftances, had agreed to prefent his interefl, in New- 
 Jerfey, to his creditors; by whofe entreaty and 
 importunity, William Penn, though it is faid, with 
 reluctance, was prevailed upon to become joint 
 truftee with two of them, viz* Gawen Lawrie, of 
 London, and Nicholas Lucas, of Hertford, for the 
 management thereof: Thefe he inverted with his 
 own moiety of the province; it being all his re- 
 maining fortune, for the fatisfactibn of his ere* 
 ditors. 
 
 Hence William Penn became one of the chief 
 inftruments in fettling Weft-New-Jerfey ; and there* 
 by acquired fome knowledge of the adjacent coun- 
 try of Pennfylvania, before it had that name, or 
 was granted to him. And though New-Jerfey was 
 ftill undivided, yet, from neceffity, many mares 
 of their propriety were foon fold to different pur- 
 chafers; who confequently alfo became proprietors, 
 in proportion to their different (hares. 
 
 For the better promoting the diflributjon of ^76. 
 rights to lands, an orderly fettlement, and a regu- 
 lar government of the colony, in March, 1676, 
 a coriilitution was drawn up, under the name of, N. 
 " Concejffions and agreements of the proprietors, free- 
 holders and inhabitants of Wejl -New- Jerfey, in Ame- 
 rica, 39 in 44 chapters; this was mutually agreed 
 to, ? f nd figned, as laws, conceffions and agree- 
 
 ments r 
 
138 Introduttion. 
 
 ments, by 162 names; and may be feen in the 
 appendix to S. Smith's hiftory of New-Jerfey~*. 
 
 William Penn and the others, having agreed on 
 Bivifion of a divifion of the province with Sir George Carteret, 
 fey, Tnto a Multipartite deed) the inflrument for dividing the 
 Eaft and fame, between Sir George Carteret, on the one part, 
 Weft, &c. an( j Efayard Byllinge, William Penn^ Gaiven Law- 
 rie and Nicholas Lucas, on the other part, was 
 figned by them, dated the firft day of July, 1676. 
 After which the latter wrote to Richard Hart/borne?* 
 a refident in the province, requefting his confent 
 to be joined in commiflion with two others, Darius 
 Waffe and Richard Guy ; whom they authorized and 
 empowered to ad for them, furnifhing them with 
 inftructions for their conduct,, and engaged to ra- 
 tify and confirm their proceedings, in profecution 
 of the fame. In their letter to Hart/home, dated, 
 London, the 26th. of the fixth month, 1676, they 
 fay, 
 
 Extract of i. " We have divided with George Carter et; 
 
 *^ P?^- and have fealed deeds of partition, each to the 
 
 toR S .Harti'- other; and we have all that fide on Delaware river, 
 
 home. from one end to the other; the line of partition is 
 
 from the eaft fide of Little Egg Harbour, ftraight 
 
 North, through the country, to the utmoft branch 
 
 of Delaware river; with all powers, privileges and 
 
 immunities whatfoever:" " Ours is called New 
 
 Weft Jerfey; his is called New Eaji Jerfey.\ 
 
 2. " We 
 
 * Richard Hart/home lived in- Middletoivn, in EaJl-'Jtrfey; he was one. 
 of the people called Quakers, of good reputation, public character, and 
 of a benevolent difpofltion, in thofe early times. He came thither from 
 London, in the feventh month, old ftyle, 1669; where he lived many years* 
 There are feveral of his defcendants, flill inhabitants of thefe parts. 
 
 f The divifion line between Eajl and WeJl-Jerfey, as it was afterwards- 
 run and marked out, about the year 1687, and agreed to, in the next 
 following year, by Coxe and Barclay, the refpe&ive Governors of each divi- 
 fion, more particularly, proceeded from Little Egg Harbour, N. by W. and 
 30 degrees and 5 minutes more weflerly 60 miles, to the corner of John Do- 
 bie's plantation, on the fouth branch of Raritan river; from thence con- 
 tinuing behind that and other plantations, to that of James Dunda^ It 
 
 proceeded 
 
Introduction. 139 
 
 2. " We have made concejjions by ourfelves; be- 
 ing fuch as Friends here, and there (we queftiou 
 not) will approve of, having fent a copy of them 
 by James VVaffe: There we lay a foundation for 
 after ages to underfland their liberty, as men and 
 chriftians; that they may not be brought into bon- 
 dage, but by their own confent: for we put the 
 power in the people; that is to fay , They to meet, 
 and choofe one honefl man, for each propriety, 
 who hath fubfcribed to the concejjlons ; all thefe 
 men to meet, as an AfTembly there, to make and 
 repeal laws; to chufe a Governor, or a Commif- 
 fioner, and twelve Affiflants, to execute the laws 
 during their pleafure. So every man is capable 
 to chufe, or to be chofen; no man to be arrefted, 
 condemned, imprifoned, or molefted, in his eftate, 
 or liberty, but by twelve men of the neighbour- 
 hood: no man to lie in prifon for debt; but that 
 his eftate fatisfy, as far as it will go, and he be fet 
 at liberty, to work: no man to be called in quef- 
 tion, or molefted for his confcience; with many 
 more things mentioned in the faid conceffions. 
 
 3. " We have fent over, by James Wajfe, a com- 
 miflion, under our hands and feals; wherein we 
 empower thyfelf, James Waffe and Richard Guy, or 
 any two of you, to acl and do according to the 
 inftruclions, of which here is a copy; having alfo 
 fent you goods, to buy and purchafe fome lands 
 of the natives," &c. 
 
 The reft of this letter chiefly refpecled "John Yen- 
 ivicke; who, as they apprehended, might probably 
 
 proceeded from the rnoft north wefterly part thereof, north-eaftward, 
 to the north branch of faid river; thence by the largeil branch thereof, 
 to its north end; from thence to the neareft part of Pafaick river; whence 
 following its courfe, and that of Paquanlck river, fo long as it 
 runs northerly, or northwefierly; thofe rivers ftill being the bounds be- 
 tween both provinces; and if the latter do not run far enough to the la- 
 titude of 41 degrees, then from faid river, by a ftraight line northward 
 to the latitude, the titmoft north partition point, from which point, a 
 jftraight line drawn due eaft, to the partition point, on Hudfon s river, 
 to be the bounjiry between Eaf-Jerfey and New Tori." 
 
 S. Smith's hiJJory of Ne'w'J 'erfiy- 
 
14 Introduction. 
 
 iendeavour to obftruft their mode of proceeding, in 
 fettling the colony ; that the Coinmiffioners fhould 
 immediately agree with thelndians for lands, and get 
 them furveyed and taken up, before many more peor ' 
 pie arrived, arid the price thereby advanced, The in* 
 flruclions were dated the i8th. of the Sixth month, 
 and purported the method of treating with John 
 Fenwicke; the mode of taking up lands of the 
 natives; -Which was all to be divided into one 
 hundred parts, as agreed in England, and lots to 
 be caft for the fame; viz. ninety parts, for the ufe 
 of William Penn, Gawen Ldwrie and Nicholas Lu~ 
 cas; and ten parts for John Edridge and Edmond 
 Warner, Fenwicke's heirs;* and to provide a place 
 for the Settlement of a town, &c. The former 
 was figned by Lawrie, Penn^ Lucas , By Hinge ^ Ed- 
 ridge and Warner; the htter, by all thefe, except 
 Edridge* 
 
 Eaft-Jerfeyi which was the property of Sir 
 George Carter ef^ had, before this time, been con- 
 fiderably peopled, under its Governor, Philip 
 Carteret, as already mentioned, in the year 1665; 
 fo upon the divilion of the province being now 
 fettled, in the prefent year 1676, the proprietors 
 of Weft-New-Jerfey publifhed a defcription of the 
 country; in confequence of which many people 
 removed thither. 
 
 Proprietors But the wefteni proprietors being of the people 
 of weft- called Quakers , their part of the province confe- 
 quently, through their influence, became fettled 
 principally by the fame kind of people ; but to pre- 
 vent any of their religious fociety from rafhly, or in- 
 advertently, removing into this new country, or 
 without due confideration, and contrary to the mind 
 of their parents and neareil relatives, three of the 
 principal perfons among the proprietors, viz. W. 
 
 Penn 9 
 
 * To thefe two perfons the faid ten parts had been conveyed by Ftn- 
 wicke; being together with a certain fum of money, the proportion, or 
 iatisfa&ion, agreed on between him and Byllinge^ and conveyed to him 
 by the latter, for his fervice and trouble, in the concern. 
 
141 
 
 Penn, G. Lawrie and N. Lucas, wrote an epiftle, < 
 of caution to their friends, the Quakers; which, Their con- 
 as it further mews their right to this part of the J^te^S 
 province, the care of that people over one another, dement, 
 at that time, and their concern for an orderly fettle- **' 
 ment in it ; that none might be deceived, and have 
 occafion to repent of fuch an important undertak- 
 ing, is not unworthy of the perufal of the pofte- 
 rity and defendants of thofe early adventurers, 
 fettlers and cultivators of the country.* 
 
 On 
 
 ** This cpiftlc was as follows, viz, 
 
 " Dear Friends and Brethren^ 
 
 " In the pure love and precious fellow fhip of our Lord Jefus Chrift 
 we very dearly falute you; Forafmuch as there was a paper printed fe-p 
 veral months ago, entitled, " The ctefcription of Neiv-WeJI-Jerfey, in which 
 our names were mentioned, as Trufters for one undivided moiety of the 
 faid province-, and becaufe it is alledged, that fome, partly on this ac- 
 count, and others apprehending that the paper, by the manner of its 
 expreffion, came from the body of Friends, as a religious fociety of people* 
 and not from particulars, have, through thefe miftakes, weakly concluded, 
 that the faid defcription, in matter and form, might be writ, printed 
 and recommended on purp'nie to prpmpt and allure people to dif-fettle 
 and tranfplant themfelves, as its alfo by fome alledged; and hecanfe we 
 are informed that feveral have, on that account, taken encouragement 
 and refolution to tranfplant themfelves and families to that province; and 
 Jeft any of them (as -is feared by fome) fhould go out of a curious and 
 unfettled mind; and others to fhun the teilimony of the bleffed Croft of 
 Jefus ; of which feveral weighty friends have a godly jealoufv upon their ; 
 fpirits, lefl an unwarrantable forwardnefs fhould a& or hurry, any be-? 
 iide, or beyond, the wifdom and counfel of the Lord, or the freedom of 
 his light and fpirit, in their own hearts, and not upon good and weighty : 
 grounds; it truly laid upon us to let Friends know how the matter ftandsj 
 which w e fhall endeavour to do with all clearnefs and fidelity. 
 
 I. " That there is fuch a place as Nsiv-Jcrfiy is certain. 
 
 a. " That it is reputed of thofe, who have lived and travelled in t?;?t 
 country to be wholefome of air, and fruitful of foil, and capable of lea 
 trade, is alfo certain; and k is not right, in any> to del'pife it, or diffwadc 
 thofe, that find freedom from the Lord, and neceffity put upon them, o%^_ 
 going. 
 
 V " That the Duke of Tori fold it to thofe called Lord RerMey* Ba- 
 ron of Stra&ut, and Sir George Carter*; equally to be divided between 
 them, is alfo certain. 
 
 4. " One fnmety, or half part, of the faid province, being the right 
 of the Lord Berkeley, was fold by him to John Fenivicke, in truft for Edward 
 Byllinge, and his afiigns. 
 
 5. " Forafmuch as Edward Blllmge (after Will; am Penn had ended the 
 difference between E. Byllinge and J. Fenivicke) was willing to prefent 
 liis ictereft, in the faid province, to his creditors, as all that he had left 
 
 hjm 
 
142 
 
 Introduction. 
 
 1667. On the 1 6th. day of the Sixth month 1677^ 
 Arrival of arr i ve d at New-Coftle from London, the fliip 
 the i **> 
 
 te > fc^ G re g or y Mar/ow, mailer; with the other 
 Commifiioners ; which the proprietors had before 
 
 mentioned, 
 
 liim, towards their fatisfaftion, he defired IV. Prnn (though every way 
 unconcerned) and Gaivsn Lati>rifznd Nicholas Lucas, two of his credi- 
 tors, to be truftees, for performance of the fame; and becaufe feveral 
 of his creditors, particularly and very importunately prelfed W. Perm 
 to accept of the truft, for their fakes and fecurity, we did, all of us, 
 comply with thcfe, and the like requefts, and accepted of the truft. 
 
 6. " Upon thi we became truftees for one moiety of the faid province, 
 yet undivided; and after no little labour, trouble and coil, a divifion was 
 obtained between the faid Sir George Carteret and us, as truitees: the 
 country is fituated and bounded, as is exprefled in the printed description. 
 
 7. " This now divided moiety is to be caft into one hundred parts, 
 lots or proprieties; ten of which, upon the agreement, made betwixt 
 E* Biliiuve and J, Feniuicke, his executors and afligns, with a coniider- 
 able fum of money by way of fatisfa<Stion, for what he became concerned 
 in the purchafe from the faid Lord Berkeley, and by him afterwards con- 
 veyed to John Edrulgt and Edmond Warner, their heirs and affigns. 
 
 8. " The ninety parts remaining are expofed to fale; on behalf of the 
 creditors of the faid Ed-ward Byllinge. And forasmuch feveral friends 
 are concerned as creditors, as well as others, and the difpofal of fo great 
 a part of this country being in our hands; we did in real tendernefs and 
 regard to friends, and efpecially to the pool and neceffitous, make friends 
 the firft offer; that if any of them, though particularly thofe, who being 
 low in the world, and under trials about a comfortable livelihood for 
 themfelves and families, fhouW be defirous of dealing for any part or 
 parcel thereof, that they might have the refufal. 
 
 9. " This was the real and honeft intent of our hearts, and not to 
 prompt, or allure any out of their places, either by the credit o'.ir names 
 might have with our people throughout the nation, or by reprefcnting the 
 thing otherwife than it is in itielf. 
 
 " As to the printed paper, fome time fince fet forth by the creditors, as 
 a defcription of that province, we lay, as to two paffages in it, they are 
 not fo clearly and fafely worded as ought to have been; particularly in 
 feeming to hint, the Winter feafon to be fo fhort a time; when, on fur- 
 ther information, we hear it is fometimes longer, and fometimes fhorter, 
 than tkerein expreffed; and the laft claufe, relating to liberty of confcience, 
 we would not have any to think, that it is promifed or intended, to main- 
 tain the liberty of the exercife of religion by force of arms; though we 
 fhall never confent to any the leaft violence on confcience ; yet it was never 
 defigned to encourage any to expect by force of arms, to have liberty of 
 conference fenced againft invaders thereof. 
 
 " And be it known unto you all, in the name and fear of Almighty 
 God, his Glory and Honor, Power and Wifdom, Truth and Kingdom, 
 is dearer to us, than all vifible things; and as our eye has been fingle, 
 and our hearts fincere, in the living God, in this, as in other things, fo 
 we defire all, whom it may concern, that all groundlefs jealoufies may 
 be judged down, and watched againft; and that all extremes maybe 
 avoided, on all hands, by the power of the Lord; that nothing which 
 
 hurts 
 
mentioned, they intended to fend. Their names 
 were, "Thomas Olive, Daniel Wills, John Kinfey, 
 Jofeph Hehnfay, Robert Stacy, Benjamin Scott, Rich- the 
 ar d Guy, and Thomas Foulke. They were empow- mii 
 ered to purchafe lands of the Indians; to infpecl the 
 rights of fuch as claimed property; to- give directions 
 for the laying out the lands; and, in general, to ad- 
 minifter the government, according to the concef- 
 Jions.* 
 
 The 
 
 hurts or grieves the holy life of truth in any that goes or ftaya, may be 
 adhered to, nor any provocation given to break precious unity. 
 
 " This am I, William Penn, moved of the Lord to write unto you, 
 left any bring a temptation upon themfelves, or others; and, in offend- 
 ing the Lord, flay their own Peace. BlefTed are they that can fee and 
 behold him their Leader, their Orderer, their Conductor and Preferver 
 in flaying and going; whofe is the earth and the fulnefs thereof, and the 
 cattle upon a thoufand hills. And, as we formerly writ, we cannot but 
 repeat our requeft unto you, that, in whomfoever a defire is to be con- 
 cerned in this intended plantation, fuch would weigh the thing before the 
 Lord, and not headily, or rafhly, conclude on any fuch remove; and that 
 they do not offer violence to the tender love of their near kindred and 
 relations, but foberly and confcientioufly endeavour to obtain their good 
 ivills ; the unity of friends, where they live; that, whether they go, or 
 ftay, it may be of good favour before the Lord, and good people; from 
 whom only can all heavenly and earthly blefiings come; This we thought 
 good to write, for the preventing all mifunderftandings, and to declare 
 the real truth of the matter; and fo we recommend you all to the Lord, 
 who is the watchman of his Ifrael. We are your real friends and bre- 
 thren. 
 
 WILLIAM PENN, 
 GAWEN LAWRIE. 
 NICHOLAS LUCAS. 
 
 * Of thefe Commiflioners, Richard Guy came in the firft fhip; John 
 Kinfcy died at Sbackamaxon, (the Indian name of the place, where Ken- 
 flngton flands, near Philadelphia] foon after his landing. 
 
 Among the purchafers of the Wefl-Jerfey knds, were two companies., 
 both confuting of friends, or Quakers; the one of perfons from Tort/bire, 
 the other from London. Thefe contracted for large (hares, and had patents 
 for them. See the conccfijons, in Smith's appendix to the hiftory of 
 New-Jerfey t No. 2, &.C. 
 
 Thofe of the county of Tort, were, Thomas Hutchinfon of Beverly^. 
 "Thomas Pearfon of B on-wide , Jofipb Helm/ley of Great Kelic, George 
 Hutchinfon of Sheffield, and Mahlon Stacy of Hanfivorth. All thefe were 
 principal creditors of Edivard Ey Hinge; and to thefe, feveral of the other 
 creditors made alignments of their debts, which together amounted to 
 3500 pounds fterling; and they took, in fatisfa&ion for the fum, one- 
 *-:nth part of Wt$~Jcrf?y; -which was conveyed to them by William Penn, 
 
 Gatixa 
 
r-flen ers ***~ Rum ^' er ^" paffengers in this (hip, was twcr 
 '"Si hundred and thirty, moftly of the people called 
 Keat * Quakers ; and fome of them had good eftates in 
 England. They landed about Rackoon creek, oil 
 Rac- Delaware; where the Swedes had fome fcattered 
 but infufficient to receive, or accom- 
 
 x 7 
 
 niodate them. This was the fecond fhip, which 
 arrived at WeJi-Jerfey with pafl'engers. As this fhip 
 lay in the river Thames , with the paflengers on 
 board, ready to fail, king Charles the fecond, in 
 his pleafure barge, coming along fide, and obferv- 
 ing a great number of people on board, and being 
 informed where they were bound, afked whether 
 they were all Quakers, and gave them his bleffing. 
 
 the Com- After their arrival, the Commiffioners proceeded 
 further up the river, to the place where Burlington 
 
 the/* a was afterwards built, then called 
 
 &c. 'from an Indian fachem, who lived there. Here 
 they treated with the Indians, and entered on the 
 regulation of their fettlements; for which, befides 
 the commifTion of the proprietors, they had like- 
 wife obtained that of Governor Androfs; on whom, 
 in their paffage, they had waited, at New-Tork, to 
 acquaint him with their bufmefs; who, as he had 
 received no inflruftions from the duke of Tork, in 
 the cafe, was unwilling to furrender the govern- 
 ment of the place to them, without an order from 
 the Duke, He had continued Governor of this 
 country, fince the Dutch furrender of it to the 
 King, in 1673; and though the Puke foon after 
 had a rergrant of it, as before obferved, yet it was 
 not till the year, 1678, that he, in confequence 
 thereof, made a new grant of WeJl-Jerfey to the 
 
 afligns 
 
 Gatven Laiv rie and Niclolas Lucas, and Edivard Bylllnae^ in two different 
 deeds, dated the firfl of the month called March, 1676. 
 
 Smith's hijlory of Ne'M-*jetfey, 
 
 The York/hire Commiffioners were Jo/eft Helmjle\^ William Emley, and 
 Robert Stacy; thofe of London, were Jokn Pf nford, Tlotnas Olive^ Daniel 
 Wills and en' am in Scott. 
 
Introduction* 145 
 
 ailigns of Lord Berkeley^ as well as alfo of Eqft- 
 Jerfey, to Carteret, the proprietor of the fame. 
 
 The Commiflioners procured interpreters from 
 the Swedes, Ifrael Helmes, Peter Rambo^ and Lacy 
 Cock; and afterwards Henrie Jacobfon Falcombre: 
 They made divers purchafes of lands from the 
 Indians; but not having goods fufficient to pay for 
 all they bought, they agreed not to fettle any part, 
 till it was paid for.* 
 
 The town of Burlington was laid out by mutual 
 
 r i i i L /^ T Burlington 
 
 agreement or the proprietors; and by the Comrmi- i a idout,&c. 
 fioners, it was firft named New-Beverly; but foon 
 after it got the name of Burlington. It was frrft s. Smith, 
 fettled by a confiderable number of reputable fami- &Ct 
 lies, from Torkfhire^ and other places in England;! 
 
 afrem 
 
 * 'Thomas Olive, the firfh mentioned of thefe Commiflioners, by the 
 Kent, was afterwards Governor of Wcjl-*$crfey, and in other refpe&s, a 
 man of importance; being both a preacher and writer among the Quakers. 
 While he was in the magiftracy, by his fkill and prudent management, 
 he acquired an univerfally good character; and in both his religious and 
 civil capacity and deportment, through life, he is faid to have merited and 
 obtained the general love and efteem of all people, till his death; which 
 was about the year 1 692, at Rankokas, where he had lived. 
 
 To form an idea of the price of lands, then purchafed of the Indians, 
 the following inftance may fuffiee, viz. 
 
 " The price of the lands, fituated between Qldmans-crceli, and Timber- 
 creek, extending about twenty miles on the river Dda-ware, purchafed this 
 year, (1677) confifted of thirty matchcoats, twenty guns, thirty kettles, 
 and one great one, thirty pair of hofe, twenty fathom of duffelds, thirty 
 petticoats, thirty narrow hoes, thirty bars of lead, fifteen fmall barrels of 
 powder, feventy knives, thirty Indian axes, feventy combs, fixty pair of 
 tobacco tongs, fixty pair of fcizzars, fixty Tinihaw looking glaffes, one 
 hundred -and twenty awl blades, one hundred and twenty fifii hooks, two 
 grafps of red paint, one hundred and twenty needles, fixty tobacco boxes, 
 two hundred bells, cvne hundred Jews harps, fixty anchors of rum." 
 
 Smith's hijiory of Netv-Jcrfey. 
 
 In the fame hiftory it is mentioned in another place, about the year, 
 1703, when the price of lands was confequenly much advanced, viz. 
 
 " The council (of proprietors) have made two purchafes, amounting 
 to, according to our beft computation, the number of one hundred and fifty 
 thoufand acres, at leaft; the coft thereof to the Indians, with other inci- 
 dental charges, will amount to about the fum of feven hundred pounds." 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 f Some of the mafters of families, who came in the (hip laft menti- 
 oned, and fettled in and about Burlington, were Thomas Olive, Daniel 
 Wills, William Peachy, William Clayton, John Crips, Thomas Eves, 
 Thomas Harding, Thomas Nofiter, Thomas Fairnfworth, Morgan 
 f i Q! Drewet 
 

 146 Introduction. 
 
 a frefh number of which arrived from Wickaco, the 
 Swedes fettlemcnt on Delaware, in the latter end 
 of October this year; but the feafon being fo far 
 fpent, they had only time to erect a kind of Wig- 
 warns, like thofe of the Indians, for their accom- 
 modation during the winter. 
 
 1677. The Indians fupplied them with corn and veni- 
 The indi- fon ; which was their principal food. Thefe na- 
 
 hef'ful ^ ves were t ^ len not muc ^ corrupted with ftrong 
 to the fi'rft Kqours, and they were, in general, friendly, kind 
 an d helpful to the Engli/b; though at that time 
 * they were very numerous, and the latter, compared 
 with them, but few and weak ; and notwithftand- 
 ing endeavours had been ufed, as was fuppofed, 
 by fome perfons, to render them otherwife, in try- 
 ing to make them believe that the Engttjh had fold 
 them the Small-pox in their match coats ; yet, at a 
 meeting, which they had on this affair, one of their 
 chiefs expreffed himfelf thus: " In my grandfa- 
 thers time, the fmall-pox came ; in my fathers time 
 the fmall-pox came; and now, in my time, the 
 fmall-pox is come;" then ilretching his hands' 
 
 towards 
 
 Drewet, William Pcnnton, Henry Jennings, William Hibes, Samuel 
 I.,ovet:t, John Woolfton, William Woodmancy, Chriftopher Saunders, 
 and Robert Powel; John Wilkinfon and William Perkins died in their 
 paflage.' Perkins, early in life, joined in fociety with the Quakers, and 
 lived well, in Leicefterfhire; and in the fifty- fecond year f his age, 
 with his wife, four children, and fome fervants, embarked in this fhip: 
 among his fervants was one, by name, Marfhall, a Carpenter, a very 
 ferviceable perfon, in fitting up the new habitations." 
 
 Smith's lifory of New-Jerfcy. 
 
 Extraft from John Crips's letter, dated, Burtingten y on Delaware, 
 s6th. 8th. month, 1677, t his friend Henry Stacy, in England. 
 
 " Here is a town (Burlington) laid out for twenty proprieties, and 
 a ftraight line, drawn from the river fide (Delaware) up the land, which 
 is to he the main ftreet, and a market place about the middle. The York- 
 Jhire ten proprietors are to build on one fide, and the London ten, on the 
 other fide; and they have ordered one ftreet to be made along the river 
 fide; which is not divided with the reft, but in fmall lots by itfelf; 
 and every one that hath any part in a propriety, is to have his fhare in it, 
 The town lots for every propriety will be about ten or eleven acres; 
 which is only for a houfe, orchard and gardens, &c." 
 
Introduction. 
 
 towards the fkies, he faid, " It came from thence:" 
 to which the reft ailented. 
 
 In 
 
 *Thom-is Sudd, who owned a fhare of propriety in Weft Jfrfey, being 
 anceilor to a large family there; and who arrived at Burlington in 1678, in a 
 Pamphlet, defcribing the country about nine or ten years afterwards, 
 fays, 
 
 " The Indians told us, rn a conference at Burlington, (hortly after we 
 came into the country, they were advifed to make war on us, and cut 
 Us off, while we were but few ; for that we fold them the Small Pox^ 
 with the Matdh coat they had bought of us : Which caufed our peo- 
 ple to be in fears and jealoufies concerning them : therefore we font for 
 the Indian Kings, to fpeak with them, who with many more Indians t 
 came to Burlington, where we had a conference with them, about the 
 matter. We told them, we came among!! them by their own confent, 
 and had bought the land of them ; for which we had honeftly paid, as 
 well as for all the commodities which we had, at any time bought of 
 them; that we had been juft, kind, and refpectful to tkem, from the time of 
 our firft coming ; and therefore, know no f eafon that they had to make 
 Avar on us. To which one of them in, behalf of the reft, made the fol- 
 lowing fpeech in anfwer." 
 
 " Our young men may fpeak fuch words as we do not like, nor ap- 
 prove of ; and we cannot help it. And fome of your young men may 
 fpeak fuch words as you do not like; and you cannot help that: 
 We arc your brothers, and intend to live like brothers with you ; we 
 have no mind to have war, for when we have war, we are only 
 fkln and bones, the meat that we eat does "us no good; we always 
 are in fear, we have not the benefit of the fun to fhine on us ; we hide us 
 in holes and corners; we are minded to live in peace. If we intend, at 
 any time, to make war upon you, we will let you know of it, and the 
 Tcafons why we make War with you ; and if you make us fatisfa&ion for 
 the injury done us, for which the war was intended, then we will not 
 make war on you ; and if you intend at any time, to make war on us, we 
 would have you let us know of it, and the reafon; and if we do not make 
 ffuuia&ion for the injury done unto you, then you may make war on us ; 
 ctherwifc you ought net to do it: you are our brothers, and we are wil- 
 ling to live like brothers with you : we are willing to have a broad path, 
 for you and us to walk in ; and if an Indian is afieep in this path, the 
 ,ft^r;Jhman fhall pafs by und do him no harm. And if an Engl/jhman be 
 afleep in this path, the Indian (hall pafs by him and fay " he is an Englijb- 
 tnan ; he is afleep, let him alone, he loves fleep. 1 " It fhall be K plain patb$ 
 there mufl not be in this path a Jlump, to hurt our feet. And as to the 
 fmall-pox, it was once in my grandfather's time; and it could not be the 
 Engli/b, that could fend it to us then; there 'being no Englijb, in the 
 country; and it was once in my father's time; they could not fend it us 
 then neither; and now it is in my time; I do not believe they have fsnt 
 it to us now; I do believe it is the Man above that hath fent 
 it us." 
 
 " Some are apt to afk, how we can propofe fafely to live among fuch a 
 Heathen people, as the Indians, whofe principles and practices lead them 
 to war and bloodfhed; and ours on the contrary, to love enemies? I an- 
 fwer, that we fettled by the Indians confent and goodliking, and bought 
 the land of them, that we fettle on; which they conveyed to us by deedsj 
 
 undet 
 
 '47 
 
1 48 Introduction. 
 
 In November arrived another (hip from London^ 
 with about fixty or feventy paffengers; of which 
 fome fettled at Sale?n; and others at Burlington. 
 Among the former are mentioned "James Nevill, 
 
 Henry 
 
 under their hands and feals; and alfo fubmltted to feveral articles cf 
 agreement with us, -viz. not to do us any irjury, but if it fhould fo happen, 
 that any of their people, any time, fhould injure, or do harm to any of 
 us, then they were to make us fatisfadion, for the injury done. There* 
 fore if they break thefe covenants and agreements, then, in confequence 
 thereof, they may be proceeded againft, as other offenders, i>iz. to keep 
 in fubjeclion to the Magiftrate's power; into whofe hands the fword of 
 jujlice is committed to be ufed by him,/<?r the punijkmer.t of evil-doers, and 
 the praife of them t!mt do ivell: therefore I do believe it to be both law- 
 ful and expedient to bring offenders to juftice, by the power of the ma- 
 giftrate'sfword; which is not to be ufed in vain; but may be ufed againft 
 iuch as raife rebellions and infurreSiions againft the government of the coun* 
 try, be they Cbrijiians or Indians, (now that thefe have fo far agreed to abide 
 the laws of civil government) otherwife it is in vain lor us to pretend 
 to magiflracy, or government; it being that, which we own to be lawful, 
 both in principle and practice. 
 
 " The Indians have been very ferviceable to us, by felling us 
 
 vcnifon, Indian corn, peas and beans, fifli and fowl:"" The wo- 
 men plant the corn and carry burdens. There are many of them of a 
 good underftanding, confidering their education; and in their public 
 meetings of bufinefs, they have excellent order; one fpeaking after ano- 
 ther; and while one is fpeaking all the reft keep filent, and do not fo much 
 as whifper one to the other. 
 
 '* We had feveral meetings with them; one was in order to put down 
 the fale of rum, brandy and other ftrong liquors, to them ; they being a 
 people, that have not government of themfelves, fo as to drink in mode- 
 ration. At which time there were eight Kings, (one of them was Ola- 
 nickon, a noted friend to the Engli/b} and many other Indians. The Kings 
 fat on a form, and we on another, over againft them. They had prepa- 
 red four belts of Wampum (fo their current money is called, being black 
 and white beads, made of a fifh fhell) to give us as feals of the cove- 
 nant, they made with us. One of the Kings by the confent and appoint- 
 ment of the reft flood up, and made this following fpeech: 
 
 " The ftrong liquor was firit fold us by the Dutch ; and they are 
 
 blind ; they had no eyes, they did not fee that it was for our hurt. The 
 Hext peopie that came among us,were the Swedes, who continued the fale of 
 thefe ftrong liquors to us ; they were alfo blind ; they had no eyes, they 
 did not fee it to be hurtful to us to drink it ; although we know it to be 
 hurtful to us ; but if people will fell it to us, we are fo in love with it, 
 that we cannot forbear it. When we drink it, it makes us mad ; we do 
 not know what to do: we then abufe one another; we throw each other 
 into the fire. Seven fcore of our people have been killed by reafon of the 
 drinking it, fmce the time it was firft fold us. Thofe people that fell it 
 are blind; they have no eyes: But now there is a people come to 
 live amongft us, that have eyes; they fee it to be for our hurt, and we 
 know it to be for our hurt; they are willing to deny themfelves the pro- 
 fit of it, for our gopd : Thofe people have eyes ; we are glad fuch a peo- 
 ple are come among us: we muft put it down by mutual confent; the 
 
 cafe 
 
149 
 
 Henry Salter, and George Deacon, with their fami- 
 lies. And, in this year alfo arrived the Fly-Boat, 
 Martha, of Burlington, in Torkjhire; which failed 
 from Hull, in the latter end of the furnmer, with 
 one hundred and fourteen paflengers.* 
 
 In one of thefe veffels, or about this time, came Arrival of 
 John Kinfey, then a young man; his father, hav- 
 ing been one of the Commiflioners, before menti- 
 oned, who died on his arrival. He was afterwards 
 a perfon of diftinguifhed fervices, in divers public Account O f 
 ftations. His fon of the fame name, and likewife h : fon j. 
 one of the people called Quakers, afterwards Chief Kinfe > T ' &< 
 Juflice of Pennfylvania, and eminent in the law, 
 was no lefs memorable for his ufeful and benefi- 
 cent abilities and good qualities, both in his public 
 and private life and character. 
 
 In the Tenth month, O. S. (December) 1678, ar- 
 rived the Shield, from Hull, Daniel Toives, Com- 
 mander, and anchored before Burlington. This was 
 
 the 
 
 calk muft be fealed up: it muft be made faft; it muft not leak by day noT 
 by night, in light nor in the dark ; and we give you thefe four belts of 
 Wampum\ which we would have you lay up fafe, and keep by you, to 
 be witneffes of this agreement, that we make with you; and we would 
 have you tell your children, that thefe four belts of Wampum are given 
 you, to be witneffes betwixt us and you, of this agreement." 
 
 5. Smiths bljlory of New Je^fey. 
 
 * Some mafters of families, in this Ihip, were, Thomas Wright, 
 William Goforth, John Lynam, Edward Seafon, William Black, Rich- 
 ard Dungworth, George Miles, William Wood, Thomas Schooly, 
 Richard Harrifon, Thomas Hooton, Samuel Taylor, Marmaduke Horf- 
 man, William Oxley, William Ley, and Nathanial Luke. The fami- 
 lies of Robert Stacy and Samuel Odas; and Thomas Ellis and John 
 Batts, fervants fent by George Hutchinfon, came in this ihip. Twenty 
 of the paflengers were faid to be living 45 years afterwards. 
 
 Note, Many who came fervants, and were induilrious, fucceede4 
 better, than fome who brought eftates, or fortunes, &c. the former, 
 being more generally better fuited to encounter the hardfhips and diffi- 
 culties of a new country, often acquired confiderable poffeilions; while 
 the latter, being accuftomed to live, and depend, on their fortunes, and 
 what they brought with them, had the difadvantage; and fometimes 
 fpent all they had, and were reduced to indigence, in a country, where 
 fervants were difficult to be had or kept; and the lower clafs of peo- 
 ple naturally became more independant, than in old countries, &c. 
 
150 Introduction. 
 
 the firil mip, that came fo far up the river Delaware 
 
 Oppofite to Coaquanock^ the Indian name of the 
 
 place, where Philadelphia now ftands, which was 
 
 a bold and high more, (he went fo near it, in tur- 
 
 1678. ning, that part of the tackling ilruck the trees: 
 
 Arrival o/ ome * t ^ le paflengers exprefling, ie It was a fine 
 
 the shidd,Jituation for a town. 9 ' The people, next morning, 
 
 went on more upon the ice; fo hard, and fo fud- 
 
 denly had it froze, in the fpace of one night!* 
 
 ?68o. The duty, which was impofed by the govern- 
 The dut ment; f New-Tor k on all exports and imports, at 
 at Hoarkill, remained a grievance till the year 1680. 
 n * s duty was exacted of fettlers, who came to 
 &c Weft-Jerfey. But it was, this year, redreifed, 
 through the application of their friends, in En- 
 gland) to the Duke of York: he referred the mat- 
 ter to Council; where it reded for a confiderable 
 
 time j 
 
 * In this veflel came William Emley, the fecond time, with his wife 
 and children, and bt>th men and women fervants; Mahlon Stacy, with 
 his wife and children, and feveral both men and women fervants; Tho- 
 mas Lambert, his wife, children, men and women fervants; John 
 Lambert and fervants; Thomas Revell, his wife, children and fervants; 
 Godfrey Hancock, his wife, children and fervants; Thomas Potts, his 
 wife and children; John Wood, and four children; Robert Muffin, his 
 wife and children; Robert Schooly, his wife and children; James Pharo, 
 his wife and children ; Sufannah Fairnfworth, her children and two fer- 
 vants; Richard Tatterfal, his wife arid children; Godfrey Newbold, 
 John Dewibury, Richard Green, Peter Fretwell t John Fret well, John 
 Jjewbold; one, by name, Barnes, a merchant, from Hull, Francis 
 Berwick, George Parks, George Hill, John Heyres and others. 
 
 In this year (1678) alfo arrived a {hip from London, which brought 
 John Denn, Thomas Kent, John Hollingfhead, with their families; 
 William Hewlings, Abraham Hewlings, Jonathan Eldridge, John 
 Petty, Thomas Kirby, with others: the former of thefe fettled about 
 Salem; the reft, at Burlington. 
 
 About this time, and a few years afterwards, arrived, at Burlington, 
 the following fettlers, from England, viz. John Butcher, Henry Grubb, 
 William Butcher, William Brightwen, Thomas Gardner, John Budd, 
 John Burten, Seth Smith, Walter Pumphrey, Thomas Ellis, Janits 
 Satterthwaite, Richard Arnold, John Woolman, John Stacy, Thomas 
 Eves, Benjamin Duffeld, John Payne, Samuel Cleft, William Cooper, 
 John Shinn, William Biles, John Skein, John Warrel. Anthony Morris, 
 Samuel Bunting, Charles Reed, Francis Collins, Thomas Matthews, 
 Chriftopher Wetherill, John Dewibury, John Day, Richard Bafnett, 
 John Antrom, William Biddle, Samuel Furnace, John Ladd, Thomas 
 Rapcr, Roger Huggins and Thomas Wood. 
 
 Smith's f)iflory of Ne 
 
Introduction. 
 
 time; but, at laft, by the management and affiduity 
 of William Penn, George Hutchinfon, and others, 
 it was reported in their favor; and Sir John Wer- 
 den^ on the Duke's behalf, wrote to have it dif- 
 continued: William Penn and the reft having 
 made it fully appear, that they had purchafed the 
 government of the country with the foil; which, 
 therefore, of right, ought not to be fubjec"fc to any 
 impofition of duties, from the government of New- 
 York; that the Duke of Tork 9 having granted all 
 his right to the faid country, to the afligns of Lord 
 Berkeley, and thefe to them, in as ample a manner, 
 as it was granted to the Duke by the King; which 
 was exprefsly, " To make, ordain and ejiablifh, all 
 manner of orders, laws, direflions^ inftruments and 
 forms of government, and Magiftrates, Jit and ne- 
 cejfary for the territory of or ef aid;" with this limi- 
 tation, " fo always as the fame be not contrary to the 
 laws andjiatutes of this our realm of England; but 
 as near as may be, agreeably thereto; it was there- 
 by plain, that the colony, or any of its inhabi- 
 tants, could not poffibly be, of right, fubject to 
 any laws or impofitions, but thofe of its own., 
 and of Great Britain.* 
 
 In 
 
 * In the prefent year 1680, arrived Samuel Jtningf, with his family, 
 from Coles-Hill^ in Bvckiitgbantjkirt. He was a perfon of ibme note 
 and eminence; a preacher among the Quakers, and ibmetime Governor 
 of the province; His letter, after his arrival, directed to William Penn, 
 EdivardByllingc, or G. Laivrie,. further mentions the difcontinuance of 
 this impofition, as follows: 
 
 " Dear Friends, 
 
 " THIS may give you art account of mine, and my family's fafe ar- 
 rival in Neiv-Jerfey, with all the reft that came with us. I might fay 
 fomething concerning our pafiage at fea, but I wave it, for want of 
 time; and, in fine, may obferve, all was well; for which I bltfs God; 
 and the Lord keep us all fenfible of it, with the reft of his mercies, for 
 ever." 
 
 " Dear Friends, about fix weeks fmce we arrived in Delaivart river, 
 where I expected to have met with a combat, in the denial of Cujloms. 
 Jn our paffage, at fea, I had communicated to ail that had any confide- 
 rable cargo on board, the opinion of Council, concerning the illegal 
 demand thereof, with what elfe I thought might be for their information; 
 which thus far prevailed, that mofi, if not ull, concerned, feemed re- 
 
 folved 
 
152 Introduction. 
 
 In the fettlement of new countries, people dif- 
 ferently interefted commonly characterize, or 
 praife and difpraife them, as it fuits their intereit 
 to encourage or difcourage fuch colonization; but 
 See s. we find mo ft of thofe early adventurers, whc f 
 or' 8 of f on a ^ ter t ^ le ^ r arrrva ^ wrote to their friends, in 
 N. jerfey. England^ appear to have been well pleafed with 
 the country, by giving a very favourable account 
 The new of it, in many of their letters, and fome of them, 
 Coionifts even beyond their former expectation: of which 
 
 well pleafed . ,? ,1 r> r 
 
 with the the following extract from one, written by an ear- 
 country, jy C olonift and proprietor, in the year 1680, may 
 ferve as a fpecim'en refpecling the native produce 
 of provifions of the country, in thofe early times, 
 viz. 
 
 " But now a word or two of thofe 
 
 Extract of ftrange reports you have of us, and our country : 
 a letter ref- j affirm they are not true ; and fear they were 
 
 peeling r 1 r r r T i 
 
 the provi- Ipoke from a ipirit or envy. It is a country that 
 and produceth all things for the fupport and fuftenance 
 The of man, in a plentiful manner; if it were not fo ? 
 country. J mould be afliamed of what I have before written; 
 but I can (land, having truth on my fide, againft 
 and before the face of all gainfayers and evil fpies. 
 
 folved to deny the paying of cuftom here; having paid all the King's 
 duties in England. In good time we came to anchor, in Delaware* 
 where one Ptter Alrlclts (collector of the cuftoms) came aboard, and 
 brought a handfome prefent to our Commander, and fent for me into the 
 K.ound-houfe t where they both were; and Peter told me, he had nothing 
 to fay to us, relating to cujlomi; he had no commiftion for it; nor did 
 he know of any body that had; fo we had all our goods fufely landed 
 after this unexpected eafy manner. 
 
 ** In purfuance of the truil committed to me after my arrival, I ac- 
 quainted thofe nominated in the commifiion with me, of it; but in a 
 inert time after I received your letters, giving me an account of a new 
 grant obtained, wherein the cuftoms are taken off; a free port confirmed, 
 and the government iettled on Edward Byllinge ; which I doubt not will 
 be very acceptable to every honeft man. But, as yet 1 have not had 
 time to let the..people, in general, know it: and now feeing the ports 
 are made legally free, and the government fettled, I would not have 
 any thing to remain as a difcouragement to planters; here are feveral 
 good and convenient fettlements already, and here is land enough, and 
 good enough, for many more. 
 
 " SAMUEL JENINGS. 
 *' Nevo- Jerfey t IJtL of Q8ber t l68o," 
 
Introduction* 153 
 
 I have travelled through moil of the places that 
 are fettled, and fome that are not; and in every 
 place I find the country very apt to anfwer the 
 expectation of the diligent. I have feen orchards 
 laden with fruit to admiration; their very limbs 
 torn to pieces with the weight, and mod delicious 
 to the tafte, and lovely to behold. I have feen an 
 apple-tree, from a pippin-kernel, yield a barrel of 
 curious cyder; and peaches in fuch plenty, that 
 fome people took their carts a peach-gathering; I 
 could not but fmile at the conceit of it; they are 
 very delicate fruit, and hang almoft like our oni- 
 ons, that are tied on ropes. I have feen and 
 known, this fummer, forty bumels of bold wheat 
 of one bufhel fown; and many more fuch inflances 
 1 could bring, which would be too tedious here 
 to mention. We have, from the time called May 
 until Michaelmas, great ftore of very good wild 
 fruits; as, ftrawberries, cranberries and hurtle- 
 berries; which are like our bilberries in England, 
 but far fweeter; they are very wholefome fruits. 
 The cranberries, much like cherries, for color 
 and bignefs; which may be kept till fruit come 
 again; an excellent fauce is made of them for ve- 
 nifon, turkeys, and other great fowl; and they 
 are better to make tarts than either goofberries or 
 cherries; we have them brought to our houfes by 
 the Indians^ in great plenty. My brother Robert 
 had as many cherries, this year, as would have 
 loaded feveral carts. It is rny judgment, by what 
 I have obferved, that fruit trees, in this country, 
 deftroy themfelves by the very weight of their 
 fruit. 
 
 " As for venifon and fowls, we have great 
 plenty ; \ we have brought home to our houfes, by pltnt r in 
 the Indians , feven or eight fat bucks in a day; S^'^in 
 and fometimes put by as many, having no occafion 1680. 
 for them; and fifh, in their feafon very plenteous, 
 my coufin Resell and I, with fome of my men, 
 went lafl third month into the river to catch her- 
 [20] rings > 
 
Introduction. 
 
 rings ; for, at that time, they came in great moles 
 into the (hallows; we had neither rod nor net; 
 but, after the Indian fafhion, made a round pin- 
 fold, about two yards over, and a foot high, but 
 left a gap for the fifh to go in at, and made a bum 
 to lay in the gap, to keep the fifh in; and when 
 that was done, we took two long birches, and 
 tied their tops together, and went about a ftones- 
 cafl above our faid pinfold; then hawling thefe 
 birch-boughs down the ftream, where we drove 
 thoufands before us; but fo many got into our 
 trap as it would hold ; and then we began to hawl 
 them on more, as faft as three or four of us 
 could, by two or three at a time; and, after this 
 manner, in half an hour, we could have filled a 
 three bufliel fack of as good large herrings as ever 
 I faw. And as to beef and pork, here is great 
 plenty of it, and cheap; and alfo good Iheep. 
 The common grafs of this country feeds beef 
 very fat. I have killed two this year; and there- 
 fore I have reafon to know it: befides, I have feen, 
 this fall, in Burlington, killed eight or nine fat 
 oxen and cows on a market day, and all very fat. 
 And though I fpeak of herrings only, left any 
 fhould think we have little other forts, we have- 
 great plenty of moil forts of fim, that ever I faw 
 in England: befides feveral other forts that are not 
 known there; as, rocks, cat-fiih, mads, (heeps-heads, 
 flurgeons; and fowls plenty; as, ducks, geefe, tur- 
 keys, pheafants, partridges ; ajid many other forts, 
 that I cannot remember, and would be too tedi- 
 ous to mention. 
 
 " Indeed the country, take it as a wildernefs, 
 is a brave country, though no place will pleafe all. 
 But forne will be ready to fay, He writes of con- 
 veniences, but not of inconveniences. In anfwer 
 to thefe, I honeftly declare there is fome barren 
 land, as, I fuppofe, there is in mod places of the 
 world ; and more wood than fome would have up- 
 on their lands ; neither will the country produce 
 
 corn 
 
Introduction* 
 
 orn without labour, npr cattle be got without 
 fomething to buy them, nor bread with idlenefs; 
 elfe it would be a brave country indeed; and I quef- 
 tion not, but all then would give it a good word; 
 For my part, I like it fo well, I never had the leaft 
 thought of returning to England^ except on account 
 of trade. 
 
 " MALHON STACY." 
 
 Weft-New-Jerfey being now become populous, 1681. 
 and Edward By Hinge chofen Governor by the pro- s. Jenings 
 prietors, in England, he commiflioned Samuel Jen- made 5 e " 
 
 ' 6 r , -1 1 T_ P ut 7 G - 
 
 ings, fome time after his arrival, which was m ver nor un. 
 1680, to be his deputy. Jenings accordingly cal- der E - B y l - 
 led an Affembly, with which, in November 1681, mge ' 
 he agreed upon certain fundamentals in govern- 
 ment, paffed a number of laws; and, with the 
 CommifTioners for fettliag and regulating lands, 
 fixed on proper rules and methods, for that pur- 
 pofe, all which may be feen in S. Smith's hiftory 
 O f that province."* 
 
 Note. In the year 1683, Oaiveit Lanvrie, arriving Deputy-Governor 
 of Ea/l-Jerfiy, under Robert Barclay, writes thus from Elizabeth-town, to 
 the proprietors, at London, viz. 
 
 " There is not a poor man in all the province, nor that wants; 
 here is abundance of provifion; pork and beef at two pence per pound; 
 fifh and fowl plenty ; oyfters, I think, would ferve all England; wheat 
 four fhillings fterling per bufhel; Indian wheat two fhillings and fix- 
 pence; it is exceeding good for food every way; and two or three hun- 
 dred fold increafe: cyder good and plenty, for one penny per quart, 
 Good drink, that is made of water and molaffes, ftands in about two 
 
 Jhillings per barrel; good venifon plenty, brought in to us at eighteen 
 
 pence the quirter; eggs at three pence per dozen; all things very plenty; 
 land very good as ever I faw: vines, walnuts, peaches, ftrawberries, and 
 many other things plenty in the woods." 
 
 * About this time a large number of fettkrs, chiefly friends, or 
 uakers, from Dublin, and places adjacent, in Ireland, arrived at Elfmg- 
 lurv, near Salem) fome of whom, John and Andrew Thompfon, and 
 Robert Zane fettled there : others went up to Burlington; and feveral of 
 them fettled at ffc-w-Toivn creek ; where the Indians were fhy, at firft, 
 but after becoming more acquainted, they were very kind, friendly and 
 helpful to them. 
 
 In the year 1682, the names of the members of Affembly, whkh 
 was the fecond Affembly, under Jenings, were, 
 
 " Thomas Olive, Speaker, Mahlon Stacy, Jofhua Wright, John Lam- 
 fcert, Thomas Lambert, William Emley, Godfrey Hancock, Daniel 
 Leeds, Thomas Wright, Samuel Borden, Robert Stacy, Thomas Budd, 
 Daniel Wills, fewer t Thomas Gardiner, John Crips, John White, Jclm 
 
 Chaffm, 
 
56 Introduction* 
 
 After this large numbers of frefli fettlcrs conti- 
 nued coming into the province; and, in the year 
 1682, a fhip of 550 tons burthen arrived at Weft- 
 yerfey, with three hundred and fixty parlengers; 
 who landed between Philadelphia and Burlington, 
 on the Jerfey more. 
 
 The reprefentatives of Weft-Jerfey, in general 
 Aflembly, continued to be annually elected, till 
 the furrender of the proprietary government to 
 the crown, in 1702; before which time the coun- 
 cil, (who were Juftices ex officio) Juftices of peace, 
 and inferior officers of government, were chofen 
 by them ; and the Governor was appointed by the 
 proprietors. 
 
 Chaffin, Bernard Davenifli, Ifaac Marriott, William Peachy, William 
 Cooper, Mark Newby, Thomas Thackery, Robert Zane, James Nevill, 
 Richard Guy, Mark Reeves, Richard Hancock, John Smith, John 
 Pledger, Edward Wade, George Deacon, and Samuel Hedge. 
 Thofc of the Council tusre, 
 
 <e Thomas Olive, Robert S,tacy, Mahlon Stacy, William Biddle, 
 Thomas Budd, John Chaffin, James Nevill, Daniel Wills, Mark Newby,. 
 Elias Farre. 
 
 *rtJJices for Burlington , 
 
 " William Biddle, Robert Stacy, Elias Farre, Mahlon Stacy, John 
 Chaffin, Thomas Budd, Benjamin Scott, John Crips, Thomas Thack- 
 cry. 
 
 "Jujlices for Salem, 
 
 V James Nevill, George Deacon, Richard Hancock, Edward Wade. 
 CommrJ/ioners for laying out lands, \5?c. 
 
 " Elias Farre, William Biddle, Thomas Budd, Thomas Gardiner, 
 Mark Newby, James Nevill, Thomas Olive, Robert Stacy, Benjamin 
 Scott, William Cooper. 
 
 Sheriff far Bur line ton, John White. 
 Sheriff or Salem, Thomas Woodruffe. 
 
 Provincial Clerk and Recorder for Burlington, Thomas Revell. 
 Ditto for Salem, Samuel Hedge. 
 
 Surveyor, Daniel Leeds. 
 
 Confablcs, Robert Schooly, John Pancoaft, John Burten v William 
 Brightwen, Thomas Sharp." 
 
 Among the laws, patted in Wef -Jerfey, tinder the adminiftration of 
 Jenings, anno 1683, the following indicates their views and care f 
 orderly, induftrious and reputable fettlement, &c. viz. 
 
 " And whereas, it hath pleafed God to commit this country and pro- 
 vince into the hands of fuch, who (for the generality of them) are 
 
 fearing 
 
Introduction. . 
 
 As to the religious ftate of the firil and early 
 fettlers of Weft New Jerfey, it is obfervable, as ftate of w. 
 before mentioned, they confiiled principally of ^" 
 the people called Quakers ; whofe religious princi- time. 
 pies, fyflem, and general practice have been al- 
 ready described: hence on their arrival at the place 
 where Burlington now (lands, and other places, 
 we find it was their firft and great concern public- 
 ly to fupport their religious worlhip; on account 
 of which many of them had fuffered much, in 
 their native country,* 
 
 Before 
 
 fearing God, and painful and induftrious, in the promoting; anc! im- 
 proving the faid province; and, for the better preventing of fuch as arc 
 profane, looie and idle and fcardalous, from fettling amongft us, v.ho 
 are, and will be, not only unferviceabje, but greatly burdenfome to the 
 province : It is therefore hereby enacted, by the authority aforefaid, 
 that all perfon and perfons, who ihall tranfport him, or themfelves into 
 this province, (hall, within eighteen months after he, or they, fhall 
 arrive, in the faid province, procure and produce a certificate, under 
 the hands of fuch of that religious fociety, to whom he or they did be- 
 long, or otherwile, from two Magiftrates, if procurable, or two Con* 
 ftables, or Overfeers of the poor, with three, or more, creditable pet*- 
 fons of the neighbourhood, who inhabit, or belong to the place, where 
 he, or they, did laft refide, as may give fatisfaclion, that is to fay, 
 that he, or they came not clandeftinely, or fraudently away; and if un- 
 married, that he, or fhe, are clear from former engagements, in that 
 particular; and alfo, that he, or fhe, are fuch as live foberly and honeftly, 
 to the beft of their knowledge; and that no Juftice fhall prefume to 
 marry any fuch perfon or perlbns, who fhall come into this province, 
 before fuch certificate be produced; or that it be laid before the Governor, 
 or two Juftices, and give them fufficient fatisfa&ion concerning their 
 clearnefs; and that all fuch perfon and perfons, who fhall fettle in the 
 faid province, and fhall refufe, or neglect, to produce fuch certificate, a* 
 aforefaid, within the faid eighteen months, fhall be fined at the difcre- 
 tion of the Governor and Council of the faid province, not exceeding 
 twenty pounds; the fame to be levied by diftrefs and faie on the offend- 
 er's goods, and to be paid into the hands of the Treafurer of the laid 
 province." 
 
 * Th following is an extract from a manufcrlpt, written by one of the 
 paffengcrs, in the Shield, from Hull, in 1678. 
 
 " The fir ft fettlers were moftjy of the people called ^naloj, -who 
 were well beloved where they came from, and had valuable eftates: 
 and though while they lived in their native country, they had plenty *>f 
 all neceflaries, yet their defire to remove to America was fo ftrong, 
 that they could not be content without going thither; and chofe to ven- 
 ture themfelves, their wives, children, and all they had, in the undt?r- 
 taking." 
 
 " But, notwithftanding the matters of families were men of 
 
 good eftates, yet, before they could get their land in order, and cora 
 
 and 
 
r^8 Introdu ftion. 
 
 Before a houfe was built on the place, they con- 
 afcey meet ftantly at dated times, held their religious meetings 
 under a un der a tent, covered with fail cloth, till "John 
 Woolfton had got his houfe ready j which was the 
 firft framed houfe in Burlington; at whofe houfe, 
 and that of Thomas Gardiner , they afterwards con- 
 tinued to hold their meetings both for divine wor- 
 ihip, and the difcipline or order, or their religious 
 fociety, till a fuitable meeting houfe was built for 
 that purpofe; which was not till feverai years after 
 their firfl arrival there, and a fimilar care and prac- 
 tice appear to have been among them, in other 
 places where they fettled. 
 
 Among 
 
 aftd ftock about them, they endured great hardfhips, and went throngh 
 many difficulties and ftraits; neverthelefs I never perceived any of them 
 to; repine, or repent of their coming." 
 
 " As it is faid in holy wVit, the preparations of the heart, in man, is 
 d? Che Lord, to it may well be believed, that the hearts of thefe people 
 were prepared for this fervice; even, to labor for the replenifhing of the 
 Wd; it being a wildernefs indeed, and they unacquainted with the na- 
 ture of the foil, and alfo with the inhabitants; altogether pilgrims and 
 Grangers, at their firft coming among them." 
 
 ** A providential hand was very vifible and remarkable, in many in 
 
 fiances, that might be mentioned; and the Indian* were, even, 
 
 rendered our benefa&ors and protectors! Without any carnal 
 
 weapon we entered the land; and inhabited therein, as fafe as if there 
 
 Rad been thoufands of garrifons; For the moil High preferved us 
 
 from harm both of man and beaft : and as the Englijb increased 
 more and more, there came fuch a fore diftemper among the Indians 
 that they died fo faft that, in feme places, their bodies wafted above 
 ground."" 
 
 u Many were the inftances, whofe eonfidrration might be ufeful to 
 future generations, and the fteps of their forefathers and elder*, inftruc- 
 tive to poften'ty." 
 
 - " The aforefaid people were zealous in performing their religious 
 
 fervice ; for having, at firft, no meeting-houfe to keep public meeting* 
 in, they made a t<^nt, or covert, of fail cloth, to meet under; and after 
 they got forne little houfes to dwell in, then they kept their meetings 
 
 ia one of them, till they could build a meeting houfe." Thomas 
 
 OTive and Willam Peachy were two of the firft fettlers, who had a public 
 Mmiftry. 
 
 ** Samuel Jenirrgf and fiis wife, Ann, were early comers to America, 
 and of worthy memory, endued with both fpiritual and temporal wif- 
 dem; < fome part of his time he was made Governor of Weji- 
 Jerfey; he was a fuppreffor of vice, and an encourager of 
 
 virtue; fharp towards evil doers, but tender and loving to them 
 Sfcafr did well; giving good counfel, and wbolefome advice to friends and 
 
 neighbours;. 
 
Introduction. i$g 
 
 Among the firft things that appear to have come Firftbj e a* 
 under particular notice and regulation, in their ot . ^^ 
 
 r IT T r -i i i care m their 
 
 meetings or diiciphne, after their arrival, were, the meetings ** 
 taking proper care and fupport of their poor; the dif "piiae 
 ordering and palling of marriages, (thirteen couple 
 having been married among them at Burlington, be- 
 fore the year 1681,) and the difcouraging of all 
 their people from felling ftrong liquors to the In- 
 dians. 
 
 In the year 1680, in an epiille from their month- They write 
 ly meeting at Burlington, to the yearly meeting in Lon- to 
 don, which was the firft regular correfpondence of 
 that nature, eftablifhed between the fociety, in this 
 part of the world, and the faid yearly meeting, they 
 were particularly urgent, among other things, that 
 
 none 
 
 neighbours; an able minifter of the gofpel; and labo-ured much 
 
 therein; to the comfort and edification of many people, both in this 
 province, and other places," &c. M. S. 
 
 Note. Among thofe of this fociety, who arrived in this province, 
 before the grant of Pennfylvania. to William Pcnn, in 1 68 1, or foon after- 
 wards, the following perfons appear to be mentioned, as a<ftive and ufeful, 
 not only in their own religious fociety, but moft of them aifo in a civil 
 capacity, in arid about Burlington, viz. 
 
 John Batcher, Henry Grubb, William Butcher, William Bright wen, 
 Thomas Gardiner, Thomas Foulke, John Bourten, Samuel Jenings, Set3i 
 Smith, Walter Pomphrey, Thomas Ellis, James Satterthwiiite, Richard 
 Arnold, John Woolman, John Stacy, Thomas Eves, John Payne, Sa- 
 muel Cleft, William Cooper, John Shinn and William Biles. And 
 about this time, or foon afterwards, arrived John Skein, Anthony Mor- 
 ris, Samuel Bunting, Francis Collins, Thomas Matthews, Chriftopher 
 Wetheriil, John Dewlbury, John Day, Richard Bafnett, John An tram, 
 William Biddle and Samuel Furnace. 
 
 Among the women of worthy and eminent character, in the fame 
 fociety, at this time, appear to have been, Elizabeth Gardiner, Sarali 
 Biddle, Elizabeth Hooten, Helen Skein, Ann Butcher, Sufannah Bright- 
 wen, Mary Crips, Frances Antrom, Frances Taylor, Ann Jenings, 
 Joan Atkinfon, Sufannah Budd, Judith Noble, Ann Peachy, &c. 
 
 John Wool/Ion is faid to have been a perfon of good efteem among his 
 friends, the Quakers at Burlington-, and that during more than twenty 
 years fatigue of a new fettlcment, he ever proved himfelf a ready friend., 
 kind neighbour, and a valuaMe member of fociety till his death, in 1698. 
 
 Thomas Gardiner was a man of eminence among the tVttaiers and carry 
 fettlers in Burlington and Wefi-Jerfey. He ferved in feveral public offi- 
 ces, in the government, with honor and fidelity; was very fkilful in 
 a variety of bufinefs; a good iurveyor, and a very ufeful member -of 
 fociety; feveral years, one of the Council; Treafurer of the weilera 
 <3ivifion, and the firft Speaker of the AfTembly, after the union of the 
 
i6o 
 
 none of their friends, or members of the fame ft)*- 
 ciety in England, or elfe where, mould remove to 
 them, without certificates, or well authenticated 
 recommendation, from the fociety, where they 
 Lift lived, prior to their removal; in order to pre- 
 vent impoilure, idle, diforderly and defigning per- 
 fons from coming among them, and taking advan- 
 tage of the innocent and well-meaning; and that 
 they might be well advifed in fuch important under- 
 taking** 
 
 TLe firit The firfl general yearly meeting of the people 
 general called Quakers, in this country, for regulating the 
 meeting, affairs of their religious fociety, was held, or met, 
 &c. in at Burlington, on the 28th. day of the Sixth month, 
 i68i.f It was conftituted of fuch of their religi- 
 ous meetings as were then eftiblifhed, or fettled, 
 in New-Jcrfey, as, at Shrew/bury, Salem, Burling- 
 ton, Rankokas, &c. and on the weft fide of De- 
 laware, (where divers Englifh fettlements of this 
 people appear to have been, prior to thofe under 
 William Penn) as, at Shackamaxon, (or nigh the 
 place where Kenjlngton (lands, in the vicinity of 
 
 Philadelphia) 
 
 governments of Eajl and Wejl-'Jerfey^ in 1703. He died at Burlington , 
 in 1712. 
 
 John Skein, was a native of Scotland; a perfon of great fcrvice and 
 integrity, both in his religious and civil conduct; he was near two years 
 Governor of Wcjl-'Jerfey^ and died in the year 1687. He was a preacher 
 among the Quakers; had fuffered much for his religion, in his native 
 country; where he had diftmguifhed himfelf in its caufe. 
 
 * This epiftle was figfted by "Join Woolfion, Daniel Leeds, John But- 
 cher, Henry Grubb, William Butcher, Seth Smith, Walter Pomphrey, 
 Thomas Ellis, James Satterthvvaite, Thomas Budd, William Peachy, 
 William Brightwen, Thomas Gardiner, Robert Stacy, John Hollingf- 
 
 head, Robert Powell, John Burton, Samuel Jenings; and by Rich- 
 
 ard Arnold, John Woolman, John Stacy, Abraham Hulings, Peter 
 Fretwell, Thomas Eves, John Payne, John Crips, Thomas Lambert, 
 John Kinfey, Samuel Cleft, William, Cooper, John Shin, William Biles, 
 Thomaa Harding, William. Hulings. 
 
 f On the 3ift. this yearly meeting entered upon regulating fuch affairs 
 of the fociety, as then appeared firft neceflary, &c. particularly the ap- 
 pointment of times and places of the different meetings for religious 
 worfhip, and the difcipline, or other bufmefs of the fociety: amor^ 
 which a general meeting for worfhip was then agreed to be held yearly 
 at Salem., on the fecond foft day of the week in the Second month, &c. 
 
Introduction* 1 6 i 
 
 Philadelphia) near the falls of Delaware; and at 
 Upland, fince called Chejhr y &c.* 
 
 This yearly meeting of the fociety on both fides Y M rincc 
 of Delaware^ was afterwards, from the year 1684, removed to 
 held alternately at Burlington and Philadelphia,^ 
 till the year 1761 when it was removed entirely to 
 Philadelphia; fince which time it continues to be 
 annually held there, and maintains a conilant re- 
 gular intercourfe and correfpondence with that of 
 the fame fociety in London. 
 
 As 
 
 * The firft religious meetings df this people, in Netu-Jerfcy, were re- 
 gularly fettled, firft, at Shrew/bury, in 1670; fecond at Salem, in 1675. 
 At the former place, in 1667, the fettlers are faid to have been either 
 all, or moft of them, Friends, or Quakers; among whom Lewis Mor- 
 ris, a Friend from Barbados*, was one of the moft confiderable , &c. 
 As to the latter place, or Salem, the Friends, who came with John Fex- 
 , in 1675, firft fettled a meeting there, on their arrival. 
 
 Note. It may be further obferved, that, among the records of early time, 
 uiz. about the years 1681 and l68z, there are feveral papers of religious 
 advice, addreffed, " To the planters, and fuch as are tranfporting them 
 felvcs to the plantations, in America" among the Quakers, by George Fox t 
 the firft and chief preacher, in that fociety; tending to inculcate fuch 
 a principle and motive of adting and general pradice, in life and man- 
 ners, as, if duly adhered to, would render laws and punifhments lefs 
 neceffary, by preventing the caufes of them: Thefe exhorted to a due 
 performance of certain Chrijlian duties, both in a religious and civil ca- 
 pacity; pointing out the infallible meams of executing the fame; In 
 which, that the reader may fee a fpecimen of the nature of thefe advices, 
 among other things, it is there expreffed and advifed, viz. 
 
 I " That, while they were making outward plantations, in America-, 
 they fhould not neglect the more important cultivation of their own 
 minds, and that more excellent improvement, in heavenly riches, and 
 true mental felicity ; which is of more lafting duration, than all worldly 
 objects; by faithfully difcharging their duty to God, as well as to each, 
 other; and their inviting and inftrudtiftg the Indiam, and all people, 
 where they came, in the knowledge and practice of true Ctri/hatnty. 
 
 a " To keep to truth and uprightnefs, in all their dealings; taking no 
 advantage from the diftrefs of others, or the circumftances of the times; 
 iiot to opprefs any, through lucrative views, when in their power; nor 
 Do be elevated in mind by their temporal acquifitions; which the fame 
 hand of Providence, that gave them, could as eaiily take away: and 
 that their lives and conventions ftjould be confiftent with their profeffi- 
 on, in all things, and not adminifter any real occafion for report, that 
 they were become worfe, through the increafe of their worldly poflef- 
 fions; to the incumbering of their minds, and drawing them into a 
 practice, incompatible with their real felicity. 
 
 3. " That none (hould go beyond their abilities and capacities, in 
 trade, and thereby rifle the property of others, to their hur^; nor ftrive 
 to be great, in the world; but to keep to moderatiqrt, in all things. 
 
 [21] 4- 
 
1 6 2 Introduction* 
 
 Proportion As to the proportion, which the number of 
 m<^n ker8> tne ^ e P e pl e > m l ater years, bears with the reft of 
 withothers, the inhabitants, in Weft-Jerfey, who have fmce 
 &c - flocked into it and increafed among them, it ap- 
 
 pears by S. Smith's hiflory of New-Jerfey, publiftV 
 ed in 1765, from which the major part of what 
 has here been faid of it is taken, that in the eight 
 counties, of which Wcft-Jerfey confifts, there then 
 were meeting-houfes, where meetings were held 
 for divine worfhip, of the Shakers thirty-two, of 
 the Prejbyterians thirty-two, of the different Bap- 
 lifts thirteen, of the Epifcopalians^ or church of 
 England ten, of the low Dutch, Germans and 
 Swedes, both Lutheran and Prejbyterian congre^ 
 gations, ten, and one of the Moravians. 
 
 Number of In the fame hiftory, the whole number of the 
 
 inhabitants, inhabitants of both Eaft and WeJl-Jerfey, were 
 
 then fuppofed to be about one hundred thoufand. 
 
 E. jcrfey Eaft-Jerfey was, by the laft Will of its proprie- 
 
 pr^prkton, tor > Sir George Carteret, ordered to be fold, at his 
 
 &c. ' death, to pay his debts.* He died in 1679;, and 
 
 it 
 
 4. " That all, who were in offices of government, as Governor^ 
 Judges, Juttices,&c. fhould ftrictly adhere to juftice and equity, diftinguifh- 
 rag themfelves by the faithful dilcharge of their duty, efpecially in helping 
 the poor, fatherleis and diltrefled, &c. (with many quotations out of the 
 S. Scriptures, on this head) and, that, fuch as rule over others, fhould, 
 in the firft place, govern well their own families; recommending the 
 examples of Daniel, Jofeph, &C. to thofe in authority; and the Apoftle's 
 advice, " Tofobmitto every ordinance of man, tvhttber it be to the Klttg^ as 
 
 Jiipretne^ or to Governors^ as to them that are fent by them^ &c. 
 
 5. " And, that all thefe things, with many others, (too tedious here to 
 particularize,) mould be obferved and done, from a fenfe, principle, or 
 motive, of confcientious duty; which is a more noble and ftronger ob- 
 ligation, on the human mind, and far above what any flavifh fear, or 
 mere external force, or power of laws and punilhments alone, is able to 
 induce, or efFedl." 
 
 * " His Will is dated, December jth. 1678; he devifes to Edward, 
 Earl of Sandwich, John Earl of Bath, Bernard Grenville, Sir Thomas 
 Crew, Sir Robert Atkins and Edward Atkins, Efquire, and their heirs, 
 among other lands, all his plantation of New-Jerfey, upon truft and 
 confidence, that they, and the furvivors, or furvivor of them, fhould make 
 fale of all the faid premifes; and out of the money, that fhould, upon 
 fuch fale, arife, pay and difcharge debts, &c. as therein mentioned." 
 
 Smiths lifiory tjf Ntiv-J'erfiy. 
 
Introduction. 1 63 
 
 it was accordingly difpofed of, and conveyed, to 
 twelve perfons,or proprietors, and to their heirs and 
 afligns, by indenture of leafe and releafe, bearing 
 date the firft and fecond of February, 1681-2: 
 Of which Philip Carteret had remained Governor 
 ever fmce the quintipartite divifion, in 1676, as 
 well as before, till about this time; Elizabeth-town 
 being then the capital, or the place of the Gover- 
 nor's refidence. The names of the twelve pro- 
 prietors were, William Penn, Robert Weft, Tho- Their 
 mas Rudyard, Samuel Groome, Thomas Hart, names> 
 Richard Mew, Thomas Wilcox, of London, Gold- 
 fmith, Ambrofe Rigg, John Haywood, Hugh 
 Hartfhorne, Clement Plumfted and Thomas Coo- 
 per. 
 
 Thefe twelve proprietors foon took in twelve Names of 
 others, making, in all, twenty-four. The names < h e other 
 of the latter twelve proprietors were, James, Earl twclve > &c * 
 of Perth, John Drummond, Robert Barclay, Ro- 
 bert Gordon, Aarent Sonmans, Gawen Lawrie, 
 Edward Byllinge, James Braine, William Gibfon, 
 Thomas Barker, Robert Turner, and Thomas 
 Warne. They publifhed an account of their coun- 
 try, a frefh project for a town, (Perth Amboy) and a 
 method of difpofm'g of their lands. Their plan 
 was popular; and many, efpecially of the Scotch , 
 reforted thither: and to thefe proprietors the Duke 
 of Tork made a frefh grant of Ea/i^Jerfey^ bear* 
 ing date, the i4th. of March, 1682. 
 
 Many, if not mod, of thefe proprietors were Robert 
 Friends, or Quakers; Robert Barclay of Urie, ittBarcky in 
 Scotland, a very noted perfon in that focietv as l68 3> madc r 
 
 rr A - j i_ r i _'* w Govcrnorof 
 
 before mentioned, being one of them, was by the Eaft jerfey, 
 reft of the proprietors, in 1683, made Governor &c - 
 of EaJl-Jerfey, for life; Thomas Rudyard, of the 
 fame fociety, from London, likewife a proprietor, 
 
 being 
 
 Note. George Keith, a fcotchman, fometime Surveyor Genera] of Eajl- 
 Jerfey, and a noted perfon among the ^ualers, is thought to have ar 
 riv^d about this time, (1682) or foon afterwards. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
64 
 
 Introduction. 
 
 being his deputy; who, either at, or before, this 
 time, had arrived in the province; but he was fbon 
 after fucceeded by Gawen Lawrie of London, (one 
 of the proprietors of both Eqft and Weft-Jerfef) 
 under Robert Barclay* 
 
 Govern- Eoft and Weft^erfey thus continued, in" an in- 
 ^ e j^j e ^ creating ''-and profperous ftate, for a number of 
 fey fun-en- years, or till about the year 1701; when the na- 
 
 crown^nno ture ^ ^^ g overnments > which were inverted in 
 1702, fuch a large number of proprietors, occafioned fo 
 
 much 
 
 * Barclay's Commiffion was in the following 1 words, v/'z. 
 
 * The proprietors of the province of Ee/1-jffvr-Jerfty to our trufty 
 and well beloved fellow proprietor, Robert Barclay fejid Greeting: 
 
 Whereas, the powers of government of the province of EaJl-Ne-at- 
 Jerfey is devolved upon us, and afiigned to us, by James duke of York, 
 with power to conftitute and appoint fuch Governor and Cormniffioners, 
 for the well governing of the faid province, as we fhall fee meet; and 
 we having heretofore, out of the confidence, we had of Robert Barclay, 
 his {kill, prudence and integrity, constituted him Governor of the faid 
 province, to appoint a deputy, during his abfence therefrom; to be ap 
 proved by fixteen of the proprietors: upon the fame reafon and confi- 
 dence, we do hereby confirm to him the government of the faid pro- 
 vince, during all the days of bis life; as to have the power of the govern- 
 ment of all the faid province, and of all ifles, rivers, ifiands and feas, within 
 the fame, or belonging thereto; to do all, and every thing, or things, 
 which to the charge and office of a Governor doth appertain; command- 
 ing all inferior officers to obey him, as their Governor, according to this 
 our commiflion, and the power hereby given him, and according to the' 
 laws and conftitutions made, or confirmed, by us, or to be made; which 
 he himfelf is to obferve and follow; as unto his duty and office doth ap- 
 pertain. And whereas, we have agreed, and are fatisfied, for certain 
 good reafons and confideratibns, mewing us thereunto, to commit this 
 truft unto him, and give him this character, without laying any neccf- 
 fity upon him, to repair to the faid province; fo hkewife we have, and 
 do hereby give him power, from time to time, as need fhall be, during 
 his abfence, to name and conftitute, and grant commiffion to, a Depury 
 Governor to ferve in the faid province; he being always approved by fix- 
 teen- of us the proprietors, and following the orders, he receives from 
 us, according to the laws and conftitutions of the faid province. 
 
 " Given under the feal of the faid province, and figned by our 
 hands; dated at London, the lyth. of the Fifth month, cal- 
 led July, in the year of our Lord, according to the Enghfh- 
 account, 1683." 
 
 Note. " R. Barclay never came to the province. He died on tiie third 
 of October 1690; having cominued Governor till 1685* when Lord 
 Neil Camptell, uncle to the Duke of Argyle^ was appointed Governor, 
 and came over to the province/'" In 1698, Sir Thomas Lane was 
 Governor of Eafi-Jerfey." 
 
 Smith's lijlory of 
 
Introdu&ion. 16$ 
 
 much inconveniency, difpute; party and confufion, 
 that, in the following year, the proprietors of both 
 divisions agreed to furrender the government; 
 which was accordingly done by them, to Queen 
 Ann, by an inilrument, dated the 1 5th. day of 
 April, 1702. Since which time they both have 
 continued, in profperity, united in one government, 
 immediately under the Crown. 
 
 It may be further obferved from S. Smith's ac- 
 count of this province, 
 
 " That the whole extent of it, from North to Extent of, 
 South, or from Cape May, in latitude 39 degrees, for of acre* 
 to the north ftation point, in latitude 41 degrees, in, N. Jer- 
 40 minutes, at 69! miles to a degree, is about fey * 
 1 84 miles; and its greateft breadth, about 60 miles; 
 but fuppofing it, at a medium, to be 150, in 
 length, and 50, in breadth, the whole province, 
 muft then contain 4,800,000 acres; of which 
 one-fourth part (probably more) is poor, barren, 
 land, in refpect to tillage; but, in part, abounding 
 with pines and cedars, and fome few tracts of 
 fwamp, that will make meadow. 
 
 Eaft Jerfey is divided into five Counties, 'viz. 
 Middlefex, Monmouth, Effex, Somerfet, and Bergen. f 
 Wejl- Jerfey, into eight, as, Burlington, Gloucejier, 
 Sale?n, Cumberland, Cape May, Hunterdon, Mor- 
 ris and Su/Jex. 
 
 " It is fuppofed that Weft- Jerfey, contains more 
 ?.cres, than the eaftern divifion, and, in return, 
 took more barren land. Eaft- Jerfey, now in 1 765, 
 is fuppofed to have located nearly 468,000 acres, | 5 * 
 good land, and 96,000 acres of pine land. -The j 
 proprietors of WeJl-Jerfey, foon after their arrival, 
 divided among them 500,000 acres; which they 
 called the firft dividend: fince which, at different \ 
 times, they have iffued directions for each proprie- 
 tor's taking his part of four other dividends, of 
 the like quantity, amounting in the whole, with 
 allowance of five per cent, for roads, to 2,625,000;' 
 
 conjectured 
 
1,66 Introduction. 
 
 conj enured by many to be full as much as the 
 divifion contains; of this the far 'greater part is 
 already furveyed; what yet remains are chiefly 
 the rights of minors and people abroad." 
 
 The trade The vicinity of the cities of New-Tork to Eqft- 
 of N. jcr- Jerfey^ and of Philadelphia to Weft-Jerfey, has 
 inPhUadei- can ~i e d m oft of their foreign trade to thefe two 
 phiaandN. places; to which the inhabitants refort, in that 
 York. refpedt, as to the capitals of each refpedive divi- 
 fion; fo that there is no town of very considerable 
 trade, fize, or importance, in that other wife rich., 
 plentiful and flourifliing colony of New-Jerfey, 
 
 T H E 
 
THE 
 
 HISTORY 
 
 O F 
 
 PENNSYLVANIA, 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 William Penn's chief defign in the Colonization of Penn- 
 fyhania caufe and manner of obtaining the 
 grant: -King Charles thefecond y s royal charter to 
 William Penn. Boundary between Maryland and 
 Pennfylvania, with the real extent and content of the 
 latter. The King's declaration.- Account of the 
 province ', terms of J ale for land, and conditions of 
 fettlement publi/hed) with advice to the adventurers. 
 Freefociety of traders, &c. 
 
 _t 
 
 T has been mentioned, in the preceding intro- 
 duction, in what manner William Penn became 
 concerned in the province of Weft-New-'Jer/ey, 
 
 , ..i P. ,,.* / - / .*^ W. Penn s 
 
 and a principal promoter or its colonization, in, time fpent 
 or about, the year 1676. After which time, as !\ bc ^" 
 before, it appears, in the annals of his life, that " 
 he was continually, and various ways, employed, 
 in promoting the happinefs of mankind, both in 
 
 their 
 
i68 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1676. their religious and civil capacity; infomuch that 
 v*^rx^ his name is revered in a double refpect, and ren- 
 dered dear to pofterity. The fruits of his labours 
 have placed his conduct above the power of envy 
 and detraction; which would pervert every good 
 and laudable defign to the vileft purpofes, and 
 reprefent the moil generous actions, as arifing 
 front fordid and finifter views: evils, which always 
 indicate their oppofite virtues and true merit, and 
 have their refidence in bafe and low minds. 
 
 His views The views of William Penn, in the colonization 
 of f Pcnnfylvania^ were moft manifeft, the beft and 
 a- moft exalted, that could occupy the human mind;* 
 
 to 
 
 '* Governor HutcJ/mfon, in his hiftory of Majfachufet's-bay, fays, " Our 
 anceftors valued themfelves upon being a colony for religion. Penn had 
 Ho other motive to found his colony, than btunanfolicy. 
 
 Firft, By religion here, it feems not unreafonable to fuppofe, the author 
 meant, that partial advancement of a particular fed, or of the profef- 
 fors of one particular form of religion only, both in civil and ecclefiafti- 
 cal power and advantages, to the exclufion of all others; which appears, 
 
 fey his kiftory, to have been the real cafe, in that colony: and that, 
 
 by human policy only, is to be underftood, in this place, the conferring ot 
 no excluffve favour, nor partial advantages, on the votaries of any one 
 particular form of religion alone, according to the political ftate or con- 
 ilitution of Pennfylvania, eftabliftied by William Penn;-* for as menti- 
 oned in the beginning, it is moft certain, that William Penn, both in a 
 religious and civil refpedt, " As an univerfal father, opened his arms to 
 all mankind, without diftinction of fed, or party. In his republic, it 
 was not the religious creed, but perfonal merit, that entitled every mem- 
 ber of fociety to the protection and emolument of the ftate." 
 
 It is not my bufinefs here to compare this kind of religion, with what 
 is here called human policy alone, nor to fhew how far the latter excels, 
 or tranfcends, the unreafonable limitation of the former, both in a re- 
 ligious and political fenfe, notwithstanding the names here given them; 
 becaufe the perverfion, or mifapplication of names and words is eafy 
 and common ; but to call the beft religion, human policy only, cannot 
 alter the nature of it, though it may fometimes have an effed; on igno- 
 fant and inconfiderate minds, &c. 
 
 Second, Befides, I think I have known fome others, fo differently 
 minded in their conceptions of things, and fo ftrongly fwayed by the 
 opinion, though under pretence of religion, or from declared religious 
 views, as to endeavour to make men believe, " That true Chrijlians ought 
 not to be concerned, as agents, in the affairs of civil government at all:" ~ 
 becaufe, fay they, " Chriji's kingdom is not of this ivorld," &c. I ftiall not 
 meddle here with fuch opinions further than, in this hiftory to oppofe 
 the invariable fentiments, and uniform conduct of William Penn to the 
 extravagancy of all fuch notions. 
 
 When 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 169 
 
 Co render men as free and happy as the nature of 1680. 
 their exiftence could poflibly bear, in their civil v*>*v>~> 
 capacity, and in their religious flate, to reflore to 
 them thofe loft rights and privileges, with which 
 God and nature had originally blefled the human 
 race. This, in part, he effeded; and, by thofe 
 means, which Providence, in the following man- His fucccfs 
 ner, put into his hands, he ib far brought to ****** hls 
 
 r i i L j * rn dcflgn. 
 
 pals, as both to excite the admiration or itrangers, 
 and to fix in pofterhy, that love and honor for 
 his memory, which the length of future time will 
 fcarcely ever be able to efface. 
 
 It has already been obferved, that the eminent w. ienn 
 public fervices of Admiral Penn had brought him P etit * ons . 
 
 r i_- i_ r !_ r rtr.,,. the King m 
 
 in favor at court; to which favor his fon, William 1680. 
 Penn, fucceeded, notwithftanding the fmgularity 
 of the choice of his mode of life. There was a 
 large fum of money due, from the government, 
 to the Admiral, at the time of his death; much of 
 
 When preparing for his fettlement and government of Pennfyfoania 
 William Penn, in divers of his letters and writings, on the occafion, &c.- 
 befides what is publifhed, of that nature, in his printed works, expreffed 
 his religious fenfe and -vietus, in a manner fufficiently clear, on this affair} 
 of which the following fhort extracts may fcrve, as a fpecimen, viz. 
 
 Firft, To his friends, in a more general capacity: 
 
 " And now give me leave to fay, I have ferved the Lord, his truth 
 and people, in my day, to my ability, and not fought myfelf, though 
 much fpent my ielf; fo has he firmly made me to believe, that I ihall 
 not, even, outwardly, go without my reward; I fee his blefled hand 
 therein, that has blefled my faith and patience, and long attendance with 
 fuccefs. And becaufe I have been fomewhat exercifed, at times, about 
 the nature and end of government, among men, it is reafonable to 
 expe<ft, that I ihould endeavour to eftabliili a juft and righteous one, in 
 this province; that others may take example i>y it; truly this my heart defires^ 
 For the nations want a precedent: and till vice, and corrupt manners, be 
 impartially rebuked and punifhed, and till virtue and fohriety be cherifh- 
 ed, the wrath of God will hang over nations. I do, therefore, defire 
 the Lord's wifdom to guide me, and thofe that may be concerned with 
 me; that we may do the thing, that is truly wife and juft," &c. M.S. 
 
 Secondly, To a particular friend in England, who afterwards removed to 
 fcnnfylvania y taken from his own hand writing, dated, in 1681, viz. 
 
 " For my country, I eyed the Lord, in obtaining it; and more was I 
 drawn inward to look to him, and to owe it to his hand and power, 
 than to any other way; I bavefo obtained it t and dufire to keep it ; that I may 
 not be unworthy of his love; but do that, which may anfwer his kind 
 Providence, and ferve his truth and people : that an example may befit up 
 to the nations there may be room there, though not here, for fuch art 
 Aoly experiment ." &C. 
 
170 * HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1 680. which he himfelf had advanced for the fea fervicej 
 v-^vx^ the reft was for arrearages in his pay. In confe- 
 
 quence of this debt, William Penn, in the fummer 
 of the year 1680, petitioned King Charles the fe* 
 cond, that letters patent might be granted him, for 
 a tract of land, in America, lying north of Mary* 
 land; on the eaft, bounded by Delaware river ; on 
 the weft limited as Maryland; and northward to 
 extend as far as plantable. 
 
 This was firft laid before the Privy Council, and 
 afterwards, the Lords of the committee of trade 
 and plantations. After feveral meetings on the oc- 
 cafion, in which the objections, from the Duke 
 of York, by his agent, Sir John Werden, as pro- 
 prietor of that tract of Land, fmce called, the 
 counties of New-CaJlle, Kent and Suffex, on De- 
 laware ; and from the Lord Baltimore, proprietor of 
 Maryland, were fully heard and debated; the Lord 
 Chief Juftice North, and the Attorney-General, 
 Sir William Jones, being confuted both refpecting 
 
 1 68 1. t h e grant itfelf, and alfo the form, or manner, of 
 w. penn ma ^ m g & T ne affair was at length, refulted in 
 
 obtains the William Penn's favor; and he was, by charter, da- 
 ted at Wejlminfter, the fourth day of March, 1681, 
 made and conftituted full and abfolute proprietor 
 of all that tract of land and province, now called 
 Pennfyhania, and invefted with the powers of go- 
 vernment of the fame.* 
 
 * And'erfon-) in his excellent treatife, entitled, " An hiftoriccl and cfcroc- 
 nological dedutt'ton of the origin of commerce" &c. publifhed in two volumes 
 folio, under the year 1680, thus mentions the rife of this colony, viz.- 
 
 " The fame year, 1680, gave rife to the noble Englljh colony of 
 
 Pennfylvanra, in KTortB America;*' " That country, till now, was 
 
 moftly a part of Virginia, and another part of it was a part of New 
 Tori colony. Mr. William Penn. an eminent Quaker^ and a gentleman of 
 great knowledge and true philofophy, had it grauted to him, at this 
 
 time; which he defigried for a retreat or afylum,.{<yr the people of 
 
 his religious perfwafion, then made uneafy at home, through the bigotry 
 of fpiritual courts, &c. Mr. Penn, therefore, carried thither with him 
 a large embarkation of thofe Gjiakers; afterwards, from time to time, 
 joined by many more, from Britain and Ireland. At his firft arrival 
 there, he found many Englijb families in it, and confiderable numbera 
 of Dutch and S-weJes; who all readily fubmitted to his wife and excellent 
 regulations; which highly merit to be known by all perfons, who would 
 
 apply 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 171 
 
 This 'charter confifls of twenty-three fe&ions. 1681. 
 The preamble to which declares the reafons for the v-xw-' 
 faid grant were, " The commendable defire of Reafons for 
 Wllllan Penn to enlarge the Britijh Empire, by pro- ^ grant ' 
 moting commodities of trade; reducing the favage 
 natives, by gentle and jull means, to the love of 
 civil fociety, and the Chriflian religion, and by 
 tranfplanting an ample colony into that unculti- 
 vated country, together with the memorable fer- 
 vices of his father Admiral Penn;" The whole is 
 exprefTed in the following manner, viz. 
 
 " The Charter of Charles the fecond, of England, 
 
 Scotland, France and Ireland, King, defender of I 6g I . 
 the faith, &c. unto William Penn, proprietary 
 and Governor of the province of Pennfylvania," 
 
 " Charles, by the grace of God, King of Eng- 
 land, Scotland, France and Ireland, defender of the 
 faith, &c. to all, to whom thefe prefents mall 
 come, Greeting: 
 
 " Whereas our trufly and well-beloved fubjeft 
 William Penn, Efquire, fon and heir of Sir William 
 Penn deceafed, (out of a commendable defire to Preambk - 
 enlarge our Britijh empire, and promote fuch ufe- 
 ful commodities, as may be of benefit to us and 
 our dominions, as alfo to reduce the favage Natives, 
 by jufl and gentle manners, to the love of civil fo- 
 ciety, and chriftian religion) hath humbly befought 
 leave of US, to tranfport an ample colony unto a 
 certain country, herein after defcribed, in the parts 
 of America, not yet cultivated and planted; and 
 hath likewife fo humbly befought our royal Ma- 
 jefty to give, grant and confirm all the faid country, 
 
 with 
 
 apply to colonizing. The true wifdom, as well as equity, of his un- 
 limited toleration of all religious perfwafions, as well as his kind, juft and 
 prudent treatment of the native Indians; alfo his laws, policy and g- 
 vernment, fo endeared him to the planters, and fo widely fpread the 
 fame of his whole cecoriomy, that, although fo lately planted, it is 
 thought, at this day (about the year 1760) to have more white people in 
 it, than any other colony, on all the continent of Englifi America, Ni-&~ 
 flgland alone excepted.'' 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 with certain privileges and jurifdi&ions, requifite 
 for the good government and fafety of the faid 
 country and colony, to him, and his heirs for- 
 ever. 
 
 Se&ion I. 
 
 Confidera- " Know ye, therefore, that we, (favoring the 
 g r a n nt of the petition and good purpofe of the faid William 
 Penn, and having regard to the memory and 
 merits of his late father, in divers fervices, and 
 particularly to his conduct, courage and difcretion, 
 under our deareft brother "James Duke of York, 
 in that fignal battle and viftory, fought and ob- 
 tained, againft the Dutch fleet, commanded by 
 the Heer Van Opdam, in the year 1665: In con- 
 fideration thereof, of our fpeciaj grace, certain 
 knowledge, and mere motion) have given and 
 granted, and, by this our prefent Charter, for us, 
 our heirs and fucceflbrs, do give and grant unto 
 the faid William Penn, his heirs and affigns-, all 
 that tract, or part, of land, in America, with the 
 
 Bounds of iflands therein contained, .#s the fame is bounded, 
 the grant. Qn ^ e ^ ^y rj e / aware r jver, from twelve miles 
 diftance northwards of New-Cajlle town, unto the 
 three and fortieth degree of northern latitude, if 
 the faid river doth extend fo far northward, but 
 if the faid river fhall not extend fo far northward, 
 then, by the faid river, fo far as it doth extend; and 
 from the head of the faid river, the eaftern bounds 
 are to be determined by a meridian line, to be drawn 
 from the head of the faid river, unto the faid forty- 
 third degree. The faid land to extend weftward 
 five degrees in longitude, to be computed from the 
 faid eaftern bounds; and the faid lands to be 
 bounded on the north by the beginning of the three 
 and fortieth degree of northern latitude, and, on 
 the fouth, by a circle, drawn at twelve miles dif- 
 tance from Neiu.-Cqftle, northward and weftward, 
 unto the beginning of the fortieth degree of north- 
 ern latitude; and then by a ftraight line weftward 
 to the limits of longitude above mentioned. 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 173 
 
 Se&ion II. 
 
 " We do alfo give and grant unto the faid Wil- 
 Ham Penn y his heirs and afligns, the free, and un- 
 difturbed ufe, and continuance in, and pafTage un- 
 to, and out of all and fmgular ports, harbours, 
 bays, waters, rivers, ifles and inlets, belonging 
 unto, or leading to, and from, the country, or 
 iflands aforefaid, and all the foils, lands, fields, 
 woods, underwoods, mountains, l>ills, fenns, ifles, 
 lakes, rivers, waters, rivulets, bays and inlets, 
 fituated, or being within, or belonging to, the li- 
 mits, or bounds, aforefaid, together with the fifh- 
 ing of all forts of fifh, whales, fturgeon, and all 
 royal, and other fifhes, in the feas, bays, inlets, 
 waters, or rivers, within the premifes, and all the 
 fifh taken therein; and alfo all veins, mines, mine- 
 rals and quarries, as well difcovered as not difco- 
 covered, of gold, filver, gemms, and precious 
 flones, and all other whatfoever, be it ftones, 
 metals, or of any other thing or matter whatfo- 
 ever, found, or to be found, within the country, 
 ifles, or limits, aforefaid. 
 
 Section III. 
 
 " And him, the faid William Pemi, his heirs and 
 afligns, we do by this our royal charter, for us, &c. 
 our heirs and fucceflbrs, make, create and confli- 
 tute the true and abfolute proprietary of the coun- tary, &c. 
 try aforefaid, and of all other the premifes; fav- 
 ing always to us, our heirs and fucceflbrs, the 
 faith and allegiance of the faid William Penn^ his 
 heirs and afligns, and of all other proprietaries, 
 tenants and inhabitants, that are, or fhall be, with- 
 in the territories and precincts aforefaid; and fav- 
 ing alfo unto us, our heirs and fucceflbrs, the 
 fpvereignty of the aforefaid country ; to have, hold, 
 poflefs and enjoy the faid tract of land, country, 
 ifles, inlets, and other the premifes, unto the faid 
 William Penn, his heirs and afligns, forever, to be 
 
 holden 
 
174 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1 68 1. holden of us, our heirs and fuccefibrs, kings of 
 v^v^> England, as of our caftle of Windfor^ in the county 
 TO be held f Berks ^ in free and common foccage, bjfealtv 
 in common only, for all fervices and not in capite, or by knight 
 freeze. f erv j ce . yielding and paying therefore to us, our 
 heirs and fucceflbrs, two Beaver Jkins^ to be deli- 
 vered at our caftle of Windfor^ on the firft day of 
 of ^5 and J anuai T> m ever y Y ear ; an d alfo the fifth part of 
 fiivSoar" f a ^ gld> an d ^ ver oar > which fliall, from time 
 to time, happen to be found within the limits afore- 
 faid, clear of all charges. And of our further 
 grace, certain knowledge, mere motion, We have 
 thought fit to erect, and we do hereby erect, the 
 aforefaid country and iflands into a province and 
 name, feigniory, and do call it Penfihania y and fo from 
 henceforth will have it called, 
 
 Seftion IV. 
 
 " And, for as much as, we have hereby made 
 and ordained the aforefaid William Penn, his heirs 
 and affigns, the true and abfolute proprietaries of 
 all the lands and dominions aforefaid, Know ye ? 
 therefore, that we (repofing fpecial trull and con- 
 &c. ' fidence in the fidelity, wifdom, juftice and provi- 
 dent circumfpeftion of the faid William Perm) for us, 
 our heirs and fucceflbrs, do grant free, full and 
 abfolute power, by virtue of thefe prefents, to 
 him and his heirs, to his, and their deputies and 
 lieutenants, for the good and happy government 
 of the faid country, to ordain, make and enact, 
 and, under his and their feals, to publiDi any laws 
 whatfoever, for the raifing of money for public 
 ufes of the faid province, or for any other end, 
 appertaining either unto the public ftate, peace, or 
 fafety of the faid country, or unto the private 
 utility of particular perfons, according unto their 
 bed difcretion, and with the advice, affent and ap- 
 probation of the freemen of the faid country, or 
 the greater part of them, or of their delegates, 
 or deputies, whom, for the enabling of the faid 
 
 laws, 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. Jy 
 
 laws, when, and as often as need fhall require, 1681. 
 we will that the faid William Penn^ and his heirs 
 fhall aiTernble, in fuch fort and form, as to him 
 and them fhall feem beft, and the fame laws duly 
 to execute, unto and upon all people, within the 
 faid country and limits thereof* 
 
 Sedtion V< 
 
 " And we do likewife give and grant unto the 
 faid William Penn, and to his heirs, and their de- power to 
 puties and lieutenants, full power and authority m e a s k * j d " 
 to appoint and eftablifh any Judges and Juftices, oSer^offi 
 Magiflrates, and other officers whatfoever, (for cers &c - 
 the probates of wills, and for the granting of ad- 
 miniftration within the precincls aforefaid, and with 
 what power foever, and m fuch form, as to the faid 
 William Penn, or his heirs fhall feem moft conve- 
 nient: alfo to remit, releafe, pardon and abolifh (whe- ^JJj^* 
 ther before judgment or after) all crimes and of- reprieving', 
 fences whatfoever, committed w r ithin the faid &c - 
 country, againft the laws, (treafon and wilful and 
 malicious murder only excepted, and, in thofe 
 cafes, to grant reprieves, until our pleafure may 
 be known therein) and to do all and every other 
 thing and things, which unto the complete efta- 
 blifhment of juflice, unto courts and tribunals, 
 forms of judicature, and manner of proceedings 
 do belong, although, in thefe prefents, exprefs 
 mention be not made thereof; and by judges, by 
 them delegated, to award procefs, hold pleas, 
 and determine, in all the faid courts and tribunals, 
 all a&ions, fuits and caufes whatfoever, as well 
 criminal as civil, perfonal, real and mixt; which * judge?, 
 laws, fo as aforefaid, to be publiihed, our plea- 
 fure is, and fo we enjoin, require and command, 
 mall be mod abfolute and available in law; and 
 that all the liege people and fubjecls of us, our 
 heirs and fucceflbrs, do obferve and keep the fame 
 inviolably in thofe parts, fo far as they concern them, 
 under the pain therein exprefTed, or to be expreiTed. 
 
 Provided 
 
176 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 Provifo. Provided neverthelefs. That the fame laws be con- 
 fonant to reafon, and not repugnant, or con-* 
 trary, but, (as near as conveniently may be) 
 agreeable to the laws and flatutes, and rights of 
 this our kingdom of England; and faving and re- 
 ferving to us, our heirs and fucceffors, the receiv- 
 ing, hearing and determining of the appeal and 
 i^ h of a^" appeals of all, or any perfon, or perfons, of, in 5 
 peals re- or belonging to the territories aforefaid, or touch- 
 ing any judgment to be there made$ or given. 
 
 Se&on VL 
 
 <c Andj for as much as, in the government of 
 fo great a country, fudden accidents do often hap- 
 pen, whereunto it will be neceiTary to apply remedy, 
 before the freeholders of the laid province, or 
 their delegates, or deputies, can be aflembled, to 
 the making of laws; neither will it be convenient, 
 that inftantly upon every fuch oceafion, fo great 
 a multitude fhould be called together: Therefore 
 (for the better government of the faid country) 
 we will and ordain, and by thefe prefents, for us, 
 our heirs and fucceflbrs, do grant unto the faid 
 William Penn and his heirs, by themfelves, or by 
 Iower to their Magiflrates and officers, in that behalf, duly 
 make ordi- to be ordained, as aforefaid, to make and confti- 
 s, &c. tute f an j w h o i e f ome ordinances, from time to 
 time, within the faid country to be kept and obferv- 
 edj as well for the prefervation of the peace, as for 
 the better government of the people there inha- 
 biting ; and publicly to notify the fame to all per- 
 fons, whom the fame doth, or may any ways 
 concern. Which ordinances our will and pleafure 
 is (hall be obferved inviolably within the laid pro- 
 vince, under the pains therein to be expreffed, fo 
 as the faid ordinances be confonant to reafori, and 
 be not repugnant nor contrary, but (fo far as con- 
 veniently may be) agreeable with the laws of our 
 kingdom of England^ and fo as the faid ordinances 
 
 ber 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 177 
 
 "be not extended, in any fort, to bind, change, or 1681 
 take away the right, or intereft of any perfon, or v^y^; 
 perfons, for, or in, their life, members, freehold, Their ex 
 goods, or chattels. And our farther will and tent - 
 pleafure is, That the laws for regulating and go- 
 verning of property within the faid province, as 
 well as for the defcent and enjoyment of lands, as 
 likewife for the enjoyment and fucceffion of goods te d 
 and chattels, and likewife as to felonies, fhall be l * 
 and continue the fame, as they fhall be for the fi^ed, &c. 
 time being by the general courfe of the law in our 
 kingdom of England, until the faid laws fhall be 
 altered by the faid William Penn^ his heirs oraffigns, 
 and by the freemen of the faid province, their de- 
 legates, or deputies, or the greater part of them. 
 
 Sedlon VII. 
 
 " And to the end that the faid William Penn, 
 or his heirs, or other the planters, owners, or 
 inhabitants of the faid province may not, at any 
 time hereafter (by miiconitruclion of the power 
 aforefaid) through inadvertency, or defign, de 
 part from that faith and due allegiance, which by 
 the laws of this our realm of England, they and 
 all our fubjects, in our dominions and territories, 
 always owe to us, our heirs and fucceflbrs, by co- 
 lour of any extent, or largenefs of pov/ers hereby 
 given, or pretended to be given, or by force or 
 colour of any laws hereafter to be made, in the 
 faid province, by virtue of any fuch powers ; Our Duplicate 
 farther will and pleafure is, that a tranfcript or of di laws 
 duplicate, of all laws, which fhall be fo, as afore- ^ it b t c ed tr f ' 
 faid, made and publifhed within the faid province, the privy 
 fhall within five years after the making thereof, be 
 tranfmitted and delivered to the Privy Council, for 
 the time being, of us, our heirs and fucceflbrs: 
 And if any of the faid laws, within the fpace of 
 fix months after that they fhall be fo tranfmitted 
 and delivered, be declarer! by us, our heifs aid 
 [23] fucceffbis, 
 
178 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1 68 1. fucccflbrs, in our, or their Privy Council, incon- 
 \s*v^u fiftent with the fovereignty, or lawful prerogative 
 of us, our heirs and fucceflbrs, or contrary to the 
 faith and allegiance, due to the legal government 
 of this realm, from the faid William Penn, or his 
 heirs, or of the planters and inhabitants of the 
 faid province, and that thereupon any of the faid 
 laws fhall be adjudged and declared to be void by 
 us, our heirs and fucceflbrs, under our, or their 
 privy feal, that then, and from thenceforth fuch 
 laws, concerning which fuch judgment and decla- 
 ration fhall be made, fhall become void: other- 
 wife the faid laws, fo tranfmitted, fhall remain 
 and fland in full force, according to the true in- 
 tent and meaning thereof. 
 
 Seftion VIII. 
 
 Liberty for " Furthermore, that this new colony may the 
 * s g ' t s fub ~ more happily increafe by the multitude of people 
 transport referring thither; Therefore, we, for us, our heirs 
 Aemfeives, an d fucceflbrs, do give and grant, by thefe prefents, 
 power, licence, and liberty unto all the liege peo- 
 ple and fubjefts, both prefent and future, of us, 
 our heirs and fucceflbrs, (excepting thofe, who 
 mail be efpecially forbidden) to tranfport them- 
 felves and families unto the faid country, with 
 fuch convenient fhipping, as, by the laws of this our 
 kingdom of England^ they ought to ufe, and with 
 fitting provifion; paying only the cufloms there- 
 fore due, and there to fettle themfelves, dwell and 
 inhabit and plant, for the public, and their own 
 private advantage. 
 
 Seftion IX. 
 
 " And furthermore, that our fubje&s may be 
 
 the rather encouraged to undertake this expedition, 
 
 And their with ready and chearful minds, Know ye. That 
 
 f^! er " We 5 of our fpecial grace, certain knowledge, and 
 
 & c . 1 mere motion, do give and grant, by virtue of 
 
 thefe prefents, as well unto the faid William Penn, 
 
 and 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 179 
 
 and his heirs, as to all others, who {hall, from 1681. 
 time to time, repair unto the faid country, full ^-^v^' 
 licence to lade and freight, in any ports whatfoever 
 of us, our heirs and rucceflbrs, according to the 
 laws made, or to be made, within our kingdom 
 of England, and unto the faid country, by them, 
 their fervants or affigns, to tranfport all and fm- 
 gular their goods, wares and merchandizes, as 
 likewife all forts of grain whatfoever, and all 
 other things whatfoever, necefiary for food, or 
 cloathing, not prohibited, by the laws and ftatutes 
 of our kingdom and dominions, to be carried out 
 of the faid kingdom, without any let, or molefta- 
 tion of us, our heirs and fucceflbrs, or of any of the 
 , officers of us, our heirs or fucceifors; faving al- Pa .^ ^ 
 ways to us, our heirs and fucceifors, the legal im- 
 portions, cufloms, or other duties and payments 
 for the faid wares and merchandizes, by any law 
 or (latute, due, or to be due, to us, our heirs and 
 fucceifors. 
 
 Se&ion X. 
 
 " And we do further, for us, our heirs and 
 fucceffors, give and grant unto the faid William 
 Penn, his heirs and affigns, free and abfolute 
 power, to divide the faid country and iilands into 
 towns, hundreds and counties, and 'to erect and country in- 
 incorporate towns into burroughs, and burroughs 
 into cities, and to make and conftitute fairs and 
 markets therein, with all other convenient privi- 
 leges and immunities, according to the merits of 
 the inhabitants, and the fitnefs of the places, and 
 to do all, and every other thing and things, touch- 
 ing the premifes, which to him, or them, mall 
 feem meet and requifite; albeit they be fuch, as of 
 their own nature might otherwife require a more 
 fpecial commandment and warrant, than, in thefe 
 prefents, is expreffed. 
 
 Seftion XL 
 
 " We will alfo, and, by thefe prefents, for us, 
 our heirs and fucceffors, we do give and grant U- 
 
i8o HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1 68 1. cence, by this our charter, unto the faid William 
 V>*wJ Penn, his heirs and affigns, and to all the inhabi- 
 To import tants and dwellers in the province aforefaid, both 
 and export p re fent and to come, to import, or unlade, by 
 
 produce in- r , r , . . ' i r ' 2? * 
 
 to and tnemielves, or their fervants, factors, or amgns, 
 a ^ mercnancn ' z es an d goods whatfoever, that mall 
 arife of the fruits and commodities of the laid pro- 
 vince, either by land or fea, into any of the ports 
 of us, our heirs, or fucceffors, in our kingdom 
 of England, and not into any other country what- 
 foever: and we give him full power to difpofe of 
 the faid goods, in the faid ports; and, if need be, 
 within one year after the unlading of the fame, to 
 lade the faid merchandize and goods again, into 
 the fame, or other mips, and to tranfport the 
 fame into any other countries, either of our do- 
 minions, or foreign, according to law; provided 
 always, that they pay fuch cuftoms and impofiticns^ 
 fubfidies and duties for the fame, to us, our heirs 
 and fucceflbrs, as the reft of our fubjecls of our 
 kingdom of England, for the time being, (hall be 
 bound to pay, and do obferve the a&s of naviga- 
 tion, and other laws, in that behalf made* 
 
 Section XII. 
 
 " And furthermore, of our ample and fpecia^ 
 c f n t c u r te tQ grace, certain knowledge and mere motion, we 
 ports, & c . do, for us, our heirs and fucceflbrs, grant unto 
 the faid William Penn, his heirs and afligns, full 
 and abfolute power and authority, to make, erecl 
 and conflitute, within the faid province, and the 
 ifles and inlets aforefaid, fuch and fo many fea 
 ports, harbours, creeks, havens, keys, and other 
 places, for difcharging and unlading of goods 
 and merchandize, out of the fhips, boats, and 
 other veflels, and landing them unto fuch, and fo 
 many places, and with fuch rights, jurifdi&ions, 
 libei ties and privileges, unto the faid ports belong- 
 ing, as to him and them fhall feem moft expedient; 
 and that all, and fingular the mips, boats and 
 
 other 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 other velTels, which (hall come for merchandize 
 and trade, into the faid province, or out of the 
 fame, (hall be laden, or unladen, only at fuch 
 ports, as fhall be created and conftituted by the 
 laid William Penn, his heirs, or afligns, (any ufe, 
 cuftom or thing to the contrary notwithstanding.) 
 Provided, that the faid William Penn and his heirs, 
 and the Lieutenants and Governors, for the for 
 time being, (hall admit and receive in and about f h J e 
 all fuch havens, ports, creeks and keys, all officers officers, 
 and their deputies, who fhall, from time to time, &c< 
 be appointed for that purpofe by the farmers^ or 
 oonimiflioners of our cuftoms for the time being. 
 
 ,. SeaionXIII. 
 
 " And we do further appoint and ordain, and Power to 
 by thefe prefents, for us, our heirs and fuccefTors, *flefs cuf- 
 we do grant unto the faid William Pcnn, his heirs 
 and afligns, that he, the faid William Penn, his 
 heirs and afligns, may, from time to time, for 
 ever, have and enjoy the cuftoms and fubfidies, 
 in the ports, harbours and other creeks, and 
 places aforefaid, within the province aforefaid, 
 payable, or due for merchandize and wares there 
 to be laded and unladed, the faid cuftoms and 
 fubfidies to be reafonably aiTeiTed, upon any oc- 
 cafion, by themfelves and the people there, as 
 aforefaid to be affembled, to whom we give power 
 by thefe prefents, for us, our heirs and "fucceflbrs, 
 upon juft caufe, and due proportion, to alTefs and 
 impofe the fame; faving unto us, our heirs and 
 fucceffors, fuch impositions and cuftoms, as, by 
 aft of Parliament, - are, and fhall be, appointed. 
 
 Seclion XIV. 
 
 " And it is our farther will and pleafure, that The 
 the faid William Penn, his heirs and afnVns, mall, F rietor to 
 
 c . . . " appoint an 
 
 trom time to time, commute ana appoint an Attor- Attorney, 
 ncy, or agent, to refide in, or near our city of Lon- to rt f ltie in 
 don; who (hall make known the place where he ^ 
 
 fhall 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 fhall dwell, or may be found, unto the clerks of 
 our privy council, for the time being, or one of 
 them, and fhall be ready to appear in any of our 
 courts, at Wcftmhifter, to anfwer for any mifde- 
 meanor, that ihall be committed, or "by any wilful 
 default, or neglect, permitted by the faid William 
 Penn^ his heirs or afligns, againft the laws of trade 
 and navigation ; and after it fhall be afcertained, in 
 any of our courts, what damages we, or our heirSj 
 or fuccefibrs, mall have fuftained by fuch default, or 
 neglect, the faid William Penn^ his heirs, or affigns, 
 Ihall pay the fame within one year, after fuch tax- 
 ation, and demand thereof from fuch attorney; or 
 in cafe there mall be no fuch attorney by the fpace 
 of one year, or fuch attorney fhall not make pay- 
 ment of fuch damages, within the fpace of a year, 
 and anfwer fuch other forfeitures and penalties, 
 within the faid time, as by acts of parliament, in 
 England, are and Ihall be provided according to 
 the true intent and meaning of thefe prefents ; then 
 it mall be lawful for us, our heirs and fucceffors, to 
 feize and refume the government of the faid pro- 
 vince or country, and the fame to retain, until 
 payment fhall be made thereof : but notwithftand- 
 ing any fuch feizure, or refumption of the govern- 
 ment, nothing concerning the propriety, or owner- 
 fhip, of any lands, tenements, or other heredita- 
 ments, goods or chattels of any of the adventu- 
 rers, planters or owners, other than the refpective 
 offenders there, fhall any ways be affected or mo- 
 lefled thereby. 
 
 Sedion XV. 
 
 peace and " Provided always, and our will and pleafure is, 
 
 War to be that neither the faid William Penn^ nor his heirs, 
 
 ^ ferV Great nor an Y other, the inhabitants of the faid province, 
 
 Britain, fhall, at any time hereafter, have or maintain, any 
 
 correfpondence with any other king, prince or 
 
 ftate, or with any of their fubjects, who fhall then 
 
 be in war' againft us, our heirs and fucceffors ; nor 
 
 . fhall 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 183 
 
 Shall the faid William Penn> or his heirs or any other 
 inhabitants of the faid province, make war, or do 
 any aft of hoftility againft any other king, prince, 
 or (late, or any of their fubje&s, who fhall then 
 be in league or amity with us, our heirs and fuc- 
 ceflbrs. 
 
 Sedion XVI. 
 
 * c And becaufe, in fo remote a country, and fltu- 
 ate near many barbarous nations, the incurfions as 
 well of the favages themfelves, as of other enemies, 
 pirates and robbers, may probably be feared; 
 Therefore, we have given, and, for us, our heirs 
 and fucceiTors, do give power, by thefe prefents, 
 to the faid William Penn, his heirs and afligns, by Powerof 
 themfelves, or their captains, or other their officers, a captain- 
 to levy, mufter and train all forts of men, of what general 
 condition foever, or wherefoever born, in the faid &c. nte * 
 province of Pennfyhania, for the time being, and 
 to make war, and to purfue the enemies and rob- 
 bers aforefaid, as well by fea as by land, even, 
 without the limits of the faid province, and, by 
 God's afliilance, to vanquifh and take them; and 
 being taken, to put them to death, by the law of 
 war, or to fave them; at their pleafure, and to do 
 all and every other thing, which unto the charge 
 and office of a captain general of an army belong- 
 eth, or hath accuftomed to belong, as fully and 
 freely as any captain general of an army hath ever 
 had the fame. 
 
 Seftion XVII. 
 
 C And furthermore, of our fpecial grace, and 
 of our certain knowledge and mere motion, we 
 have given and granted, and, by thefe prefents, 
 for us, our heirs and fucceifors, do give and grant 
 unto the faid William Penn^ his heirs and afligns, p owerto 
 full and abfolute power, licence and authority, that alien the 
 he, the faid William Penn, his heirs and affigns, from P remifes - 
 time to time hereafter for ever, at his or their own 
 
 will 
 
814 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 will and pleafure, may aflign, alien, grant, de- 
 niife, or enfeoff of the premifes fo many, and fuch 
 parts and parcels to him, or them, that (hall be 
 willing to purchafe the fame, as they fhall think 
 fit; to have and to hold to them, the faid perfon, 
 or perfons willing to take and purchafe, their heirs 
 and aftigns, in fee fimple, or fee tail, or for the 
 term of life, lives, or years, to be held of the faid 
 William Penn, his heirs, or afligns, as of tire faid 
 feigniory of Wmdfor, by fuch fervices, cuftoms, 
 or rents, as fhall feem meet to the foid William 
 Pcnn, his heirs, or afligns, and not immediately 
 of us, our heirs or fucceffors. 
 
 Section XVIII. 
 " And to the fame perfon, or perfons, and to 
 
 Power to ., r , i i i 
 
 thepurdia- all and every or them, we do give and grant, by 
 fers to hold t h e f e prints, for us, our heirs and fucceffors, li- 
 
 by the Pro- '. , r , r 
 
 prietor's cence, authority and power, that iuch perfon or 
 grant. perfons, may take the premifes, or any parcel 
 thereof, of the aforefaid William Penn, his heirs, 
 or afligns, and the fame to hold to themfelves, 
 their heirs and afligns, in what eftate of inheri- 
 tance foever, in fee fimple, or in fee tail, or other- 
 wife, as to him the faid William Penn, his heirs or 
 afligns, fhall feem expedient: The ftatute made, 
 in the parliament of Edward , the fon of King Henry 
 late King of England, our predeceflbr (commonly 
 called the ftatute, " >uia Emptores Terrarum" 
 lately publifhed in our kingdom of England} in 
 in any wife notwithstanding. 
 
 Seftion XIX. 
 
 " And by thefe prefents, we give and grant, li- 
 Lcave to cence unto the faid William Penn and his heirs, and 
 orsf&T. an " likewife to all, and every fuch perfon, or perfons, 
 to whom the laid William Penn, or his heirs, fhall ? 
 at any time hereafter, grant any eftate, or inheri- 
 tance, as aforefaid, to erect any parcels of land, 
 within the province aforefaid, into manors, by and 
 with the licence, to be fir ft had and obtained, for 
 
 that 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 185 
 
 that purpofe, under the hand and feal of the faid 1681. 
 William Penn y or his heirs; and, in every of the faid \~s~v^s 
 manors, to have and hold a Court-Baron, with all 
 things whatfoever, which to a Court-Baron do be- 
 long, and to have and to hold View of Frank 
 Pledge, for the confervation of the peace, and the 
 better government of thofe parts, by themfelves, 
 or their Rewards, or by the lords for the time be- 
 ing, of the manors to be deputed, when they fhall 
 be erected, and, in the fame, to ufe all things be- 
 longing to the View of Frank Pledge. And we do 
 further grant licence and authority, That every 
 fuch per Ion, or perfons, who fhall erect any fuch 
 manor, or manors, as aforefaid, fhall, or may, 
 grant all, or any part of his faid land to any per- 
 fon, or perfons, in fee fimple, or any other eftate 
 of inheritance to be held of the faid manors refpec- 
 tively, fo as no further tenure fhall be created, but 
 that upon all further, or other alienations thereafter 
 to be made, the faid lands fo aliened fhall be held 
 of the fame lord and his heirs, of whom the aliener 
 did then before hold, and by the like rents and 
 fervices, which v/ere before due and accuflomed. 
 
 Section XX. 
 
 " And furthermore, our pleafure is, and by 
 thefe prefents, for us, our heirs and fucceflbrs, 
 we do covenant and grant to and with the faid 
 William Penn, his heirs and afligns, that we, our 
 heirs and fucceifors, fhall, at no time hereafter, NO tax, &c. 
 fet, or make, or caufe to be fet, or made, any im- without the 
 petition, cuftom, or other taxation, rate, or con- Si^prie! 
 tribution whatfoever, in and upon the dwellers tor or P eo- 
 and inhabitants of the aforefaid province, for their ] *J* 
 lands, tenements, goods, or chattels, within the H 
 faid province, or in and upon any goods and mer- 
 chandizes within the province, of fo be laden, or 
 unladen within the ports, or harbtfurs of the faid 
 province, unlefs the fame be with the confent of 
 
 the 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 I-68'i. the Proprietary, or Chief Governor, or Aflfembiy,- 
 or by ad: of parliament in England. 
 
 Seaion 
 
 This dc- cc ^d our pleafure is, and, for us, our heini 
 
 eiaration to and fucceilors, we charge and command, that this 
 
 an tcq^itl our declaration fhall be from henceforth, from 
 
 tance. time to time, be received and allowed, in all our 
 
 courts, and before all the judges of us, our heirs 
 
 and fucceflbrs, for a fufficient lawful difcharge, 
 
 payment and acquittance; commanding all the 
 
 officers and miniflers of us, our heirs and fuccef- 
 
 NO offi- fors, and enjoining them upon pain of our highefc 
 
 coon^ra<a difpleafure, that they do not prefume, at any time 5 - 
 
 this char- to attempt any thing to the contrary of the pre- 
 
 ter, &c. m if eS5 or tnat do, j n an y f ort5 w ithfland the fame; 
 
 but, that they be, at all times, aiding and afiifting, 
 
 as is fitting, to the faid William Penn, and his heirs, 
 
 and unto the inhabitants and merchants of the pro- 
 
 vince aforefaid, their fervants, minifters, faclora 
 
 and affigns, in the full ufe and fruition of the be- 
 
 nefit of this our charter. 
 
 Seaion XXII. 
 
 provifi- " ^ n ^ our farther pleafure is, and we do here-' 
 on for a by, for us, our heirs and fuccefibrs, charge and 
 &T^Ta P - require, That, if any of the inhabitants of the 
 plication to faid province, to the number of twenty, mall, 
 
 5 e Lon?ou P at an y time nereafter 5 be defirous, and mall, 
 &c. ' by any writing, or by any perfon deputed by 
 them, fignify fuch their defire to the bifhop 
 of London^ for the time being, that any preacher, 
 cr preachers, to be approved of by the faid bimop 5 
 may be fent unto them, for their inftruaion; that 
 then fuch preacher, or preachers, mail and may 
 refide within the faid province, without any denial, 
 ar moleftation whatibever. 
 
 Seaion XXIII. 
 
 " And, if perchance hereafter any doubt or 
 queftion mould arife concerning the true fenfe and 
 
 meaning 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA, 187 
 
 meaning of any word, claufe, or fqntence, con- 1681. 
 tained in this our prefent charter, we will, ordain \~s^s^J 
 and command, that, at all times, and in all things, Double 
 fuch interpretation be made thereof, and allowed, meaning of 
 in any of our courts whatfoever, as mall be ad- be^rTfavor 
 judged moft advantageous and favorable unto the of William 
 faid William Penn, his heirs and affigns: Provided <nn> 
 always ) no interpretation be admitted thereof, by 
 which the allegiance due unto us, our heirs and 
 fucceflbrs, may fuffer any prejudice or diminution; 
 although exprefs mention be not made, in thefe 
 prefents, of the true yearly value, or certainty of 
 the premifes, or any part thereof, or of other gifts 
 and grants, made by us, and our progenitors, or 
 predecerTcrs, unto the faid William Penn: Any fta- 
 tute, acl, ordinance, provifion, proclamation, or 
 reftraint, heretofore had, made, publilhed, or- 
 dained, or provided, or any other thing, caufe, or 
 matter whatfoever, to the contrary thereof in any 
 wife notwithftanding. In Witnefs whereof we have 
 caufed thefe our letters to he made patent: Witnefs 
 Ourfelf, at Weftminjier, the fourth day of March, 
 in the three and thirtieth year of our reign, Anno- 
 *]iie Domini one thoufand fix hundred and .eighty- 
 one. 
 
 u By writ of Privy Sea/, 
 
 PIGOTT." 
 
 By the firft feclion of this charter the extent and of the 
 boundary of the province are expreffed in fuch boundary 
 plain terms, that it might reafonably be fuopofed ^ tvve , cn j 
 
 n i r in i Maryland 
 
 they could not well, or ealily, be rmiunderitood : and Penn- 
 three degrees of latitude, included and bounded, f / Ivaili ' 
 between the beginning of the fortieth, and the be- 
 ginning of the forty-third degree of north latitude, 
 equal to about two hundred and eight Engltfh fta- 
 tute miles, north and fouth, with five degrees of 
 longitude, weftward from Delaware river, which, 
 in the parrallel of forty-one degrees, are equal to 
 
 nearly 
 
*88 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1 68 1. nearly two hundred and fixty-five miles, eaft and- 
 v-^w^ weft, are as clearly and manifellly expreffed to be 
 granted to the proprietary of Pennfylyawa 9 as words 
 can do it; and we are otherwife fufficiently certi- 
 fied that the fame fpace, or quantity of land, was 
 intended by the King to be included in the faid 
 grant; yet the difpute between the proprietaries of 
 Maryland and Pe$njytoania 9 on this point ? was 
 afterwards remarkable, and of many years conti- 
 nuance;, occafioned by each of the refpeclive pro- 
 prietaries claiming to himfelf the whole fpace, or 
 extent, of the land, contained in the fortieth de- 
 gree of latitude; which was the north boundary 
 of Maryland, by patent of that province; and 
 which, though prior to that of Pennfylvania, fpe- 
 cifies, or aiTigns, no particular^part of the faid de- 
 gree, for the boundary, as the Pennfyfoania grant 
 <}oth: which fpace, or degree, containing near fe- 
 venty Englijh miles in breadth, north and fouth, 
 and in length weflward, fo far as Maryland ex- 
 tends, was no fmall matter to occafion a difpute. 
 But notwithfhfiding the clearnefs of the terms, 
 by which the boundary between the faid pro- 
 vinces is expreffed in their refpeclive charters, as 
 above mentioned, yet this difpute was, at length, 
 in the year 1732, finally fettled chiefly in favor of 
 Maryland; by fixing the .laid boundary between 
 the two provinces, only fifteen miles due fouth of 
 the moft foutherjy part of Philadelphia^ or in the 
 parallel of 39 degrees, 44 minutes nearly, inflead 
 of 39 degrees, or at the beginning of the fortieth 
 degree, as mentioned and intended by charter; 
 Real ex- which renders the real extent of Pennjyhania, 
 tent and north and fouth, only about 15 <j miles, inflead 
 Pennf 'iva- f 2 ?> anc ^ ma ^ es W fquare miles, in the pro- 
 niaatpre- vince about 4i,ooo, and the number of acres, 
 26,288,000 or near twenty-fix millions. 
 
 In cpnfequence of this charter, on the fecond day 
 of April, next enfuing, the King ifTued a declara- 
 tion 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 189 
 
 tion to the inhabitants and planters of Pennfyfoania^ 1681. 
 expreffive of the grant, defcribing the bounds of 
 the province, and enjoining them to yield all ^ 
 obedience to the proprietary, &c. according to the duration. 
 powers granted by the faid charter."* 
 
 Willam Penn, having obtained thefe proper requi- w - 
 iites, immediately publifhed fuch account of the 
 province, as could then be given ; with the royal the pro- 
 charter, and other papers relative thereto, offering vince> 
 eafy terms of fale for lands, viz. forty (hillings 
 frerling for one hundred acres, and one falling per 
 
 annum 
 
 * This declaration was as follows, viz, 
 " Charles R. 
 
 Whereas his majefty, in con fi delation of the great merit and faithful 
 fervices of Sir William Penn, deceaf ed, and for divers other good caufes, 
 him thereunto moving, hath been gracioufiy pleafed, by letters-patent, 
 bearing date the fourth day of March, lait pafr, to give and grant unto 
 William Penn, Efquire, jfon and heir of the faid Sir William Penn, all 
 that trad; of land in America, called by the name of Pennfyl-vanii, as the 
 lame is bounded, on the eaft, by Delaware river, from twelve miles dif- 
 tance northward of Neiv-caJHc town, unto the three and fortieth degree 
 of northern latitude, if the laid river doth extend ip far northward; and, 
 if the faid river fhall not extend fo far northward, then, by the faid ri- 
 ver, fo far as it doth extend, and from the head of the faid river, the 
 ealtern bounds to be determined by a meridian line, to be drawn from 
 the head of the faid river, unto the faid three and fprtieth degree; and the 
 faid province to extend weftward five degrees in longitude, to be com- 
 puted from the faid eaftern bounds; and to be bounded on the north by 
 the beginning of the three and fortieth degree of northern latitude, and 
 on the Ibuth, by a circle diawn. at twelve miles djftance, from N?tv- 
 caftle, northward and weltward unto the beginning of the fortieth de- 
 gree of north latitude, and then by a Itraight line weftward to the limit 
 of longitude, above mentioned; together with all powers, prehemineixe^ 
 and jurifdi&ions, Decenary for the government of the faid province, as 
 by the laid letters patent, reference being thereunto had, doth more at 
 large appear. 
 
 " His majefty doth, therefore, hereby publifh and declare his royal will 
 and pleafure, that all perfons fettled, or inhabiting within the limits of 
 the faid province, do yield all due obedience to the laid Willam PfA-,his 
 heirs and affigns, as abfclute proprietaries and governors thereof, as alfo 
 to the deputy, or deputies, agents or lieutenants, lawfully commiffioned 
 by him, or them, according to the powers and authorities, granted by the 
 faid letters patent, wherewith his Majefty expt&s and requires a ready 
 compliance from all perfons whom it may concern, as they tender hia 
 Majefty 's difpleafure. 
 
 ' Given at the Court, at White-hall, the fecond day of April 
 f 68 J, in the three and thirtieth year of our reign." 
 
 y Us Majffly 's fpeclal command^ 
 
 CON WAY." 
 
190 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1681. annum forever;* and good conditions of fettle* 
 ment, to luch as chofe to be adventurers in the 
 new country. 
 
 This 
 
 * This .ee fritting for ever, is the original infHtution of the Qut-retifr 
 in the province; which is a compact as old, and to he held eqnaliy hind- 
 ing and inviolahle, as that for the firft purchafe money: Refpr6lincr 
 \\hich, in the firft, or early publications, concerning the province, 1 finl 
 the 'following obfervations then made, viz. 
 
 " The province is cafl: at a penny an acre; hut he fcts apart feveraj 
 parcels, which he calls fhares; thele he fells faving a ^-t-rent, neceffary 
 to fecure the title and tenure; that is, whereas five thoufand acres (which 
 make a {hare) come, at a penny an acre, to 20 pounds, 16 (hillings and 8 
 pence, yearly. For one hundred pounds paid down, he fells that yearly rent 
 Tor 18 pounds, 6 {hillings and 8 pence; a^ d reierves but fifty fhiilirgs; 
 which may he reduced, as the purchafer pkafeth; hut fomething mult 
 Jje referred, for fecurity cf the title," &c. /igain 
 
 " The fhare? I fell be certain, as to the number of acres; ifcat is to far, 
 every one fhall contain five thoufand acres; the price, one hundred pounds; 
 and for the ^it-rent, one Engl'tJI> fh tiling or the value of it, yearly, for 
 a hundred acres; which, fuch as will, may now, or hereafter, buy off, 
 to an inconfiderable matter; hut, as I hold by a fmall rent, of the King, 
 fc all mjufl hold of me, by a fciailrent, for their own {ecurity," &c. 
 
 In the difputes, which afterwards happened between fome of the Lieu- 
 ,tenant Governors, and the AiTemblies, thefe quit-rents notwithstanding 
 appear to have been regarded, by the latter, as a grievance; and the ap- 
 plication of them has been infinuatcd, as intended, at firft, by the pro- 
 prietor himfelf, for the fupport cf the government, more especially that 
 pf the Leiutenant Governors: But as I find nothing authentic, on recerd, 
 to countenance this infmuation, I {hall heie infcrt part of a reply of one 
 qf thefe governors to the AiTembly, in 1708, on ihe fubjecl, in the fol 
 towing words; which I have never feen confuted, viz. 
 
 - " It is very reasonable to believe that the proprietary, having 
 
 fold lands, to a great value, received confiderable fums for them; and 
 we find he referred a quit-nut on them all; but, then, upon enquiry, I 
 perceive, that, in confideration of the money, and thpfe quit -rants, the 
 proprietary, by firm, but common deeds of fale, granted th-^ purchaferg 
 a free eftateof large tracls of land, which they, or fome in their behalf, 
 now enjoy; and, am told, that there is not, in any of thefe deeds, one 
 warranty, to defend the poffeffor againft hoft'le, or invafive, force, or 
 one covenant, that mentions government, or the fupport of it, in any 
 of them all; but that forty JblUings down, and one Jhlllln^ yearly, was 
 the confederation paid, on the one hand, fqr an hundred acres of land 
 granted on the other. 
 
 *' I am fenfible, gentlemen, I have been told of thefe qntt-rsntf once 
 before, to the great iurprize of thofe, that heard it, and knew much more of 
 the matter, than I could, at that time; but, upon a full fcrutiny into the 
 whole, by fome whom it concerned, I perceived there could not be one 
 trace found of any fuch compact, but in the pretended memory of two 
 or three perfons, who were noted to have ftronger prejudices, than rea- 
 fon; and who, in thefe points, were not too much to be relied on; and 
 was informed, that, for the many years before this government wanted 
 fjupplies, this notion had never once been heard of, but was juft then 
 
 flatted 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA, 191 
 
 This offer and invitation, to the people, he mix- 1681. 
 ed, or qualified, with fuch Chriftian caution and ww^ 
 advice, as indicated a real concern both for their 
 temporal and eternal felicity, which he clofed in 
 thefe words: 
 
 " To conclude, I defire all my dear p art rf - 
 
 country-folks, who may be inclined to go into thofe 
 parts, to confider ferioufly the premifes, as well 
 the inconveniency as future eafe and plenty; that fo adventu- 
 none may move rafnly, of from a fickle, but from rer s * &< 
 a folid, mind; having, above ail things 5 an eye to 
 the providence of God, in the difpofing of them- 
 ielves; arid I would further advife all' fuch, at lead, 
 to have the perrmffion, if not the good liking, cf 
 their near relations; for that is both natural, and 
 a duty incumbent upon all. And by this will na- 
 tural affections be preferved, and a friendly and 
 profitable correfpondence between them; in all 
 which I befeech Almighty God to direct us; that 
 his bleffing may attend our honed endeavours; 
 and then the confequence of all our undertakings 
 will turn to the glory of his great name, and all 
 true happinefs to us, and our pofterity. Amen/' 
 
 On publifhing thefe propofals, a great number ^ 
 of pur chafers foon appeared, in London, Liverpool, ibdety f 
 and efpecially about Briftol; among- thefe were 
 "James Claypole, Nicholas Moore, Philip Forde, and 
 others, w r ho formed a company, called, The free 
 fociety of Traders in Pennfylvania. Thefe laft men- 
 tioned perfons, with William Sharloe, Edward 
 Pierce, John Simcock, Thomas Bracy and Edward 
 Brooks, having purchafed 20,000 acres of land, 
 in trull for the faid company, publifhed articles of 
 
 trade, 
 
 f:..rted, and perceived it to be greedily Lid htj'ld of by force, \vliofc nar- 
 rownefsmade every pretence, to fuve money, very acceptable;. ?.nd partly 
 by others, to whom any kind of handle, to obftrud; biiiiuefa, was no lefs 
 agreeable: but was entirely exploded by fuch as were; much bc'ter judges, 
 from clearer reafons, and better opportunities of knowing; fo that, up- 
 on the whole, gentlemen, I fmd the proprietary, and thofe concerned . 
 for him, account, that thofe quit-n-nts, and the go% r enirrtm here, are no 
 related, than hh eftute, ir. i.-roft is to that of Crca: Britain" , 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA* 
 
 1 68 1. trade, and entered into divers branches thereof 
 themfelves; v/hich were foon improved upon by- 
 others. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Conditions, or concejjlons ptfbttjhed. Sailing of the 
 firft Jhip for Pennfyhania. Jofcph Kirkbride y 
 &c. The Proprietor's manner of treating the In- 
 dians. His letter to them. Firft frame of govern- 
 ment and laws publiftied. Part of the preface to 
 the fame. Purport of the frame, and one of the 
 laws. Duke of Tbrb's deed of re-leafe to William 
 Penn. The territories obtained, &c. Boundary 
 between the territories and Maryland. 
 
 T 
 
 HE proprietary, having already made confi- 
 Thepro- derable fales of land, agreed with the adventurers 
 pubWhes and purchafers on the firft deed of fettlement, which 
 renditions, j n p art ma y b e regarded as an effay towards a 
 
 or concef- . . > , . J , 
 
 & c , conjtitutim or government, according to the pow- 
 ers granted him by charter. It confifts chiefly of 
 certain rules of fettlement, of treating the Indians 
 with juftice and friendmip; and of keeping the 
 peace, agreeable to the cuftoms, ufages and laws of 
 England, to be obferved on their arrival in the coun- 
 try, and there to be altered, on occafion. This 
 compact is publifhed, under the title of, " Certain 
 conditions , or concejfions, agreed upon by William 
 Penn, Proprietary and Governor of the province of 
 Pennfyhania; and tbofe, who are the adventurers 
 and purchafers , in the fame province ', the \\th.of 
 July, 1 68 1."* Which may be feen at length, in 
 the appendix, No. I. 
 
 * One of the ftipnlattons in this inftrument fl^ews the provident care 
 and knowledge of the proprietary, in a matter, whofe continued neglect 
 will doubtlefs, in future, be found more important to the country than 
 has been imagined, viz. 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 193 
 
 Three fliips failed for PennfyfoariU this year; 1681. 
 two from London, and one from BriftoL The John ^^r^J 
 and Sarah, from London, commanded by Henry 
 Smith, is faid to have been the firft that arrived Thc 
 there; the Amity, Richard Dimon, matter, from 
 the fame place, with paffengers, was blown off, 
 to the Weft-Indies ; and did not arrive at the pro- nia> 
 vince, till the fpring of the next year; the Briftol 
 Faftor, Roger Drew, commander, arrived at the 
 place, where Chefter now ftands, on the nth. of 
 December; where the pailengers, feeing fome 
 houfes, went on fhore, at Robert Wade's landing, 
 near the lower fide of C/6g/&r-creek; and, the ri- 
 ver having froze up that night, the pauengers re- 
 mained there all the winter.* 
 
 " That, in clearing the ground, care be taken to leave one acre of 
 trees for every five acres cleared, efpecially to prefcrve oak and mulberries^ 
 forftlk an 
 
 * Among the pafiengers, in thcfe fliips, were John Otter, Nathaniel 
 Allen and Edmund Lot/ett^ with their families; and feveral fervants of 
 Governor Penn. Jofeph Kirkbride, then a boy, being one of them, Avho 
 afterwards became a peribn of importance, in the province. He is an in- 
 ftance, among many others that might be given, in the early time of this 
 country, of advancement from low beginning to rank of eminence and 
 cfteem, through induftry,with a virtuous and prudent couducl. The diffi- 
 culties, hardfhips and trials of many of the well difpofed early fettlers, how- 
 ever low in the world, rather vifibly tended to their promotion, and, 
 in fome refpe&s rendered them more ufeful an.d worthy members of fo- 
 ciety, in this new country; while others, even poffefTed of handlbme pa- 
 trimonies, at firft, but more improvident, and lefs accuftomed to encounter 
 with fuch difficulties, &c. more commonly went to ruin, or were reduced 
 to indigence; befides, a dependance on fuch inheritances, even with 
 otherwile prudent oeconomy, in the early time of this country, where, 
 and when fervants could fcarcely be had, or kept, by any means, feve- 
 ral worthy perfons, who had not been ufed to labor, found, by forrow- 
 ful experience, did not anfwer here, as in Europe; fo that for a feries of 
 years, thofe who came hither more wealthy, and had before been ufed 
 to a different manner of life, fometimes loft much of what they had 
 pofTefTed, and were reduced to greater ftraits and trials, than the more 
 poor and laborious part of the fettlers, who were generally more numer- 
 ous, and got eftates ; Hence it became noted for being a good poor man's 
 ountry, &c. 
 
 This Jofeph Kirllride, above mentioned, was afterwards a preacher, 
 among the Quakers; and, for many years in the magiftracy, and fre- 
 quently in the Afiembly. He is faid to have been an exemplary and 
 zealous promoter of the religion of his profeflion; and a very ferviceable 
 perfon in divers refpedts and capacities. He lived in BueVr county; where 
 he died in the Firft month, 1737- 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA, 
 
 1 68 1. In one of thefe fhips failed William Markham* 
 o^v-s^ a relation of the proprietary; whom he had ap- 
 Commif- pointed his Deputy Governor, and joined with 
 fioners fcnt, him certain commiffioners, to confer with the /- 
 <&z*u, or Aboriglnies\ of" the country, refpecting 
 their lands; and to confirm with them a league of 
 peace. Thefe Commiflioners he enjoined to treat 
 them with all poflible candour, juftice and hu- 
 manity. 
 
 Import- To cultivate a right underftanding with thefe na- 
 treating ^ ves ' by a kind, gentle and juft treatment and 
 the Indians ufage, was an affair of great importance to the fu- 
 ture happinefs and profperity of the province; 
 which good policy alone, even, from views of 
 temporal intereft, in fuch a cafe, would point out ; 
 yet notwkhftanding this, the unhappy effects of a 
 contrary conduct, or a neglect in this particular y 
 had been frequently and long experienced, in fome 
 other provinces, to their great detriment, and ruin- 
 ous confequences. 
 
 But Wfllfam Penn appears to have acted from 
 penn's co higher,, and more difmterefted motives, in refer- 
 du<st refpec- rence to thefe people, than from thofe of mere 
 temporal advantage only; which, it is manifeft, he 
 never received from the province, m any refpect 
 whatever, during a life of near thirty-feven years 
 continuance after this time; but loft much by it. 
 His ideas were more exalted, than to be confined 
 within the narrow view of a temporary intereft 
 alone, and his conduct refpecting thefe poor, igno- 
 rant and favage people, declared his regard for 
 univerfal juftice, and the natural' rights of mankind; 
 tending to imprefs on their minds, as was his con- 
 cern for all others, a proper fenfe of eternal juftice, 
 and the happy effects of friendmip, love and peace; 
 than which nothing can have a ftronger influence 
 on the rational and confiderate mind, to keep it 
 within the due bounds of juftice and truth. The 
 rft fpecimen,. that I find, of his manner of treat- 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 195 
 
 ing thefe people, appears in the following letter, .1681 
 which he lent them, on this occafion, by his de- 
 puty and commiflioners ; wherein, without per- 
 plexing and confuting their untutored ideas> with 
 fine-fpun and unintelligible notions, and forms of 
 belief, fo common to iome. ecclefiaftics, he adapts 
 his fubjed to their underftandings, in the following 
 plain and fimple manner. . 
 
 " London, the iStb. of the Eighth month 1681. 
 " My Friends, 
 
 " There is a great God and power, that hath 
 made the world, and all things therein; to whom 
 you and I, and all people owe their being, and 
 well-being; and to whom you and I mufl one day 
 give an account, for all, that we do in the world. 
 
 " This great God hath written his law in our 
 hearts, by which we are taught and commanded 
 to love and help, and do good to one another. 
 Now this great God hath been pleafed to make 
 me concerned in your part of the world ; and the 
 King of the country, where I live, hath given me 
 a great province therein; but I defire to enjoy it 
 with your love andconfcnt; that we may always live 
 together, as neighbours and friends; elfe what 
 would the great God do to us, who hath made 
 us, not to devour and deftroy one another, but 
 to live foberly and kindly together, in the world? 
 now I would have you well obferve, that I am 
 very fenfible of the unkindnefs and injuflice, that 
 have been too much exercifed towards you, by 
 the people of thefe parts of the world; who have 
 fought themfelves, and to make great advantages 
 by you, rather than to be examples of goodnefs 
 and patience unto you; which I hear hath been a 
 matter of trouble to you, and caufed great grudg- 
 ing and animofities, fometimes to the fhedding of 
 blood ; which hath made the great God angry. 
 But I am not fuch a man; as is well known in 
 
 my 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1 68 1. my own country. I have great love and regard 
 
 v^vo towards you ; and defire to win and gain your love 
 
 and friendfhip, by a kind, juft and peaceable life; 
 
 peSkT anc * t ^ le P e P* e * fend, are f tne f ame mind, and 
 
 ter to the mall, in all things, behave themfelves accordingly ; 
 
 Indians. anc j 5 jf m an y thing, any fhall offend you, or 
 
 your people, you fhall have a full and fpeedy fatif- 
 
 fadiou for the fame, by an equal number of juft 
 
 men, on both fides; that, by no means you may 
 
 have jufl occafion of being offended againft them. 
 
 " I fhall fhortly come to you myfelf; at which 
 time, we may more largely and freely confer and 
 difcourfe of thefe matters ; in the mean time I have 
 lent my commiflioners to treat with you about land, 
 and a firm league of peace; let me defire you to 
 be kind to them, and the people, and receive thefe 
 prefents and tokens, which I have fent you, as a 
 teftimony of my good will to you, and my refo- 
 lution to live juflly, peaceably and friendly witft 
 you." 
 
 " I am your loving friend, 
 
 " William 
 
 1682. ^ n tne beginning of the year 1682, William Penn 
 publifhed his frame of government, and certain 
 laws, agreed on, in England, by himfelf and the 
 purchafers under him, entitled, " The frame of 
 frame of the government of the province of Pennfylvania, in 
 nusntTud A mer ' lca '> together with certain laws, agreed upon, 
 law*. in England, by the Governor, and divers freemen of 
 the aforef aid province. To be further explained and 
 confirmed there, by the firft Provincial Council, that 
 V Jhall be held, if they fee meet." Which frame, &c, 
 may be feen in the appendix, No. II. 
 
 In the preface to this frame is exhibited a fketch 
 of the author's fentiments on the nature of go- 
 vernment, in general, his reflections on the diffe- 
 rent modes of it, and his inducement for forming 
 his. It may ferve to give fome idea of the judg- 
 ment of the Quakers, in general, on this fubjecl, 
 
 refpe&ing 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 197 
 
 refpe&ing which they have frequently been mifre- 1682. 
 prefented; I mall, therefore, here give the follow- ^>^r^J 
 mg extracl from it. -The author, after having 
 quoted feveral parts of the facred fcriptures, rela- 
 tive to government, proceeds, ia the following 
 words: 
 
 " This fettles the divine right of government Part of tlic 
 beyond exception, and that for two ends; firft, Jis frame S 
 to terrify evil doers; fecondly, to cherifh thofe, Govern- 
 that do well ; which gives government a life be- ra 
 yond corruption; and makes it as durable, in 
 the world, as good men ihall be. So that go- 
 vernment feems to me a part of religion itfelf ; a 
 thing facred, in its inftitution and end. For, if 
 it does not directly remove the caufe, it cruises 
 the effects of evil; and is, as fuch, a lower, yet 
 an emanation of the fame divine power, that i$ 
 both author and object of pure religion; the dif- 
 ference lying here; that the gne is more free and 
 mentaU the other more corporal and compulfive, in 
 its operation: but that is only to evil-doers; govern- 
 ment itfelf being other wife as capable of kindnefs, 
 goodnefs and charity, as a more private fociety. 
 
 " They weakly err, that think there is no other 
 ufe of government, than correction-, which is the 
 coarfefl part of it: daily experience tells us, that the 
 care and^ regulation of many other affairs, more 
 foft, arid daily neceffary, make up much the 
 greater part of government ; and which muft have 
 followed the peopling of the world, had Adam 
 never fallen; and will continue among men, on 
 earth, under the higheft attainments, they may 
 arrive at, by the coming of the bleifed fecond 
 Adam, the Lord from Heaven." 
 
 As to the modes, he further obferves, " I do 
 not find a model in the world, that time, place, / tnod <* 
 
 i rr f Govern* 
 
 and fome imgular emergencies, have not neceiia- ment in go- 
 rily altered ; nor is it eafy to frame a civil govern- neral4 
 ment, that ihall ferve all places alike; 5 ' " Any 
 
 government, 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1682. government is free to the people under it (what- 
 ever be the frame) where the laws rule, and the 
 people are a party to thofe laws; and more thau 
 this is tyranny, olygarchy, or confufion." 
 
 " There is hardly one frame of government, 
 in the world, fo ill defigned by its firft founders, 
 that, in good hands, would not do well enough; 
 and hiftory tells us, the beft, in ill ones, can do 
 nothing, that is great and good; Witnefs, the 
 Jewijh and Reman dates. Governments, like 
 clocks, go from the motion, men give them; and 
 as governments are made and moved by men, fo 
 by them are they ruined too. Wherefore, go- 
 vernments rather depend upon men, than men 
 upon governments. Let men be good, and the 
 government cannot be bad; if it be ill, they will 
 cure it. But, if men be bad, let government be 
 never fo good, they will endeavour to warp and 
 e \o Q>^ ^ to tne i r turn." " That, therefore, which 
 William makes a good government, muft keep it, viz. 
 fran" e 8 of ^ en of wifdom and virtue; qualities, that, be- 
 Govern- caufe they defcend not with woridy inheritances*, 
 muft be carefully propagated by a virtuous educa- 
 tion of youth ; for which after ages will owe more 
 to the care and prudence of founders ^ and. the fuc- 
 ceffive Magiftracy^ than to their parents, for their 
 private patrimonies." 
 
 " Thefe confiderations," (feveral of which, for 
 brevity, are here omitted ) of the weight of go- 
 vernment, and the nice and various opinions about 
 it, made it uneafy to me to think of publifhing 
 the enfuingyh?772, and conditional laivs^ forefeeing 
 both the cenfures, they will meet witK, from men 
 of differing humours and engagements, and the 
 occafion they may give of difcourfe beyond my 
 defign." 
 
 " But, next to the power of neceffity (which 
 is a follicitor, that will take no denial) this induced 
 me to a compliance, that we have, (with reve- 
 
HISTORY OF IPENNSYLVANIA. 199 
 
 rence to God, and good confcience to men} to the 1682. 
 bed of our (kill, contrived and compofed the v^rw-r 
 frame and laws of this government, to the great * e *f for 
 
 i r rr- / pubhfhmg 
 
 end or government, -y/js. To fupport power in re*ve- hi 3 &an* 
 ># io// the people i and to fe cure the people from and law& - 
 fifo tfz//t } <?/* power; that they may be free by their 
 juft obedience, and the Magiftrates honourable, 
 for their juft adminiftration ; for liberty without 
 obedience is confufion; and obedience without li- 
 berty is flavery. To carry this evennefs, is partly 
 owing to the conftitution, and partly to the Ma- 
 giftracy: where either of thefe fail, government 
 will be fubjecl to convulfions; but where both 
 are wanting, it mufl be totally fubverted: then, 
 where both meet, the government is like to endure ; 
 which I humbly pray, and hope, God will pleafe 
 to make the lot of this of Pennfyfoania. Amen.** 
 
 The frame itfelf confided of twenty-four artr ^ 1 u e rpo f " ^ 
 cles ; and the laws were forty. By the former O f 
 the government was placed in the Governor and ment - 
 Freemen of the province, in the form of a pro- 
 vincial council, and General AiTembly. By them 
 conjunctively all laws were to be made, all officers 
 appointed, and all public affairs tranfa&ed. Se- 
 venty-two was the number of the Council, to be 
 chofen by the freemen; and though the Governor, 
 or his deputy, was to be perpetual Prefident, he 
 had but a treble vote. One-third part of them, 
 was, at firft, to be chofen for three years, one- 
 third for two years, and one-third for one year; 
 in fuch manner, that there might be an annual fuc- 
 cefiion of twenty-four new members, each to conti- 
 nue three years, and no longer. The General Af- 
 fembly was, the fir ft year, to confift of all the free- 
 men, afterwards of two hundred, and never to ex- 
 ceed five hundred. And this charter, or form of 
 government, was not to be altered, changed, or 
 diminifhed, in any part, or claufe of it, without' 
 the confent of the Governor, his heirs, or ailigns, 
 
 and 
 
200 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1682* and fix parts of feven of the freemen, in Provm- 
 ^Y"^ cial Council and ArTembly. And to the fame 
 power only was the alteration of the laws made 
 fubjecl: thefe laws were of the natvre of an ori- 
 ginal compacl between the proprietary and the 
 freemen; and, as fuch, were reciprocally received 
 and executed: one of them was, 
 
 cc That all perfons living in this province, who 
 confefs and acknowledge the one Almighty and 
 the n Vft Eternal God to be the Creator, Upholder and Ru~ 
 ler of the' world, and that hold themfelves obliged, 
 in confcience, to live peaceably and juftly in civil 
 fociety, (hall, in no ways, be moleiied, or preju- 
 diced, for their religious perfwafion, or pra&ice, 
 in matters of faith and worfhip ; nor fliall they be 
 compelled, at any time, to frequent, or maintain, 
 any religious worfhip, place, or miriiftry what- 
 ever." 
 
 Morover, the proprietary, to prevent all future 
 claim, or, even, pretence of claim, that might be 
 made, of the province by the Duke of Tork, or 
 the m * s heirs > obtained of the faid Duke his deed of 
 Duke of releafe for the fame, dated the 21 ft. of Auguft, 
 
 York's re- /-n * 
 feafe. 1052. 
 
 Befides 
 
 * The releafe of the Duke of Tork to William Penn was exprefied, as 
 follows 
 
 " This indenture, made the one and twentieth day of Auguft, in the 
 four and thirtieth year of the reign of our fovereign lord, Charles the 
 fecond, by the grace of God, of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland 
 King, defender of the faith, &c. annoque Domini 1682, between 
 the mod iiluftious Prince, his Royal Highefs, James, Duke of Tork and 
 Alban\\ "Ezr\ of Uljter, &c. of the one part, and William Penn, Efquire, 
 fon and l\eir of Sir William Penn, Knight, deceafed, of the other part. 
 Whereas, his faid Royal Highnefs, being willing and defirous that the- 
 tra6t of land, called Pennfylvania, herein after mentioned, fhould be 
 granted and affured unto the faid William Penn, and his heirs, and for 
 that purpofe, having fignified and declared his affent thereunto, to the 
 right honourable, the lords of the committee of plantations, his faid 
 Majefty, by his letters patent, under the great feal of England, bearing 
 date the 4th. day of March, in the three and thirtieth year of his reign.,, 
 for the confideration therein mentioned, did grant unto the faid William 
 Penn, and his heirs, all that tradt, or part of land in America, with the 
 iflands therein contained, and thereunto belonging, as the fame is bounded 
 and defcribed in and by the faiu letters patent, and therein called Petijil- 
 <oania, together with feveral royalties, franchifes, jurifdiclions and pri- 
 vileges, therein contained. And, whereas, in confideration of five fhil- 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 201 
 
 Befides, as an additional territory to the pro- 1682. 
 vince, he alfo, this year, 1682, procured of the 
 duke of Tbrk 9 his right, title and intereft, in that 
 tract of land, fmce called the The three lower court- 
 ties on Delaware, extending from the fouth boun- cures of the 
 dary of the province, and fituated on the weftern y^ the 
 fide of the faid river and bay of Delaware, to cape territories, 
 Hinlopen, beyond, or fouth of Lewiftown; which, &c> 
 by the Duke were made over to William Penn, his 
 heirs and affigns, by two deeds of Feoffment, da- 
 ted, Auguft 24th. 1682. The firft deed was for 
 the town of New-C a/lie, alias Delaware town, 
 and a diftrict of twelve miles round it, as far as 
 the river Delaware; in the fecond, of the fame 
 date, was comprehended that tract of land, from 
 
 twelve 
 
 lings, and for the confederations herein after mentioned, his faid Royal 
 Highnefs is willing and pleafed to confirm and make any further aflurance 
 of the faid trad of land and premifes unto the faid William Penn t and 
 his heirs." 
 
 " Now, therefore, this indenture witneffeth, that his faid Royal High- 
 nefs, out of a fpecial regard to the memory, and many faithful and 
 eminent fervices heretofore performed, by the faid Sir William Penn, to 
 his faid Majefty and Royal Highnefs, and for the better encouraging 
 him, the faid William Pen/i, to proceed in the cultivating and improv- 
 ing the faid tract of ground, and iflands therein, and thereunto belong- 
 ing, and reducing the favage and barbarous natives thereof to civility, 
 and for the good will, which his faid Royal Highnefs hath and heareth 
 to the faid William Penn, and for other good caufes and confederations, 
 hath remifed, releafed, and for ever quit claim, and by thefe prefents, 
 doth, for him and his heirs, remife, releafe, and for ever quit claim, 
 unto the faid William Penn, (in his peaceable pofieffion now being) his 
 heirs and affigns, all the effcate, right, title, intereft, rents, fervicee, 
 duties, payments, property, claim and demand whatfoever, of his faid 
 Royal Highnefs, of, in, or to, or out of the faid tract of land, and all fin- 
 gular other, the lands, iflands, tenements, hereditaments, and other 
 things comprifed in the laid recited letters patent, and within the bounds 
 and limits therein mentioned, to have and to hold the faid tract of land, 
 rents, fervices, hereditaments and premifes, unto the faid William Penn s 
 and his heirs, to the only ufe and benefit of the faid William Penn, his 
 heirs and affigns for ever. IN WITNESS whereof his Royal Highnefs 
 hath to thefe prefents fet his hand and feal, the day and year firft above 
 written." 
 
 J A M E S." (L. s.) 
 
 Sealed and delivered"! 
 in the pre fence of J 
 
 JOHN WERDEN. 
 GEORGE MAN, 
 
202 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1682. twelve miles fouth of New-Cqftle to the Hoarkills, 
 
 <~sy^j otherwife called Cape-Hinlcpen, divided into two 
 
 counties, Kent and Suffex; which, with New-Cqftle 
 
 Of the diftricl:, were commonly called, the territories of 
 
 three lower D /* 7 77; r^ , 
 
 Bounties, * ennfy mania; or we three lower counties upon Dela- 
 &c. ware.* 
 
 of the The determining and fixing the precife boun- 
 fcoundary dary between this territory and Maryland, as well 
 thHerrito- as ^ at between the refpective provinces, becom- 
 ries and ing afterwards a fubjeft of difpute between William 
 Maryland, p enn and t fa Lord ^ a if mor ^ w \\( hereafter more 
 
 fully appear, in the courfe of this hiftory. For, 
 
 though 
 
 * See the votes of the Koufe of Reprefentatives of Pennfylvania, Vol. I. 
 William Penn, in a letter to fome of his friends, in fetatfylvatua, da- 
 ted, " England, loth. Fourth month 1691," (a time when there was fome 
 difagreement in thefe counties, refpecling his title) fays, " / would 
 ttlfa you Jhould inoiv, 7 have a patent of the lower counties, fome years ftnee; 
 that ivhcn there is occajionfor it y you may alledgefo, but not other-wife" 
 
 Thefe territories were a part of the country, called New Netherland, 
 \vhen in pofieffion of the Dutch, and included in the Duke of York's 
 iecond patent for that country, after its furrender by treaty cf peace to 
 the Englifh, in 1674, which extended weftward of Delaware river. 
 See Introduction, page 121 to 136; likewife William Penn's anfwer to 
 Lord Baltimore's demand, further on in this hiftory, &c. 
 
 In the preamble to the aft of union of the three lower counties with the 
 province, pafled at Chefler, in Pennfylvania, on the 6th. of the Tenth 
 month 1682, it is thus exprefled, viz* 
 
 " And it having alfo favourably pleafed *James, Duke of Tori, Earl 
 of Ulfler, &c. to releafe his right and claim to all and every part thereof 
 (of the province) unto the faid William Penn, his heirs and affigns; 
 whereby the faid William Penn is become the undoubted and rightful 
 Proprietary of the province of Pennsylvania; and is hereby freely and 
 fully fo recognifed and acknowledged. And as a beneficial and requi- 
 lite addition to the territory of the faid Proprietary and Governor, it 
 hath alfo pleafed the faid James, Duke of York and AlSaay, Earl of 
 Ulfler t &c. for divers good confiderations, to grant unto the faid William 
 Penn, and his heirs and afligns, all that tract of land, from twelve miles 
 northward of NeivCaft'e, on the river Delaware, down to the fouth 
 cape, commonly called Cafe Hinlopen, and by the Proprietary and Go- 
 vernor, now called Cape James, lying on the weft fide of faid river and 
 bay, and formerly pofleffed by the Dutch, and bought by them of the 
 natives, and firft furrendered upon articles of peace to the King's Lieu- 
 tenant Governor, Colonel Nicolls, ad a fecond time, to Sir Edmund 
 Andrews, Lieutenant Governor to the faid Duke; and hath been by him 
 quietly poflefled and enjoyed; as alfo the faid river of Dela-ware and foil 
 thereof, and all iflands therein, lately caft into three counties, called, 
 New-CaJHe, Jones's and Whorekills, alias, Deal, together with all roy- 
 alties, powers and jurifdictions thereunto belonging; as by the two 
 deeds of Feoffment, bearing date the 24th, of the Cixth month, called 
 Auguft, l68z, doth more at large appear." 
 
 Pwinfylvania votes of Affembly, &c. Vol. r . 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA^ 203 
 
 though prior to making out the grant of both the 1682. 
 province and territory, the Lord Baltimore was du- 
 ly informed, fully heard, and all his objections 
 anfwered, on the fubjeft, before the lords of 
 trade and plantations; where the precife fouthern 
 boundary of Pennfyfoania, as exprefled in the 
 charter, muft neceflarily have been mentioned to 
 him, as appears by the minutes of the committee 
 of the faid board; yet he afterwards claimed not 
 only the whole territory of the lower counties, but 
 alfo one degree of north latitude included in the 
 grant of Pejmfyfoania, as coming within his pa- 
 tent. 
 
 The boundary and extent of the former was 
 determined by an order of council, the King 
 being prefent, in November, 1685; but it was 
 long before it was put in execution, faid to be 
 occafioned principally by the delays and obftru&i- 
 ons of the Lord Baltimore. But the line, or 
 boundary between the two provinces doth not 
 appear to have been precifely and finally fixed 
 during the life of William Penn; or, till the year 
 1732; which will be mentioned inks proper place. 
 
 CHAPTER 
 
304 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 William Penn fails for Pennfyhania. Write* a 
 valediftory epiftle to his friends in England. Ar- 
 rives in the Delaware. His reception in the coun- 
 try. Holds an Affembly at Upland, (Chejler.) 
 Paffes an acJ of union between the province and 
 territory. Naturalizes the foreigners. Paffes the 
 laws agreed en in England, in form. Preamble 
 to faid laws, with their titles. He *uifits New 
 Tork and Maryland; and treats with the Lord 
 Baltimore, refpefting the boundaries. Extracts 
 from two of his letters, re/pefling his employment 
 in the country, and in vindication of himfelf from 
 fome undue reflections. The Proprietor pur chafes 
 lands of the Indians, and treats them with great 
 jujlice and kindnefs. The happy confequences, 
 with inftances of their affectionate remembrance of 
 William Penn. 
 
 1682. lLLIAM PENN had, for a confiderable 
 
 ^^r^J t j me p a ft 5 | 3een ma ki n g preparation for his voyage 
 to America; which being, at laft, accomplifhed, in 
 tap taka tne Sixth month (Auguft) this year, 1682, accom- 
 fhipping panied by a number of his friends, he went on board 
 rica. Ame " tne ^ip? Welcome, of 300 tons burden, Robert Green- 
 away, commander; and on the 3oth. of the fame 
 month, he writ, from the Downs, a valedictory 
 epiftle to England, containing " Afalutation to all 
 faithful friends."* 
 
 The 
 
 * This epiftle is extant in print, though it doth not appear in the col- 
 lection of William Penns works, publifhed in two folio volumes. The 
 titla of it, at length, is, " An epiftle, containing a falutation to 
 
 all 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 205 
 
 The number of pafTengers, in this fhip, was 1682. 
 about one hundred, moftly Quakers; the major \-s~v^J 
 part of them from Sfi^&f, the Proprietary's place 
 of refidence. In their paflage, many of them the 
 were taken fick of thefma/l pox; and about thirty g rsdi p e { 
 
 -... i ;' T i r i the fmaH 
 
 of their number died. In this trying iituation, the poXj & Cv 
 acceptable company of William Penn is faid to 
 have been of fmgular advantage to them, and his 
 kind advice and affiftance of great fervice, during 
 their paflage; fo that, in the main, they had a 
 profperous voyage; and, in little more than fix 
 weeks, came in fight of the American coaft, fup- 
 pofed to be about Egg-Harbour, in New-Jerfey. 
 
 In palfing up the Delaware, the inhabitants, William 
 confiding of Englljh, Dutch and Swedes, indif- * at ar 
 criminately met the Proprietary, with demonftra- New-caftie 
 tions of joy. He landed at New-Caft/e, on the o<obe * 
 
 r r^r\ i i i i i i i 
 
 24th. or October; and next day had the people 
 fummoned to the Court-houfe; where, after pof- 
 feflion of the country was legally given him, he 
 made a fpeech to the old Magistrates, and the peo- 
 ple, fignifying to them the defign of his coming, 
 the nature and end of government, and of that more 
 particularly, which he came to eflablim; afTuring 
 them of their fpiritual and temporal rights; liberty 
 of confcience, and civil freedoms; and, recom- 
 mending them to live in fobriety and peace, he 
 renewed the magiftrates commhTions.* 
 
 After 
 
 zMfaMful friends ; a reproof to the unfaithful} and a vifitation to the en- 
 quiring, in a folemn farewell to them all, in the land of my nativity." 
 It confifts principally of religious advice and admonition to his friends, 
 the Quakers, according to the different parts of the title. 
 
 Betides this epiftle, and prior to his going on board, he alfo writ an 
 affectionate letter of advice to his wife and children, dated, Worminghurfl 
 4th. Sixth month, 1682. It contains moft excellent and pathetic di- 
 rections to them, in their diftindl capacities, for their civil, moral and 
 religious conduct and government through life, in cafe he fliould never 
 fee them again. It is published in the edition of his feledl works, in one 
 folio volume. 
 
 * To form fome idea of the proportion of the different forts of people, 
 on the weft fide of Delaware, about this time, or prior to William Per.ns 
 arrival, on the lands, granted him, it may be noted, that tjie />;< then 
 
 had 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1682. After this he proceeded to Upland, now called 
 V^-Y^> Chefter; where, on the fourth day of the Tenth 
 month, (about three months after his failing from 
 He calls England) he called an Aflembly. It confifted of 
 thf firft CtS ec l ua l numbers of members for the province, and 
 , the three lower counties, called the Territories-, 
 
 ^^ ^ Qr ^ Q fa Q fa^ fo man y o f tne f ree . 
 
 men as thought proper to appear, according to 
 the 1 6th. article of the frame of government. 
 
 This Aflembly chofe Nicholas Moore, who was 
 prefident of the Free fociety of traders, for their 
 chair-man, or fpeaker; and received as ample fa- 
 tisfaftion from the Proprietary, as the inhabitants 
 of New-cqftle had done; for which they returned 
 him their grateful acknowledgments : The Swedes 
 for themfelves, deputed Lacy Cock to acquaint him, 
 " That they would love, ferve and obey him with 
 all they had;" declaring, " that it was the beft day 
 they ever f aw." 
 
 Proceed- At this Aflembly an aft of union was pafled, 
 
 &if AfT e the annex * n tne three lower counties to the province, 
 
 biy. " in legiilation, on the yth. day of December, 1682; 
 
 likewife an aft of fettlement, in reference to the 
 
 frame of government which, with fome alterations, 
 
 was thereby declared to be accepted and confirmed. 
 
 The Dutch, Swedes, and other foreigners were 
 then naturalized: all the laws, agreed on in En- 
 gland, with fome fmall alterations, were pafled in 
 form,* 
 
 The 
 
 a meeting place, for religious worflnp, at New-eajlle ; the Swedes, three# 
 one at CAri/ieen, one at Tenecum, and one at Wicocoa, (now in the fub- 
 urbs of Philadelphia.} The Quakers, as before obferved, in the introduction, 
 had three, viz. one at Upland, or Che/ier, one at ShackamaKon, or about 
 where Kenftngion now ftands, in the vicinity of Philadelphia, and one 
 near the lower falls of Delaware. 
 
 * The preamble to thefe laws, with the titles, or heads, of them, here 
 follow: 
 
 " The great law: or, the body of laws of the province of Pennfylvania 
 and territories thereunto belonging, pafled at an Aflembly, held 
 at Chtfter, alias, Upland, the feventh day of the Tenth month, 
 called December, 1683. 
 
 Whereas, 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 207 
 
 The meeting continued only three days; and 1682. 
 notwithflanding the great variety of difpofitions, 
 rawnefs and inexperience of this Aflembly, in af- 
 fairs of this kind, yet a very remarkable candour 
 and harmony prevailed among them. 
 
 The 
 
 ** Whereas, the glory of God Almighty, and the good of mankind. 
 is the reafon and end of government; and, therefore government itfelf 
 is a venerable ordinance of God; and for as much as it is principally de- 
 fired and intended hy the Proprietary and Governor, and freemen, of 
 the province of PennJyJvania, and territories thereunto belonging, to 
 make and ettablifh fuch laws, as fhall beft preferve true chriftian and 
 civil liberty, in oppofition to all unchriftian, licentious and unjuft prac- 
 tices, whereby God may have his due, Cafor, his due, and the people, 
 their due, from tyranny and oppreflion, on the one fide, and infolence 
 and liceHtioufnefs, on the other; fo that the beft and firmeft foundation 
 .may be laid, for the prefeni and future happinefs of both the Governor, 
 and the people of this province and territories aforefaid, and their 
 poflerity: Be it entitled by William Penn, Proprietary and Governor, -by 
 and with the advice and confent of the deputies of the freemen of this 
 province, and the counties aforefaid, in General Affembly met, and by 
 the authority of the fame, that thefe following chapters and paragraphs 
 be the laws of Pennfyl-uama and territories thereof : 
 
 1 Concerning liberty of conscience. 
 
 2 Concerning qualifications of officers, &c, 
 
 3 Againft fwearing by God, Chrift, or Jefus. 
 
 4 Againft fwearing by any other thing or name. 
 
 5 Againft fpeaking profanely of God, Chrift, Spirit or Scripture* 
 
 6 Againft curfing. 
 
 7 Againft defiling the marriage ted. 
 
 8 Againft inceft. 
 
 9 Againft fodomy and beftiality. 
 
 10 Againft rape, or ravilhment. 
 
 11 Againft bigamy. 
 
 12 Againft drunkennefs. 
 
 J 3 Againft fuflfering drunkennefs. 
 
 1 4 Againft healths drinking. 
 
 15 Againft felling, or exchanging, of rum, brandy, or other firong li- 
 
 quors to the Indians. 
 
 1 6 Againft wilful firing of houfes. 
 
 17 Againft breaking into, or taking any thing out of houfes, 
 
 1 8 Lands and goods of thieves and felons, &c. liable, &c. 
 
 19 Againft forceable entry. 
 
 20 Againft unlawful aflemblies and riots. 
 
 '21 Againft afiaulting or menacing of parents, 
 
 22 Againft afTaulting or menacing, of magiftrates.- 
 
 23 Againft afiaulting or menacing, of mailers. 
 3,4 Againft affault and battery. 
 
 25 Againft duels. 
 
 ?,6 Againft riotous fports and pra<lices, as plays, c. 
 7,7 Againft playing at cards, dice, lotteries, &c. 
 3 8 Againft (edition. 
 
 29 Againft fpeaking flightiy, or abufing of maglflrates or officers. 
 
 30 Againft reporters, dWamersj and fprcader-s of faffe news, 
 
 3-1 Againfi 
 
208 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1 68 1 . The proprietary, prior to his meeting this Affem* 
 v-x^v-x^ bly, appears to have paid a vifit to New-Tcrk; 
 William and immediately after the adjournment of it, he 
 Penn vifits went to Maryland; where he was kindly received 
 
 New York, u i T j ra i JT i 
 
 Maryland, by me Lord tiammore, and the principal perfons 
 
 &c - of that colony. There the two proprietaries held 
 
 a conference refpeding the fixing: and fettling the 
 
 William i j i 
 
 Penn treats boundaries between the two provinces: but the 
 with Lord feverity of the feafon comin on, and there being; 
 
 Baltimore r r TI 
 
 about the no appearance of fpeedily determining the affair, 
 
 boundary, after two days fpent on the occafion, they appoin- 
 
 &c * ted to meet again in the fpring, and William Penn 
 
 took his leave and departed, the Lord Baltimore 
 
 accompanying him feveral miles, to the houfe of 
 
 one 
 
 31 Againft clamorous perfons, fc alders and railers. 
 31 Provifion for the poor. 
 
 33 Prices of beer and ale. 
 
 34 Meafures and weights. 
 
 35 Names of days and months. 
 
 36 Witnefles lying. 
 
 3 7 Pleadings, proceffes and records, to be in Englifi. 
 
 38 Trials in civil and criminal cafes. 
 
 39 Fees and falaries, bribery and extortion. 
 
 40 Fines to be moderate, &c. 
 
 41 Numerous fuits avoidable. 
 
 4^ Arreft of a perfon departing the province, how. 
 
 43 Promifes, bargains arid agreements. 
 
 44 Charters, gifts, grants, conveyances, bills, bonds and fpeciakies, deeds, 
 
 &c. how foon to be recorded. 
 
 45 What wills {hall convey lands, as well as chattels, See appendix to 
 
 the Pennfylvania laws. 
 
 46 Wills of non compos mentis void. 
 
 47 Regiftry for wills, &c. 
 
 48 Regiftry for fervants, &c. 
 
 49 Factors, and their employ. 
 
 50 Againft defacers, corrupters and embezzlers, of charters, convey- 
 
 ances and records, &c. 
 
 51 How hnds and goods mall pay debts. See appendix to the Pennfyl- 
 
 vania laws. 
 S^ What prifoners bailable. 
 
 53 Jails and Jailers. 
 
 54 Prifons to be work-houfes. 
 
 55 Wrongful imprifonment. 
 
 56 Where the penalty is either a fum of money or imprifonment, the 
 
 magiftrate fhall infli<5t which he will. 
 
 57 Freemen, who. 
 
 58 Elections 
 
 59 No money or goods, by way of tax, cuftom or contribution, to be 
 
 raifed or paid, but by law. 
 
 60 Laws fhall be printed and taught in fchools. 
 
 <5l All other things, not provided for herein, are referred to the Go* 
 vernor and freemen from time to time. 
 
various 
 enemies. 
 
 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 209 
 
 one William Richard/on; from whence he pro- 1682. 
 ceeded two miles further, to a religious meeting ^^y^J 
 of his friends, the Quakers^ at the houfe of Tho- 
 mas Hooker; and from thence to Cboftank y on the 
 eaftern fide of Chef apeak-bay; where was an appoint- 
 ed meeting of perfons of divers ranks and qualities. 
 
 Thus proceeded William Penn, with much fa- Heha, 3 
 tigue, difficulty and expenfe, to fettle the province, ene 
 eftablifh the government, and cultivate a good & c . 
 underftanding with his neighbours; though not 
 without enemies and oppofitions of different kinds, 
 as will hereafter more fully appear; and that, 
 even, from fome, who had been his friends; as 
 may be feen by the following extract from the ExtraA 
 printed account of his life, about this time, viz. 
 " Nor was the advancement of himfelf, or family, with his 
 in worldly wealth and grandeur, his aim, in the 
 
 adminiftration 
 
 Note, By a letter of William Ptxn, dated, Clejler on Delaware, 29th. of 
 the loth month, 1682, his activity, about this time, further appears : 
 From which the following is an extract : 
 
 *' I blefs the Lord, I am very well, and much fatisfied with my place 
 and portion ; yet bufy enough; having much to do, to pleafe all; and yet to 
 have an eye to thofe, that are no: here to pleafe themfelves. 
 
 " I have been alfo at Neia Tori, Long JJland, Eajl Jerfey and Mary- 
 land; in which I have had good and eminent fcrvice for the Lord, &c. 
 
 " I am now cafting the country into townfhips, for large lots of land. 
 I have held an aflembly; in which many good laws are pafled; we could 
 not fafely ftay till the fpring for a government. I have annexed the 
 Lower Counties (lately obtained) to the province; and pafled a general 
 naturalization for ftrangers; which hath much pleafed the people. As 
 to outward things, we are fatisfied ; the land good, the air clear and 
 fweet, the fprings plentiful, and provifion good, and eafy to come at; an 
 innumerable quantity of wild fowl and fifh ; in fine, here is what an 
 Abraham, Ifaac and Jacob would be well contented with; and fervice 
 enough ibr God; for the fields are here white for harveih O, how 
 fweet is the quiet of thefe parts, freed from the anxious and troublefome 
 follicitations, hurries and perplexities of -woeful Europe ; and God will 
 thin her; the day haftens upon her." &c. 
 
 " Blefled be the Lord, that of twenty-three fhips none mifcarried ; 
 onlyt\vo or three had the fmall-fox; elfe healthy and fwift paffages, 
 generally fuch as have not been known; fome but twenty-eight days, 
 and few longer than fix weeks: BlefTed be God for it; who is good to 
 us, and follows us with his abundant kindnefs : my foul fervently 
 breathes, that in his heavenly guiding wifdorn, we may be kept; that 
 we may ferve him in our day, and lay down our heads in peace," &c. 
 
 " P. S. Many women, in divers of the fhips. brought to bed; they 
 and their children do well," 
 
 [27] 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1682. admlniftration of government; but, in the greateft 
 v^v>^ honor of his public flation, he (till retained the 
 meeknefs and humility of a private Chriflian ; the 
 fincerity of his intentions, and with what zeal and 
 ardour he purfued a general good, are beft ex- 
 prefTed by his own words, in a letter written in 
 Pennfylvania, the latter part of this year, (1682^ 
 to a perfon, who had unduly refie&ed on him," viz. 
 
 part of a " I could fpeak largely of God's dealings 
 waiiam ^k mt * * n g ettm g tm ' s thing; what an inward 
 penn from exercife of faith and patience it cofl me, in paff- 
 chefterin j n p. ^fe travail was mine, as well as the debt 
 
 Pcnnfyl- o _ . . _ 
 
 and colt; through the envy or many, both 
 profeflbrs, falfe friends, and profane: my God 
 hath given it me, in the face of the world; and 
 and it is to hold it in true judgment, as a reward 
 of my fufferingsr and that is leen here, whatever 
 fome defpifers may fay or think. The place God 
 hath given me; and I never felt judgment for the 
 power I kept, but trouble for what I parted with. 
 It is more than a worldly title, or patent, that 
 hath cloathed me in this place. 
 
 " Keep thy place; I am in mine; I have ferved 
 the God of the whole earth, fmce I have been in 
 it ; nor am I fitting down in a greatnefs, that I 
 have denied. I am day and night fpending my 
 life, my time, my money, and am not fix pence 
 enriched by this greatnefs: cofts in getting, fet- 
 tling, tranfportation and maintenance, now in a 
 public manner, at my own charge, duly confide- 
 red, to fay nothing of my hazzard, and the dif- 
 tance I am from a confiderable eftate, and, which 
 is more, my dear wife and poor children" 
 
 " Well, the Lord is God of righteous judg- 
 ment: had I fought greatnefs, I had flayed at 
 home; where the difference between what I am 
 here, and was offered, and could have been there, 
 In power and wealth, is as wide as the places 
 are: No, I came for the Lord's fake, and there- 
 
 fore 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 21* 
 
 fore have I flood to this day, well and diligent, and 1682. 
 fuccefsful, bleffed be his power. " Nor fhall I trou- 
 ble myfelf to tell thee what I am to the people of 
 this place, in travails, watchings, fpendings, and 
 my fervants every way freely, not like a lelfifh 
 man; I have many witnefles. " To conclude, it 
 is now in friends hands ; through my travail, faith 
 and patience it came." " If friends here keep to 
 God, in the juftice, mercy, equity, and fear of the 
 Lord, their enemies will be their foot-Jtool: if not 
 their heirs and my heirs too, will lofe all} and defola- 
 tion will follow: but blefied be the Lord, we are 
 well, and live in the dear love of God, and the 
 fellowfhip of his tender heavenly fpirit; and our 
 faith is for ourfelves and one another, that the 
 Lord will be with us, a King and Counfellor for 
 
 ever." 
 
 " Thy ancient, though grieved, friend, 
 
 WILLIAM PENN." 
 " Chejler,$th. of the Twelfth month, 1682.'* 
 
 The Proprietary, being now returned from Ma- The Pro- 
 ryland to Coaquannock, the place fo called by the P rietar y re- 
 
 i i r / / 7 ; / n T i turns tot 
 
 Indians, where Philadelphia no \vitands, began topennfyiva- 
 purchafe lands of the Natives; whom he treated n ! a andb(> 
 with great juftice and fmcere kindnefs, in all his Stands 
 dealings and communications with them; ever giv- of the Indi " 
 ing them full fatisfa&ion for all their lands &c. and*" 3 ' &? ' 
 the bed advice for their real happinefs; of which 
 their future conduct mewed they were very fenli- 
 ble; and the country afterwards reaped the benefit 
 of it.* 
 
 It 
 
 * Hence one of the early fettlers, Thomas Makin, of Philadelphia, 
 after having lived in the country more than forty years, in a copy of 
 Latin verfes, entitled, Defcriftio Pennsylvania, dated in 1729, and in? 
 fcribed to Jamet Logan, has the following lines. 
 
 " JJon regio hsec Indos armis fubigendo tenetur, 
 
 Sed certa emptori conditione data eft. 
 Vivitur hie igitur tuto fine militis ufu; 
 
 Et fibi fecuriMt propria quisque tenet. 
 Hie IQCUS eft mukis fel.'x, ubi fedibus aptis, 
 
212 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1682* It was at this time, (1682) when he firft entcr- 
 \^v^ ed perfonally into that lading friendfhip \vith the 
 firft^eSbn" ^ n ^ ans ^ wm ' c h ever after wards continued between 
 ally inters them ; and for the fpace of more than feventy years 
 into friend- was never interrupted; or. fo loner as the Quakers* 
 
 ihip with i F r i i i i r>" , 
 
 the Indians, to wflom, even, long after his death, they always 
 &c. continued to (hew the greatefl regard, retained 
 power, in the government, fufficient to influence 
 a friendly and juft conduct towards them, and to 
 prevent, or redrefs, fuch mifunderilandings and 
 grievances, as occafionally happened between them, 
 and any of the inhabitants of the province, &c. 
 A firm peace was, therefore, now reciprocally con- 
 cluded between William Penn and the Indians ; and 
 both parties mutually promifed to live together as 
 brethren, without doing the lead injury to each 
 other. This was folemnly ratified by the ufual 
 token of a chain of friend/hip and covenant indeli- 
 ble, never to be broken, fo long as the fun and 
 moon endure. 
 
 Their reat Of this kind of conferrcnce he afterwards had 
 
 regard for many others, and fome on a religious account, dur- 
 
 w. Penn, j n g j^^ t j mes o f fog re fidence in the country. 
 
 His conduct, in general, to thefe people, was fo 
 
 engaging, his juftice, in particular, fo confpicu- 
 
 ous, and the counfel and advice, which he gave 
 
 them, were fo evidently for their advantage, that 
 
 he became thereby very much endeared to them; 
 
 and the fenfe thereof made fuch deep impreffions 
 
 on their understandings, that his name and memory 
 
 will 
 
 Sors optata dedit non fine pace frui. 
 Dira fed infclix, lieu! bella Nov* Anglla fenfit; 
 Indis quai femper gens male fida fuit." 
 
 On juft and faireft terms the land is gain'd; 
 
 No force of arms has any right obtain 'd. 
 'Tis here, without the ufe of arms, alone, 
 
 The bleft inhabitant enjoys his own : 
 Here many, to their wifh, in peace enjoy 
 
 Their happy lots; and nothing doth annoy. 
 But fad Nfw England' 's different conduct fhow'd 
 
 Whaj dire effects from injur'd Indians, fiow'du 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA, 213 
 
 will fcarcely ever be effaced, while they continue 
 a people.* 
 
 * At a treaty, held with the Six Nations, at Philadelphia, in July, 
 1742, in Governor Thomases adminiflration, Canajatego, chief of the 
 Qnondagots, faid, 
 
 " We are all very fenfible of the kind regard, which that goad 
 
 man, William Penn, had for all the Indians" &c. 
 
 At this treaty, thefe Indians thus expreffed themfelves,refpe6ting James 
 Logan, which further {hews the fenfe and gratitude of that people when 
 they are well treated, &c. 
 
 " Canaffatego then fpoke to the Governor and council:" 
 " Brethren^ 
 
 We called at our old friend James Logans, in our way to this city, 
 and, to our grief, we found him bid in the buftes, and retired through in- 
 firmities, from puhiic bufmefs. We preffed him to leave his retirement, 
 and prevailed with him to affift once more, on our account, at your 
 councils. We hope, notwkhftanding his age, and the effects of a fit 
 of fickncfs, which we underftand has hurt his confatution, that he 
 may yet continue a long time, to affift this province with his counfels. 
 He is a wife man, and a faft friend to the Indians. And we defire, when 
 his foul goes to God, you may chufe in his room, juft fuch another per- 
 fon, of the fame prudence and ability, in counfelling; and of the fame 
 tender difpofition and affection for the Indians" " In teftimony of our 
 gratitude for all his fervices, and becaufe he was fo good, as to leave his 
 country houfc, and follow us to town, and be at the trouble, in this his 
 advanced ag, to attend the council, We prefent him ivith this bundle of 
 Skatf. 
 
 After the Governor had concluded, James Logan replied to that part 
 of CanaJJ'atego's fpeech which related to him, and faid 
 
 " That, not only upon the account of his lamenefs, (of which the 
 Indians themfelves were witneffes) but on account of another indifpofition, 
 which, about three years fince, had laid him under an incapacity of ex- 
 preffing himfelf with his former ufual freedom, he had been obliged to 
 live retired, in the country.'* 
 
 " But that our firft proprietor, the honorable William Penn, who had 
 ever been a father, and true friend to all the Indians, having above forty 
 years fmce recommended them to his particular care, he had always, 
 Irom his own inclination, as well as from that fi.ri&. charge, endeavoured 
 to convince all the Indians, that he was their true friend; and was now 
 well pleafcd, that after a tradl of fo many years, they were not infenfi- 
 Ul e of it. He thanked them kindly for their prefent and heartily joined 
 with them in their defires, that the government may always be furs ifhed 
 with perfons of equally good inclinations, and not only with iuch, but 
 alfo with better abilities, to ferve them. 
 
 At a council, held %vich the Seneca and other Indians, in ' Pailad-J^ia, 
 in July 1749, in the adminiftatian of James Hamilton, ;c. 
 
 Ogaujctajp, in part of his fpeech, thus exprefies himfelf: 
 
 <{ We recommend it to the Governor, to tread in the ftep? of thcf; 
 wife people, who have helJ the reins of government before him, in be- 
 ing good and kind to the Indians. Do, brother, make it your ftudy to 
 confult the intereft of our nations; as you h?.ve fo hrge an authority, 
 you can do us ir.uch' good, cr harm; we vcvH.. twerefcre, engage your 
 
 influence 
 
214 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1682. That they retain thefe things, and hand them; 
 v>*v^s-/ by tradition, from father to fon, many inflances 
 
 inftances have fince more particularly (hewn; of which one 
 of theindi- was in 1721, fever al years after the death of Wil- 
 taTning Sre " liani Penn; in a conferrence between Governor 
 great re- Keith and the Five Nations, held at Conejlogo, in 
 f w-fp7nn. Pennfylvania. Their Chief Speaker, with a coun- 
 tenance, which mewed great relped, faid 
 
 They Jhould never forget the council, that Wil- 
 liam Penn gave them; and that though they could not 
 t write, as the Engli/h did, yet they could keep, in the 
 memory, what was faid in their councils. 
 
 At the treaty renewed, in the year following, at 
 Albany, they mentioned the name of William Penn 
 with great affection, calling him, a good man. 
 And, as their higheft compliment to Governor 
 Keith, they ufed this expreffion, " we ejieem and 
 love you as if you were William Penn himfelf: telling 
 him, " Brother Onas," (which in their language 
 fignifies, a Pen, and by which name they call the 
 Governors of Pennfylvania ever fince it was firft 
 fettled by William Penn} " we are glad to hear the 
 
 former 
 
 influence and affections for us; that the fame harmony, arid mutual af- 
 fections may fubfift during your government, which fo happily fubfiiled 
 in former times, nay, from the firft fettlement of this province, by our 
 good jYi end y the great William Penn" &C. 
 
 At a treaty held at Eajlon, in Pennfyfoania, with the Indians, in 1756, 
 in Governor Morris's adminiftration, Teedyufcung, the Delaware chief, 
 fpoke as follows: 
 
 " Brother Onas, and the people of Pennjyl-van-a, 
 " We rejoice to hear from you, that you are willing to renew the 
 old good undemanding^ and that you call to mind the frft treaties of friend- 
 ftiip, made by Onas, our great friend, deceafed, with our forefathers, 
 when himfelf and his people firft came over here. 
 
 " We take hold of thefe treaties with both our hands; and defire you 
 will do the fame; that a good underftanding and true friendfhip may be 
 re-eftablifhed. Let us both take hold of thefe treatie^with all our ftrength 
 we befeech you; We on our fide, will certainly do it.*' 
 
 . -Again, on concluding a peace, in July, the fame year, Teedy- 
 ufcung faid, 
 
 " I wifh the fame good fpirit, that poffeffed the good old man, William 
 Penn, who was a friend to the Indians, may inffire the people of this 
 province, at this time," &c. 
 
 JSxfratfs from the Indian treaties. 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 115 
 
 former treaties, which we have made with William 
 Penn y repeated to us again. 3 ' 
 
 Upon the Governor's replying, " That he de- 
 fired this vifit, and the covenant chain, which is 
 hereby brightened, may be recorded in everlafting 
 remembrance, to be fent down to your and our 
 children, to laft as long as the mountains and ri- 
 vers, and while the fun and moon endure:" 
 They anfwered, " We defire that peace and tran- 
 quillity, which is now eftablifhed between us, may 
 be as clear as the fun, fhining in its luftre, with- 
 out any cloud or darknefs; and that the fame may 
 continue forever/' 
 
 Thefe inflances, among many others, that may 
 be given, together with the confequent correfpond- 
 ing behaviour of thefe people, may fhew what a 
 grateful remembrance they retained of William 
 Penrfs fair and candid conduct towards them ; and 
 what an happy influence a juft and friendly treat- 
 ment has on, even, favage minds. 
 
 CHAPTER 
 
216 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Arrivals of coknifts in the firft year^ and early 
 
 times, with their general charader. Some of their 
 
 fettlements, and rapid improvement^ with the names 
 
 and memorials of divers of them , &c. Difficulties 
 
 and hardjhips cf the firft and early fettlers ; but 
 
 they proffer. Part of the planter's fpecch to his 
 
 neighbours and countrymen. Richard Toivnfend's 
 
 teftimony, refpecling the profperity of Pennfyhania 
 
 from the firft fettlement of It ^ for above forty years. 
 
 Number W ITHIN the fpace of the firft year, after the 
 of arrivals proper requifites for a regular fettlement were ob- 
 
 in the firft i i TI- r M r n 
 
 year, & c . tamed, between twenty and thirty fail or Imps, 
 with paifengers, arrived in the province, including 
 thofe which came before, and about the fame 
 time with the Proprietary. The fettlers amounted 
 to fuch a large number, that the parts near De- 
 laware were peopled in a very rapid manner, even 
 from about the falls of Trenton^ down to Chejler y 
 near fifty miles, on the river; befides the fettle- 
 ments in the lower counties, which, at the fame 
 time, were very confiderable: for the firft fettle- 
 ments, for the mod part, were made nigh the 
 river, according to the different (hares of land, 
 which were refpeclively allotted for each fettler; 
 as may be feen in an old map of the firft fettled 
 parts of the province.* 
 
 firft (nd e As the firft colonift s, and thofe who followed, 
 early colo- for a number of years afterwards, were more ge- 
 ne rally of the religious people called Quakers; 
 
 and 
 
 * This is faid to have been the firft, or original mnp of the fettled 
 part of the province and of the plan o/ the city; by Thomas Holme. 
 It was dedicated to William Penn, and fold by Robert Green and John 
 Thornton in London ; who fay, in the faid map, that it was begun by the 
 Proprietary, anno 1681; It is yet extant, &c. 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 217 
 
 and in their native country had fuffered much on 1682. 
 account of their religion, both in perfon and pro- 
 perty, through the perfecuting bigotry of thofe 
 times; fo, on their arrival, their great and pri- 
 mary concern is faid to have been the continuance 
 and fupport of their religious public worfhip, in 
 every part of the country, where they made fettle- 
 ments, in fuch manner as their fituation and cir- 
 cumftances then permitted; and though the gene- 
 rality of them were not ranked among the rich 
 and great, yet many had valuable eftates, were of 
 good families and education; and moftly fober, 
 induflrious and fubftantial people, of low, or 
 moderate fortunes, but of univerfal good reputa- 
 tion and character.* 
 
 They appear, in general, to have been provi- o f the fi 
 dent, and cautious, in their removal; fo that ram- 
 nefs and inconfideration 3 fo common in new at- Pennfyiva 
 
 tempts nia> 
 
 * In the records of this people, in early times, among other things, 
 1 find the following 1 anecdotes, refpeifiing the original and regular efta- 
 bhfhment of fome of their firtl religious meetings in thefe parts, with the 
 names of fome of the principal fettlers among them, of that fociety, viz* 
 
 The firft moft confiderable Engl : Jb fettlement, in Pennfyl-vania proper, 
 is faid to have been near the \n\\er fal/s of the river Delaware, in Bucks 
 county; where the Quakers had a regular and eftablifhed meeting, for 
 religious worfhip, before the country bore the name of Pennfylvania: 
 fome of the inhabitants there having fettled by virtue of patents, from 
 Sir Edmund Andres, Governor of 
 
 Among the names of the inhabitants here, either at this time, or 
 foon after, appear to be, William Tardly, James Harrifon, Phineas Ptm- 
 L'rton, William Biles, William Dark, Lyonell Britain, William Beaks, &c. 
 And foon afterwards there, and near Nejbaminy creek, Richard Hough, 
 Henry Baker, Nicholas Walne, John Otter, 'Robert Hall; And, in 
 Wright's town, John Chapman, and James Ratdijf, a noted preacher in 
 the fociety, &c. 
 
 In the year 1683, fettled near the f:iid/a//y, Thomas Janny who, with 
 his family, and others, at that time, arrived from Chejbire, in England. 
 He is faid to have been a very ferviceable perfon in the country, and 
 among his neighbours, in divers refpeds. 
 
 After twelve years refidence here, he revifited his native country, on 
 a religious account, being a preacher among the Quakers, where he died, 
 aged 63, and a preacher, in that fociety, 41 years; being a man of good 
 reputation, character and example. 
 
 Near Byberry, PociqueJJing^ Itfc, fettled Richard Wain, John Hart, 
 Richard Worrall; &c. 
 
 [ 2 8] 
 
2i8 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1682. tempts of this kind, was not for the mod part, 
 much obfervable among them, in this important 
 undertaking. Many of them brought fervants, 
 
 and 
 
 Note, The Qitalers had meetings for religious worfhip, and for the 
 ccconomy of their faciety fo early as the fore part ot the year 1681, at 
 the houfe of Thomas Fairlamb, at Sbalamaxon, near, or about the place 
 where Kenftxgton now Hands, nigh Philadelphia; and in the next follow- 
 ing year, 1682, at the place itfelf, where the city is fince built, in a 
 boarded meeting-houfe creeled there for that purpcfe. 
 
 Their brick meeting-houfe, in the city, at or near the center, was bulk 
 
 in - 1684. 
 
 That, on the bank, in Front-ftreet, in i68<r. 
 
 Their great meeting-houfe, in High-ftreet, in - - 1695. 
 
 That, on the hill, in Pine-ftreet, in - - - - 17^3. 
 
 And the prefent meeting-houfe, in High-flreet, in 1755- 
 
 The number of marriages of the people called Qualcrs, in Philadelphia 
 alone, during the firft thirty- two years of the province, or between the 
 years 1682 and 1714, inclufive, was about 314. M. S. 
 
 In the year 1682, they had a religious meeting regularly fixed at Darby. 
 Among the firft and early fet tiers of the Ibciety, at or near this place, 
 are inentioned, John Blunfton, Michael Blunfton, George Wood, Jof- 
 hua Fearn, Henry Gibbons, Samuel Sellers, Richard BonfaH, Edmund 
 Cartlidge, Thomas Hood, John Bartram, Robert Naylor and Adam 
 Rhoads; who all came from Darhyjhlre, in England. 
 
 Thomas Worth, Samuel Bradfliaw, John Hallowell, William Wood, 
 Thomas Bradfhaw, Robert Scothorn and Richard Parker, all from Not- 
 tingham/hire. 
 
 John Hood, William Garret, Robert Cliffe, William Smith, John 
 Smith and Thomas Smith, from Leicejlerjhire. 
 
 At Che/ler, the Quakers had meetings for divine worfhip regularly, 
 from the year 1675 ; in which year Robert WaJe, and divers others came 
 over; and at whofe houfe the firft meeting of record, in this place, was 
 held, on the tenth of the eleventh month, 1681. 
 
 Among the eminent perfons of this fociety, who fettled in and near 
 this place, in thefe early times, were, Thomas Vernon, John Bowater, 
 Thomas Minfhall, Bartholomew Coppock, John Edge, c. David 
 Jones, at Gofhen. John Gibbons, Thomas Stanfield, John Cadwallader, 
 James Thomas; William Woodmanfon, at Harold. John Simcocke, at 
 Ridley; Nicholas Newlin, &c. 
 
 In the year 1682, among the tjh/alers, who fettled on the eaft fide of 
 Krandyivine creek, in Neiv-cajlle county, were Valentine Hollingfworth, 
 William Stockdale, Thomas Conoway, Adam Sharpley, Morgan Dre- 
 witt, Valentine Morgan, Cornelius Empfon. And about Center town- 
 fhip, George Harlam, Thomas Hollingfworth, Alphoafus Kirk, William 
 Gregg, &c. 
 
 Of thofe who firft fettled in, and about Neiu-cajlle, were John Huffey, 
 John Richardfon, Edward Blake, George Hogg, Benjamin Swett, &.c. 
 
 Alfo William Brown, from Northamtonlhire in England^ who fettled 
 in early time, about Nottingham, is noted among the Quakers, for his 
 kind benevolence and hofpitality; and as exhibiting a pattern of a truly 
 Chriftian life and practice ; He lived upwards of ninety years, had many 
 defcendants, and died in 1 746. 
 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA* 219 
 
 and had provided themfelves with food and rai- 1682. 
 ment, for fuch a fpace of time, after their arrival, 
 as, it might be reafonably fuppofed their care and 
 mduftry would afterwards procure neceflary fub- 
 fiftence in the province: befides, fufficient quantities 
 of houfehold furniture, utenfils, implements and 
 tools, for divers of the firfl mod ufeful, and ne- 
 ceflary trades and occupations were previoufly 
 provided and brought by not a few of them. 
 
 The nature of both their religious and civil 
 fyftem and conduct, in general, was fo reafonable, 
 generous and inviting that as they became known, 
 and the fame thereof fpread abroad, great numbers 
 of people were induced to flock to the province, 
 from different parts of Europe; and, in fuch a 
 rapid manner, to colonize and improve it, as had 
 fcarcely ever been parallelled in any other country, 
 at fo great a diflance from the parent flates, or 
 civilized part of the world. 
 
 In this, and the two next fucceeding years, ar- Number of 
 lived fhips, with paflengers or fettlers, from Lon* arnvals A c ' 
 don, Brijlol, Ireland, Wales, Chejhire, Lancajhire, 
 Holland^ Germany^ &c. to the number of about 
 fifty fail.* 
 
 Among thofe from Germany, were fome Friends, 
 or Quakers , from Krijheim or Crejheim, a town not Firft fet- 
 far from Worms, in the Palatinate. They had been tlemen ^ of 
 early convinced of the religious principles of the towlT^by 
 Quakers, by the preaching of William Ames, an fome ^ a " 
 EnglifhiMn: for which they had bore a public tef- Germany, 
 timony there, till the prefent time; when they all &c - 
 
 removed 
 
 * Hence Thomas Makin before mentioned, fays 
 
 " Hujus fama loci multos aliunde vocavit 
 
 " Libertas quibus eft dulcis amorque lucri 
 " Hue alieuigenae veniunt, venientque quotannis 
 
 " Omnibus ufque adeo libera term placet." 3cc. 
 Its fame to diftant countries far has fpread 
 And fome for peace, and fome for profit, led, 
 Born in remoteft climss, to fettle here, 
 They leave their native foil, and all that's dear; 
 And flill will flock from far, here to be free ; 
 tjuch powerful charms has lovely Liberty. -&c. 
 
22O HISTORY or PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1682. removed to Pennfyhania, and fettled about fix or 
 feven miles diftant from Philadelphia, at a place 
 which they called German-town. 
 
 " This removal/' (fays Sewell, in his hiftory of 
 the Quakers) " did not feem to be without a fin- 
 gular direction of Pro-vide nee: for not long after a 
 war enfued in Germany, where the Palatinate was 
 altogether laid wafte by the French; and thoufands 
 of families were bereft of their poffefiions, and re- 
 duced to poverty."* 
 
 Firft ar- Among thofe adventurers and fettlers, who ar- 
 &c C r * ve d a bout this time, were alfo many from Wales , 
 of thofe who are called Ancient Britons, and moftly 
 Quakers; divers of whom were of the original or 
 early flock of that fociety there. f They had early 
 
 purchafed 
 
 * Among the firft Germantoivn fettlers from Krijbeim, was Dean's 
 Conrad. The firft religious meeting of the Quakers, in that place, was 
 held at his houfe, in 1683. He was an hofpitable well difpofed man, of 
 an inofFenfive life, and good charader. He died in the year 1729. 
 
 f Divers of thefe early Weljb fettlers were petfons of excellent and 
 worthy character; and feveral of good education, family and eftate, 
 chiefly Quakers; and many of them either eminent preachers in that fo- 
 ciety, or otherwife well qualified and difpofed to do good, in various ca 
 pacities, both in religious and civil, in public and private life. 
 
 Of fome of them there are particular and extraordinary accounts in 
 manufcript, both refpecling their eminent religious fervices among the 
 Quakers, &c. and alfo of their great ufefulnefs among their neighbours, 
 in fettling the province, and in regulating and managing the civil affairs of 
 the government; as perfons highly and juflly eftecmed and diftinguifhed 
 both in private and public ftation. Of thefe, befides others, Ifmdparti4 
 cularly mentioned, 
 
 John Thomas, Robert Given and Jane, his wife, from Merioneth/hires 
 pious and honourable perfons, of good family, education and abilities; and 
 had fuffered much perfccutiQn for their religion, being Quakers; but they 
 died foon after their arrival. 
 
 There was alfo another Robert Given, who removed from Wales into 
 Pennfylvania, in 1690. He was, by account, an eminent preacher, and 
 a very ferviceable and worthy perfon, among the Quakers; being a man 
 endowed with many excellent qualities; a fkilful peace-maker, and of 
 much fervicc and utility, in various refpecls while he lived in the country. 
 He died in the year 1697. 
 
 Rowland Ettii was a man of note among the Weljb fettlers; from a place 
 called Brin-Maur, near Dolgelly in the county of Mereonetb. In 1682, 
 he fent ov>.r Thomas Uiven and his family to make a fettlement. This was 
 the cuitom of divers others of the Weljk, at firft, to fend perfons over to 
 take up land for them, and to prepare it, againft their coining afterwards. 
 
 But 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA* 22 
 
 purchafed of the Proprietary, in England, forty 1682 
 thoufand acres of land. 
 
 Thofe who came, at prefent, took up fo much 
 of it. on the weft fide of Sculkil river, as made the 
 three townfhips, of Merio?i 9 liaverford and R$d- 
 nor; and in a few years afterwards, their number 
 was fo much augmented, as to fettle the three 
 other townfhips of New-town, Gojhcn and Uwchland, 
 After this they continued Itill increaiing, and be- 
 came a numerous and florifhing people. 
 
 Notwithflanding 
 
 But Rowland El/Is, chufing to fee the country, before he removed his 
 family, failed in a Bridal fhip from Milfa-d Haven , for Pennfylvania, on 
 the fixceenth of the eighth month, 1686; taking along with him his eldeft 
 fon, Rowland, then a boy, and they had a very long and tedious paffage, 
 in which they touched at Barbadoes, not arriving at the province, till about 
 twenty-four weeks after their firfl failing. The Welfli pafiengers were 
 about one hundred, all from the fame place with him. Many of them 
 died through want of necrffary provilions; and others afterwards, from 
 the remaining effects of their fufferings; and fome that fiirvivcd, never 
 recovered their former ftrength; though at Barbadacs, where they flayed 
 about fix weeks, and were kindly and friendly treated, many were much 
 recruited from their languifning condition, and the death of divers others 
 prevented, &c. 
 
 After having been about nine months in the province, and making the 
 necefiary preparations for the reception of his family, which he intended 
 to bring over, he returned in the next fpring, to his native land, leaving 
 his young fon with his uncle John Humphrey. But he did not return to 
 Pennfylvania, till the year 1697 ; when he failed in a Liverpool veflel, with 
 many other families, confiding of about one hundred paflengers, all from 
 North Wales; and in about fix weeks they arrived at Philadelphia, in the 
 fourth month. 
 
 . Rowland Ellis was then in the forty-fifth year of his age. He left his 
 eldeft daughter and heirefs, by a former wife, in poiTeffion of his pa- 
 ternal inheritance, at which he had lived mod of his time. 
 
 After this his lad arrival in Pennfylvania, he is faid to have lived long 
 to do good, His fervices, both in church and (late, being confiderable. 
 He was a preacher among the Quakers; but his greated fervice did not 
 appear to be that way. He was an acceptable man in every dation. 
 He died in the eightieth year of his age, at his fon-in-la\v, John Evans's 
 houfe, in North Wales, Pennfylvania; of whom and his pious exit, 
 their is a more particular account, in manufcript. 
 
 Hugh Roberts was an eminent preacher, among the Quakers; a man 
 of note, and goad character, in Pennfyli-ania; to which he removed from 
 Wales, about the year 1683; where he lived near eighteen years, to 
 an advanced age. 
 
 He had fuffered much for his religion, in his native country, prior to 
 his removal to America. He is faid to have been of a tender and affec- 
 tionate difpofition of mind, and a very valuable and worthy perfon. He 
 was, for fome years a member of the provincial council, &c. 
 
 On 
 
222 HISTORY OF PNNSYLVANIA, 
 
 1682. Notwithftaniiing the precaution, which many 
 of thefe adventurers had ufed, in bringing provi- 
 fions and other neceiTaries with them, for a cer- 
 
 th ta ' n tl * mC:> } ret ** canilct ke reafonably fuppofed 
 fet- that the arrival cf fuch a large number of peo- 
 p{ e? j n a wilderrieis, within the fpace cf two or 
 three years would not neceffarily be attended with 
 inconveniencies and difficulties. Though the Eu- 
 ropctiTi inhabitants, in the country, prior to their 
 arrival, were kind and alMing, yet they were 
 vel T f ew > m ftty new or late fettlers, and confe- 
 with the quently but meanly provided, either with provi- 
 ^ ons > or ot ^ er accommodations; infomuch that 
 fometimes, for divers years afterwards, the fear- 
 city, which was experienced among them, of the 
 former, caufedvery alarming apprehenfions.* 
 
 Befidcs 
 
 On his return from a religious vifit to his native country, in 
 the fervice of preaching the gofpel, in the year 1698, a number of the 
 Inhabitants of North Wales removed to Pennfilvania, in company with 
 him; where he arrived on the 7th. of the Hifth month, many of the 
 paifengers having died at fea cf the Bloody Flux, during the paflage. 
 
 In the latter end of this year, (1698) William Jones, Thomas Evans, 
 Rohert Evans, Owen Evans, Cadwailader Evans, Hugh Griffith, John 
 Hugh, Edward Foulke, John Humphrey, Robert Jones, and others, 
 having purchaltd of Robert Turner, ten thoufand acres of land, began 
 in the following year, to improve and fettle the fame, and called UK: 
 townfhip Guinsdd, in Englifh North Wales. Some of the laft mentioned 
 paffengers fettled here; who, in general, did not, at firft, profefs with 
 the GhtaLtrs; but afterwards they, with many others, as the neighbour- 
 hood increafed, joined in religious fociety with them, and were an ii> 
 duilrious and worthy people. 
 
 Ellh Pugh, one of the early IVeljb fettlcrs, who arrived in the pro- 
 vince in the year 1687, lived much of his time, and died, here, 1718. 
 He was convinced of the ^linkers' principles, in Wales, about the year 
 1674. He became a miiiiiler among them, in 1680. In which capa- 
 city he continued till his death, being a very ferviceable perfon, in di- 
 vers refpeils, and of an excellent character. 
 
 * Among other particular accounts, of this kind, T find the following; 
 which may give a further idea of thole early times in the province, &c. 
 
 John Scarborough, of London, coach-fmith, arrived in the country, in 
 1682, with his fun John, then a youth, and fettled in MiMetmL'n, in 
 Sucks county, among the firft, in thofe parts; where he remained about 
 two years; and then embarked for his native country, with intention to 
 bring over his wife and family; having fuffered much, by perfecution, 
 for his religion, in England, being a ^iiakcr. 
 
 During his refidence ia Pennfylvania, provifiona being fometimes 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 223 
 
 Befides, thefe adventurers were not ail young 1682. 
 perfons, and able to endure the difficulties and ^^r^<^ 
 hard/hips which are moftly unavoidable in fubdu- 
 ing a wildernefs, or as equally regaipdlefs of con- Som G - 
 venient accommodations as young healthy and t^i'in 
 ftrong men, accoftomed to labor and difappoint- years, &c. 
 ment: but there were among them perfons advanc- 
 ed in years, with women and children; and fuch 
 as, in their native country, had lived well, and en- 
 joyed eafe and plenty. 
 
 fcarcc, in that part, where he refided, efpecially in the firft year, he is 
 laid to have had occafipn to remark the providence of God to him, and 
 thofe near him, when thsy were under greater difficulty, on this ac- 
 count, than at other times. 
 
 The ivilJ pidgeons came in fach great numbers, that the air was fome- 
 times darkened by their flight; and, flying low, they were frequently 
 knocked down, as they flew; in great quantities, by thofe who had no 
 other means to take them: whereby they fupplied themfelves; and 
 having falted thofe, which they could not immediately ufe, they preferred 
 them, both for bread and meat. 
 
 Thus they were fupplied feveral times, during the firft two or three 
 years, till they had raifed, by their induftry, food fufEcient out of the 
 ground: for the tilling of which, at that time, they ufed Hoes, having 
 neither horfes nor plows. The In&am were remarkably kind, and very 
 afliftant to them, in divers refpe&s, frequently fupplying them with fuch 
 provifions, as they could fpare, &c. 
 
 Join Scarborough, having placed his fon under the care of a friend, 
 failed for England; but he never returned. 'His wife, who was not a 
 Staler, being unwilling to leave her native country, and perfecution 
 '{beginning to ceafe, ha afterwards gave his pofieflions, v&Pett*fyfoaiti*to 
 his fon, whom he had left in the province; with a ilri<St charge, when it 
 ftiould be in his power, to be kind to the poor Indians, for the favours 
 lie had received from them: which his fon faithfully obferved, and com- 
 plied with; and is faid to have been a worthy man, and of good cha- 
 racter. M. S. 
 
 Jofjn Chapman came from England in 1684. The fhip, in which he 
 rame, by reafon of bad weather, put into Maryland; where he met with. 
 Ph'neas Pemlcrton^ whofe father-in-law, 'James Harrifon^ had purchased, 
 in Bucks county, Pcnnfylvania, five thoufand acres of land; part of it in 
 Wright's town; hence Chapman getting intelligence of that part of the 
 country, afterwards fettled there. He went from Maryland, wkh his faat* 
 !y, fur: to Palneas Pcmlertons plantation, near the falls of Delaware; who 
 had now made a convenient fettlement, and entertained the neio-comcrs 
 with much kindnefs. From hence Chapman went to his purchafe, ia 
 Wriguis-tnivn; where, within about twelve months afterwards, his wife 
 had two Cons at one time; whence he called the place Twins-borough. 
 
 At this time Ctapmans place was the furtheil back, in the VA^ods, of 
 a-ay Englifo fettlement; and the Indians } being then numerous, much fre- 
 aucnted his houfe, i.n great compaaiies, and were very kind to him and 
 his family, as well r.s to thofe who-cr.me after him; often fupplying them 
 
 with. 
 
224 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1682. Their firft bufmefs, after their arrival, was to 
 land their property, and put it under fuch fhelter 
 as could be found; then, while fome of them got 
 warrants ^ f un ' r ey, f or taking up fo much land, 
 of the fet- as was fufEcicnt for immediate fettling, others wen: 
 ttS aTri- ^ iverfel 7 further into the woods, to the different 
 *ai, & c . places, where their lands were laid out; often with- 
 out any path or road, to direcl them; for fcarce 
 any were to be found above two miles from the 
 water fide; not fo much as any mark, or fign of 
 any European having been there. As to the Indi 
 anS) they feldom travelled fo regularly as to be 
 traced or followed by foot-fleps ; except perhaps, 
 from one of their towns to another. Their hunt- 
 ings were rather like fhips at fea, without any track, 
 or path. So that all the country, further than 
 about two miles diftant, from the river, (except,- 
 The coun- ing the Indians moveable fettlements) was an entire 
 try -was a wildernefs. producing nothing for the fupport of 
 
 wildernefs. , W i i & -i i r f 1 r -. 
 
 human lire, but the wild fruits and animals of the 
 woods. 
 
 with corn, and other pro vifions; which in thofe early times, more efpe- 
 cially in that part of country, were very fcarce, and hard to be pro- 
 cured. 
 
 In one of thefe fcarce times J. Chapman 's eldeft daughter, Mara, fup- 
 plied his family by an incident unexpected; being near Nejhaminy creek, 
 which runs into the Delaware, fhe heard an unufual noife, like that of 
 fomething in diflrefs; upon fcarch, fhc found a large Buck, which had 
 difengaged himfelf from a wolf, that a little before had feized on him, 
 and had fled to the creek, for fafety, under a high bank; the Buck Hood 
 iHU, till fhe took the halter from the horfe, on which (he rode , and with 
 a Hick, put it over his horns-, whereby fhe fecured him, till afliftance 
 came; on which the wolf retired: fuch incidents as this, in thofe times, 
 were Idoked upon as providential favours : 
 
 Abraham and Jofiph Chapman, the twins before mentioned, when boys, 
 about nine or ten years old, going out one evening, to feek their cattle, 
 met an Indian, in the woods; who told them to go back; elfe they would 
 he loft. Soon after this they took his advice, and went back; but it was 
 within night before they got home; where they found the Indian; who, 
 being careful left they fhould lofe themfelves, had repaired thither, in 
 the night, to fee, &c. And their parents, about that time, going to the 
 yearly meeting at Philadelphia, and leaving a young family at home, 
 (they being ZPuaters^) the Indians came every day, to fee whether any 
 thing was amifs among them. Such, in many infiances was the kind 
 treatment and behaviour of the natives, or aborigines, of this country, 
 to the E,ngi-fi> in thtir firft and early fettlemsnt of it. 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 22 
 
 The lodgings of fome of thefe fcttlers were, at 1682. 
 firft, in the woods; a chofen tree was frequently ^^r^ 
 all the flicker they had, againfl the inclemency of 
 the weather: This fometimes happened late in the ^ 
 fall, and, even, in the winter feafon. The next & c . 
 coverings of many of them were, either caves, 
 in the earth, or fuch huts, erected upon it, as 
 could be moil expeditioufly procured, till better 
 houfes were built; for which they had no wint of 
 timber. 
 
 It is impoffible that thefe firft adventurers and 
 fettlers, who had never feen, nor been accuflomed 
 to, fuch a fcene, could, at firft, have that proper 
 idea, or method of improving this wildernefs, 
 which experience afterwards taught. It is likewife 
 certain, that the great difference, between the 
 finely improved, cultivated and open countries, 
 with the near connections, which many of them &c. 
 had left behind, and the appearance of a wild and 
 woody defart, with which they had now to encoun- 
 ter, among favages, muft have created, in them, 
 very fenfible ideas, and made ftrong impreflions, 
 at firft, on their minds: That likewife the confi- 
 deration of the long and painful labour, and ine- 
 vitable difappointments and hardships, which, more 
 or lefs, are naturally infeparable from fuch under- 
 takings, and for a feries of years muft neceffarily of the 
 be endured, before a comfortable fubfiftance could difcoura - 
 
 i . , i r rr 
 
 be procured, in the country, and a lurncient por- 
 tion of land brought into proper order, for that 
 purpofe, muft undoubtedly have been very affect- and early 
 ing to a thoughtful people, in this new, remote and fettlers, &c 
 folitary fituation! But the foil was fertile; the 
 air moftly clear and healthy; the ftrearns of water 
 were good and plentiful; wood, for fire and build- 
 ing, in abundance; And, as they were a pious 
 and religious people, knowing their views, in this 
 tjieir undertaking, to be good, they chearfully 
 
 underwent 
 
 OP] 
 
226 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1682. underwent all difficulties of this nature, and divine 
 Providence bleffed their induftry.* 
 
 For 
 
 * In a fhort treatife, printed and publifhed in London, by Andrew 
 Sowle, in Sboreditcb, 1684, (but without the author's name) the views 
 and motives of fome of thcfe early colonifts feem, in a more particular 
 manner, to be exhibited. The title and introductory part of it here 
 follow, as a fpecimen, viz. 
 
 " The Planter's fpcech to his neighbours and countrymen of Pennjjlvanta, 
 Eajl and Wefi-Jerfey, and to all fuch as have tranfported themfelves 
 into new colonies, for the fake of a quiet and retired life. 
 
 " My dear friends and countrymen , 
 
 " Though it may feem very impertinent and unneceffary to gp ;ibout 
 to repeat to you the occafions and motives, that inclined you to aban- 
 don the land of your nativity, and thofe comfortable outward employ- 
 ments and accommodations, which moft of you had there, and to adven- 
 ture yourfelves to the hazzards of a long voyage at fea, to come to thi 
 remote part of the world; yet, left you fhould forget thofe inducements, 
 as often it happens, that men, by a flothful negligence, or ignorance, 
 after fome tra<ft of time, fall from their firft love, and blindly hurry 
 themfelves into the very fame mifchiefs, which they intended to avoid, 
 and build up again what they juftly endeavoured to deftroy, not fore- 
 feeing the future ill confequences of their prefent (fuppofed innocent) 
 actings; I fhall take leave briefly to mention fome few of thofe weighty 
 caufcs which I am confident, originally fwayed your fpirits to this tranf- 
 plantatinn, and thofe good ends, for the obtaining of which, you chiefly 
 removed hither. 
 
 " The motives of your retreating to thefe new habitations, I appre- 
 hend, (meafuring your fentiments by my own) to have been, 
 
 I ft. " The defires of a peaceable life, where we might worfhip God, 
 and obey his law, with freedom, according to the dictates of the divine 
 principle, unincumbered with the mouldy errors of fierce invafions of 
 tradition, politic craft, covetous, or ambitious cruelty," &c. 
 
 ad. " That we might here, as on a virgin elyfian Jhore, commence, 
 or improve, fuch an innocent courfe of life, as might unload us of thofe 
 outward cares, vexations and turmoils, which before we were always fub- 
 jedt unto, from the hands of felf defigning and unreafonable men, 
 
 3d. " That, as Lot, by flying to little Zoar, from the ungodly com- 
 pany of a more populous, magnificent dwelling, we might avoid both 
 being grieved with the fight of infectious, as well as odious examples, 
 of horrid fivearings, curftngs, dninkennefs, gluttony, uncleannefs, and all kinds 
 of debauchery, continually committed with greedinefs; and alfo efcape 
 the judgments, threatned to every land, polluted with fuch abominations. 
 
 4th. " That, as trees are tranfplanted from one foil to another, to 
 render them more thriving, and better bearers, fo we here, in peace and 
 fecure retirement, under the bountiful protection of God, and in the lap 
 Of the leaft adulterated nature, might every one the better improve his 
 talent, and bring forth more plenteous fruits, to the glory of God, and 
 public welfare of the whole creation. 
 
 jth. " And laftly, That in order hereunto, by our holy doflrine, and 
 the practical teachings of our exemplary, abftemious lives, tranfacted in 
 all humility, fobriety, plainnefs, felf-denial, virtue and honefty, we 
 might gain upon thofe thoufands of poor dark fouls, fcattered round 
 about us, (and commonly, in way of contempt, and reproach, called 
 tcatbens) and bring them, not only to a ftate of civility, but real piety; 
 
 which 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 227 
 
 For thefe firft comers, after their arrival, foon 1682. 
 cleared land enough, to make way for a crop of **s*r**J 
 Indian corn, in the Succeeding fpring; and in a 
 year or two, they began upon wheat, and other The y foon 
 
 J , , J . M1 get into a 
 
 grain; thus they went on improving, till they got p ro fperous 
 into a comfortable way of living; fo that many of wa y of 
 
 Uving, fa. 
 
 which effe&ed, would turn to a more fatisfa&ory account, than if, with 
 the proud Spaniards, we had gained the mines of Potofi, and might 
 make the ambitious heroes, whom the world admires, blufh, for their 
 petty and ftiameful vi&ories, which only tend to make their fellow crea- 
 tures Jlaves to thofe, that are already the Devil's uajfals: whereas hereby 
 we might releafe millions from the chains of Satan, and not only teach 
 them their rights, as Men, and their happinefs, when Cbrijlians, but 
 bring them from the power of darknefs into the marvellous light, and 
 the glorious liberty of the fons of the Moil High. 
 
 " Thefe thoughts, thefe defigns, my friends, were thofe, that brought 
 you hither; and fo far only, as you purfue and accompiifli them, you 
 obtain the end of your journey. If thefe be neglecled, though your ports 
 and rivers were full of trading flips, your land never fo populous, and 
 loaden with mofl vendible commodities, yet I would be bold to fay, that 
 your plantations were in a moft unthri-uing condition; that like men in a 
 fever, tumbling from one fide of the bed to the other, you have fhifted 
 your dwelling, but not recovered your health; nor are one inch nearer 
 your propofed happinefs, in America, than in Europe; and have travelled 
 fome thoufands of miles, to as little purpofe, as the Jefuits, into Japan 
 and China, or foolifh pilgrims, in their tedious, vain, journeys to Com* 
 pojlella, Loretto, or Jervfalem. 
 
 " Our bufinefs, therefore, here, in this netv land, is not fo much to 
 build houfes, and ejlablijb factories, and promote trade and manufactories, 
 that may enrich ourfelves, (though all thefe things, in their due place, are 
 not to be neglecled) as to eredt temples of/jolinefi and righteoufnefs, which 
 Ged may delight in; to lay fuch lafting frames and foundations of tcm~ 
 f trance and virtue, as may fupport the fuperftru&ures of our future hap- 
 pinefs, both in this, and the other world. 
 
 " In order to thefe great and glorious ends, it will well become, nay, 
 it is the indifpenfible duty of all, that zrcfuper'ters amongft us, to make 
 laws, and imitate cujioms^ that may tend to innocency, and an barmlefs 
 life; fo as to avoid and prevent all opprefllon and violence, either to men 
 or beajls; by which we fhall ftrengthen the principle of -well-doing, and 
 qualify the fierce, bitter, envious, wrathful fpirit; which, (as 'tis faid of 
 fire and water, in the extremes) is a good fervant , but a bad mafter," &c. 
 
 N. B. In the remainder of this performance, divers particulars are 
 propofed, as fundamentals, for future laws aud cuftoms, tending princi- 
 pally to eftablifh a higher degree of temperance, and original fimpli- 
 city of manners; more particularly againft theufe of fpirituous liquors, 
 than had been ufual before. Every thing of a military nature, even, the 
 ufe of the inftruments thereof, is not only difapproved and the diftruc- 
 tion of the human fpecies thereby, condemned in this fpeech, but like- 
 wife all violence, or cruelty, towards, and the -wanton killing of, the infe- 
 rior living creatures, with the eating of animal food, are alfo ftrongly ad- 
 vifed againft, in thofe propofed regulations, cuftoms, or laws, with the 
 reafons given, &c. to the end that a higher degree of love, perfection 
 and happinefs might more univerfally be introduced and preferved, 
 among mankind, &c, 
 
228 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1682. them xvere blefled both with the neceflaries and 
 *^~y~*u conveniencies of life beyond their expectation;, 
 and, after having lived to old age, they are faid 
 to have frequently recolle&ed and fpoke of the 
 favours of divine Providence, in prefer ving them 
 through the difficulties, with which they encoun- 
 tered, in their firft and early fettling the country: 
 Of which the following extract from the teflimony 
 of one of them, being a Quaker , a perfon of an 
 approved character, is an inftance, and exhibits a 
 fpecimen of this nature, viz. 
 
 Richard The teflimony of Richard Townfend, (hewim 
 
 Townfends . / j . i i / /- / / / * 
 
 account of W providential hand of God, to him and others., 
 
 his removal -from the frft fettlement of Pennfylvania, to this 
 
 <% (About the yean^ 7 .y 
 
 " Whereas King Charles the fecond, in the 
 year 1681, was pleafed to grant this province to 
 William Penn, and his heirs, for ever; which ad 
 feemed to be an act of Providence to many reli- 
 gious, good, people; and the Proprietor, William 
 Penn y being one of the people called Quakers 9 
 and in good efteem, among them and others, 
 many were inclined to embark along with him r 
 for the fettlement of this place. 
 
 " To that end, in the year 1682 feveral fhips 
 being provided, I found a concern on my mind to 
 embark with them, with my wife and child ; and 
 about the latter end of the Sixth-month, having 
 fettled my affairs in London, where I dwelt, I went, 
 on board the (hip Welcome, Robert Grecnaway, 
 commander, in company with my worthy friend., 
 William Penn; whofe good converfation was very 
 advantageous to all the company. His "fingular 
 care was manifefled, in contributing to the necefli- 
 ties of many, -who were fick of the Small-pox, then 
 on board; out of which company about thirty 
 died. After a profperous paflage of about two 
 months, having had, in that time, many good 
 meetings, on board, we arrived here. 
 
 " At 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 229 
 
 " At our arrival, we found it a wildernefs ; the 1682. 
 chief inhabitants were Indians, and fome Swedes.; v^v^/ 
 who received us in a friendly manner: and though To ^\J c a r ^ s 
 there was a great number of us, the good hand of account, 
 Providence was feen in a particular manner ; in &c - 
 that provifions were found for us, by the Swedes 
 and Indians, at very reafonable rates, as well as 
 brought from divers other parts, that were inha- 
 bited before. 
 
 " Our firft concern 'was to keep up and main- 
 tain our religious worjhip ; and, in order thereunto, 
 we had feveral meetings, in the houfes of the inha- 
 bitants; and one boarded meeting-houfe was fet 
 up, where the city was to be, near Delaware-^ and, 
 as we had nothing but love and good-will, in our 
 hearts, one to another, we had very comfortable 
 meetings, from time to time; and after our meet- 
 ing was over, we aflifted each other, in building 
 little houfes, for our fhelter. 
 
 " After fome time I fet up a mill, on Chefter 
 creek; which I brought ready framed from London; 
 which ferved for grinding of corn, and fawing of 
 boards; and was of great ufe to us, Befides, I, 
 with Jofhua Titterj, made a net, and caught great' 
 quantities of fifh; which fupplied ourfelves and 
 many others; fo that, not with Handing it was 
 thought near three thoufand perfons came in the 
 firft year, we were fo providentially, provided for, 
 that we could buy a deer for about two (hillings, 
 and a large turkey, for about one milling, and 
 Indian corn for about two {hillings and fix pence 
 per bufhel. 
 
 " And, as our worthy Proprietor treated the 
 Indians with extraordinary humanity, they became 
 very civil and loving to us, and brought in abun- 
 dance of venifon. As, in other countries, the In- 
 dians were exafp crated by hard treatment, which 
 hath been the foundation of much bloodfhed, fo 
 the contrary treatment tiere hath produced their 
 love and 
 
230 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1682. " About a year after our arrival, there came in 
 
 v^w^ about twenty families from high and low Germany, 
 
 of religious, good people; who fettled about fix 
 
 Richard m iles from Philadelphia* and called the place Ger* 
 
 Townfends , T . 11 ** 
 
 account, marttown. I he country continually increalmg, 
 * c - people began to fpread themfelves further back. 
 " Alfo a place called North Wales, was fettled by 
 many of the ancient Britons, an honeft inclined 
 people, although they had not then made a pro- 
 feflion of the truth, as held by us, yet, in a little 
 time, a large convincement was among them; 
 and divers meeting-houfes were built. 
 
 " About the time, in which Germantown was 
 laid out, I fettled upon my tract of land, which I 
 had purchafed of the Proprietor, in England, about 
 a mile from thence ; where I fet up a houfe and a 
 corn mill; which was very ufeful to the country, 
 for feveral miles round: But there not being 
 plenty of horfes, people generally brought their 
 corn on their backs many miles ; I remember one 
 man had a bull fo gentle, that he ufed to bring his 
 corn on him, inftead of a horfe. 
 
 " Being now fettled about fix or feven miles 
 ^^Philadelphia, where leaving the principal body 
 of friends, together with the chief place of pro- 
 vifions, as before mentioned, flefh meat was very 
 fcarce with me, for fome time; of which I found 
 the want. I remember I was once fupplied by a 
 particular inftance of Providence, in the following 
 manner: 
 
 " As I was in my meadow, mowing grafs, a- 
 young deer came and looked on me; I continued 
 mowing, and the deer in the fame attention to me; 
 upon which I laid down my fcythe, and went to- 
 wards him; upon which he ran off a fmall diftance; 
 I went to my work again, and the Deer continued 
 looking on me ; fo that feveral times I left my 
 work, to go towards him; but he ftill kept him- 
 felf at a diftance; at/laft, as I was going towards 
 
 him, 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 231 
 
 him, and he, looking on me, did not mind his 1682. 
 fteps, but ran forceably againft the trunk of a ^^^u 
 tree, and (tunned himfelf fo much, that he fell; 
 
 .... r Richard 
 
 upon which I ran forward, and, getting upon Townfi 
 him, held him by the legs: After a great drug- account, 
 gle, in which I had almoft tired him out, and ren- 
 dered him lifelefs, I threw him on my moulders, 
 holding him faft by the legs, and, with fome 
 difficulty, from his frefh ftruggling, carried him 
 home, about a quarter of a mile, to my houfe; 
 where, by the afliftance of a neighbour, who hap- 
 pened to be there, and killed him for me; he 
 proved very ferviceable to my family. I could 
 relate feveral other afts of Providence, of this 
 kind, but omit them for brevity. 
 
 " As people began to fpread, and improve 
 their lands, the country became more fruitful; 
 fo that thofe, who came after us, were plentifully 
 fupplied; and with what we abounded we began 
 a fmall trade abroad. And as Philadelphia in- 
 creafed, veflels were built, and many employed. 
 Both country and trade have been wonderfully 
 increafing to this day; fo that, from a ivlldernefs^ 
 the Lord, by his good hand of providence, hath 
 made it a fruitful field: On which to look back, 
 and obferve all the fteps, would exceed my pre- 
 fent purpofe; yet, being now in the eighty-fourth 
 year of my age, and having been in this country 
 near forty-fix years, and my memory pretty clear, 
 concerning the rife and progrefs of the province, 
 I can do no lefs than return praifes to the Almighty , 
 when I look back and confider his bountiful hand, 
 not only in temporals, but in the great increafe 
 of our meetings; wherein he hath many times 
 manifefted his great loving kindnefs, in reaching 
 to, and convincing many perfons of the principles 
 of truth; and thofe, that were already convinced 
 and continued faithful, were not only blefled with 
 plenty of the fruits of the earth, but ajfo with the 
 
 dew 
 
232 HISTORY 'OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1682. dew of Heaven: " I am engaged, in my fpirit, 
 
 \*S*Y^J to fupplicate the continuance thereof to the pre- 
 
 fent rifing generation; that, as God hath blefled 
 
 Richard their parents, the fame blefling may remain on 
 
 Townfends v rr i i r i 
 
 account, tneir offspring, to the end or time; that it may 
 &* be fo is the hearty defire and prayer of their an- 
 cknt and loving friend, 
 
 RICHARD TOWNSEND." 
 
 CHAPTER 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA, 233 
 
 CHAPTER V, 
 
 beginning of the city of Philadelphia. John Key, 
 the firft born. Province and territory divided 
 into counties. Firft General AJfembly at Philadel- 
 phia in 1683. Names of the member 's, and memo- 
 rials of fane of them. Proceedings of the Affeni- 
 bly. Second charter ', or frame of government. 
 A fed for each county ; the Jirft Sheriffs. Firft 
 grand and petit jury ', with their bujlnefs, &V. - 
 Further account of thefituation and plan of Phi- 
 ladelphia. William Penn's letter to the free fo- 
 ciety of trader vr , giving an account of Pennfylvania 
 at that time. 
 
 AN the latter part of this year, 1682, thePropri- 1682. 
 etary, having finifhed his bufinefs with the Indians, ^^r^^j 
 undertook, with the affiftance of his Surveyor 
 General, Thomas Holme, to lay out a place for the A place 
 city. The ground, which was chofen for that ^/ e n ut a ) nd 
 purpofe, was claimed by fome Swedes; to whom for the city 
 he gave, in exchange for it, a larger quantity of ^f^f 7 " 
 land, at a fmall diflance. 
 
 The fituation of this place, being where Phila- 
 delphia now (lands, along the weilern fide of the 
 river Delaware, then exhibited, on the faid river, 
 an agreeable profpe6l; it had a high and dry bank 
 next the water, with a high fhore, ornamented 
 with a fine view of Pine trees, growing upon it. 
 
 In this bank many of the firfl: and early adven- Flrft 
 turers had their caves, or holes, for their refidence, houfe in 
 before any houfes were built, or better accommo- 
 dations prepared for them. The firfl houfe ere died 
 
 on 
 
 [30] 
 
234 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1682. on this plot of ground, was built by George Gueft, 
 \~S~Y^J and not rmimed at the time of the Proprietor's ar- 
 rival.* 
 
 Soon afterwards many fmall houfes were erected. 
 William Penn himfelf had a large manfion houfe, 
 built on his Manor of Pennjbury, near the fide of 
 Delaware ', a few miles below the falls of Trenton, 
 and about twenty-fix above the city: which appears 
 to have been undertaken before his arrival, and 
 intended for his reception. Here afterwards he 
 fometimes redded, and had meetings and confe- 
 rences with the Indians, both on a religious and 
 civil account. 
 
 province About this time alfo the Proprietor, with the 
 
 andterri- confent of the purchafers under him, divided the 
 
 tory divi- province and territories, each into three counties; 
 
 counties, thofe of the province were called the counties of 
 
 &c - Bucks, Philadelphia, and Chefter; thofe of the ter- 
 
 ritories, New-cajlle, Kent, and Siiffex. For which 
 
 having appointed Sheriffs, and other proper offi- 
 
 cers, in each county, he iffued writs,! for the 
 
 * " This houfe was then building in Budd's row, near that called 
 Powell's dock. He, for many years afterwards, kept a tavern there, 
 called the Blue anchor." 
 
 John Key y who was faid to he the firft horn child of Englijh parents, 
 in Philadelphia^ and that, in compliment of which William Penn gave 
 him a lot of ground, died at Kennet, in Chefler county, on the fifth o 
 July, 1767, in the eighty-fifth year of his age; where his corps was in- 
 terred, in the Quakers burying ground, the next day, attended by a great 
 concourfe of people. He was born in a cave, long afterwards known 
 by the name of Penny-pot, near SaJJafras-flreet. I have feen him myielf 
 more than once, in the city; to which, about fix years before his death, 
 he walked on foot, from Kennet^ about thirty miles, in one day. In the 
 latter part of his life, he generally in the city, went under the name of 
 Jlrjl born. 
 
 f The following form of thefe writs is taken from the original, viz. 
 
 (L. S.) " William Penn, Proprietary and Governor of the province of 
 Pennfylvania, and the territories thereunto belonging : 
 
 " I do hereby, in the King's name, empower and require thee tofum- 
 mon all the freeholders, in thy bailiwick, to meet on the 2oth. day of 
 the next month, at the falls upon Delaware river; and that they then 
 and there, elect and chufe out of themfelves, twelve perfons.of moft note 
 for wifdom and integrity, to ferve as their delegates, in the provincial 
 council, to be held at Philadelphia , the loth, day of the firft month next; 
 
 and 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 235 
 
 election of members of Council and Aflembly, 1683. 
 conformable to the conftitution, at that time. 
 
 He met the Council on the tenth day of the 
 Firft month, 1683, O. S. at Philadelphia, and 
 the Aflembly, two days afterwards. The number meets the 
 of the members for both the Council and Aflembly 
 confided of twelve, out of each county: three Aflembly, 
 for the Council, and nine for the Aflembly, mak- ^ e 
 ing in all, feventy-two. Thofe of the Council 
 were: 
 
 William Markham, Edward Cantwell, Names 
 
 Chriftopher Taylor, William Clayton, Council. 
 
 Thomas Holme, William Biles, 
 
 Lacy Cock, James Harrifon, 
 
 William Haige, William Clark, 
 
 John Moll, Francis Whitewell, 
 
 Ralf Withers, John Richardfon, 
 
 John Simcock, John Hillyard. 
 
 The members of Aflembly for each county were: 
 For Bucks. For Philadelphia. 
 
 William Yardly, John Songhurft, Namcs 
 
 Samuel Darke, John Hart, of the 
 
 Robert Lucas, Walter King, Affembiy. 
 
 Nicholas Walne, Andros Binkfon, 
 
 John Wood, John Moon, 
 
 John Clowes, Thomas Wynne, Speaker, 
 
 Thomas Fitzwater, Griffith Jones, 
 
 Robert Hall, William Warner, 
 
 James Boy den. Swan Swanfon. 
 
 For 
 
 and that thofl there declare to the faid freemen, that they may all per- 
 fonally appear at an Aflembly, at the place aforefaid, according to the 
 contents of my charter of liberties; of which thou art to make me a 
 true and faithful return. 
 
 " Given at Philadelphia, the day of the 
 
 month, t68a. 
 
 WILLIAM PENN." 
 
 '* To Richard Noble, High Sheriff of the county 
 of Bucks; and the other Jive Sheriffs 
 for tfieir fwsral cwntift" 
 
236 
 
 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA, 
 
 For Chefter. 
 John Hofkins, 
 Robert Wade, 
 George Wood, 
 John Blunfton, 
 Dennis Rochford, 
 Thomas Bracy, 
 John Bezer, 
 John Harding, 
 Jofeph Phipps. 
 
 For Kent. 
 
 John Biggs, 
 Simon Irons, 
 Thomas Haffold, 
 John Curtis, 
 Robert Bedwell, 
 William Windfmore, 
 John Brinkloe, 
 Daniel Brown, 
 Benony Bilhop. 
 
 For New-cqftle. 
 John Cann, 
 John Darby, 
 Valentine Hollingfworth, 
 Gafparus Herman, 
 John Dehoaef, 
 James Williams, 
 William Gueft, 
 Peter Alrick, 
 Henrick Williams. 
 
 For Sit/ex. 
 
 Luke Watfon, 
 Alexander Draper, 
 William Futcher, 
 Henry Bowman, 
 Alexander Molefton, 
 John Hill, 
 Robert Bracy, 
 John Kipfhaven, 
 Cornelius Verhoof.* 
 
 * I find very little on record refpe&ing the particular characters of 
 thefe members of this fiffl provincial Council and AiTembly, which 
 met at Philadelphia: 
 
 Captain William Markham from London, was a relation of the Pro- 
 prietor. He was afterwards fometimes his Secretary, and fometimes his 
 Deputy Governor. He appears to have been an ufeful pcrfon, of good 
 education, character and ability. He had the Proprietor's confidence and 
 efleem, till his death, in the year . 
 
 Chrijlopbcr Taylor is faid to have been a perfon of excellent character 
 and ability, he was born in YorLJbire, had a good education, wrote well 
 in the Latin language. He was un eminent preacher among the ^takers; 
 and writ feveral pieces hi defence of their religious principles, in Eng- 
 land, as weli as his brother, Thomas Taylor, &c. He was one of the 
 firft and principal fettlers in the province, under William Penn; and is 
 faid to have been of great fervice in it, in different refpedts. He died 
 in 1696. 
 
 Captain Thomas Holme came from Waterford^ in Ireland. He was one 
 of the people called Quakers ^ and Surveyor-General of the province, ap- 
 pointed by commiffion, from the Proprietor, bearing date, the i8th. of 
 the Second month, i68z. 
 
 Lacy Cock appears to have been one of the Swede fettlers, prior to 
 IVilliam Penn 3 arrival. 
 
 John Simcock came from Ridley, in Chejbire, in England, where he had 
 fuffered much for his religion, being a Quaker, and a preacher in that 
 fociety. He had a good education, was one of the Proprietor's firft com- 
 miffioners of property, and one of his moft trufty friends, in the go- 
 vernment. Sometimes he was Speaker of the Affemhly ; and is faid to 
 
 havs 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 237 
 
 Though the charter of privileges, or frame of 1683. 
 government, required a greater number, than v-x-y-^y 
 were now returned, to ferve v in Council and Af- 
 fembly, yet it was left to be explained and con- 
 firmed by the Governor, his heirs and afligns, and 
 by the freemen of the province and territories; &c - 
 therefore, finding it too inconvenient to return the 
 full complement, prefcribed by charter, the free- 
 men depended upon the Proprietor's conflruction 
 of their choice, in a favourable manner; and alledg- 
 ed their reafons, both in the Sheriffs' returns, and 
 alfo by divers petitions and addreffes, for criufing The free- 
 
 i i r t r rr* men do not 
 
 only twelve for each county, as iumcient to com- it r i<aiy 
 pofe both the Council and Aflembly; declaring comply 
 that the number returned, that is, three for the 
 Council, and nine for the AiTembly, from each 
 
 county, 
 
 have been a very worthy and ferviceable perfon, in the province, till 
 his death, both in a religious and civil capacity. He lived in Cbejler 
 county; and died on the ayth. of January, lyoz. 
 
 William Biles was a preacher among the Qualers, among the firil f?t- 
 tlers there; where he appears to have taken up land, under Governcrr 
 Andros, of New-York) prior to William Penn's grant of the province. 
 Me is faid to have been a very ufcful perfon both in the civil and reli- 
 gious line ; being often in the Council and Affembly, c. 
 
 James Hartifon came from Boulton, in Lancajbire, one of the Propri- 
 etor's firft commiflioners of property; was divers years in great efteem 
 with him, and his agent, at Ptnajbury, &c. being a man of good edua- 
 ,tion, and a preacher among the Quakers, Sec. 
 
 William Haige, had been a merchant in London. 
 
 Ralph Withers t from Biihop's Canning in Wiltlhire. 
 
 Gr'itfdb Jones, from Surry. 
 
 Francis Whits-well was counfellor for Kent county. He is faid to have 
 been a very ferviceable perfon, in the government, am,oag the firft and 
 early fetdcrs; a preacher among the QuaLers.; and every way a very ufe- 
 ful and worthy member of fociety. He died in the year 1684; and 
 William Darval was chofen Counfcllor in his {lead. 
 
 Thomas Wynne was Speaker of the Afleoibly, during the two firft years, 
 and was, at other times, a member of it. He was 0:12 of the people 
 called Quakers, a preacher among them, and came from North Wales; 
 a perfon of note and good character: He died in the latter part of the 
 year 169?,. He was author of fonae pieces v/ritten In defence of the 
 Qualersy in his native country, &c. 
 
 John Moon was originally of Laicjjlj-e in England, afterwards of 
 Brijlol: He writ fome pieces in defence of the <3>uei&irs t in his native 
 country, &x. 
 
 John Sotfg-Awr/rcame from Evfix, in England, was a writer and preacher 
 among the ^^r,-. lit d?-<i in fPefl.-'rerfsf. and xros burkd in 
 
238 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1683. county, had in them the power of the whole free- 
 \>*v>^/ men of the province and territories, and confe- 
 quently, of lerving in thefe capacities. 
 
 It was accordingly requefted of the Governor^ 
 that this alteration might not deprive the people 
 of the benefit of their charter, though it might 
 feem to be returned to him again, by not being 
 accepted fo largely as granted* Upon which the 
 Governor anfwered, " That they might amend, 
 alter, or add, for the public good; and, that he 
 was ready to fettle fuch foundations, as might be 
 for their happinefs, according to the powers veiled 
 in him." 
 
 Thefe preliminaries being fettled, the different 
 branches of the Legiilature proceeded on bufmefs, 
 according to the method prefcribed in their char- 
 ter of privileges, that the Governor and Provin- 
 cial Council mould propofe to the Aflembly, and 
 prepare all bills, which they, at any time, mould 
 think proper to be palfed into laws, confident with 
 the powers granted, in the King's letters patent. 
 
 Proceed- I n f ucn popular and unexperienced Councils, 
 ings of the where every man may propofe any thing, which 
 Affembly, ^ f anc j es w {\\ tenc [ to t k e public good, it is no 
 
 wonder, if extraordinary propofitions mould fome- 
 times be made; and though many fmgularities of 
 this nature do not appear to have occurred in this 
 province, yet, probably, the two following, which 
 are faid to have been made, at this time, may be 
 TWO (in- ran ked under this defcription: Firfl, that young 
 portions, " men mould be obliged to marry at, or before a cer- 
 &c - tain age: Second, that two forts of cloaths only mall 
 be worn ; one for winter, and the other for fum- 
 mer . Of the propofitions, which were now made, 
 fome were agreed to, and fome rejected: but the 
 principal thing done, this feflion, was the altera- 
 tion of the charter of liberties, called the frame of 
 government, which had before been in agitation. 
 
 At 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. $39 
 
 At a Council, held the aoth. of the Firft month, 1683. 
 the fpeaker, and two members of AiTembly at- 
 tending with fome bills, which had been fent to 
 them, the Governor and Council defired a confe- 
 rence with the whole houfe and freemen, about mlT- 
 the charter. Upon their attending, the Governor queft a 
 afked them, " Whether they chofe to have the old char- w %*' 
 ter, or a new one?" They unanimoufly requefted a 
 new one, with fuch amendments, as had already 
 been debated and agreed on. To which the Gover- 
 nor confented, and made a fpeeeh to them, on the 
 occafion; in which he diflinguifhed their duty, and 
 his own willingnefs to oblige them. Next day 
 the houfe fent Griffith Jones and Thomas Fitzwater, 
 two of their members, with a written meflage to 
 the Governor, containing their thankful acknow- 
 ledgments, for his kind fpeeeh, and gratefully 
 embracing his offers, refpecting what they defired 
 to be inferted in their charter. 
 
 A committee of each houfe was thereupon apr 
 pointed to draw up the charter , with amendments: 
 Thofe of the Council were, John Moll, for New* 
 cqftle; Francis Whitewell, for Kent; William Clark 9 
 for Sujfex ; James Harrifon, for Bucks ; William 
 Clayton, for Chejler; and Thomas Holme, for Phi- 
 ladelphia. The committee of Aflembly were: 
 James Williams, for New-cajlle; Benony Bifhop, 
 for Kent; Luke Waif on, for Suffex; Thomas Fitz- 
 <water, or Bucks; Dennis Rochford, for Chejler; 
 and Thomas Wynne, the Speaker, for Philadelphia 
 county. 
 
 At a council held the 30*. of the Firft-month, A new 
 this year, the charter being prepared and read, charter ob- 
 figned, fealed and delivered by the Governor, was 
 received by James Harrifon, Thomas Wynne, and 
 another member, on behalf of the arTembly and free- tary 
 men, who returned the old one to the Governor, 
 with the hearty thanks of the whole houfe ; which 
 new charter may befeen in the appendix, No. 3. 
 
 By 
 
240 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA* 
 
 1683. By this charter the provincial council was to con- 
 v-x^v^ fid of eighteen perfons, three from each county; 
 pur o-t of anc ^ t ^ le auf * em kly was to k e compofed of thirty-fix; 
 ttudhar- men of m ft note, for virtue, wifdom and ability ; 
 t*, &c. by whom, with the Governor, all laws were to be 
 
 made, officers chofen, and public affairs tranfa&ed, 
 
 in the manner therein expreffed. 
 
 This charter continued in force till after the re- 
 volution, in England; and though in fome parts, 
 it was formed upon a generous plan; yet all the 
 laws were thereby dill to be prepared and propofed 
 by the Governor and Council ; and the number of 
 ArTemblymen were to be increafed at their pleafure. 
 This charter, with another, which followed, in 
 the year 1696, feemed to be only preparatory to 
 thelafl Charter of Privileges, granted in 1701. 
 
 This was the laft affair tranfa&ed at this feflion ; 
 
 which continued twenty- two days. The Gover- 
 
 A feal for nor and Council, among other regulations, efta- 
 
 eachcoun- bliflied a Seal, for each county, viz. for Philadel* 
 
 phia, an Anchor; for Bucks, a Tree & Vine; for 
 
 Chejier, a Plow; for New-CaJlle, a Cqffta; for Kent, 
 
 three Ears of Indian Corn ; and for Suffex, a Wheat 
 
 Sheaf. 
 
 Firftshe- The firft iheriffs, appointed for each county, 
 
 riffs. were: for Philadelphia, John Teji ; Chefter, Thomas 
 
 Ufher; Bucks, Richard Noble; New-Caftle, Edmund 
 
 Cantwell; Kent, Peter Bowcomb ; Suffex, John Vines. 
 
 Firft grand The firft Grand Jury, in Pennfyhania, was fum- 
 jury, &c. mone( j on t h e f ecCl nd of the third month, this year, 
 (1683) upon fome perfons, accufed of iffuing 
 counterfeit filver money. The Governor and 
 Council fat, as a Court of Juftice, on the occafion. 
 The names of thofe impanelled and attefled to ferve 
 Names of on the Grand Jury were, Thomas Lloyd, Foreman, 
 try, Enoch Flower, Richard Wood, John Harding, John 
 "&<. Hill, Edward Lotiff, James Boy den, Nicholas Walne, 
 John James, John Vanborfon, Robert Hall, Valen- 
 tine Hollingfivorth, Alexander Draper, John Louff, 
 
 John 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 241 
 
 John Wale, Samuel Darke, John Parfons, John 1683. 
 
 , J 
 
 Blunfton, Thomas Fitzwater, William Gueji, John 
 Curtis, Robert Lucas, Henry Jones and Caleb Pufey. 
 
 A bill or bills, being found by the Grand Jury, Names of 
 a Petty Jury was therefore impanelled and attefted; pf the petty 
 whofe names were: John Claypoole, Foreman, JU 
 Robert Turner, Robert Ewer, Andrew Binkfon, 
 John Barnes, Jofeph Fijhcr, Dennis Rochford, Wil- 
 liam Howell, Walter King, Benjamin Whitehead, 
 Thomas Roufe and David Breintnall. 
 
 They convicted a perfon, whofe name was Thefen . 
 Pickering, and two others, his accomplices, oftence P affe<J 
 coining and (lamping filver, in the form of Spantfh f n rc a ^ 
 pieces, with the alloy of too much copper in it. feiting mo- 
 Upon which Pickering's fentence, as principal, ne y- 
 was, that for this high mifdemeanour, whereof 
 his country had found him guilty, he mould make 
 full fatisfa&ion, in good and current pay, to every 
 perfon, who fhould, within the fpace of one month, 
 bring in any of this falfe, bafe and counterfeit 
 coin, (which the next day was to be called in by 
 proclamation,) according to their refpective pro- 
 portions; and that the money brought in, fhould 
 be melted down before it was returned to him; 
 and that he fhould pay a fine of forty pounds to- 
 wards the building of a Court-houfe, fland com- 
 mitted till the fame was paid, and afterwards find 
 fecurity for his good behaviour. 
 
 This and all other affairs,, before the Council, w.penn 
 being fmifhed, and the members returned to their finiihe9 hhj 
 habitations, the Proprietary applied himfelf to jjuiatfoi/of 
 finifh his plan, and regulate the ftreets, of his fa- P hia <ki- 
 vorite city, Philadelphia. 
 
 This city is fituated forty degrees, or more pre- 
 
 .< i / t~ r i Sitati^\ 
 
 cifely 39 degrees, 56 minutes, 54 feconds, north O f t h c city 
 from the equator, and about feventy-five degrees, * c - 
 or more accurately 5 hours, o minutes, 35 fe- 
 
 conds, 
 [30 
 
242 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1683. conds, weft from London, on the weft fide of the 
 v^w* river Delaware; which river, at this place, is 
 near one mile broad, at the diftance of about forty 
 leagues from the fea, along the courfe of the river 
 and bay. The river Sculkil, which is a branch of 
 the Delaware^ and here runs nearly parallel to it, 
 at the diftance of two miles weftward, is broad 
 and deep enough for large fhips, at this place; 
 but, by reafon of zfand-bar, at its mouth, where 
 it enters the Delaware, about four miles below the 
 city, its navigation, for large veflels, is obftru&ed: 
 And it has jfa//.r about five miles above the city, to 
 which the tide runs, and no further. Over which 
 falls, or rocks, at certain times, in floods and 
 frefhes, boats and fmall craft pafs down to the 
 city, with country produce, as, iron, wheat, flour, 
 &c. from the interior parts of the province. The 
 tide rifes, in the Delaware, generally about fix 
 feet, at the city, and flows near thirty miles above 
 it, to the falls at Trenton, on the Jerfiy more, and 
 is navigable all the way for large (hipping, as far 
 as that place. But the extent of this river, inclu- 
 ding all its curves and windings, above thefefal/s, 
 (much of which may eafily be made navigable) is 
 not yet precifely known. 
 
 The original plan of this city, as confirmed 
 by charter, dated October 25th. 1701, extends, 
 in length, between the river Delaware, on the 
 eaft, and Sculkil, on the weft of it, about two 
 
 JDcicnption i i iv *i i 
 
 of the plan miles ; and is, in breadth, one mile nearly ? on 
 
 of Phiia Ce ^ ea k r * ven ^he ft reets > which run right, and 
 
 phia, &c! " exactly parallel to each other, nearly eaft and 
 
 weft, from river to river, are nine in number, 
 
 and they are interfered, at right angles, by 
 
 twenty-three others, running nearly parallel with 
 
 the rivers, north and fouth ; none being lefs than 
 
 fifty, nor more than one hundred feet broad. 
 
 The Proprietor like wife afligned five fquares, 
 within this plan, for the public ufe of the city, 
 
 with 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 243 
 
 with other beneficial regulations; whofe future 1683. 
 great importance to the city, having fmce not been 
 fufficiently confidered and attended to, fon^e of 
 them have either been negle&ed, or violated. 
 
 The largeft public fquare, at the center, it is 
 faid, was intended to contain ten acres of land j the 
 other four, eight acres each. In the original 
 plan by Thomas Holme, Surveyor General, the 
 proportions, dimenfions and fituations of all the 
 original fquares and ftreets, with the names of the 
 latter, then given them, and (till generally retain- 
 ed, are exhibited, as well as in the following de- 
 fcription of it, viz. 
 
 The diftances of the ftreets from each other, 
 from eaft to weft, with their names and dimen- 
 fions are: 
 
 From Delaware Front-ftreet to Second ftreet, 
 Second-ftreet to Third-ftreet, 
 Third to Fourth, * 
 
 Fourth to Fifth, - 
 
 Fifth to Sixth, - 
 Sixth to Seventh, - 
 
 Seventh to Eighth, 
 Eighth to Ninth, 
 Ninth to Tenth, - 
 Tenth to Eleventh, - 
 Eleventh to Broad-ftreet, 
 Ten ftreets, 50 feet each, 
 
 Diftance from Delaware Front-ftreet to Broad-ftreet, 
 Diftance from Sculkil Front-ftreet to Broad-ftreet, 
 Broad-ftreet, - - * 
 
 Diftance on High-ftreet, between the two Front- 
 ftreets of Delaware and Sculkil, exclufive of the 
 faid two ftreets, and their diftances from each ri- 
 ver, equal to two miles, wanting 304 feet.* - 10,276 
 
 The 
 
 * The breadth of the Front-ftreets, on Delaware and 
 not then afcertained, when the plan was firft made; nor the fpace of 
 ground between them and the refpe<ftive rivers; fo that the whole dif- 
 t ance from river to river, appears to be fomewhat more than two miles, 
 at leaft in fonie part of the plan. 
 
 The 
 
244 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1683. The diftances, names and dimenfions of all the 
 v-x*v>w/ ftreets, from north to fouth, are: 
 
 From Vine-ftreet to SafTarras-ftreet, - f ee t 612 
 
 SaiFafras to Mulberry, - - 614 
 
 Mulberry to High, - - - 663 
 
 High to Chefnut, - - '497 
 
 Chefnut to Walnut, - 510 
 
 Walnut to Spruce, - - 821 
 
 Spruce to Pine, - 468 
 
 Pine to Cedar, - 652 
 
 Seven ftreets, 50 feet each, 350 
 
 High-ftreet loofeet, Mulberry-ftreet, 66 feet, 166 
 
 Diftance from Cedar-ftreet to Vine-ftreet, inclufive, 
 equal to one mile and 73 feet, north and fouth 
 nearly, including all the ftreets, 5353 
 
 William 
 
 The following printed account is faid to be an extract from Thomas 
 Holms' t description of this plan of the city, viz. 
 
 " The city, as the model ftiews, confifts of a large Front-jlreet, on each 
 river, and a High-fir -eet, near the middle, from ri^er to river, of one 
 hundred feet broad; and a Sroad-Jlreet, in the middle of the city, from 
 fide to fide, of the like breadth. In the centre of the city, is a fqua;-s 
 cf ten acres; at each angle to build houfes for public affairs. There is 
 alfo in each quarter of the city, a fquare of eight acres, to be for the like 
 ufes, as Moorfeldst in London; and eight ftreets, befides the faid High- 
 Jlreet, that run from river to river, or from Front to Front; and twenty 
 ftreets befides the Broad-Jlreet, and two front-greets, that run acrofs the 
 city, from fide to fide; allthcfe ftreets are fifty feet broad.*' 
 
 Similar to this defcription of the plan, is that of Olamixon, in his ac- 
 count of the Britifl colonies, printed in London, 1708; who affirms, he 
 had his information from William Penn himfelf; " The town was laid 
 out, and a draught taken of it, by Mr. Thomas Holme, Surveyor Gene- 
 ral of the province; which lies now before me,*' &c. 
 
 " In the centre is a fquare of ten acres , for the jlate-houfe, mar- 
 let-boufe y fclool-boufe, and chief meeting-boufe of the Quakers" " In each 
 quarter of this city is a fquare of eight actes, to be for the like ufe?, as 
 Moorfeldsy in London" &c. 
 
 OLDMIXON, &c. 
 
 William Penn, in anfwer to a remonftrance and addrefs to him, from 
 feveral of the adventurers, freeholders and inhabitants, in the city of Philadel- 
 phia, refpe&ing the front, or bank, lots, along the fide of Delaware, 
 (who in the ninth article thereof, claimed the privilege to build vaults, or 
 Jlores, in the bank, again/? their refpe&ive lots, and to enjoy them, as their right, 
 &c.) dated the 3d. of the Sixth month, 1684, thus exprefles himfelf, on 
 this part of it; (which is here taken from his own hand writing, indorfed 
 on the back of it) and further {hews his intention, in regard to that part 
 of this plan of the city, viz. 
 
 " The bank is a top common, from end to end; The reft, next the 
 water, belongs \JQ front-lot men no more than lack-lot men: The way 
 bounds them; they may build ftairs; and the top of the bank, a common 
 
 exchange, 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 245 
 
 William Penn, having finifhed what related to 1683. 
 this excellent plan, by the latter end of the Fifth, v-x-y^x 
 or the beginning of the Sixth month, to the ge- The pro. 
 neral fatisfadion of thofe concerned, writ a let- Sritwmn 
 ter to the committee of the Freefociety of traders^ account of 
 in London, giving fome account of it, and the *nceTto 
 country, in general, with fuch obfervations, as the fodcty 
 the fliort fpace of time, he had reilded, and his of tradersr< 
 hurry of bufmefs, in it, had permitted him to 
 make. 
 
 It exhibits a fpecimen of the author's attention w Penn 
 to a variety of objects, at the fame time: for, attentive to 
 while he was fo much employed in the important * h n s ety of 
 eflablimment of legiflative and civil government, 
 to benefit future times, it difcovers a genius not 
 lefs capable of juft obfervation and judgment, in 
 the inferior departments of univerfal improvement, 
 than his general conduct otherwife declared him to 
 be matter of that true philofophy and beft wifdorn^ 
 
 which 
 
 txcbange, or wall; and againft the ftreet common wharfs may be built 
 freely; but into the water, and the fhore, is no purchafer*s," &c. M. S. 
 
 Dr. Dou las, of Bdjlon, in his fummary of the Brltijb fettlements in 
 America, makes the following obfervations, on the variation of the com- 
 fafs, at Philadelphia , viz. 
 
 " The ftreets of Philadelphia, (fays he) anno i68z, were laid out 
 with great precifenefs, north 18 degrees eaft: anno 1742, they were 
 found to be 15 degrees eaft. This is three degrees alteration, in fixty 
 years, or about one degree every twenty years decreafing. 
 
 " In the parallel of 39 degrees, in running the line between Pennfyl- 
 uania, and Maryland, in 1686, the variation was found to be 9 degrees 
 weflerly. In 1739, J ' n running the eaft and weft line, it was found 5 
 degrees 30 minutes weft; difference 3 degrees, 30 minutes, in fifty-three 
 years. 
 
 " In 1743, the divifion line was run between Eajl and Wfft-Jerfeyl 
 150 miles, ao chains; when the variation of the fouth end thereof, at 
 Egg Harbour, was 5 degrees, 15 minutes weft; and at the north end, on 
 Delaware river, in latitude 41 degrees, 40 minutes, it was 6 degrees, 
 35 minutes weft. 
 
 " In the furvey, 1739, of the eaft and weft divifional line (about 15 
 miles fouthward of Philadelphia) between Pennfylvania and Maryland; 
 the furveyor allowed a variation of 5 degrees, 30 minutes, weft ; and 
 found there was about one degree variation thereof, for every twenty 
 late years. 
 
 " At Cape Hinlopen, j 748, the variation of the compafs was 4- de- 
 grees weft, decreafing." 
 
246 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1 683. which is more nearly eflential to mental felicity; of 
 t^v^ which he was ever fo generous and communicative, 
 It is the befl account, though only an imperfect 
 fketch, of the original ftate of the province, of 
 its Aborigines, arid natural hiftory, that is to be 
 found in thofe times, as follows : 
 
 ^ letter f rom William Pe nn > Proprietor and Go- 
 thpro- vernor of Pennfylvania, in America, to the com- 
 
 vince, &c. mittee of the Free fociety of traders of that pro- 
 
 vince, reftding in London: containing a general 
 defer iption of the fajd province, its foil, air, wa- 
 ter, feafons and produce, both natural and artifi- 
 cial, and the good increafe thereof. With an ac- 
 count of the natives, or aborigines. 
 " My kind Friends, 
 
 introduo " The kindnefs of yours, by the mip Thomas 
 tion, &c. anc i dnn, doth much oblige me; for, by it I per- 
 ceive the inter eft, you take in my health and repu- 
 tation, and the profperous beginning of this pro- 
 vince; which, you are fo kind as to think, may 
 much depend upon them. In return of which I 
 have fent you a long letter, and yet containing as 
 brief an account of myfelf, and the affairs of this 
 province, as I have been able to make. 
 
 He has " In the firft place, I take notice of the news, 
 enemies at y OU f ent me . whereby I find, fome perfons have 
 abfence?&c! had fo little wit, and fo much malice, as to re- 
 port my death; and, to mend the matter, dead a 
 yefuit too. One might have reafonably hoped, 
 that this diflance, like death, would have been a 
 protection againft fpite and envy; and, indeed* 
 abfence, being a kind of death, ought alike to fe- 
 cure the name of the abfent, as the dead; becaufe 
 they are equally unable, as fuch, to defend them- 
 felves: but they, that intend mifchief, do not ufe 
 to follow good rules to efFecl it. However to the 
 great forrow and mame of the inventors, I am ftill 
 alive, and no Jefuit; and I thank God, very well. 
 And, without injuftice to the authors of this, I 
 
 may 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 247 
 
 may venture to infer, that they that wilfully and 1683. 
 falfely report, would have been glad it had been fo. \***r^ 
 But I perceive many frivolous and idle flories have 
 been invented fince my departure from England; 
 which, perhaps, at this time, are no more a/live 
 than I am dead. 
 
 cc But, if I have been unkindly ufed, by fome I 
 left behind me, I found love and refpeft enough, 
 where I came; an univerfal kind welcome, every 
 fort in their way. For, here are fome of feveral He is kind- 
 nations, as well as divers judgments: nor were the \r treated 
 natives wanting in this; for their kings, queens, ^^ pro " 
 and great men, both vifited and prefented me; to 
 whom I made fuitable returns, &c. 
 
 " For the province, the general condition of it, 
 take as folio weth: 
 
 I. " The country itfelf, its foil, air, water, fea- of the 
 fons and produce, both natural and artificial, is country, 
 not to be defpifed. The land containetk divers fo ^ d ^ 
 forts of earth, as, fand, yellow and black, poor &c. 
 
 and rich: alfo gravel, both loamy and dufty ; and, 
 in fome places, a faft fat earth ; like our beft vales, 
 in England; efpecially by inland brooks and rivers : 
 God, in his wifdom, having ordered it fo, that 
 the advantages of the country are divided; the 
 back lands being generally tnree to one richer, 
 than thofe that lie by navigable rivers. We have 
 much of another foil; and that is a black hazel- 
 tnould, upon a ilony, or rocky, bottom. 
 
 II. " The air is fweet and clear, the Heavens O f the air. 
 ferene, like the fouth parts of Francs , rarely over- 
 
 caft; and, as the woods come, by numbers of 
 people, to be more cleared, that itfelf will refine. 
 
 III. "The waters are generally good; forthe Watcrf 
 rivers and brooks have moflly gravel and ftony 
 bottoms; and in number, hardly credible. We 
 have alfo mineral waters, that operate in the fame 
 manner with Barnet and North Hall, not two miles 
 from Philadelphia. 
 
248 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA* 
 
 1683. IV, " For the feafons of the year, having, by 
 
 t-^v*O God's goodnefs, ROW lived over the coldeft and 
 
 hotteft, that the oldeft liver in the province can 
 
 remember, I can fay fomething to an Englijh un- 
 
 derftanding. 
 
 rail. Firft, Of the fall; for then I came in: I 
 found it, from the 24th. of October, to the be- 
 ginning of December, as we have it ufually, in 
 England, in September, or rather like an Englijb 
 mild fprhg. From December to the beginning 
 
 Winter. o f ^g montn ca n e d March, we had (harp frofty 
 weather; not foul, thick, black weather, as our 
 north eaft winds bring with them, in England; 
 but a iky as clear as in fummer, and the air dry, 
 cold, piercing and hungry; yet I remember not 
 that I wore more cloaths, than in England. The 
 reafon of this cold is given, from the great lakes, 
 that are fed by the fountains of Canada. The 
 Winter before was as mild, fcarce any ice at all; 
 while this, for a few days, froze up our great river 
 Delaware. From that month, to the month cal- 
 
 Spring. led June, we enjoyed a fweet Spring; no gufts, 
 but gentle fhowers, and a fine fky. Yet, this I 
 obferve, that the winds here, as there, are more 
 inconftant, Spring and Fall, upon that turn of 
 nature, than in Summer, or Winter. From thence 
 of the to this prefent month, (Augufl) which endeth the 
 Summer. 5 ummer? (commonly fpeaking) we have had ex- 
 traordinary heats, yet mitigated fometimes by 
 cool breezes. The wind, that ruleth the Summer 
 feafon, is the fouth weft; but fpring, fall and 
 winter, it is rare to want the north-weftern feven 
 days together. And whatever mifts, fogs, or va- 
 pours, foul the Heavens by eafterly, or foutherly 
 winds, in two hours time, are blown away; the 
 one is followed by the other: A remedy, that 
 feems to have a peculiar providence in it, to the 
 inhabitants; the multitude of trees, yet (landing, 
 being liable to retain mifts and vapours; and yet 
 not one quarter fo thick as I expected. 
 
 The 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 249 
 
 V. " The natural produce of the country, of 1683. 
 vegetables, is trees, fruits, plants, flowers. The v^^rx^ 
 trees of mod note, are the black walnut, cedar, Natural 
 cyprefs, chefnut, poplar, gum-wood, hickory, faf-* uce ' 
 fafras, afh, beech, and oak of divers forts, as, 
 red, white and black; Spanifh, chefnut, and fwamp, 
 the molt durable of all. Of all which there is 
 plenty, for the ufe of man. 
 
 " The fruits, that I find in the woods, are the Fra i ts . 
 white and black mulberry, chefnut, walnut, plums, 
 ftrawberries, cranberries, hurtleberries, and grapes 
 of divers forts. The great red grape (now ripe) 
 called by ignorance, the fox grape, becaufe of the 
 relifh it hath with unfkilful palates, is in itfelf an Grapes, 
 extraordinary grape; and by art, doubtlefs, may 
 be cultivated to an excellent wine, if not fo fweet, 
 yet little inferior to the Frontiniac, as it is not much 
 unlike in tafte, ruddinefs fetafide; which, in fuch 
 things, as well as mankind, differs the cafe much. 
 There is a white kind of Mujkadel, and a little 
 black grape, like the duller grape of England, 
 not yet fo ripe as the other; but they tell me, 
 when ripe, fweeter, and that they only want fkil- 
 ful Vinerons, to make good ufe of them. I intend 
 to venture on it with my Frenchman, this feafon, 
 who fhews fo me knowledge in thofe things. Here 
 are alfo peaches very good, and in great quantities; p ea chcs. 
 not an Indian plantation without them; but whe-. 
 ther naturally here at firft, I know not. However 
 one may have them, by bufhels, for little: they 
 make a pleafant drink; and I think, not inferior 
 to any peach you have in England, except the true 
 Newington. It is difputable with me, whether it 
 be beft to fall to fining the fruits of the country, 
 efpecially the grape, by the care and (kill of art, 
 or fend for foreign ftems and fets, already good 
 and approved. It feems mod reafonable to be- 
 lieve, that not only a thing groweth bed, where 
 it naturally grows, but will hardly be equalled by 
 
 another 
 
250 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1683. another fpecies of the fame kind, that doth not 
 naturally grow there. But, to folve the doubt, I 
 intend, if God give me life, to try both, and hope 
 the confequence will be, as good wine, as any 
 European countries, of the fame latitude, do yield. 
 
 Artificial VI. " The artificial produce of the country is 
 
 produce, wheat, barley,* oats, rye, peas, beans, fquafhes, 
 
 pumkins, water-melons, mufk-melons, and all 
 
 herbs and roots, that our gardens in England^ 
 
 ufualiy bring forth. 
 
 Of animals, VII. " Of living creatures; fifh, fowl, and the 
 &c> beads of the woods; here are divers forts, fome 
 
 Beafts. for food and profit, and fome for profit only: For 
 food, as well as profit, the elk, as big as a fmall 
 ox; deer, bigger than ours; beaver, raccoon, rab- 
 bits, fquirrels; and fome eat young bear, and corn- 
 Birds, mend it. Of fowl of the land, there is the turkey, 
 (forty and fifty pounds weight) which is very great ^ 
 pheafants, heath-birds, pigeons and partridges, in 
 abundance. Of the water, the fwan, goofe, white 
 and grey; brands, ducks, teal, alfo the fnipe and 
 curloe, and that in great numbers; but the duck 
 and teal excel ; nor fo good have I ever eat in ether 
 Fifh, &c. countries. Of fiih, there is the fturgeon, herring, 
 rock, mad, cats-head, iheeps-head, eel, fmelt, 
 pearch, roach; and in inland- rivers, trout, fome 
 fay, falmon, above the falls. Of mell-fim, we have 
 oyllers, crabs, coccles, conchs and mufcles; fome 
 oyfters fix inches long ; and one fort of coccles as 
 big as the dewing oyfcers; they make a rich broth. 
 The creatures for profit only, by fkin, or fur a 
 'and that are natural to thefe parts, are the wild- 
 cat, panther, otter, wolf, fox, fifher, minx, mufk- 
 whak fiih- rat ; and of the water, the whale, for oil; of 
 cry, &c. in which we have good More ; and two companies of 
 2 bay ' whalers ; whofe boats are built, will foon begin 
 
 * " Ediuard Jones, fon-in-law to Thomas V/ynr.;, living OH the Scul- 
 kil, had, with ordinary cultivation; for one grain of Engl'Jb barley, fe- 
 ver, ty ftalks and cars of barley : and it is common in this country, from 
 one bufhel fown, to reap forty, often 'fifty, and foraetiraes futy, And 
 three pecks of wheat fow an acre here." 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 251 
 
 their work; which hath the appearance of a con- 1683. 
 fiderable improvement: to fay nothing of our rea- 
 fonable hopes of good cod, in the bay. 
 
 VIII. " We have no want of horfes; and fome 
 
 are very good, and fhapely enough; two fhips cattle, &c. 
 have been freighted to Barbadoes with horfes and 
 pipe-ftaves, fmce my coining in. Here is alfo 
 plenty of cow-cattle, and fome fheep ; the people 
 plow moilly with oxen. 
 
 IX. " There are divers plants, that not only Medicinal 
 the Indians tell us, but we have had occafion to plants, &c. 
 prove, by fwellings, burnings, cuts, &c. that 
 
 they are of great vittue, fuddenly curing the pati- 
 ent; and, for fmell, I have obferved feveral, efpe- 
 ciaily one, the wild myrtle; the other I know not 
 what to call, but are mod fragrant. 
 
 X. " The woods are adorned with lovely flow- F i ower8j0 f 
 ers, for color, greatnefs, figure and variety. I the woods, 
 have feen the gardens of London bed flored with &c * 
 that fort of beauty, but think they may be im- 
 proved by our woods : I have fent a few to a perfon 
 
 of quality this year, for a trial. 
 
 " Thus much of the country; next, of the na- 
 tives., or aborigines. 
 
 XL " The natives I mall confider, in their per- of the In- 
 fons, language, manners, religion and government, diamorab- 
 with my fenie of their original. For their perfons, on g llies - 
 they are generally tall, ilraight, well-built, and of Their 
 fmgular proportion; they tread ftrongand clever; fons. 
 and moflly walk with a lofty chin. Of complexion, 
 black, but by defign; as the Gypfies, in England. 
 They greafe themfelves with bear's fat clarified; 
 and ufmg no defence againfl fun, or weather, 
 their fkins mufl needs be fwarthy. Their eye is 
 little and black, not unlike a ftraight looked Jew. 
 The thick lip, and flat nofe, fo frequent with the 
 Eaft Indians and blacks, are not common to them: 
 For I have feen as comely European like faces 
 
 among 
 
252 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1683. among them, of both, as on your fide the fea; 
 vwNw> and truly an Italian complexion hath not much 
 more of the white; and the nofes of feveral of 
 them have as much of the Roman. 
 
 Their lan- XII. " Their language is lofty, yet narrow; 
 
 guage. fo ut ^ Uk e t } le Hebrew, in fignification, full; like 
 fhort-hand, in writing, one word ferveth in the 
 place of three, and the refl are fupplied by the 
 underftanding of the hearer: imperfect in their 
 tenfes, wanting in their moods, participles, ad- 
 verbs, conjunctions, inter] edions. I have made 
 it my bufmefs to underftand it, that I might not 
 want an Interpreter, on any occafion; and I muft 
 fay, that I know not a language fpoken, in Eu- 
 rope, that hath words of more fweetnefs, or great- 
 nefs, in accent and emphafis, than theirs; for in- 
 ftance, Odocockon, Rancocas, Orifton, Shak, Ma- 
 rian, Pcqueften; all which are names of places; 
 and have grandeur in them. Of words of fweet- 
 nefs, Anna, is mother; I/pmus, a brother; Netcap, 
 friend; Ufqueoret, very good; Pane, bread; Met- 
 fa, eat; Matta, no; Hatta, to have; Payo, to 
 come; Sepaffen, Pajfijon, the names of places; Ta- 
 mane, Secane, Menanfe, Secatcreus, are the names of 
 perfons; if one afk them for any thing they have not, 
 they will anfwer, Malta ne hatta; which to tran- 
 flate, is, not I have; infhead of, I have not. 
 
 Their cuf- XIII. " Of their cufloms and manners, there 
 toms. j s muc h to be faid; I will begin with children; fo 
 of their foon as they are born, they wafh them in water; 
 children, and while very young, and in cold weather to 
 chufe, they plunge them in the rivers, to harden 
 and embolden them. Having wrapt them in a 
 clout, they lay them on a flrait, thin board, a lit- 
 tle more than the length and breadth of the child, 
 and fwaddle it faft, upon the board, to make it 
 ftraight; wherefore all Indians have flat heads; 
 and thus they carry them at their backs. The 
 children will go, very young, at nine months 
 
 commonly; 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 253 
 
 commonly; they wear only a fmall clout round 
 their waite, till they are big; if boys, they go a 
 fifhing, till ripe for the woods; which is about 
 fifteen; then they hunt; and after having given 
 fome proofs of their manhood, by a good return 
 of fkins, they may marry; elfe it is a fhame to 
 think of a wife. The girls flay with their mo- 
 thers, and help to hoe the ground, plant corn, 
 and carry burdens; and they do well to ufe them 
 to that young, which they mud do when they are 
 old; for the wives are the true fervants of the 
 huibands; otherwife the men are very affectionate 
 to them. 
 
 XIV. " When the young women are fit for Time of 
 marriage, they wear fomething upon their heads, marrying, 
 for an advertifement, but fo, as their faces are c * 
 hardly to be feen, but when they pleafe. The age, 
 
 they marry at, if women, is about thirteen, and 
 fourteen; if men, feventeen and eighteen; they 
 are rarely elder. 
 
 XV. " Their houfes are mats, or barks of Their hol> 
 trees, fet on poles, in the fafhion of an Englifn fes, &c. 
 barn; but out of the power of the winds; for 
 
 they are hardly higher than a man; they lie on 
 reeds, or grafs. In travel they lodge in the woods, 
 about a great fire, with the mantle of duffils, they 
 wear by day, wrapt about them, and a few boughs 
 (hick round them. 
 
 XVI. " Their diet is maize, or Indian corn, Their diet 
 divers ways prepared; fometimes roafled in the 
 afhes; fometimes beaten and boiled with water; 
 which they call homine ; they alfo make cakes, not 
 unpleafant to eat. They have likewife feveral forts 
 
 of beans and peafe, that are good nourifhment; 
 and the woods and rivers are their larder. 
 
 XVII. " If an European comes to fee them, or Thelr ^ ifit- 
 calls for lodging at their houfe, or wigwam, they ing, &c. 
 give him the beft place, and firft cut. If they 
 
 come to vifit us, they falute us with an Itah; 
 
 which 
 
254 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1683. which is as much as to fay, Good be to you, and fet 
 V^VN-> them down; which is moflly on the ground, clofe 
 to their heels, their legs upright; it may be they 
 fpeak not a word, but oblerve all pafTages. If 
 you give them any thing, to eat, or drink, well: 
 for they will not afk; and be it little, or much, if 
 it be with kindnefs, they are well pleafed, elfe they 
 go away fullen, but fay nothing. 
 
 They are XVIII. " They are great concealers of their 
 revengeful, own refentments ; brought to it, 1 believe, by the 
 
 and conceal . 11, .;. , 
 
 refentment, revenge, that hath been prachfed among them. 
 
 &c - In either of.thefe they are not exceeded by the 
 
 Italians. A tragical inflance fell out fince I came 
 into the country: a king's daughter, thinking her- 
 felf flighted by her hufband, in fuffering another 
 woman to lie down between them, rofe up, went 
 out, plucked a root out of the ground, and ate it; 
 upon which me immediately died: and, for which, 
 lafl week, he made an offering to her kindred, for 
 atonement, and liberty of marriage; as two others 
 did to the kindred of their wives, that died a natu- 
 ral death. For, till widowers have done fo, they 
 muft not marry again. Some of the young women 
 are faid to take undue liberty before marriage, for 
 a portion; but when married, chafle. When with 
 child they know their hufbands no more, till deli- 
 vered; and during their month, they touch no 
 meat they eat but with a flick, left they mould 
 defile it; nor do their hufbands frequent them, till 
 that time be expired. 
 
 Their great XIX. " But, in liberality they excel; nothing 
 i s too good for their friend : give them a fine gun, 
 coat, or other thing, it may pafs twenty hands be- 
 fore it flicks : light of heart, ftrong affections, but 
 foon fpent. The mofl merry creatures that live, 
 feaft and dance perpetually; they never have much, 
 nor want much : wealth circulateth like the blood ; 
 all parts partake; and though none mall want what 
 another hath, yet exacl obfervcrs of property. 
 
 Some 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 255 
 
 Some kings have fold, others prefented me with 1683. 
 ieveral parcels of land : the pay, or prefents I made \-^/->w> 
 them, were not hoarded by the particular owners ; 
 but the neighbouring kings, and their clans being 
 prefent, when the goods w r ere brought out, the 
 parties, chiefly concerned, confulted what, and to 
 whom, they mould give them. To every king 
 then, by the hands of a perfon for that work ap- 
 pointed, is a proportion fent, fo ibrted and folded, 
 and with that gravity, that is admirable. Then 
 that king fubdivideth it, in like manner, among 
 his dependants, they hardly leaving themfelves an 
 equal fhare with one of their fubjecls: and be it on 
 fuch occafions as feftivals, or at their common 
 meals, the kings diitribute, and to themfelves laft. 
 They, care for little; becaufe they want but little ; 
 and the reafon is, ,a little contents them. In this 
 they are fufficiently revenged on us : if they are ig- 
 norant of our pleafures, they are alfo free from our 
 pains. They are not difquieted with bills of lading maimer ^ 
 and exchange, nor perplexed with chancery fuits, life, cuf- 
 and exchequer reckonings. We fweat and toil to toms> &c ' 
 live ; their pleafure feeds them ; I mean their hunt- 
 ing, fifhing and fowling; and this table is fpread 
 every where. They eat twice a day, morning and 
 evening; their feats and table are the ground. 
 Since the Europeans came into thefe parts, they The r Iate 
 are grown great lovers of ftrong liquors ^ rum efpe- love of _ 
 daily; and for it exchange the richefl of their 
 fkins and furs. If they are heated with liquors, 
 they are reftlefs till they have enough to ileep; 
 that is their cry, fome more, and I will go tojlsep; 
 but, when drunk, one of the mofl wretched fpeda- 
 cles in the world ! 
 
 XX. " In ficloiefs, impatient to be cured; and 
 for it, give any thing, efpecially for their children ; i 
 to whom they are extremely natural. They drink, G; 
 at thofe times, a teran, or deco&iqn of fome roots 
 in fpring water; and, if they eat any fleih, it mud 
 
 be 
 
256 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1683. be of the female of any creature. If they die, 
 ^^v>-/' they bury the-m with their apparel, be they man 
 or woman; and the neareft of kin fling in fome- 
 thing precious with them, as a token of their love: 
 Their mourning is blacking of their faces ; which 
 they continue for a year. They are choice of the 
 graves of their dead; for, left they ihould be loft 
 by time, and fall to common ufe, they pick off the 
 grafs, that grows upon them, and heap up the 
 fallen earth, with great care and exadnefs. 
 
 of their XXI. " Thefe poor people are under a dark 
 religion, night in things relating to religion, to be fure the 
 &c ' tradition of it : yet they believe a God and immor- 
 
 tality, without the help of metaphyfics: for, they 
 fay, There is a Great King that made them, who 
 dwells in a glorious country, to the fouthward of 
 them; and that the fouls of the good JJo a II go thither, 
 where they foall live again. Their worfoip confifls 
 of two parts, facrifice and cantico. Their facrifice is 
 their frrft fruits; the firft and fatteft buck they 
 kill, goeth to the fire; where he is all burnt, with 
 a mournful ditty of him, that performeth the 
 ceremony; but with fuch marvellous fervency, 
 and labour of body, that he will, even, fweat to 
 a foam. The other part is their cantico, performed 
 by round dances, fometimes words, fometimes 
 fongs, then fhouts; two being in the middle, that 
 begin; and, by fmging and drumming on a board, 
 dired the chorus. Their poflures, in the dance, 
 are very antick and differing, but all keep msafure. 
 This is done with equal earneftnefs and labour, but 
 great appearance of joy. In the fall, when the 
 corn cometh in, they begin to feaft one another. 
 Their feaft- There have been two great feftivals already; to 
 ing-s, & c . which all come, that will. I was at one myfelf: 
 their entertainment was a great feat by a fpring, 
 under fome fhady trees, and twenty bucks, with 
 hot cakes of new corn, both wheat and beans; 
 which they make up in a fquare form ? in the leaves 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 257 
 
 of theftem, and bake them in the afhes ; and after 1683. 
 that they fall to dance. But they that go muft 
 carry a linall prefent, in their money; it may be 
 fixpence; which is made of the bone of a fifti: 
 the black is, with them, as gold; the white, ftlver; 
 they call it all wampum. 
 
 XXII. " Their government is by Kings ; which Thelr go- 
 they call Sachama; and thofe by fuccelfion, but al- vemment. 
 ways of the mother's fide. For inftance, the chil- 
 dren of him, who is now king, will not fucceed, but 
 
 his brother by the mother, or the children of his 
 lifter, whofe fons (and after them the children of 
 her daughters) will reign; for no woman inherits. 
 The reafon, they render for this way of defcent, is, 
 that their iflite may not be fpurious. 
 
 XXIII. " Every King hath his council; and that Their mode 
 confifls of all the old and wife men of his nation; ofdoiagbu- 
 which, perhaps, is two hundred people. Nothing 
 
 of moment is undertaken, be it war, peace, fel- &c, 
 ling of land, or traffick, without advifing with 
 them; and, which is more, with the young men 
 too. It is admirable to confider how powerful the 
 Kings are, and yet how they move by the breath of 
 their people. I have had occafion to be in council 
 with them, upon treaties for land, and to adjuft 
 the terms of trade. Their order is thus: The 
 King fits in the middle of an half moon, and hath 
 his council, the old and wife, on each hand ; be- 
 hind them, or at a little diflance, fit the younger 
 fry, in the fame figure. Having confulted and 
 refolved their bufmefs, the King ordered one of 
 them to fpeak to me; he flood up, came tome, 
 and, in the name of his King, fainted me; then 
 took me by the hand, and told me, " He was or- 
 dered by his King to fpeak to me ; and that now it 
 was not he, but the King, that fpoke; becaufe 
 what he mould fay was the King's mind." He 
 fir 11 prayed me, " To excufe them, that they had 
 not complied with me, the lafl time, he feared 
 [33] 
 
358 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1683. there might be fome fault in the Interpreter, being; 
 ww; neither Indian nor Englijh: befides, it was the In- 
 dian cuftom, to deliberate, and take up much 
 time, in council, before they refolve; and that, if 
 the young people, and owners of the land had 
 been as ready as he, I had not met with fo much 
 delay." Having thus introduced his matter, he 
 fell to the bounds of the land, they had agreed to 
 dilpofe of, and the price ; which now is little and 
 dear; that which would have bought twenty miles, 
 not buying now two. During the time, that this 
 perfon fpoke, not a man of them was obferved ta 
 whifper or fmile; the old, grave; the young, re- 
 verent, in their deportment. They fpeak little ft 
 but fervently, and with elegance. I have never 
 feen more natural fagacity, confidering them with- 
 out the help (I was going to fay, the fpoil) of tra- 
 dition ; and he will deferve the name of wife, that 
 outwits them, in any treaty, about a thing, they 
 underftand. When the purchafe was agreed, great 
 promifes pafled between us, " of kindnefs and 
 good neighbourhood, and that the Indians and 
 Englijh muft live in love as long as the fun gave 
 light:" Which done, another made a fpeech to 
 the Indians, in the name of all the Sachamakers^ 
 or Kings; firft, to tell them what was done ; next, 
 to charge and command them, " To love the 
 Chriftians, and particularly live in peace with me 5 
 0* and the people under my government; that many 
 Governors had been in the river; but that no Go- 
 vernor had come himfelf to live and flay here be- 
 fore; and having now fuch an one, that had treated 
 them well, they fhould never do him, or his, any 
 wrong." At every fenterice of which they fhouted, 
 and faid, Amen, in their way. 
 
 Thr XXIV. " The juftice they have is pecuniary: 
 mode of In cafe of any wrong, or evil fact, be it murder 
 
 kfelf ' they at ne by feafts > and P refents of th eir 
 wampum; which is proportioned to tjta quality of 
 
 the 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 259 
 
 the offence, or perfon injured, or of the fexthey 1683. 
 are of. For, in cafe they kill a woman, they pay 
 double; and the reafon they render, is, "That 
 fhe breedeth children; which men cannot do." 
 It is rare that they fall out, if fober; and, if 
 drunk, they forgive it, faying, " It was the drink, 
 and not the man, that abufed them," 
 
 XXV. " We have agreed, that, in all differ- 
 ences between us, Jix of each fide (hail end the 
 matter. Do not abufe them, but let them have 
 juflice, and you win them. The worfl is, that and Wilu - 
 they are the worfe for the Chriftians ; who have &. 
 propagated their vices, and yielded them tradition. 
 
 for ill, and not for good things. But as low an 
 ebb as thefe people are at, and as inglorious as 
 their own condition looks, the Cbriftiam have not 
 outlived their fight , with all their pretenfions to an 
 higher manifeitation. What good, then, might 
 not a good people graft, where there is fo diftinft 
 SL knowledge left between good and evil? Ibefeech 
 God to incline the hearts of all that come into 
 thefe parts, to outlive the knowledge of the na- 
 tives, by a fixt obedience to their greater know- 
 ledge of the will of God; for it were miferable, 
 indeed, for us to fall under the jufl cenfure of the 
 poor Indian confcience, while we make profeilion 
 of things fo far tranfcending. 
 
 XXVI. c < For their original, I am ready to be- 
 lieve them of the Jewi/h race; I mean, of the flock of theit 
 of the ten tribes; and that, for the following rea- ori ff inal - 
 fons: Firft, they were to go to a " land not plan- 
 ted, nor known;" which, to be fure, Afia and 
 Africa were, if not Europe; and he, that intended 
 
 that extraordinary judgment upon them, might 
 make the paffage not uneafy to them, as it is not 
 impoffible in itfelf, from the eaftermoft parts of 
 of Afia, to the weftermofl of America. In the 
 next place; I find them of the like countenance, 
 and their children of fo lively refemblance, that a 
 
 man 
 
260 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 man would think himfelf in Duke's place, or Ber* 
 ry-ftreet, in London, when he ieeth them. But 
 Their re- this is not all; they agree in rites ; they reckon by 
 moons ; they offer their frft fruits; they have a 
 &c. ki n d of feqft of tabernacles; they are laid to lay 
 their altar upon twelve Jt ones ; their mourning a year; 
 citftoms of women, with many other things, that 
 do not now occur. 
 
 " So much for the natives; next, the old plan- 
 ters will be confidered in this relation, before I 
 come to our colony, and the concerns of it. 
 
 XXVII. " The firft planters, in thefe parts, 
 &c were the Dutch; and foon after them, the Swedes 
 and Finns. The Dutch applied themfelves to traf- 
 Jick; the Swedes and Finns, to hufhandry. There 
 were fome difputes between them, fome years; 
 the Dutch looking upon them, as intruders upon 
 their purchafe and pofieflion; which was finally end- 
 ed in the furrender, made by John Rixeing, the Swe- 
 dijh Governor, to Peter Styrefant, Governor for 
 the flates of Holland, anno 1655. 
 OF the XXVIII. " The Dutch inhabit moftly thofe 
 P arts f tne province, that lie upon, or near the 
 tiers, &c. bay ; and the Swedes, thefreflies of the river Dela- 
 ware. There is no need of giving any defer iption 
 of them; who are better known there than here; 
 but they are a plain, ftrong, induflrious people; 
 yet have made no great progrefs, in culture, or 
 propagation, of fruit trees ; as, if they defired 
 rather to have enough, than plenty, or traffick. 
 But, I prelume, the Indians made them the more 
 carelefs, by furnifhing them with the means of 
 profit, to wit, fkins and furs, for rum, and fuch 
 ftrong liquors. They kindly received me, as well 
 as the Englifh, who were few, before the people, 
 concerned with me, came among them. I muft 
 needs commend their refpeft to authority, and 
 kind behaviour to the Englifh; they do not degene- 
 rate 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA* 261 
 
 rate from the old friendfhip, between both king- 1683. 
 doms. As they are people proper and flrong of body, 
 fo they have fine children, and almoft every houfe 
 full ; rare to find one of them without three or 
 four boys, and as many girls; fome, fix, feven 
 and eight fons. And I muft do them that right; 
 I fee few young men more fober and laborious. 
 
 XXIX " The Dutch have a meeting place, for D Utc h an{ j 
 religious worfhip, at New-cqftle ; and the Syuedes, Swedes' 
 three; one at Chriflina, one at Tenecum; and one ^orftip. 
 at Wicoco, within half a mile of this town. 
 
 XXX. " There refts that I fpeak of the condi- of theprc- 
 tion we are in, and what fettlement we have made: 
 
 In which I will be as fliort as I can; for I fear, and 
 not without reafon, that I have tried your pati- 
 ence with this long flory. The country lieth, 
 bounded on the eaft, by the river and bay of 
 Delaware, and eaftern fea; it hath the advantage 
 of many creeks, or rivers rather, that run into The rivers, 
 the main river, or bay ; fome navigable for great 
 fhips, fome, for fmall craft. Thofe of moft emi- 
 nency are, Chriftlna, Brandywine, Skilpot, and 
 Sculkil ; any one of which have room to lay up 
 the royal navy of England; there being from four 
 to eight fathom water, 
 
 XXXI. " The lefler creeks, or rivers, yet con- Crec ^ 
 venient for floops and ketches of good burden, 
 
 are Lewis, Mefpilion, Cedar, Dover, Cranbrook, 
 Fever/ham and Georges, below; and Chichejler, 
 Chefter, Toacawny, Pammapecka, PortqueJJln, Ne- 
 fhimenck and Pennberry, in the frefhes; many lefler, 
 that admit boats and ihallops. Our people are 
 moflly fettled upon the upper rivers; which are 
 pleafant and fweet, and generally bounded with 
 good land : The planted part of* the province and 
 territories is caft into fix counties, Philadelphia, Numtar o 
 Buckingham, Chefter, New-caftle, Kent and Suffex; counties, 
 containing about four thoufand fouls. Two gene- [ ul f f r af ~ 
 ral afiemblies have been held, and with fuch con- Ie 
 
 cord 
 
262 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1683. cord and difpatch, that they fat but three weeks; 
 and, at leaft, feventy laws were paffed without one 
 dirlent, in any material thing. But of this, more 
 hereafter, being yet raw and new, in our gear. 
 
 Their re- However I cannot forget their fingular refpect to 
 
 fpc& to the . , . . r r i 11 i 
 
 proprietor, me > m this infancy or things; who, by their own 
 
 &c - private expences, fo early confidered mine, for 
 
 the public, as to prefent me with an import, upon 
 
 certain goods imported and exported. Which 
 
 after my acknowledgment of their affection, I did 
 
 as freely remit to the province, and the traders to 
 
 c Cmut of it. And for the well government of the faid coun- 
 
 fcce, &c. t es ^ courts of juflice are eftablifhed in every coun- 
 
 ty, with proper officers, asjuftices, fheriffs, clerks, 
 
 conftables, &c. which courts are held every two 
 
 Peace-ma- months. But, to prevent law fults, there are 
 
 ke bted" three peace makers chofen by every county court, 
 
 &c. in the nature of common arbitrators, to hear and 
 
 end differences betwixt man and man. And fpring 
 
 .An orphans and fall there is an orphans 9 court, in each county to 
 
 conrt, & c . i n fp ec ~t anc [ regulate the affairs of orphans and 
 
 Of Phiia- XXXII. " Philadelphia, the expectation of thofe, 
 dejphia. fa^ are concerned in this province, is, at lait, 
 laid out, to the great content of thofe here, that 
 are any ways interefted therein. The fituation is 
 a neck of land, and lieth between two navigable 
 rivers, Delaware and Sculkil; whereby it hath two 
 fronts upon the water, each a mile ; and two from 
 river to river. Delaware is a glorious river; but 
 the Sculkil, being an hundred miles boatable above 
 the falls, and its courfe north eaji, towards the 
 fountain of Sufquahanna (that tends to the heart 
 of the province, and both fides our ov/n) it is 
 like to be a great part of the fettlement of this 
 age. I fay little of the town itfelf, becaufe a plat- 
 * Sec page form* will be fhewn you by my agent ; in which 
 4i, &c. thofe who are purchafers of me, will find their 
 names and interefts. But this I will fay, for the 
 good providence of God, that, of all the many 
 
 places, 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 263 
 
 places, I have feen in the world, I remember not 1683. 
 one better feated ; fo that it feems to me to have v^/vvv 
 been appointed for a town, whether we regard 
 the rivers, or the conveniency of the coves, docks, 
 fprings, the loftinefs and foundnefs of the land, 
 and the air, held by the people of thefe parts to 
 be very good. It is advanced, within lefs than a Numter O f 
 year, to about four fcore houfes and cottages, houfes in 
 fuch as they are ; where merchants and handicrafts p t h . i!ad f l " 
 
 r 11 i r n phia, &c. 
 
 are following their vocations, as rait as they can; 
 while the country men are clofe at their farms, The far* 
 fome of them got a little winter corn in the ground m j rs *j- 
 laft feafon; and the generality have had an hand- cc 
 fome fummer-crop, and are preparing for their win- 
 ter corn. They reaped their barley, this year, in the 
 month called May; the wheat in the month follow- 
 ing; fo that there is time, in thefe parts, for another 
 crop of divers things, before the winter feafon. We 
 are daily in hopes of fhipping, to add to our num- 
 ber; for, blefled be God, here is both room and 
 accommodation for them: The ftories of our ne- 
 ceflity being either the fear of our friends, or the 
 fcare-crows of our enemies : For the greatefl hard- 
 ihip, we have fuffered, hath been fait meat; which 
 by fowl, in winter, and fifh, in fummer, together 
 with fome poultry, lamb, mutton, veal, and plen- 
 ty of venifon, the bell part of the year, hath been, 
 made very paffable. I blefs God, I am fully fatif- ^ Penfi 
 lied with tfce country and entertainment I got in it: well pieaf- 
 For I find that particular content, which hath a!- ed w * h the 
 ways attended me, where God, in his providence, c 
 hath made it my place and fervice to refide. You And much, 
 cannot imagine my fration can be, at prefent, free employed 
 of more than ordinary bufmefs ; and, as fuch, I andTegu? 
 may fay, it is a troublefome work. But the me- ^f tin s if * 
 thod, things are putting in, will facilitate the &c ' 
 charge, and give an eafier motion to the admini- 
 ilration of affairs, However, as it is fome men's 
 duty to .plow, fome to fow, fome to water, and 
 fome to reap ; fo it b the wifdom, as well as the 
 
 duty, 
 
264 HISTORY or PENNSYLVANIA.' 
 
 1683. duty, f a man > to yi^d to tne mind of Providence, 
 v^y-v^ and chearfully, as well as carefully, embrace and 
 
 follow the guidance of it. 
 
 of the in- XXXIII. " For your particular concern, I might 
 pTop^r^of entirely refer you to the letters of the Prefident of 
 the Free fo- the fociety; but this I will venture to fay, your 
 do? &c ra " P rov i n cial fettlements, both within and without 
 the town for fituation and foil, are without excep- 
 tion. Your city lot is a whole flreet, and one fide 
 of a flreet, from river to river, containing near 
 one hundred acres, not eafily valued; which is 
 befides your four hundred acres, in the city liber- 
 ties, part of your twenty thoufand acres in the 
 country. Your tannery hath fuch plenty of bark, 
 the faw mill, for timber, and the place of the glafs 
 hottfe, are fo conveniently polled for water carri- 
 age, the city lot, for a dock, and the ivhalery, for a 
 found and fruitful bank, and the town Lewis, by 
 it, to help your people, that, by God's blefling, 
 the affairs of the fociety will naturally grow in 
 their reputation, and profit. I am fure, I have 
 not turned my back upon any offer, that tended to 
 its profperity; and though I am ill at projects, I 
 have fometimes put in for a mare with her officers, 
 to countenance and advance her interefl. You 
 are already informed what is fit for you further to 
 do; whatsoever tends to the promotion of wine, 
 and to the manufacture of linen, in thefe parts, I 
 cannot but wifh you to promote; and the French 
 people are mofl likely, in both refpeds, to anfwer 
 that defign. To that end I would advife you 
 to fend for forms thoufands of plants out of France, 
 with fome able Vinerons, and people of the other 
 vocation: But becaufe, I believe, you have been 
 entertained with this, and fome other profitable fub- 
 * Nicholas j e ft s by y 0ur Prefident,* I mail add no more, but to 
 affure you, that 1 am heartily inclined to advance 
 your jufl interefl, and that you will always find me 
 Tour kind cordial friend r , 
 
 WILLIAM PENN. 
 
 fl Pbihdclfbla, the idtb. of tbe Sixth month, called Augujl , 1683." 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 265 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 difficulty and dlfpute bet-ween William Penn and 
 Lord Baltimore, ref petting the boundaries between 
 their territories. A proclamation of the latter. 
 William Penn's letter to the Lords of planta- 
 tions. Lord Baltimore's commijfion to Colonel 
 George Talbot, with a demand of the latter. 
 William Penn's anfwer to faid demand. Incur- 
 Jlon from Maryland, attempting forcible entry. 
 Difficulty to reftrain the Indians from ftrong li- 
 quors. Names of the members of AJJembly in 
 1684. 
 
 VVlLLIAM PENN's endeavours, foon after 
 his firfl arrival, to cultivate a friendly and good un- 
 derftanding with his neighbour, the Lord Baltimore^ 
 and to get the boundaries, between their refpec- proprietors 
 tive provinces, amicably determined, have already of Mary- 
 been mentioned; for which purpofe likewife it ap- 
 pears he had appointed his relation and deputy, 
 Captain William Markham to treat with the faid 
 Lord Proprietary of Maryland, before he arrived &c. 
 himfelf ; and afterwards repeatedly ufed attempts, see page 
 for the fame end. But thefe endeavours had not a 8> &c< 
 all the delired fuccefs, which, fo far as appears, 
 might have been reafonably expeded.* 
 
 [34] The 
 
 * The cqndu& of the late Lord Baltimore, on this occafion, may, in 
 part, appear from the following proclamation, dated, May ijth. 1683, 
 viz. 
 
 " C. Baltimore. 
 
 " For as much as taking up of bnd by rights, within this our pro- 
 vince of Maryland, hath proved not only grievous and burdenfome to 
 the inhabitants of this our faid province, as well for want of fuch rights, 
 upon their occafions, as for the paying for the fame extravagant and ex* 
 
 tortious 
 
more 
 
 z66 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1683. The concern of the Proprietary of Pennfyfoania- 
 
 \^^r^j for a good, convenient and indepenclant commu- 
 
 nication, by water, between his province and the. 
 
 Of the dif- r r T_ i r r'" j 
 
 jmte be- f a, for the benefit ot its trade, appears to have 
 tweenpenn been his principal reafon tor fixing his fouthern 
 , &c. boundary by charter, fo far fouth, as the begin- 
 ning of the fortieth degree of north latitude, in- 
 tending thereby to include, at lead, fo much of 
 the head, or upper part, of Chef apeak bay, within 
 
 his 
 
 tortious rates, when to be procured; but alfo very injurious and preju- 
 dicial to ourfelf, by undue and unjuft probate, made of fuch rights, 
 ;is we have feen and been informed: We do, therefore, as well for the 
 cafe, benefit, and certainty of the inhabitants of this our province, and 
 other perfons inhabiting, trading, or reilding within the fame, as alfo 
 for toe prefervation of our own juft right and property, hereby fully 
 refclve, determine and ordain, that no right fhall hereafter be proved, 
 admitted, or allowed of, for the taking up of land, within our faid pro^ 
 vince, as formerly, by the conditions of plantation of our late father 
 CecUau, of noble memory, hath been accuftomed; but, for the encou- 
 ragement of any perfon, or perfons, adventurer or adventurers, or others, 
 inhabiting, refiding, or trading within this province, we do refolve, de- 
 termine and ordain, and hereby declare, publifh and make known, that 
 any perfon, or perfons, adventuring, trading, inhabiting, or refiding 
 within this our province, and- willing to take up any land here, fhal},. 
 for every fifty acres of land, he, or they fhall defign to take up, as afore- 
 faid, pay, or caufe to be paid, to us, or our heirs, the juil quantity of 
 one hundred pounds of tobacco, in calk, together with two fhiilings Her- 
 ling yearly rent; unlefspn the fea-board fide, or the Wborekills; for every 
 fifty acres whereof, any perfon, or perfons, taking up fuch land, fhali 
 only pay for the fame, as aforefaid, tie fum of fifty pounds of tobacco, in 
 cajk, together ivith one Jbillingfierling, yearly rent; and fo proportionably 
 for any greater, or leffer quantity; he, or they, firft applying themfclves- 
 to our fecretaries of this our province, or other officer, or officers, 
 thereunto appointed, and giving good and fufficient caution for the fume, 
 as to him, or them, fhall feern meet: hereby willing and requiring our 
 faid fecretaries, or other officer, or officers, as aforefaid, upon fuch cau- 
 tion, or fecurity, given, to ifl'ue out warrants under the lefler feal of this 
 province, for any quantity of land, to any perfon, or perfons, fuitor, or 
 fuirors, for the fame, in manner aforefaid: and, to the end that this our 
 will and pleafure may be made known, we do hereby firiclly charge and 
 command all and fingular the Sheriffs of this our province forthwith, upcrv 
 receipt hereof, to make public proclamation hereof, in the moft public 
 and convenient place, within their feveral and refpeclive counties. 
 
 " Given at our city of St. Mary's, under tie great ftal of ibis ctr- 
 province, the l$th. day of May t in the eighth year of our dominien, 
 &c, ,j$nnogue Domini one ihoufandfix hundred eighty and three* 
 " Vera Cofia, 
 
 " WILLIAM SMITIISON, 
 
 " Sher. co:::it. Dorcet. 
 
 To the Sberijf cf Dor defter county t . 
 or bit 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 267 
 
 his province, as would furnifli, from thence, a 1683. 
 good, open and fufficient communication to the ^^r>^ 
 ocean, as well as by the Delaware. The nature 
 and flate of the controverfy, about this time, be- 
 tween the two Proprietaries, on this fubjcft, more 
 fully appear from the following letter of William 
 Penn to the Lords of the committee of plantati- 
 ons, in London; to which board the Lord Balti* 
 more feems to have been beforehand with him, viz. 
 
 " Philadelplia, the l^th. of the Sixth-month, 1683. 
 
 " THOUGH it be a duty, I humbly own, to w. Pom* 
 inform the Lords of the committee of plantations, ^'Ss'rf 
 of what concerns his majefly's intereft in the fuc- plantation^ 
 cefs of this province, I thought myfelf equally &c * 
 obliged to be difcreet and cautious in doing it. 
 To write, then, there was need, and not to trou- 
 ble perfons, of their honor and bufinefs, with 
 things trivial, at leaft, raw and unfmifhed for their 
 view. This hitherto put me by giving any account 
 of the flate of our affairs, to fay nothing of the 
 mighty difficulties, I have laboured under, in the 
 fettlement of fix-and-twenty fail of people, to con- 
 tent, within the fpace of one year; which makes 
 my cafe fmgular, and excufable, above any other 
 of the King's plantations. 
 
 " But becaufe my agent has informed me tha 1 - 
 the Proprietor of Maryland has been early in his 
 account of our conference about fixing our bouads? 
 and made a narrative of my affairs, as well before, 
 as at that time, a little to my disadvantage, and 
 the rather, becaufe my filence might be interpreted 
 negled, I am necemtated to make fome defence 
 for myfelf; which, as it will not be hard to make, 
 fo I hope it will be received as juft. 
 
 " I humbly fay, then, firft, that it feemed to 
 me improper to trouble the Lords with my tran- 
 faclions with this Proprietor, till we were come to 
 fome refult; which we were not: for we parted 
 till fpring; and even then were but to meet nbo.ut 
 .the methods of our proceedings. 
 
268 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1683. " Next, This narrative was taken by the Lord's 
 v^v^ orders, without my confent, or knowledge, in a 
 w Perm's corner of a room by one of his own attendants. 
 
 letter to the 
 
 LO jsot ;i And, laftly, upon when notice was given of 
 plantations, this ufage? j complained to ^ he prom if e( ^ 
 
 upon his word and honor, it fhould go not far- 
 ther ; and that it was for his own fatisfadion he did 
 it; 1 told him that mitigated the thing a little; but 
 if he fhould divulge it before I faw and agreed to 
 the copy, he mufl pardon me, if I looked upon it 
 as a moil unfair pra&ice. What that Lord has 
 done, and what to call it, I leave to my betters ; 
 but the furprize and indigeflion of the whole will, 
 I hope excufe me of neglect, or difrefpeft: for 
 though I am unceremonious, I would, by no means, 
 acl: the rude, or undutiful. 
 
 " This faid, I humbly beg that I may give a 
 brief narrative of the matter, as it then pafled, 
 fince has been, and now (lands, without the weak- 
 nefs and tautology his relation makes me guilty 
 of. 
 
 Tinie of " ^ ^ oon as ^ an 'i ve d- which was on the 24th. 
 w. Penn's of October laft, I immediately difpatched two per- 
 &c. f ons to t h e I jOrc j. Baltimore, to afk of his health, 
 offer kind neighbourhood, and agree a time of 
 meeting the better to eftablifh it : While they were 
 gone of this errand, I went to New-Tor k, that I 
 might pay my duty to the Duke, in the vifit of 
 his government and colony. At my return, which 
 was towards the end of November, I found the 
 meflengers, whom I had fent to Maryland, newly 
 arrived, and the time fixed, being the i9th. of 
 December. I prepared myfelf in a few days for 
 that province. The nth. of the month I came 
 to weft river; where I met the Proprietor, atten- 
 ded fuitable to his character; who took the occa- 
 fion, by his civilities, to fhew me the greatnefs of 
 his power: The next day we had conference about 
 our bufmefs of the bounds, both at the fame table, 
 with our refpe&ive members of council. 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 269 
 
 " The firft thing I did was to prefent the King's 1683. 
 letter; which confuted of two parts : One, that the ^s~v~^j 
 Lord Baltimore had but two degrees; and the other, ,^; r p t ^* 
 that, beginning at Watkins's point, he fhould ad- Lords of 
 ineafure his faid degrees, at 60 miles to a degree. pfc 
 This being read by him, firft privately, then 
 publicly, he told me, the King was greatly mifta- 
 ken, and that he would not leave his patent, to 
 follow the King's letter, nor could a letter void 
 his patent; and by that he would (land. 
 
 " This was the fubftance of what he faid from 
 firft to laft, during the whole conference. To 
 this I anfwered, the King might be mifinformed 
 rather than miftaken, and that I was afraid the 
 iniftake would fall on his fide; for though his pa- 
 tent begins at Waikins's point and goes to the fortU 
 eth degree of north latitude, yet it prefumed that 
 to lye in the 38th. elfe Virginia would be wronged, 
 which mould extend to that degree; however this 
 I allured him, that when I petitioned the King for 
 five degrees north latitude and that petition was 
 referred to the Lords of the committee of planta- 
 tions; at that time, it was urged by fome prefent, 
 that the Lord Baltimore had but two degrees; 
 upon which the Lord Prefident, turning his head 
 to me, at whofe chair I flood, faid, Mr. Penn^ 
 will not three degrees fer^e your turn? I anfwered, 
 " / fubmlt both the what, and how, to the honour- 
 able board" 
 
 " To this his uncle, and chancellor, returned, 
 that to convince me his father's grant was not 
 by degrees, he had more of Virginia given him, 
 but being planted, and the grant intending only 
 land not planted, or poUe-fifed, but of favage na- 
 tives, he left it out, that it might not forfeit the 
 reft: Of which the Lord Baltimore takes no notice, 
 in his narrative, that I remember. But, by that 
 anfwer, he can pretend nothing to Delaware; 
 which was at, and before, the palling of that pa- 
 tent, 
 
2/o HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1683. tent, bought and planted by the Dutch; and fo 
 \^sv^J could not be given: But, if it were, it was for- 
 w. Perm's felted, for not reducing it, during twenty years, 
 j^^f Under the Englifo fovereignty; of which he held 
 plantations, it; but was at laft reduced by the King, and .there- 
 * c< fore his, to give as he pleafeth. 
 
 " Perceiving that my preilmg the King's letter 
 was uneafy, and that I had determined myfelf to 
 difpofe him with utmoft foftnefs to a good compli- 
 ance, I waved that of the two degrees, and preffed 
 the admeafurement only, the next part of the let- 
 ter: For though it were two degrees and a half 
 from Watkins's point to forty degrees, yet let it be 
 meafured at lixty miles to a degree, and I would 
 begin at forty degrees, fall as it would : My de- 
 fign was, that every degree being feventy miles, I 
 fliould get all that was over fixty, the proportion 
 intended the Lord Baltimore^ by the grant, and 
 computation of a degree, at that time of the 
 day: Thus he had enjoyed the full favour intend- 
 ed him, and I had gained a door of great impor- 
 tance to the peopling and improving of his majefty* s 
 province. 
 
 " But he this alfo rejected; I told him, it 'was 
 not the love, or need, cf the land, but the wafer; 
 that he abounded in what I wanted, and acClefs 
 and harbouring, even, to excefs ; that I would iiot 
 be thus importunate, 'but for the importance of 
 the thing, to fave a province; and becaufe there 
 was no proportion in the concern ; if I were an 
 hundred times more urgent and tenacious, the 
 -cafe would excufe it; becaufe the thing infifted on 
 was more than ninety-nine times more valuable to 
 me than to him.; to me the head, to him, the 
 tail. I added, that, if it were his, and he gave it 
 me, planting it would recompence the favours, not 
 -only by laying his country between two thriving 
 provinces, but the mips, that ccme yearly to Ma- 
 
 nd for tobacco, would have the bringing of 
 
 both 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 271 
 
 both our people and merchandize; becaufe they 1683. 
 can afford it cheaper; whereby Maryland would, v>*w^ 
 for one age or two be the mart of trade. But this w - Penn ' s - 
 alfo had no- other entertainment, but hopes that I Lords'of e 
 would not infill on thefe things at our next meet- piantato;-^ 
 ing; after three days time we parted; and I return- &c ' 
 ed to this province. 
 
 " When the fpring came I fent an exprefs to 
 pray the time and place, when and where I fhould 
 meet him, to effect the bufmefs, we adjourned to, 
 at that time. I followed clofe upon the meffenger, 
 that no time might be loft. But the expe&ation, 
 he twice had, of the Lord Culpepper's vifit, difap- 
 pointed any meeting on our affairs, till the month 
 called May; he then fent three gentlemen to let 
 me know, he would meet me at the head of the 
 bay of Chefapeak^ I was then in treaty with the 
 kings of the natives for land ; but three days after 
 we met ten miles from New-cqftle, which is thirty 
 from the bay. I invited him to the town, where 
 having entertained him, as well as the town could 
 afford, on fo little notice, and finding him only 
 defirous of fpeaking with me privately, I preffed 
 that we might, at our diftinct lodgings, fit feve- 
 rally with our councils., and treat by way of writ- 
 ten memorials; which would prevent the miftakes, . 
 or abufes, that may follow from ill defigns, or ill 
 memory; but he avoided it, faying, " He was not 
 well, and the weather fultry, and would return 
 with what fpeed he could, referring any other 
 treaty to another feafon." Thus we parted, at that 
 time. I had been before told by divers, that the 
 faid Baltimore had iffued forth a proclamation,* to * see the 
 invite people, by lower prices, and greater quan- neteinpagp 
 tities of land, to plant in the lower counties; in a65 ' &c * 
 which the Duke's goodnefs had interefled me, as 
 an infeparable benefit to this whole province. I 
 was not willing to believe it; and the being in 
 hafte a . I omitted to a(k him: Bvtf I had not been 
 
 long 
 
272 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1683. l n g returned before two letters came from two 
 
 ^~S~Y^J judges of two of the country courts., that fuch a 
 
 ktter^the P roc ^ ama ^ on was abroad, that the people too hear- 
 
 Lords of e ken to it, but yet prayed my directions. I bade 
 
 plantations, them keep their ground, and not fear, for the 
 
 King would be judge. Upon this I difpatched to 
 
 the Lord Baltimore three of my council, with the 
 
 clerk of it: As they went they got an authentic 
 
 copy, under the hand of one of his fheriffs, to 
 
 whom an original had been directed: But, as the 
 
 laft civility, I would yield him, I forbad them to 
 
 feem to believe any thing, but what they had from 
 
 his own mouth. Thus they delivered my letter. 
 
 " At ftrft, he denied any fuch proclamation, 
 turning to two gentlemen of his council, who 
 flood by, he afked them, if they remembered any 
 fuch thing? They alfo denied it. Upon which the 
 perfons, I fent, produced the attefted copy; which, 
 refrefhing their memories, they confefled there 
 was fuch a proclamation. 
 
 " But the Lord Baltimore told them, that it was 
 his ancient form, and he only did it to renew his 
 claim, not that he would encourage any to plant 
 there. They then prayed him to call it in, left any 
 trouble fhould enfue: but he refufed it. This 
 was during a civil treaty, without any demand 
 made, and after the place had been many years in 
 the quiet poffeflion of the Duke. What to call 
 this I {till humbly refer to my fuperiors. For his 
 pretenfions to thofe parts I have thoroughly inftruct- 
 ed my agent; who, I hope, will be able to detect 
 them of weaknefs and inconfiftency. This, is a 
 true, though brief, narrative of the entertainment, 
 I have had from that Lord, in the bufmefs be- 
 tween us. 
 
 " And becaufe I have, as in duty joined, fent 
 an agent extraordinary, to wait upon the King, and 
 his minifiers, in the affairs of this province (fo foon 
 as I could make any fettlement in it) I fhall only 
 
 humbly 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 273 
 
 humbly pray leave to hint at two or three things, 1683, 
 relating to the bufmefs depending between this lord ^^r^/ 
 and myfelf, about finding the fortieth degree of w - penn ' s 
 
 / . ', letter to die 
 
 north latitude. Lords of 
 
 I. " That I have common fame on my fide, 
 grounded upon ancient and conftant judges, that 
 the fortieth degree of north latitude lyeth about 
 Boles' s-ifle. This the Lord Baltimore himfelf, hath 
 not denied; and the country confefleth; and I fhall, 
 when required, prove by fome able matters of 
 fhips. 
 
 II. " If this were an error, it is grounded apon 
 fuch fkill and inftruments, as gave meafure to the 
 time, in which his patent was granted: and if he 
 hath got upon Virginia by that error, he fhould not 
 get upon me by an exa&er knowledge, confidering 
 that Carolina, which endeth by degrees, would as 
 much advance upon Virginia, if the reputed latitude 
 of unprejudiced times fhould take no place; for 
 by advancing her bounds twenty miles, by a new 
 inftrument, beyond the place; which hath been 
 generally taken for thirty- fix and an half degrees ; 
 and Virginia not being equally able to advance upon 
 Maryland^ becaufe of its being at a place certain, 
 fhe will be greatly narrowed between both. 
 
 III. " I, therefore, mod humbly pray, that the 
 judgment of ancient times, by which perfons at the 
 diftance of England from America, have governed 
 themfelves, may conclude that the lord's bounds, or, 
 that he may meafure his two degrees according to 
 the fcale and computations of thofe times, which 
 was fixty miles to a degree; or, if it be allowed, 
 that he had not his grant by degrees, that, at laft, 
 I might not lofe the benefit of admeafurement, as 
 before mentioned, from Wat kins' t -point ^ in whatever 
 degree of latitude that lhall be found, to the fortieth 
 degree of north latitude, which I humbly take the 
 more courage to prefs, becaufe a province lyeth at 
 flake, in the fuccefs of it. 
 
 [35] i 
 
274 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 " I have only humbly to add, that the province 
 hath a profpeft of an extraordinary improvement, 
 w. Penn's as we )] by divers forts of ftrangers, as E*WMi fub- 
 
 lettertothe . ^ , J . ~ r n- \ 
 
 L'ords of jetts ; mat, m all acts of juitice, we name and ve- 
 piantations, nerate the King's authority ; that I have followed 
 the Bilhop of London's counfel, by buying, and 
 not taking away the natives' land; with whom I 
 have fettled a very kind correfpondence. I return 
 my moft humble thanks for your former favors, in- 
 the pairing of my patent, and pray God reward 
 you. I am mcft ready to obey all your commands, 
 according to the obligations of them, and'befeech 
 you to take this province into your protection, un- 
 der his Majefty, and him, whom his goodnefs 
 hath made Governor of it, into your favours, 
 for that I am, with moft fincere devotion, 
 
 Noble Lords, 
 
 Tour thankful faithful, friend 
 and fervant ', to my power y 
 
 WILLIAM PENN, 
 
 The nature and flate of this controverfy, about 
 this time, further appear, by the following papers, 
 viz. 
 
 Lord Bal- " Charles Lord Baltimore, abfolute Lord and Pro- 
 conuSffion prietary of the province of Maryland and Ava- 
 to col. G. Ion, &c. 
 
 " To our dear coufm and counfellor, Colonel 
 George Talbot 9 Efquire. 
 
 (L. S.) 
 
 " REPOSING fpecial confidence in your wif- 
 dom and integrity, I hereby nominate and appoint 
 and impower you to repair forthwith to the SkuHdt 1 
 at Delaware; and, in my name, to demand of 
 William Penn> Efquire, or of his deputy, all that 
 part of the land, on the' weft fide of the faid river, 
 that lyeth to the fouthward of the fortieth degree, 
 northern latitude, according to an eaft line, run 
 out from two obfervations, the one taken the. loth. 
 
 of 
 
OF PENNSYLVANIA. .27 
 
 of June, 16^2, and the other, the 27th. of Septem- 1683. 
 ber, 1682, in obedience to his majefly's commands, 
 exprefled in a letter of the 2d. of April 1681; 
 which commands were, at that time, rejedecl by 
 the agents of the faid Pcnn (notwithftanding that 
 by feveral letters and writings under their hands 
 it may appear they promifed a compliance with his 
 majefcy's commands aforefaid) and for v/hich you 
 mail do herein, this mall be to you a fufficient 
 power. Given under my hand and teal, the 1701. 
 day of September, anno. 1683." 
 
 C. BALTIMORE, 
 
 ** Vcra.copla ailffta per me, 
 
 George Talbot." 
 
 " By virtue of his lordfhip's commiflion, whereof 
 the above is a true copy, I, Geofge Talbot, do, in 
 the name of the right honourable Charles Lord 
 Baltimore, abfolute Lord and Proprietary of Ma- 
 ryland and Avakny demand of you Nicholas Moore, 
 deputy to William Penn, Efquire, all the land lying 
 on the weft fide of Delaware river, and to the 
 fouthward of the fortieth degree of northerly lati- 
 tude, according to a line run eaft, from two obfer- 
 vations, the one taken the joth. of June, 1682, 
 and the other on the 27th, of September, 1682, 
 in obedience to his majefty's commands, exprefled 
 in a letter, the 2d. of April, 1681; which com*, 
 inands were at that time rejected by the faid VVilliatn. 
 Penrfs agents, notwithstanding that by feveral let- 
 ters and other writings, under their hands, it appears 
 that they promifed compliance to his majefly's com- 
 mands aforefaid. The land fo claimed by me for 
 the Lord Baltimore's ufe, being part of the faid 
 province of Maryland, granted to his lordfhip's 
 father by King Charles the firft, of facred memory, 
 .and now wrongfully detained by the faid VVilliajii 
 Penn 9 from his lordfhip. And, in witnefs, that 
 I make this demand, I have hereunto fet my hand 
 and feal, the 24th. day of September, 16-83." 
 
 < GEORGE TALBOT/' (L. S.; 
 
276 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1683. William Penn, being at New-Tork 9 at the time 
 \~s^r**j of this demand, after his return, made the folio w- 
 w. Penn at ing anfwer, viz. 
 
 New York 6 
 
 at this time. An anfwer to a demand, made to Nicholas Moore, 
 
 w. Penn's as m j deputy ', by Colonel George Talbot, the i^th. 
 
 anfwer to of September, 1683, in purfuance of a commiffion , 
 
 BahfmorVs f rom the Lord Baltimore, Proprietary gf Maryland 
 
 demand. and Avalon, dated the I jth. of the fame month. 
 
 " The demand being grounded upon the com- 
 
 miffion, I will take things in their order, and begin 
 
 with the commiffion. 
 
 " The Lord Baltimore doth commiflionate Colo- 
 nel Talbot to go to the weft fide of the Skulkil to 
 demand of William Penn, Efquire, or his deputy, 
 all that part of land on the weft fide of that river, 
 that lyeth to the fouth of the fortieth degree of 
 northerly latitude. 
 
 I. " I anfwer, it feems very flight, abrupt and 
 unprecedented for any perfon, that is in the quality 
 of a Proprietary of a country, to fend to another 
 in the fame circumftance, any extraordinary mef- 
 fenger, agent, or commiflioner, without fome let- 
 ter, or memorial, to ftate the demand, with the 
 reafons of it ; the practice of the greateft princes, 
 and might therefore (1 conceive) be the condefcen- 
 lion of lefler feigniories. 
 
 II. " In the next place, William Penn, Efquire, 
 and the faid Penn, (the language of the commiflion) 
 is not my American ftyle, nor that which belongs 
 to me, in the matter in queftion; for, as fuch, \ 
 keep no deputies. 
 
 III. " I live not on the weft fide of Skulkil, nor 
 any deputy of mine; and I conceive Colonel Talbot 
 could not, by that commiflion, come to the eaft 
 fide, to make his demand ; which yet he did. 
 
 IV. " I was abfent, and at New-Tor k, when 
 this commiflioner came ; and I never did, nor never 
 will, commiflion any deputy to treat and conclude 
 away my inheritance, without my particular di- 
 
. HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA." 277 
 
 re&ion and command; though, if I were to go for 1683. 
 England, I would not difown the laws, he fhould ^^r^j 
 make in my abfence, for public good, when I w - Penn '* 
 
 , , * aHfwer to 
 
 came back. th e Lord 
 
 V. Colonel Talbot is direaed, in the com- 
 million, to make the demand, according to a line, 
 faid to be run, in obedience to his majefty's com- 
 mand, in his letter of the 2d. of April, 1681; 
 but I fay, that no line is yet run, in obedience to 
 his majefty's command; for the letter exprefsly 
 faith, that the Lord Baltimore, or his agent, (hall, 
 together with my agent, agree to the latitude, and 
 then run the line, and bound the provinces accord- 
 ingly; which is not yet done: For thofe obferva- 
 tions, and the line run by them, are performed by 
 the Lord Baltimore., and his agents only, and there- 
 fore not according to his majefty's command, in 
 his letter of the 2d. of April, 1681, nor, in my opi- 
 nion, common equity; for I knew nothing of them. 
 
 VI. " To fay (as his commiflion doth) that my 
 commiffioners refufed to comply with the faid let- 
 ter, is hard for me to do; fince the chiefeft of 
 them brought it in my favour. But the truth is, 
 (if they fay true, and circumftances favour them) 
 the thing is improbable; for the Lord Baltimore 
 would have had them agreed to have taken an ob- 
 fervation upon the river Delaware, when as the 
 King's letter (ftating my bounds, as they are ex- 
 prefled in my patent) begins twelve miles above 
 New-caftle, upon the weft fide of Delaware river, 
 and fo to run to the 43d. degree of north lati- 
 tude, upon the faid river ; which makes it impofli- 
 ble, that the Lord Baltimore could come within 
 thofe limits to take an obiervation, or run a line, 
 in purfuance of his majefty's commands, in the 
 faid letter; fince taking an obfervation on Delaware 
 river (which, fay they, he prefled) is a plain viola- 
 tion of it. They further fay, that they never re- 
 fufedj but preffed the taking of an obfervation, 
 
 according 
 

 278 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA, 
 
 1683, according to his majefty's letter; which is grounded 
 \_-/~v^ on the bounds of my patent; and when the Lord 
 w. perm's Baltimore, and my agent had agreed to meet at 
 thcsTorJ New-cqftlc? and to proceed according to his ma- 
 jefty's letter, 'tis true that my agent came not, 
 and as true, faith he, that the reafon was the Lord 
 Baltimore called immediately at Chichefter, alias, 
 Marcus Hooks ^ as he went to New-caftle^ and for- 
 bad the inhabitants to pay me Quit-rent , and 
 named the place by a new name, before any line 
 was, run, or any obfervation agreed; which being 
 a declared breach of the King's commands, and 
 their treaty, in the opinion of my agent, he re- 
 fufed to meet the next day about a matter, the 
 Lord Baltimore had, in fuch a manner, already 
 determined. 
 
 VII. " But what fault foever they were in, 
 lure I am, that, before an obfervation was agreed, 
 or any line was run, I came in, and fuddenly after 
 waited upon the Lord Baltimore. I prefented him 
 with another letter from his majefty; which he 
 was fo far from complying with, that he looked 
 upon the King, as miflaken, and fet his patent in 
 direct oppofitio.n^ and to this day would never 
 hear of complying with it, in either of the two 
 points it related to ; that is to fay, his having but 
 two degrees, and that beginning them at Walkings 
 point, he mould admeafure them, at fixty miles to 
 a degree, to terminate the north bounds of his 
 province. Now, in my opinion, it was not pro- 
 per to ground his proceedings upon a former let- 
 ter, in neglect of a later advice and command 
 from his majefty: Nor doth it look very jufl to 
 make the caution, or neglecl of an agent, hi the 
 abfence of his principal, a reafon to proceed againfl 
 his principal, when prefent with other inftrudions, 
 without due regard had to him, or his allegations, 
 And I muft fay, that, at Nsw-cq/ile^ when I pref- 
 fed the Lord Baltimore to fit in one lioufe with his 
 
 Council^ 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 279 
 
 Council, and I would fit with mine in another, 1683* 
 that we might treat by written memorials under v-^vx^ 
 our hands, to prevent miftakes, ill memory, or 
 ill will, he refufed, alledging, he was not well 5 I the Lord 
 did then tell him, I would wave what force or ad- 
 vantage I thought I had by the fecond letter, and 
 proceed to meet him at the place he defired, which 
 was the head of Chefapeak bay, and there try to 
 find the fortieth degree of north latitude, provi- 
 ded he would firfl pleafe to fet me a gentlemanly 
 price; fo much per mile, in cafe I (hould have no 
 part of the bay by latitude ; that fo I might have 
 a back port to this province. This I writ, accor- 
 ding to his defire, and fent after him, to fell he 
 refufed, but flatted an exchange of part of that 
 bay for the lower counties, on the bay of Delaware. 
 This, I prefume, he knew I could not do; for his 
 Royal Hlghnefs had the one half; and I did not 
 prize the thing, I defired, at fuch a rate. Soon 
 after this meeting, I underftood that he had ilTued 
 forth a proclamation fome time before, to invite 
 people to plant thofe parts in ray pofieflion, under 
 his Royal Highnefs ; and that alfo before any de- 
 mand had been made, or our friendly treaty ended j 
 which I took fo ill, in right of his Royal Highnefs^ 
 and that which his goodnefs had made mine, that 
 I fent commiffioners (^firfl to know the truth of it 
 from his own mouth, before I would credit the 
 intelligence, I had received, and, if true} to com- 
 pkin of the breach of our friendly treaty, and 
 that it might be repaired 5 which he hath taken fo 
 ill (how defervediy let the whole world judge) 
 that he hath fent me letters of a very coarfe ftyie; 
 fuch, as indeed, could not be anfwered without 
 thofe terms, which unbecome men in our public 
 Nations; who, in the midft of all disagreements., 
 ought to manage themfelves v/ith coolnefs and 
 exact civility; and, if, in this, I have, at any 
 lime, been fhort, let me but know it, end I, that 
 think it a meannefe of fpirit to juftify an error, 
 
 wften 
 
280 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1683. when committed, am not too fliff to afk him par- 
 v-^vx^ don. Here I left him, expecting his news when 
 w. Penc's h e came to t h e head O f t h e k ay i n September, as 
 
 anfwer to T1 ,. ,~ i n i * ' 
 
 the Lord A thought he promiied me; but mitead of that, 
 an bf erva ti n is taken, a line run, and trees 
 marked, without my notice, and a demand mad^ 
 thereupon, and all grounded on his majefly's let- 
 ter of the 2d. of April 1681; in which I mufl 
 again fay, I find no fuch direction, which bring- 
 eth me to the demand itfelf. 
 
 VIII. " To the demand, viz. Of all that land 
 on Delaware river to the fouth of the fortieth de- 
 gree of north latitude, I have this to fay, that 'tis 
 very odd the demand mould be made feveral 
 months after the proclamation was put forth, to 
 encourage people to plant mofl of the parts de- 
 manded; but much more ftrange, that, after the 
 Lord Baltimore had declared under his hand, that 
 he did not by that intend to break our amicable 
 treaty, he fhould, without further provocation 
 given, proceed to demand thofe parts! Certainly, 
 this was not intended to continue our friendfhip; 
 nor did it look with common decency, that Colo- 
 nel Talbot fliould not think me worth leaving a 
 letter at my houfe, where he lodged, when he 
 went away, as well as the land worth fuch a de- 
 mand. But, indeed, his carriage all along mews, 
 he came to defie me, not treat me, like either a 
 neighbour, or gentleman. A fudden change amu- 
 fmg the King's people, under my charge, by 
 threats, or drawing them off their obedience, by 
 degrading mine; and invitations to the Lord Bal- 
 timore 9 s government. This I found at my return, 
 in his conduct (though not in his commiffion) as 
 ibme of the people do aver. 
 
 IX. " But, in the next place, the Lord Balti- 
 more hath no warrant to run his line to the river of 
 Delaware, neither by the King's letter, nor his own 
 patent, if he perufeth them well, where he will 
 find the bay, but not the river, of Delaware. 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 281 
 
 X. " The land demanded is not a part of the 1683. 
 province of Maryland, as is expreffed in the de- \^v**j 
 rnand; for it is in the jurifdi&ion of Delaware ', w. Penn's 
 (alias, Newcqftle) which is by feveral acts of the anlwer to 
 Affembly of Maryland, diftinguiflied and difowned wtoS^i 
 from being any part of that province. demand. 
 
 XL " The Lord Baltimore hath no land given 
 him by patent, but what was unplanted of any 
 but flivage nations ; and this weft fide of the river 
 Delaware, before, and at, the parting of his pa- 
 tent, was actually bought and pofTefTed by a civil 
 and chriflian people, in amity with the crown of 
 England; and by the treaty of peace in 1653, De - 
 tween the Englijh and Dutcb^ it was part of one 
 article of the treaty, that the Dutch mould enjoy 
 thofe territories, in America, of which this was a 
 member; and we do know, foreign actions of 
 that time and kind continued firm after his majefly's 
 reftoration; for Jamaica (till remains to us; and 
 Dunkirk itfelf was not rendered, but fold. To be 
 fhort, I conceive, it is more for the Lord Balti- 
 more's honour and fafety, that it fhould be fo, as 
 I fay, than otherwiie: For, if he elaimeth what 
 was pofTefled of the Dutch, on Delaware river, 
 fouth of the fortieth degree of north latitude, as 
 what was lawfully under the Engli/h fovereignty, 
 how cometh he to fuffer part of his province to re- 
 main under a flrange and foreign fovereignty to 
 that, under which he held his claim? 
 
 XII. " But, if the Lord Baltimore had a juft 
 pretence to this river, and former poileflion too, 
 which he never had, yet being by the Dutch taken, 
 and by the King taken from the Dutch, it becomes 
 the conqueror's: For, it is known, that, if any 
 of our Englifh merchants mips be taken, and pot 
 feffed but twenty-four hours, by an enemy, if re- 
 taken by the crown, they are prize ; and this place 
 was more than twenty-four years in the hands of 
 
 the 
 
282 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA, 
 
 1683. ^ e iW*rf* This made his Royal Highnefs take 
 
 ^^,^^f out frefh patents, upon the opinion of Council 
 
 w. Penn's (fmce the lad conqueft) for his territories, in 
 
 thrTorcT America. Nor is the Lord Baltimore in the condi- 
 
 Bahimore's tion of an ordinary fubjec~t; (in whofe favour 
 
 demand. f ome thing might be alledged) for he hath regalia, 
 
 principality, though fubordinate to the King, as 
 
 his ftyle mews; and I conceive he is bound to 
 
 keep his own dominions, or elfe lofe them; and if 
 
 loft to a foreigner, and taken by the fovereign, 
 
 the fovereign hath the right; another conqueror 
 
 could plead. This is the prefent jus gentium, and 
 
 law of nations; which in foreign acquefts pre- 
 
 vaileth ; and the King, accordingly has granted it, 
 
 under his great feal of England, to his Royal High- 
 
 nefs. And, if there were no truth in this, but 
 
 the Lord Baltimore's patent were title good enough 
 
 for what was actually another's before, and which 
 
 he never enjoyed fince, Connecticut colony might 
 
 put in for New-York, as reafonably as the Lord 
 
 Baltimore can for Delaware, their patent having 
 
 that part of the Dutch territories within its bounds, 
 
 on the fame miftake.f 
 
 XIII. " I mall conclude with this, that the 
 King, by articles of peace, between him and the 
 dates of Holland, is the allowed owner of all that 
 territory, in America, once called New Netherland; 
 of which this is a part. He hath been gracioufly 
 pleafed to grant it by two patents, and this, in 
 controverfy, by one, under the great feal of En- 
 gland, to his dearefl brother, James, Duke of 
 York and Albany, &c. And his Royal Highnefs, 
 
 out 
 
 * In the original is the following note in the margin, viz. 
 
 " And not demanded of them; and the Swedes and Flns y that 
 fettled on Chriileen-ereek ; which is about four miles from New Cajlle t 
 and where they have been about 'years, never heard of a demand, 
 that was ever made to them, by the lurd Baltimore's father, nor him- 
 fclf; as the old men among them do declare." 
 
 f (Note in the margin.) " Which is yet out of difpute from the lord 
 Baltimore's own patent, that faith, Neto England begins where he ceafeth; 
 which being at 40 degrees, north latitude, it follows that New Tort, and 
 part of Eaft and Weft Jcrfey and Per.afylvania will fall to New England? 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 out of his princely goodnefs, and fingular regard, 
 
 he was pleafed to have, to the fervices and lofles 
 
 of my deceafed father, hath interefted me in part 
 
 of the fame; fo that he is lord, (and I am tenant) 
 
 of him I hold, and to him I pay my rent; and Baltimore's 
 
 for him I improve, as well as myfelf; and, there- d< 
 
 fore, I muft take leave to refer the Lord Baltimore 
 
 to his Royal Highnefs ; who is a prince, doubtlefs, 
 
 of too much honour, to keep any man's right, 
 
 and of too great refolution, to deliver up his own; 
 
 whofe example I am refolved to follow." 
 
 " Philadelphia, 4th. -of Odober, 1683." 
 
 Such appears to have been the ftate of this con- 
 trovcrfy, at this time. The year 1684 commenced 1684. 
 with an incurfion of a party of people from Mary- incurfion 
 land, making forceable entry on fever al plantati- 
 ons in the lower counties : upon which the Gover- 
 nor and Council, at Philadelphia, fent a copy of 
 the preceding aniwer to the Lord Baltimore's de- 
 mand, with orders to William Welch, to ufe his 
 influence, for reinftating the perfons, who had 
 been difporTeiTed; and, in cafe mild meafures would 
 not do, he was directed legally to profecute the 
 invaders: but the former method appears, at pre- 
 fent, to have anfwered the intention; for no more 
 of this kind of conduct was heard of till the next 
 month; when fome of the inhabitants were afrefh 
 threatened with the fame outrages, in cafe of their 
 relufal to be under the Lord Baltimore. The go- 
 vernment iflued a declaration, mewing William 
 Perm's title, and fuch other requifites as were 
 thought mod likely to prevent fuch illegal pro- 
 ceedings in future.* 
 
 It 
 
 * Tn this month the Council received a letter from Samuel Sands, pur- 
 porting: " That col. George Talbot, with three mufqueteers, went to the 
 houies of the widow Og/e, Jonas Erftin, and Andreas Tittle, telling them, 
 that if they would not forthwith yield obedience to the lord Baltimore, 
 and own him to be their proprietor, and pay rent to him, he would turn 
 4hem out of their houfes, and take their land frgm them," &c. 
 
284 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1684. It is likewife obfervable, about this time, that 
 
 \^^^^j the methods then ufed, and the law, which had 
 
 The indi- been made, to prevent ftrono- liquors from beine 
 
 ansftiligetr ,, , ' r ,. r c 9, r . . 
 
 ft ronty u7 lold to the Indians , did not fully anfwer the mten- 
 ^uors^from tion; for thefe people, notwithstanding, through 
 fettled, &c! ^ ome me an and unprincipled perfons among the 
 European fettlers, in a clandestine manner, (till 
 procured them. The Governor, therefore, fee- 
 ing the great difficulty, if not the abfolute impofli- 
 bility, of debarring them from thefe liquors, cal- 
 led a number of them together, and propofed, 
 that, on condition they would be content to be 
 punifhed, as the Englijh were, in confequence of 
 drunkennefs, they ihould not be hindered from 
 the ufe of them? This they readily agreed to; and 
 would, probably, have been willing to endure 
 much greater punifhment, on thefe terms ; fo great 
 is their love of ftrong liquors! The befl methods, 
 that prudence could dictate, had been ufed, as it 
 " was thought, and much advice given them to in- 
 culcate an abhorrence of the vice of drunkennefs, 
 13 ^ too generally without that effect, which was 
 liquors. defired; their appetite having fo much the preva- 
 lency over their reafon, and their fenfual defires, 
 above their better understanding, that, while they 
 faw and acknowledged the means ufed for their 
 real intereft, in this affair, to be good, they lived 
 in the continued violation of them! 
 
 CHAPTER 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA, 285 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 The Proprietary obliged to return to England. 
 Commlfflonates the Provincial Council to aft in his 
 abfence, sV. His commifflon to the Judges, &>V. 
 William Penrfs valedictory letter to his friends in 
 Pennfylvaniafrom on board thejhip, at his depar- 
 ture* Qld/mxcn's account. Thomas Langhorne. 
 Death of Charles the lid. and fuccejjion of *James 
 the lid. to the crown of England, ivith William 
 Perm's interejl and fervice at court. Extract of 
 a letter from the Proprietary on thefubjecJ, SsV. 
 Names of the members of Affembly in 1685. 
 The difpute between William Penn and Lord Bal- 
 timore, refpecling the boundary of the territories 
 decided, &c, Boundary lines between the coun- 
 ties of the province afcertained. Proceedings of the 
 AJfembly againjl N. Moore, J. Bridges and P. 
 Robinfon. Letter of the Proprietary to the ma- 
 glftrates, refpefting fome abufes. AJJ*embly*s let' 
 ter to the Proprietary refpefting N. Moore, &c. 
 William Penn in Holland and Germany. Extracts 
 from his letters. The province needs his prefence. 
 Means ufed to inftrufl the Indians, and to reftrain 
 them from ftrong liquors^ ?5ff. 
 
 W ILL! AM PENN continued in Pennfyhania 1 684. 
 and fometimes in the adjacent province of New- 
 Jerfey, and other neighbouring places, till the 
 beginning of the fummer, this year, fettling and 
 eftablifhing the government, and aflifting his 
 friends, the Quakers, in regulating the affairs and 
 
 ceconomy 
 
286 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA, 
 
 1684. ceconomy of their religious fociety, in thefe parts; 
 
 v^v^ where, mod: probably, he would have refided much 
 
 longer, had not the difpute, between him and the 
 
 w. Penn Lord Baltimore, before mentioned, and other im- 
 
 tor^rato P ortant affairs, called him home, to England; 
 
 England, where his enemies, taking the advantage of his 
 
 abfence, threw his affairs there into a critical fitua- 
 
 tion, and rendered his prefence abiblutely necefiary y 
 
 in that nation. 
 
 Upon this he figned a commlfjlon, empowering 
 w. Penn the Provincial Council, to aft, in the government 
 commif- in his ftead ; of which Thomas Lloyd was prefident ; 
 C WDO a ^ na d a ccmmiffion to keep the great feal.* 
 'Nicholas Moore, William Welch, William Wood, RG- 
 :it, & c . fa rt cf urner anc j y G } jn Eckley W ere commiffioned to 
 
 be Provincial Judges, for two years; their com- 
 miffion was in thefe words, viz. 
 
 otamifir- " William Penn, Proprietary and Governor of the 
 to the Province of Pennsylvania, and territories there- 
 
 71' 
 
 unto belonging^ 
 
 " To my trufty and loving friends, Nicholas 
 Moore, William Welch, William Wood, Robert Tur- 
 ner and yohn Eckley, greeting: 
 
 " Repofmg 
 
 Note* 3d. mo. 1684, the Names of the Members of AfTembly, were: 
 
 for Philadelphia. For 'defer. For Bucks. 
 
 Nicholas Moore, Speaker, Jofhua Raftings, William Beakes, 
 
 John Songhurft, Robert Wade, John Cl<>wes, 
 
 Tfancis Fincher, John Blunfton, Richard Hough, 
 
 Lacy Cock, George Maris, John Otter, 
 
 jofeph Growden, Thomas Ufher, Edmond Bonnet, 
 
 John Hart. Henry Maddock. 
 
 For Sujfix. For Neiu-CaJlle. For Kent. 
 
 John Roads, James Williams, John Briggs, 
 
 Henry Bowman, John Darby, John Glover, 
 
 Hercules Shepherd, William Grant, Jhn Curtis, 
 
 Samuel Gray, Gafparus Herman, William Sherwood, 
 
 William Emmet, Abraham Man, James Wells, 
 
 Henry Stretcher. John White. William Berry. 
 
 * Ca!>:l Pnfc'v, who was long of the Council, and one of the fir It fet- 
 tiers, in his memoirs of the firil fettlement cf Petwfyhania, in manufcript, 
 fays, " It may not be amifs aifo to mention, that when the Governor 
 left us, the firft time, in the year 1684, he left his power of govern- 
 ment in the hands of live Cemmiffionera, of whom our worthy friend, 
 Thomas LtoyJ, was prefideat; who afterwards v/as fcvcral years, Deputy 
 Governor," &c. M. S. 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA* 287 
 
 '" Repofmg fpecial confidence in your juftice, 1684. 
 vvifdom and integrity, I do, by virtue of the King's v^v^^ 
 authority, derived unto me, conilitute you, Pro- 
 vincial Judges, for the province and territories, 
 and any legal number of you, a provincial court 
 of judicature, both fixt and circular, as is by law 
 directed ; giving you, and every of you, full power 
 to act therein according to the lame, ftrictly charg- 
 ing you, and every of you, to do juflice to all, 
 and of all degrees, without delay, fear, or re- 
 ward; and I do hereby require all perfons within 
 the province and territories aforefaid, to give you 
 due obedience and refpect, belonging to your 
 ftation, in the difcharge of your duties: Thiscom- 
 raiffion to be in force during two years, enfuing 
 the date hereof; you, and every of you, behaving 
 yourfelves well therein, and acting according to 
 the fame. 
 
 " Given at Philadelphia, the 4th. of the Sixth 
 month 1684, being the thirty -jixth year of 
 the Kings reign , and the fourth of my go- 
 
 " WILLIAM PENN." 
 
 Thomas Lloyd., James Claypoole* and Robert Tur- Other offi _ 
 ner were empowered to fign patents, and grant cers ap- 
 warrants for lands; and William Clark had a gene- r ointed > 
 ral commifiion, to be juilice of the peace through- 
 out the province and territories. Other Tuftices ~. -, 
 
 . . i-V r T ii i r I i The Pro- 
 
 being hkewiie appointed, and all things icttled in primary 
 a promifing and profperous condition, the Proprie- lails for 
 tery, on the isth. of the Sixth month, 1684, ngan 
 failed for England.^ 
 
 But, 
 
 * James Claypoole had been a merchant in London. 
 
 7 Qldmixon, mentioned in the notes, page 344, fays, 
 " This friendfliip and civility of the Psnnfyl'oanian Indians are im- 
 puted to Mr. Pean y the Proprietor's extreme humanity and bounty to 
 them; he having laid out fome thoufknds of pounds, to inftrucl, fupport 
 and oblige them. There are ten Indian nations within the limits of his 
 province; and the number of fouls of theJfe barbarians is computed to 
 about 6oco. The number of the inhabitants of S-wedifb^ or Dutcby ex> 
 traction, may he about 3000 fouls." v Having made a league of amity 
 v/ith nineteen India, r. -li:.?-, b^:weon theoi and dl the Engli/b in 
 
288 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 But prior to his entirely leaving the country, he 
 writ from on board the fhip, in which he failed, 
 ^ le f^ owm g mo ^ affe&kmate farewell, to be com* 
 board the municated to thofe, whom he left behind; which, 
 ai Pr &c. as a memorial of the father of this country, among 
 many others, may, in part, fhew to pofterity, his 
 real concern for the true happinefs of the people, 
 both in their temporal and fpiritual capacity, and 
 the profperity of the country in every refpecl:, viz. 
 
 " For Tho. Lloyd, J. Claypook, J. Simcock, Ch. Tay- 
 lor and y, Harrifon, to be communicated in 
 meetings in Pennfyhania, &c. among friends :. 
 
 " Dear Friends, 
 
 His vale- " MY love and my life is to you, and with you; 
 didtory let- and no water can quench it, nor diftance wear it 
 out, or, bring it to an end: I have been with 
 you, cared over you, and ferved you with unfeign- 
 ed love; and you are beloved of me, and near to 
 me, beyond utterance. I blefs you, in the name 
 and power of the Lord; and my God blefs you 
 with his righteoufnefs, peace and plenty, all the 
 land over. Oh, that you would eye him, in all, 
 through all, and above all the works of your 
 hands; and let it be your firft care, how you may 
 glorify God in your undertakings : for to a blei- 
 fed end are you brought hither; and if you fee 
 and keep but in the fenfe of that Providence, your 
 coming, (laying and improving will be fanctiried; 
 $/* but if any forget God, and call not upon his name, 
 in truth, he will pour out his plagues upon them; 
 and they Jhall know who it is, that judgetb the chil- 
 dren of men. 
 
 " Oh, now you are come to a quiet land, pro- 
 voke not the Lord to trouble it : And now liberty 
 
 and 
 
 rlcai having eftablifhed good laws, and feen his capital fo well inhabited, 
 that there were then near '300 houfes, and 2500 (ouls in it, betides twenty 
 other townfhips, he returned to England, leaving William Markham, 
 Efquire, Secretary, Mr. T&omas Hvlme, Surveyor-General; and the ad- 
 min iftration in the hands of the Council, whofe prefident was Thomas 
 Lloyd, Efquire, who, by virtue of his office, held the government fe- 
 veral years," &c. 
 
 OLDMIXON. 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 289 
 
 and authority are with you, and in your hands, let 1684. 
 the government be upon his fhoulders, in all your v^v^> 
 fpirits; that you may rule for him, under whom w. PemVs 
 
 7 . r i J MI valedidory 
 
 the princes or this world will, one day, eiteem it letter . 
 their honor to govern and ferve, in their places. 
 I cannot but fay, when thefe things come mightily 
 upon my mind, as the Apoftles did, of old, 
 " What manner of perfons ought we to be, in all 
 godly conversation!" Truly, the name and honour 
 of the Lord are deeply concerned in you, as to 
 the difcharge of yourfelves, in your prefent ftati- 
 ons; many eyes being upon you; and remember, 
 that, as we have been belied about difowning the 
 true religion, fo, of all government, to behold us 
 exemplary and chriftian, in the ufe of that, will 
 not only flop our enemies, but minifter conviclion 
 to many, on that account, prejudiced. Oh, that 
 you may fee and know that fervice, and do it, for 
 the Lord, in this your day: 
 
 " And, thou, Philadelphia, the virgin fettle- 
 ment of this province, named before thou wert 
 born, what love, what care, what fervice, and 
 what travail has there been, to bring thee forth, 
 and preferve thee from fuch as would abufe and 
 defile thee ! 
 
 " Oh, that thou mayft be kept from the evil, 
 that would overwhelm thee; that, faithful to the 
 God of thy mercies, in the life of righteoufnefs, 
 thou mayfl be preferved to the end: My foul 
 prays to God for thee, that thou mayft ftand in 
 the day of tryal, that thy children may be blefTed dei p hia,&. 
 of the Lord, and thy people faved by his pow- 
 er; my love to thee has been great, and the re- 
 [37] membrance 
 
 Note, In the year 1684, among other friends and fettlers, from Wejl- 
 moreland, Thomas Langhorne arrived in Pennfyhania^ and fettled in Bucks 
 county, about Middletoivn; where then dwelt Nicholas Walne and others. 
 He was an eminent preacher among the Quakers; and of whom there i* 
 a very excellent and extraordinary character, in M. S. from Friends at 
 Kendal in W 'ejimor -eland ', by way of certificate, on his removal to thi 
 
 country. He died a few years after his arrival. His fop, Jcrsmiat 
 
 was afterwards Chief Juftice of tjhe province. 
 
290 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1684. membrance of thee affe&s mine heart and mine 
 eye! the God of eternal ftrength keep and pre- 
 
 w penn's ferve thee, to his glory an d tn Y peace. 
 
 valedidory ; J . 
 
 inter. " So, dear mends, my love again falutes you 
 
 all, wifhing that grace, mercy and peace, with all 
 temporal bleflings, may abound richly among 
 you; fo fays, fo prays, your friend and lover in 
 the truth, 
 
 " WILLIAM PENN, 
 
 ** From on board tie Ketch Endea-"} 
 vour, the Sixth month, 1684." j 
 
 Death of ^ n England, on the fixth of the Twelfth month 
 
 K. Charles this year (1684) died King Charles the fecondj 
 
 the fecond, and was f uccee d e d by his brother, James, Duke 
 
 of Tork, a profefled Papift.* The people were 
 
 there- 
 
 * The Proprietary in a letter to Thomas Lloyd, Prefident of the Coun- 
 cil, dated, " London the 1 6th. of the Firft month, 1684-5," writes 
 thus on this affair, viz. 
 
 - " The King is dead; and the Duke fucceeds peaceably, lie 
 was well on the Firft-day night, being the firft of February (fo called;) 
 about eight next morning, as he fat down to (have, his head twitch- 
 ed both ways, or fides; and he gave a fhnek, and fell as dead; 
 and fo remained fome hours; they opportunely blooded and cupped him, 
 and plied his head with red-hot frying- fz-;s: He returned, and continu- 
 ed till Sixth-day noon; but moftly in great tortures. He feemed very 
 penitent, aiking pardon of all, even the poorefi fubjecT: he had wronged; 
 prayed for pardon, and to be delivered out of the world; The Duke ap- 
 pearing mighty humble and forrowful; 'twas a lofs, with his gain : 
 He was an able man for a divided and troubled kingdom. The prefent: 
 K:ng was proclaimed about three o'clock that day; a proclamation fo!-- 
 lowed, with the King's fpeeth, to maintain the church and ftate, as efta- 
 blifhed; to keep property and ufe clemency. Tonnage and poundage, 
 with the excife, are revived, de bsne ejje, till the parliament meet. One is 
 BOW chufing; The people of Wejlmlnjter juft gone by, to chule. It 
 fits the I pth. of the third month next. In Scotland, one next month. 
 Severities continue ftill; but fome eafe to us faintly promifed. Be care- 
 ful that no indecent fpeeches pafs againtt tbe government; for the King 
 going, with his Queen, publickly to Mafs, in WMttha^ gives occafion. 
 He declared he concealed himfelf, to obey his brother, and that now he 
 would be above board; which we like the better, OH many accounts. 
 I was with him and told him fo; but withall, hoped IV e fhould come 
 in for a fhare; He fmilrd, and (aid, he defired not that peaceable people 
 fhould be difturbed for their religion : And till his coronation, the 23d. 
 when he and his confort are together, to be crowned, no hopes of re- 
 leafe; and till the Parliament no hopes of any fixt liberty. My bufinefs, 
 I would hope, is better. 1 he late King, the p.ipifts will h.,ve, died a 
 Roman Catholic; for he refufed (after his ufual way of evading uueafy 
 things, with unpreparednefa firft. and then weaknefs) the church of 
 England's communion. Bifhop Ken, of Wells, preffing him, that it 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 291 
 
 thereupon filled with great apprehenfions and 1684. 
 fears, left, according to the ufual practice of ^-^v>w> 
 thofe religious devotees, who would compel all 
 people under their power, to their own mode of 
 religion, as in the pcrfecuting days of Queen 
 Mary, he mould endeavour, by the ruin of the 
 
 Proteftant, 
 
 would be to his comfort, and that of his people, to fee he died of that 
 religion, he had made profeflion of living; but it would not do: and 
 once all but the duke, Earl of Bath, and Lord Fe-verjham, were turned 
 out, and one Huddlcfione, a Romijk Pr'u-Jl, was feen about that time, near 
 thj chamber. This is mo ft ol our news. The popiih lord* and gentry 
 go to Whitehall, to mafs, daily; and the Toiver, (or Royal Chapel} is 
 crammed (by vying) with the proteflant lords and gentry :- The Jare 
 King's children, even, by the Dutchefs of Porifmouth, go th'ther. Our 
 K ; ng (lands more upon his terms, than the other, with France; ami tho* 
 he has not his brother's abilities, he has great difcipline and induftry. 
 Alas! the world is running over to you; and great quantities together is 
 to put the fale of lands out of my owa hands, after I have fpent what 
 I got by my own, on the public fervice: for I am .3,000 worfe in my 
 eflate, than at finl; I can lay it before the Lord; I have only the com- 
 fort of having approved myfelf a faithful fteward, to my underftanding, 
 and ability; and yet, 1 hope, my children ft nil receive it, in the love ofyours t 
 li'bfn "we are gone.** 
 
 The relb of this letter confifcs principally of falutations to the people, 
 in genera], both of Pennsylvania and New Jerfey, and alfo to divers par- 
 ticulars, by name; with ibme initrudions cr dire<5lioas of a more private 
 nature; but as the names of fuch families as the Proprietary expreffed 
 this particular refpcct t - , may, at this time, be acceptable to fome, now 
 to fee, they here follow, as tranfcribed from his own hand, omitcing the 
 reil, viz. 
 
 " Dearly falute me to dear friends, in their meetings, and par- 
 ticularly to dear John Simcock, Chriftopher Taylor, J. Harrifon, J. 
 Claypoole, T. Janny, William Yardley, Thomas Brafby, William Wood, 
 Thomas Ellis, J. Songhurfl:, John Moon, J. Blunfton, Jofeph Growden, 
 J. Head, G. Jones, G. P> inter, H. Lewis, T. Howeil, J. B. and the 
 reft of the Weifh Friends; Captain Owen, &c. -Thomas Fitzwater, 
 James Barnes, B. Wilcocks, J. Goodfon, Thomas Bowman, Widow Fin- 
 cher, W Salloway, J. Alloway, R. Wade, R. Turner, Samuel Carpen- 
 ter, J. Southern, William Clark, with their families and all friends on 
 our lide, and the other too (-viz. JerfeyJ particularly, J. Gofling, Anne 
 Jennings, S. Budd, W, Biddle, S. Co< per, R. Staty and Mahion, T. 
 Lambert, and widow Welfli. Dr. Moore, J. C. A. Man, P. Aldricks, 
 W. Gueft, J. White, W. Durvall. Salute me to the Swedes, Captain 
 Cock, old Peter Cock, and Rambo, and their fons, the Swanfons, Andrew 
 Binkfon, P. Yoakum and the reft of them : Their ambafladour here dined 
 with me the other day." &c. 
 
 " Keep up the people's hearts and love," &c. " I hope to be with them 
 next fall, if the Lord prevent not; I long to be with you; No temp- 
 tations prevail to fix me here; the Lord fend us a good meeting, 
 Amen.' &c. 
 
 Note, By a warrant to Prefident L'.oyd and the Counci), dated at 
 London, the 1 8th. of the Firft-month, 1684-5, William Penn authorised 
 them to commifiion his coufin, William Markbam, to befecretary of the 
 province and territories, and his fecretary, as proprietary. 
 
292 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1684. Proteftant, to eftablifh the Popijh, power and hierar- 
 v^v->^ chy, in the nation. So that had the Proprietary 
 Unfettied- o f Pennfyfoama, at this time, fomented the gene- 
 
 net's in Eng- , JJ r r . , . , o 
 
 land, &c. ral uneaiinefs, by encouraging multitudes, then 
 
 upon the wing, he, mod probably might, as him- 
 
 * Sce his felf faid, " Have put many more thousands of peo- 
 
 Poppic^&c! X 6 ' into ^ /J province^ as well as pounds into his poc- 
 
 here-ufter. ket than he did"* 
 
 w. PemTs But tne a ^ ons of William Penn appear to have 
 difmtereft- had more noble and generous motives, than thofe 
 inEngia^' of private intereft, or, of a party only; and from 
 &c. ' that friendfhip and intimacy, which he had had with 
 the King, while Duke of Tork, he now employed 
 his interefl with him, not only for the relief of 
 his fuffering friends, the Quakers (who then had 
 long filled the jails through the nation, on account 
 of their religion) but alfo for the benefit of fuch 
 other perfons, as were in diftrefs or difficulty, 
 without diftindlion of feel: or party: befides what 
 might be proper, in his private and friendly capa- 
 city and communication, in advifmg the King 
 both for his own real interefl, and the good of the 
 nation in general, however difregarded, or ne- 
 glected, by him, through a different conducl. 
 
 For his more convenient attendance, therefore, 
 at court, and for the eafier performance of thefe 
 afts of humanity, friendfhip, charity, and gene- 
 
 ral 
 
 In the Third month, 1685, Thomas Lloyd being Prefident of the 
 Council, the names of the members of Affembly were: 
 
 For Philadelphia. For Bucks. For Chefler. 
 
 Nicholas Moore, William Beaks, Jhn Blunfton, 
 
 Jofeph Growden,* Gilbert Wheeler, George Maris, 
 
 Barnaby Wilcox, Henry Baker, John Harding, * 
 
 Lawrence Cock, William Dark, Thomas Ufher, 
 
 Gunner Rambo, James Dihvorth, Francis Stanfield, 
 
 Thomas Pafchall. Henry Paxon. Jofhua Perne. 
 
 For New Co/Me. For Kent. For Su/ex. 
 
 John White, Speaker, John Bridges, Henry Smith, 
 
 Gafparus Herman, Jhn Curtis, William Carter, 
 
 Hendrick Williams, Daniel Jones, Robert Clifton, 
 
 Abraham Man, Peter Groningdyke, John Hill, 
 
 Edward Ovyen, junior, William Berry, Samuel Gray, 
 
 John Darby. John Brinkloe, Richard Law. 
 
 * Joieph Growden came from Trevofe in Cornwall. 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 293 
 
 ral fervice to his country, as well as his own pri- 1685. 
 vate concerns, in the year 1685, he fixed his refi- <^s~\r^S 
 dence near Kenfmgtcn; all which gave occafion to nerefides 
 the ignorant, the fufpicious, and his malicious near Kenf * 
 enemies, to impute to him things, in which ne in s ton > &c - 
 was no way concerned, as a promoter of them; 
 and, from that enmity, which many had igno- 
 rantly conceived againft the religious profeflion of 
 the people called Quakers^ and agflinll him, on 
 that account, to load him with many lies and re- 
 proaches, as may be feen in his printed life and 
 works. 
 
 The Lord Baltimore's agent had, in the year Thedifpute 
 1683, petitioned King Charles the fecond, that no be tween 
 frefh grant of the land, in the territories of Penn- an a Lo"d 
 Jylvania might pafs in favour of William Penn, till Baltimore, 
 the faid Lord was heard, on his pretenfion of right thlfiowef 
 thereto ; which petition was referred to the Lords ounties 
 of the committee of trade and plantations: thefe decided * 
 after many attendances and divers hearings of both 
 parties, made their report to King James the fecond; 
 who, in November, 1685, by an order of Coun- 
 cil, determined the affair between them; by or- 
 dering a divifion to be made of all that traft of dTries^" 
 land between Delaware and Chef apeak bay, from termined. 
 the latitude of cape Hinlopen, to the fouth boun- 
 dary of Pennfyhania^ into two equal parts; of 
 which that fhare on Delaware was afligned to the 
 King; and that on Che/apeak, to the Lord Bal- 
 timore.* 
 
 This 
 
 * The purport of this order of Council was as follows, viz. 
 " At a Court at Whitehall, this l$tb. day of November, 1685. 
 " Prefent, The King," &c. 
 
 4c THE following report from the right honorable, the Lords of the 
 committee for trade and foreign plantations, being this day. read at the 
 board, &c. The fubftance of the faid Lords' report we find, that the 
 faid lands intended to be granted by the Lord Baltimore's patent, were 
 only cultivated, afid inhabited by favages; and that the part then in 
 difpute, was inhabited and planted by Chriftians at, and before, the date 
 of the Lord Baltimore** patent, as it had been ever fince, to that time, 
 acd continued as a diftinft colony from that of Maryland-, fo that the 
 
294 
 
 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1685. This divifion was, by the King, in Council, 
 \^v-^J ordered immediately to be made; but its execution 
 But delay- being many years delayed, Queen Ann was twice 
 ri&o &* petitioned for a further hearing; which being ob- 
 tained, the firil order of council, of 1685, was > 
 by the Queen, ratified and confirmed, in all its 
 parts, and commanded to be put in execution, 
 without further delay. 
 
 The boun- I n confequcfice hereof this territory, which be- 
 <kry lines, fore had been divided by William Penn, into the 
 three counties of New-Cqftt, Kent and Sujfex, 
 became bounded on the eaft, by the river and bay 
 of Delaware, and partly by the ocean; on the 
 fouth, by an eaft and weft line, drawn a few miles 
 fouth of the Indian river, in latitude about thirty- 
 eight and an half; which line extends halfway be- 
 tween the ocean, on the eaft, and Chcfapeak bay, 
 on the weft, thirty-five miles; and from thence on 
 the weft of the laid counties, by a right line nearly 
 in a north direction to the fouth boundary of Penn- 
 fylvania; which is in a parallel of about fifteen 
 miles due fouth of Philadelphia-* fo that the faid 
 line touch the arch of a circle, drawn at twelve 
 miles diftance from New-Caftle to the river Dela- 
 ware; and thence from the end of the faid line, 
 on the north eaft ward, to the river Delaware, by 
 the faid arch. 
 
 Hence the breadth of thefe counties, eaft and 
 weft, continues to decreafe, from their fouth 
 boundary, where it is thirty-five miles, till it is 
 only about twelve miles, at, or near, the border 
 
 of 
 
 Lords offered it as their opinion, that, for avoiding further differences, 
 thd tradt of land, lying between the river and hay of Delaware and the 
 eailern fea on one fide, and Chefapcak bay, on the other, be divided into 
 two equal parts, by a line, from the latitude of cape Henlopcn, to the 
 fortieth degree of north latitude; (the i'outh boundary of Pennfylvasta 
 by charter) and that one half thereof, lying towards the Bay of Dda~ 
 ware and the Eaftern fea, be adjudged to beiong to his Majefly (Ws. to 
 King James, who granted it W. Penn, when Duke of Tork) and that, 
 the other half remain to the Lord Baltimore^ as compiifcd in his charter/' 
 * For the final fettlement of the boundary between the province o 
 PeRtifyfaanta, and Maryland, fee afterwards, under the year 1732. 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 295 
 
 of Pennfyfoania. The faid north and fouth line, 1685. 
 from latitude thirty-eight degrees, thirty minutes, ^s~y*^ 
 to thirty-nine decrees, forty-four minutes, is about Content of 
 
 . J r , . r i~- &e lower 
 
 eighty-five miles; but, in confideration or tne coupes, i* 
 fpace, included in the north part of the circle's f q uare 
 arch, the whole territory may, probably, be near ^ a " 
 ninety miles in length; this, multiplied by twenty- 
 three, the mean breadth, gives 2070 fquare miles ; 
 which lad number, multiplied by 640, the number 
 of acres in one fquare mile, produces 1,324,800, 
 or above one million and a quarter of acres, in 
 this territory. 
 
 At a Council held in Philadelphia, on the firft Boundaries 
 day of the Second-month, 1685, Prefent Thomas of the P r - 
 
 , -, W / ; .i i ' i I_T rr vinc-- 
 
 Lloydy Prefident, and nine others, the lines of ie- t ies 
 paration between the county of Philadelphia, and t 
 thofe of Bucks and Chefter, were confirmed, accord- 
 ing to the Proprietary's mind, fignified to fome of 
 his friends, before he left the province.* 
 
 Nicholas Moore from London, one of the pro- 
 vincial judges, being firlh in commiffion, took 
 place, as prior judge; or in the flyle of later times, 
 as Chief Jit/lice of the province, and was a mem- 
 ber of Aflembly.t Though he appears to have 
 
 been 
 
 * For a defcrlption of thefe boundaries, fee the chorographical part 
 of this hiftory, in the general view of the province near the conclufioo. 
 
 f The Aflembly had before this, on the I3th. of the Third-month, 
 Ihewed an inftance of their own authority, in expelling, or rather fuf- 
 sending, one of their members, during the fefllon, viz. 'Join Bridges, of 
 Kent county, for contemptuous language to the houfe, exprtfled in Affem* 
 bly, and refufing to make fubmifilon; but upon his altering his mind, 
 the next diy, and making acknowledgment, &c. for his offence, he \vas 
 reinflated. 
 
 Veto of Affemliy. 
 
 And on the l8th, Patrick Robinfon, clerk of the provincial circular 
 courts, being admitted into the Houfe of Aflembly, and requeued to 
 produce the records of laid courts; but he denying the fame, and join- 
 ing with Moore, was, for his contempt of the authority of the Hoyfc, 
 difobsdience to their orders, and abuiing the Ailembly, committed to ths 
 Sheriff's cultody, during the pieafure oi the houfe, and voted " A publi'c 
 enemy to the province of Pi-r.afyl-vania and territories thereof, and a 
 violator of the privileges of .the ireeraen, in Afiembly met,"' 
 
 lild. 
 
296 
 
 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1685. been a perfon of good and ufeful abilties, and 
 
 v^v>^ efleemed by the Proprietary, yet being accufed of 
 
 mal-pra&ices, he fell under the difpleafure of the 
 
 N. Moore houfe ; and they impeached him in form, by a de- 
 
 impeached, claration exhibited to the Council, on the i5th. 
 
 of the Third-month, this year, confiding of ten 
 
 articles; befides faving to themfelves the liberty 
 
 of adding more; and concluded with a requeft, 
 
 that he might be removed from his great offices 
 
 and truft, and be made to anfwer to the crimes 
 
 and mifdemeanors, which were brought againfl 
 
 him.* 
 
 The 
 
 The following Letter from the Proprietary to th-e Mngsftrates, con- 
 
 cerning ordinaries, with fome others, about this time, indicate the 
 exiftence of fome irregularities and abufes, in the province, and his 
 anxiety to have them redrefied, viz. 
 
 " Friends^ 
 
 " THERE is a cry come over into thefe parts againft the number of 
 drinking-houfes, and loofenefs, that is committed in the caves." [Note, 
 Thefe caves were fome of the firft habitations of the new fettlers, under 
 William Perm, till they got better erected; they were made in the hunk, 
 along the fide of Delmvare, where the city now ftands, which then was 
 higher ground.] " I am preffed in my fpirit, being very apt to believe 
 too many cliforders, in that refpetft, flridlly to require, that fpeedy and 
 effe&ual care be taken :-Firft, To reduce the number of ordinaries, or 
 drinking-houfes-, and that without refpecl to perfons: Such are conti- 
 nued, that are moft tender of God's glory, arid the reputation of the go- 
 vernment. ; and that all others, prefuming to fell, be punifhed according 
 to law : Idefire you to purge thefe caves, in Philadelphia; they are mine 
 by licence and time: The three years arc expired; I would have the 
 iufpe&ed forthwith ordered to get up houfing elfewhere; and the empty 
 caves to accommodate the poor families, that may come over ; though they 
 mil/} not Jl and long before men's doors. Whatever you do, let virtue be 
 cherifhed, and thofe that {how to fear God, by a life accarding to it, be 
 countenanced, arid the evil perfon rebuked; that God, who blelTeth thofe 
 that fear him, and call upon his name in all lands, may blefs and preferve 
 you. And though this be particularly a^drefled to you, let the m3gi- 
 ftrates of other towns have it to read among them. I add no more, but 
 my defires to the God of all our tender mercies to be with you all, in 
 your duties and places, to his glory, and your praife and peace, Amen.- 
 
 " Your very loving Friend, 
 
 " WM. PENN." 
 The following I find indorfed on the copy of the above letter, viz. 
 
 " Thefe are to certify, That notwithstanding feveral within this county 
 of Philadelphia, keep ordinaries, and fell irrong liquors by retail, yet not 
 one of them hath any licence for their fo doing. 
 
 " WILLIAM MARKHAM. 
 
 * Philadelphia, $*!>. JJT.O, l638," 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. -297 
 
 The Council, having received the Aflembly's 1685* 
 charge againft Moore, ordered feveral of their 
 members to acquaint him with the accufation, and 
 to requeft his appearance before the Council, next 
 day; but he not appearing, at the time appointed, 
 the articles againft him were read a fecond time, 
 and notice given to the Afiembly, that they were 
 willing to hear their proofs. The Speaker, John 
 White, Abraham Man, Thomas UJher, John Blun- 
 fton, William Barry and Samuel Gray were ap- 
 pointed managers for the houfe, on the occafion; 
 who fupporting the charge, the Prefident and 
 Council lent a fecond notice to Moore, to appear 
 at the Council -chamber, on the i9th. but he ftill 
 neglecting, after fome time of delay, notice was 
 again fent him by a Council convened on the 2d. 
 of the Fourth-month following, " That he defift 
 and ceafe from further afllng, In any place of autho- 
 rity, or judicature, till the articles of Impeachment 
 exhibited againft him, by the Affembly, be tried, or, 
 that fatisfaftion be made to the board* 
 
 [38] i 
 
 The following is an extract from an original letter, in the Proprietary's 
 own hand writing, dated Sixth-month, 1685, and directed to Thomas 
 Lloyd, John Simcock, Chriftopher Taylor, James Harrifon, and Ro- 
 bert Turner. Speaking of fome perfons in the government, and cer- 
 tain diforders, he fays, 
 
 " I am forry at heart for your animofities; cannot more friendly 
 
 and private courfesbe taken, to let matters to right, in an infant province, 
 whofe fteps are numbered and watched? For the love of God, roe, and 
 the poor country, be not fo governmentift, fo noify, and open, in your 
 tliffatisfa&ions; fome folks love hunting in government itfelf." ** It 
 is an abominable thing to have three warrants for one purchafe; 'tisop 
 preflion, that my foul loaths; I do hereby require it, that P. L. be called 
 to account, for requeft t and warrants, &C. for toivn~Iot, liberty-lot, and the 
 reft of ibe pur chafe: Why not one "warrant for all, at lea/}, for liberty lot, and 
 tie remainder ? This is true and right oppreflion ; befides, feveral things and 
 fums are fet down, that are not in law, nor in my regulations," &c. 
 
 * The Aflembly, in a letter to the Proprietary, figned by John Wt>ite t 
 their Speaker, exprefs themfelves in the following manner, refpe&ing 
 this affair, viz. 
 
 " Moft excellent Governor, 
 
 " WE, the Freemen of the province of Pennsylvania and Territories., 
 do, with unfeigned love to your perfon and government, with all due 
 refpeft, acquaint you, that we have this laft day qf our feffions, pafled 
 
 ail 
 
298 
 
 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1685. I find nothing on record what thefe articles, of 
 
 v-y-v^ crimes and mifdemeanors particularly were ; which, 
 
 The par- undoubtedly, could not be without real foundation : 
 
 tmsTm- but, from circumftances, it feems reafonable to 
 
 peachment apprehend there might have been fome animofities 
 
 pear, 0{ &c!" an ^ difagrcement, or mifunderflanding among 
 
 fome of the perfons in authority, at this time, by 
 
 which things might have been aggravated: this 
 
 appears, in part, from Moore's obflinacy, in re- 
 
 fufing to appear before the Council, and alfo from 
 
 fome letters of the Proprietary, in which he feems 
 
 not to have been well pleafed with part of thefe 
 
 proceedings againfl him:* For N. Moore, after 
 
 this, 
 
 all fuch bills, as we judged meet to pafs into laws: and impeached Ni- 
 cholas Moore i a member of the AiTembly, of ten articles, containing di - 
 Viers high crimes and mifdemeanours; and, in the prefence of the Prefi- 
 dent and Provincial Council, made very clear proof of the faid articlag^. 
 
 " We have had the perfon of Patrick Robhifun under reftraint, for di- 
 vers infolencies and affronts unto the Affembly; but there was a right 
 und good underftanding betwixt the Prefident, Council and AfTcmbly, 
 and a happy and friendly farewell. 
 
 " Dear and honoured Sir, the honor of God, the love of your perfon, 
 and the prefervat:on of the peace and welfare of the government were, 
 >#e hope, the only center, to which all our aclions did tend. And al- 
 though the wifdom of the Aflembly thought fit to humble that afpiring 
 and corrupt minifter of (late, Nicholas Moore; yet, to you, dear Sir, 
 and to the happy fuccefs of your affairs, our hearts are open and our 
 hands ready, at all times to fubfcribe ourfelves, in the name of ourfelve* 
 and ail the freemen we represent, 
 
 " Your obedient and faithful freemen, 
 
 " JOHN WHITE, Speaker" 
 
 " P. S. Honoured Sir, we know your wifdom and goodnefs will make. 
 a candid conftruclion of all our actions, and that it fhali be out of the, 
 power of. malicious tongues to feparate betwhct our Governor and his 
 freemen, "vho extremely long for your preLnco, and fpeedy arrival of. 
 your perfon." 
 
 * In one of thefe letters, dated \Vorminghurft, the ift. of the Twelfth 
 month, 1686, to Thomas Lloyd, he fays, 
 
 < Since my return from Germany and Holland, where I ha<J 
 blefled fervice for the Lord, I have vifited the north and north-weft parts 
 of this kingdom; as Oxfordfbire, Warwickshire, Stafford fhire, Darby- 
 ' fhire, Chefhire, Lancafhire, Weftmoreland, Bifhoprick and Yorkfhire; 
 and the Lord was with me, in a fweet and melting life, to my great joy 
 and Friends refrefhment." 
 
 c I rejoice that God has preferved your health fo well, and that 
 his blelling u ure upon the earth; but grieved at the bottom of my heart 
 for the heats and diforders among the people," &c " This quarrel about 
 the ibciety," (meaning the free fociety of traders, of wliich N, Mocre 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 299 
 
 this, was inflituted and continued by the Proprie- 1685. 
 tary, in 1686, and 1687, one of his commifii- 
 oners of government, a place of the higheft ho- ri ^: 8 
 nour and trufl, till his death, about two years &* in the 
 after this time; in which office there apbears no Proprietors 
 
 . . n i .' favour after 
 
 objection from any party agamic his conduct. tn i s . 
 
 But the neceffity of an able and afliduous hand, 
 to direct and manage the affairs of the infant co- 
 lony, {till further appears, about this time, from 
 fome of the Proprietor's letters to thofe in power, 
 
 ' refpedUng 
 
 was Prefident) " has made your great guns heard hither: I blam? no- 
 thing, nor the fociety here, to be fure; but I could wifli Dr Moon and 
 P. R. could have been foftcned, and that J. CL* had been more com- 
 pofed;" " that may be a mighty political vice, that is not amoral J-Clayfoolt 
 one." 
 
 " Becaufe thy commiHion may expire, in the opinions of fome, 
 
 as to Prefident of the Council, with thy memberfhip, I have confidered 
 how to fupply that defect, and that of thy abfence; and that is another 
 fort of deputation than before; which comes by the bearer, Edward 
 Black/an. I intrtat thee to ccnfider of the true reafon of our unhappi- 
 nefs, of that fide, among our magiftrates: Is it not their Self -value, and 
 flighting power in one another? Oh, this preference is, in religious and 
 civil focieties, the bane of concord, that is the means of true happinefs. 
 Men fhould be meek, humble and grave; that draws revertnce and love 
 together : This wife and good men will do : Is any out of the way? They 
 ihould not fo much look at his infirmity, as take care, they are not alfo 
 overtaken, eying how many good qualities the offender has to ferve the 
 public; and not caft a whole apple away, for one fide being defe&tve'. 
 The Lord God of peace and power, by his bleffcd grace, teach and lead 
 his people, in his own blamelefs path to the end." 
 
 In another, to the fame, dated, IVormmglurfl, 6th. of Fourth-month, 
 
 1687, he fpeaks thus, 
 
 " Though I write in general, I was "willing to falute thee in particu- 
 lar, hoping that this will find thee and thine well, and at your eafe, in 
 i>cor Pennfylvania^ where nothing, on my part, in my power, ftall be 
 wanting to make you fo: I do befdech thee to travail in the fpirit of 
 meekntfs, and of the precious, gentle wifdom of God, that is eafily en 
 treated, and works its way through the hardeft rocks, to quiet, and calm 
 and determine; and not leaving things to my coming too much: Next, 
 remember this, that though the politic ancients overlooked many ill things 
 rather than, by the feverity of punifhment, to difcourage planting their 
 new colonies, or any fort from fettling among them ; yet, we, that have 
 our eye to another home, vvhofe due we have been taught to look for, as 
 the reafon of all true profperity ; and that it has ever been according to 
 our faith, are to a6l, as in his fight, and diicharge ourfelves, as righteous 
 men, againft all unrighteoufnefs; wherefore, pray, let the law have its 
 courfe; as for Dr. Moote and P. Roblnfon, the perfons efleemed the moft 
 unquiet and crofs to Friends, try what is poflible to quiet them; endea- 
 vour, by private vifits and admonitions to fweeten them ; much good may 
 come of it : The Lord God of endleis power blefs you, and furnifh you, 
 to his praife." 
 
300 HJSTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA,- 
 
 1685. refpecting fome disagreement, or difcord, among 
 
 v^v^> certain of the magiitrates, and perfons in autho- 
 
 Some fmaii rity, abufes in fome of the offices, and the preven- 
 
 the colony 1 , ^ on an( ^ iuppreffion of vice and immorality ; in 
 
 &c. which he expreffes his concern and difpleafure 
 
 at thefe things, with a parental affection; giving 
 
 fuitable directions, and earneftly preffing their 
 
 effectual endeavours to cure fuch diforders.* 
 
 Appoint- Qn the 1 4th. of September, James Harrifon, 
 judges, &c! J ames Cfaypoole, and Arthur Cooke were nominated, 
 by the Council, to be Provincial Judges; but 
 Harrifon and Cooke refufmg to ferve, and Claypoole 
 beiny prevented by ficknefs, the Council, in order 
 to answer the expectation of fuch perfons as were 
 concerned in appeals, agreed to receive them, and 
 to fit for the decifion of differences, themfelves, 
 at the time appointed for the court to fit; which 
 was on the 24th. After this, at their triennial 
 election, according to charter, being, in part, 
 new chofen, they, by frefh commiflions, appointed 
 the feveral officers of government. 
 
 In this year, 1685, the Quakers , in their yearly 
 meeting, at Burlington, in Weft Jerfey, took ad- 
 Means ufed ditional meafures to prevent all perfons, in their 
 the ^ans fodety, from felling ftrong liquors to the Indians* 
 &c. ' About the fame time, by particular appointment, 
 they alfo had a religious meeting with them, as 
 they frequently had before; to inform and initruct 
 them in the principles of Chriftianity, and the 
 practice of a true chriftlan life. 
 
 The Indians generally heard patiently what was 
 faid to them on this fubject, and feemed affected 
 with it, for a time; but, for the mofl part, it ap- 
 peared 
 
 * In a letter to J. Harrifon about this time, or foon after, the Pro- 
 prietary exprefles his grief at thefe things; which, he fays, " Difgraced 
 tie province " and preflingly requefts, that a number of perfons, whom 
 he there names, ftiould exert themfelves, and conjun&ively fo adt, for 
 the common good, as either by perfuafion, or authority, to put an end 
 to the fame; and prevent difputes and quarrels among them; declaring, 
 " That their conduct herein had ftruck back hundreds, and was i 0,000 
 out of his way, and 100,000 out of the country." 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 301 
 
 peared to make no very durable impreflion, on 1685. 
 their minds, for the proper regulation of their v-xv^/ 
 paffions and appetites; which, at laft, too gene- 
 rally feemed to prevail over convictions ot this 
 nature, and their better knowledge. 
 
 Divers preachers of this religious fociety, from 
 abroad, often had meetings, and ferious difcourfe 
 with them, for this purpofe; as well as thofe who 
 had fettled in the country, particularly, Samuel 
 Jennings, Thomas Oli-ve, William Penn and others, 
 from time to time, laboured to inculcate into them 
 a juft fenfe of the benefit of a chriftian life and 
 conduct. 
 
 CHAPTER 
 
302 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 William Penn's employment in Europe, for the pro- 
 motion of religion and virtue. His expence and 
 endeavours to advance the intere.fi and happinefe 
 of the province, and to prevent difcord in it. 
 Extracts from his letters, on thefe fubjccls, &fr.* 
 More emigrants from Holland and Germany en- 
 creafe the fettlement of Germantown. Five com- 
 miffioners ofjiate, or of the government of Penn- 
 fylvania, created. The Proprietor's inftrucJions 
 to them. His letter to the fame, &c. His bene- 
 ficent employment in England for his fujfering 
 friends, the Quakers, sV. Though he is mifre- 
 prefented and abufed, sV. He appears to have 
 accompanied the King through feme counties in 
 England. His fpeech to the King, on delivering 
 the Quakers' addrefs.' The addrefs iff elf, with 
 the King's anfwer. Objeclicns againji the Qua- 
 kers 9 conducl anfwered. William Penn continues 
 his endeavours in favour of toleration; but labours 
 under unjuji imputations. William Popple' 3 letter 
 to him, on the fubjett, with his anfwer* 
 
 1686. IN the year 1686, William Penn publiflied a fur- 
 
 x ^~v"v-> ther account of the province of Penvfylvania, 
 
 The Pr^ wrote f e veral pieces, on religious fubjecls, chiefly 
 
 /r/^rpub- . . r r i to ,. - - i 
 
 jifhesafur- in defence of toleration, in religion, (extant in his 
 ther ac- W orks) and appears to have been in Germany and 
 
 count of the TT ,, , 11 i i J i 
 
 province. Holland, as well as much engaged in various good 
 fervices, among his friends, the Quakers, and in 
 promoting religion and virtue, in divers parts, 
 
 perfonally, 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 303 
 
 perfonally, in his native country; at the fame 1686. 
 time continuing his care and endeavours, for the 
 benefit, happinefs and profperity of his province, 
 though abfent, by means of written directions and 
 advice, from time to time, for the prevention 
 of diforders, and the redrefrmg of fuch things as 
 appeared inconfiilent with the real interefl of the 
 colony. 
 
 But his great expence and generofity, in the His *< 
 original fettlement of the province, as well as P ences ^ 
 afterwards, were fo very confiderable, when com- vince bring 
 pared with his private fortune, that, even before h j m to 
 this time, he began to feel the effects thereof to 
 fuch a degree, that in his letters to fome of his 
 friends there, he was obliged to complain of the 
 flownefs, or deficiency, of returns from the place, 
 where, and concerning which, he had fowed fo 
 much, or expended fo liberally, as he had done.* 
 
 In, 
 
 * The following extraAs, as well as the preceding, are taken from tlic 
 
 Proprietary's original letters, in his own hand writing, viz. 
 In anfwer to a remonftr-ance and addrefs to him, refpe&ing the Front 
 and Sank lots, in Philadelphia, dated 3d. Sixth-month, 1684, he fays,- 
 *' I have made the mnft purchafes, and been at the greatefl charge of any 
 Proprietary and Governor, in Ainerica" &c. 
 
 In a letter, dated, Brifol, jth. of Ninth-month, 1695, direded to A. 
 Cook, J. Simcock, S. Carpenter, J. Goodfon, S. Richardfon, R. Turner, 
 Ph. Pemberton, and D. LJoyd, Pennfyl-aania^ he declares, 
 
 u I mull fay, that what I have fpent upon the province, as Go- 
 vernor and Planter, is the foundation of my prefent incumbrance ; as P. 
 F. (Philip Ford) knows, and afferted to the Lords of plantations lately, 
 to be 4,000 more than the whole, that I ever received for landsj beiidca 
 what it has coll me here," &c. 
 
 In a letter to Thomas Lloyd, dated, Seventh^month, 1686, he fays; 
 and complains, that, at that time, " His quit*rents were, at leaft, 500 
 per annum value, and then due, though he could not get one penny."- 
 *' God is my witnefs," (fays he, in the lame letter) " I lie not; I am 
 above fix.thoufand pounds out of pocket, more than ever- 1 faw by the pro- 
 vince, and throw iii my pains, care, and hazard of life, and leaving of my 
 family andfriends, to fcrve them," &c. 
 
 In a letter to Barnes Ifarrifon, dated, London, asd. Seventh-monthj 
 1686, ipeaking of his going to his province, he fays, 
 
 " Befides, that the country think not on my fupply, and'I refolve 
 
 never to adt the Governor, end keep another family and capacity upon 
 Kiy private eftate;. if. my table, cellar, and flablc may be provided for, 
 with a barge and yatch, or floop, for the fervice of governor and go- 
 vernment, I may try to get hence; for, to tke fight of God, I can lay, 
 
 1 am 
 
304 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1 68 6* In, or about this year, 1686, arrived in the 
 O'v^/ province, many Friends, or Quakers, and others, 
 from"- fr m fr^^and Germany; who fettled among their 
 land and friends, at German-town, near Philadelphia^ and 
 Gmany. increafed that fettlement, which was begun in 
 1683. Some of thofe, who now came, having 
 fuffered confiderably by fire, foon after their ar- 
 rival, were affifted by the Friends, in the city 
 and county of Philadelphia. 
 
 The Proprietary found too much inconveniency 
 to arife from his commiflion of the power of go- 
 vernment to fo many perfons as the Council con- 
 filled of, and, as before hinted, not being well 
 pleafed with part of their conduct, or manage- 
 7he Pro- ment, declaring, " that the charter was forfeited, 
 ^ ne would take advantage at it;"* hence, in the 
 latter part of the year 1686, by a frefh commifllon, 
 " ne contracted the number of his reprefentatives, 
 or of the executive part of the government, to 
 "^ ve P^rfons only, viz. Thomas Lloyd, Nicholas 
 appointed. Movre, James Claypoole, Robert Turner , and John 
 Eckley^ conflituting and ftyling them CommiJJioners 
 of State, or, of the government of Pennfyhanla. 
 Both the caufe of their inftitution, and the na- 
 ture of their office, in part, appear from the fol- 
 lowing in ft ructions 3 viz. 
 
 " William 
 
 I am five thoufancl pounds, an-d more, behind hand, more than ever I 
 
 received, or faw, for land, in that province," &c. " There is nothing 
 
 my foul breathes more for, in this world, next my dear family's life, than 
 that 1 may fee poor Pennfylvania again -^ " but I cannot force my way 
 hence, and fee nothing done, on that fide, inviting," &c. 
 
 * In another letter to the fame, ahout this time, he complains, 
 
 That the Provincial Council neglected, or flighted, his letters to them ; 
 that he had religioiifly confecrated his pains, in a prudent manner, but it 
 was not valued, underftood, or kept to; fo that the charter was over and 
 over again forfeited, if he would take advantage at it; that they entirely 
 neglected the fupply, which they had promifed him; which, in confe- 
 quence of his great expence, on account of the province, was one caufe, 
 that kept him from Pennfylvatzia; declaring, " That he would not fpend 
 his private eftate, to difcharge a public ftatioB." 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA* 305 
 
 ic William Penn, Proprietor and Governor , 1686. 
 
 " To my tnifty and well beloved friends, Thomas 
 Lloyd, Nicholas Moore, James Claypoole, Ro- 
 bert Turner and John Eckley, or any three of 
 them, at Philadelphia: 
 
 " TRUSTY and well-beloved, I heartily fa- The Pro- 
 lute you; left any fhould fcruple the termination primary's 
 of Prefident Lloyd's commifiion, with his place "o them. 
 in the Provincial Council, and to the end that 
 there may be a more conftant refidence of the ho- 
 norary and governing part of the government, 
 for the keeping all things in good order, I have, 
 fent a frefh commiflion of deputation to you, 
 making any three of you a quorum, to acl in the 
 execution of laws, enadling, difannulling, or va- 
 rying of laws, as if I myfelf were there prefent, 
 referving to myfelf the confirmation of what is 
 done, and my peculiar royalties and advantages. 
 
 " Fir ft, You are to oblige the Provincial Coun- 
 cil to their charter attendance; or to take fuch 
 a Council, as you think convenient, to advife and 
 affift you, in the bufmefs of the public : for I will 
 no more endure their moft ilothful and difhono- 
 rable attendance, but difiblve the frame, without 
 any more ado: let them look to it, if further oc- 
 caiion be given. 
 
 " Secondly, That you keep to the dignity of 
 your ftation, in Council, and out; but efpecial- 
 ly, to fuffer no diforder in the Council, nor the 
 Council and Aflernbly, or either of them, to en- 
 trench upon the powers and privileges remaining 
 yet in me. 
 
 " Thirdly, That you admit not any parleys, 
 or open conferences, between the Provincial Coun- 
 cil and Aflembly; but one, with your approbation, 
 propofe and let the other confent or diffent, accor- 
 ding to charter. 
 
 " Fourthly, 
 
566 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA, 
 
 1686. " Fourthly, That you curioufly infpeft the 
 ^s~\<~^ paft proceedings of both, and let me know, in 
 The Pro- w hat they have broken the bounds, or obligations 
 of their charter. 
 
 " Fifthl Y> That you, this very next Affem- 
 bly General, declare my abrogation of all that 
 has been done fmce my ablence; and fo, of all 
 the laws, but the fundamentals; and that you 
 immediately difmifs the AiTembly, and call it again; 
 and pafs fuch of them afrefh, with fuch alterations, 
 as you and they fhall lee meet ; and this, to avoid 
 a greater inconveniency ; which I forefee, and 
 formerly communicated to Thomas Lloyd. 
 
 " Sixthly, Infpect the qualifications of members 
 in Council and Aflembly; and fee they be accor- 
 ding to charter; and efpecially of thofe, that have 
 the adminiflration of juftice; and whatever you 
 do, let the point of the laws be turned againfl 
 impiety, and your fevere brow upon all the trou- 
 blefome and vexatious, more efpecially, trifling, 
 appeallers. 
 
 " You fhall (hortly have a limitation from the 
 King; though you have power, with the Council 
 and Aflembly, to fix the matter and manner of 
 appeals, as much as to do any juilice, or prevent 
 any diforder, in the province, at all. 
 
 " Seventhly, That till then, I have fent you a 
 proclamation, to that effecl:, according to the 
 powers of ordinance making, and declared in my 
 letters patent, which you may expofe, as you 
 pleafe. 
 
 " Eighthly, Be moft juft, as in the fight of the 
 all-feeing, all-fear ching God; and before you let 
 your fpirits into an affair, retire to him (who is not 
 far away from every one of you; by whom kings 
 reign, and princes decree juttice) that he may give 
 you a good underitanding, and government of 
 your felves, in the management thereof) which is 
 
 that 
 
HISTORY OF PEiNMSYLVAi\iA. 307 
 
 that which truly crowns public actions, and dig- 1686. 
 nines thofe, that perform them. You fhall hear 
 further from me by C. King; the ftiip is ready to 
 fail, fo fhall only admonifh you in general, that, 
 next to the prelervation of virtue, have a tender 
 
 . ., !_ t_ ' o. xuiilioner* 
 
 regard to peace, and my privileges, in whicn enact 
 from time to time. Love, forgive, help and ferve 
 one another; and let the people learn by your ex- 
 ample, as well as by your power, the happy life 
 of concord: So commending you to God's grace 
 and keeping, 1 bid you heartily farewell. 
 
 " Given at Worminghurft, in old England^ the 
 firft of the Twelfth-month, 1686."* 
 
 During 
 
 * His manner of writing to thefe Commifiioners further appears, by 
 the following extract from one of his letters to them, dated, the fixth 
 f the Fourth-month, 1687. 
 
 " William Penn, Proprietor and Governor, 
 
 " To Thomas Lloyd, Robert Turner, Nicholas Moore, James Clay- 
 poole and John Eckley, 
 
 TRUSTY and well-beloved friends, I falute you all with fincere 
 affection, defiring your temporal and eternal profperity. 
 
 " I have constituted you, or any three of you, Governor, and fo are 
 properly the Comm'ijponers of the government; to a<St, as if I were prefent: 
 And I hope it will conduce to your honor, and the peace and happincfs 
 of the people, under your care. I found my former deputation clogged 
 with a long and flow tale of perfons, rarely got together, and then with 
 unwillingnefs, andfometimes reflections, even, upon me; for their pains 
 of hearing one letter read; That time may {hew them they were out, 
 in their cenfure, having then contracted their deputation into your 
 hands. Be diligent, faithful, loving, and communicate with one another, 
 in things that concern the public; and I no ways doubt, but your 
 breaches will heal, and your example have that effect, that nothing will be 
 left for me to do, but thank and love you, and take pleafure in your 
 comely order and thofe under you. 
 
 " I befeech you draw not feveral ways, have no cabals apart, nor re- 
 ferves from one another; treat, with a mutual fimplicity, an entire con- 
 fidence in one another; and if, at any time, you miftake, or mifapprehend, 
 or cfiffent from one another; let not that appear to the people; fhew your 
 virtues but conceal your infirmities; this will make you awful and re- 
 v-srent with the people. Juftice, mercy, temperance of fpirit, are high 
 qualities, and neceflary ones in government; I befeech God to fit you 
 for his work more and more; by whom all Governors and people in au- 
 thority, ought to be influenced, in their adrniniftration of temporal things, 
 committed to their care. 
 
 " Three things occur to me eminently; Firft, that you be watch- 
 ful that none abufe the King, in reference to his dues, &c. Secondly, 
 That you get the cuftom act revived, with the firft; for I think that the 
 equalleft, and leaft ofienfive way, to fupport the government; for fome- 
 
 thing 
 
308 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA, 
 
 1686. During moft of the time of William Penn's ab- 
 fence from his province, till the reign of King 
 William the Third, though not many public tran- 
 faclions, nor proceedings of much importance and 
 notoriety, appear to have palled in Pennfyfoama 
 befides thofe which refpect the labour and advan- 
 tages of an induftrious people, in the colonization 
 f tne Countr y5 an d laying a foundation for fu- 
 &c. "ture greatnefs, by facilitating and multiplying the 
 reafonable enjoyments and bleflings of life; yet 
 its eminent founder was not the lefs a6Hve and be- 
 neficial to mankind, in another department; and 
 his fuffering friends , the Quakers y in Great Britain, 
 experienced the effect of his attendance and foli- 
 citations, at court,* in their favour: where his 
 
 frequent 
 
 thing muft be done, in that affair, &c. Thirdly, That you retrieve the 
 dignity of courts and fefiions; and remove all perfons unqualified in morals 
 or incapacity. Oh, that I could but have that, by your union, gravity, 
 conilant weekly meetings once or twice, as Second-days, and Fifth-days, 
 in the morning or afternoon, to hear, advice, or do what is fit for the 
 public good; that you had recovered the reputation which becomes that 
 province to have; For, what with that, which is real, and that malice 
 in your neighbours of fome governments invent, we have much ado to 
 keep our heads above water here. 
 
 " I fhall add no more, but my love to the people, in general; and that 
 fo foon as my affairs will let me, I fhall be with them: for no poor flave 
 in Turkey, longs more for his freedom. I commit you to God's protec- 
 tion, and bid you heartily farewell. 
 
 " Given at 'iVormingtmrft^ this 6th. day of the Fourth-month, 1687." 
 
 In his inflruftions, dated, London , the aift. of the Eighth-month, 1687, 
 
 he further fays, 
 
 . " And, firft, I recommend to you the vigorous fupprefHon of 
 vice, and that without refpect of perfons, or perfwafions. Let not fool* 
 Ifb pity rob juftice of its due, and the people of proper examples. I know 
 what malice and prejudice fay; but they move me not. I know how to 
 allow for new colonies, though others do not; neverthelefs double your 
 diligence," &c. 
 
 * In a letter to James Harrifon, his agent, at Penrfiury, about this 
 time, he gives the following hints of his employment then in England, 
 viz. 
 
 - " I am engaged in the public bufmefs of the nation and Friends; 
 and thofe in authority would have me fee the eftablifhment of the liberty, 
 that I was a fmall inftrument to begin in the land: The Lord has given 
 
 me great entrance and intereft with the K , though not fo much as 
 
 is faid; and I confefs I fhould rejoice to fee poor old England fixed, the 
 penal laws repealed, that are now fufpended; and if it goes well with 
 
 England, it cannot go ill with Pennfylvania" " but this I will fay, 
 
 po temporal honor, or profit, can tempt me to decline poor Pennfylvania, 
 
 ae 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 309 
 
 frequent accefs to the King brought him into fufpi- 1686, 
 cion of being a difguifed Jcfuit, and under unjull v^-v^y 
 cenfures and imputations; as if he had been an w. Pcna 
 advifer, and contributed, to thofe arbitrary mea- beg a dif- 
 fures, which that impolitic King (James the fe- s uife ^ J e - 
 cond) purfued: Whereas his generous plan of u 
 liberty, fo far as his power extended, and his 
 otherwife well known principles of government, 
 were as contrary to thofe of the King, as could 
 poffibly be, and his religion no lefs oppofite. 
 
 Neverthelefs he was not only infamoufly afper- . and viiifieii 
 fed and abufed, in print, on thefe accounts, D y iiJprmt3&c * 
 divers illiberal and ilanderous performances, pub- 
 lifhed againft him, and forne of them, even, in 
 his own name, but alib cenfured by fome perfons 
 of good underflanding and character; who, in 
 divers refpects were his friends, but not thoroughly 
 knowing him, fell into the like fufpicions: An 
 inflance of this appears in Dr. Ti/totfon, after- 
 wards Arch-bijhop of Canterbury ; but, by means 
 of a friendly epiftolary correfpondence between 
 them, on the fubjecl, in the year 1686, as appears 
 in William Penn's life prefixed to his printed works, 
 Dr. Tilhtfon was fully convinced of, and as freely 
 acknowledged, his miftake. 
 
 But he continued flill to diftinguifli himfelf in w . Penn $ 
 the caufe of an impartial toleration, in religion, beneficent 
 both in writing, and alfo by afliduous peffohal^^^ 1 * 
 felicitations, at court, as a ftrenuous and un- 
 wearied advocate for that undoubted right of man- 
 kind; of which he, and his Friends, ihz Quakers, 
 had, through the perfecuting and bigoted fpirit of 
 thofe times, been long unjuftly deprived. Hence, i ts CCR f c , 
 in the fore part of this year, in confequence of the quences in 
 King's proclamation for a general pardon, " about reiigbus u? 
 thirteen hundred of thefe people, moft of whom had berty, &c. 
 
 been 
 
 as unkindly ufej as I am; and no poor {lave in Turkey defires more c,?r- 
 neftly, I believe, for deliverance, than I do to be with you; wherefore 
 be tonteated a while, ajid God in his time will bring us together." &c. 
 
i& HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1687. been imprifoned divers years, for their religion, ivers 
 
 w"v^ fet at liberty :" And in April, the next following 
 
 year, 1687, came forth the King's declaration for 
 
 liberty of confcience, fufpending the execution of 
 
 all penal laws, in matters ecclefiaflical. 
 
 For this temporary relief from , cruel fufferingj 
 The Qua- by the intolerant and unjufl laws of thofe times, 
 ie y wno na ^ en d ur ed moft oppreffion and perfe- 
 fui cution, undoubtedly had the greateft reafon to be 
 lief ** re " tnan kf u l : an d whatever were the fuppofed views 
 of the government thereby, in too much favour- 
 ing a Popifh party, yet, for the Quakers to refufe, 
 or reject the restitution of that natural right of 
 mankind, and mod undoubted privilege of Englijh 
 people, and all peaceable fubje&s, merely becaufe 
 it might be made an ill ufe of by others, and was 
 not done in due form, would certainly have been 
 the higheft abfurdity: and for thofe, who had 
 fuffered more deeply than all others, not to ac- 
 From their knowledge and commend the redrefs of fuch a 
 frigs, &c! r " crying and intolerable grievance and affli&ion, as 
 they had endured, in reipect to themfelves, fo 
 long and fo laborioufly folicited, by them, of the 
 preceding King and Parliaments, in vain, would 
 have fhewed the greatefl ingratitude and infenfibi- 
 lity ; more efpecially, as it was fcarcely poiFible for 
 them to be in a much worfe condition, even, under 
 a Pop'tfh hierarchy itfelf, than they had, for many 
 years, endured, both under Cromwell, King Charles 
 the Second, and their Parliaments, to this time, 
 without being able to obtain redrefs any other 
 way: Wherefore, at their next annual AfTembly, 
 held in London in the Third-month, this year, the 
 
 Quakers 
 
 Note. In the Summer of the year 1687, W> Perm, hy fome c,f his let- 
 ters, to his friends in Benttfylv&nia, feems to have been with the King, 
 in a pro^refsy thro' divers of the counties in EnplanJ* viz. Berlfaire^ Glo- 
 cefierfiire, IVorcejIerJblre, Shropshire, Cbejblre, Statfurdftit e, IVartvioljtire* 
 Orfcrdfiire and Hairpjblre: during which journey he had feverai reli- 
 gious meetings with the people; and in fome places, where the king ap- 
 pears to have been prefent, particularly in Cht/ler. M. S, letter?. 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 311 
 
 Quakers drew up an addrefs of thanks to the King, 1687. 
 deputing William Pcnn and others, to prefent the 
 fame; his fpeech on the prefenting it, with *W 
 addrefs itfelf, and the King's anfwer, were, as 
 follow, viz. 
 
 William Penn's fpeech to the King, upon his deli- 
 vering the Quakers' addrefs, viz. 
 
 " May itpleafe the King, 
 
 " IT was the faying of our blefled Lord to the 
 captious Jews, in the cafe of tribute, render to 
 Cafar the things, that are Cafar's, and to God, the 
 things, that are God's. As this diftindion ought 
 to be obferved by all men, in the condud of their the 
 lives, fo the King has given us an illuftrious exam- 
 ple, in his own perfon, that excites us to it: For 
 while he was a fubjed, he gave Cafar his tribute, 
 and now he is Ccefar, gives God his due, viz. the 
 fovereignty over confciences. It were a great 
 mame, then, for any fengUJhrnan (that profefTes 
 Chriftianity} not to give God his due. By this 
 grace he has relieved his diftrefled fubjeds from 
 their cruel fufferings, and raifed to himfelf a new 
 and lading empire, by adding their affedions to 
 their duty. And we pray God to continue the 
 King in this noble refolution; for he is now upon 
 a principle, that has good nature, Chriftianity^ 
 and the good of civil fociety on its fide, a fecurity 
 to him beyond the little arts of government. 
 
 " I would not that any mould think, that v/e 
 
 come hither with defign to fill the Gazette with our 
 
 thanks; but> as our fufferings would have moved 
 
 fanes to compa/fion, fo we mould be harder, if we 
 
 were not moved to gratitude. 
 
 " Now, fmce the King's mercy and goodnefe 
 have reached to us throughout the kingdom of Eng- 
 land and principality of Wales, our General AJJembly^ 
 from all thofe parts, met at London, about our 
 
 church 
 
312 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1687. church affairs, lias appointed us to wait upon the 
 <^xv^^ King, with our humble thanks, and me to deliver 
 them; which I do, by this addrefs, with all the effec- 
 tion and refped of a dutiful fubject. 
 
 " The addrefs to King James lid. over England, &c, 
 
 " The humble and grateful acknowledgement of his 
 peaceable fubjeflsy called Quakers, in this kingdom. 
 
 ** From their ufual Yearly Meeting, in London, 
 the nineteenth day of the Third-month, vulgarly 
 called May, 1687. 
 
 The Qa- " WE cannot but blefs and praife the name of 
 Almighty God, who hath the hearts of princes 
 in his hand, that he hath inclined the King to 
 hear the cries of his fuffering fubje&s for confci- 
 ence fake; and we rejoice, that, inftead of trou- 
 bling him with complaints of our fufferings, he 
 hath given us fo eminent an occafion to prefent 
 him with our thanks: And fince it hath pleafed 
 the King, out of his great companion, thus to 
 commiferate our aflli&ed condition, which hath fo 
 particularly appeared, by his gracious proclama- 
 tion and warrants, laft year, whereby twelve hun- 
 dred prifoners were releafed from their fevere im- 
 prifonments, and many others, from fpoil and ruin, 
 in their eftates and properties; and his princely 
 fpeech in Council, and Chriftian declaration for 
 liberty of confcience, in which he doth not only 
 exprefs his averfion to all force upon confcience, 
 and grant all his diflenting fubjecls an ample li- 
 berty to worlhip God in the way they are per- 
 fwaded is mofl agreeable to his will, but gives 
 them his kingly word, the fame fliaLi continue, 
 during his reign; we do (as our friends of this 
 city have already done) render the King our hum- 
 ble, chriftian and thankful acknowledgments, not 
 only in behalf of our felves, but with refpeft to 
 our Friends, throughout England and Wales; and 
 
 pray 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 313 
 
 pray God, with all our hearts, to blefs and pre- 1687. 
 ferve thee, O King, and thofe under thee, in fo ^^r^J 
 good a work: and as we can allure the King it is 
 well accepted in the feveral counties, from whence 
 we came, fo we hope the good effects thereof, for 
 the peace, trade and prosperity of the kingdom, 
 will produce fuch a concurrence from the parlia- 
 ment, as may fecure it to our pofterity, in after- 
 times; and while we live, it (hall be our endea* 
 vour (through God's grace) to demean ourfelves, 
 as, in confcience to God, and duty to the King, 
 we are obliged, his peaceable, loving and faithful 
 fubjeas." 
 
 The King's anfwer. 
 
 \ * 
 " Gentlemen, 
 
 " I thank you heartily for your addrefs: Some Th r e KIn ^ 9 
 
 r , r J i ii/r -r N i anrvver. 
 
 of you know (I am fure you do, Mr. Penn) that it 
 was always my principle, that confcience ought 
 not to be forced: and that all men ought to have 
 the liberty of their confciences. And what I have 
 promifed, in my declaration, I will continue to 
 perform, fo long as I live. And, I hope, before 
 I die, to fettle it fo, that after ages (hall have no 
 reafon to alter it." 
 
 " Some (fays the writer of William Penn's life) some ob- 
 have objected againft the Quakers, and other dif- J e *>ns a- 
 
 f r i i rr tr* ^C r srainft the 
 
 fenters, tor addremng King James, upon the arore- Quakers 
 faid declaration of indulgence, as though they 
 had thereby countenanced the King's difpenling 
 with the laws in general ; let fuch obferve, their 
 imputation, as to William Penn and his Friends^ 
 the Quakers, is fufficiently guarded againft, in 
 that part of their addrefs, where they fay, we 
 hope the good effects thereof, for the peace, trade and. 
 prosperity of the kingdom will produce fuch a concur- 
 rence from the Parliament, as may fecure it to our 
 pojicrity. 'Tis plain, therefore, they gratefully ac* 
 cepted of the fufpenfion of the penal taws, by the 
 [40] King's 
 
314 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1687. King's prerogative (as who, in their cafe, would 
 
 v^v>^ not?) a thing in itfelf juft and reafonable, in their 
 
 hopes of having the fame afterwards confirmed by 
 
 the legiflative authority; there being, at that time, 
 
 much talk of an approaching Parliament: and 
 
 that their expectation centered not in the King's 
 
 w. Penn difpenjtng power , is evident, by William Penn's 
 
 ?ntinues continuing his endeavours to mew the neceffity of 
 
 his cndea- . ,. n . & , r r r i i 
 
 Tours in fa. abolifhing the penal laws ; for foon after this he 
 to " 
 
 wrote a l ar g e trad, called, Good advice to the church 
 of England, Roman Catholic, and Protejiant Dif- 
 fenters ; in which he fhewsthe difannulling of thofe 
 laws to be their general intereft ; and foon after he 
 publifhed another book, entitled, The great and 
 popular objection again/I the repeal of the penal laws, 
 briefly dated and conjidered" 
 
 He ftill But he (till continuing to labour under many 
 - jealoufies and reflections, as a countenancer of the 
 juft impu- court proceedings, in general; the following let- 
 tations, &c. ters b etwe en him and one of his particular friends, 
 Sir William Popple, then fecretary to the plantation 
 1688. office, in 168^, may ferve further to elucidate 
 that fubject, viz. 
 
 " To the Honourable William Penn, Efquire, Pro- 
 prietor and Governor of Pennfylvania. 
 
 " Honoured Sir, 
 
 w. Popple THOUGH the friendmip, with which you 
 tw.penn. are pi ea f e d to honour me, doth afford me fuffici- 
 ent opportunities of difeourfing with you, upon 
 any fubject, yet I chofe rather, at this time, to 
 offer unto you, in writing, fome reflections, which 
 have occurred to my thoughts, in a matter of no 
 common importance. The importance of it doth 
 primarily and directly refpect yourfelf, and your 
 own private concernments ; but it alfo confequen- 
 tially and effectually regards the King, his govern- 
 ment, and, even a the peace and fettlement of this 
 
 whoh 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 315 
 
 whole nation. I intreat you, therefore, to bear 1688. 
 with me, if I endeavour, in this manner, to give 
 fomewhat more weight unto my words, than would 
 be in a tranfient difcourfe, and leave them with 
 you, as a fubjed, that requires your retired con- 
 lideration. 
 
 " You are not ignorant, that the part you have 
 been fuppofed to have had, of late years, in pub- 
 lic affairs, though without either the title, or 
 honor, or profit, of any public office, and that 
 efpecially your avowed endeavours to introduce 
 amongfl us a general and inviolable liberty of con- 
 fcience, in matters of mere religion, have occafi- 
 oned the miftakes of fome men, provoked the 
 malice of others, and, in the end, have raifed 
 againfl you a multitude of enemies; who have 
 unworthily defamed you with fuch imputations, 
 as, I am fure, you abhor. This I know you have 
 been fufficiently informed of, though I doubt you 
 have not made fufficient refle&ion upon it: The 
 confcioufnefs of your own innocence feems to me 
 to have given you too great a contempt of fuch 
 unjuffc and ill-grounded flanders. For however 
 glorious it is, and reafonable, for a truly virtuous 
 mind, whofe inward peace is founded upon that 
 rock of innocence, to defpife the empty noife of 
 popular reproach, yet, even, that fublimity of 
 fpirit may fometimes fwell to a reprovable excefs. 
 To be fleady and immovable, in the profecution 
 of wife and honefl refolutions, by all honeft and 
 prudent means, is, indeed, a duty, that admits 
 of no exception: But, neverthelefs, it ought not 
 to hinder that, at the fame time, there be alfo due 
 care taken of preferving a fair reputation. " A 
 good name, fays the wife man, is better than f re- 
 dous ointment" It is a perfume, that recommends 
 the perfon, whom it accompanies, that procures 
 him every where an eafy acceptance; and that fa- 
 cilitates the fuccefs of all his enterprifes : And for 
 
 that 
 
316 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1688. that reafon, though there were no other, I en- 
 v^v^ treat you, obferve, that the care of a man's repu- 
 w. Popple tation is an eflential part of that very fame duty, 
 
 roW.Penn. , i r r i 
 
 that engages him in the purluit or any worthy 
 defign. 
 
 " But I mud not entertain you with a declama- 
 tion upon this general theme: my bufmefs is to 
 reprefent to you, more particularly, thofe very 
 imputations, which are caft upon yourfelf, toge- 
 ther with fome of their evident confequences ; 
 that, if poffible, I may thereby move you to la- 
 bour after a remedy. The fource of all arifes 
 from the ordinary accefs, you have unto the King, 
 the credit you are fuppofed to have with him, and 
 the deep jealoufy, that fome people have conceived 
 of his intentions, in reference to religion. Their 
 jealoufy is, that his aim has been to fettle Popery in 
 this nation, not only in a fair and fecure liberty, 
 but, even, in a predominating fuperiority over all 
 other profeffions: And from thence the inference 
 follows, that whofoever has any part in the coun- 
 cils of this reign, muft needs be popifhly affected:: 
 But that, to have fo great a part in them, as you 
 are faid to have had, can happen to none, but an 
 abfolute Papift. That is the direct charge; but 
 that is not enough; your part is too confiderable 
 for a Papift of an ordinary form; and, therefore, 
 you muft be a Jefuit: Nay, to confirm that fug- 
 geftion, it muft be accompanied with all the cir- 
 cumftances, that may beft give it an air of proba- 
 bility; as, that you have been bred at St. 0?ner's 9 
 in the Jefuifs college; that you have taken orders 
 at Rome, and there obtained a difpenfation to mar- 
 ry; and that you have fmce then frequently offici- 
 ated, as a Prieft) in the celebration of the mafs, 
 at White-Hail., St. James 9 s^ and other places. And 
 this being admitted, nothing can be too black to 
 be caft upon you. Whatfoever is thought amifs, 
 either in church or ftate, though never fo contrary 
 to your advice, is boldly attributed to it; and, if 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 317 
 
 other proofs fail, the Scripture itfelf muft be 1688. 
 brought in to confirm, " That whoibever offends, v^v^> 
 in one point, (in a point efpecially fo effential as w - p PP k 
 that of our too much affected uniformity) is guilty to 
 of the breach of all our laws." Thus the charge 
 of Popery draws after it a tail like the et cat era 
 oath, and by endlefs innuendos prejudicates you, 
 as guilty of whatfoever malice can invent, or lolly 
 believe: But that charge, therefore, being re- 
 moved, the inferences, that are drawn from it, 
 will vanifh, and your reputation will eafily return 
 to its former brightnefs. 
 
 " Now, that I might the more effectually per- 
 fwade you to apply fome remedy to this difeafe, I 
 befeech you, Sir, fuffer me to lay before you 
 fome of its pernicious confequences. It is not a 
 trifling matter, for a perfon, raifed as you are, 
 above the common level, to lie under the prejudice 
 of lo general a miflake, in fo important a matter.. 
 The general, and the long prevalency of any 
 opinion gives it a flrength, efpecially among the 
 vulgar, that is not eafily fhaken. And, as it 
 happens that you have alib enemies of an higher 
 rank, who will be ready to improve fuch popular 
 miftakes, by all arts of malicious artifices, it muft 
 be taken for granted that thofe errors will be there- 
 by ftill more confirmed, and the inconveniences, 
 that may arife from thence, no lefs increafed. 
 This, Sir, I affure you, is a melancholy profpeft 
 to your friends; for we know you have fuch 
 enemies. The defign of fo univerfal a liberty of 
 confcience, as your principles have led you to pro- 
 mote, has offended many of thofe, whofe intereft 
 is to crofs it. I need not tell you how many, and 
 how powerful they are; nor can I tell you either 
 how far, or by what ways and means they may 
 endeavour to execute their revenge. But this, 
 however, I muft needs tell you, that, in your 
 prefent circumftances, there is fufficient ground 
 
 for 
 
318 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1688. for fo much jealoufy, at leaft, as ought to excite 
 v-x*/~v you to ufe the precaution of fome public vindica- 
 w. Popple tion. This the tendernefs of friendfnip prompts 
 
 to W. Perm. r- j \ r r j i_ i n 
 
 your mends to aelire of you; and this the juit 
 fenfe of your honor, which true religion does not 
 extinguifh, requires you to execute. 
 
 " Pardon, I entreat you, Sir, the earneftnefs 
 of thefe expreffions; nay, fufFer me, without of- 
 fence, to expoftulate with you yet a little farther. 
 I am fearful left thefe perfonal confiderations 
 fliould not have their due weight with you, and 
 therefore, I cannot omit to reflect alfo upon fome 
 more general confequences of your particular re- 
 proach. I have faid it already, that the King, 
 his honour, his government, and, even, the peace 
 and fettlement of this whole nation, either are, 
 or have been, concerned in this matter: Your 
 reputation, as you are faid to have meddled in 
 public affairs, have been of public concernment. 
 The promoting a general liberty of confcience 
 having been your particular province; the afper- 
 fion of Popery and Jefuitifm y that has been cad 
 upon you, has reflected upon his Majeftfr for 
 having made ufe, in that affair, of fo difguifed 
 a perfonage as you are fuppofed to have been. It 
 has weakened the force of all your endeavours, 
 obflructed their effect, and contributed greatly to 
 difappoint this poor nation of that ineflimable hap- 
 pinefs, and fecure eftablifhment, which, I am per- 
 iwaded, you defigned, and which all good and 
 wife men agree, that a juft and inviolable liberty 
 of confcience would infallibly produce. I heartily 
 wifh this confideration had been fooner laid to 
 heart, and that fome demonftrative evidence of 
 your fincerity, in the profeffion you make, had 
 accompanied all your endeavours for liberty. 
 
 " But, what do I fay, or what do I wifh for? I 
 confefs that I am now ilruck with aftonifhment at 
 that abundant evidence, which I know you have 
 
 conflantlv 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 319 
 
 conftantly given, of the oppofition of your prin- 1688. 
 ciples to thofe of the Romijh church, and at the v^v^/ 
 little regard, there has been had to it. If an w.p opp k 
 open profeilion of the direcleft oppofition againfl 
 Popery , that has ever appeared in the world, fmce 
 Popery was firft diftinguifhed from common Chriftia- 
 nity, would ferve the turn, this cannot be denied 
 to all thofe of that J "octet y, with which you are 
 joined in the duties of religious worfhip. If to 
 have maintained the principles of that fociety, by 
 frequent and fervent difcourfes, by many elaborate 
 writings, by fuffering ignominy, imprifonment, 
 and other manyfold disadvantages, in defence there- 
 of, can be admitted as any proof of your fmcere 
 adherence thereunto; this, it is evident to the 
 world, you have done already: Nay, farther, if. 
 to have enquired as far as was poilible for you, 
 into the particular flories, that have been framed 
 againfl you, and to have fought all means of recti- 
 fying the miilakes, upon which they were ground- 
 ed, could, in any meafure avail to the fettling a 
 true character of you, in men's judgments; this 
 alfo I know you have done. For I have feen, un- 
 der the hand of a reverend Dean* of our Englijh * Tillotfm. 
 church, a full acknowledgment of fatisfaclion, re- 
 ceived from you, in a fufpicion he had entertained, 
 upon one of thofe ftories, and to which his re- 
 port had procured too great credit. And though 
 I know you are averfe to the publifhing of his let- 
 ter, without his exprefs leave, and, perhaps, may 
 not now think fit to aik it; yet I am fo thoroughly 
 allured of his fmcerity and candour, that I cannot 
 doubt, but he has already vindicated you, in that 
 matter, and will, (according to his promife) be 
 ftill ready to do it, upon all occafions. Nay, I 
 have feen alfo your juftification from another ca- 
 lumny of common fame, about your having kid- 
 napped one, who had been formerly a Monk, out 
 of your American province, to deliver him here 
 into the hands of his enemies; I fay I have feen 
 
 your 
 
320 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA, 
 
 1688. your juftification from that flory, under that per- 
 t-xv-v> fon's own hand: and his return to Pennfylvania, 
 w. Popple where he now refides, may be an irrefragable con- 
 
 W.Penn. ' Q pains tO 
 
 enquire thereinto. 
 
 " Really, it afflicts me very much, to confider 
 that all this does not fuffice. If I had not that 
 particular refpect for you, which I fmcerely pro- 
 fefs, yet I could not but be much affected, that 
 any man, who had defervedly acquired fo fair a 
 reputation, as you have formerly had, whofe in- 
 tegrity and veracity had always been reputed 
 fpotlefs, and whofe charity had been continually 
 exercifed in ferving others, at the dear expence of 
 his time, his ftrength and his eftate, without any 
 other recompence than what refults from the con- 
 fcioufnefs of doing good; I fay, I could not but 
 be much affected, to fee any fuch perfon fall inno- 
 cently and undefervedly under fuch unjufl re- 
 proaches, as you have done. It is an hard cafe; 
 and I think, no man, that has any bowels of hu- 
 manity, can reflect upon it, without great relent- 
 ings. 
 
 " Since, therefore, it is fo, and that fomething 
 remains yet to be done, fomething more exprefs, 
 and efpecially more public, than has yet been done, 
 for your vindication, I beg of you, dear Sir, by 
 all the tender efficacy, that friendmip, either mine, 
 or that of your friends and relations together can 
 have upon you, by the due regard, which huma- 
 nity, and, even, Chriftianity, obliges you to have 
 to your reputation; by the duty, you owe unto 
 the King, by your love to the land of your nati- 
 vity; and by the caufe of univerfal religion and 
 eternal truth, let not the fcandal of infmcerity, 
 that I have hinted at, lie any longer upon you; 
 but let the fenfe of all thefe obligations perfwade 
 you to gratify your friends and relations, and to 
 ferve your King, your country and your religion, 
 
 by 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA* 321 
 
 by fuch a public vindication of your honour, as 1688. 
 your own prudence, upon thefe fuggeftions, will v^v^/ 
 now fhew you to be mofl neceffary, and moft ex- w -Pppl 
 pedient. I am, with unfeigned, and mofl refpeft- to 
 ful affe&ion, 
 
 Honoured Sir, 
 
 Tour mofl humble? and 
 
 moft obedient fervant. 
 " London, Oftober the 2otb. 1688." 
 
 The following is William Penn'.r anfwer to the pre* 
 ceding letter, viz. 
 
 " Worthy Friend, 
 
 " IT is now above twenty years, I thank God, w. Peim' 
 that I have not been very folicitous what the world anfwer to 
 thought of me. For fince I have had the know- W * Popp e * 
 ledge of religion, from a principle in myfelf, the 
 firfl and main point with me has been, to approve 
 myfelf in the fight of God, through patience and 
 well-doing: So that the world has not had weight 
 enough with me, to fuffer its good opinion to raife 
 me, or its ill opinion to dejecl: me. And, if that 
 had been the only motive, or confideration, and 
 not the defire of a good friend, in the name of 
 many others, I had been as filent to thy letter, as 
 I ufe to be to the idle and malicious mams of the 
 times: But, as the laws of friendihip are facred, 
 with thofe that value that relation, fo I confefs 
 this to be a principal one with me, not to deny a 
 friend the fatisfadion he defires, when it may be 
 done without offence to a good confcience. 
 
 " The bufmefs chiefly infifted upon is my Popery, 
 and endeavours to promote it. I do fay, then, 
 and that with all fincerity, that I am not only no 
 yefuit, but no Papift. And, which is more, I 
 never had any temptation upon me to be it, either 
 from doubts, in my own mind, about the way I 
 
 profefs, 
 
322 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1688. profefs, or from the difcourfes, or writings ol 
 v-/-v%^ any of that religion. And, in the prefence of Al- 
 w. Perm's mighty God, I do declare, that the Kin? did never 
 
 anfwer to joi ''- r\t i 
 
 w. popple, once, directly or indirectly attack me, or tempt 
 me, upon that fubjecl, the many years, that I 
 have had the advantage of a free accefs to him; fo 
 unjuft, as well as fordidly falfe, are all thofe ftories 
 of the town. 
 
 " The only reafon, that I can apprehend, they 
 have to repute me a Roman Catholic, is my frequent 
 going to White-Hall, a place no more forbid to 
 me, than to the reft of the world, who yet, it 
 feems, find much fairer quarter. I have almofl 
 continually had one bufmefs or other there for 
 our Friends, whom I ever ferved with a fleady 
 folicitation, through all times, fince I was of 
 their communion. I had alfo a great many per- 
 fonal good offices to do, upon a principle of cha- 
 rity, for people of all perfwafions; thinking it a 
 duty to improve the little intereft I had, for the 
 good of thofe, that needed it, efpecially the poor. 
 I might add fomething of my own affairs too; 
 though I muft own (if I may without vanity) that 
 they have ever had the leaft fhare of my thoughts, 
 or pains, or elfe they would not have ftill depended 
 as they yet do. 
 
 " But becaufe fome people are fo unjuft, as to 
 render inftances for my Popery (or, rather hypo- 
 crify, for fo it would be in me) it is fit I contradict 
 them as particularly as they accufe me. I fay, 
 then, folemnly, that I am fo far from having been 
 bred at St. Omer's, and having received orders at 
 Rome, that I never was at either place, nor do I 
 know any body there; nor had I ever a correfpon- 
 dency with any body, in thofe places; which is 
 another ftory invented againft me. And, as for 
 my officiating in the King's chapel, or any other, 
 it is fo ridiculous, as well as untrue, that befides 
 that no body can do it, but a Prieft, and that I 
 
 have 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 323 
 
 liave been married to a woman of fome condition, 1688. 
 above fixteen years, which no Prieft can be, by ^^^^ 
 any difpenfation whatever; I have not fo much as w - Penn ' 3 
 
 . r , n i i anfwer to 
 
 looked into any chapel or the Roman religion, and w. popple, 
 confequently not the King's, though common cu- 
 riofity warrants it daily to people of all perfwa- 
 fions. 
 
 " And, once for all, I do fay, that I am a Pro- 
 teftant dijjenter, and to that degree fuch, that I 
 challenge the moft celebrated Proteftant of the 
 Engliftj church, or any other, on that head, be he 
 Layman, or Clergyman, in public, or in private. 
 For I would have fuch people know, it is not inv 
 poflible for a true Proteftant diffenter to be dutiful, 
 thankful and ferviceable to the King, though he be 
 of the Roman catholic communion. We hold not 
 our property, or protection, from him, by our 
 perfwafion; and, therefore, his perfwafion fhould 
 not be the meafure of our allegiance. I am forry 
 to fee fo many, that feem fond of the reformed 
 religion, by their difaffection to him, recommend 
 it fo ill. Whatever practices of Roman catholics 
 we might reafonably object againft (and no doubt 
 but fuch there are) yet he has difclaimed and repre- 
 hended thofe ill things, by his declared opinion 
 againft perfecution, by the eafe, in which he actu- 
 ally indulges all difienters ; and by the confirmation, 
 he offers in Parliament, for the fecurity of the 
 Proteftant religion, and liberty of confcience. And, 
 in his honour, as well as in my own defence, 1 
 am obliged, in confcience, to fay, that he has ever 
 declared to me, it was his opinion; and on all oc- 
 cafions, when Duke, he never refufed me the 
 repeated proofs of it, as often as I had any poor 
 fufferers for confcience fake to folicit his help for. 
 
 " But fome may be apt to fay, " Why not any 
 body elfe as well as I? Why muft I have the pre- 
 ferable accefs to other difienters, if not a Paptft?" 
 I anfwer, I know not that it is fo. But this I know, 
 
 that 
 
324 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1688. that I have made it my province and bufmefs; I 
 v-^v>^ have followed and prefled it; I took it for my cal- 
 w. Penn's \{ n ^ anc j ftation, and have kept it above theie fix- 
 
 anfwer to ft , . , . ,-r T r 
 
 w. Popple, teen years; and, which is more (if I may fay it 
 without vanity or reproach) wholly at my own 
 charges too. To this let me add the relation, that 
 my father had to this King's fervice; his particular 
 favour, in getting me releafed out of the Tower of 
 London, in 1669; my father's humble requeft to 
 him, upon his death bed, to protect me from the 
 inconveniencies and troubles, my perfwalion might 
 expofe me to, and his friendly promife to do it, 
 and exact performance of it, from the moment, 
 I addrefied myfelf to him: I fay, when all this 
 is confidered, any body, that has the leaft pretence 
 to good nature, gratitude, or generofity, muft 
 needs know how to interpret my accefs to the 
 King. 
 
 " Perhaps, fome will be ready to fay, " This is 
 not all, nor is this yet a fault, but, that I have 
 been an advifer in other matters, difguftful to the 
 kingdom, and which tend to the overthrow of the 
 Proteftant religion, and the liberties of the peo- 
 ple." A likely thing, indeed, that a Proteftant 
 diflenter, who, from fifteen years old, has been, 
 at 'times, a fufferer, in his father's family, in the 
 univerfity, and by the government, for being fo, 
 fhould defign the deftruttion of the Proteftant re- 
 ligion! This is juft as probable, as it is true, that 
 * Seepage j died a Jefuit fix years ago, in America.* Will 
 * 46 ' men ftill fuffer fuch ftuff to pafs upon them? Is 
 any thing more foolifh, as well as falfe, than that, 
 becaufe I am often at White-Hall, therefore I muft 
 be the author of all, that is done there, which 
 does not pleafe abroad? But, fuppofing fome fuch 
 things to have been done, pray tell me, if I am 
 bound to oppofe any thing, that I am not called 
 to do? I never was a member of council, cabinet, 
 or committee, where the affairs of the kingdom 
 
 are 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 325 
 
 are tranfa&ed. I have had no office, or truft, 1688. 
 and confequently nothing can be faid to be done v^v^/ 
 by me; nor, for that reafon, could I lie under w : penn ' 9 
 
 X ' ,. j.j? . . r anfwer to 
 
 any teit, or obligation to diicover my opinion or w. Popple, 
 public afts of ftate; and therefore neither can any 
 fuch ads, nor my filence about them, in juftice, 
 be made my crime. Volunteers are blanks and 
 cyphers, in all governments. And unlefs calling 
 at White-Hall once a day, upon many occafions, 
 or my not being turned out of nothing (for that 
 no office is) be the evidence of my compliance in 
 difagreeable things, I know not what elfe can, with 
 any truth, be alledged againft me. However, 
 one thing I know, that I have every where moft 
 religioufly obferved, and endeavoured, in con- 
 verfation, with perfons of all ranks and opinions, 
 to allay heats, and moderate extremes, even, in 
 the politics. It is below me to be more particular; 
 but, I am fure, it has been my endeavour, that, 
 if we could not all meet upon a religious bottom, 
 at leaft, we might upon a civil one, the good of 
 England; which is the common intereft of King 
 and people: That he might be great by juftice, 
 and we free by obedience, diflinguifhing rightly, 
 on the one hand, between duty and flavery; and 
 on the other, between liberty and licentioufnefs. 
 " But, alas, I am not without my apprehen- 
 fions of the caufe of this behaviour towards me, 
 and in this, I perceive, we agree 5 I mean my 
 conftant zeal for an impartial liberty of confcience. 
 But, if that be it, the caufe is too good to be in 
 pain about. I ever underftood that to be the na- 
 tural right of all men; and that he that had a re- 
 ligion without it, his religion was none of his own. 
 For what is not the religion of a man's choice, is 
 the religion of him thatimpofes it: So that liberty 
 of confcience is the firft flep to have a religion. 
 This is no new opinion with me. I have writ 
 many apologies, within the lail twenty years, to 
 
 defend ' 
 
326 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA* 
 
 1688. defend it, and that impartially. Yet I have as 
 ^^VN^ conftantly declared, that bounds ought tobe.fet 
 JJ w ^ nn t **to this freedom, and that morality was the beft ; 
 tf, Popple, and that as often as that was violated, under a pre- 
 tence of confcience, it was fit the civil power 
 fhoukl take place. Nor did I ever once think of 
 promoting any fort of liberty of confcience, for 
 any body which did not preierve the common pro- 
 leftancy of the kingdom, and the ancient rights of 
 the government. For, to fay truth, the one cannot 
 be maintained without the other. 
 
 <c Upon the whole matter, I muil fay, / love 
 England; I ever did fo; and that I am not in her 
 debt. I never valued time, money, or kindred, 
 to ferve her and do her good. No party could 
 ever biafs me to her prejudice, nor any perfonal 
 intereft oblige me in her wrong. For I always 
 abhorred difcounting private favours at the public 
 cqft. 
 
 " Would I have made my market of the fears 
 and jealoufies of the people, when this King came 
 to the crown, I had put twenty thoufand pounds 
 into my pocket, and an hundred thoufand into my 
 province; for mighty numbers of people were 
 then upon the wing : But I waved it all ; hoped for 
 better 'times ; expected the eff eels of the King's 
 word, for liberty of confcience, and happinefs by 
 it: And till I faw my friends, with the kingdom, 
 delivered from the legal bondage, which penal 
 laws, for religion, had fubjecled them to, I could, 
 with no fatisfaction, think of leaving England; 
 though much to my prejudice beyond lea; and at 
 my great expence here; having, in all this time 
 never had either office or penfion, and always re- 
 fufing the rewards, or gratuities, of thofe, I have 
 been able to oblige. 
 
 " If, therefore, an univerfal charity, if the af- 
 ferting an impartial liberty of confcience, if doing to 
 others as one would be done by, and an of en avowing, 
 
 and 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 and fleady prafljfing of thefe things ^ in all times, 1688. 
 to all parties, will juflly lay a man under the re- v-xw^ 
 fle&ion of being a Jefuit. or a P apt ft, of any w / Pcnn ' s 
 
 IT //'! t , 2 n , anfwer to 
 
 rank, I mult not only iubmit to the character, but \y. Popple, 
 embrace it too; and I care not who knows that I 
 can wear it with more pleafure, than it is poflible 
 for them, with any juflice, to give it me. For 
 thefe are corner-itones and principles with me; 
 and I am fcandalized at all buildings, that have 
 them not for their foundations. For religion 
 itfelf is an empty name without them, a whited 
 wall, a painted fepulchre, no life or virtue- to the 
 foul; no good, or example, to one's neighbour. 
 Let us not flatter ourfelves, " We can never be 
 the better for our religion, if our neighbour be the 
 worfe for it." Our fault is, we are apt to be 
 mighty hot upon fpeculative errors, and break all 
 bounds, in our refentments; but we let practical 
 ones pafs without remark, if not without repen- 
 tance: As if a miftake about an obfcure proportion 
 vf faith , were a greater evil, than the breach of 
 an undoubted precept. Such a religion the devils 
 themfelves are not without; for they have both 
 faith and knowledge; but their faith doth not 
 work by love, nor their knowledge by obedience. 
 And, if this be their judgment, can it be our 
 blefling? Let us not think religion a litigious thing; 
 nor that Chrift came only to make us good difpu- 
 tants; but, that he came alfo to make us good 
 livers. Sincerity goes farther than capacity. It 
 is charity, that defervedly excels, in the Chriftian 
 religion; and happy would it be, if, where unity 
 ends, charity did begin, inftead of envy and rail- 
 ing, that almoft ever follow. It appears to me to 
 be the way, that God has found out and appoin- 
 ted, to moderate our differences, and make them, 
 at leaft, harmlefs to fociety; and, therefore, I 
 confefs, I dare not aggravate them to wrath and 
 blood. Our difagreemcnt lies in our affrehenfion^ 
 
 or 
 
328 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1688. or belief of things; and if the common enemy of 
 
 v ^ r v^ mankind had not the governing of our affe&ions 
 
 a^wer enn to * n ^ P affi ns, that difagrcement would not prove 
 
 w. Popple, fuch a canker, as it is, to love and peace, in civil 
 
 focieties. 
 
 " He that fuffers his difference with his neigh- 
 bour, about the other world, to carry him beyond 
 the line of moderation, in this, is the worfe for 
 his opinion, even, though it be true. It is too 
 little confidered by Chriflians, that men may hold 
 the truth in unrighteoufnefs ; that they may be ortho- 
 dox, and not know what fpirit they are of: So 
 were the Apoftles of our Lord; they believed in 
 him, yet let a falfe zeal do violence to their judg- 
 ment, and their unwarrantable heat contradict the 
 great end of their Saviour's coming, love. 
 
 " Men may be angry for God's fake, and kill 
 people too. Chrift faid it, and too many have 
 pra&ifed it. But what fort of Chriftians muft they 
 be, I pray, that can hate in his name, who bids 
 us love; and kill for his fake, that forbids killing 
 and commands love, even, to enemies. 
 
 " Let not men, or parties, think to fhift it off 
 from themfelves. It is not this principle, or that 
 form, to which fo great a defection is owing, but 
 a degeneracy of mind from God. Chriftianity is 
 not at heart. No fear of God in the inward parts : 
 No awe of his divine omniprefence. Self prevails, 
 and breaks out, more or lefs, through all forms, 
 but too plainly; (pride, wrath, luft, avarice) fo 
 that though people fay to God, Thy will be done; 
 which mews them to be true heathens, under a 
 mafk of Chriftianity, that believe without works, 
 and repent without forfaking ; bufy for forms, and 
 the temporal benefits of them, while true religion, 
 which is, To vijtt the father lefs and the widow, and 
 to keep ourfelves unfpotted from the world, goes bare- 
 foot, and, like Lazarus, is defpifed. Yet this 
 was the definition the Holy Ghofl gave of religion, 
 
 before 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 329 
 
 before Synods and Councils had the meddling with 1688. 
 it, and modelling of it. In thofe days, bowels ^w-x^rv/ 
 were a good part of religion, and that to the fa- w - Penn ' s 
 therlefs and widow, at large. We can hardly 
 now extend them to thofe of our own way. It 
 was faid by him, that could not fay amifs, Becaufe 
 iniquity abounds, the love of many waxeth cold. 
 Whatfoever divides man's heart from God, fepa- 
 rates it from his neighbour; and he, that loves 
 felf more than God, can never love his neighbour 
 as himfelf. For, as the Apoftle faid, " If we 
 do not love him, whom we have feen, how can 
 we love God, whom we have not feen?" 
 
 " O, that we could fee fome men as eager to 
 turn people to God, as they are to blow them up, 
 and fet them one againft another. But, indeed, 
 thofe only can have that pure and pious zeal, who 
 are themfelves turned to God, and have tafted the 
 fweetnefs of that converfion, which is to power, 
 not form ; to godlinefs, not gain. Such as thofe 
 do bend their thoughts and pains to appeafe, not 
 increafe, heats and animofities; to exhort people 
 to look at home, fweep their own houfes, and 
 weed their own gardens. And, in no age, or time, 
 was there more need to fet men at work, in their 
 own hearts, than this we live in, when fo bufy^ 
 wandering, licentious a fpirit prevails. For what- 
 ever fome men may think, " The difeafe of this 
 kingdom is fin ; impiety againft God, and want of 
 charity to men." And while this guilt is at our 
 door, judgment cannot be far off. 
 
 " Now, this being the difeafe, I will briefly 
 offer two things, for the cure of it. 
 
 " The firft is David's clean heart, and right 
 fpirit, which he afked and had of God: without 
 this we muft be a chaos ftill. For the diftemper 
 is within; and our Lord faid, All evil comes from 
 thence. Set the inward man right 9 and the out- 
 ward 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA, 
 
 'Ward man cannot be wrong: That is the he, in, that 
 governs the human veflel : And this nothing can 
 do, but an inward principle, the light and grace, 
 that came by Chrift; which the fcripture tells us, 
 enlightens every one, and hath appeared to all men." 
 It is prepofterous to think, that He, who made 
 the world, fhould fhew lead care of the bed part 
 of it, our fouls. No, he, that gave us an outward 
 luminary, for our bodies, hath given us an in- 
 ward one, for our minds, to act by. We have 
 it; and it is our condemnation, that we do not 
 love it, and bring our deeds to it. It is by this 
 we fee our fins, are made fenfible of them, forry 
 for them, and finally forfake them. And he, 
 that thinks to go to Heaven a nearer way, will, I 
 fear, belate his foul, and be irreparably miftaken. 
 There are but go *ts and Jheep, at laft, whatever 
 fiiapes we wear here. Let us not, therefore, dear 
 friend, deceive ourfelves. Our fouls are at flake: 
 w God will not be mocked ; what we fow we mufl 
 expect to reap. There is no repentance in the 
 grave;" which fhews, that, if none there, then 
 no where elfe. To fum up this divinity of mine; 
 it is the light of Jefus, in our fouls, that gives us 
 a true fight of ourfelves, and that fight that leads 
 us to repentance; which repentance begets humi- 
 lity, and humility, that true charity, that covers 
 a multitude of faults; which I call God's expedi- 
 ent againft man's infirmity. 
 
 " The fecond remedy to our prefent diflemper, is 
 this; fince all, of ail parties, profefs to believe in 
 God, Chriil, the Spirit, and Scripture ; that the foul 
 is immortal, that there are eternal rewards and pu- 
 nifhinents; and that the virtuous fhall receive the 
 one, and the wicked fuffer the other; I fay, fince 
 this is the common faith of Chriitendom, let us 
 all refolve, in the ftrength of God, to live up to 
 what we agree in, before we fall out fo miierably, 
 about the reft, in which we differ. I am peri wa- 
 ded 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 331 
 
 ed the change and comfort, which that pious 1688. 
 courfe would bring us to, would go very far to v-xv*^ 
 difpole our natures to compound eafily for all the w / Penn * 
 
 , -11 r i anlwer to 
 
 reft ; and we might hope yet to fee happy days, w. 
 in poor England; for there I would have fo good 
 a work begun. And how it is poffible for the 
 eminent men of every religious perfwafion (efpe- 
 cially the prefent minifters of the parijhes of En* 
 gland} to think of giving an account to God, at 
 the laft day, without uiing the utmoft of their en- 
 deavours to moderate the members of their refpec- 
 tive communions towards thofe, that differ from 
 them, is a myftery to me! But this I know, and 
 muft lay it at their doors, I charge alfo my own 
 foul with it, " God requires moderation and humi- 
 lity from us;" for he is at hand, who will not 
 fpare to judge our impatience, if we have no pati- 
 ence for one another. The eternal God rebuke, 
 I befeech him, the wrath of man, and humble all 
 under the fenfe of the evil of this day; and yet, 
 unworthy as we are, give us peace, for his holy 
 Name's fake! 
 
 " It is now time to end this letter; and I will 
 do it without faying any more than this: Thou 
 feeft my defence againft popular calumny; thou 
 feeft what my thoughts are, or our condition, 
 and the way to better it; and thou feeft my hearty 
 and humble prayer to Almighty God, to incline 
 us to be wife, if it were but for our own fakes. 
 I mall only add, that I am extremely fenfible of 
 the kindnefs and juftice, intended me by my friends, 
 on this occafion, and that I am, for that, and ma- 
 ny more reafons, 
 
 < c Thy obliged and affectionate Friend, 
 
 " WILLIAM PENN. 
 
 y Teddington, Oftober the ztfh. 1688." 
 
 CHAPTER 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 The Proprietary's prefence much needed in the pro- 
 vince. His letter to the CommiJJloners. Thomas 
 Lloyd. Falfe alarm of an Indian infurrecJion. 
 Names of the Members of Affembly, in 1687. 
 , Caleb Pufey. Captain John Dlackwell appointed 
 Deputy Governor. The Proprietary's inftruttions 
 to him. He meets the Afjembly, difagrees with the 
 Council^ and returns to England. Names of fomc 
 Members of Council, on whom the adminiftration 
 devolved ; with the. caufe and defign of Black- 
 well^s appointment. Why William Penn may juftly 
 be called the Father of his country. Two of his 
 epiftles to his Friends, the fet tiers there ; with 
 one to the Council. Inftitution of the firft public 
 Grammar -fchool in Pennfylvania, with its dejign, 
 &c.-~-George Keith, &c* 
 
 1688. VV HILE William Penn was thus varioufly and 
 
 Vx-w^ importantly employed in England, his province, as 
 
 w. Penn before obferved, needed his prefence ; and Thomas 
 
 hlTrovrace ^)'^> wn evtr ^ ince tne Proprietary's departure, 
 C had chiefly prefided in the public affairs, and fuf- 
 tained the weight and care of them, under the dif- 
 ferent appointments, excepting two fhort inter mif- 
 fions, wherein Thomas Holme and William Clark 
 T. Lloyd fupplied his abfence, wanted to be difcharged from 
 requefb to the burden ; and, before this time had folicited to 
 from'pubHc be releafed, by the appointment of another per- 
 affair*. fon in his room : But a iuitable perfon for fuch an 
 appointment was not eafy to be found; and the 
 Proprietary appears to have been fenfible of it, by 
 his manner of writing, at different times, to his 
 
 friends 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 333 
 
 lends in the province,* expreffing his ardent de- 1688. 
 fire for its profperity, and to refide in it himfelf ; 
 
 in 
 
 * On this and fome other things the Proprietor writ to the CommifTi- 
 oners in the following manner, dated the zjth. of the Tenth-month, 
 1687, viz. 
 
 " William Penn, Proprietor and Governor, 
 
 *' To my truly and well-beJoved friends Thomas Lloyd, Robert Turner, 
 John Etkle, John Simcockand Arthur Cook, commifli oners of Hate, 
 for the province of Pe*njylvania t or any three of them: 
 
 " I falute you all with unfeigned love, and, in Chrift Jefus, wifh you 
 health and happinefs. 
 
 " My laft is by the fame hand, this being fent to the Doii-ns aft:;r him, 
 upon the receipt of Thomas Lloyd's and William Markham's letter: 
 But I am heartily forry that I had no letter from the government: in- 
 deed I have hardly had one at all : and for private letters though from 
 public perfons, I regard them but little; I mean as to taking my public 
 meafures by : for I find fuch contradictions, as well as diverfity, that I 
 believe, I may fay, I am one of the unhappieft Proprietaries, with one 
 of the beft people. If this had not been complained of in mine by Ed- 
 ward Blackfan, I fliould have been lefs moved at this vifible incompla- 
 cency and neglect. Had the government figned, I mean thofe, who arc 
 the mofl eminent in authority, by confent of the reft, it had given me fome 
 eafe and fatisfaction; but, as it is, 'tis controverfy rather than government, 
 which ftands and lives and profpers in unity, at lead of the governing 
 part, whatever be their affections; for men may agree in duty, that dif 
 Jike one another's natural tempers. I fhall henceforth, therefore, ex- 
 peel letters from the government, recounting the affairs of it, that they 
 may be authoritative to me; and as many private ones as you pleafe be- 
 fides; for that I alfo, rejoice in, and any particular advice, that may in- 
 form me, as to the public, or remedy what may be amifs, or meliorate 
 what is, in itfeif, well, will alfo be very acceptable to me, 
 
 " Now I have faid this, I cannot but condole the lofs of fome ftand- 
 ards, in the province, honeft men, and ef good underflandings, in their 
 kind, The Lord avert his judgments, and conftrain all, by his vifita- 
 tions. to amend, be it in converfation, or be it in peace, concord and 
 charity; they that live near to God, will live far from themfelves; and 
 from the ienfe they have of his nearnefs and majefty, have a low opinion 
 of themfelves; and out of that low and humble frame of fpirit it is, that 
 true charity grows; the moft excellent way; Ah! what fhall I fay, 
 there can be no union, no comfortable fociety without it: Oh, that the 
 people of my province, and parts annexed; felt this gracious quality 
 aboum ing in them, my work would be done, and their praife and my 
 joy unfpeakably abound to us; wherefore, in the name and fear of God, 
 let sll old lores be forgotten, as well as forgiven: fhut out the remem- 
 brance of them, and preach this doctrine to the people, in my name, 
 yea, in the king's name, and his that is greater above all, -viz. God Al- 
 mighty's name. 
 
 " I am forry that Thomas Lloyd, my efteemed friend, covets a ^uit~ 
 tus, that; is young, active and ingenious; for from fuch it is, that 1 ex- 
 pect h4p; and fuch will not fow, I hope, in vain; but fmce 'tis his de- 
 fire, T do hereby fignify his difmlfs from the trouble he has borne, (for 
 fome time of reit and eafe, at leaft) and do nominate, to be commifli- 
 onated in my name, under thp great feal, till further order. Samuel Car- 
 
 fcnter t 
 
334 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1688. in one of which to Thomas Lloyd, about this time, 
 are the following expreflions, viz. " No honour, 
 intereil, or pleafure, in this part of the world, 
 fliall be able to check my delires to live and die 
 among you ; and, though to rny grief, my flay is 
 yet prolonged, on private and public accounts, 
 yet, depend upon it, Pennsylvania is my worldly 
 delight, and end of all places on the earth. 
 
 " Now, though I have, to pleafe thee, given 
 thee a quietus from all public bufmefs, my inten- 
 tion is to conftitute thee Deputy Governour, and 
 two, in the character of afliftants ; either of whom 
 and thyfelf, to be able to do all as fully as I my 
 felf can do; only I wait thy confent to the em- 
 
 ployment; 
 
 f enter, who, I hope will accept, and induftrioufly ferve that ftation, elfe 
 Thomas Ellis; who has an office, tha-t requires his attendance, having one 
 in my eye, that may fee you fliortly, as a man richly qualified for that 
 ftation : Robert Turner, of courfe has the Chair, for the firft month alter 
 the receipt of this, and the reft alternately, monthly, if you find that 
 convenient, as, I believe, it will be moft eafy, eife let the fenior com- 
 miflioner have it always. 
 
 " I have only to recommend to you, the due execution of the divers 
 good laws, among you, impartially and diligently, not neglecting the 
 erder, from hence fent, efpecially for peace and concord. Government 
 is not to make, but to do and difpatch bufinefs; in which few words, 
 and a quiet, but a brifk execution does beft; wherefore confider well 
 what is juft and fit, the one in law, the other in prudence (where yon 
 have room to ufe it) purfue in all cafes; and no matter what any fay, or 
 object. 
 
 *' I writ to you about my Quit-rents: I am forced to pay bills here, te 
 fupport my family there, while I have 4 or 500 pounds per annum in 
 <j>uit- rents there; you may remember the votes of Council, to pay my 
 charges in this expedition: I could draw a large bill upon the provincial 
 council, in that reflect; I am fure I need it, but have forebore; though 
 it is none of the endearingefl eonfiderations, that I have not had the 
 prefent of a fkin, or a pound of tobacco fince I came over: though 
 they are like to have the moft advantage by it, and promifed me fo 
 much! 
 
 " Pray, prevent people's withdrawing freni us, what you can; they 
 cannot mend themfelves; and they that go will find it fo, in a while; 
 for I believe, God has blcjfed that poor place; and the reafon of my flay 
 here, and the fervice I am, and have been of, to the confcientious, fhall 
 be rewarded on my folitary province. Remember me to the people, and 
 let them know, my heart's defire towards them; and fhall embrace the 
 firft opportunity to make my abode with them. 
 
 " Once more, let me hear from you, and have a copy of the laws, as 
 my other letter directs, and yon fliall foon hear from me to your con- 
 tent; fo I bid you heartily farewell. 
 
 " Given at Holland-fanfe, this 27th. of the Tenth-month, 1 6 & 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 335 
 
 ployment; of which advife me," &c. " by all 1688. 
 
 that is reverent, tender and friendly, I befeech thy \^*~^ 
 care, condefceniion and help, for that poor pro- 
 vince. I am here ferving God and friends, and the 
 nation; which I hope God will reward to mine and 
 you," &c. 
 
 Nofwithftanding the ftricl: friend/hip, and good 
 difpofition, which, from the beginning, had been 
 wifely cultivated and eftablifhed by the Proprietary 
 and inhabitants, or firfl fettlers, of the province, 
 xvith the Indians, and, afterwards purfued in fuch 
 manner, as to leave no reafonable caufe for fears 
 and fufpicions between them; yet, as in all coun- 
 tries wickedly difpofed perfons are found, whofe 
 -delight is, if poffible, to diflurb the public tran- 
 quillity; fo we find, in the infancy of this colony, 
 xvhen juftice, peace and harmony fo univerfally 
 predominated, it was poffible, neverthelefs, for 
 idle reports, and vain rumours to take place, and 
 gain fo far on unguarded minds, as to create very 
 alarming apprehenfions, refpecting the Indians-, of an in- 
 the consideration of their large numbers, at that dian alarm * 
 time, in proportion to the fewnefs of the European 
 fettlers, rather favouring fuch apprehenfions; of 
 which we have the following inflance. 
 
 In, or about, the year 1688, the inhabitants of 
 Philadelphia, and places adjacent, were alarmed 
 
 with 
 
 In 1687, Third month, 
 
 For Philadelphia. 
 Humphrey Morrey, 
 William Salway, 
 John Bevan, 
 Lafle Cock, 
 Daniel Paftoriu*, 
 Jofeph Paul, 
 
 For New Cafile. 
 Johannes Dehaes, 
 Edward Blake, 
 Valen. Hollingfworth, 
 John Wh-ite Speaker, 
 John Darby, 
 Richard Noble. 
 
 the names of the Members of Affembly were, 
 
 For Bucks, 
 
 For Cbejler, 
 
 Thomas Langhorne, 
 
 John BluniVon, 
 
 Robert Hall, 
 
 George Maris, 
 
 Nicholas Walne, 
 
 Bartholo. Coppock, 
 
 Robert Lucas, 
 
 Caleb Pufey, 
 
 Henry Baker, 
 
 Edward Bezar, 
 
 Edward Bennet, 
 
 Randel Vernon. 
 
 For Ketifr. 
 
 For SuJJex-t 
 
 John Brinkloe, 
 
 Luke Watfon, 
 
 William Berry, 
 
 Henry Smith, 
 
 Richard Wilfon, 
 
 Henry Moieftine, 
 
 Thonias Pemberton, 
 
 Henry Bowman, 
 
 William Freeland, 
 
 Samuel Gray, 
 
 Bciwni Biihop, 
 
 Henry Stretcher- 
 
336 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1688. with the report of an intended infurrection of the 
 V*V^K> Indians, to cut off all the Englifo.. on a certain 
 An Indian appointed day. This was communicated by two 
 
 alarm, &c. rr J r ^ r . J . 
 
 Indian women or Weft-jcrfey, to an old Dutch in- 
 habitant, near Chefter, to be on the next fourth 
 day of the week. Several Friends or .^uakcrs^ 
 upon hearing this report, being confcious of their 
 juft conduct towards the Indians , and fenfible of 
 nothing that could reafonably difguft them, endea- 
 voured to appeafe the people's fears. The faid 
 fourth day being come, about ten o'clock, in the 
 night, a rneffenger arrived at Chejier, out of the 
 woods, and told the people, that three families, 
 about nine miles diftant, which he named, were 
 all cut off by the Indians. This report coming to 
 a Friend^ then at Cheftcr, about midnight he took 
 with him two young men, on horfeback, to the 
 place, in order to examine into the truth of the 
 affair. They found the three houfes, but no body 
 in them, and yet nofigns of murder; their inha- 
 bitants, alarmed in a fimilar manner, had fled to 
 the houfes of their parents, at Ridley creek, about 
 a mile from thence. The matter of one of thefe 
 families, being from home, had been informed 
 five hundred Indians wefe actually collected at 
 Naaman's creek, in purfuit of their defign, to kill 
 the Englijh; and as he was haftening to his houfe, 
 he thought he heard his boy crying out, and faying, 
 " What jh all I do, my Dame is killed! Upon which, 
 inflead of going home, to know the certainty of 
 the affair, he ran off, to acquaint the government, 
 at Philadelphia; but being met by a perfon of 
 more prudence than himfelf, before he got to the 
 city, he was perfwaded by him to return. 
 
 The report notwithflanding foon arrived at the 
 city; and was told with fuch alarming circum- 
 flances, that a meffenger was immediately dif- 
 patched to Marcus Hook, near the faid Naaman's 
 creek to enquire the truth of it, He quickly re- 
 turned 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA, 337 
 
 turned and confirmed the report, but with this 1688. 
 variation; that it was at Erandywine creek, at an ^y^r^J 
 Indian town, where the five hundred Indians were f "J n<1 ^ 
 alTcmbled; and, that they, having a lame king, a * 
 had carried him away, with all their women and 
 children. Thefe circumftances rendered the affair 
 {till more alarming, and, with many, amounted 
 to a certainty. 
 
 The Council were, at that time, fitting at Phi? 
 laddphia on other affairs, when one of them, a 
 Friend, fuppofed to be Caleb Pufey* who lived in 
 Ckcfter county, voluntarily offered himfelf to go 
 to the place, provided they would name five others 
 to accompany him, without weapons; which being 
 foon agreed on, they rode to the place; but, in- 
 ilead of meeting with five hundred warriors, they 
 found the old king quietly lying, with his lame foot 
 along on the ground, and his head, at eafe, on a 
 kind of pillow, the women at work, in the field, 
 and the children playing together. 
 
 When they had entered the wigwam, the king 
 prefently afked them very mildly, " What they all 
 came for?' 9 They told him the report, which the 
 Indian women had raifed'; and afked him, whether 
 the Indians had any thing againft the Englifh? He 
 appeared much difpleafed at the report and faid, 
 " The women ought to be burnt to death; and 
 that they had nothing againft the Englifh ;" ad- 
 ding, " 'Tis true there are about fifteen pounds yet 
 
 behind 
 
 [43] 
 
 * Caleb Pitfey came from London to Pennfylvama) with his family, ill 
 1682; and from that time till his death, near 45 years, was a very ufe- 
 ful and valuable member of fociety, both religious and civil. He was 
 long one of the Provincial and Governor's council; and divers times in the 
 Afiembly: He is faid to have been a man of good example, both in 
 public and private life; and efteemed a worthy Elder among his friends 
 the Quakers. By his care, part of the materials, from which this hif- 
 tory of Pennsylvania is compofed, were preferved; being a man of 
 good understanding and abilities, in divers refpetfts; and iu the relation 
 of a neighbour, hufbaml, parent, mafter and friend, had particularly an 
 amiable character. He lived in defer county; and died in the Twelfth 
 month, 1725, in the 76th. year of his age. 
 
338 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1688. behind of our pay for the land, which William 
 ^xvx-> Penn bought, but as you are (till on it, and im- 
 An Indian proving it. to your own ufe, we are not in ha fie 
 
 alarm, &c. i t t 7- ,-/i r * 
 
 tor our pay; but when the tnglijh come to fettle 
 it, we expeft to be paid." This, the rneiTengers, 
 thinking very reafonable, told him, they would 
 undoubtedly be paid for their land. 
 
 One of the company further exprelTed himfelf 
 to the Indian king, in the following manner; 
 " That the great God, who made the world, and 
 all things therein, confequently made all mankind, 
 both Indians and Englifh; and as he made all, fo 
 his love was extended to all; which, was plainly 
 fhewn, by his caufmg the rain and dews to fall on 
 the ground of both Indians and Eng/ifli alike ; that 
 it might equally produce what the Indians, as well 
 as what the Englijh fowed or planted in it, for the 
 fuftenance of life; and alfo by his making the fun 
 to (hine equally on all, both Indians and Englifh^ 
 to nourifh them; and that feeing the great Being, 
 which made them all, extended his love thus to 
 all, fo they were mutually bound to love one 
 another." 
 
 The king anfwered, " What they had faid was 
 true; and as God has given you corn, I would ad- 
 " vife you to get it in; (it being then harveft time) 
 for we intend you no harm." They parted ami- 
 -cably; and the meflengers, returning, put an end 
 to the people's fears. 
 
 Appoint- ^ n c n fequence of Thomas Lloyd's requefl, to be 
 ment of releafed from the public affairs of the government, 
 Governor' * n ^ latter part of the year 1688, he was accor- 
 Biackweii. dingly fucceeded by Captain John Black*well;* who 
 
 arrived 
 
 * Black 'ell 's wife was general Lambert's daughter; (he, coming to 
 William Penn on other bniinefs, foon after he received this application 
 from Thomas Lloyd, was aflced by him, whether fhe thought her hufband 
 (who was then m Nfiv England, and for whom William A-,-hy fome 
 of his letters, ferms to have had a great efteem) would accept of the 
 government of P&iafyJvattia ? She anfwered, " He nvould." A com- 
 miffion was therefore fent him, with the following instructions, viz-. 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 339 
 
 atrived in the Tenth-month this year; whom the 1688. 
 Proprietary had commiflioned to be his Lieutenant 
 Governor. He was a perfon., whom William Penn 
 feems to have highly efteemed ; and, at the time of 
 his appointment, was in New England. 
 
 Blackwell 
 
 ST c ) " Inftruclions for Lieutenant Governor Blackivull, or whom 
 ( *-" ^'s elfe they may concern. 
 
 I. " THAT things be traafaded in my name, by the ftyle of my 
 patent only, viz. Abfolute Proprietary of Pennfylvania, tSV. if not con- 
 trary to the charter '^nd laws of the Province, as I fuppofe not. 
 
 II. " That commiflions figned and fealed by me here fhall be fufficicnt 
 warrants and directions to pafs them under the great feal. 
 
 Ill " To collect the laws, that are in being, and fend them over to 
 me, in a ftitched book, by the very firft opportunity; which I have hither- 
 to often, and fo much, in vain, defired. 
 
 IV. " To be careful that fpeedy, as well as thorough and impartial 
 juftice be done; and virtue, in all, chcrifhed, and vice, in all, punifhed. 
 
 V. *< That fines be in proportion, both to the fault and ability of the 
 party, that fo they may be paid. 
 
 VI. " That feuds between perfwafions, or nations, or countries, be 
 fupprefTed and extinguifhed, if any be; and, if none, that by a good 
 conduct, they may be prevented. 
 
 VII. " That the widow, orphan, and abfent may be particularly re- 
 garded, in their rights; for their cry will be loudeft in all ears; but, by 
 abfent, I mean fuch as are fo of neceflity. 
 
 VIII. " To countenance the Commifiioners of property, where land 
 is unfeated, or people are unruly in their fettlements, or comply not 
 with reafonable obligations, about bounds, banks, timber, &c. For 
 though we come to a wildernefs, it was not that we fhould continue 
 it fo. 
 
 IX. " That the Sheriffs of their refpective counties be charged with 
 the receipt of my rents, fines, &c. a* they do in England^ and give fe- 
 curity to the Receiver General, for the fame. 
 
 X. " To have a fpecial care, that Sheriffs and clerks of the peace im- 
 pofe not upon the propie; and that the magiftrates live peaceably and 
 foberly; for I could not endure one ioofe, or litigious perfon in autho- 
 rity. Let them be men having fome fear of God, and hating covet- 
 oufnefs, whatever be their ptrfwafion : to employ others is to profane an 
 erdinaBce of God. 
 
 XI. " That care be taken of the roads, and high ways, in the coun- 
 try; that they may be ftraight and commodious for travellers; for I un- 
 derftand, they ere turned about by the planters; which is a mifchief, that 
 muft not be endured. 
 
 XII. " Conuder by what means, or methods, the good and profperity 
 of the plantation may be promoted; what laws, in being, are unnecef- 
 fary, or defe&ive, and what are wanting; and in each particular hereof, 
 let me have advice as diftin<tly, and as fpeedily as may be. 
 
 XIII. " Rule the meek meekly; and thofe that will not be ruled, rule 
 with authority; and God Almighty profper all honeft and prudent en- 
 deavours. 
 
 { Given at London, this ajth, of the Seventh-month, 1688. 
 
34Q HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1689. Blackwcll met the Affembly in the Third-month 
 
 v-x-\/~v^ 1689; but, by reafon of fome mifunder Handing, 
 
 Governor or diflenfion, between hirn and fome of the Coun- 
 
 Blackwell M i i T rr t i 
 
 degrees cl h tn e public affairs were not managed with the 
 with the defired harmony and fatisfa&ion ; and but little; 
 murns to done during his administration, which continued 
 England, only till the Twelfth-month this year, when he 
 returned to England;* and the government of the 
 province, according to charter, devolved again on 
 1690. the Council, Thomas Lloyd, Prefident. 
 
 Reafonsfor The appointment of Blackwell, who was no 
 Biackweii's Ouaker, to be Deputy Governor, appears, by the 
 
 appoint- IN* . . J , . r . i i 
 
 mcnt, &c. Proprietary s letters to his friends, in the province, 
 to have been, becaufe no fuitable perfon, who was 
 of that fociety, would undertake the office; that 
 his views thereby were more for the public good, 
 than his own private intereft; which, he declares, 
 he was forry were not anfwered according to his 
 expectation; and that notwithstanding he was ap- 
 prehenfive occafion had been given by fome par- 
 ticulars, in the province, for this mifunderflanding, 
 yet, that he had duly regarded their complaints^ 
 and afforded them fuitable relief. 
 
 Cicero 
 
 * William Penn, in a letter to one of his friends in Pennfylvania, da- 
 ted the 3Oth. of the Tenth-month, 1689, refpedting the appointment., 
 &c. of Governor Black-well, declares, 
 
 " Since no Friend would undertake the Governor's place, I took 
 one that was not, and a ftranger; that he might be impartial, and more 
 reverenced: He is, in England and Ireland, of great repute, for ability, 
 integrity and virtue; I thougkt I did well; it was for good; the Lord 
 knows it, and no end of my own. You fee what I have done upon the 
 complaints; but I muft fay, I fear his peevifhnefs to fome Friends has 
 not rifen out of the dull, without occafion, if any where, let it be fearch- 
 ed out and judged: the Lord keep us all in the gentle mind that is eafy 
 to be entreated,' &c. " Bear with me, God knows, if I love you, or no, 
 or defire my lot to be with you;" " I have fought the province more 
 t han myfelf," &c. 
 
 Of the active members of Council, about the time of Black r well''s ad- 
 miniflration, appear the following names, viz. 
 
 John Simcock, Samuel Richardfoa 
 
 William Clark, Griffith Jones, 
 
 Arthur Cook, Thomas Duckett, 
 
 William Stockdale, Griffith O ven, 
 
 William Yardly, John Brinkloe, 
 
 Luke Watfon, Johannes Dehaes. 
 
 John Cann, 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 341 
 
 Cicero \vasjultly called the father of his country, 1689. 
 for preferring it from the defigns of a mod de- 
 teftable rebellion, but William Penn, with ftill 
 greater propriety, may be flyled the parent of his: e ay 
 In that he not only planted it with induftry and F . ather 
 virtue, and endowed it with a generous and ex- 
 cellent conftitution, but with unremitted care and 
 afliduity, he alfo cherifhed it with the bed and 
 moil affectionate advice and inftru&ion;* tending 
 
 more 
 
 * The following, which he writ them this year, are fpecimens of this 
 kind, viz. 
 
 " My dear Friends and Brethren, 
 
 " IF it be with you, as I can fay it is with me, in the prefence of God, 
 then are we one in him; for neither length of days, nor diftance of place, 
 nor all the many waters, between us, can feparate my heart arid affection 
 from you: but my love, yea, the love of God, my Father, and your Fa- 
 ther, abounds towards you, with endeared falutations to you all, and an 
 holy kifs in Chriji: and for you, and the blelling of you and yours, with 
 grace, peace and profperity, are my knees bowed to the God of all our 
 mercies and prefervations; that an holy, blamelefs people, without guile 
 and wrath, brawling and felfifhnefs, you may be made and kept, in all 
 things; that God may fpread his great Name over you, and a make wall 
 of defence about you, and create a glory upon the fame, to your uafpeak- 
 able joy, and the renown of his own great power. For thi . my eyes have 
 beheld under the fun, that all is vanity, in companion of him; and that 
 happy and blefled is that people, whofe God is the Lord : for the nation, 
 or province, upon the earth, that will not reverence him, and call, in 
 righteoufnefs, upon him, and, in all their undertakings, have his glory 
 ilrft in their eye, (hall be cut off: He will vex, vifit and trouble that peo- 
 ple, that they may know he ruleth in the kingdoms of men. Wherefore, 
 the Lord guide you, by his own fpirit, and preferve you a lively, greeo 
 and favory people to his praife. 
 
 " Great revolutions have been, of late, in this land of your nativity; 
 and where they may period, the Lord knows. It can be no new thing 
 for us, to meet with exercifes. Europe looks like a fea of trouble.- Wars 
 nil over it like to be this Summer. I ftrongly defire to fee you, before ifc 
 lie fpent, if the Lord will; and I can fay in his fight, that, to improve 
 :ny intereft with King James, for tender confciences, and that a Cbrif- 
 ijan liberty might be legally fettled, though again/I my own inter ejl, was that 
 which hasfeparated me from you chiefly I defire your remembrance be- 
 fore the Lord; as you are not, and cannot be, forgotten, in my addreffes / 
 and approaches to him; who reft in his unchangeable love, dear friends 
 and brethren, your's unalterably, in the communion of the blefled truth, 
 
 " WJILIAM PENN. 
 " The Id. of the F irji-month , 1689." 
 
 b, the $Otb. of the Tenth-month, 
 " Dear Friends, 
 
 " I cannot flip this opportunity; but fend you the endeared falutations 
 >f my love, that, in the truth, gives me frequent occafions to remem- 
 ber you, and earneftly defirs your preservation to God, as well as 
 
 your 
 
34 2 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1689. more effedually to fix and confirm that bond of 
 love and affection, between him and his people, 
 
 upon 
 
 your comfort and profperity in outward things; about which have a 
 care, that they grow not too fa ft upon you, nor tco many for you; I 
 mean, as to the care and concerns, that attend them, in the exercife oi 
 your fpirits: for it is a blcffed flute, to cnjor and life of the world, in 
 the dominion of his life and po'.ver, that has, quickened us, by his light 
 and fpirit a people to himielf : i'or, in fhis itai'as nil our peace and blelTed- 
 nei's. that God be eyed, in the lirll place, that we fet him on our right 
 hand; that we fet him continually before our eyes; and that our eye be 
 directed towards him, in all things, as the eye ef a handmaid to her mif- 
 trefs; that we may be able to fay, in truth and rightcoufneis, we have 
 none in Heaven, but him, nor any on earth, bciides him. This it is, 
 that keeps God's people every where; for hereby they pv-t on Chiift, in 
 all his bleffed teachings and leadings, and make no provision for the (lefh, 
 to fulfil the lufts thereof: Friends, they are deep words, and d'etpt) things. 
 I know you under/land me, and 1 hope you feel me, who have your eyes 
 to the mark, and look to the joy before you, that is above a'l things, in 
 tills momentary, trouhlefome and bufy world. .And, now, friends, I 
 have a word more to you; and that is this, th;:t frith, hope and churity 
 are the great helps and marks of true Cbriflhns; but above all charity is 
 the love of Goii, or divine love; bkffed are they, thst are come to it 
 and hold the truth in it, and work and act in it; for they. poo. <ndretl 
 in fpirit. of their own. but rich in GooV, they are ir.ec^; they inhe- 
 rit; all other ftates are a brangle, in comparison; but this enjoy?; this 
 poffeffes; this reigns! O, come into this love more and more; for to this 
 fliall ail gifts and operations give place; and they do fo, in the hearts of 
 thofe, that are come to know Charity greatefl in diem --lt will preferve 
 peace ir the church ; peace in the ftate; peace in families, aye, and peace 
 in particular bofoms. God Almighty draw, I befeech him . all your hearts 
 into this heavenly love more and more, and that the work of it may fliine 
 out, to God's glory and your comfort. 
 
 " For matters here; as to myfelf, I am well and free; and for the 
 church of God, liberty continues. But, in the nations of Europe, great 
 wars, and rumours of wars, fuch ashr-ve not been almoft from the begin- 
 ning. Suns are turning into darknefs, and moons into blood ; for the noteablc 
 4ay is at the door- It could not he born for fome of you, when you 
 went for America^ that fuch a clay fhould come; but coming it is; for 
 almoft every eye fees it, .md tongue fays it; fome thoufands, alas! have 
 already felt it. Sanclify, therefore, the Lord, in your hearts; be fatif- 
 fied in him, in your lot; and walk worthy of his daily mercy and attend- 
 ance upon you, and care over you, and the Lord keep you to the end. 
 I am, in truth, that makts us near to God, and one to another, " 
 " Your faithful friend and brother, 
 
 " WILLIAM PENN." 
 
 In this year likewife I find the following copy of a letter from the 
 JProprietor, faid to be read in Ccuncil, dated, London^ the lath, of the 
 Sixth-month, 1689, vlZt 
 " Friends, 
 
 " I heartily wifh you all well, and befeech God to guide you in the 
 ways of righteoufneis and peace. I have thought fit upon my further 
 flop, in thcie parts, to throw all into your hands; that you may all fee 
 the confidence I have in you, and the deiire I have to give you all 
 poffiblc contentment, I do earneftly prefs your coultant attendance upon 
 
 'the 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 343 
 
 upon the mofl certain and lafting foundation; 1689. 
 which is the bed prefervative againfl all difor- 
 ders : He treated them as beloved children ; while 
 they regarded him as a tender father: This, in 
 part, appears, by his various epiftles of this na- 
 ture, befides thofe refpecting the more temporal 
 concerns of the province; which, from time to 
 time, he writ to them, during his life; and in a 
 language more pathetic and endearing, it is im- 
 poilible for the moil' affectionate parent to addrefs 
 his beloved offspring; of thefe that are yet extant, 
 I find feveral this year; a fpecimen of which ap- 
 pears below, in the notes. 
 
 The year 1689 gave rife to the Friends 9 public 
 fchool, in Philadelphia; which afterwards, in the 
 year 169 7, upon the petition of Samuel Carpenter , 
 Edward Shippen, Anthony Morris, James Fox, Da- phia ' 
 uid Lloyd, William Southby and John Jones, in be- 
 half of themfelves and others, to Deputy Mark- 
 ham, was fir ft incorporated by charter ; and, after 
 that, confirmed by a frefh patent from William 
 Perm, dated the 25th. of October 1701; and alfo 
 by another, dated the 22d. of the Fifth-month 
 1708; whereby the corporation was, " Forever 
 thereafter to conjtft of ff teen difcreet and religious 
 
 perfonS) 
 
 the government, and the diligent purfuit of peace and virtue; and God 
 Almighty ftrengthen your hands, in fo good a work. I alfo recommend 
 to you the particular discipline of that town you meet in : that fobriety 
 and gravity be maintained, and authority kept in refpeft. As it comes 
 in your way, countenance my officers in collating my fmall revenue 
 Let the laws, you pafs, hold fo long only as 1 ihaii not declare my dif- 
 fent; that fo my lhare may not lye excluded, or finally concluded, with- 
 out my notice; in fine, let them be confirmable by me, as you will fee by 
 the commiflion I left, when I left the prevince. And if you defire a De- 
 puty Governor, rather name three, or five, and I fhall name one of them; 
 fo as you confider of a comfortable fubfiftence; that the government may 
 not go a begging. I do not do this, to lye a binding precedent, but to 
 give you, and the people you reprefent. the fblleft pledges I am able, at 
 this diftance, of my regard to them. Whatever you do, I defire, befeech 
 and charge you all to avoid factions and parties, whifperings and report- 
 ings, and all animofities; that, putting your common flioulders to the 
 public work, you may have the reward of good men and patriots; and 
 fo I bid you heartily farewell. 
 
 " WILLIAM PENN, 
 " Given at London, this 1 2th. of the Sixth-month, 1689." 
 
344 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1689. perfons, of the people called Quakers, by the name of , 
 v^v-^ The Overfeers of the public fchool, found in Philadel* 
 si Fr / eud3 ph' ta <> at t/ je requeft, coft and charges of the people 
 called Quakers ;" but its laft and prefent charter, 
 from William Penn, confirming all the preceding 
 charters, and further extending the corporation, 
 with larger powers and privileges, &c. is dated 
 the 29th. of November, 1711; wherein the Over- 
 feers, nominated and appointed, were Samuel Car- 
 penter, the elder, Edward Shippen, Griffith Given, 
 Thomas Story, Anthony Morris, Richard Hill, Ijaac 
 Norris, Samuel P reft on, ^Jonathan Dickinfon, Na- 
 than Stanbury, Thomas Majlers, Nicholas Wain, 
 Caleb Pufey, Rowland Ellis and James Logan; by 
 which charter the Overfeers were afterwards to be 
 cholen by the corporation. 
 
 itsdrfign. This was the firfl inftitution of the kind, in 
 Pennfyhama, intended not only to facilitate the 
 acquisition of the more generally ufed parts of 
 learning, among all ranks, or degrees, of the 
 people, (the poorer fort being taught gratis, and 
 the rich, or more wealthy, ftill paying a proportion 
 for their children's inftru&ion) but allb the better, 
 and more extenfively to promote a virtuous and 
 learned education, than could be affected by any 
 other manner, was the end of the defign: Which, 
 in the preamble to the faid prefent charter, is 
 thus exprefled, viz. 
 
 " Whereas, the profperity and welfare of any 
 people depend, in great meafure, upon the good 
 education of youth, and their early introduction 
 in the principles of true religion and virtue, and 
 qualifying them to ferve their country and them- 
 felves, by breeding them in reading, writing, and 
 learning of languages, and ufeful arts and fciences, 
 fuitable to their fex, age and degree; which can- 
 not be affected, in any manner, fo well as by erect- 
 ing public fchooh, for the purpofes aforefaid." &c. 
 
 For 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 For thefe laudable purpofes, therefore, a num- 
 ber of the principal inhabitants of Philadelphia, 
 being Quakers ^ in the Fifth-month this year, agreed 
 with George Keith, who then refided at Freehold 
 (now called Monmouth} in New ^erfey, to under- 
 take the charge. He accordingly removed to Phi- 
 ladelphia, and. was the firft matter of that fchool; 
 but continued only about one year.* 
 
 * " Gtorge Keith was a native of Aberdeen, in Scotland, a man of learn- 
 ing, and had been of note among the Quakers^ &c. (of which fee more 
 hereafter.) He came to Eafl Jerfi\ divers years before this time; was 
 afterwards Surveyor- general of that divifion; and, in 1687, he afcertained 
 and marked the line of divifion between Eaft and Weft Jerfey. His fa- 
 lary for officiating in this fchool, was fifty pounds per annum, with a 
 houfe for his family to live in, a fchool-houfe provided, and the profits 
 of the fchool befide, for one year. For two years more his fchool was to 
 be made worth one hundred and twenty pounds per annum, if he thought 
 fit to flay fo long; he was to teach the poor gratis. He continued in 
 this ftation about one year, and then his ufher, Thomas Makin, was, at 
 his defire, appointed to fucceed him, &c. 
 
 Note. The terms for teaching, &c. here, in early time, appear by 
 the following extract from the journals of Council, viz. 
 
 " Tench-month a6th. 1683, Enoch Floiver undertakes to teach fchool 
 in the town of Philadelphia, on the following terms, viz. 
 
 " To learn to read Englljb, four {hillings by the quarter; to write, fix 
 (hillings by ditto; to read, write and caft accounts, eight {hillings by the 
 quarter: boarding a fcholar, that is to fay, diet, lodging, walhing and 
 fchooling, ten pounds for one whole year." 
 
 Nets. Enoch Flower is faid to have come from Corflaam in Wildhire; 
 
 CHAPTER 
 
 [44] 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 William Penn's troubles and difficulties after the re- 
 volution in England. He is prevented by bis ene- 
 mies from vt/iting and affifiing the province in a 
 time of its greatefl need. Extraft from bis letter 
 fo Thomas Lloyd. His cpiftle to his friends in Lon- 
 don. Dif agreement between the province and ter- 
 ritories. Declaration of the Council ', and other 
 proceedings relating to the difference. Names of 
 the members of A/Tembly, in 1690. Two Deputy 
 Governors. The Proprietor's concern at this diffe- 
 rence. Extraft from one of bis letters, refpefting 
 it. Further proceedings of the province. A pro- 
 mulgated bill. Names of fome members of Coun- 
 cil. A letter of the two Deputies and their Coun- 
 cils to the Proprietary, &c. 
 
 w. Penn's -* T has already been obferved, that, during moft 
 
 df ai ?m b of ^ ^ e ^ me ^ mce t ^ le P r P r i etar y' s return to En- 
 the rTvoiu- gland, in 1684, much of his public a&ion and 
 tionini688fervice were in that nation; and that his intimacy 
 at court, and friendfhip with King James the Se- 
 cond, which his great obligation to that royal fa- 
 mily, and the fituation of his own affairs may, 
 both from gratitude and intereft, eafily account 
 for, expofed him to many unjufl cenfures; but in 
 the year 1688, upon the change of government, 
 the flate of his affairs there began to have a very 
 different, and more unfavourable afpecl : For the 
 attempts which had been made by the King, in 
 favour of popery and arbitrary power, had occa- 
 lioned the meafures of the revolution, which now 
 began to take place in the government there, by 
 
 means 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 347 
 
 means of the Prince of Orange, " who landed at w. Penn' 
 Yorbay, in Devon/hire, on the fifth of November, affi 
 
 -^nn " i r t- r- t'/> /r t" 6 
 
 |688, to the great joy of the Engfijh nation. Many t he 
 of King James's officers and army foon joined the lio 
 Prince; and the King, perceiving the hearts of the 
 people alienated from him, withdrew himfelf, and 
 went over to France. Hence by a Convention, called 
 fhortly after, the faid Prince of Orange, and the 
 Princcfs Mary, his confort, King "James's daugh- 
 ter, were declared King and Queen of England, &c 
 and were proclaimed on the thirteenth of February, 
 1688-9. 
 
 " Upon this turn of the times, William Penn's 
 late friendfliip at court having rendered him fuf- 
 pected of difaffeclion to the prefent government, 
 on the tenth of December, 1688, when he was 
 walking in White-Hall, he was fent for by the Lords 
 of the Council, then fitting; and though nothing 
 appeared againft him, and himfelf allured them, 
 " That he had done nothing, but what he could 
 anfwer before God, and ail the princes in the 
 world; that he loved his country, and the Pro- 
 teftant religion above his life, and never afted 
 againft either; that ail he ever aimed at, in his 
 public endeavours, was no other than what the 
 Prince' himfelf had declared for; that King James 
 was always his friend, and in gratitude, he was 
 the King's, and did ever, as much as in him lay," 
 influence him to his true intereft." Notwithftand- 
 ing they obliged him to give fecurities for his ap- 
 pearance the firft day of the next term, which he 
 did; and then he was continued, on the fame fe- 
 curity, to Eafter-term following; on the laft day 
 of which, nothing having been laid to hi& charge, 
 he v/as cleared in open court. 
 
 " In the year 1690, he was again brought be- 
 fore the Lords of the Council, upon an accufation 
 of holding a correfpondence with the late King 
 James; and they requiring fureties for his appear- 
 ance, 
 
34 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 w.penn'sance, he appealed to King William himfelf; who, 
 tfe T^of a ^ ter a conference of near two hours, inclined to 
 the revolt - acquit him, but, to pleafe fome of the Council, 
 
 tjonini688 he wa he j d upQn ^ for a wh jj e; ^ m ^ 
 
 nity-term, the fame year, was again difcharged. 
 
 " He was attacked a third time, and his name 
 inferted in a proclamation, dated July the i8th. 
 1690; wherein he, with divers others, to the num- 
 ber of eighteen, were charged with adhering to 
 the kingdom's enemies; but proof failing, re- 
 fpecling him, he was again cleared by order of the 
 Kings-bench Court, at Weftminfter, in the laft day 
 of Michaelmas -term, 1690. 
 
 " Being now again at liberty, he propofed to 
 go a fecorul time to Pennfyfoawa, and publifhed 
 proposals iv< ;)rmt, for another fettlement there. 
 He had fo far prepared for this tranfportation that 
 an order for a convoy was granted him by the 
 Secretary of State, when his voyage was preven- 
 ted by a frefh accufation againft him, backed with 
 the oath of one William Fuller, a wretch, after- 
 wards by Parliament declared a cheat and impoftor; 
 and a warrant was thereupon granted, for his ap- 
 prehenfion; which he narrowly efcaped, at his 
 return from the funeral of George Fox, the firft 
 preacher among the Quakers, on the i6th. of 
 January, 1690-1."* 
 
 Though 
 
 * W. Penn, in a letter to Thomas Lloyd, dated, " England, the I4th, 
 of the Fourth-month, 1691," writes on this fubje<5l, as follows: 
 
 " Dear Friend^ 
 
 " My love, in the unchangeable truth, falutes thee and thine, and the 
 friends and family of God, in thofe parts, defiring your temporal and 
 everlafting welfare, with an unfeigned affection. 
 
 " By this time thou wilt have heard of the renewal of my troubles, 
 the only let of my return, being in the midft of my preparations, with 
 a great company of adventurers, when they fell upon me. The jealoufies 
 of fome, and unwor'hy dealing of others have made way for them; but 
 tinder and over it all, the ancient rock has been my fheitcr and comfort; 
 and I hope yet to fee your faces, with our ancient fatisfa&ion. The Lord 
 grant, if it be for h''s glory, whofc I defire to be, in all conditions; for 
 this world paffeth away, arid the form and beauty of it fadtth; but there 
 are eternal habitations f or the faithful; among whom I pray that my lot 
 may be, rather than among the princes of the earth. 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 349 
 
 Though William Penn had hitherto defended 1690. 
 himfelf before the King and Council, yet he now ^s*'~*J 
 thought it more prudent to retire, than to hazard - f cnn 
 
 i_ r / r i i / r obliged to 
 
 the Facrmcmg or his innocence to the oaths or a retire in pri- 
 profligate villain; accordingly after an expen live vate > &c - 
 preparation for a large embarkation of frefh colo- TO the 
 nifts for America, he was not only obliged to defifl s reat dlfad ~ 
 therefrom, and, at a moil critical and neceffitous h^TfTair's, 
 time, in the affairs of his young country to decline ^dthofeof 
 furniming a large increafe to its inhabitants, and & & c f r 
 thofe means, for its further regulation, eilablifh- 
 
 ment 
 
 " I hope I need not urge my circumfhnces, to excite thy love, care 
 and concern for me and my fuffering intereft, in that country. I know 
 thou haft better learned Cbrijl and Cato, if I may fo fay, and wilt em- 
 brace fuch an opportunity to chufe to exprefs thy friendlhip and iince- 
 rity; nor is uncertainty and changeahlenefs thy fault; wherefore I will 
 fay no more, but defire that my afflictions may ceafe, if not cure your 
 animofities, or difcontents, within yourfelves, if yet they have conti- 
 nued; and that thou wilt both in government, and to my Commiffion- 
 ners of property, yield thy afiiftance all thou carift. By all this God 
 may prepare me to be fitter for future fervice, even to you there I aik 
 the people fcrgivenefs for my long (lay; but when I confider how much 
 it has been my great Icfs, and for an ungrateful generation, it is punilh- 
 ment! It has been 20,000 pounds to iny damage, in the country, and 
 above 10,000 pounds here, and to the province 500 families; but the wife 
 God, that can do what he pleafes. as well as fee what is in man's heart, 
 is able to requite all; and I am perfwaded, all fiiall yet work together for 
 good, in this very thing, if we can overlook all, that {lands in the way 
 of our views Godward, in public matters. See that all be done prudently 
 and humbly; and keep down irreverence and loofenefs, and chcrilh induf- 
 try and fobriety. The JLord God Almighty be with you, and among/I 
 you. to his praife and your peace. Salute me to John Simcock, R. Tur- 
 ner, A. Cook, T. Janny, Ph. Pemherton, S. Richardfon, W. Yardly, 
 the Welch Friends, and Plimouth Friends, indeed to all of them. 
 
 " 1'hou hail heard of our great lofs of dear Jobn Biirnyeat, and Ro- 
 bert Lodge, one in Ireland, and t'other in England, in about the fame 
 week; and Rdert Barclay, Tb. Saltloufc, and dearly beloved George Fox 
 fince: He died at Henry Gouldneyi, by Graclous-Jlrect meeting-houfe; 
 where he preached his farewell the Firft-day, and departed the Third, 
 at N;ght, between nine and ten. I was with him; he earnellly recom- 
 aiended to me his love to you all; and faid, William , mind poor Friends hi 
 America; he died triumphantly over death, very eafily forefaw his change,; 
 he was buryed on the Sixth-day; like a general meeting; 2000 people 
 at his bunal, Firends and others: I was never more public than that 
 day; I fcjt myfelf eafy; he was got into his Inn, before the ftorm that 
 is coming overtook him; and that night, very providentially I efcaped 
 the meffenger's hands: I ihall add only, that Fricn ds have had an extra- 
 ordinary time, this General Meeting; fo that God fupplied that viable 
 lofs with his glorious prefence. R. Davits there, but not thy brother. 
 .In fincere love I bid thee, thy wife and family, and fronds, farewell, 
 
 " Thy true friend, 
 
 " WILLIAM PENN." 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA, 
 
 1690. merit and happinefs, which, it was moil probable 
 ^-/*v-s^ fuch an addition, with his prefence, would have 
 adminiftered, but he alfo appeared very little in 
 public, for two or three years afterwards ; and the 
 great difadvantage and embarraflfment, which this 
 difappointment occafioned, both in his private 
 affairs, and thcfe of his colony, at this time, ap- 
 pear, in its effe&s, the more considerable, on ac- 
 count of the diforder, or diiTenlion, between the 
 province and territories; and alib the religious 
 difturbance, in the affair of George Keith; both 
 which began about this time; which, it is mofc 
 probable, his long wanted prefence and abilities 
 there would have prevented, or, at leafc, fome of 
 the confequences of them. 
 
 He writes Yet the product of this retirement was feveral 
 inhisretire- va i ua ble treatifes, on divers fubjefts, which, both 
 for his own amufement, and the common good of 
 the prefent and future times., he writ, during this 
 reftraint upon his liberty, till the latter end of the 
 year, 1693; which, as they are extant in his 
 printed works, the world would otherwife, pro- 
 bably, never have feen, ncr had the advantage of 
 them. But, fir ft, refpecting his retirement, left his 
 Friends, the Quakers y mould entertain any fmiiler 
 thoughts of him, he fent the following epiille to 
 their Tearly-mcetiiig, in London., viz. 
 
 " The 3oth. of the Third-month, 1691* 
 
 " My beloved, dear and honoured brethren? 
 
 w. Perm's " M Y unchangeable love falutes you; and 
 
 j^Fricnds tnou g n I am abfent from you, yet I feel the fweet 
 
 in London, and lowly life of your heavenly fellowfhip, by 
 
 l6 9 J - which I am with you, and a partaker among!!: you, 
 
 whom I have loved above my chiefeft joy: Receive 
 
 no evil furmifmgs, neither fuffer hard thoughts, 
 
 through the infmuations of any, to enter your 
 
 minds agamfl me, your affiifted, but no! forjaken 
 
 friend and brother. My ...ncmies are yours, and, 
 
 in 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 351 
 
 in the ground, mine for your fakes; and that God 
 
 feeth in fecret, and will one day reward openly. E P illle . ^ 
 
 nr r / - * r his Friends 
 
 My privacy is not, became men have fvvorn truly, - m London, 
 butfa/feiy, againft me; " For wicked men have laid in l6 9 I - 
 in wait for me, and faJfe witneffes have laid to my 
 charge things that I knew not;" who have never 
 fought inyfelf, but the good of all, through great 
 exercifes; and have done fome good, and would 
 have done more, and hurt no man; but always 
 defired that truth and righteoumefs, mercy and 
 peace might take place amongft us. Feel me near 
 you, my dear and beloved brethren, and leave 
 me not, neither for fake, but wreftle with him, 
 that is able to prevail againft the cruel defires of 
 fome, but we may yet meet in the congregations 
 of his people, as in days paft, to our mutual 
 comfort: The everlafling God of his chofen, in 
 all generations, be in the midfl of you, and 
 crown your mod folemn affemblies with his bleffed 
 prefence! that his tender, meek, lowly and hea- 
 venly love and life, may flow among you, and 
 that he would pleafe to make it a feafoning and 
 fruitful opportunity to you, defiling to be remem- 
 bered of you before him, in the neareil and 
 frefheft acceffes, who cannot forget you, in the 
 nearefl relation, 
 
 " Tour faithful friend and brother, 
 
 " WILLIAM PENN." 
 
 Though the Proprietary had, both by charter 
 and otherwife, endeavoured to connect the pro- 
 vince and territories of Pennfyfaama, in legiflatioii 
 and government, fo as to form one General Affem- 
 bly, yet the jealoufies, and difference of fentiment, 
 in fome cafes, which afterwards arofe between the 
 Reprefentatives of each part, in their legiflative 
 capacity, tending to create feparate interests, and 
 a rupture between them, were frequently the oc- 
 cafion of great uneafmefs to him ; whofe view was 
 always to keep them united, judging it rnofi for 
 the intereft of them both, as well as his own,- 
 
352 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1690. Hence, after BlackweWs departure for England, 
 v^v>^ in the year 1690, the irregularities, which enfued, 
 or were attempted, in conlequence of this diffe- 
 rence, appear, by the following declaration of 
 the Council, and other public proceedings, viz. 
 
 (L, S.) " By the Prcfidcnt and Council of Pennfyl- 
 vania and counties annexed* 
 
 " Prefent, 
 
 <c Thomas Lloyd, Prefident. 
 " John Simcock, Samuel Richardfon^ 
 
 " William Clark, Griffith Jones, 
 
 " Arthur Cook, Thomas Duckett, 
 
 " William Stockclale, Griffith Owen. 
 " William Yardly, 
 
 Declaration WHEREAS, the Provincial Council, accord- 
 fide ^nd ' m g to tne P ower s of the prefent commiflion of 
 Council, in government, have, at their firft fitting, chofen a 
 1690. Prefident,* and have fmce, in a legiflative coun- 
 Iw'xith c ^' continued him, till they fhould fee caule to 
 of the amo! alter their choice ; and having likewife ordered the 
 1689-90. fucceeding councils to be called by him, or, in 
 his abfence, by notice fent by fix members from 
 this place; yet, notwithftanding, thefe members, 
 William Clark, Luke Watfon, Griffith Jones, John 
 Brinkloe, John Cann^ Johannes D'Haes, did pri- 
 vily meet together, in the council-room, upon the 
 twenty-firft inftant, without fignifying the leafl 
 fyllable of their intentions, of having a council, 
 either to Thomas L/oyd, the elecled and continued 
 Prefident, or to any member of the province; 
 and there, in an irregular and undue manner, 
 have prefumed to al, as a council, and have ifiu- 
 ed forth pretended commiffions, for conftituting 
 Provincial Judges, contrary to the exprefs letter 
 of the laws, and have nominated fome therein, 
 who, under their prefent circumftances, are un- 
 qualified for that ftation; as, upon occafion, fhall 
 be made appear 5 and have voted extravagant and 
 
 contradictory 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 353 
 
 contradictory orders. This board, having well 1690. 
 confulered their diforderly and unprecedented way ^~s\^*J 
 of meeting, cannot but entirely difallow and dif- Declaration 
 
 i r i i n- of Council. 
 
 own their fo clandeihne meeting, to be a coun- 
 cil; for fhould fuch a proceeding be, in the leaft 
 countenanced, the confequence thereof would un- 
 avoidably introduce a rupture and confulion, in 
 the prefent frame of government: For, by the 
 fame reafon, that any fix members privately met, 
 without notice had from, or given to, any of the 
 reft, may reprefent the Governor and Coun- 
 cil, in this place, by the fame methods, two other 
 fix members elfewhere may reprefent two Go- 
 vernors and Councils more, at the fame time, 
 in this government;* which is an abfurdity, not * Note, the 
 to be tolerated. And further, this Council, being ^wri. 
 under an obligation of aflerting the Governor's 3 for each 
 power and authority, lodged in a regular Provin- count y* 
 cial Council, and for the undeceiving of many 
 well minded perfons, who otherwife may be abu- 
 fed by their late fitting, have unanimoufly, by this 
 inftrument, in writing, declared this to be our 
 fenfe and judgment, that all entries, orders and 
 comirmTions made and given forth by the aforefaid 
 fix members, at the council-room, upon the twen- 
 ty-firft inftant, are hereby deemed null, and of no 
 
 force* 
 
 [45] 
 
 Note. Third month, 1690, the names of the members of Aflembly 
 were: 
 
 For Chejler. 
 John Brirtow, 
 William Jenkins, 
 Robert Pile, 
 Jofhua Fern, 
 George MariS| 
 Caleb Pufey. 
 
 For Suffix* 
 John Hill, 
 Samuel Gray, 
 Robert Clifton, 
 Henry Smith, 
 Baptirt Newcomb, 
 Thomas Branfctjiv 
 
 for Philadelphia. 
 
 For Sucks. 
 
 William Salway, 
 
 Jofeph Grow don, Speakei 
 
 Humphrey Morrey, 
 
 Henry Paynter, 
 
 Thomas Fitzwater, 
 
 Richard Hough, 
 
 Charles Pickering, 
 
 Henry Baker, 
 
 Paul Saunders, 
 
 Edmund Bennett, 
 
 Abraham Updegrave. 
 
 John Cook. 
 
 For Nt'iu Cajlle. 
 
 For Kent. 
 
 Edward Blake, 
 
 John Barnes, 
 
 Henry Williams, 
 
 John Betts, 
 
 Richard Halliwell, 
 
 Daniel Brown, 
 
 John Darby, 
 
 Ezekiel Needham, 
 
 William Grant, 
 
 Richard Curtis, 
 
 John Donaldfon. 
 
 William Fre.eland ; 
 
354 HISTORY 6p PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1690. force. Whereof all Magiftrates, officers and other 
 v^vx^ perfons concerned, in this government, are to 
 
 take notice accordingly. 
 
 " Given at Philadelphia, 26th. of the Ninth- 
 month, 1690. 
 
 " THOMAS LLOYD, Prefident" 
 
 This difagreement appears afterwards to have 
 
 1691. increafed, and, in the fore part of the year 1691, 
 Three proceeded to greater extreme.* The Proprietary, 
 
 modes of whether to gratify, or indulge the humor of the 
 govern^ colony, and thereby induce a coalefcence of the 
 mem offer- two parties, or with whatever other defign, (which, 
 ?enn. "" no doubt, was well intended,) had left to the 
 choice of the Council, three different methods, 
 or modes, of the executive part of government, 
 viz. either that of the Council, of five commiffi- 
 oners, or of a Deputy Governor : This affair, 
 with other matters, being, about that time, agita- 
 ted in Council, and the province, or the majority, 
 inclining to the lafl of thefe methods, feven mem- 
 
 , bers, 
 
 * The following propofals, faid to be made to the Provincial Coun- 
 cil, by Griffith 'Jones and William Clark^ in behalf, and for the eale and fa- 
 tisfaclion of the inhabitants of the three lower counties, or the territo- 
 ries, may further fhew the views of the members for the faid counties, 
 in this affair, vis. 
 
 I. " That tttere be forthwith a writ iffued forth, for chufing a mem- 
 ber of Council, for the county of Sujftx, in the room of Thomas Clifton, 
 
 II. " That the commiflions given out, by both Councils, for judges, 
 be wholly laid afide; and that the inhabitants of the three lower coun- 
 ties may recommend to the council two perfons to be coxnmiiTionated, 
 for judges, to ad; the next Spring, and that to continue no longer. 
 
 III. " That, at the next legiflative council, a bill be propofed by the 
 council, to enable the nine members of the lower counties, or any fix 
 of them, to appoint three judges, to act in that flation, in the faid three 
 counties, and that there be alib three for the province, always provided ; 
 that the judges do act by the laws of Pf/utfyivaaia. 
 
 IV. " That for the eafe of the charge, there be a difpenfing with tKe 
 meeting of the Aflembly, unlefs it be for the confirming of thefe al- 
 terations. 
 
 V. ' That all other officers be, from time to time, appointed by the 
 faid nine members of the three lower counties, or any fix of them, to act 
 there; and that no other officers may be impofed upon them. 
 
 VI. " That the iairs for New cajlle be confirmed unto them. All 
 which being by you granted, we hope, may be a meat's to keep things 
 quiet; which Ihall be diligently endeavoured by your real friends, although 
 gtherwife reprefented, or fufpected." 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 355 
 
 bers, for the lower counties, viz. William Clark, 1691. 
 John Cann, John Brinkloe, John Hi/I, Richard 
 Halliivell, Albertus Jacobs and George Martin drew 
 up and figned a formal proteft, or declaration, di- 
 rected to the members of Council, of the province 
 of Pcnnfyfoania; dated, Philadelphia, the firft of 
 the Second-month, 1691. 
 
 In this they declared, 
 
 Firft, " That the mode of the five commiffi- Declaration 
 oners was the moil agreeable to them, or to the 
 counties, which they reprefented. 
 
 Secondly, " That the commiffion of the Council 
 was the next, though much lefs convenient, than 
 that of the five commiffioners ; on account of the 
 encroachments thereby made upon their rights and 
 privileges, by the province, in impofing officers 
 upon them, without their confent, or approbation. 
 
 "Thirdly, " That the method of a Deputy Go- 
 vernor was the mod difagreeable and grievous of 
 any ; on account of the choice of all officers being 
 placed in a fingle perfon, and the expence, or 
 charge, of his fupport: therefore they would not 
 agree to accept of that commiffion, 
 
 Fourthly, " But that, rather than the country 
 fhould be without government, they would confent 
 -to that of the Council ; provided no officers what- 
 ever were impofed upon any of the three lower 
 counties, without the confent of the refpeclive 
 members of Council for thefe counties. 
 
 Fifthly, " That they defired to excufe them- 
 .elves for not agreeing to have thefe things put to 
 the vote; which, they faid, they had experienced, 
 the members for the province would fcarce ever 
 do, till they were fure it would go againfl them. 
 
 Sixthly, " That they, in behalf of the lower 
 counties, protefted againft the acceptance of any 
 commiffion, but that of the five perfons, and re* 
 
 folded. 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 folved, that fhould the province aft otherwife, they 
 would govern themfelves by the commiffion, then 
 in force, till the Proprietary's pleaiure fhould be 
 known therein:" And thereupon they immedi- 
 ately withdrew their attendance. 
 
 What juft or fufficient caufe, they had for this 
 conduft, doth not clearly appear: it gave many of 
 the members of the Provincial Council, as well 
 as the Proprietary himfelf, much concern and un- 
 eafmefs; and great endeavours were ufed, and 
 
 conciie r niuch pains taken by both, to reconcile them; 
 
 them, & c . but not with all the defired fuccefs : for their 
 greateil oflenfible objection againft this commiffion 
 of a Deputy Governor, which the province moft 
 inclined to, appearing to be the expence of his 
 fupport, and their jealoufy of having their officers 
 removed, fo, to relieve their apprehenfions, in 
 thefe refpefts, &c. at Prefident Lloyd's requeft, 
 John Simcock) John Briftow, John Delavall, with 
 David Lloyd, went after them, to New-Co/lle, to 
 endeavour their return, &c. but in vain.* 
 
 Hence, 
 
 * The Prefident writ to them by thefe perfons, as follows, -viz. " John 
 Cann^ John Brink'oe, George Martin, William Clark, R. Halliivell, John 
 Hill, Albert Jacobs. 
 " friends, 
 
 " 1 am forry for this breach, which you have made upon the laws, 
 charter and council procedure; you have withdrawn your attendance, 
 without any juft caufe; lay afide obftinacy, wilful neglect and felf in- 
 tereit, I cannot conceive what can fupport you, at laft, but the abfurd 
 lenity of the Government. Recollect yourfeives; confider well the con- 
 fuiion, to which thus yo;ir rafhnels may expofe you, and many in- 
 nocent inhabitants oi the lower counties; and return unto your duty, 
 and repetcntative fervice here, and we fhall lovingly receive you, 
 jind fo difpatch, I hope, in a fhort time, the prefent emergencies before 
 us. And I do further, for your encouragement, allure you, and faith- 
 fully promile unto you, that the charge ol the Chair, and fupport of me 
 under this prefent commijjion, fhall not prefs, nor burthen you, or them, 
 whom you reprefent, one penny , unlefs you jointly, and at your volun- 
 tary accords not only offer, but requert the acceptance of your benevolence, 
 through the method of a General Afftmbly. I have not further at this, 
 time, but requeit you to be ferious, and, if you defire to be apart, let it 
 he done with the fame folemnity, whereby you were united to us. Your 
 officers, duly qualified, fhall continue till our Proprietary's pleafure be 
 further known, and not to be removed, without your refpe&ive concur- 
 rence. I expeii to fee you foon up with us. 
 
 " Your abufed Friend and Chairman^ 
 *'* Council-room, the tyh. vf the Second-month, 1691." 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 357 
 
 Hence, upon the province preferring the choice 1691. 
 of a Deputy Governor, contrary to the mind of 
 the territories, and Thomas Lloyd being preferred 
 to that office, (which he appears to have accepted O f the Pro- 
 with fome reluctance) the Proprietary commiffi- ^ n a c r ^ a ^* 
 onated him Governor of the province, and the O f the Ter- 
 Secretary, William Markham^ who appears to have n tories - 
 joined and retired with the protecting members, in 
 their abrupt feparation, was, in like manner, ap- 
 pointed over the lower counties, under certain re- 
 ilriclions. 
 
 This divifion of the Legiflature appears to have w. Penn 
 been much againil the Proprietary's mind; who 
 feems to have apprehended dangerous, if not fatal, & c . 
 confequences from it.'* He blamed, or, at lead, 
 
 appeared, 
 
 * The Proprietary's fentiments and grief, o this occafion, appear, in 
 part, in the following extradt from one of his letters to a friend, viz. 
 
 lyth of the Fourth-month, 1694. 
 " Loving friend, 
 
 " I have thine of the 1 3th. inftant, thy love and good intention to- 
 wards me I receive and accept. But, pray, confider how little I am in 
 fault; and how ill I am rewarded by ibme in that Province. I left it 
 quiet, and the government in the council. Thomas Lloyd grew weary 
 of this form; writ, and got others to write, to change it to a deputyfhipj 
 I fent to know, if he would have it; in the meanwhile writ to me, he 
 would not meddle, and defired z. quietus, or difmifs: Upon this captain 
 Blackiveirs wife, general Lambert's daughter, coming to me about pre- 
 fenting fomethiug of her hufband's to the King; and remembering him 
 to be a man of fobriety and parts, alked for him, then in Neiv England; 
 and if he would accept of the government of Pennfylvania, &c. This 
 difpleafed: I altered and left it to them, to chufe either the government 
 of the council, or five commiffioners, or a deputy: What could be ten- 
 derer? Now I perceive 'Thomas Lloyd is chofen by the three upper, but 
 not the three lower counties; and fits down with this broken choice: This 
 has grieved and wounded me and mine, I fear to the hazard of all! What- 
 ever the morals of the lower counties are, it was embraced as a mercy, 
 that we got and united them to the province; and a great charter ties them; 
 and this particular ambition has broken it; for the ftriving can arife from 
 nothing elfe; and what is that fpirit that would fooner divide the child, 
 than let things run in their own channel, but that which facrifices 
 all bowels to wilfulnefs! Had they learned what this means, / will 
 have mercy, and not facrifice, there had been no breaches nor animofities 
 there till I had come, at leaft. I dtfire thee to write to them; which they 
 will mind now more, than upon the fpot; and lay their union upon them; 
 for elfe the Governor of Ne-w York is like to have all; if he has it not 
 already. The Lord forgive them their unlpeakable injury to me and 
 mine. I have fent, nine months ago, to J. Gootfon a commiflion, if my 
 letter prevails not,' that was to unite them, that Thomas Lloyd be Cover- 
 
 nor 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1691. appeared difpleafed with Thomas Lloyd's conduct, 
 in accepting of a partial choice, or that of the 
 province only, as if it were in his power to have 
 prevented this divifion ; but the Provincial Coun- 
 cil excufed him in a letter thereon to the Propri- 
 etary and entirely exculpated him from being ac- 
 ceffary thereto, or in any manner promoting this 
 difagreement, throwing the whole blame on the 
 territory men: they declared, that, inftead of be- 
 ing a gainer by any public offices, which he had 
 held, Thomas Lloyd had wafted^ or confiderably 
 worfted his eftate thereby; that, as he was well 
 known to be a lover and promoter of concord and 
 union, and preferred a private life, fo, " He never 
 accepted of that commijjion^ but by the importunity of 
 his friends, or, at the earneft requcft of the pro- 
 vince itfelf. This letter was figned by Arthur 
 Cook, 'John Simcock, Samuel Richardfon^ 'James Fox 9 
 George Murrie and Samuel Carpenter. 
 
 Iteration The province and territories continued, in this 
 of thl o^ e rn! manner ' %bout two years; or, till the arrival of 
 , & C . Governor Fletcher of New-Tork, in April, 1693; 
 and though they managed better, in this iituation, 
 than the Proprietary, at firft, feems to have ex- 
 pecled from it, and with more harmony than they 
 had done, for fome time before; neverthelefs, it 
 will hereafter appear that the continued refra&ori- 
 nefs of the territories, in their refufmg to accept 
 of the new charter, in 1701, was, at length, the 
 occafion of their total feparatiori from the province,, 
 in legiflation. 
 
 The 
 
 nor above, and captain MarkLam^ below, under fuch and fuch rcftric- 
 tions, &c but hear not a word of this. I was going the Second-month 
 at fartheft, all things preparing, as friends of London know, when this 
 trouble broke out upon me, in the Eleventh: and fuch have been my hard- 
 fhips, could not get clear without fnares, &c. fo, wait God's time, who 
 lias a hand in all this; and, I believe, in the end, every way, for good; 
 /b, in true love to thee and thine, and earneft defires to fee their laces, 
 I conclude 
 
 " Thy real friend, 
 
 " WILLIAM PENN," 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 359 
 
 The revolution and meafures, taken by the pro- 1 69 1 . 
 vince, in confequence of this conducl of the \~s\~^j 
 territories, with the form of the legillative pro- T. Lloyd, 
 ceeding, in the Deputyfhip of Governor Lloyd, V ernor% 
 which commenced about the Third-month, 1691, 3o. *oth. 
 and under the charter then in force are, in part, l6s>1 ' 
 exhibited by the following promulgated bills ; which 
 appear to have been parted into laws, in the fame 
 year, viz. 
 
 " The Deputy Governour and Freemen of the 
 province of Pennfylvania, in Council met at 
 Philadelphia, on the feventeenth day of the 
 Sixth-month, 1 69 1 , have prepared and pub- 
 limed, according to law and charter, thefe fol- 
 lowing bills, for the notice and concurrence 
 of the Freemen, in Aflembly to meet, the 
 tenth day of the Seventh-month next, at Phi- 
 ladelphia, aforefaid, in the form and flyle of 
 laws, then and there to be confirmed, amend- 
 ed, or reje&ed, as the General Aflembly, in 
 their wifdom, fhall fee meet. 
 
 tc At an Aflembly held at Philadelphia, the tenth 
 day of the Seventh-month, anno dom. 1691- 
 
 " WHEREAS, by an aft of General Aflembly A prom*!* 
 held at Chejier, alias Upland, in the Tenth-month, 
 1682, it is, among other things, ena&ed by the 
 Proprietary and Governor of this province of Penn~ 
 fyhania, with the advice and content of the Depu- 
 ties of the Freemen of the fame province and coun- 
 ties annexed, in the faid Aflembly met, that the 
 counties of New-CaJtie, *fones and Whorekllls, alias 
 Deal, fhould be annexed, and are thereby annexed, 
 unto the province of Pennfylvania, as of the pro- 
 per territory thereof; and the people therein fhould 
 be governed by the fame laws, and enjoy the fame 
 privileges, in all refpecls, as the inhabitants of 
 Pennfyfoania did, or mould, enjoy from time to 
 time, as by the fame aft, more at large appears: 
 
 But, 
 
360 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1691. But, left the faid Proprietary and Freemen of the 
 faid province fhould by the faid union, be deprived 
 of the immunities and powers then before in- 
 vefted in them, apart from the faid annexed coun- 
 ties, by virtue of the King's letters patent, and 
 firft charter of liberties, or fhould otherwife be 
 impeded or obftructed, in any act of government, 
 which might relate to the public good, juilice, 
 peace and fafety of the faid province, which 
 might not fo immediately concern the territories, 
 it was, at the fame General AiTembly, further 
 enacled, that all matters and things, not therein 
 provided for, which fhould, or might, concern 
 the public good, juftice, peace and fafety of the 
 faid province, and the raifmg and impofing taxes, 
 cufloms, duties, or charges whatfoever, mould be, 
 and are, thereby referred to the order, prudence 
 and determination of the Governor and Freemen 
 of the faid province, from time to time; which 
 faid laws have been fithence continued in, and by, 
 the fucceeding General Aflemblies: Now, for as 
 much as the prefent ftate and emergency of this 
 government requires fome fpeedy provifion, for the 
 lupport and fafety thereof, and for the better efta- 
 b liming the juftice and peace of the fame, by rea- 
 fon of the breach, that the Reprefentatives of the 
 faid annexed counties have lately made, in wil- 
 fully abfenting themfelves from their charteral at- 
 tendance, in the laft legiflative Council and Aflem- 
 bly, and declining their other incumbent duties 
 and fervices to the prefent conftitutions of this 
 province; as alfo, in oppofing and tumultuoufly 
 preventing the election of new members, to iup- 
 ply the neglect of the faid abfenting Reprefen- 
 tatives, withftanding all provincial acts of govern- 
 ment, and denying the powers of the fame: There- 
 fore, for preventing all doubts and fcruples con- 
 cerning the meeting, fitting and proceeding of 
 this prefent General Aifembly, Be it declared and 
 
 enatted, 
 
HISTORY or PENNSYLVANIA. 361 
 
 enattcd, and it is declared and enabled, by the 1691. ; 
 Deputy Governor, with the affent of the Repre- 
 fentatives of the Freemen of the faid province, 
 in General Affembly met, by the King and C)ueen's 
 authority, that the meetings of Council, fince the 
 diffent and refufal aforefaid, of the Reprefentatives 
 of the faid annexed counties, and the meetings of 
 the Deputy Governor and Reprefentatives of the 
 province, in Provincial Council and Affembly 
 met, on the tenth day of the Third-month laft 
 pad, at Philadelphia , and now fitting, in this pre- 
 ient General Affembly, are the Provincial Coun- 
 cil and Affembly of this province of Pennfyfoania ; 
 and are hereby declared, enacted and adjudged fo 
 to be, to all intents, conflructions and purpofes, 
 notwithstanding the abfence of the Reprefentatives 
 of the laid counties annexed: And^ for re- 
 moving all objections, that may arife concerning 
 the validity, force and continuation of the laws of 
 this government, Be it further enaded, by the au- 
 thority aforefaid^ That all thefe laws, that were 
 made, continued and flood unrepealed at the laft. 
 General Affembly, held at New-Cqftle, in the 
 year 1690, are hereby declared and enacted to 
 iland in force and be continued refpectively, un- 
 till the publication of other laws, which mall be 
 made by the next General Affembly of this pro- 
 vince. 
 
 " Ex per 
 
 " DAVID LLOYD, Cl. Council." 
 
 As this divifion had occafioned much anxiety to 
 the Proprietary, of which both parties were fenfible, ' 
 [46] fo 
 
 In the minutes of the Provincial Council, in the Summer of the year 
 1691, appear the following names of the adive members of that board^ 
 viz. 
 
 John Simcock, John Curtis, 
 
 John Delavall, Thomas Duckett, 
 
 William Stockdale, John Briltow, 
 
 Arthur Cook, Thomas Janny, 
 
 Jofeph Growdoiij William Jenkins. 
 
 Griffith. Owen, 
 
362 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1 692. fo to relieve him, at lead in part, from his apprehen- 
 v^-v>^ fions and uneafmefs, on that account, in the fore- 
 
 Both par- p art o f t h e y ear jgo^, the two deputies and their 
 ^"t^the Councils unitedly writ him the following letter, viz. 
 Proprietor. From ^ Council-room at Philadelphia, the 6th. 
 of the Second-month, 1692. 
 
 " Worthy Governor, 
 
 Their letter " THESE few lines, we hope, may much eafe 
 to him. thy jnind, in reference to thy exercifes, concerning 
 the affairs of thy government here, by informing 
 thee, that, with unanimous accord, we reft fatisfied 
 with thy two deputations, fent for executive govern- 
 ment of the province, and counties annexed: and 
 thy deputies concurring amicably, at this time, 
 to acl as one general government, in legiflation, 
 we have proceeded in the preparing jointly fome 
 few bills; that thereby our prefent united actings 
 may be as well publifhed, as the refpeftive fervices 
 of the government anfwered. What particular 
 tranfa&ions of moment, which have occurred upon 
 our calm debates of the choice of three, we refer 
 to the minutes for thy fatisfa&ion : We heartily 
 wifh thee well; and, with longing expeftations, 
 defire thy fpeedy return unto us; where, we doubt 
 not, but thou wilt find' a moft grateful reception, 
 and better face of affairs, than may feem to thee 
 there, at this diftance; fo, bidding thee adieu, at 
 this time, we remain, 
 
 " Thy faithful and well-wifhing friends, 
 " THOMAS LLOYD. 
 " WILLIAM MARKHAM. 
 
 " Arthur Cook, John Briftow, 
 
 " Jno. Cann, Albertus Jacobs, 
 
 " Jos. Growdon, Hugh Roberts, 
 
 " John Delavall, Sa. Gray, 
 
 " Rich. Halliwell, Samuel Lewis, 
 
 " Griffith Owen, Richard Wilfon, 
 
 " George Martin, William Biles. 
 " Wm. Jenkins.'" 
 
 CHAPTER 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 363 
 
 CHAPTER XL 
 
 Schifm and feparation between George Keith and the 
 Quakers. Their teftlmony of denial againft him. 
 His conducl afterwards. So?ne judicial proceedings 
 againft him, &V. The Mogiftrates* declaration of 
 the reafons for thefe proceedings. This affair, and 
 the difference between the Province and Territories, 
 give William Penn great concern and trouble. He is 
 deprived of the government by King William and 
 Queen Mary. Their commijfion to Fletcher, Gover- 
 nor of New Tork. Fletcher's letter to Deputy 
 Lloyd. 
 
 1 N the year 1691, an affair happened among the 
 Quakers, in this part of the world, which gave 
 them much uneafinefs and trouble, in their religi- Thefchifn* 
 ous capacity, more efpecially in this Province, and 
 the neighbouring places. This was the difference 
 and feparation between them and George Keith, 
 before mentioned. He had been an eminent 
 preacher and writer among them, for many years; 
 and had publifhed feveral well-written treatifes, in 
 defence of their religious principles, yet extant. 
 He was a man of quick natural parts, and confi- 
 derable literary abilities; acute in argument, and 
 very ready and able in logical difputations, and 
 nice diftindlions, on theological fubjecls; but, faid 
 to be, of a brittle temper, and over-bearing difpo- 
 fition of mind; not fufficiently tempered ard qua- 
 lified with that Chriflian moderation and charity, 
 which give command over the human paflions ; the 
 diftinguifhing characleriftic of true Chriftianity: 
 of which he himfelf had not only made high pro- 
 feffion, but alfo, in his younger years, as appears 
 
 by 
 
364 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA.. 
 
 1691. by his writings, had a good underftanding. His 
 great confidence in his own fuperior abilities feems 
 
 r?-r Kdt c h ' s to h ave been one, if not the chief, introductory 
 
 IChllin, &C. r r l l ff TTTI 
 
 cauie of this unhappy difputc; When men fet too 
 high a value y on themfelves, and others will not 
 come up to their price, then they are difcontented. 
 He is faid to have had too much life in argument 
 and difputation, on religious points of controverfy, 
 and fometimes to have exhibited an unbecoming 
 vanity on viclory thereby obtained over his oppo- 
 nents, even, prior to the fchifm between him and 
 his friends : for having, fome time before, been on 
 a vifit to New England, he is reprefented as having 
 indulged his natural propenfity this way, among 
 the preachers and inhabitants there, in a very ex- 
 travagant manner: Which difpofition of mind, 
 from that time forward, appeared to have fo far 
 got the afcendancy over him, that, on his return, 
 he began to exhibit the fame, even, among his 
 friends, beginning with finding fault, propofing 
 and urging new regulations, in the fociety, in re- 
 fpeft to the discipline of it, and complaining, 
 " There was too great a Jlacknefs therein" -Upon 
 his friends not readily joining with him and his 
 propofals, in the manner he expected, he became 
 ftill more captious, and more difpofed to feek mat- 
 ters of reproach and offence againfl divers in the fo- 
 ciety, and to make the worll of them ; charging 
 fome of his friends, who were generally well ef- 
 His ailega- teemed and approved miniflers, with preaching 
 &M* e dodrine; and, it is faid, even, in points con- 
 trary to what himfelf had formerly held and de- 
 clared, in his writings, in defence of the Quakers, 
 and their principles. He found fault with his 
 friends being in the magiftracy, and their execut- 
 ing the penal laws againft malefactors, as being in- 
 confiftent with their religious profeffion; and, in 
 fhort, contended that he and luch as joined with 
 him, were the true Quakers , and all the reft, who 
 oppofed him, were apoftates. 
 
 Thefe 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 365 
 
 Thefe were the principal allegations, which, in 1691. 
 the beginning of the difpute, he appears to have 
 made againfl the Quakers. The principal things, 
 if not the whole, with which I find him charged 
 by them, at that time, appear to be his over-bear- 
 ing temper, and unchriilian difpofition of mind, 
 in grofsly vilifying and difparaging divers members 
 of the fociety, who were univerfally and highly 
 approved among them, and entirely rejecting their 
 advice and judgment, in the affair; the confe- 
 quence of an overheated and intemperate zeal: 
 which, at lad, proceeded fo far as to occafion fuch 
 a breach, that, on the 2oth. day of the Fourth- 
 
 month, 1602, a declaration- or teftimonj of denial, owned, &c. 
 
 . n i r ^u in 1692. 
 
 was drawn up agamft him, at a meeting ot the 
 
 miniflers of the fociety at Philadelphia: wherein 
 both he and his conduct were publicly difowned 
 by them. 
 
 This declaration, which was confirmed at the 
 next following General Tearly Meeting, held at Bur- 
 lington, the feventh of the Seventh-month, exhibits 
 more fully the charges againft him, and may fur- 
 ther elucidate the cafe to the more inquifitive: 
 Which Teftimony, as it may, probably, be curious 
 to fome, if not inftruclive, is, therefore, placed in 
 the notes.* 
 
 He 
 
 * The Declaration, or Teflimony, of Denial againft George Keith, was 
 
 exprelfed as follows, viz. 
 
 " To the feveral Monthly and Quarterly Meetings in Pennfylvania, .Eafl 
 and We/I Jerfey, and elfewherc, as there may be occafion. 
 
 " Beloved Friends^ 
 
 "IN tender love, and with fpirits bowed down before the Lord, is 
 this our fdlutation unto you; earneftly defiring your growth, and daily 
 prefervation, in the ancient truth, and in the fimplicity of the gofptl of 
 our Lord Jefus CbriJI; and our hope and breathings are, that no iniinu- 
 ations, or wiles, of the enemy fhall prevail, to turn you afide from your 
 fteadfaftnefs, or caufe you to efteem lightly of the rock and way of God's 
 falvation unto you, but that you may be kept in the light and life, which 
 was, and is, the juft man's path, to the end of our days, Amen! 
 
 " Now, dear Friends, it is with forrow of fpirits and grief of fouls, 
 that we Tignify unto you the tedious exercife, and vexatious perplexity, 
 we have met with, in our late friend, George Keith ^ for feveral months 
 paft. With mourning and lamentation do we fay, How is this mighty 
 
 man 
 
366 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1692. * He drew off a large number of people with him, 
 fome of confiderable account, in the fociety; and 
 
 fet 
 
 man fallen ! Kow is his fliield caft away, as though he had not known 
 the oil of the holy Ointment! Kow fhall it be told in Gath, and publ'. fil- 
 ed in the ftreets of AJlalon! Will not the daughters of the uncircumcifcd 
 triumph, when they hear that he is fallen upon the foaring mountains, 
 and from the high places of Ifrael? While thou walkedft in the counfel 
 of God, and wert little in thy own eyes, thy bow did abide in ftrength; 
 thy fword returned not empf y from the fac of the enemies of God thy 
 bow returned not back. His enemies were then vile unto thee, and his 
 followers honourable in thy efteem. Oh, how lovely wert thou, in that 
 day, when his beauty was upon thee; and when his comelinefs covered 
 thee! Why ihould his ornaments exalt thee, which were given to hum- 
 ble thee before him ? And how art thou fallen from thy frji love, and 
 art become treacherous to tie fponfe of thy youtk. Confider where thou art 
 fallen, and repent, and do thyjtrji tvorks 
 
 " But fo it hath happened, Friends, left any flcfli fhould glory, but 
 become filent before the Lord, that this once eminent man, and in/lrument 
 ef renown, in the hand of the Lord, while he kept his firft habitation, 
 and knew the government of Truth over his own fpirit; and witneffcd 
 the fame to be a bridle to his tongue, was then ferviceable, both in pen 
 and ipeech, to the churches of Chrijl. But now, and of late, it is too 
 obvious and apparent, that, being degenerated from the lowly, meek and 
 peaceable fpirit of Chrifl "jefus, and grown cool in charity and love towards 
 his Brethren, he is gone into a fpint of enmity, wrath, and felf-exalta- 
 tion, contention and janglings; and, as a perfon without the fear oi God 
 before his eyes, and without regard to his Chriftian brethren, and letting 
 locle to aw txtravagant tongue, he hath broken out into many ungodly 
 fpeeches, railing accufations, and paflionate threatenings towards many 
 of h ; s brethren and ciders; and that+ipon flender occafions. And when 
 feme, in Chriftian duty, have laid before him his unfavory words, and 
 abufive language, as a perfon of common civility would loath, it hath 
 been too frequent with him, and that, in a traufport of heat and pafficn, 
 fo call fomc of his brethren, in the miniftry, and other elders, and that 
 upon fmall provocations, (if any) fools, Ignorant Heathens, Infidels, filly 
 Souls; Lyers, Heretics, rotten Ranters, Muggletonians, and other names of 
 that infamous Ih-ain; thereby to our grief, foaming out his own fhame. 
 Arid further, his anger and envy being cruel againil us, and not content- 
 ing himfelf with his harfhnefs againtt perfons, he proceeded, in bittcr- 
 nefs of fpirit, to charge our meetings with being come together to cloak 
 herefy and deceit; and publifhing openly fevers.1 times, that there were 
 more doctrines of devils, and damnable hereiies, amoKg the 9ua&ers t 
 than in any profeffion among the Proteftants. He hath long objected 
 againft our Difciplir.e, even, foon after his coming among us, and having 
 prepared a draught of his own, and the fame net finding the expeded 
 reception, he feemed difgufted. Since he hath often quarrelled with us 
 about ConfeJJion, declaring, " 'That he inciv none given forth by the body of 
 Friends, to his fatisfa&ion;" and often charged moil of us with being un- 
 found in the faith. We have offered, in feveral meetings, for his fatis- 
 fidlion, and to prevent ftrife among us, and for preferving the peace of 
 the church, to deliver a Confeffon of our Chrifiian faith, in the worcis 
 of our Lord and Saviour 'Jefus Chrift, the Author of our Chriftian faitli, 
 .and in the words of the Apoftles and Difciples, his fa!th:ul followers; 
 or we would concur, and agree upon a ConfeJJion, and have it tranfrnittecl 
 for approbation of the Yearly Meeting here, or the Yearly Meeting in 
 
 eting in 
 
 Londwig 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 fet up feparate meetings, in divers places: Thefe 
 called themfelves Chnftlan Quakers and Friends^ 
 
 boafted 
 
 London; yet, it was offered unto him, at the fame time, that a Confejfion, 
 concerning the main matters of controverfy, fhould be given out of a 
 book of his own; but al! was flighted, as inefficient. The Lord knows 
 the trouble, which we have had with this unruly member; and the open- 
 nefs of our hearts, and well-wilhes towards him, notwithftanding his 
 rage and violence againft us: and of the endeavours of many in this 
 place, to have gained upon him by a friendly converfe, and by other 
 means, not inconftderable to a brotherly freedom; but our labour hitherto 
 feems to be as water fpilt upon a rock. And this meeting, having orderly 
 and tenderly dealt with him, for his abufive language, and diforderly 
 behaviour, he hath not only flighted all applications of gaining him to a 
 fenfe ot his ill-treatment and mifcarriages, but, in an infulting manner, 
 laid t> the friends appointed by the meeting, to admonifh him, " That 
 be trampled the judgment of the JMecti,n$r under his feet , as dirt. And hath, 
 of late, fet up a feparate meeting here; where he hath, like an open 
 oppofer, not only reviled feveral friends, by expefing their religious re- 
 putations, in mixt auditories of fome hundreds, endeavouring to render 
 them and friends here, by the prel's and otherwife, a fcorn to the profane, 
 and the fong of the drunkard; but he hath traduced and vilified our wor- 
 thy travelling friends, James Dickinfon and Thomas Wilfon, in their pow- 
 erful and favory minijiry, whofe fervice is cot only here, but, in moft 
 meetings in England, Scotland and Ireland, well known to have a feal in 
 the hearts of many thoufands of the Ifrael of God. He hath alfo within 
 a few weeks, appeared in oppofition, as it were, to the body of Friends, 
 by putting on his hat, when our well-received and recommended friend, 
 James Dick'mfon, was at prayer; and that, in a meeting of near a thoufand 
 Friends and others; and fo going out of the meeting, to the great difquiet 
 thereof, and to the drawing fome fcores into the fame oppofitioa with 
 him, by his ill example. And he thus perfifting in his repeated oppofi- 
 tion, hard fpeeches, and continued feparation, and labouring like an un- 
 wearyed adverfary, to widen the breach, made by him, and fo, abufing 
 fome of the neighbouring meetings, by being, as yet, under that cover- 
 ing of being owned by us; we are hereby brought under a religious con- 
 ftraint, and to prevent other meetings from being further injured by him, 
 to give forth this Te/limony, {trained, as it were, from us, by his many 
 and violent provocations, V!K. That we cannot own him, in fuch ungodly 
 fpeeches, and diforderly behaviour, or, in his feparate meetings; and that 
 we difown the fame, as proceeding from a wrong fpirit, which brings 
 into diforder inwardly, and leads into diftraction and confufion outwardly. 
 And, until he condemn and decline the fame, we cannot receive him, in 
 his public mmiftry, and would have him ceafe to offer his gift, as fuch, 
 among us, or elfewhere among Friends, till he be reconciled to his offend- 
 ed brethren. And as thofe few of our brethren, in the gift of the mini- 
 ilry, who are gone out with George Keith, into his uncharitable and divid- 
 ing fpirit, (the miferable effects whereof many of us have fufficiently 
 known, in Old England, and other parts) our judgment is, that, while 
 they continue fuch, they become unqualified to the work of the Gofpel, 
 as degenerating from the guidance ot God's bleffed and peaceable fpirit; 
 in their hearts, (from whence proceeds the effectual New Teftament mi- 
 niftry) and being turned from the peaceable fruits thereof, are gone to 
 B-charity and contention. 
 
 " And 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 boafled of their large numbers, and looked upon 
 the reft as Apoftates; many books were written, 
 
 and 
 
 " And now, all you, who have walked in fellowfhlp and communion 
 with us, and are drawn afide, through inconfiderat<on, or otherwife. into 
 the fpirit of feparation and prejudice a gain ft our meetings, orderly efta- 
 blifhed; and wherein we have of ten l:cvn mutually refr0ied together; we 
 cannot but, in the * tar of God, and in love to your fouls, admermh you 
 alfo of the infecurity of your prefent ftate, and that, therein we cannot 
 have unity with you; and unlc-is you return from under that fpirit, cry- 
 nefs and barrenncfs. from the Lord, will be your reward. 
 
 " And lo, dear Friends, we exhort you all to behave your felves, in 
 the Spirit of meeknefs, and pea- cable truth, upon all occufions, but more 
 cfpecially upon any difcouru. or conference, with any of them, who are 
 discontented among you, or darted afide from you; and avoid all heats 
 and contentions in matters of faith and worfhip; and let not the fair of 
 the covenant be wanting in your words and actions: for, thereby the 
 favour of your converfation will reach the witnefs of God in them. The 
 Grace of our Lord Jefu& Chrift be with you all, Amen. 
 
 " Given forth by the Meeting of Public Friends, in Philadelphia, 
 the twentieth of the Fourth-month, 1692. 
 
 " Thomas Lloyd, J omi Blunllon, 
 
 " John Willsford, William Cooper, 
 
 " Nicholas Wain, Thomas Thackary, 
 
 William Watfon, William Biles, 
 
 " George Man's, Samuel Jen ings, 
 
 " Thomas Duckett, John Delavall, 
 
 " Jofhua Fearne, William Yartlly, 
 
 " Evan Morris, J.Jeph K.'rkbride, 
 
 " Richard Walter, Walter Fawcit, 
 
 K John Simcock, Hugh Roberts, 
 
 " Griffith Owen, Robert Owen, 
 
 " John Brown, William Walker, 
 
 " Henry Willis, Jhn Lynam, 
 
 *' Paul Saunders, George Gray." 
 
 In confirmation of this Teftimony and Declaration againfl George Keith > 
 the Yearly Meeting at JBurlin^ton, on the feventh of the Seventh-month, 
 1692, fay thus, 
 
 " WE find it our duty to join with our brethren, in their TeuVmony 
 againft that fpirit of railing, lying, flandering, and falfely accufing, which 
 hath rifen. and acted, notorioufly in George K,>ith, and his adherents; 
 which tiath led them into a mifchievous and hurtful feparation. And 
 we do hereby declare, that we have not, nor can have, unity, in fpirit, 
 with any of them, until they return and repent of their evils aforefaid," 
 &c. 
 
 Extrafled from their Teftimony on the occafion, figned by 214 Names. 
 
 The Yearly Meeting in London, In the Third-month, 1694, unani- 
 moufly declared it to be their fenfe and judgment, " That thefaid George 
 Keitl was gone from the bleffed unity of the peaceable fpirit of our Lord 
 Jefus Chriftj and hath thereby lepar .ted hiinfelf from the holy fellowfhip 
 of the church of Chrii!; and that, while he is in an unreconciled and 
 uncharitable ftate, he ought not to preach, or pray, in any cf Friends* 
 meetings, nor be owned, or received as one of us, until by a public and 
 
 hearty 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 369 
 
 and much altercation and difpute enfued, on both 1692. 
 fides. V^TN^; 
 
 He appealed, or complained, to the Yearly H?. appeals 
 Mee'dn^ of the fociety, in London, againft the; othe( ^ a - 
 
 ^ i c r> /- / I. i. i j-r j u kersmhn- 
 
 Quakers or Penn/ylvania, who had diiowned him, g i an d. 
 and appeared there in perfon; where he was con- 
 fronted by divers from the province. But, in this 
 place, it is faid, his paflion and wrath fo far pre- 
 vailed over him, and his demeanour was fo unrea- 
 fonable and outragious, and fo"rnuch difpofed for 
 contention and difpute, that notwith (landing all 
 pofftble endeavours for a reconciliation, and heal- 
 ing meafures taking place between them, his de- 
 nial was there finally confirmed. 
 
 He thenceforward became a public and bitter He becomes 
 nemy, as far as in him lay, againft the Quakers, Jj 
 in general; preaching and writing againft them Quakers, 
 with all imaginable virulency: In which he appear- 
 ed afterwards to be employed by their adverfaries, 
 for that purpofe; for having joined with the Epif- 
 [47] copal 
 
 hearty acknowledgement of the great offence, he has given, and hurt he 
 hath done, and condemnation of Inmfelf therefor, he gives proof of his 
 unfeigned repentance, and doth his endeavours to remove and take off the 
 reproach he huth brought upon Truth and Friends; which, in the love 
 of God, \ve heartily defire, for his foul's fake." 
 
 Refpedling divers of the perfons, who figned the preceding paper of 
 Den<ii aga.nft George Keith, fee in other places of this hiftory, viz. of 
 Thomas Lloyd, John Simcock, Griffith Owen, William Biles, Samuel 
 Je lings, John Delavall, Jofeph Kirkbride, Hugh Roberts, Robert Owen, 
 &c. 
 
 J ?!.'< n Lnnm came from D^rbyfliire; was a preacher and writer among 
 the Qj -Jeers; <Vied in Pennfyivania and was buried in Philadelphia, in 
 the Jviord mo^th. 1698. 
 
 Willl ''-- Stoclfa!? came from Ireland; was a writer and preacher among 
 the Q_ r>; died in Pc-nnfylvania, and was buried at Philadelphia, in 
 the ':'>" > ;: tii-month,, 1693. 
 
 DJ !> Wills, from Northampton, in England, removed to New Jer- 
 T 677, aivl died 'n Barbadoes; a preacher among the Quakers. 
 -: Wil'sford, irom L/eicefterftiire; a preacher and writer among the 
 Qv kei s; removed to New Jerfcy, and died at Burlington in that province, 
 
 Note, Some of the. principal perfons who adhered to Keith, and were 
 ntn of rank, character and reputation, inthefeprovinr.es, and divers of 
 then great preachers and much followed, were, Thomas Budd, George 
 Hutchinfon, Robert Turner, Francis Rawle, John Hart, Charles Reaie, 
 
 &c. 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA, 
 
 1692. copal Clergy, in England r , and ferved there for 
 
 v>-v>^ fome time, as a Vicar, ordained by the Bifliop of 
 
 He becomes London, he afterwards returned to America; where, 
 
 Md rg gTv as a Clergyman^ in orders, he officiated in his new 
 
 theQuakcrs function for about twelve months; and, having 
 
 We in Ame- there given the Quakers all the trouble in his power, 
 
 *ica, &c. he returned again to England by way of Virginia. 
 
 In this vifit, it is faid, he was generally flighted, 
 
 both by thofe, who before had been his adherents, 
 
 and others: And that his conduct was fo glaringly 
 
 inconfiflent with his former pretenfions ; and his be- 
 
 haviour towards the Quakers fo manifeftly arifing 
 
 from a malignant difpofition of mind, and difap- 
 
 pointed malice, not with (landing all the fuperior 
 
 abilities, which he pofieffed, and made ufe of, he 
 
 ft generally was univerfally defpifed by iober and thinking 
 
 defpifed. eole O f a n focieties. 
 
 After his return to England, he was fixed in a 
 benefice, in St/ffex;- and continued to write againfl 
 his former Friends, as a bitter enemy; but, as far 
 as appears, with a finking reputation. At laft, on 
 his death-bed, from a well authenticated account, 
 Account of it is avTerted, he thus exprefTed himfelf ; " / wtfh I 
 bed eTrefl ^ a ^ died when I was a Qyaker; for then I am fur e 
 ions, &c. // would have been well with my foul" This is an 
 inflance of the weaknefs of the human mind, even, 
 when aided with the acquirements of fcience and 
 fuperior knowledge; it mews how far from their 
 real intereft and true happinefs, ftrong pamons and 
 unruly tempers may fometimes hurry, even, men 
 of underftanding ; and how widely different things 
 appear, in times of ambition, rage and revenge, 
 from what they really are, in our cool and reflecl- 
 ing moments. 
 
 This 
 
 . " In the year, 1692, the Quakers, in Pennfylvanla made a col- 
 le&ion of a r um of money, in conjund.on with their rriends. in England, 
 for the relief of fome of their fociety, who were taken pnfoners by the 
 Sa!lte-men t to Marquenefs, in Turkey; and in fuffering there: which was 
 fent to the fociety in Landon t lor th^m to difpoi'e of for that purpofeJ* 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 371 
 
 This fchifin made a great difturbance, in the pro- 1692. 
 
 , for a time, and in fome other places, among 
 the Quakers-; yet many, or the major part, of 
 
 It r r L i i T r iiri 
 
 thole perfons, who had thus feparated themfelves, 
 through the conduct of this perfon, are faid, to kers * 
 have returned foon after to the fociety. 
 
 But becaufe Keith had, (as accounts fay) by 
 abufive language and printed publications, vilified 
 divers perfons in the Magiflracy, tending to fub- 
 vert that abfolutely neceffary inftitution and order 
 in civil fociety, and thereby had drawn upon him- judki4 
 felf fome judicial proceedings, on that account, proceedings 
 fome perfons have been difpofed to charge the Qua- agaui 
 kersy if poffible, with persecution for religion; and 
 as this appears to be the only cafe, in which their 
 enemies pretend to have juft ground to accufe them 
 of this evil, I mall, therefore, endeavour here to 
 lay before the reader, that part of this tranfaclion 
 as circumflantially as the accounts remaining of it 
 will permit. 
 
 In the beginning of the year 1691, a perfon, 
 named Babit, with fome others, ftole afmall floop, 
 from a wharf, in Philadelphia; and in going down 
 the river with it, committed divers robberies; of 
 which intelligence being early given to the Magi- 
 ftrates, three of them gave out a warrant, in the 
 nature of a Hue and Cry, to take them, in order 
 to a legal tryal and punimment; by virtue of which 
 they were taken, and brought to juftice. The 
 Magiftrates, who granted this warrant, being >ua- 
 kers, George Keith -, and his party, foon after took e. Keith 
 occafion from thence to reprefent it as inconfiflent cenfuresth ^ 
 
 i ! ! n/~i -r-r 111 mayijtratet% 
 
 with their principles againlt fighting. He called 
 Thomas Lloyd \ the Deputy Governor, who was ac- 
 counted a perfon of a mild temper and deportment, 
 good fenfe, and unblemimed character, and whofe 
 unwearyed endeavours, to ferve him, are faid to 
 have merited a different treatment, " An impudent And viiifi.e 
 y andapityful Governor;" afking him, " Why he them &c - 
 
 did 
 
372 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA* 
 
 1692. did not fend him to jail?" and telling him, " His 
 v^v^o' back had long itched for a whipping ; and that be 
 would print and expofe them all over America , If not 
 over Europe;" and one of the Magiflrates, who 
 was well known to be a mod eft and peaceable man., 
 he opprobrioufly called, " An impudent rafial" 
 Such his conduct is reprefented to have been. 
 
 Befides, being much enraged, he had publifhed 
 
 feveral virulent pieces; bne of which indecently 
 
 He u ef l e ? s refle&ing on the above mentioned tranfaction, ami 
 
 on the Ma- o . . . , '. 
 
 gifrrates in on feveral or the principal Magiitrates in tlieir ju- 
 priat, &c. Jicial capacity, and thereby leffening the lawful 
 authority of rhe magiftracy, in the view of the 
 baler fort of the people, who began thereupon to 
 take greater liberties; wherefore the printers, Wil- 
 liam Bradford and John M'Comb, who had publifh- 
 ed it, were, by a warrant, from five Magiftrates, 
 viz. Arthur Cook, Samuel Jenings, Samuel Richard- 
 fon^ Humphrey Murray and Robert Ewer, taken up, 
 examined, and upon their contemptuous beha- 
 viour to the court and juftices, in their examination, 
 and upon their refufal to give fecurity, to anfwer 
 at court, the ufual practice in all fimilar occafions, 
 ThePrin- they W ere committed; and though they were under 
 taktedr&c". no confinement, being entirely at large, on their 
 bare word only, yet, (which feems to have been 
 done by them, to anfwer fome particular defign) 
 at a certain time, having occafion to fign a paper, 
 when they could not be admitted into the priibn 
 They %n a itfelf, it is faid, they got into the entry of it, and 
 paper hom there dated, and figned the faid paper, as from the 
 prifon: But they were foon difcharged, without 
 being brought to a tryal. 
 
 G Keith & George Keith and Thomas Budd were alfo pre- 
 Tho Budd f entec [ fry t he Grand Jury of Philadelphia, as au- 
 
 pre<enttdy . r ; . i i r i vi i 
 
 the Grand thors or another book, or the like tendency, in 
 
 jury, & c . t he following \vords, viz. " We, of the Grand 
 
 Jury, do prefent George Keith and Thomas Budd, 
 
 as authors of a book, entitled, The plea of the in- 
 
 nocentj. 
 

 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 373 
 
 nocenf 9 where, in page third, about the latter end 1692. 
 of the fame, they, the faid George Keith and Tho- ^v^ 
 mas Bitdd, defamingly accufe Samuel Jenings, he 
 being a Judge and a Magiftrate, of this province, 
 of being too high and imperious in worldly courts^ 
 calling him, impudent, prefumptuous and infolent 
 man, greatly expofing his reputation, and of an 
 ill precedent, and contrary to the law, in that cafe 
 made and provided " 
 
 The lenity of the magiftracy is faid to have been 
 very remarkable towards the actions and behaviour 
 of divers of thefe people, when compared with 
 the provocations given; which, by apparent defign, 
 had not only been, but alfo {till continued to be, 
 fo extremely notorious and abufive, as well as de- 
 rogatory to the principal perfons in authority, in 
 their judicial capacity, that, it is faid, the rabble 
 became greatly encouraged thereby, to defpife and 
 inveigh againft the ats of government, and to 
 render it more and more difficult to bring offen- 
 ders to juftice; it was, therefore, thought proper 
 that this prefentrnent mould be profecuted; fo the 
 matter was brought to a tryal, and the parties fined The r are 
 five pounds each ; but the fines were never ex- f^. 
 acted. 
 
 All poffible art and means were faid to be ufed, Thefe pro. 
 which the enemies to the Quaker s, the difaffected ceedingsre- 
 to the adminiftration, and the more libertine part being" o^a 
 of the people, in the province were capable of, to religious ac 
 magnify thefe judicial proceedings, and to reprefent 
 them, as being on a religious account; and with 
 great affiduity, artifice and noife, they were by 
 thefe propagated as fuch, both at home and abroad ; 
 upon which the Magiftrates publifhed the reafons 
 of their conducl, in the following paper, viz. 
 
 " At a private feffions held for the county of Pbi- 
 ladelphia, the 25th. of the Sixth-month, 1692, 
 before 
 
 " Arthur 
 
374 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1692. " Arthur Cook, 
 
 Samuel Jenings, 
 
 Samuel Richardfon, 
 Humphrey Murray, 
 Anthony Morris, ' 
 
 Juftices 
 
 of the 
 
 county.'' 
 
 " Robert Ewer, 
 A declare- " WHEREAS, the government of this pro- 
 
 ^W bein S> b Y the late Kin S f. England's pecu- 
 liar favour, vefted, and fmce continued, in Gover- 
 nor Penn, who thought fit to make his, and our 
 worthy friend, Thomas Lloyd, his" Deputy Go- 
 vernor, by, and under whom the Magiftrates do 
 aft, in the government; and, whereas, it hath 
 been proved before us, that George Keith, being a 
 refident here, did, contrary to his duty, publicly 
 revile the faid Deputy Governor, by calling him 
 an impudent man, telling him, " He was not ft to 
 be a Governor, and that his name would ftink" with 
 many other flighting and abufive expreffions, both 
 to him and the Magiftrates; (and he, that ufeth 
 fuch exorbitancy of fpeech towards our faid Go- 
 vernor, may be fuppofed, will eafily dare to call 
 the members of Council and Magiftrates impudent 
 rafcals, as he hath lately called one, in an open 
 aflembly, that was conftituted, by the Proprietary, 
 to be a Magiftrate) and he alfo charges the Magi- 
 ftrates, who are minifters here, with engroffing 
 the magifterial power into their hands, that they 
 might ufurp authority over him; faying alfo, " He 
 hoped in God he Jhould Jhortly fee their power taken 
 from them;" all which he a&ed in an indecent 
 manner. 
 
 " And further, the faid George Keith, with fe- 
 veral of his adherents, having, fome few days fmce, 
 with unufual infolence, by a printed (beet, called, 
 " An appeal" &c. traduced and vilely mifrepre- 
 fented the induftry, care, readinefs and vigilance 
 of fome magiftrates and others here, in their late 
 proceedings againft the privateers, Babit, and his 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 375 
 
 crew, in order to bring them to condign punifti- 1692. 
 merit; whereby to difcourage fuch attempts, for 
 the future; and have thereby alfo defamed and 
 arraigned the determinations of the principal judi- 
 cature, againft murderers; and not only fo, but 
 alfo, by wrong infmuations, have laboured to pof- 
 fefs the readers of their pamphlet, that it is incon- 
 fiftent for thofe who are minifters of the gofpel, 
 to acl: as Magiftrates; which, if granted, will ren- 
 der our faid Proprietary incapable of the powers^ 
 given him by the faid King's letters patent; and fo 
 proftitute the validity of every a6t of government, 
 more efpecially in the executive part thereof, to the 
 courtefy and cenfure of all factious fpirits, and 
 male-contents ) under the fame. 
 
 " Now, forafmuch as we, as well as others, have 
 born, and dill do patiently endure, the faid George 
 Keith^ and his adherents, in their many perfonal 
 reflections againft us, and their grofs revilings 
 of our religious fociety, yet, we cannot, without 
 the violation of our truft to the King and govern- 
 ment, as alfo to the inhabitants of this govern* 
 ment, pafs by, or connive at, fuch part of the 
 laid pamphlet and fpeeches, that have a tendency 
 to fedition and difturbance of the peace, as alfo to 
 the fubverfion of the prefent government, or, to 
 the afperfion of the Magiftrates thereof. 
 
 " Therefore, for the undeceiving of all people, 
 we have thought fit, by this public writing, not 
 only to fignify, that our procedure againft the per- 
 fons now in the Sheriff's cuftody^ as well as what 
 we intend againft others concerned, (in its proper 
 place) refpefts only that part of the faid printed 
 meet, which appears to have the tendency afore- 
 faid, and not any part relating to differences in re- 
 figion; but alfo thefe are to caution fuch, who are 
 well affected to the fecurity, peace, and legal ad- 
 miniftration of juftice, in this place, that they give 
 no countenance to any revilers, or contemners of 
 
 authority, 
 
376 
 
 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA* 
 
 1692. authority, Magiflrates or magiftracy; as alfo, to 
 v-xwj warn all other perfons, that they forbear the fur- 
 ther publishing and fpreading of the faid pamphlets, 
 as they will anfwer the contrary at their peril. 
 
 " Given under our hands, and feal of the coun- 
 ty, the day, year and place, aforefaid." 
 
 w. Penn This affair of George Keith gave much concern 
 at firft dif- to wnii am Penn. who appeared, at nriL rather to 
 
 pleas dwiih . . ' rir v n. 
 
 partofthefe have cemured part or theie proceedings againit 
 proceedings }^ m . w h om he regarded as his old friend, more 
 efpecially his trial; at which by fome of his letters, 
 he appeared to be much difpleafed:* but after he 
 was made fully acquainted with the nature and cir- 
 cumftances of the whole tranf action, and was con- 
 vinced of George Keith's great change, he appears 
 to have been as ready and aclive as any others, in 
 endeavouring to clear the fociety from the imputa- 
 tion of being the caufe of the unhappy fchifm. But 
 the difference between the province and territories 
 continued flill much to affecl him, and to increafe 
 his apprehenfions of very difagreeable confequen- 
 ces; as appears by his manner of writing to iome 
 of the principal perfons, in the administration, 
 about this time.f 
 
 It 
 
 * In a letter, dated, Tenth-month, 1693, (fee hereafter) W. Penn 
 mentions this trial of George Keith, in thefe words, -viz. 
 
 *' The trial of Geo. Keith has been induflriouily fpread all about the 
 nation, efpecialiy at London^ at the Court. Wejlminjler Hall, and the Par- 
 liament Houfe; the odium it has con f ra6ted in fome, ftirred up in others; 
 the advantage the cifaffedled among us make by it, againft unity, againft 
 Friends having power, againft me and you in particular, are great and 
 lamentable; the Lord put a holy Mop, by his wife power, to this evil 
 work, and bring that which is wrong under his righteous judgment." 
 
 f In a letter to a friend, dated, Fourth-month, 1692, (fee page 357) 
 fpeaking on this divifion, he fays, " I defire thee to write to them; which 
 t.hey will mind now more than upon the fpot; and lay their union upon 
 them; for elfc the Governor of Netv York is like to have all; if he has it 
 not already. The Lord forgive them their unfpcakable injury to me and 
 mine," &c. 
 
 In another letter to the principal perfons in the adminidration, in the 
 Seventh month, 1693, he fays, kc I writ you per Samuel Jeninvs of vhat 
 was like to enfue upon the differences there, and the conduit I thought 
 fit to be taken," &c.. 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 377 
 
 It cannot reafonably be imagined that the court 
 of King William could be very favourably difpofed 
 to a perfon, who had been fo much in friendmip 
 with the late King James, as William Penn had w - Penn ' 3 
 been; though King William himfelf feems to have after there- 
 had a great regard for him, and his known gene- volution. 
 ral great humanity and catholic fpirit towards all, 
 without diftinction of party, rendered him refpeft- 
 ed among men of oppolite principles both in reli- 
 lion and politics; yet his enemies, more efpecially 
 in the latter of thefe characters, never had a fairer 
 opportunity againfl him, than at this time; hence, 
 when his young colony moil needed his prefence 
 and afliftance, they not only effectually prevented 
 his giving it that aid, as before mentioned, but alfo 
 now fo far mifreprefented, or magnified, thefe dif- 
 orders in it,* which, in great meafure, arofe from 
 his too long abfence from it, thus occafioned by 
 themfelves, or, that, in confequence thereof, he w. p e nn 
 was, in the year, 1692, deprived of the govern- de P rived of 
 ment of Pennfyhania and the territories, by King 
 
 vernment 
 
 William and Queen Mary ; who granted a commif- of 
 fion to Benjamin Fletcher , Governor of New Tork, 
 dated October the 21 ft. in the fourth year of Wil- conferred 
 Ham and Mary, anno 1692, to take them under ^2JT 
 his government; which commiflion arrived, in Governor 
 the beginning of the year 1693, and is as follows, 
 
 William, 
 [48] 
 
 * The patent of King William^ dated, Auguft, 1694, by which Wil- 
 liam Penn was reftored to his government, mentioning the caufes of the 
 refumption of it, at this time, by the crown, begins in this manner, 
 
 JIZ. 
 
 " WHEREAS, upon information, that by reafon of great mifcar- 
 ria^es in the government of our province of Penjll-vania^ in America^ 
 and the abfence of the Proprietor, th fanie wai jjajlejj iflto ^tfordfr Mid 
 ronfufion," &c. 
 
378 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1693. " WMiam and Mary, by the grace of God, King 
 and Queen of England, Scotland, France and 
 Ireland, defender of the faith, &c. 
 
 " To our trufty and well-beloved Benjamin Fletcher, 
 Efquire,our Captain General and Commander 
 in Chief of our province of New-York, and 
 the territories depending thereon, in America, 
 Greeting: 
 
 WHEREAS, by our commiffion, under our 
 great feal of England, bearing date the eighteenth 
 day of March, in the fourth year of our reign, 
 we have conftituted and appointed you, the faid 
 Benjamin Fletcher, to be our Captain General, and 
 Governor in chief, in and over our province of 
 New-York, and the dependences thereon in Ame- 
 rica; and have thereby granted unto you full power 
 and authority, with the advife and confent of our 
 Council, as need (hall require, to funimon arid 
 call General Affemblies of the inhabitants, being 
 freeholders, within the faid province, according 
 to the ufage of the province of New-York; and 
 that the perfons thereupon duly elected by the ma- 
 jor part of the freeholders of the refpe&ive coun- 
 ties and places, and fo returned, and having be- 
 fore their fitting, taken the oaths appointed by ad 
 of Parliament, to be taken inftead of the oaths of 
 allegiance and fupremacy, and fubfcribed the teft; 
 and without taking and fubfcribing whereof none 
 fhall be capable of fitting, though ele&ed, fhall 
 be called the General AiTembly of that our faid 
 province, and have thereby granted unto you, the 
 faid Benjamin Fletcher, by and with the confent of 
 jour faid Council and Affembly, or the major part 
 of them, full power and authority, to make, con- 
 flitute and ordain, laws, flatutes and ordinances 
 for the public peace, welfare, and good govern- 
 ment of our faid province, and of the people and 
 inhabitants thereof; which faid laws, ftatutes and 
 ordinances are to be, as near as may be, agreeable 
 
 tp 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA, 379^ 
 
 to the laws and ftatutes of this our kingdom of En- 1693. 
 
 gland; provided that all fuch laws, ftatutes and v>-v^s-/ 
 
 ordinances be, within three months, or fooner, Fletcher'* 
 
 after the making thereof, tranfmitted unto us, c 
 
 under our feal of New-Tork, for our approbation, 
 
 or difallowance of the fame; and in cafe any, or 
 
 all of them, not before confirmed by us, (hall, at 
 
 any time, be difallowed, and not approved, and 
 
 fo fignified by us, our heirs and fuccelTors, under 
 
 our, or their fign manual, or fignet, or by order 
 
 of our or their, Privy Council, unto you, the 
 
 faid Benjamin Fletcher, or to the Commander in 
 
 Chief of the province of New-Tor k, for the time 
 
 being, then fuch, and fo many of them, as fhall 
 
 be fo difallowed and not approved, fhall from thence 
 
 forth ceafe, determine and become utterly void, 
 
 and of none effect: And to the end that nothing 
 
 may be pafTed, or done, by our faid Council and 
 
 Aflembly to the prejudice of us, our heirs and 
 
 fucceffors, we have hereby willed and ordained, 
 
 that you, the faid Benjamin Fletcher, fhall have and 
 
 enjoy one negative voice, in the making and pafling 
 
 of all laws, ftatutes and ordinances, as aforefaidj 
 
 and that you fhall and may, from time to time, as 
 
 you fhall judge it neceflary, adjourn, prorogue 
 
 and diflblve all General Aflemblies aforefaid. 
 
 " We, therefore, repofmg fpecial truft and con- 
 fidence in the prudence, courage and loyalty of 
 you, the faid Benjamin Fletcher, to be our Captain 
 General, and Governor in Chief, in and over our 
 province of Pennfyhania, and in the country of 
 Neiv-CaJile, and all the tracts of land depending 
 thereon, in America, and we do accordingly, by 
 thefe prefents, command and require you to take 
 the faid province and country under your govern- 
 ment, and for the better ordering, governing and 
 ruling over faid province and country, and the 
 tracts and territories depending thereon, we do 
 hereby give and grant unto you, the faid Benjamin 
 
 Fletcher., 
 
380 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1693. Fletcher, all and every the like powers and autho- 
 
 \^^<^*s rities, as in our faid commiflion, bearing date the 
 
 Fletcher's eighteenth day of March, in the fourth year of our 
 
 commimon. . . J j j j r 
 
 reign, are given, granted and appointed you, for 
 the ruling and governing our province of New- 
 Tork, to be exercifed, in like manner, by you, 
 the laid Benjamin Fletcher, in and over our faid 
 province of Pennfyfaania, and the country of New- 
 Cqftle, and the territories and traces of land, de- 
 pending thereon in America" 
 
 Governor Fletcher, upon receiving this com- 
 miflion, repaired to his new government, after 
 having firfl notified his intention by the following 
 letter, directed, 
 
 <c To the honourable Thomas Lloyd, Efquire, De- 
 puty Governor of Pennsylvania. 
 
 " S i R, 
 Governor " HAVING received their Majefties' commiflion, 
 
 StertoGo unc ^ er tne g reat ^ ea ^ f r tne government of Penn- 
 Lloyd. ' fyhania, and being required to make a fpeedy re- 
 pair to that province, I think fit to acquaint you, 
 that I propofe to begin my journey from home, on 
 Monday, the twenty-fourth inflant, and defire the 
 Council, and principal freeholders may have notice; 
 that their Majeflies' commands may be communi- 
 cated to them, fo foon as I arrive, which, I hope, 
 may be the twenty-ninth. 
 
 " I am, Sir, your very loving friend, 
 
 " BENJAMIN FLETCHER. 
 
 , April the igth. 1693." 
 
 CHAPTER 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 3^* 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Governor Fletcher arrives at Philadelphia. Names 
 of the members of Ajfembly convened by him, in 
 1693. Council's addrefs to the Governor. Pro- 
 ceedings of the Governor and Ajfembly, &c. The 
 Queen's letter to Governor Fletcher, refpecling the 
 defence of Albany. Ajfembly' s addrefs to the Go- 
 vernor, with his anfwer. The Affembtys remon- 
 ftrance, with other proceedings. A law for the 
 fupport of government, &c. AJJemblf s petition to 
 the Governor. Refolve of the AJjembly, and pro- 
 tejl of feme of its members. John DelavalL Go- 
 vernor Fletcher dijjolves the Ajfembly, appoints 
 William Markham his Deputy, and departs for 
 New-Tork. His mejfage to the Ajfembly in 1694. 
 Conclufion of Fletcher's admini/iration, &c. 
 Death and memorial of the former Deputy Gover- 
 nor^ Thomas Lloyd. 
 
 \^> OLONEL Fletcher arrived at Philadelphia with 1 693. 
 more pomp, and fplendid attendance, than had ^xw> 
 been ufually feen before in Pennfylvania; and the Gov.Fiet- 
 perfons in the prefent adminiflration appear to have " 
 given up the government to him, without any noti- 
 fication, or order, to them, either from the crown, 
 or the Proprietary; for which, afterwards, in a let- The pro 
 ter to certain of them, William Penn feems to Jjj^ jjj 
 have blamed their conduct, efpecially that of his thetoohaf- 
 Deputy Lloyd; but yet apprehending their view, ^ r f " f rr ^c 
 in fo doing, to have been intended for the beft, he 
 excufed them. He likewife writ to Fletcher him- 
 felf, cautioning him to beware of meddling with 
 
382 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA, 
 
 1693. it, in the prefent circumftances, and reminding 
 him of his particular obligation to him. This the 
 Proprietary having mentioned in the abovefaid let- 
 ter, to his friends in the province, the following 
 anfwer, refpefting the Governor of New-fork, was 
 returned by fix of them, viz. Arthur Cooky "John 
 Simcock, James Fox 9 Samuel Richardfon^ George 
 Murrie and Samuel Car pent er^ in a letter to the 
 Proprietary, dated, Philadelphia^ the 1 8th. Eleventh- 
 month, 1693-4, viz. " That if the faid letter (to 
 Fletcher} had come in time (as we are informed) he 
 would hardly have proceeded fo far, in taking 
 this government; and, therefore, we could have 
 \vimed it had come fooner, if haply it had been 
 a means to prevent fo great trouble and lofs to 
 thee and us; who are fas we (land related) great 
 iharers with thee, in all things tending to the hurt 
 of the province." 
 
 Governor Fletcher, foon after his arrival, cal- 
 led an AiTembly: prior to which, a difpute, arif- 
 ing between him and the Council, refpecting the 
 mode of electing and convening them, occafioned 
 the following addrefs to him, from the members 
 of the Council, delivered on the spth. of April, 
 
 " 
 
 Note.- In the Third- month, 1693, the Names of the Members of 
 Aflembly, convened by Governor Fletcher, on the fixteenth, were 
 
 For Bucks, For Chefler, 
 
 For Kent. 
 
 Jofeph Growdon, Spcaler, John Simcock, 
 John Swift, George Maris, 
 Henry Paynter. David Lloyd. 
 
 John Brinkloe, 
 John Walker, 
 William Manioc, 
 
 Fer Philadelphia. For Neiucajile, 
 
 For Sv/ex. 
 
 Samuel Carpenter, Edward Blake, 
 Samuel Richardfon, Cornelius Empfon, 
 John White, Henry Williams, 
 Janaes Fox. Richard Halwell. 
 
 Albertus Jacobs, 
 Thomas Pembertpft, 
 Samuel Prefton. 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 383 
 
 4e To Benjamin Fletcher , Captain General, and Go- 1693. 
 vernor in chief," &c. <^v^; 
 
 -" The humble addrefs of the freemen of the pro- 
 vince of Pennsylvania, prefented by their de- 
 legates, Members of the Provincial Council, 
 fheweth, 
 
 " THAT, whereas, the late King Charles the TheCoun- 
 the fecond, in the thirty-third year of his reign, cil ' sad ^fe 
 
 i i r i c r> i i to governor 
 
 by letters patent, under the great leal ot England, Fletcher- 
 did, for the confideration therein mentioned, grant 
 unto William Penn and his affigns, this colony, of 
 trad of land, creeling the fame into a Province, 
 calling it Pennfyhania, and conftituting the faid 
 William Penn, abfolute Proprietary of the faid Pro- 
 vince, faving (among other things) the fovereignty 
 thereof, with power aifo, by virtue of the faid royal 
 charter, to the faid William Penn, his deputies and 
 lieutenants, to make laws, with the advice and af- 
 fent of the freemen of the faid province, or the 
 greatefl part of them, or of their delegates, or 
 deputies, whom, for the enacting of the faid laws, 
 when, as often as need required, he, the faid Wil- 
 liam Penn, mould affemble, in fuch fort, as to him. 
 fhould feem beft, with divers other great powers, 
 immunities and privileges, in the fame charter con- 
 tained, which, relation being thereunto had, majf 
 more at large appear. 
 
 " By virtue, and in purfuance whereof the faid- 
 Proprietary, William Penn, with the advice and 
 content of the freemen of this Province, in Gene* 
 ral Aflembly met, at Philadelphia, (in 1683) did 
 cnacl, that the time for the meeting of the free*- 
 men, to chufe their Deputies, to reprefent them 
 in Provincial Council, and General Aflembly, 
 fhould be on the loth, day of the Firft-month, 
 yearly ; and the members chofen, for the Provin- 
 cial Council (confiding of three perfons out of 
 each county) mould give their attendance, within 
 
 twenty 
 
384 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1 693. twenty days after ele&ion, in order to propofe bills; 
 v^v^w/ and the members of Affembly, being fix out of 
 The Coun- eac h county, fhould meet on the tenth of the 
 to governor Third-month, called May, yearly, in order to 
 pafs thofe propofed bills into laws; but, in cafe 
 any of the faid members fhould either be of ill 
 fame, or wilfully abfent from their fervice, or hap- 
 pen to die, it is provided by another law, (made 
 in 1684) that it mall be lawful for the Proprietary 
 and Governor, within ten days after knowledge of 
 the fame, to iflue out a writ to the Sheriff of the 
 county, for which the party was chofen, immedi- 
 ately to fummon the freemen to ele6t another 
 member, &c. 
 
 " Now, forafmuch as the prefent emergency of 
 affairs, in this province, may require a General 
 Aflembly to be fpeedily called, and fmce we con- 
 ceive it hath pleafed the King and Queen fo far to 
 countenance our laws and conflitution as to dire6b 
 the prefent governancy to rule thereby, until the 
 laws be duly made, to alter, or amend the fame; 
 
 " We, therefore, earneftly defire, that no other 
 meafures may be taken, Tor ele&ing, or convening, 
 our legiflative power, than our recited laws and 
 conftitutions of this government prefcribe, the 
 rather, for that the faid King did, by his letters pa- 
 tent, enjoin, require and command, that the laws 
 made, as aforefaid, fhould be mofl abfolute and 
 available in law, and that all the liege people and 
 fubje&s of the faid late King, his heirs and fuccef- 
 fors, fhould obferve and keep the fame inviolable, 
 in thefe parts. 
 
 " Jofeph Growdofy 
 <c John Briflow, 
 " John Delavall, 
 " John Simcock, 
 " Hugh Roberts, 
 " Samuel Lewis, 
 " Richard Hough." 
 
 The 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 385 
 
 The Aflembly, being met on the i6th. of the 1693. 
 Third-month, prefented their Speaker, Jofeph 
 Growdon, to the Governor, for his approbation; 
 who being accepted, the oaths and tefts were pre- 
 iented to the whole houfe, in the manner of other Affembiy 
 governments, under the immediate adminiftration 
 of the crown; but fome of the members, being 
 fcrupulous of taking oaths, and refufing to be 
 fworn, were indulged with fubfcribing to the de- 
 clarations and profeffions, mentioned in the acl: of 
 Parliament, for liberty of confdence^ made in the 
 firft year of King William and Queen Mary. This 
 the Governor told them was an aft of grace, and 
 not of right, fo as to be drawn into precedent in 
 future. 
 
 It doth not appear that either the Proprietary, p he gQi 
 or the people of Pennfylvania, had forfeited thofe vemment 
 rights and privileges, whofe enjoyment had been fj- p p l ^J^! 
 the compact of their fettlement of the province; vania not 
 of which privileges, thofe which refpeded their iorfeited ' 
 religious, or confcientious fcruples were the chief; 
 but the contrary rather is manifeft: For notwith* 
 {landing what was alledged for depriving the Pro- 
 prietary of the government, it was well known 
 that the fulpicion of his adhering too much to King 
 James was the principal, if not the only, caufe 
 for rendering him incapable of attending fo pro- 
 perly to it, as it feemed at that time to require: 
 But nothing was ever proved, to confirm what was 
 all-' Jged againft him, in that refpect; though it 
 injured him fo far, as to oblige him, for a time, to 
 be in fecret, and to be abfent too long from his 
 province; whereby fome diibrders happened in it, 
 that in all probability, would other wife have been. 
 prevented; but none of fuch magnitude, as to 
 violate, or prevent, the regular adminiftration of 
 juii;ice, as feems to have been alledged by the ene- 
 mies of the profperity of the province; much lefs 
 to give juft occaiipn for depriving the coLpnifls of 
 [49] 
 
386 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1693. their dearly bought rights and privileges, granted!" 
 \~s~v^J by charter, confirmed by laws, and familiarized 
 by cuftom; though it might be called a favour, 
 to enjoy them, where power alone has the rule, 
 without having any regard to juflice: For notwith- 
 ftanding the Governor was changed, yet it was 
 prefumed the government, or conflitution, was 
 not, in confequence thereof, to be violated, or 
 altered, and that the inhabitants of Pennfyl-vania 
 had as juft a right to be governed according to the 
 ufage of Pennfyivania, and their own laws, then 
 yideFlet- j n force, as thofe of New-York had to be governed 
 
 cner s com- . i i i 
 
 jniffion, &c, according to the ufage of that province, though their 
 i>age 378. ufages were different, fo long as juflice was equally 
 well adminiflered by the former, as by the latter, 
 and in a manner more agreeable to them. 
 
 The AfTembly, however, in confideration of 
 the prefent circumflances of affairs, thought it 
 mofl prudent to fubmit, though not confiflent with 
 a privilege, to which, in their apprehenfion, they 
 had a right, and below the juftice of their claim; 
 and, for the prefent, acknowledged the fame, as 
 an aft of grace and favour, proceeding from the 
 juftice and kindnefs of the Governor. 
 
 The AfTembly being qualified, the Governor 
 communicated to them a letter,* which he had 
 
 received, 
 
 * The Queen's letter to Benjamin Fletcher, Efquire, Captain General, and 
 Governor in Chief, in and over the Province of Pennsylvania, &c. 
 
 " Mary R. 
 
 " Tritfty and -well-beloved, ive greet you ivell. 
 
 " WHEREAS, it has been reprefented unto us in council, in hehalf 
 of our province of Neiv Tori, in America, that the fame having been 
 at great expence, for the prefervation and defence of Albany, its Frontiers, 
 again ft the French (by the lofs of which province the inhabitants of 
 Maryland and Virginia would not be able to live, but in garrifon) and 
 hav'ng h therto preserved that poft, the burden thereby is now intolera- 
 ble to the inhabitants there. We think it reafonable and neceflary that 
 our feveral colonies and provinces of New England, Virginia, Maryland, 
 and Pennfylvania fhould be aiding and affiiting. from time to time, to 
 ' the Governor, or Commander in Chief, of our faid province of Ne-at 
 Tork, in the maiatejiaoce and defence of it, daring the prefent war; and 
 
 accordingly 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 387 
 
 received, in the lafl year, from the Queen, fetting 
 forth, that the expence, for the prefervation and 
 defence of Albany ', againft the French, which had ( o 
 been intolerable to the inhabitants there ; and that, Affembiy. 
 as it was a frontier, by which feveral of the other 
 colonies were, in fome meafure, defended, it was 
 thought reafonable that thofe colonies mould be 
 affifling, from time to time, to the government of 
 NeW'Tork 9 in the maintenance and defence of it, 
 during the war. 
 
 The firft queftion put by the AfTemby, after 
 their meeting, was, How far the laws of the pro- 
 vince, and conftitution of the government, found- 
 ed on the powers of the King's letters patent to 
 the Proprietary, William Penn, were in force? up- 
 on which it was unanimoufly Refofoed, " That the Refolutio* 
 laws of this province, that were in force and prac- of the ^ 
 tice before the arrival of this prefent Governor, 
 are ftill in force; and that the Aflembly have a 
 right humbly to move the Governor for a continu- 
 ation, or confirmation thereof." Accordingly the 
 following addrefs was drawn up and prefented to 
 the Governor, viz. 
 
 " To 
 
 Accordingly our will and pleafure is, That upon the application of the 
 faid Governor, or Commander in Chief, you do immediately fend him 
 fuch aid, or a-fliftance, in men or otherwise, for the fecurity of the faid 
 province, from the attempts of the French or Indians, as the condition 
 of the faid plantations, under your government, fhall permit; and our 
 further pleafure is, that as foon as conveniently may be, you agree with 
 the Governors of Netv England, Virginia and Maryland, unto whom we 
 have fent the like directions, upon a quota of men, or other afliftance, 
 to be given by each colony, or province, for the defence of New Tork t 
 as occafion may require the fame; and that you return a fpeedy account 
 of your proceedings herein, to the end that further directions may be 
 given, as (hall be neceffury for fecuring the fort of Albany, and the pro- 
 vince of New Tori, from the attempts of our enemies, in thofe parts: 
 and fo we bid you farewell. 
 
 <{ Given at our court, at Whitehall, the nth. day of October, 
 1692, in the fourth year of our reign. 
 
 " By her Majefty's command, 
 
 " NOTTINGHAM/" 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 % "To Benjamin Fletcher > Efquire, Captain General, 
 and Governor in Chief, of the province of 
 Pennsylvania^ and country of New-cqftle> 
 
 ' The humble addrefs of the Freemen of faid pro- 
 vince and country, Sheweth, 
 
 The ad- " THAT fince it hath pleafed the King and 
 of the Qpeeri, that the abfence of our Proprietary's per- 
 fonal attendance, in this government, mould be 
 fuperfeded by thee, .or thy Lieutenant, we, the 
 Repreleptarives of the Freemen of the faid pro- 
 vince and territories (with due refpett to the powers 
 of thy commifTion, and hearty acknowledgment 
 of thy good-will, care and tendernefs towards us) 
 do readily acquiefce with the King's pleafure therein, 
 earnedly bekeching that our procedure in legifla- 
 tion may be according to the ufual method and 
 laws of this government, founded upon the late 
 Kind's letters patent; which we humbly conceive 
 to be yet in force, and therefore, we defire the 
 fame may be confirmed unto us, as our rights and 
 liberties. And we, with all faithfulnefs and fince- 
 rity, do give what afifurance we are capable of, in 
 the prefent circumftances we are, to anfwer the 
 Queen's letter, and thy requeft, according to our 
 ability. 
 
 " Third-month ijtb. 1693." 
 
 To which the Governor returned this anfwer, 
 
 " Gentlemen, 
 
 " I, with the Council, have confidered your 
 addrefs, and am forry to find your defires ground- 
 r to the ed upon fo great miftakes. The abfence of the 
 Proprietary is the leaft caufe mentioned in their 
 Majefties' letters patent, for their Majeflies' aflert- 
 ing their undoubted right of governing their fub- 
 jecis, in this province: There are reafons of greater 
 moment; as, the neglefts and mifcarriaget, in the 
 late adminiltrationj the want of neceflary defence 
 
 .againft 
 
 
 Affembiy. 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 389 
 
 agairift the enemy, and the danger of being loft 1693* 
 from the crown. ^-xv^ 
 
 " The conftitution of their Majefties' govern* 
 ment, and that of Mr. Penn, are in a direct op* 
 pofition, one to the other; if you will be tenacious 
 in (tickling for this, it is a plain demonftration, ufe 
 what words you pleafe, that, indeed, you decline the 
 other. 
 
 " I fhall readily concur with you, in doing any 
 thing, that may conduce to your fafety, profperity 
 and fatisfaction, provided your requefts are confif- 
 tent with the laws of England, their Majefties' let- 
 ters patent, and the truft and confidence their Ma- 
 jefties' have repofed in me. 
 
 " Time is very precious to me, I hope you will 
 defift from all unnecefiafy debates, and fall, in ear- 
 neft, upon thofe matters, I have already mentioned 
 to you, and for which you are principally con- 
 vened." 
 
 The debates of the Koufe, upon this anfwer to 
 their addrefs, produced the following remonftrance 
 to the Governor, viz. 
 
 ee To Benjamin Fletcher, Efquire, Captain Gene* 
 ral, and Governor in Chief, in and over the 
 Province of Pennfyhanla, Country of New 
 Cqftle, and tracts of Land depending; - 
 
 " The remonftrance of the Freemen of the faid 
 Province and Country, in Aflembly met, 
 
 " Humbly fheweth, 
 
 " TH AT, having, with all dutiful refpedt, read The AT- 
 and confidered the Governor's anfwer to our ad- fem y>re- 
 
 ,, , monflrancc. 
 
 drefs, this morning, We, in anfwer thereunto, 
 with fubmiflion fay, we conceive that our defires 
 were not grounded on niiftakes, in relation to the 
 Proprietary's abfence. 
 
 " But 
 
39 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1693. " But, as to the other claufe, mentioned by the 
 v-^v^> Governor, of their Maj cities' afferting their un- 
 doubted right of governing their fubjech, in this 
 Province, &c. we, with all readinefs and chearful- 
 nefs, own accordingly to the right of the King and 
 Queen, whofe profperity and happy reign we hear- 
 tily defire; and as to the other reafons rendered, 
 for fuperfeding cur Proprietary's governancy, we 
 apprehend they are founded on mifinformafions: 
 for the courts of juftice were open, in ail counties, 
 in this government, and juftice duly executed, 
 from the higheft crimes of treafon and murder, 
 to the determining the loweft differences about pro- 
 perty, before the date, or arrival of the Governor's 
 cornmiflion; neither do we apprehend that the pro- 
 vince was in danger of being loft from the crown, 
 although the government was in the hands of fome, 
 whofe principles were not for war; and we con- 
 ceive that the prefent governancy hath no direct 
 oppofition (with refpecl to the King's government 
 here in general) to our Proprietary, William Penn's, 
 though the exercife of thy authority, at prefent, 
 fuperiedes that of our faid Proprietary; neverthe- 
 lefs we readily own thee for our lawful Governor, 
 faving to ourfelves, and thofe whom we reprefent, 
 our and their juft rights and privileges. 
 
 " JOSEPH GROWDON, Speaker. 
 " The ijth. of the Third-month , 1693." 
 
 What reply the Governor made, or whether 
 any, does not appear; but the Aflembly, having 
 thus modeflly afferted their privileges, proceeded 
 to enacl: fundry laws. One for the fupport of go- 
 vernment, and fuch others as were thought necef- 
 fary, either to be renewed, or repealed, for the 
 public good, being fent up to the Governor and 
 Council, the latter were detained by them for 
 fome time, to fee what the Affembly would do, 
 ia confequence of the Queen's letter. This delay, 
 
 with 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 391 
 
 with the Governor's aflerting, " that the Afiembly 1693. 
 fhould have no account of the bill, fof fupply, or v ->"/^^ 
 for the fupport of government* ) till they came, in 
 
 a full 
 
 * The law, for the fupport of government, was as follows, viz. 
 
 *' Anno regni Gulielmi & Mariae, regls Uf regina Anglia:, Scotias, Franci* 
 Iff Hibernian, quinto. 
 
 " An act for granting to King William and Queen Mary the rate of one 
 Penny per Pound upon the clear value of ail real and perfonal eftates, 
 and fix (hillings per head, upon fuch as are not otherwil'e rated by 
 this act, to be employed by the Governor of this province of Penn- 
 Jylvtmia, and Territories thereof, for the time being, towards the 
 fupport of this government. 
 
 " SINCE it hath pleafed thf King and Queen to take the government 
 f this province and country into their own hands, and fupply the ab fence 
 of our Proprietor by fo worthy a perfon, who gives us fuch great affur- 
 unces o) his good defires to prefer ve and cenfirm us in our rights and 
 liberties. We, the Reprefentatives, met in General Affembly, with hum- 
 ble lubmimon to the King and Queen's pleafure therein, and with all 
 dutiful acknowledgments of their love and tender regard to the reafon- 
 able laws and conftitutions, as well as protection, of this government; 
 do humbly prefent the faid King and Queen with tht free gift of the 
 rates and affeffments herein after mentioned; which we defire they will 
 pleafe to accept of, as a teftimony of our dutiful affections towards them; 
 and we do likewife defire, that the King and Queen would be pleafed 
 to give and allow one- half thereof to Benjamin Fletcher ; Captain General 
 and Governor in Chief in and over this province and country, &c. That 
 it may be fo enacted. 
 
 Be it, therefore, enafted, by the Governor, Council, and Reprcfcntaiivet^ 
 convened in General Ajfembly, and by the authority af the fame, That all and 
 every perfon and perfons, within this government, having perfonal eftates, 
 either in their poffeffion, or in the poffeffion of others, in truft for them, 
 over and befides the houfehold goods and implements they ufe, and fuch 
 fums of money as they really owe, or ought to pay, fhall yield and pay 
 to the ufe aforefaid, after the rate of one penny per pound; and to the 
 end that this tax may be laid with fuch equality and indifference as may 
 be, upon ail lands within this government, and that a due regard may be 
 bad to the many tracts of uncultivated and unimproved lands, which pro- 
 duce rather a charge, than profit, co the owners thereof, Be it enaftd, 
 by the authority aforefaid, That all lands, and other real, as alfo the perfo- 
 nal eftates, fhall be, and are hereby charged, for one year only, and no 
 longer, with one penny for one pound clear value. 
 
 And be further enaSted by the authority aforefaid, That all freemen, \vithtia 
 this province and territories, who have been out of tL.ir fervitude, by 
 the fpace of fix months, and fhall not be otherwife rated by this act, nor 
 worth one hundred pounds, fhall pay unto the ufe aforefaid, the fum of 
 fix fhillings per head: Provided always, That our Chief Proprietary and 
 his late Deputies in government, fnall not be affeffed, or otherwife charge- 
 able, by virtue of this aft: Provided alfo, That no perfon-, or perfons, 
 lhallbe taxed by this act, who have a great charge of .hildren, and be- 
 come indigent in the world, and are fo far in debt, that the clear value 
 of their real and perfonal eftate doth not amount to thirty pounds. 
 
 Aad 
 
392 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1693. a ft 1 ^ houfe, before him, to give the laft fan&ioa 
 ^Y-NW' to the laws;" " and, that he faw nothing would 
 
 do, 
 
 And, be It further enaftcd by the authority aforefaid, That, for the better 
 afieffing, ordering, levying and collecting the feveral fums of money, 
 to be paid as aforefaid, and for the more effectual putting this act in ex- 
 ecution, it fhali and may be lawful for all, or any two. or more, of the 
 Members of this Afiembly, within the relpecrrive counties. Tor which 
 they ferve, to call to their afliftance three of the Jultices, or other fub- 
 ftantial freeholders of the refpcctive counties, and within two months 
 after the publication hereof, to meet together at fuch place, or places, 
 within each county, as they (hail reflectively agree upon, in order to 
 affefs the rates, mentioned in this ad, and al'o to appoint Receivers, or 
 Collectors, to receive or gather, the lame; and. after fm h meeting had, 
 the foid Affeffon {hall, by warrant from fome Juftice of the Peace of the 
 proper county, caule the Conitables, within the laid county, to bring in 
 certificates, in writing, of the names of every perfon refiding within 
 the limits of thofc places, with which they (hall be charged, and of the 
 fubftances and valus of every of them, who ate to be ra^ed lw this act; 
 which faid Conftables fhall be paid, or aiic-wed by the Colic frors, three 
 pence per pound, for their trouble therein. And the faid AilVffors arc 
 hereby enjoined to afccrtain and inform themklves, by all lawful means 
 they can, of the true valuation of the clear eftates, both real and per- 
 fonal, within thofe counties and limits with which they fhall be charged 
 refpectively; and, being fo hereof aicertained, tlr-y are to afflfs than- 
 felves and others for, and in refpecl of, the faid eftat.es, according 10 the 
 rates aforementioned, having due regard to the ability oi the people, 
 and to the unprofitable land, they hold; and thereupon to appoint fuch, 
 and fo many collectors, or receivers, thereof., as they the faid affefibts, 
 fhall think fit, within their refpe<5live limits; for which fervice the faid 
 affeffors fhall receive, or be allowed, iix pence per pound out of the faid 
 affeiTment. 
 
 ' And, be it further enafted by the authority aforefaid^ That the rates, 
 affeffrfients and taxations, aforefaid, fiiali be made and ascertained with 
 what expedition may be, fo that the moiety, or half part, thereoi, may 
 fce levyed, collected and paid to the receivers refpectively, on or before, 
 "the loth, day of the Ninth-month next, and the other half thereoi, on, 
 or before, the loth, day of the Second-month. 1694, at iuch places, as the 
 faid affeffors fhall appoint, which faid affeffments, with the names and fe- 
 veral values of their refpective eitates. together alfo with the real fums, 
 levied by this act. fhall be returned, and fairly certified by the faid collec- 
 tors, to the next General Affembly, after the fame is affeffed, as aforefaid. 
 
 " And, be it further enafled by the authority aforefaid. That, if any of 
 the faid affeffors fhall neglect or refufe, to make iuch iffeffments, as by 
 this act is required, or in cafe the collectors, fo, as aforefaid, chofen, 
 fhall deny, neglect, or refufe, to collect any fum, or fums, of money in 
 form above mentioned, affeffed, and be convicted thereoi, fhall be fined 
 at the difcrction of the juftices of the refpective county courts. 
 
 " And, be it further enafled by the authority ajorefaid, That, if any per- 
 fon, or pcrfons, vvkufoever, within this government, who fhall be af- 
 feffed, or rated any fum, or fums or money, by virtue oi this act, to 
 be levied, fhall deny, refufe, or delay, to pay the lame, that then it 
 fhall be lawful for any fuch collector, by virtue of a warrant, under the 
 hand and feal of any Juftice of the Peace, for the county, where fuch 
 offender fhall refide, who, by virtue of this act, are required and autho- 
 rized to grant fuch warrants, to levy the fame by diilrel's and fale of fuch 
 perfon's, or perfons' goods and chattels, returning the overplus, if any be, 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 <3o, but an annexion to ffew-Tork"> induced the 1*693 . 
 houfe to fend die following petition to the Go- 
 vernor. 
 
 t5] 
 
 To 
 
 to the owner, after the fum afTefled, or diftrained for, with all' charges, 
 are deducted. 
 
 * And) be It further enafJed by the authority aforefa'td, That the monies, 
 or effects, gathered, or received, by the faid collectors, within their re* 
 fpeclive limits, hy virtue of this acl;, {hall, from time to time, be duly 
 paid to fuch Treasurer as fhall be appointed by the Governor, to receive 
 the fame; ^vhofe receipts Jhall be a fufficient difcharge unto fuch collec- 
 ters; which faid celle&ors, forgathering the faid particular fums, Ihall 
 retain in their hands refpe&ively, for every twenty fliillings by them paid 
 in, as aforefaid, the fum of one fhilling, as a reward for their pains and 
 fervice ; Provided always. That if any perfon, or perfons certified and 
 aflefled, or rated 1 for, or in refpect of any eftate, for which, by this ac% 
 he, or they, is or may be rated, do find him, or themfelves, aggrieved 
 with fuch rating, and do, within ten days after, complain to any three 
 of the aflefibrs, that fignecl, or allowed, his, or their rate, who {hall; with'- 
 in ten days after fuch complaint, particularly examine the perfon com^ 
 plaining, or any other perfon, touching the value of the complainant's 
 real and perfonal eftate ; and thereupon the faid afleflbrs {hall abate, de- 
 faulk, or increafe the faid affefFments, according as complaints fhall ap- 
 pear, either by the party's own attefl, or proof of others. 
 
 " Andy be It further enabled by the authority aforefaid. That, if any per* 
 fon be fued, for any thing done, in purfuance of thisacl:, fuch perfon, fo 
 fued, may plead the general ifiue, and give this acl: in fpecial matter, in 
 evidence; and if the plaintiff, or profecutor, fhall he caft, the defendant 
 fhali recover treble damages; Provided always, That none {hall be here- 
 by pumfhed, by virtue of this a<St, for any neglect, or mifcarriage, i# 
 the execution thereof, but within one year after fuch offence; Provided 
 dlfo, and be it farther enabled by the authority aforefaid. That the feVCTal 
 collectors fhall gather and receive the refpective fums afTeffed, as aforefaid, 
 in current money of this Province, or for want thereof, in good merchant- 
 able country produce, at the current market price." 
 
 Nole, Front the fums raifed by this tax of one penny in- the pound, in 
 each county, as exhibited below, from the votes of Affembly, may pretty 
 nearly be eftimated the value of all the private eftates and property, at 
 that time, in the province and territories> tf/z. 
 
 Counties. Sums. 
 
 Philadelphia, - ^ - 314 II II 
 Ncwcaftle, - 143 15 o 
 
 Suffex, - .... loi i 9 
 Kent, - ... - 88 a lo 
 Chefter, - - - - - 65 o 7 
 Buck?, - * --- 48 4 I 
 
 Total. 760 1 6 
 
394 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA, 
 
 " To Benjamin Fletcher, Efquire, Captain General, 
 and Governor in Chief, in and over the pro- 
 vince of Pennfyhania^ country of New-Cqftle^ 
 and traces of land depending, 
 
 cc The humble petition of the Freemen of the faid 
 province and country, in Afiemby met, 
 
 " Sheweth, 
 
 " THAT they, being deeply fenfible of the 
 per.*: to manv inconveniences that may attend a mifunder- 
 
 the Govcr- ,-,<., ^ -n 
 
 nor. itanding between the Governor and Freemen, do 
 earneftly defire all occafions may be taken away, 
 and with all humility, beg the Governor would be 
 pleafed, in tender regard to the truft, lodged in the 
 faid Repreientatives, to condefcend fo far, as to in- 
 form them, which of their bills the Governor will 
 accept, amend, or reject; that, by knowing which 
 of the faid bills are difliked by the Governor, the 
 A (Terribly may difpofe themfelves to acquiefce with 
 the Governor's pleafure, or endeavour to fatisfy 
 the Governor and Council with the reafonablenefs 
 of the faid bills; which, being done, will remove 
 all doubts and troubles from our minds, upon that 
 occafion, and we mail proceed with chearfulnefs 
 to finifh this General Affembly, to the King's ho- 
 nour, and the general fatisfaction of the Governor 
 and government. 
 
 " Third-month \ft. 1693." 
 
 , Notwithstanding the foft and pliant terms of 
 this petition, the Afiembly unanimoufly refolved, 
 " That all bills fent to the Governor and Council, 
 in order to be amended, ought to be returned to 
 
 this 
 
 In the latter end of the year 1693, died, in Philadelphia, John Dcla- 
 uall, a member of the Provincial Council. He had formerly been a Cap- 
 tain of the militia in New Tori; but, afterwards, joining in religious 
 fociety with the Quakers, he became an eminent Preacher among them ; 
 and is faid to have been one of the firil, or early iettlers in Neiv Jerfey; 
 from whence he removed to Philadelphia: where, having married Han- 
 nah, the eldeft daughter of Thomas Ltoyd, he continued a ufeful and wor- 
 thy member of fociety till his death. M. S. 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 395 
 
 this houfe, to have their further approbation, upon 1693. 
 fuch amendments, before they can have their final v^v^ 
 aflent, to pafs into laws;" And there was a party J* e t ^ ut ^ 
 in the houfe, who ftrenuoufly aflerted their un- f em biy. 
 doubted rights, as founded on their then prefent 
 charter of privileges, but, being the fmaller num- 
 ber, all they could do terminated in the following 
 proteft, viz. 
 
 " Philadelphia, Fourth-month ift. 1693- 
 
 " WE, whofe names are hereunto fubfcribed, proteftof 
 Reprefentatives of the Freemen of his province, fome Mem- 
 in Aflembly, do declare, it is the undoubted right 
 of this houfe to receive back from the Governor 
 and Council all fuch bills as are fent up for their 
 approbation, or amendments, and debate the fame, 
 as the body of the bills, and that the denial of that 
 right is deftru&Ive to the Freemen of making lawsj 
 and we do alfo declare, it is the right of the Aflem- 
 bly, that before any bill, for fupplies, be prefented, 
 for the laft fanclion, aggrievances ought to be re- 
 drefled: therefore, we, with proteftation (faving 
 our jult rights in Aflembly) do declare, that the 
 aflent of fuch of us as were for fending up the 
 bill, for the fupply, this morning, was merely in 
 confideration of the Governor's fpeedy departure, 
 but that it fhould not be drawn into example, or 
 precedent, for the future. 
 
 " David Lloyd, Samuel Richardfon, 
 " James Fox, John Simcock, 
 " John Swift, Samuel Prefton, 
 " John White, Samuel Carpenter, 
 " George Maris, Henry Paynter." 
 
 According to the Aflembly 's petition the Gover- 
 nor fent back feveral bills, with his objections, for 
 amendments; which, being agreed to, were after- 
 wards pafled. And the rolls of fuch old laws, as 
 the Aflembly did not think >fit to repeal, to pre- 
 vent any doubt of their being in force, being fent 
 
 up 
 
396 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1693. U P to k* m ' were % ne d by him, for confirmation. 
 \-x-\'-x^ After which he diflblved the AfTembly, by their 
 
 Governor own advice, and departed for his government at 
 lp$ml\y.Nw-r<>rk, having firft appointed William Mark- 
 Marfcham foam^ Lieutenant Governor in his (lead, in Pcnn- 
 
 hisDeputv, r / 
 
 and goes iafyhanui. 
 
 New York. During Governor Fletcher's adminiftration here, 
 he appears to have been feveral times in the pro- 
 vince, but never long at one time. He met the 
 Aflembly again in the Third-month, 1694; and, 
 in a meflage to them, dated, Philadelphia^ May 
 23d. 1694, he acquaints them, 
 
 " That he had been difappointed in meeting 
 e t ^ lem looner > according to his intention, and di- 
 6 Teclion given for calling the Aflembly, by reafon 
 of being .under a neceffity to repair to Albany, on 
 intimation given, that the^fe 3 nation Indians , which 
 had been fo long faithful to the Engli/h, were now 
 debauched to the French intenjl, and entering into 
 a league with the Governor of Canada; which 
 was a matter of the higheil importance to the 
 neighbouring colonies, and required his utmofi 
 abilities and application to prevent. 
 
 44 That he was come to lay the whole affair before 
 them, alluring them, that their own Indians here 
 ^ould be compelled to join the fatal confederacy. 
 
 " That, in confequence hereof, he had feen 
 fourfcore fine farms all deferted about Albany. 
 
 " That the Jzrfeys had done more for the com- 
 mon defence than all the other adjacent provinces. 
 
 " That he conlidered their principles, that they 
 could not carry arms, nor levy money, to make 
 war, though for their own defence, yet he hoped 
 .they would not refufe to feed the hungry and cloath 
 the naked; that was, to fupply the Indian nations 
 ,with fuch neceflaries, as may influence their con- 
 tinued friendfliip to thefe provinces. 
 
 Laftly, 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA 
 
 * c Laftly, that he was ready, as far as in him 1694. 
 lay, confident with the rules of loyalty, and a 
 juft regard to liberty and property, to redrefs their 
 grievances, if they had any." 
 
 During this, and the fucceeding feffion, in Sep- End of GO- 
 tember, this year, feveral laws were nailed; which vernprFiet- 
 
 i -n c ^ -r-i i cher'sadnn 
 
 ends the admimitration or Governor Fletcher. , 
 
 But what return was made by the houfe to his 
 requeft, in the latter part of the above mefTage, 
 does not clearly appear; only I find, that, in a 
 letter of the Proprietary, dated, Brijiol, firth of 
 the Ninth-month, 1695, which feems to allude to 
 part of the prefent proceedings, he obferves and 
 complains of there being faclious perfons in the co- ^ _ 
 lony, that difturbed., or threatened the tranquillity the />> 
 of the government ; and he blames the province : " 
 For refufing to fend money to New-lTork, for what 
 he calls a common defence, urging their compliance, 
 and expreffing the danger of their overfetting the 
 government again, by fuch refufal; which, before 
 that time, was reftored to him, Markham being 
 his Deputy.* 
 
 On the roth, of the Seventh-month this year Death and 
 (1694) died Thomas Lloyd, the Proprietary's late t" 
 Deputy Governor, aged about fifty-four years. His 
 father was a perfcm of fome fortune, rank and ef- 
 teem; of an ancient family and eftate, called Dolo- 
 bran, in h/Lontgomeryfoire , in North Wales. This 
 his fon Thomas Lloyd was a younger brother, and 
 was educated in the beft fchools; from which he 
 was removed to the univerfity of Oxford; where 
 he is faid to have made confiderable proficiency; 
 
 and, 
 
 This letter was directed to Arthur Cook, John Simcock, Samuel 
 Carpenter, John Goodfon, Samuel Richardfon, Robert Turner, Phineas 
 Pemberton, and David Lloyd. 
 
 In a poftfcript to this letter, he further declares, I muft fay, that 
 rhac I have fpent upon the province, as Governor and Planter, is the 
 foundation of my prefent iacumbrance, as Ph. F. (Philip Ford) know?, 
 .and alisrted to die Lords of Plantations lately, to be 4000 more in the 
 whole, thaa I ever received for laa&>, beftdes what it has coll me here." 
 
398 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1694. and, being endowed with good natural parts, and 
 vx>-^ an amiable difpofition of mind, he attracted the 
 Death and re rr ar( j anc } e fteem of perfoiis of rank and fi>ure s 
 
 dtara&erof , i u 
 
 Th. Lloyd. an d was afterwards in the way to confiderable pre- 
 ferment, in the world; but, being of a fober and 
 religious way of thinking, he joined with the 
 Quakers ^ and renounced all worldly confederations, 
 for that peace of mind, and real mental felicity, 
 which he believed to be the effecl of true religion ; 
 and became an highly efleemed preacher in that 
 fociety.* In confequence of which, having fu 
 fered much unmerited reproach, perfecution and 
 lofs of property, in his native country, he after- 
 wards removed to Pennfylvania, among the firft, 
 or early fettlers, and was one of William Venn's 
 moft intimate friends. He was mofily one of the 
 principal perfons in the government, from his firft 
 arrival, and of very great fervice in the public 
 affairs: Yet he appears to have fo much diiliked 
 fuch a public kind of life, that, from the fole 
 view of ferving his country, when it fo much needed 
 it, he is faid to have accepted of the eminent offices, 
 which, at different times, he held in the admini- 
 flration, &c. for he was fo far from making advan- 
 tage, or profit, to himfelf, by thus devoting his 
 iuperior abilities, that it is aflerted, he worfted, or 
 leflened, his private eftate thereby. 
 
 In both his civil and religious capacity, in divers 
 refpeds, the great utility of his conduct and ma- 
 nagement, during the infant and early ftate of 
 
 the 
 
 * There is extant in manufcript, partly obliterated, minutes of a re- 
 ligious difpute or conference, held at Lanf-wlll'm, in September, 1681, 
 between the bifhop of St. Afaph, and Charles and Thomas Lloyd, brothers 
 
 ' ' '^>er of others on both fides, as taken by the bifliop, entitled* 
 
 unt of a conference between the right reverend the Bifhop 
 
 and Mr. Charles Lloyd and Mr. Thomas Lloyd" &c. 
 irned and ingenious difpute, marked with moderation, on. 
 hiefly in the fyllogittical method, on baplifm^ and what is 
 rfs Supper, &c. with divers Greek quotations and expkna- 
 he New Teftament, occafioned by the Bifhop's requeuing 
 e their reafons for their reparation from thfr church, &c. 
 rsnce, &c. continued feveral days. 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 399 
 
 the province and colony, appear to have been very 1 694* 
 extenfive and confpicuous, till his death; info- O'v^; 
 much that he was univerfally beloved by all degrees P cat ^ anc * 
 
 ri i i i r i i r i character of 
 
 or the people, both for his good lervices, and the Th. Lloyd, 
 excellency of thofe amiable qualities, which, from 
 the advantages of birth, education, religion, and 
 good fenfe, are reprefented to have-united in him, 
 to diftinguifh his character, and render him a 
 bright and mining example of piety, virtue and 
 integrity, through every department, ftage and 
 viciflitude of both his private and public life.* 
 
 * He died on the fixth day of his ficknefs; during which time, his 
 xpreffions to his friends, about him, are mentioned, as expreflive of the 
 ftate of his mind, and the confequence of a life, well fpent; fome of 
 which were, " I die in unity and in love with all faithful friends; I have 
 fought a good fight; I have kept the faith; which {lands not in the wif- 
 dom of words, but in the power of God ; I have fought not for ftrife and 
 contention, but for the Grace of our Lord Jefus Chrift and the fimplicity 
 of the Gofpel; I lay down my head in peace, and defire you may aH 
 do fo." " Friends farewell all." 
 
 jVo&?. The above account and character of him is the purport of a 
 much .larger written memorial, figned by thirty-two names, &c. 
 
 CHAPTER 
 
HrsroRY dp PENNSYLVANIA, 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 William Pcnn cleared of the accufations againjt him, 
 and his government rejiored. His letter on this 
 fubjeft and other things. Death of his wife, Gu- 
 lielma Maria. He co?nmijfionates William Mark- 
 ham his Lieutenant Governor. Copy of the inftru- 
 menf, by 'which he was reinftaied in his govern- 
 ment in 1 694. His ufeful employment in England. 
 His fecond marriage. Death of his eldeft fon, 
 S-pringett. Ancient tejlimony of the Quakers re- 
 rtewed, &c. William Penn wi/its his friends, the 
 Quakers^ in Ireland^ Ssfr. Governor Markhanff 
 ddminiftration. His writ for calling an AJfembJy y 
 in 1695. Proceedings of the Affembly in 1696. 
 Their remonftrance, Sffr. Further proceedings of 
 the Legijlature ; wherein a bill of fettlement is 
 agreed to and pqffed, called the third frame of go- 
 uermncntj &c. Names of the members of AJfem- 
 bly in 1698. State of the province about this 
 time. A Proclamation. 
 
 WE now return to William Penn; who, in the 
 latter part of the year 1693, through the mediation 
 w. Perm's of his friends, the Lords, Rochcfter, Ranelagh and 
 > Sidney, in which the Lord Somers, the Duke of 
 Buckingham and Sir John Trenchard were alfo 
 aflifting, was admitted to make his innocency ap- 
 pear ; which he did fo effe&ually, that he was not 
 only readily acquitted of the charge againil him, 
 but alfo had his government reflored. 
 
 The 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 401 
 
 The three firfl mentioned Lords went to the 1693. 
 \King, on the 25th. of November, and reprefented 
 to him William Perm's cafe, " As not only hard, 
 but oppreffive; that there was nothing againft him, & 
 but what impoftors, or thofe, that were fled, o 
 that had, fince their pardon, refufed to verify, w V .Penn. 
 (and afked William Penn pardon, for faying what 
 they did) alledged againft him; that they (the 
 faid Lords) had long known William Penn, fome 
 of them thirty years, and had never known him 
 to do an ill thing, out many good offices; and, 
 that, if it was not for being thought to go abroad 
 in defiance of the government, he would have 
 done it two years ago; that he was, therefore, 
 willing to wait to go about his bufmefs, as before, 
 with leave, that he might be the better refpe&ed, 
 in the liberty he took to follow it."* 
 
 King 
 [5'] 
 
 * William Penn mentions this, among other things, in the following 
 manner, in a letter, directed to Thomas .Lloyd, Samuel Carpenter, John 
 Simcock, Samuel Richardfon, Samuel Jenings, Henry Murray, Arthur 
 Cook, John Jones, &c. viz. 
 
 " Hodfdon, tie Ilih. of the Tenth-month, 1693. 
 " Friends, 
 
 THIS comes by the Pennfylvania Merchant, Harrifon, 
 commander, and C. Saunders, merchant. By them and this know, that 
 it hath pleafed God to work my enlargement, by three Lords reprcfent- 
 ing my cafe, as not only hard, but opprefiive; that there was nothing 
 againft rne, but what impoftors, or thofe that are fled, or that have, fince 
 their pardon, refufed to verify, (and aflced me pardon, for faying what 
 they did) alledged againft me; that they had long known me, fome of 
 them thirty years, and had never known me to do an ill thing, but many 
 good offices; and, that, for not being thought to go abroad in defiance to 
 the government, I might and would have done it, two years ago; and, 
 that I was, therefore, willing to wait to go about my affairs, as before, 
 with leave; that I might be the better refpe&ed, in the liberty I took to 
 follow it. 
 
 " King William anfwcred, " That I was his old acquaintance, as well 
 as theirs; and, that I might follow my bufmefs as freely as ever; and 
 that he had nothing to fay to me." Upon which they prefled him to 
 command one of them, to declare the fame to the Secretary of State, Sir 
 John Tretifharj, that if I came to him, or otherwife, he might fignify 
 the fame to me; which he alfo did:- The Lords were RocLeJler, JRa- 
 nelagh., and Sidney; and the bit, as my greateft acquaintance, was to cell 
 the Secretary; accordingly he did; and the Secretary, after fpeaking 
 himfelf, and having it from King William' 1 ^ own mouth, appointed me 
 ^ time to meet hirn at home; and did, with the fA.qryuit ef Wincbejler^ 
 
 and 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 King William anfwered, That William Penn 
 was his old acquaintance, as well as theirs; that 
 h e m ight follow his bufmefs, as freely as ever; 
 and that he had nothing to fay to him." -Upon 
 which they prefled him to command one of them 
 to declare the fame to the Secretary of State, Sir 
 John Trenchard; that, if he came to him, or 
 otherwife, he might fignify the fame to him ; which 
 
 the 
 
 and told me, I was as free as ever; and, as he doubted not my prudence 
 ' about my quiet living, fo he affufed me, I mould not be molefted, or in- 
 jured in any of my affairs, at leall while he held that poft. The Secre- 
 tary is my old friend, and one I ferved, after the D of Monmoutb and 
 Lord Ruffel's bufmefs: I carried him in my coach to W;ndfor, and pre- 
 fented him to King James; and when the revolution came, he bought my 
 four horfes, that carried us. It was about three or four months before 
 the revolution. The lords fpoke the ijth of November, and he diichar- 
 , ged me on the 3Oth. 
 
 " From the Secretary I went to our meeting, at the Bull and Mout^; 
 thence to vifit the fancluary of my folitude; and after that, to fee my 
 poor- wife and children; my eldeft being with me all this while. My 
 wife is yet weakly; but I am not without hopes of her recovery; who 
 is of the beft of v 'ves and women. 
 
 " From all this you may apprehend that I may yet fee America^ and 
 ihall certainly judge things, as I find them : for I have had hard meafiire 
 among you; the province difgraced, and all our intereft wounded: though 
 I am tender and mertiful, I am juft; and neither my relations in blood, 
 nor in judgment, T hope, (hall be able to byas me into a wrong fenfe, or 
 apprehenfion: and I hope once more to unite you upon a common bot- 
 tom: Thus far of my enlargement, which, from a multitude of buli- 
 , nefs, at this time, I fend in another hand; I was alfo furprized at the fhort 
 
 notice given me to write in. The trial of George Keith has been in- 
 
 duftrioufly fpread all about the nation, efpecially at London, at the Court, 
 Wejlminfter Hall, and the Parliament Hoi/fe; the odium, it has contracted 
 
 in fome, ftirrtd up in others; the advantage, the difaffe&ed among us 
 make by it, againft unity, againft Friends' having power, againft me 
 and you, in particular, are great and lamentable; the Lord put a holy 
 ftop, by his wife power, to this evil work, and bring that which is fo 
 
 ; wrong, under his righteous judgment. That you have a regard to my 
 
 right, I cannot but value; and hope it is that, and not humour, or dii'- 
 appointment, that engaged you to decline: Oh, the forrowful conclufion 
 
 * of eight or nine years' government! but I hope foon to fee an end of all 
 this, if the Lord will; fo, not willing to lofe this opportunity, and efpe- 
 
 : cially upon this occafion, I falute you all in the unchangeable truth of our 
 God, deilring your prefervation, in that which is more valuable than aU 
 
 the world, to them that love it, and tafte the virtue of it." " Friend* 
 
 generally well; the war continues; great loiTcs; poverty looking men in the 
 
 ' face; and fcarcety of bread alfo coming on apace; but Ireland helps, where 
 it i at 2/3 and half-a-crown the bufhel wheat; this is your harveft; I 
 defire my love to Friends and your families; and the Lord preferve you 
 in his fear; and what you can, make up your breaches; my love faiutes 
 you, and bids you, heartily, farewell. 
 
 Your real Friend, 
 
 " WILLIAM PENJC." 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 403 
 
 King readily did; and the Lord Sidney ', as 1693. 
 William Penn's greateft acquaintance, was to tell v^vx^ 
 the Secretary; which b'eing done, the Secretary, 
 after fpeaking himfelf, and having orders from 
 the King, appointed William Penn a time to meet 
 him at home; who then (November 3oth.) in 
 company with the Marquis of Winchefter, told 
 him, " He was as free as ever" adding, " That 
 he doubted not his prudence about his quiet living, 
 fo he allured him, he mould not be molefted, or 
 injured, in any of his affairs, at leaft, while he 
 held that poft." 
 
 Soon after this William Penn loft his beloved * eath 
 wife, Gulielma Maria, who died in the Twelfth- 
 month this year; (1693^) with whom he had lived, 
 in all the endearments of that neareft relation, 
 about twenty-one years; her excellent chara&er, 
 and pious exit, are related by himfelf in his prin- 
 ted works. 
 
 He was reinftated in his government of Pennfyl- w. Penn is 
 <vania^ by letters patent, dated 2oth. day of Au- 
 gufl, in the fixth year of the reign of William and 
 Mary;* (1694; after which he fent a commiffion 
 
 to his deputy. 
 
 * The copy of a duplicate of the .grant, by which William Penn was 
 reftored to the Government of Pennfyivanla, is as follows, viz. 
 
 4t William and Mary, by the Grace of God, King and Queen of England^ 
 Scotland^ France and Ireland, defenders of the Faith, &c. 
 
 ' WHEREAS, upon information, that, by reafon of great mifcarriages, 
 in the government of our province of Penfilvanla y in America^ and the 
 abfence of the Proprietor, the fame was fallen into diforder and confufion; 
 by means whereof not only the public peace, and adminiftration of juf- 
 tice was broken and violated, but there was alfo great want of provifion 
 for the guard and defence of our faid province againft our enemies; where- 
 by it was apprehended that our faid province, and the adjacent colonies 
 were much in danger of being loft from the crown of England: for pre- 
 vention thereof, as much as in us lay, and for the better defence and fe- 
 curity of our fubje&s, inhabiting thefe parts, during this time of war, 
 we did find it absolutely neceflary to take the government thereof into 
 our hands, and under our immediate care and protection, and did, there- 
 fore, by letters patent, under our great feal of England^ bearing date the 
 twenty-firft day of October, in the fourth year of our reign, conftitute 
 and appoint our trufly and well-beloved Benjamin Fletcher^ Efquire, our 
 Captain General^ and Governor in Chief, of our province 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 to William Markham, conftituting him his Lieu- 
 tenant Governor of Pennfylvania and territories, 
 dated Ninth-month 24th. 1694. 
 
 Now 
 
 to be our Captain General, and Governor in Chief, in and over our faid 
 province of Patfififonfa and country of Ncwcaftle, ard all the territories 
 and tracls of land depending thereon, in America, with dire&ioHs to take 
 the faid prov : nce and country under his government, and did thereby 
 grant unto him, the faid Benjamin Fletcher, and in cafe of his death, or 
 abfence, out of orr provinces of New York and Pettjihania, our country 
 of Ncii'cajile, and our colonies of J5tf/?and Wejl jerfey t unto fuch perfon, 
 as Ihould be appointed by us to be Commander in Chief of our faid pro- 
 vince of JWa- Tori, or to cur Council of our faid province, the like 
 j)ow\rs and authorities, as were granted by our commiffion to the faid 
 Benjamin Fletcher, bearing date, the eighteenth day of March, in the faid 
 fourth year of our rei^-n, for the ruling and governing of our faid pro- 
 vi t ct of Neiv York. And whereas, huH^We application has been made 
 unto us, by our trufly and well-beloved William Pen, Efquire, Proprie- 
 tor .,' .ur faid province of Penfi'vania, that he may be rcftored to the 
 admir. Oration of the government thereof, as formerly. And ivlerear, 
 the laid Proprietor has pven u- good aflurance, that he will take care of 
 tht government of our laid piovince and territories, and provide for the 
 fafcty and fecurity thereof,. <tii that ia him lies, We have thereupon 
 thought fit to reilore. him to the adminiiiration of the government of our 
 fain 1 province and territories, and accordingly Our Will and Pleafure it, 
 That fo much of tlie faid commiflion, beanrg date the twenty-firfl day 
 of October, in the fourth year of our reign, as doth conftitute and ap- 
 point our irufty and well-beloved Benjamin Fletcher., Efquire, to be our 
 Captain General, and Governor in Chief, of our faid province of Penftl* 
 vania and country of Neivcafle, and the territories and tracts of land de- 
 pending thereon in America, together with all the powers and authorities 
 thereby granted for the ruling and governing of our faid province and 
 country, do, from the publication of thefe our letters patent, ceafe, de- 
 termine, and become void, and accordingly the fame are hereby declared 
 void; of which all perions, whom it may concern, are to take notice, 
 and govern themfelves accordingly, under pain of our higheft difpleafure, 
 "IN WITNESS whereof, \ve have caufed thefe our letters to be 
 
 made patent, Witnefs, Ourfelves, at Wejlmlnjler, the twentieth 
 
 day of Auguft, in the iixth year of our reign. 
 
 " By Writ of Privy Seal, 
 
 " PlGOTT." 
 
 About the beginning of the year 1696, the late King James intending 
 an invafion of England^ for which great preparations being made in 
 France, and a plot being difcovered, in England; againft King William 
 it oc< afioned declarations to be drawn up and figned ; in the manner of 
 affociatioris, not only by the two Houfes of Parliament, but alfo by all 
 the corporations in England; and the dilfenters likewise prefenting de- 
 clarations to the King fomewhat fimilar to thefe, the Quakers, in that 
 at orj, to Ihew their loyalty, &c. publiftied the following declaration 
 thereupon, in print; which here may fhew the judgment and behaviour 
 of that people there, oniuch occafions as are therein exprefled, viz. 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 405 
 
 Now for feveral years fuccefFively his beneficent 1694. 
 fervices, and ufeful actions, divers ways, in his v_xv>^/ 
 native country, particularly to his own religious Hisfervica 
 
 _ . 'riii r \ in England^ 
 
 fociety, are repreiented to have been very conlide- & c . 
 rable; in which time he publifhed divers ufeful 
 treadles, on different fubjeds; which maybe fecn 
 in the collection of his writings in print; he was 
 Itkewife a folicitor to the government, for the 
 relief of his friends the ^uak.ers, in the cafe of 
 oaths. 
 
 On the fifth of the Firfl-month 1695-6, he con- w. Penn's 
 fummated his fecond marriage, at Briftol, with Han- ^ d c a j" 
 nab, the daughter of Thomas Callowhill, and grand "' 
 daughter of Dennis Hollifter, an eminent merchant 
 
 of 
 
 " Tie Ancient Tejlimony of the people called Quakers renewed, with re- 
 fpedt to the King and Government, and touching the prefent Ajfuciation. 
 
 " WE, the faid people, do folemnly and fincerely declare, That it 
 hath been our judgment and principle, from the firft day we were called 
 to protefs the light of Glrijl Jefus manifefted in our confciences, unto this 
 day, that the fetting up and putting down kings and governments is God's 
 peculiar prerogative, for caufes beft known to himielf; and that it is not 
 our work, or buiinefs, to have any hand, or contrivance therein, nor to 
 be bufy -bodies, in matters above our ftation; much lefs to plot, or con- 
 trive the ruin, .or overturn, of any of them: But to pray for the king, 
 and for the fafety of our nation, and good of all men, that we may live a 
 peaceable and quiet life, in all godlinefs and honefly, under the govern- 
 ment, which he is pleafed to fet over us. 
 
 " And, according to this our ancient and innocent principle, we have of- 
 ten given forth our teftimony, and now do, againft all plotting, confpi- 
 racies, and contriving infurredtions againft the King, or the government, 
 and againft all treacherous, barbarous and murderous defigns whatfoever, 
 as works of the devil and darknefs; and we fincerely blefs God, and are 
 heartily thankful to the king and government, for the liberty and privi- 
 leges we enjoy under them, by law, efteeming it our duty to be true ami 
 faithful to them. 
 
 " And whereas, we, the faid people, are required to fign the faid af- 
 fcciation, we fincerely declare, that our refufmg fo to do, is net out of 
 any difaffedHon to the King, or Government, nor in oppofition to his 
 being declared rightful and lawful King of thefe realms, but purely be- 
 cauie we cannot, for confcience' fake, light, kill, or revenge, either for 
 curfelves, or any man elfe. 
 
 " And we believe that the timely difcovery and prevention of the late 
 barbarous defign and mifchievous plot, againft the King and Govern- 
 ment, and the fad effedts it might have had, is an eminent mercy from 
 Almighty God; for which we, and the whole nation, have great caufe 
 to be humbly thankful to him, and to pray for the continuance of his mer- 
 cies to them and us. 
 
 " From a meeting of the faid people, in London, the 23<l of the Firft- 
 month, called March, 1695-6." 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA* 
 
 1 696. of that city. She was faid to be a religious young 
 -v^ woman, of excellent qualities; with whom he 
 lived during the reft of his life; and had iflue by 
 her, four fons and one daughter. 
 
 Death of In the Second-month, 1696, his eldeft fon, by 
 k* s former wife, named Springett, died at Worm- 
 inghurfti in SuiTex, of a confumption, in the 
 twenty-firft year of his age; a moft hopeful and 
 promifing young man; whofe character may be 
 feen in his father's writings, together with that of 
 his mother, before mentioned. 
 
 w. Penn After this William Pcnn paid a religious vifit to 
 kis friends, the S^uakers, in Ireland, accompanied 
 by John Everott and Thomas Story; who were 
 likewife two eminent preachers in that fociety; 
 and he writ feveral treatifes in vindication of his 
 religious principles, &c. till the year 1699, when 
 he began to make preparation to revifit his pro- 
 vince of Pennfylvania. 
 
 proceed- William Markha?n^ being by the Proprietary, 
 ki^nT* a ^ ter his melioration, conftituted, or appointed, 
 ae<E the Af- his Deputy Governor, as before obferved, firfl, 
 under that appointment, met a Council on the 
 scth. of April, and an Affembly, on the loth, of 
 September, 1695; which? after they had fat fome 
 time, appear to have been unexpectedly diffolved 
 
 by 
 
 The Names of the Members of Affemoly, in 1695, were: 
 
 For Philadelphia. For Buds. For CbeJIer. 
 
 Edward Shippcn, Sfealer, Jofhua Hoopes, John Blunicon, 
 
 Alexander Beardfley, Henry Faxon, Bartholo. Coppoc^, 
 
 James Fox, ' Samuel Dark, William Jenkins, 
 
 Robert Owen, Nicholas Wain, Robert Piles, 
 
 John Bcvan, John Swift, Walter Forreft, 
 
 John Parfons. Jofeph Miller. Philip Roman. 
 
 for New Cajlte. For Kent. For Sujl-x. 
 
 Jofeph England, J onR Betts, J^ n Stockley, 
 
 Valentine Hoilingfworth, William RodKey, 'J homas Oldrnan 
 
 George Harland, William Morton, Joleph Booth, 
 
 Edward Gibbs, Simon Irons, Henry Mo'efton, 
 
 Henry Hoilingfworth, Daniel Brown, James Feterkill, 
 
 Cornelius Empfon. John HUliard. Jonathan IJaily>. 
 
.HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 407 
 
 by Markham. The form of the writ, for calling 1695. 
 that AiTembly, was as follows, viz. ^^y^J 
 
 (L. S.) " William Markham, Efquire, Governor 
 under William Penn, abfolute Pro- 
 prietary of the province of Pennfyl- 
 vania and counties annexed, to Ar- 
 thur Me/ton, Sheriff of the county 
 of Kent, Greeting: 
 
 WHEREAS, their facred Majefties, William 
 and Mary, by the grace of God, King and Queen ii 
 of England, Scotland., France and Ireland, defen- fembl y- 
 ders of the faith, &c. did, by their letters patent, 
 under the great feal of England, bearing date the 
 one and twentieth day of October, in the fourth 
 year of their reign, for the reafons therein ex- 
 prefled, find it abfolutely necefiary to take the go* 
 vernment of faid province of Pennfyhania into 
 their own hands, and under their immediate cam 
 and prote&ion; and, therefore, did conftitute and 
 appoint Benjamin Fletcher, Efquire, Captain Ge- 
 neral, and Governor in Chief of their Majefties' 
 province of New-Tork, to be Captain General, in 
 and over their faid Majefties' province of Pennfyl- 
 <vania, and country of New-CaJlle, and all the 
 tracls of land depending thereon in America, 
 thereby commanding and requiring him, the faid 
 Benjamin Fletcher, to take the faid province of 
 Pennfyfoania and country under his government * r 
 who accordingly took the fame under his govern- 
 ment, by publication of the faid letters patent, in, 
 the town of Philadelphia, upon the 26th. of April,, 
 1693: And whereas, their facred Majefties have 
 fmce been mod gracioufly pleafed, by their letters. 
 >atent, under the great feal of England, bearing 
 late the 2oth. day of Auguft, in the fixth year of 
 their reign, for the reafons therein exprefled, to 
 reftore to the faid William Penn, Proprietary of 
 the faid province of Pennfyhania and territories, 
 into the adminiftratioa of the. government thereof : 
 
 And, 
 
408 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1695. And whereas, the faid William Pcnn has been 
 \^^r^j pleafed, by his commiilion, under his hand, and 
 Markham's f ea l o f the faid province, bearing date the 2Qth. 
 day of the Ninth-month, 1694, to conftitute'mc 
 Governor, under him, of the faid province of 
 Pennfylvania, and counties annexed, firictly charg- 
 ing and commanding me, to govern according to 
 the known laws and ufages thereof. I, therefore, 
 by virtue of the faid power and authority, derived 
 unto me, command you, that forthwith you fum- 
 mon all the Freemen of your faid county, to 
 meet upon the tenth day of April, at the ufual 
 place of meeting, then and there, according to 
 law and charter, to chufe three perfons, to ierve 
 in Provincial Council, one for three years, one for 
 two years, and one other for one year; and ftx 
 perfons to ferve as members of Affembly; and 
 upon the election of members of Council, to ac- 
 quaint them to attend me on the 2oth. day of 
 April next, at Philadelphia, to form a Provincial 
 Council, to advife with me, in matters relating to 
 the government; whereof they are not to fail; 
 and make return of the names of the faid Freemen, 
 fo to be chofen, and of this writ, into the Secre- 
 tary's office, for the faid province and territories, 
 at and before the faid 2oth. day of April next; 
 "hereof fail not at your peril; and for your fc 
 doing this lhall be your fufficient warrant. 
 
 " Given under my hand, and feal of the province, 
 this 26th. day of March, annoque regni re- 
 gis et regime, Gulielmi et Marue, mine An- 
 gU<%, &c. feptimo, in the fourteenth year 
 the Proprietary's government, annoque Domi- 
 ni 1695. 
 
 " WILLIAM MARKHAM." 
 
 1696, After this he called another Aflembly, to meet 
 Proceed- at Philadelphia, on the 26th. of the Eighth-month, 
 he l6 9 6 ' This Airembl y chofe John Simcock of Chejier, 
 * for their Speaker; and, in a melfage to the Go- 
 vernor, 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 409 
 
 vernor, they obferved, that though he had cori- 1696. 
 vened them, by his writs, not fo conformable to ^s^s**-/ 
 their charter, as they could defire, (which was Proc *- ed - 
 
 T-T 7 IN 1 1 1 i V i i r- in g 3 ol tjie 
 
 upon r let cher s plan) yet they had obeyed the fame, Affembiy. 
 and confidered what he had laid before them, viz. 
 " To anfwer the late Queen's letter, and the Pro- 
 prietary's promife upon his reiloration to the go- 
 vernment;" refpefting which they told him, " That 
 they were unanimoufly ready and willing to per- 
 form their duty therein, fo far as in them lay, if 
 the Governor would fettle them in their former 
 constitution, enjoyed before the government was 
 committed to Governor Fletcher's truft;" which 
 affairs, with the proceedings of the laft Aflembly, 
 appear more fully in the following remonftrance, 
 
 *&$. 
 
 " To William Markham, Governor under William 
 Penn, Proprietor of the province of Pennfyl* 
 <uania, and territories thereunto belonging, 
 
 <c The remonftrance of the Freemen of the faid 
 province and territories, convened in Affem- 
 biy, by virtue of the Governor's writs, at 
 Philadelphia, the 28th. of October, in the 
 eighth year of King William's reign, over En- 
 gland, &c. annoque Domini 1696. 
 
 cc Humbly fheweth, 
 
 " THAT, whereas, the late King Charles the Tte Af- 
 fecond, by his royal charter, made in the thirty- fem W sre - 
 
 , . , J r i . r i / r moriftrance 
 
 third year or his reign, under the great feal oftoGoverao* 
 England, was pleafed to fignify, that William Penn, 
 (out of a commendable defire to enlarge the Sri- 
 tijh empire, and promote fuch ufeful to:nmodities 
 as might be of benefit to the King and his domi- 
 nions, as alfo to induce the favage nations, by 
 gentle and juft manners, to the love of civil foci- 
 ety, and the Chriftian religion) had humbly fought 
 leave to tranfport an ample colony into this coun- 
 
410 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA* 
 
 1696. try; wherefore, the faid King,- favouring the peti- 
 v-^v-^ tion, and good purpofe of the faid William Penn y 
 The Af- did, in and by the faid charter, for him, his heirs 
 " and fucceiTors, give and grant unto the laid William 
 Penn 9 his heirs and affigns, all this faid country, 
 and trad of land, called Pennsylvania, and con- 
 ftituted him, the faid William Penn, abfolute Pro- 
 prietor thereof, vefting him, and fuch as were to 
 be adventurers with him, the fettlers and inhabi- 
 tants of faid province, with divers powers, privi- 
 leges and immunities, under the refervations, pro- 
 vifos and reftri&ions, in the faid charter fpecified; 
 charging all officers, &c. to be, at all times aiding 
 and aflifting to the faid William Penn^ and unto 
 the faid inhabitants and merchants of the faid pro- 
 vince, in the full ufe and fruition of the benefits of 
 *the faid charter. 
 
 a In purfuance whereof the faid William Penn, 
 and divers fubftantial perfons, who fir ft embarked 
 with him, in that fo commendable a defign, did 
 foon afterwards (by the advice of learned council) 
 conclude upon a certain frame of government, 
 confiflent with the powers of the faid patent, but 
 fuitable with the religious perfwafton of the major 
 part of the undertakers, and well accommodated 
 to all. This model, together with the franchiies 
 and immunities exprefsly granted by the aforefaid 
 letters patent to the people, did induce them to 
 conceive (and, we hope, upon juft grounds too) 
 that lince the King had been fo favourably pleafed 
 to incorporate them, and in fo great a meafure, 
 connected the people's privileges with their pro- 
 perties, that they could not be any more diverted 
 of the one, than the other, but by due courfe of 
 law, and proved more than ordinary motives to 
 incline feveral hundreds to tranfport themfelves 
 and families into this country, out of divers parts; 
 fo that this province hath not been, at firfl, popu- 
 lated under William Penn's government, with tran- 
 
 fportzd 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 411 
 
 fported felons, or criminals, but moftly, the people 1696. 
 called Quakers, men of truth andfobriefy, having v-^vx^ 
 vifible eftates and credit in the world; who, with 
 no lefs defires of that freedom, to anfwer the end 
 of the King's grant, (with refpect to propagating 
 the Chriftian religion) were made willing to leave 
 their native land, part with their friends and near 
 relations, and remove themfelves into the wilder- 
 nefs, hoping to enjoy their faid privileges and li- 
 berties, more than any profpecl, they had of 
 worldly advantage, or preferment; and when they 
 arrived here, expofed themfelves and tender fami- 
 lies to great hardfhips, (attending the hazard and 
 inconveniencies of a new plantation) exhaufted 
 their eftates, and have not been at all chargeable to 
 the crown, in fo confiderable a fettlement, as 'is 
 well known; but before they could thoroughly 
 come into a comfortable way of living and put 
 themfelves into a capacity to pay either their parti- 
 cular, or public debts, this government became 
 (it feems) as the butt of our neighbour's envy; 
 who, mifreprefenting things at home, did obtain 
 a commiflion from the King and Queen, conftitu- 
 ting Colonel Fletcher, Commander in Chief over 
 this province and territories; who, during his 
 governancy, diverted the courfe of our legislative 
 procedure, and introduced another method; and 
 continued the fame, until the faid King and Queen. 
 were favourably pleafed, by their letters patent, 
 to reflore the faid Proprietary to the adminiftraticn 
 of the government of this province and territories ; 
 upon which reiteration, the power and authority, 
 which Colonel Fletcher had made ufe of, to lay 
 afide our charteral rights and privileges, were, by 
 the faid patent, determined, and made void. 
 
 " Wherefore, the Proprietary thought fit to 
 authorize thee, to aft according to the known 
 laws and ufages of tlfe government : Inpurfuance 
 -whereof thou waft pleafed to iffue forth thy writs, 
 
 dire&ed 
 
412 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1696. directed to the refpeftive Sheriffs of this province 
 v-^r^vy and territories, commanding them to fummon all 
 The t Af- the Freemen of the refpeciive counties to meet 
 . upon the tenth day of the month called April, 
 1695, in the tvfual place of meeting, then and 
 there, according- to law and charter, to chufe three 
 perfons, in each county, to ierve in Provincial 
 Council, one lor three years, one for two years, 
 and the other for one year; and fix perfons out of 
 each county, to ierve as Members of Affembly. 
 In obedience to which writs elections were made, 
 and a General Aflembly began to be held here, on 
 the tenth day of September, 1695: And, truly, 
 thofe of us, that attended that fervice, were glad, 
 when thou fo frequently expreffed thy readinefs to 
 confirm our rights and privileges, adding, That 
 thou woulde't not fo much as endeavour to dimi- 
 nifli them; which gave further encouragement to 
 the then Representatives; who, with much alacrity, 
 and dutiful acknowledgments of the King's juftice 
 and favour, in restoring the faid Proprietary to his 
 rights, aid proceed to manifefl their affeclions to 
 the King, as well as their readinefs to aniwer his 
 expectations, about fupporting this government, fo 
 far as, in confcience, they could, according to their 
 ability, and circumstances of affairs; and fo agreed 
 to make an affeflinent of money, upon all eftates 
 within this province and country, for the fupport 
 of government; which, together with the 250 
 Sterling, thentofore raifed, and made payable to 
 Colonel Fletcher, toward the fupport of this go- 
 vernment, and not exprefsly appointed for any 
 other particular ufe, they, the faid Reprefentatives, 
 humbly defired might be deemed and taken, inftead 
 of the afliftance required from this country; the 
 fame being in anfwer to the late Queen's letter, fo 
 far as, in confcience and abilities, they could com- 
 ply therewith ; and fo perfq^ted the bill, ready for 
 thy paffing; having joined therewith only one bill, 
 modelled with thy approbaiiun, and corrected ac- 
 cording 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 413 
 
 cording to thy own direction, containing fome fun- 
 damental liberties, which we look upon to be as 
 much the people's rights, as the land they hold. The Af - 
 
 fembly's rc- 
 
 " But, inftead of giving thy fanclion to thofe 
 bills, thou haft, contrary to the tenor of faid writs, 
 and againfl our legiilative rights and privileges, un- 
 dertaken to dirTolve both Council and AiTembly; 
 which, we underftand, was fo furprizing and un- 
 expected to the faid Reprefentatives, that they had 
 neither time to explain their real intentions, in what 
 they urged and infifted on, or opportunity to fee 
 the minutes of their journal perfected; whereby 
 their proceedings might have been more fully and 
 fairly rendered. 
 
 " And we are given to underftand, and thofe of 
 us that were concerned in that diffolved Aflfembly, 
 do declare, That where any thing has been there 
 voted, about proceeding in legiflation, without the 
 formality of promulgating bills, according to char- 
 ter, it was chiefly to expedite the paffing of the 
 Money-bill, to anfwer the late Queen's letter, in 
 manner aforefaid, and not- intended to be brought 
 into example, unlefs agreed on, to be infer ted in 
 the other bill, or New al of fettlement. And we 
 alfo underftand, that where mention was then made 
 of any difficulty, or inconvenience, in refuming the 
 charter, it was but in circumftantials, and had re- 
 fpect only to the time of meeting, number of mem- 
 bers, and fuch like, not that we then did, or do 
 now, think that the people had any way forfeited, 
 or loft, the benefit and privileges in thofe branches 
 thereof, which direct, that this government, ac- 
 cording to the powers of the King's patent, and 
 the late Duke of Turk's deeds of feoff ment, fliould 
 confift of the Proprietary, Governor and Freemen 
 of the faid province and territories, and in form 
 of a Provincial Council and AfTembly, chofen by 
 the people; and that the Governor, or his Deputy, 
 Ihoujd perform no aft of ftate, that relates to the 
 
 juftice. 
 
414 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1696. juftice, trade, treafury, or fafety of the province 
 and territories, but by the advice of the laid Pro- 
 c f ~ vincial Council; and fuch other fundamental parts 
 e. of the faid charter, wherewith we are inverted by 
 virtue of the King's letters patent, for reiloring 
 the Proprietary. 
 
 " Now, for as much as thou haft refufed to pafs 
 the faid bill, or New Aft of Settlement '; and not in- 
 clined to the advice of thy affiftant, in iiTuing forth 
 writs, for chufing Members of Council and Aflem- 
 bly, on the laft charteral day of election, but ufed 
 thy endeavours to difcourage. the people then to 
 cleft, and hail now convened us, contrary to our 
 former ufage, notwithftanding we flill hold our- 
 felves concerned to embrace this opportunity, as 
 we are, and mall be, ready, upon all occaiions, to 
 exprefs our duty and affection to the King, for his 
 juftice and favours to the government, and our 
 well-wimes to thyfelf, we defire thee to take fome 
 fpeedy courfe to eftablifh us in our juft rights and 
 privileges, whereby we may be in a fit poilure ef- 
 feclually to anfwer and obferve the King's com- 
 rnand, relating to this government, and the Pro- 
 prietary's engagements, in that behalf, fo far as cmr 
 religious perfwafions can admit. 
 
 " Signed by order of the Houfe , 
 
 " JOHN SIMCOCKE, Speaker." 
 
 It does not appear what particular anfwer the 
 Proceed- Governor gave to this remonftrance : but that the 
 
 ings of the _ o. . . , r . . . . . 
 
 Governor & Speaker, with the houfe, waited upon him, at his 
 defire; to whom he delivered a letter, from the 
 late Governor Fletcher, requeuing money, for the 
 relief of the Indians at Albany. Upon which, on 
 the 3 1 ft. of the Eighth-month, 1696, a committee 
 of the houfe, being joined by a committee of the 
 Council, in order to anfwer the Queen's letter, 
 and preierve the people's privileges, agreed in re- 
 commending the following expedient, viz. 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 415 
 
 <c That the Governor, at the requeft of the 1696. 
 Affembly, would be pleafed to pafs an aft, (of 
 fettlement, inuil be underftood) \vith a falvo to 
 the Proprietary and people; and that he would 
 alfo iifue out his writs, for chufmg a full number 
 of reprefentatives, on the loth, day of the Firft- 
 month next, to ferve in Provincial Council and 
 Affembly, according to the charter, until the Pro- 
 prietary's pleafure be known therein; and that, if 
 the Proprietary mall difapprove the fame, then 
 this aft mall be void, and no ways prejudicial 
 to him, nor the people, in relation to the va- 
 lidity, or invalidity, of the faid charter." This 
 was unanimoufly approved by the Affembly. A 
 bill of fettlement, and a money bill were there- 
 upon agreed upon, prepared and paffed. 
 
 The money bill was for raifing three hundred 
 pounds, for the fupport of government, and re- 
 lieving the diftreffed Indians , inhabiting above Al- 
 bany, in anfwer to the Queen's letter; which 
 money, being immediately wanted, was, there- 
 fore, borrowed, until it could be raifed by the aft, 
 and remitted to Colonel Fletcher, at New-Tork, to. 
 be applied to the ufc intended. 
 
 The bill of fettlement being finiflied, befides 
 four others, paffed by Markham- it thence became frameof g<> 
 
 i ^i j r r ii' r 
 
 the third frame or government; and, being after- 
 wards enforced by fome other laws, it continued 
 in force till the year 1701.* 
 
 In year 1697, Governor Fletcher of New-Tork, 
 in a letter to Markham, informed him, that the fo 
 
 vcrament* 
 
 three hundred pounds, fent lad year, was expend- ther ai( J {or 
 ed in contingences, to feed and cloath the Indians, the Indian * 
 as was defired; and that he requefted further 
 affiftance. A committee of the Council and Affem- 
 
 bly, 
 
 * By this charter, or frame of government, the council was to confift 
 of only two members out of each county, and the Affernbly of four: 
 making in all twelve members of cpu&cil, and twenty-four of the Affem- 
 Wy, &c. See the appendix, NQ. 4, 
 
416 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1697. kty? to whom the affair was referred, in their re- 
 v^v^x port, in anfwer to this letter, exprefled their 
 
 acknowledgments for his, and that government's 
 regard and candour to them, in applying that 
 money to the life intended; but, as to further 
 fupply, at prefent, they urged the infancy, poverty, 
 and inc umbered ftate of the colony, in excufe for 
 non-compliance; at the fame time, declaring their 
 readinefs to obferve the King's further commands, 
 according to their religious perfwafions and abi- 
 lities," 
 
 1698. From about this time, till the arrival of the 
 Accounts Proprietary, in the latter part of the year 1699, 
 
 tne accounts of the public affairs appear defective, 
 or not many of much importance now occur. 
 The province feems, at that time, to have enjoyed 
 a- flate of great tranquillity and profperity, when 
 compared with that of other countries; but, it 
 cannot be fuppofed, without fome of thofe diffi- 
 culties, which always attend the fettlement of new 
 colonies, and generally affect fome more thaa 
 others, of thofe concerned, and, in proportion, 
 cauie uneafmeffes among them; from which it 
 would be unreafonable, even, to expecl: an entire 
 exemption, in the flate of human affairs : And, as 
 profperity and fuccefs create envy, in malignant 
 
 minds, 
 
 In a committee of Council, in 1697, appear the following names, 
 *is. 
 
 Samuel Carpenter, William Clarke, 
 Richard Halwell, Caleb Pufey, 
 
 Phineas Pemberton, John Curtis. 
 
 In 1-698, the Names of the Members of Afiembly were: 
 
 for Philadelphia. Par Bucks. For Chejlcr. 
 
 Anthony Morris., Phi. Pemberton, Speaker. Caleb Pufey, 
 
 James Fox, Robert Heaton, Samuel Levis, 
 
 Samuel Richardfon, Jofenh Kirkbride, Nathaniel Newlin, 
 
 Andrew Bankfon. Henry Baker. Robert Carter. 
 
 For Neiv Caf.le. For Kent. For Su/ex. 
 
 Adam Peterfon, Richard Wiifon, Thomas Oldman, 
 
 Edward Gibbs, Robert Edmonds, Jonathan Bailey, 
 
 John Grubb, H-sry Moletton, Luke Wtfon, junior, 
 
 Jofeph England. William Moreton. Cornelius Willbank. 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 417 
 
 minds, fo we find, in this province, that what- 1698. 
 ever was a little amifs, at any time, it was gene- ^^^^ 
 rally exaggerated, and its true date mifreprefented, This colony 
 either by thofe who were natural enemies to its afterthere- 
 profperity, or by difcontented fpirits, within it, volution, 
 both in early time and fince: This appears, at 
 lead, in part, to have been the caufe of depriving 
 the Proprietary of his government, in 1692; and 
 of fome part, of the royal requifitions, from fuch 
 an infant, incumbered, and particularly circum- 
 ftanced colony, both in early and later times. 
 
 But however wicked people may endeavour to 
 cover themfelves, by mixing among thofe of re- 
 putation, and the difhoned fcreen their character, 
 by aflbciating with the honed, yet fomething of 
 this malignity of mind in fome perfons out of the 
 province, befides what might, in reality, have 
 been out of order in it, feems, at lead, in partj 
 to have adminidered occafion, for the following 
 proclamation, with fome others of the fame nature, 
 which were publifhed in the year, 1698. 
 
 cc By the Governor and Council of the province 
 of Penn/ylvania, and counties annexed. 
 
 "A PROCLAMATION. 
 
 " WHEREAS, our Proprietary hath lately AProca- 
 given us to underdand of fundry accufations, or mation of 
 complaints, againft this government, for conni- theG vern - 
 
 r Pi !///> or & Coun- 
 
 ving at illegal trade and harbouring of pirates ; as cil. 
 alfo of the reports, that are gone to England, 
 about the growth of vice and loofenefs here. 
 
 " As to the former, it is evident, that they are 
 the effecls of the envy and emulation of thofe, 
 who, by fuch unfair and indirect means, would 
 accomplifli their defigns againd this government: 
 For that we are fatisfied the generality of the peo- 
 ple, merchants and traders of this province and 
 territories, are innocent and clear of thofe impu- 
 [53] tations. 
 
418 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1698. tations. And this country fo pofited, Philadet- 
 <~s^<~+u phia is become the road, where failors and others 
 A Procia- jo frequently pafs and repafs between Virginia and 
 
 mation. - T T- / / r i i i ' i 
 
 .New England^ 10 that it cannot be avoided, but 
 the bad, as well as the good, will be entertained, 
 in fuch an intercourfe; and fince common charity 
 obliges us not to prefume any perfons guilty (efpe- 
 cially of fuch great enormities) till by fome legal 
 probability, they appear fo to be; and though we 
 find that the Magiftrates and people, in general, 
 are, and have been, ready and, perhaps, more 
 active and confcientious to ferve the King and his 
 officers, againft all unlawful trade and piracy, 
 when any fucn offences have, by any means, come 
 to their knowledge, than any of thofe neighbouring 
 colonies, who have been fo querimonious againft 
 us, in that behalf; yet, we can do no lefs than, 
 purfuant to our Proprietary's commands, put all 
 in mind of their refpe&ive duties; that there be 
 no juft caufe for fuch complaints. 
 
 " And, as concerning vice, we alfo find, that 
 the Magiftrates have been careful and diligent to 
 fupprefs it; but their endeavours have been fome- 
 times ineffectual therein; by reafon, that the ordi- 
 naries, or drinking houfes, especially in Philadel- 
 phia, grow too numerous, and the keepers thereof 
 diforderly, and regardlefs of the tenor and obli- 
 gations of their licenfes, whereby they prove un- 
 grateful to the Governor, and a reproach to the 
 government. 
 
 " Therefore, thefe are ftri&ly to charge and 
 command all Magiftrates and officers whatsoever, 
 within the province and territories, as they regard 
 the honour of God, and their allegiance to the 
 King, faithfully to put in execution all the acls, 
 or laws of trade and navigation, and alfo the laws 
 and ftatutes extant againft piracy, whenever there 
 is any fuch occafion; and to ufe their utmoft dili- 
 gence and care in preventing, fuppreffing and 
 
 punifhing 
 
, mation. 
 
 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 419 
 
 punifhing all vice, diforders and loofe living, 1698. 
 wherefoever, and in whomfoever it fhall appear, ^-^v^^ 
 And to that end, it is, by the Governor and Coun- 
 cil, ordained, that, from and after the firft day of 
 March next enfuing, the Juflices of the Peace of 
 each county, in the province and territories, at 
 their refpeclive general, or private feflions, nomi- 
 nate and pitch upon fuch and fo many ordinary 
 keepers ) or innholders^ within the refpeclive counties, 
 as they fhall be well amired will keep orders, and 
 difcourage vice: And the Governor is pleafed to 
 condefcend that he will licenfe thofe fo approved 
 of by the Juflices, and will permit no other, to 
 keep taVerns, inns, or drinking houfes, within 
 this government, than fuch as fhall be fo recom- 
 mended, from time to time. 
 
 " And we further ftriftly charge and command 
 all perfons, within this government, as they will 
 anfwer the contrary at their peril, that they give 
 due affiftance to the Magiftrates and officers afore- 
 faid, in putting the faid laws in execution, and 
 fupprefling vice, that the wrath of God, and the 
 King's difpleafure may not be drawn upon this 
 poor country. 
 
 " Dated at Philadelphia^ the twelfth day of the 
 Twelfth-month, February, being the ninth 
 year of the reign of William the Third, of 
 England, &c. King, anno. Domini 1697-8. 
 
 " Signed by order of the Governor 
 and Council, 
 
 " Per PATRICK ROBINSON." 
 
 CHAPTER 
 
420 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 William Penn, with his wife and family ', fail for 
 Pennfyhania. Extra fl from his valedictory epif- 
 tle to his Friends in Europe. Telkw Fever in 
 Pennfyhania. Thomas Story, Arthur Cooke and 
 Thomas Fitzwater. Proceedings of the Governor 
 and Affembly a^ainft piracy and illicit trade.*- 
 The Proprietary 9 s concern for the benefit of the 
 Indians and Negroes, with the meafures ufed. 
 He meets Ajfemblies both at Philadelphia and New- 
 cajile, &c. and prepares a new charter. Order 
 of Council^ for a watch on the fea-coaji, &fr. 
 Monty requefted of the Ajjembly for the fortifica- 
 tions on the frontiers of New Tork. Affembly' s 
 Addrefs to the Proprietary on this occafion. -Ob- 
 Jervation on the nature of this requifition, &c. 
 Articles of Agreement between William Penn and 
 the Indians about Sufquehanna, &c. Means pro- 
 vided for the benefit of the Indians. 
 
 1600. -* N ^ e Sixth-month of the year 1699, William 
 ^^y^j Penn, with his wife and family, took fhipping for 
 
 w. Penn Pennfyfoania ; and, on the third day of the next 
 fails for following month, from on board the fhip, lyinsr 
 
 Pennfylva- _, , i T n r TTT . 7 i ; P 
 
 nia. m Cowes road, near the Ifle or weight, he took 
 
 his farewell of his Friends, in a valedidory epiftle, 
 directed to all the people called Quakers, in Europe.* 
 
 He 
 
 * This epiftle confifts chiefly of religious admonition, and may be feen 
 in his printed works: The following concluding expreflions (hew the na- 
 ture and Ipirit of it, viz. 
 
 " And now, to the whole family and flock of God, in this Euro- 
 pean part of the world, of the fame communion., according to the dif- 
 
 penfation 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 421 
 
 He failed on the ninth of the fame month ; and was 1 699. 
 near three months out at fea; fo that he did not <^v^ 
 arrive in Pennfylvania until the beginning of the 
 Tenth-month: when a dangerous and contagious 
 diftemper, called the Tellow Fever, having raged Yellow Fe- 
 in the province, and carried off great numbers w 
 people, had ceafed. This remarkable ficknefs, 
 which, in the latter part of this year, had caufed 
 a great mortality in Philadelphia, had, for fome 
 time before, been very fatal in fome parts of the 
 Weft India iflands. 
 
 Thomas Story, before mentioned to have accom- Tho. story 
 panied William Penn to Ireland, in the lad year, arrives in 
 1698, a man of note and good abilities, and after- ni e a " n y v ' 
 wards of much utility, in divers refpects, to the 
 province, firfl arrived in Pennfyhania, in, or about, 
 this fame year, 1690, by way of Virginia, on a re- 
 ligious vifit to the colonies, in the fervice of preach- 
 ing the gofpel.* In his Journal of his Life, fpeak- 
 
 ing 
 
 penfation of God, be they high or low, young or old, rich or poor, wife 
 or fimple, fcrong or weak, male or female, bond or free, I fend this part- 
 ing lalutation of my mod dear Jove, in the truth; befecching you all to 
 have me and mine in rememberance, not only, when upon the mighty 
 waters, but when in the folitary defarts of America, if it pleafe the Lord 
 to bring us fafe thirher; for I am not above the love and prayers of my 
 tear brethren, knowing I need them, and have olten lound, by good ex- 
 perience, that they avail much with the Lord. 
 
 " 1 muft leave you, but I can never forget you; for my love to you 
 has been, as David's and Jonathan's, above the love of women; andfuf- 
 fer me to fay, that, to my power, I have, from the firft, endeavoured tt 
 ferve you, (and my poor country too, and that at my o<wn charge J with an 
 upright mind, however mifunderfiood and treated by fome, whom f 
 heartily forgive. 
 
 " Accept you my fer vices, and ever love and remember, my dear friends 
 and brethren, your old, true and affectionate friend, brother and fervent, 
 in Chrift Jefus, 
 
 " WIU.IAM. PENN 
 
 " Corves, I/It of Weight, weighing anchor,') 
 the Zd. of tie $ev"ntb-moatb t 1699." J 
 
 * Thomas Story was born in Cumberland, in the north of England; he 
 had a good education and was brought up to the law. After he came to 
 man's eftate, and maturity of judgment, he joined with the Quakers, 
 and became an eminent preacher in their fociety. He was an intimate 
 Friend of Willia?n Penn; and, foon after his arrival in the Province, 
 was elecled one of the council He was> appointed the firfl Recorder ot" 
 ihe city of Philadelphia, by charter, ui 1 701. In the year 1706, having 
 
422 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1699. ing of this ficknefs, at Philadelphia^ where lie was 
 v^v^ then prefent, he fays:" Great was the Majefty 
 His account an d Hand of the Lord, great was the fear, that 
 
 oftheeffecl ril n T - ' fe , r 
 
 of thisfick- rell upon all flelh; I faw no lofty, or airy counte- 
 rs in Phi- nance, nor heard any vain jetting, to move men 
 
 Jadelphia. i - -i < v 
 
 to laughter; nor witty repartee, to raile mirth; 
 nor extravagant feafting, to excite the lufts and 
 defires of the flefh above meafure; but every face 
 gathered palenefs, and many hearts were humbled, 
 and countenances fallen and funk, as fuch that 
 waited, every moment, to be fummoned to the 
 bar, and numbered to the grave." 
 
 The 
 
 married Ann, the daughter of Edward Stiffen, and fettled in the city, 
 he continued to be of good and great fervice to the counn-y. for a num- 
 ber of years, both in a religious and civil capacity, difcharging the dif- 
 ferent and important offices, which he held, with great honor, fkill and 
 integrity, till about the year 1714; when, after his wife's deceafe, he 
 returned, by way of Barladoes, to England; where he continued the re- 
 mainder of his life, and died at Carlijle, in the year 1742, aged about 
 eighty years* 
 
 The following character of him was publifhed in England, about the 
 time of his deceafe, viz. 
 
 " London, June 11/1. 1742. 
 
 " Monday laft, died of a paralytic diforder Mr. Thomas Story, an emi- 
 nent preacher among the Quakers: a man juftly efteemecl and loved, 
 not only by that fociety, but by many others, not of the meaneft rank, 
 who had the pleafure of his acquaintance. He was truly a great and good 
 man; whofe principles led him to the performance of every moral and 
 Chriflian duty; and whofe life and doctrine concurred, in rendering him 
 a fit example for gofpel minifters, in wifdom, piety and humility. He 
 had, without any profefled application to the Icicnces, acquired a gene- 
 ral knowledge in natural philofophy, and moil branches of the mathema- 
 tics; and had the moft refined and extenfive ideas in the metaphyfics: but 
 the inward and eternal happinefs of mankind was his favorite ftudy. He 
 was a complete gentleman, generous in his fenthnents, affable in hist be- 
 haviour, free and communicative to people in all ftations and cirium- 
 ftances. His time was chiefly devoted to the fervice of God, in dif- 
 charging that public concern of preaching the gofpel; which he efteemed 
 his indifpenfable duty. Of the good effect of whoie extraordinary qua- 
 lification and faithful labors there are many living witneffes. In fhort, 
 if temperance, patience, forgiving injuries, humility, faith and charity, 
 are characleriftics of a good man, and a minifter of Cbrift, he was one." 
 
 On the fecond day of the Eighth-month, 1699, died Arthur Cooke, a 
 worthy magiflratc of Philadelphia. He was one of the people called 
 Quakers; and came from London, among the firii, or more early fettlers 
 of the province. He had ferved in divers of the moft confiderable pods, 
 in the government, with a good character. 
 
 In the fame month, died Thomas Fitzivatsr, a valuable member of fo- 
 ciety, and a preacher among the 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 423 
 
 The Proprietary and his family were received 1699. 
 with the univerfal joy of the inhabitants, in gene- 
 ral;^ which was the greater, on account of his r0r 
 known intention to fix his refidence among them, ceived 
 during the remainder of his life. s reat J^ 
 
 Soon after his arrival he met the Aflembly; but . The Pro- 
 it beinsr then a very rigorous feafon, in the winter, pretor/* 
 
 i 5 , v i r r j u the Affem- 
 
 much puolic bulineis does not appear to nave been bly> &c> 
 tranfacled, at that time, befides attempting to dif- 
 courage piracy and illicit trade; for which princi- 
 pally, at that time, the Proprietary feems to have 
 convened them. .He ilrongly reprelented the odium, 
 to which he faid this government was expofed at piracy and 
 
 a 
 
 home, on this account; and the obligations, which 
 he was under, to his fuperiors, to correct the 
 fame : Hence two laws were pafled, for thefe pur- 
 pofes, and meafures taken to clear the government 
 from all unjuft imputations of this nature.* 
 
 In the "Firft-month of the year 1700, William ijoo. 
 Penn, at the monthly-meeting of his Friends, the w. Perm'* 
 Quakers, in Philadelphia, laid before them his con- concern for 
 
 i t_ t. r i i_- -Jill i_ the Indian * 
 
 cern, in which, he laid, his mind had long been and^iw* 
 engaged, for the benefit and welfare of the Negroes 
 and Indians ; exhorting and prefling them to the 
 full difcharge of their duty, every way, in refe- 
 rence to thefe people; but more efpecially in re- 
 gard to their mental part; that they might as fre- 
 quently as poffible have the advantage of attending 
 religious meetings, and the benefit of being duly 
 informed in the true Chriflian religion. Hence a 
 meeting was appointed more particularly for the 
 Negroes once every month; and means were ufed 
 to have more frequent meetings with the Indians; 
 Willliam Penn taking part of the charge upon him- 
 felf, particularly, the manner of it, and the pro- 
 curing of interpreters. 
 
 * In the votes of Aflembly, at this time, there appears to have been 
 one perfon, named James JSroivn, a member of the Houfc, and fon-in- 
 law of William Markham t accufed, or fufpected of piracy: In confe- 
 quence of which he was expelled the Houfe; But I find no proof of 
 what was alledged agaifift him on that account. 
 
424 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1700. The next Arfembly was convened at Philadel- 
 
 v^v^^ phia, on the loth, day of the Third-month; which 
 
 bt" hekui was diffolved m tne next month following, and 
 
 fhiiadei- at another convened at Ncwcaftle, in October. The 
 
 phk, and upper counties, or the province, being difTatisfied 
 
 Neicaftie. w i tn tne charter, which had been patted by Mark- 
 
 hani^ in 1696, part of the bufmefs of thefe AfFem- 
 
 blies was the confederation and preparation of a 
 
 new one, better adapted to their minds and cir- 
 
 cimiftances. 
 
 . pre P ara - The Proprietary had divers meetings with the 
 
 tion of the ..-,. . *, . ..-' . . . , < . 
 
 aw charter different Aflemblies, during his reliaence m the 
 province; wherein a great variety of public bufi- 
 hefs was tranfaclcd with much harmony, and ge- 
 neral iatisfaclion: Part of which was the framing 
 a body of laws, with the aforefaid new and laft 
 charter of privileges; the latter of which was not 
 fmifhed till die month of October, in the next fol- 
 lowing year.* 
 
 In 
 
 * The number of laws, pafled by the Proprietary, during his {by, 
 this time, in the country, was one hundred; of which the major part were 
 paffed at Nwo-CaJHe. 
 
 JV. S. In the fpring of the year 1701, the fea coaft, &c. appears to 
 have been fo intVited by pirates, as well as the dangers confequ- j nt on a 
 French war, that the Governor and Counc-1 nTued the following order, 
 for the prevention of any furprize, &c. in that rtlpedl, w'z. 
 
 r< At a Council held in Philadelphia the 2d. of the Fourth-month, i?oi. 
 
 " Prefent: 
 " The Proprietor and Governor. 
 
 " Edward Shippen, Griffith Owen, 
 " Samuel Carpenter, Caleb Pufey." 
 " '1 homas Story, 
 
 '* FOR the greater fecurity of this province and territories, and for 
 preventing, as far as may be iurprizes by veffels irom fea. 
 
 " Ordered, That the Magifrrates, for the county of Sujfcx, fliafll ap- 
 point, and take care that a conftant watch arid ward be kept, on the 
 hithermoit Cape, near Lewis , in the faid county: and in cafe any vtfiel 
 appear from the fea, that may with good grounds, be fufpecled of evil 
 defigns again ft any part of the government; 
 
 " Ordered, That the faid watch fhall forthwith give notice thereof, 
 with as exait a defcription and account of the \dlcl, as poflibly they 
 can, to the Sheriff of the faid county; who is required immediately to 
 difpatch a meffenger, exprefs, with the fame to the county of Kent; 
 from thence to be forwarded from Sheriff to Sheriff, through every 
 
 eouifty 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 425 
 
 In the beginning of the Sixth-month, 1701, 1701. 
 the Proprietary acquainted the AiTembly, u That 
 the occafion of his calling them, at that time 
 Chough it was with reluctance, confidering the 
 feafon) was, to lay before them the King's letter, /rf/^ before 
 requiring three hundred and fifty pounds fterling^ ^ 
 from this government, towards the fortifications, 
 intended on the frontiers of New-Tor k ; and though 
 he might have fomething elfe to lay before them, 
 yet he deferred all, till they had confidered this 
 point." 
 
 After eonfidering and debating on the fubjeft 
 of this letter, the Aflembly excufed themfelves, at 
 prefent, from complying with the faid requifition, 
 by the following addrefs to the Proprietary, viz. 
 
 " To William Penn, Proprietary and Governor 
 of Pennfylvania. 
 
 cc 
 < 
 
 The humble addrefs of the Affembly. 
 
 May it pleafe our Proprietary and Governor, 
 " WE, the Freemen of the province and terri-TheAflem- 
 tories, in Affembly met, having perufed the King's ^hfprf 
 letter, requiring a contribution of three hundred vri&or on 
 and fifty pounds Jlerling, towards erecting of forts, the occa ^ on ' 
 on the frontiers of Ncw-Tork, &JV. and having 
 duly weighed and confidered our duty and loyalty 
 to our ibvereign, do humbly addrefs and reprefent, 
 that, by the reafon of the infancy of this colony, 
 and the great charge and coft, the inhabitants 
 [54] have 
 
 county, till it be brought to the Government, at PLlladclpbia ; which 
 watch and exprefles fhall be a provincial charge." 
 
 " Signed b^ order, 
 
 " JAMES LOGAN, Secretary. 1 * 
 
 .*-" In the Firft-month 6th. 1701, Ordered, That there fliall be 
 no flawghter-houfe fuffered in, or about, the town of Philadelphia, but 
 over the river Delaware, where the tide may carry off all the garbage, 
 gore, &c. (the places to be appointed by the Magiikrates) under penalty 
 of forfeiting their meat." 
 
 Journals of the Council of Pennfylvani*. 
 
426 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1701. have hitherto been at, in the fettlement thereof., 
 ^-x-vx^/ and becaufe of the late great fums of money, 
 TheAflem- which have been afieffed on the province and terri- 
 idrt * r * tories, by way of impoft and taxes, befides the 
 arrears of quit-rents, owing by the people, our 
 prefent capacity will hardly admit of levying of 
 money, at this time. And further, taking into 
 confideration, that the adjacent provinces have 
 hitherto (as far as we can understand) done nothing 
 in this matter; we are, therefore, humbly of opi- 
 nion, and accordingly move, that the further con- 
 fideration of the King's letter may be referred to 
 another meeting of Afiembly, or until more emer- 
 gent occafions mall require our further proceedings 
 therein: In the meantime we earneitly defire the 
 Proprietary would candidly reprefent our condi- 
 tions to the King, and aflure him of our readinefs 
 (according to our abilities) to acquiefce with, and 
 aniwer, his commands, fo far as our religious per- 
 fwafions fhall permit, as becomes loyal and faithful 
 fubje&s fo to do." 
 
 Though the AiTembly, in this cafe, appeared 
 not unwilling to contribute to the common defence., 
 if the circumftances of the colony would have per- 
 mitted; and the Proprietary himfelf particularly 
 further urged a compliance, in this^ matter, in his 
 fpeech to the next following Afiembly; yet the na- 
 ture of this letter and requifition, to fuch a young 
 and infant colony, confidering the principles, upon 
 which it was primarily planted and founded, feems 
 Pennfyl- to indicate, that it was not without enemies, at 
 without* 10 ' Court: for the pacific principles and motives, 
 enemies -at or views, of William Peuu^ and of the firlt and 
 Court * early adventurers, .in general, under him, in their 
 fettling this wildernefs, 'tis prefumed, could not 
 poflibly be lefs known, at this time, to the admi- 
 niftration at home, than they were before, to the 
 perfons in power, when the royal charter was 
 granted by King Charles the fecond; from which 
 knowledge of them it was irnpoflible that any thing 
 
 immediately^ 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 427 
 
 immediately, or directly, of a military nature could 1701. 
 reafonably be expected in the fettlement: which ^^v^ 
 charter exprefsly mentions, the motives for the faid 
 grant were, " A commendable defire of William Motives 
 Penn to enlarge our Engli/h empire, and promote r ?J}f* 
 fuch ufeful commodities as may be of benefit to us, O f Penofyl- 
 and our dominions, and alfo to reduce the favage vama - 
 natives, by gentle and juft manners, to the love of 
 civil fociety, and Chriftian religion;" befides a 
 debt, due from the government to his father, ad- 
 miral Penn. 
 
 Such motives as thefe, and not thofe of a. mill- Pennfyi- 
 tary nature, were mofl certainly the chief induce- vama x y a * 
 
 J J not uric let- 
 
 ment for the fettlement of Pennfyfoania, not only tied from 
 in the fettlers themfelves, together with the peace- vie ; ws of a 
 
 , i . r , . i" . i i I*T military na- 
 
 able enjoyment or their religion, and civil liber- ture,butthe 
 ties, but alfo in thofe, who made the grant; if contrary, 
 they properly knew to whom, and on what prin- 
 ciples they made it ; which it would be very abfurd 
 to deny : As for the experiment, or confequence, 
 of the operation of thefe principles, or motives, 
 in the province, it will, in part, hereafter appear 
 in this hiftory. 
 
 The cultivation of peace and civilization, and 
 of the articles of trade and commerce, in which 
 the Quakers were known to excel, muft be ac- wamot 
 knowledged to be no lefs important and neceflary, better than 
 to render a (late happy and profperous, than wea- peace ' &c " 
 pons of war, and fighting of battles; and thefe 
 people were then, and have fince been (till more 
 known, from experience, to praclife, as well as 
 profefs, thofe ways and means, which excel the 
 latter, fo far as the prevention of an evil does the 
 cure of it. 
 
 Moreover, fince it is improbable, that people of Modve 
 this kind will ever be very numerous, if we judge and means 
 of the future by what is paft; but that war and its thereto Te 
 confequences, will be more likely to prevail among encouraged 
 the generality of mankind, fo long as the caufe 
 
 of 
 
428 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA, 
 
 1701. of it exifts in the human race; fo fhe rarity of ftich 
 v^v^w people, their innocence, and known great utility, 
 in other refpecls, feem, according to reafon, to 
 render them rather objects of encouragement, in 
 their own way, than of oppreffion, even, from 
 the military department itfelf, but more efpecially 
 fo, where peace is preferred to war: But, if it 
 fliould be, otherwife, and they mould fo increafe, 
 as much to prevail among mankind, then the oc- 
 cafion for war would confequently fo much de- 
 creafe, or be taken away ; which would be a hap- 
 py change indeed. 
 
 In the Second-month, 1701, Connoodaghtoh, king 
 ^ t ^ ie S u J\ ua hanna, Minquays or Cone/logo Indians; 
 the Indians Wopaththa, (alias Oftffkb) king of the Shawanefe ; 
 Weewhinjoitgh, chief of the Ganawefe, inhabiting 
 of the head of Potomack; alfo Ahookajjongh, bro- 
 ther to the emperor, (or great king of the Onon- 
 dagoes) of the Five Nations, having arrived at Phi- 
 ladelphia, with other Indians of note, &c. in num- 
 ber about forty, after a treaty, and feveral fpeeches 
 between them and William Penn, in Council, the 
 foil' -wing articles of agreement were folemnly made, 
 concluded, and the inltrument for the fame, duly 
 executed by both parties, viz. 
 
 Articles " ARTICLES OF AGREEMENT, indented, made, 
 of Agre^ concluded and agreed upon, at Philadelphia, the 
 23d. day of the Second-month, called April, 1701, 
 between William Penn, Proprietary and Governor 
 of the Province of Penjilvania, and territories 
 thereunto belonging, on the one part, and Con- 
 noodaghtoh, king of the Indians, inhabiting upon 
 and about, the river Sufqitahanna, in the faid pro- 
 vince, and Widaagh (alias Orettyagh ;) Koqueaflj and 
 Andaggy, Junckqtwgh, chiefs of the faid nations of 
 Indians; and Wopaththa, king, and Lemojtimgh and 
 Pemoyajoaagh, chiefs of the nations of the Sha<wanna 
 Indians ; and Ahookaffbngh, brother to the emperor, 
 
 for, 
 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 429 
 
 for, and in behalf of the emperor; and Wevwhin- 1701. 
 ougbi Chequittayb) Takyeruufan & Woapra/koa, chiefs ^S~Y+*J 
 of the nations of the Indians, inhabiting in and about 
 the northern part of the river Potomack, in the faid 
 province, for, and in behalf of themfeives and fiic- 
 cefiors, and their feveral nations and people, on the 
 other part, as followeth: 
 
 " That, as hitherto there hath always been a Their 
 good underftanding and neighbourhood between frte g d *g5 
 the faid William Penn, and his Lieutenants, fince 
 his firft arrival in the faid province, and the feveral 
 nations of Indians , inhabiting in and about the fame, 
 fo there fhall be, for ever hereafter, a firm and lad- 
 ing peace continued between William Penn, his heirs 
 and fuccefibrs, and all the Englifh, and other Chrif- 
 tian inhabitants of the faid province, and the faid 
 kings and chiefs, and their fucceflbrs, and all the 
 feveral people of the nations of Indians aforefaid; 
 and that they fhall, for ever hereafter, be as one 
 head, and one heart, and live in true frieridlhip 
 and amity, as one people. 
 
 " Item, That the faid kings and chiefs (each for 
 himfelf, and his people, engaging) mail, at no time, j n j ure one 
 hurt,, injure, or defraud, or fuffer to be hurt, injur- another, 
 ed, or defrauded, by any of their Indians, any inha- 
 bitant, or inhabitants of the faid province, either 
 their perfons or eftates; And that the faid William 
 Penn, his heirs and fucceifors, fhall not fuffcr to be 
 done, or committed, by any of the fubjecls of En- 
 gland, within the faid province, any act of hofiility, 
 or violence, wrong or injury to, or againfl any of 
 the faid Indians; but fhall, on both fides, at all times, 
 readily do juftice, and perform ail a?s and offices 
 of friendfhip and good-will, to oblige each other to 
 a lolling peace, as aforefaid. 
 
 " Item, That all and every of the faid kings and To j 5efub . 
 chiefs, and all and every particular of the nations jecT; to the 
 under them, mail, at all times, behave themfeives k ^ s , f w ^ e 
 regularly and foberly, according to the laws of & 
 
 this 
 
430 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1701. this government, while they live near, or among 
 v^^v^w/ the Ghrijlian inhabitants thereof, and that the laid 
 Indians fhall have the full and free privileges and 
 immunities of all the faid laws, as any other in- 
 habitant; they duly owning and acknowledging 
 the authority of the crown of England, and go- 
 vernment of this province. 
 
 Not to aid " Item, That none of the faid Indians fhall, at 
 er ahet the an y time, be aiding, afliftino;, or abetting any other 
 
 enemies of '. 7 . , T ' i inn 
 
 the govern- nation, whether Indians, or others, that mall not, 
 ment. a t f ucu time, be in amity with the crown of Eng- 
 land, and with this government. 
 TO give j tem That, if, at any time, any of the faid 
 
 due notice T ,. r i i i ' r j 
 
 of ill -&?- Indians, by means or evil minded perlons, and 
 fowers of {edition, mould hear any unkind or dif- 
 advantageous reports of the Englt/h, as if they had 
 evil defigns againfl any of the faid Indians, in fuch 
 cafe, fuch Indians fhall fend notice thereof, to the 
 faid William Penn, his heirs, or fucceiTors, or their 
 lieutenants, and fhall not give credence to the faid 
 reports, till by that means they mall be fully fatif- 
 fied concerning the truth thereof $ and that the faid 
 William Perm, his heirs and fuccefibrs, or their 
 lieutenants, mall, at all times, in fuch cafe, do the 
 like by them. 
 
 Not to ad- " Item, That the faid kings and chiefs, and their 
 hKiialrto^cceffors, fhall not fuffer any ftrange nations of 
 kttle in the Indians to fettle, or plant, on the further fide of 
 province, ^tffquahanna, or about Potomack river, but fuch as 
 are there already feated, nor bring any other Indi- 
 ans into any part of this province, without the fpe- 
 cial approbation and permiffion of the faid William 
 Penn, his heirs and fuccefibrs. 
 
 Regulation Item, That, for the prevention of abufes, that 
 ." are to frequently put upon the faid Indians, in 
 trade, the faid William Penn, his heirs and fuc- 
 ceifors, fhall not fuffer, or permit, any perfon to 
 trade, or converfe, with any of the faid Indians, 
 
 but 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 431 
 
 but fuch as fhall be firft allowed and approved, 1701. 
 by an inflrument, under the hand and feal of him, v^vxJ 
 the faid Williarti Penn, or his heirs, or fucceffors, 
 or their Lieutenants; and that the faid Indians 
 iliall fuffer no perfon whatfoever to buy or fell, or 
 have commerce with any of them, the faid Indians, 
 but fuch as fhall firft be approved, as aforefaid. 
 
 " Item, That the faid Indians fhall not fell, or 
 difpofe of, any of their Ikins, peltry, or furs, or 
 any other effects of their hunting, to any perfon, 
 or perfons whatfoever, out of .the faid province, 
 nor to any other perfon, but fuch as fhall be au- 
 thorifed, to trade with them, as aforefaid: And, 
 that, for their encouragement, the faid William 
 Penn, his heirs and fucceffors, fhall take care to 
 have them, the faid Indians, duly furnifhed with 
 all forts of necelfary goods, for their ufe, at rea- 
 ibnable rates. 
 
 " Item, That the Potomack Indians , aforefaid, ofthePo- 
 with their colony, fhall have free leave of the faid tomack in- 
 William Penn, to fettle upon any part of Potomack l 
 river, within the bounds of this province: They 
 ftriftly obferving and praftifmg all, and fmgular, 
 the articles aforefaid, to them relating. 
 
 " Item, The Indians of Gone/logo, , upon, and confirm*. 
 about, the river, Sufquahanna, and more efpeci- tion of for- 
 ally, the faid Connoodaghtoh, their king, doth fully 
 agre'e to, and by theie prefents, abfolutely ratify 
 the bargain and fale of lands, lying near and 
 about the faid river, formerly made to the faid 
 William Perm, his heirs and fucceffors ; and fince, 
 by Orettyagh and Andaggj, Junckquagh, parties to 
 thefe prefents, confirmed to the faid William Penn, 
 his heirs and fucceffors, by a deed., bearing date, 
 the 1 3th. day of September lail, under their hands 
 and feals, duly executed. And the faid Connoo- 
 daghtoh doth, for himfelf and his nation, covenant 
 and agree, that he will at all times, be ready fur- 
 ther 
 
432 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1701. the* to confirm, and make good the faid fele, ac- 
 V^V-NO' cording to- the tenor of the fame; and that the 
 faid Indians of Sufqitahanna fhall anfwer the faid 
 William Penn, his heirs and fucceffors. for the 
 good behaviour and conduct of the faid Potomack 
 Indians; and for their performing the feveral arti- 
 cles herein expreifed. 
 
 w. Penn " ft em ^ Xhe faid William Penn doth hereby pro- 
 ife, for himfelf, his heirs and fucceflbrs, that 
 perpetual he and they will, at all times, fliew themfelves 
 true fronds and brothers to all, and every of the 
 faid Indians, by affifting them with the bed of 
 their advices, directions and counfels, and will, 
 in all things, juft and reafonable, befriend trurp; 
 they behaving themfelves, as aforefaid, and i!ib- 
 mitting to the laws of this province, in all chin ;s, 
 as the Eng/ifl}, and other Chriftiam therein, do; 
 To which they, the faid Indians, hereby agree and 
 oblige themfelves, and their poflerity for ever. 
 
 ThefeAr- " In ivitncfs whereof, the faid parties have, as a 
 !ob"broken c n fi rmat i n ? made mutual prefents to each other; 
 the Indians, in five parcels of fkins, and the faid 
 William Penn, in feveral Englifh goods and mer- 
 chandizes, as a binding pledge of the premifes, 
 never to be broken or violated;, And, as a fur- 
 ther teftimony thereof, have alfo to thefe preients 
 fet their hands and feals, the day and year above 
 
 written." 
 
 Abufesin After this, in the Third-month, the Proprietary 
 
 the Indian having rcprcfcnted to the Council, the great abufes, 
 
 committed in the Indian trade, with the dangers 
 
 and difad vantages, which might arife from thence 
 
 to the province, and having propofed, that proper 
 
 meafures mould be concerted, for the regulation 
 
 thereof, and for redrefling certain grievances, re- 
 
 Refoiution fpefting the fame, it was Refolded, as ablblutely 
 
 [jj em corre61 neceffary, that fome effectual method mould be 
 
 agreed on and ufed for carrying on the trade by a 
 
 certain 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 433 
 
 certain number, or company, of perfons, with a 1701 
 joint flock, under certain regulations and reftric- 
 tions, more particularly in regard to fpirituous li- 
 quors fold them; which company mould ufe all 
 reafonable means and endeavours to induce the 
 Indians to a true fenfe of a proper value and 
 efteem of the Chrlftian religion^ by fetting before 
 them good examples of probity and candour, both 
 in commerce and behaviour; and that care mould 
 be taken to have them duly inftru&ed in the fun- 
 damentals of Chriftianity : This appears after* 
 wards to have been, in a good degree, put in 
 execution, fo far as was judged recmifite, or found 
 practicable. 
 
 [55] 
 
 CHAPTER 
 
434 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA, 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 The Proprietary** admini/iration, though attended 
 with difficulties, was diftinguifhed with great pa- 
 ternal care, and happy confequences. Reafons for 
 his return to England. Names of the members of 
 Affe?nbly, in 1701 . The Proprietary* sfpeech to the 
 Ajfembly, with their anfwer. Further proceedings 
 between them. The Proprietary takes leave cf 
 the Indians, and gives them good advice. Difa- 
 greement between the province and territories re- 
 <vives again. The Proprietary endeavours to recon- 
 cile them. His letter to the Affembly, urging their 
 agreement, &c. The loft charter of Pennfyl- 
 tvania, &c. Charter of the Council, SsV. The 
 Proprietary alfo grants a charter to the city of 
 Philadelphia. Its purport. Andrew Hamilton 
 of New-jferjey being conftituted Deputy Governor, 
 and y antes Logan Secretary of the province. The 
 Proprietary fails for England. 
 
 1701. IT was thought, from fome circumftances, that 
 \^^r^j the Proprietary's real intention, at this time, was 
 The Pro- to fpend the remainder of his life, in his province, 
 SppSion as himfelf declared, and that without being obliged 
 & 'diligence to crofs the ocean any more; he accordingly ap- 
 plied himfelf with much diligence and affiduity to 
 the offices of government, and the eitablifhment 
 of wholeibme regulations and ufages ; in which the 
 inevitable difficulties, arifing from the various difpo- 
 all 10 * ^ ons an< ^ PP^ te intereits and claims of fuch a 
 mixture of different kinds of people and humours, 
 
 as 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA* 435 
 
 ss the colony confuted of, and in fo much liberty as 1701. 
 they enjoyed, afforded him much trial of Ikill and v-^v-x^ 
 patience: yet his adminiftration was diftinguifhed by 
 great paternal care and influence, as well as pro- 
 vident circumfpedion; and both the province and 
 territories, notwithstanding the difficulties, hard- 
 fhips, and inevitable difappointments, which, more 
 or lefs, always attend the fettlement and well or- 
 dering of any new country, appear to have fo 
 much tried the patience of fome of the people, as 
 to occafion him more trouble, in fome refpe&s, 
 than otherwife probably would have been neceffary, 
 were, in reality, when compared with other places 
 of fimilar age and circumftances, in an eafy, flou- 
 rifhing and happy condition. 
 
 But, during this time of his abfence from En- . Tranfec? 
 gland, it appears that meafures were in agitation g," s d m ^ 
 there, for reducing both his, and the other pro- home the 
 prietary governments, in America^ into regal ones, pr P netar y 
 under pretence of advancing the prerogative of 
 the crown, and the national advantage;* and a 
 bill, for that purpofe, was actually brought into 
 the Houfe of Lords: Upon which, fuch of the 
 owners of land in Pennfylvania, as were then in 
 
 England, 
 
 * Attempts of this nature were likewife afterwards made, as appear* 
 in Andtrfons hiftory of trade and commerce, vol 2d, under the year 1715; 
 wherein are the following obfervations on this head, viz. 
 
 " Upon a petition of the agent for the planters and merchants of 
 Carolina, and of the other miferable inhabitants oi that colony, oppreff- 
 ed by the Lords Proprietaries, and their defence againft the Indians ne- 
 gle<5ted, &c. the Houfe of Commons addreffed the King, to fend thtm 
 relief, and in the faid year, (1715) a bill was brought into the Britijb 
 Houfe of Commons, for the better regulation of the charter and proprietary go~ 
 vernments, in America^ and of his Majejly^s plantations there. The prin- 
 cipal fcope of which was, for the reducing all the faid proprietary charter 
 governments into regal ones. Ever fince the proprietary colonies began 
 to be very confiderable, /*. e. fince the death of King Charles the fecond, 
 and more efpecially fince the revolution, anno 1688, both King William 
 and Queen Ann's councils and miniftries forefaw the great confequence, 
 it would be of to the Crown and Kingdom, to buy off the Lords Pro- 
 prietaries of colonies, before they fhould grow too powerful; and fre- 
 quent treaties were held with them by the Minifters of the Crown, for 
 that end ; particularly with the truly great Mr, William Penn, for the 
 purchafe of Pennfyfoania" 
 
436 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1701. England, immediately reprefented the hardfhip of 
 their cafe to the Parliament* foliciting time for 
 William Penn's return, to anfwer for hirnfelf ; and 
 accordingly they difpatched to him an account of 
 the ftate of the affair, and prefied his return, as 
 foon as poflible; with which he found it indifpen- 
 fably neceflary to comply. This firft occafioned 
 
 He fum- his fummoning of that Affembly, which agreed 
 to tne charter of privileges before mentioned; to 
 whom, on the i6th. of September, 1701, he 
 made the following fpeech,* viz. 
 
 " Friends , 
 
 The Pro- " YOU cannot be more concerned, than I am, 
 prieury's at t h e frequency of your iervice, in Aflembly, 
 
 fpeech to- T r /i i r i 11 11 
 
 the Aflem "nee I am very lenfible or the trouble and charge, 
 Wy* it contracts upon the country: But the motives 
 
 being confidered, and that you mufl have met, of 
 ' courfe, in the next month, I hope you will not 
 
 think it an hardfhip now. 
 
 " The reafon, that haftens your fefftons, is the 
 neceflity, I am under, through the endeavours of 
 the enemies of the profperity of this country, to 
 go for England, where, taking advantage of my 
 abfence, fome have attempted, by falfe, or un- 
 reafonable charges, to undermine our government, 
 and thereby the true value of our labours and pro* 
 fperity. Government having been our firfl en- 
 couragement, I confefs, I cannot think of fuch a 
 
 voyage 
 
 * The Names of the Members of this Affembly, for the refpcctive 
 counties, chofcii according to the Governor's writs, were: 
 
 for Philadelphia. 
 Anthony Morris, 
 Samuel R chardfon, 
 Nicholas Walne, 
 Ifaac Norris. 
 
 For Neiv Cajlle. 
 Jafper Ycutes, 
 John Donnaldfon, 
 Richard Hallowell, 
 Adam Peterfon. 
 
 For Bucks. 
 Jofeph Growdon, Speaker^ 
 John Swift, 
 Jofliua Hoopes, 
 William Paxton. 
 
 For Kent. 
 William Rodney, 
 John Brinkloe, 
 William Morton, 
 John Walker. 
 
 For Cbejler. 
 John Blunilou, 
 Robert Pile, 
 Nathaniel Newlin, 
 Andrew Job. 
 
 For Su/ex. 
 William Clarke, 
 Luke Watfon, junior, 
 Samuel Prefton, 
 Jofeph Booth. 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 437 
 
 voyage without great relu&ancy of mind, having 1701. 
 promifed myfelf the quietnefs of a wildernefs, and ^s^/^s 
 that I might flay fo long, at leaft, with you, as to The Pr - 
 
 , u J j r f T- prietary's 
 
 render every body entirely eaiy and fare. For my f peec h to 
 heart is among you, as well as my body, whatever thc 
 fome people may pleafe to think: and no unkind- bly * 
 nefs, or difappointment fliall (with fub million to 
 God's Providence j ever be able to alter my love to 
 the country, and refolution to return, and fettle 
 my family and pofterity in it: But having reafon. 
 to believe, I can, at this time, bed ferve you and 
 myfelf, on that fide of the water, neither the rude- 
 nefs of the feafon, nor tender circumftances of my 
 family can over-rule my inclinations to undertake it. 
 " Think, therefore, (fmce all men are mortal) 
 of fome fuitable expedient and provifion, for your 
 fafety, as well in your privileges, as property, and 
 you will find me ready to comply with whatfoever 
 may render us happy, by a nearer union of our 
 interefts. 
 
 " Review again your laws; propofe new ones, 
 that may better your circumftances ; and what you 
 do, do it quickly, remembering that the Parlia- 
 ment fits the end of next month; and that the 
 fooner I am there, the fafer, I hope, we (hall be 
 here. 
 
 " I muft recommend to your ferious thoughts 
 and care the King's letter to me, for the afTiflance 
 oi New~Tork 9 with three hundred and fifty pounds vide 
 farting, as a frontier government; and therefore 4 ^ 
 expoied to a much greater expence, in proportion 
 to other colonies ; which I called the laft Affembly 
 to take into their confideration, and they were 
 pleafed, for the reafons then given, to refer to this. 
 
 " I am alfo to tell you the good news of the 
 Governor of New-Tork's happy iffue of his con- 
 ferences with the five nations of Indians; that he 
 hath not only made peace with them, for the King's 
 
 fubjects 
 
43 8 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1701. fubjefts of that colony; but (as I had by fome 
 v^v^~/ letters before defired him) for thofe of all other 
 
 The Pro- governments, under the crown of England, on 
 ipeech to tne continent of America, as alfo the nations of 
 the Affcm- Indians, within thefe refpe&ive colonies; which 
 certainly merits our acknowledgments. 
 
 " I have done, when I have told you, that 
 unanimity and difpatch are the life of bufmefs, and 
 that I defire and expecl from you, for your own 
 fakes; fmce it may fo much contribute to the dif- 
 appointment of thofe, that too long have fought 
 the ruin of our young country." 
 
 To this fpeech the AfTembly replied in the fol- 
 lowing addrefs. 
 
 " May it pleafe the Proprietary and Governor, 
 The Af- WE have, this day, in our AfTembly, read 
 "thy fpeech, delivered yefterday, in Council; and, 
 having duly confidered the fame, cannot but be 
 under a deep fenfe of forrow, for thy purpofe of 
 fo fpeedily leaving us, and at the fame time, tak- 
 ing notice of thy paternal regard to us, and our 
 pofterity, the Freeholders of this province and 
 territories annexed, in thy loving and kind ex- 
 prefiions of being ready to comply with whatfoever 
 expedient and provifions mall offer, for our fafety, 
 as well in privileges as property, and what elfe 
 may render us happy, in a nearer union of inte- 
 refts; not doubting the performance of what thou 
 haft been fo lovingly pleafed to promife, we do, 
 in much humility, and, as a token of our grati- 
 tude, return unto thee, the unfeigned thanks of 
 this houfe. 
 
 " Subfcribed by order of the houfe, 
 
 " JOSEPH GROWDON, Speaker. 9 ' 
 
 After this the Affembly prefented to him ano- 
 ther addrefs, confifting of twenty-one articles. It 
 refpefted his fuccefibr, 'in the government, and 
 
 the 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 439 
 
 the confirmation of certain privileges, therein fpe- 1701. 
 cified. To every one of which he made a fpecial v^w^ 
 anfwer. The firft of thefe articles, fo far as re- 
 garded a proper perfon to fucceed him, as Deputy, 
 being particularly infilled on, he condefended fo 
 much as to make them an offer, to nominate a 
 fubftitute themfelves! From which, acknowledg- 
 ing the favor offered them, they modeftly excufed 
 themfelves; declaring they did hot think them- 
 felves qualified for the choice, and defired to leave 
 it to the Governor's pleafure. The reft of the 
 petition of this addrefs (which, with the Gover- 
 nor's anfwer, may be feen in the appendix No. 5) 
 fo far as the Proprietary thought proper to com- 
 ply with it, was either afterwards granted, in the 
 two charters of the province and city, then in 
 agitation, or otherwife mutually agreed, to gene- 
 ral fatisfaclion ; though in fome parts of it, the 
 Aifembly had meddled with his property, in fuch 
 a particular manner, as, he declares, was not pro- 
 perly cognizable by them, in that capacity.* 
 
 The Sachems of the Sufquahanna and Shawanna The in- 
 Indians, and others of that people, being come to f^eie^e 
 Philadelphia, to take leave of the Proprietary, on of the Pro- 
 trie P rietor * 
 
 * " At a Council held in Philadelphia, the a6th of the Seventh-montfc, 
 1701. 
 
 " Prefent : 
 " The Proprietary and Governor. 
 
 " Samuel Carpenter, J onn Gueft, 
 
 " Thomas Story, Caleb Pufey. 
 
 " THE Governor having defired a conference with the AffenihJy, fiiej 
 attended, requeuing to know his pleafure. 
 
 " The Governor fignified to them, that, in his fpeech, he had recom* 
 mended to them, to conlider their privileges as well as property, in which 
 he had juftly given privileges the precedency to property, as the bulwark, 
 to fecure the other; out they, in their addrefs (which he had confidered) 
 infilled not only on property alone, but upon fuch particulars as could, 
 by no means, be cognizable by an Aflembly; and lay only between him 
 and the particulars concerned: In which he had done, and always would 
 do. to the utmoft, what becomes an honeft man, to all thofe he agreed 
 with; but he would never fuffer an Aflembly to intermeddle with his 
 . property, left it fhould be drawn into a precedent, if it fhould pleafe God 
 a Governor fljould prcfide here, Uiftintf. froai the Proprietary," &c. 
 
 Jbfinutes cf Council* 
 
440 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1701 the yth. of the Eighth- month, he fpoke to them in 
 v^w^/ Council,* and told them, " That the Aflembly 
 His fpccch was then enacline a law, according to their defire, 
 
 tO them. i i i r i i r 11 r 
 
 to prevent their being abufed by felling of rum 
 among them; that he requeued them to unite all 
 their endeavours, and their utmoit exertion, in 
 conjunction with thofe of the government, to put 
 the laid law in execution. 
 
 At the fame time he likewife informed them, 
 Extraft " That now, this was like to be his laft interview 
 Minutes'of ^k t ^ lenl 5 at ^^ before his return; That he 
 had always loved and been kind to them; and ever 
 mould continue fo to be, not through any politic 
 defign, or, on account of felf interefl, but from 
 a moil real affection:" " And he defired them, 
 in his abfence, to cultivate friendmip with thofe, 
 whom he fhould leave behind in authority; as they 
 would always, in fome degree, continue to be fo to 
 them, as himfelf had ever been; Laftly, That 
 he had charged the members of Council, and then 
 alfo renewed the fame charge, that they fliould, in 
 all refpe&s, be kind to them, and entertain them 
 .with all courtefy and demonstrations of good-will, 
 ,as himfelf had ever done: which the faid members 
 promifed faithfully to obferve; then, after mak- 
 ing them fome prefents, they withdrew." 
 
 g ut d urm g thefe tranfa&ions, and while the 
 tween the charter of privileges was under confideration and 
 province & preparing, the difagreement, which had before ap- 
 s * peared, between the members of Alfembly for the 
 the province and thofe for the territories, began 
 again to exhibit itfelf, and grow worfe, tending 
 to an open rupture. The territory men were faid 
 to have been for obtaining fome exclufive powers, 
 or rights, particular to themfelves, which, being 
 
 thought 
 
 * The Members of Council prefent were: 
 
 Edward Shippen, Thomas Story, Samuel Carpenter, Caleb Pufef, 
 John Gueft, QuiffiUi Owen. 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 441 
 
 thought unreafonable, v could not, therefore, be 1701. 
 granted them; and not being able to carry their v_xvx-/ 
 point, ontheioth. inftant, the members for the me ^ ifagr f e " 
 territories abruptly left the Houfe; declaring their ^en the 
 intention of returning to their refpective homes. Province & 
 But, on the i4th. mod of them appeared before T< 
 the Proprietary, in Council, remonitrating againit 
 fome proceedings of the AfTembly, on the loth, 
 inftant, which, they declared, were, in their con- 
 fequences, highly injurious and deftructive to the 
 privileges of the lower counties, and which, confif- 
 tent with their duty to their conftituents, they ap- 
 prehended, they could not fit there, to fee carried 
 on; and, therefore, they informed the Governor, 
 they thought it bed for them to depart to their re- 
 fpective habitations: 
 
 The Proprietary further enquired into the affair 
 and both heard and anfwered all their reafons and 
 objections; and then told them, " That he took 
 this their conduct very unkind, even to himfelf in. 
 particular." 
 
 Upon which Jafper Te cites, in behalf of the 
 reft, endeavoured to excufe, or further explain, 
 their behaviour, in this action, by declaring their 
 great affection and regard for the I 3 roprietary, but,, 
 that they muft be true to thofe, whom they repre- 
 fented. 
 
 At another meeting of the Proprietary and Mem- 
 bers of Council, on the fame day, the Aflembly 
 being fent for, both thofe for the province, and 
 the fecluding members appeared; 
 
 The Proprietary told them, " That his time being 
 ihort, he muft come briefly to the point; that it 
 was no fmall wound to him, to think, that at the 
 earneft defire of the lower counties, as well as the 
 good-will of the upper, he had engaged in an un^ 
 dertaking, which coft him, at leaft, two or three 
 thoufand pounds, to unite them, and yet, that they 
 ihould now endanger that union, and divide, after 
 [56] they 
 
442 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1701. they had been recognized as one, not only by the 
 v^v^ King's commijfion to Governor Fletcher , but alib by 
 -The Pro his fetters patent , for his own reftoration, and the 
 King's feveral letters : he, therefore, would not 
 have any thing refolded on, but what was confider- 
 ate anc ^ weighty, left it fhould look as unkind, and 
 now, at his departure, carry a very ill report of 
 them to England" 
 
 The territory members obje&ed, that they were 
 great fufferers by that aft of union, however it 
 was, at firft, intended; and could not fupport the 
 burden of the charge. 
 
 The Proprietary replied, " They were free to 
 break off, and might act diftinctly by themfelves;" 
 at which they feemed pleafed, and expreffed their 
 fatisfa&ion; " But then," continued the Proprietary, 
 " it mufl be upon amicable terms, and a good un- 
 derftanding; That they muft firft refohe to fettle 
 the laws ; and that, as the intereft of the province , 
 and that of thofe lower counties would be infepara- 
 bly the fame, they fhould both ufe a conduct con- 
 fiitent with that relation," &c. 
 
 They re- They appear to have remained obflinate, by the 
 C a " following letter of the Proprietary, written the 
 next day, and directed to the Speaker, to be com- 
 municated to the whole Houfe, viz. 
 
 " Friends, 
 
 The Pro- " YOUR union is what I defire; but your peace 
 prietary's anc j accommodating one another, is what I muft 
 
 letter to the r T^? r r -\ 
 
 expect irom you : 1 he reputation or it is iomeming ; 
 the reality much more. And I defire you to re- 
 member and obferve what I fay: Yield in circum- 
 Jiantiah) to preferve effentials ; and, being fafe in 
 one another, you will always be fo in efteem with 
 me. Make me not fad, now I am going to leave 
 you; fince it is for you, as well as for, 
 
 " Tour Friend and Proprietary and Governor^ 
 
 " WILLIAM PENN, 
 cc Ofiober i$tb. 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 443 
 
 Hence the Proprietary's influence and authority, 1701. 
 though with difficulty, appear to have prevailed on v^x-w^ 
 them, to a prefent accommodation, with the pro- They comet 
 vilion, in the following charter, for a conditional Iccommo^ 
 feparation, if they chofe it, within the fpace of ^ tion - 
 three years. 
 
 In May, 1700, the former charter having been T h ec har- 
 furrendered into the hands of the Proprietary and 
 Governor, by fix parts in feven of the Aflembly, 
 on the 28th. day of October, 1701, jufl before 
 his departure, the Council, the Aflembly of the 
 province, and feveral of the principal inhabitants 
 of Philadelphia attending, he prefented them with 
 their lad charter of privileges, which is as fol- 
 lows, viz. 
 
 " THE CHARTER OF PRIVILEGES, 
 
 " Granted by William Penn, Efquire, to the inha- ter i 
 bitants of Pennfylvania and territories. 
 
 " William Penn, Proprietary and Governor of the 
 province of Pennfyhania^ and territories there- 
 unto belonging, to all, to whom thefe pre- 
 fents mall come, fendeth Greeting: 
 
 WHEREAS, King Charles the fecond, by Recital of 
 his letters patent, under the great feal of England, the Kl g' 8 
 bearing date, the fourth day of March, in the ?" 
 year one thoufand fix hundred and eighty, was 
 gracioufly pleafed to give and grant unto me, and 
 my heirs and affigns for ever, this province of Penn- 
 fyhania, with divers great powers and jurifdidtions, 
 for the well government thereof. 
 
 " And whereas, the King's dearefl brother, of the D. 
 James, Duke of Tork and Albany, &c. by his of **, 
 deeds of feoffment, under his hand and feal, duly 
 perfected, bearing date, the 24th. day of Auguft, 
 one thoufand fix hundred, eighty and two, did 
 grant unto me, my heirs and afligns, all that tract 
 of land, now called the territories of Pennfyfoariia, 
 
 together 
 
444 
 
 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1701. together with powers and jurifdi&ions, for the 
 v-/"vx^' good government thereof. 
 
 And of " And whereas, for the encouragement of all 
 the former the freemen and planters, that might be concerned 
 charter. ^ ^ j^ province and territories, and for the 
 good government thereof, I, the faid William Pcnn, 
 in the year one thoufand, fix hundred and eighty 
 and three, for me, my heirs and afiigns, did grant 
 and confirm unto all the freemen, planters and 
 adventurers therein, divers liberties, franchifes and 
 properties, as, by the faid grant, entitled, " The 
 frame of the government of the province of Pennfyl- 
 vania and territories thereunto belonging^ in America" 
 may appear; which charter, or frame, being found, 
 in fome parts of it, not fo fuitable to the prefent 
 circumftances of the inhabitants, was, in the Third- 
 month, in the year one thoufand feven hundred, 
 delivered up to me, by fix parts of feven of the 
 freemen of this province and territories, in Gene- 
 ral Aflembly met, provifion being made in the 
 faid charter for that end and purpofe. 
 
 " And whereas^ I was then pleafed to promife, 
 that I would reftore the faid charter to them again, 
 "with neceflary alterations, or, in lieu thereof, give 
 them another, better adapted to anfwer the prefent 
 circumftances and conditions of the faid inhabi- 
 tants; which they have now, by the Reprefentatives, 
 in General Aflembly met, at Philadelphia^ re- 
 quefted me to grant. 
 
 " KNOW YE THEREFORE, That, for the further 
 well-being^ and good government of the faid province 
 and territories; and in purfuance of the rights and 
 powers, before mentioned, I, the faid William Penn, 
 do declare, grant and confirm unto all the freemen, 
 planters and adventurers, and other inhabitants of, 
 and in, the faid Province and Territories thereunto 
 annexed, forever. 
 
 I. BECAUSE no people can be truly hap- 
 py, though under the greatefl enjoyment of civil 
 
 r liberties. 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 445 
 
 liberties, if abridged of the freedom of their con- 1701. 
 fciences, as to religious profeffion and worfhip; ^-> r v-^w/ 
 And Almighty God being the only Lord of con- Libert y f 
 
 r T-> i r T i i r 11 A confcience, 
 
 fcierice, Father of lights and fpmts; and the Au- & c . g ranted 
 thor, as well as Objecl, of all divine knowledge, 
 faith and worfhip, who only doth enlighten the 
 mind, and purfwade and convince the unclerftand- 
 ings of people, I do hereby grant and declare, 
 that no perfcn, or perfons, inhabiting this province 
 or territories-, who (ball confefs and acknowledge 
 one Almighty God, the Creator, Upholder, and 
 Ruler of the world; arid profefs him, or them* 
 felves obliged to live quietly under the civil govern- 
 ment, fhall be, in any cafe, molefted, or prejudi- 
 ced, in his or their perfon, or eflate, becaufe of 
 his or their confcientious perfwafion, or practice, 
 nor be compelled, to frequent, or maintain, any 
 religious worlhip, place or miniflry, contrary to 
 his, or their mind, or to do or fufFer, any other 
 aft, or thing, contrary to their religious perfwa- 
 fion. . 
 
 " And, that all perfons, who alfo profefs to be- 
 lieve in Jefus Cbrift, the Saviour of the world, fhall 
 be capable (notwithftanding their other perfwa- offices, &c. 
 fions, or practices, in point of confcience and re- 
 ligion) to ferve this government in any capacity, 
 both legiflatively and executively, he, or they fo- 
 lemnly promifing, when lawfully required, allegi- 
 ance to the King, as fovereign, and fidelity to the 
 Proprietary and Governor, and taking the attefts, 
 as now eftablifhed by law, made at Newcqftle, in 
 the year one thoufand feven hundred, entitled, 
 " An ad dire ding the attefts of federal officers and Repealed 
 miniftersi as now amended and confirmed this pre- hy t ' lie ?"" > * 
 
 r A rr i i ^ anno i/o?. 
 
 fent Aflembly. 
 
 II. " For the well-governing of this province AnAfTem- 
 and territories, there fhall be an Aflembly, yearly bl y to be 
 chofen, by the freemen thereof, to confiil of four ally. * 
 perfons out of each county, of moft note for vir- 
 
 tue, 
 
446 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1701. tue, wifdom and ability, (or of a greater number, 
 V^VN^ at any time, as the Governor and AfTembly mall 
 agree) upon the firft day of October, for ever; 
 and mall fit on the fourteenth of the fame month 
 at Philadelphia, unlefs the Governor and Council, 
 for the time being, mall fee caufe to appoint ano- 
 ther place, within the faid province or territories: 
 Powersand which AfTembly mall have power to chufe a Speak- 
 o"th?Af- er ' anc * otner tne ^ r officers; and mall be judges 
 fembly. of the qualifications and elections of their own 
 members; fit upon their own adjournments, ap- 
 point committees; propofe bills, in order to pals 
 into laws; impeach criminals and redrefs griev- 
 ances; and mall have all other powers and privi- 
 leges of an Alfembly, according to the rights of 
 the freeborn fubjeth of England, and as is ufual 
 in any of the King's plantations in America. 
 
 " And if any county, or counties, mall refufe, 
 
 or negleft, to chufe their refpeclive reprefentatives, 
 
 as aforefaid, or if chofen, do not meet to ferve 
 
 Two-thirds in Affembly, thofe, who are ib chofen and met, 
 
 met to have ^n h th f u f Alterably, in as 
 
 the whole * i 
 
 fewer, &c. ample a manner as it all the Repreientatives had 
 been chofen and met, provided they are not lefs 
 than two-thirds of the whole number, that ought 
 to meet. 
 
 Quaiifkati- And, that the qualifications of electors and elec- 
 onsef elec - ted, and all other matters and things relating to 
 ieded. n e " elections of Reprefentatives, to ferve in AiTemblies, 
 though not herein particularly exprefled, mail be 
 and remain, as by a law of this government, made 
 Repealed a t Neivcajlle, in the year one thoufand feven him- 
 dred, entitled, " An aft to af certain the number of 
 members of AJJembly, and to regulate the elections." 
 
 III. " That the freemen in each refpeclive coun- 
 ty, at the time and place of meeting, for electing 
 their reprefentatives, to ferve in Ailembly, may, 
 fo often as there mail be cccafion, chufe a double 
 number of perfonsj to prefent to the Governor, 
 
 for 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 447 
 
 for fheriffs and coroners, to ferve for three years 1701. 
 if they fo long behave themfelves well, out of which 
 elections and preferments the Governor (hall no- f 
 minate and commiflionate one for each of the faid an <i 
 offices, the third after fuch prefentment, or elfe nets. 
 the firft named in fuch prefentment, for each of- 
 fice, as aforefaicl, mall (land and ferve in that office, 
 for the time before reflectively limited: In cafe of 
 death and default, fuch vacancies mall be fupplied 
 by the Governor, to ferve to the end of the faid 
 term. 
 
 " Provided always, That, if the faid freemen 
 mall, at any time neglect, or decline to chufe a 
 perfon, or perfons, for either, or both the afore- 
 faid offices, then, and in fuch cafe, the perfons, 
 that are, or mall be, in the refpective offices of 
 Sheriffs, or Coroners, at the time of election, 
 {hall remain therein, until they mall be removed 
 by another election, as aforefaid. 
 
 " And, that the Tuilices of the refpective coun- of the 
 
 n 11 ' r i clerk of the 
 
 ties ihall, or may, nominate, or prefent, to the peace . 
 Governor, three perfons, to ferve for Clerk of 
 the Peace for the faid county, when there is a va- 
 cancy; one of which the Governor fhall commif- 
 fionate within ten days after fuch prefentment, or 
 elfe the firft nominated ihall ferve in the faid office, 
 during good behaviour. 
 
 IV. "That the laws of this government fhall stile of tte 
 be in this ftile, viz. By the Governor, with the con- laws * 
 fent and approbation of the Freemen in General Affem- 
 
 bly met, and fhall be, after confirmation by the 
 Governor, forthwith recorded in the Rolls-office, 
 and kept at Philadelphia; unlefs the Governor and 
 AfTembly fhall agree to appoint another place. 
 
 V. " That all criminals mail have the fame pri- 
 vilegcs of witnefles and council, as their profe- 
 cutors. 
 
 VI. " That no perfon, or perfons, fhall, or 
 may, at any time hereafter,, be obliged to anfwer 
 
448 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1701. any complaint, matter, or thing, whatfoever, re- 
 lating to property, before the Governor and Coun- 
 or in any other pLce, but in the ordinary 
 courts of juftice, unlefs appeals thereunto ihall be 
 before the hereafter, by law appointed. 
 
 and Coun- VII. " That no perfon within this government 
 cil - ihall be licenfed by the Governer, to keep ordinary, 
 
 Tavern- tavern, or houfe of public entertainment, but fuch, 
 tTbTre. who are firft recommended to him, under the hands 
 commend- o f t he juftices of the refpective counties, fiened 
 
 ed before . !_ i_ /! j n 1 1 r 
 
 Ikenfed. m open court; which jultices are, and Ihali be, 
 hereby empowered to fupprefs and forbid any per- 
 fon keeping fuch public houfe, as aforefaid, upon 
 their mifbehaviour, on fuch penalties, as the law 
 doth, or (hall, direct; and to recommend others, 
 from time to time, as they mall fee occafion. 
 
 Efhtes of VIII. " If any perfon, through temptation, or 
 f. erfo " skil - melancholy, fliall 'deftroy himfelf, his eftate, real 
 
 ling them- . r i n-ii i n \* ri 
 
 feives, & c . and perional, mall, notwithstanding, deicend to 
 his wife and children, or relations, as if he had 
 died a natural death; and if any perfon mail be 
 deftroyed or killed by cafualty, or accident, there 
 mail be no forfeiture to the Governor by reafon 
 thereof. 
 
 " And no act, law or ordinance whatfoever 
 ihall, at any time hereafter, be made, or done, 
 to alter, change, or diminim the form, or effect of 
 this charter, or of any part, or claufe, therein, 
 contrary to the true intent, and meaning thereof, 
 without the confent of the Governor, for the time 
 being, and fix parts of feven of the Affembly met. 
 
 Liberty of " And, becaufe the happinefs of mankind de- 
 confcience pends fo much upon the eniovino; of libertv of their 
 
 Ihall be for * r V r , V 1 1 i! i air i 
 
 evcr> conlciences, as aroreuud, I do hereby folemnly de- 
 clare, promife and grant, for me, my heirs and 
 affigns, that the ftrft article of this charter, relating 
 to liberty of confcience, and every part and claufe 
 therein, according to the true intent and meaning 
 
 thereof^ 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 449^ 
 
 thereof, fhall be kept, and remain, without any 1701. 
 alteration, inviolably for ever. v^yx^ 
 
 " And, laflly, I, the faid William Penn, Pro- The p ro - 
 prietarv and Governor of the province of Penn- f riet f y f - 
 
 < ... i i r lemnlycon- 
 
 Jyfoania, and territories thereunto belonging, tor fi rms t his 
 myfelf, my heirs and affigns, have folemnly de- charter. 
 clared, granted and confirmed, and do hereby 
 folemnly declare, grant and confirm, that neither 
 I, my heirs or affigns, (hall procure, or do, any 
 thing, or things, whereby the liberties, in this 
 charter contained and cxprefled, nor any part 
 thereof, fhall be infringed, or broken: And if 
 any thing fhall be procured, or done, by any per- 
 fon, or perfons, contrary to thefe prefents, it fhall 
 be held of no force, or effect. 
 
 " In witnefs whereof, I, the faid William Penn, Date, 
 of Philadelphia, in Pennfyfoania, have unto this 
 charter of liberties fet my hand and broad feal, this 
 twenty-eighth day of October, in the year of our 
 Lord one thoufand feven hundred and one, being 
 the thirteenth year of the reign of King William 
 the third, over England, Scotland, France and Ire- 
 land, &c. and the twenty-firfl year of my govern- 
 
 ment." 
 
 " And, not with (landing the clofure and ted of Provifb, 
 this prefent charter, as aforefaid, I think fit to add that . the 
 this following provifo thereunto, as part of the ^d^terri- 
 fame, that is to fay, That, notwithstanding any tories ma y 
 claufe, or claufes, in the above mentioned charter, " 
 
 obliging the province and territories to join toge- 
 ther in legiflation, I am content, and do hereby 
 declare, that if the Reprefentatives of the province 
 and territories (hall not hereafter agree to join toge- 
 ther in legiflation, and that the fame fhall be iigni- 
 fied to me, or my Deputy, in open' Aflembly, or 
 otherwife from under the hands and feals of the 
 Reprefentatives, for the time being, of the, pro- 
 vince and territories, or the major part of either 
 
 of 
 [57] 
 
45 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1701. of them, at any time, within three years from the 
 cxw^ date hereof, that, in fuch cafe, the inhabitants of 
 each of the three counties of this province (hall 
 not have lefs than eight perfons to reprefent them 
 in Affembly, for the province; and the inhabitants 
 of the town of Philadelphia (when the faid town is 
 incorporated) two perfons, to reprefent them in 
 Affembly; and the inhabitants of each county in 
 the territories mail have as many perfons to repre- 
 , fent them, in a diftincl Affembly, for the territories, 
 as fhall be by them, requefted, as aforefaid. 
 
 thlfame y " Notwithftanding which feparation of the pro- 
 privileges, vince and territories, in refpecl: of legiflation, 1 
 when fepa- Q hereby promife, grant and declare, that the 
 
 rated as . , . . J r r . . ' . * . n 
 
 when con- inhabitants of both province and territories mall 
 ceded. feparately enjoy all other liberties, privileges and 
 benefits granted jointly to them, in this charter, 
 any law, ufage, or cuftom of this government 
 heretofore made and praclifed, or any law made 
 and pa{Ted by the General Affembly to the contrary 
 hereof notwithstanding. 
 
 " WILLIAM PENN/' 
 
 " This charter of privileges being diftinctly 
 fead in Affembly, and the whole, and every part 
 thereof, being approved of, and agreed to, by us, 
 We do thankfully receive the fame from our Pro- 
 prietary and Governor at Philadelphia, this twenty- 
 eighth aay of Oftober, one thoufand feven hun- 
 dred and one, 1701. 
 
 " Signed on behalf \ and by order^ 
 of the AJJemblji per 
 
 " JOSEPH GROWDON, Speaker* 
 
 Edward Shippen, 
 Phineas Pemberton. 
 Samuel Carpenter, 
 Griffith Owen, 
 Caleb Pufey, 
 
 Proprietary 
 
 and 
 
 Governor's 
 Council. s 
 
 Thpmas Story, 
 
 The 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA, 451 
 
 The Proprietary likewife, by letters patent, un- 1701, 
 <ler the great feal, bearing even date with this char- <^>*v>^> 
 ter, eflablifhed a Council of ft ate for the province TJ^ r ^j 
 and territories, " To conjult^ and ajfift the Prcprie- C0 niiitutes 
 tary him/elf 9 or his Lieutenants , or Deputies., with a council of 
 the left of their advice and counfel^ in public affairs 
 and matters relating to the government^ and to the 
 peace , well-being and fafety of the people thereof ; and^ 
 in the abfence of the Proprietary , or upon the Lieute- 
 nant's death, or incapacity, to exercife all, andfm- 
 gular, the powers of government" &c.* 
 
 Moreover before the Proprietary left the coun- 
 try, he favoured the town of Philadelphia^ then 
 become very confiderable, and in a flouriihing 
 
 condition, 
 
 * This inftrument was as follows, viz. 
 
 " WILLIAM PENN, true and ahfolute Proprietor and Governor in 
 chief of the province of Pennfylvania^ and territories thereunto be- 
 longing, to all, to whom thefe prefents Ihall come, fendeth Greeting: 
 
 " KNOW YE, That I have nominated, appointed ajid ordained my 
 trufty and well-beloved friends, Ediuard Sbippen, John Gueft, Samuel Car- 
 fcnfer, William Clark^ Thomas Story, Griffith Owen, Phineas Pemberton, 
 Samuel Finney, Caleb Pttfey and John Blutijlon y to be my Council of State, 
 for the government of the faid province of Pennfylvania, and counties 
 annexed; of whom any four mall be a q:iorum^-t& confult and aflift with 
 the beft of their advice and counfel, me, or my Lieutenant, or Deputy 
 Governor, for the time being, in all public affairs and matters relating 
 to the faid government, and to the peace, fafety and well-being of the 
 people thereof; and in the abfence of me, and of my Lieutenant, outef 
 the faid province and territories; or upon my Lieutenant's deceafe, or 
 other incapacity, I do, by thefe prefents, give and grant to the faid 
 Ldivard Sbippen, &c. or any five of them, to exercife all, and fingular, 
 the powers, jurifdidlions and authorities whatfoever to me and my heirs, 
 by virtue of the Royal Charter, or letters patent, of King Charles the 
 fecond, given and granted, that are, or Ihall be necefTary for the well- 
 governing of the faid province, and territories, and for the adminiftering, 
 maintaining and executing of juftice, and providing for the fafety and 
 well-being of the faid people, during fuch abfence; they, and each of 
 them, the faid Edivard Sbipfen, &c. to continue in place till my further 
 order fhall be known. 
 
 " And I do hereby further grant to my Lieutenant Governor, for the 
 time being, full power and authority, upon the deceafe, cr removal, of 
 any of the faid Council, to nominate and appoint others to ferve in their 
 place and ftead, alfo to add to the number, when, and fo often, as my 
 faid Lieutenant Ihall fee caufe; and in cafe he fliall not appoint a Prefi- 
 dent, then the firil named, or the next to him, fliall, and is hereby im- 
 powered to take the chair. 
 
 " Given under my hand, &c. at Philadelphia, the 28th. of O<ftober, 
 in the I3th. year of King William, A. D. 1701." 
 
452 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1 70 1. condition, with a particular memorial of his bene- 
 \^*^j volence, by granting the inhabitants thereof, like- 
 Pro- w if e a charter of privileges,* for its particular re- 
 gulation, good-order, government and police. 
 
 And > Caving conftituted Andrew Hamilton, Efq. 
 one of *he Proprietors of Eq/i New Jerfcy^ and 
 Andrew fome time Governor of both Eqft and Weft New 
 a^otud 7 f tf<y> his De P ut 7 Governor, he failed for - 
 Deputy GO- gland; James Logan being, by commiflion, ap- 
 w n penn d P omte d Secretary of the province, and Clerk of 
 fiiis tor the Council of the fame.f 
 
 England. 
 
 * See this charter, in the appendix No. 6. It is dated October 
 By this charter, Philadelphia is conilituted a city, bounded, incorporated 
 and endowed with divers privileges and immunities, for the good order, 
 regulation and government thereof, as therein defcribed and exprefled. 
 JLdivard Shippen was appointed the firfl Mayor; Thomas Story , the Re- 
 corder, and Thomas Farmer. Sheriff; and the fir ft town clerk., and clerk 
 of the peace, court and courts, as appointed in this charter, was Robert 
 AJbton. The fir It Aldermen hereby appointed, were Jojhua Carpenter, 
 Griffith Jones, Anthony Morris, Jofeph Wilcox, Nation Stanbury., Charles 
 Read. Thomas Maften, and William Carter ; \vho, with the Mayor and 
 Recorder, are Juuices of the peace for the time being, &c 
 
 The firft Common Council men were, John Parfons, William Hudforr, 
 W'lliam Lee, Nehem'ah Allen, Thomas Pafchall, "John Budd, junior, Ed- 
 viard S,noni, Samuel Buckley, James Atkinfon, Pcnticoft Teague, Francis Cook, 
 and Henry Badcock. The Mayor is chofen annually, by at lecift five of the 
 Aldermen and nine of the Common Council; whofe number is unlimited; 
 and they are afterwards chofen, in the fame manner, by themfelves, or 
 by the Corporation ; which confifts of the Mayor, Recorder, Aldermen 
 and Common Council-men, by the name of, " The Mayor and Common-' 
 alty of Philadelphia, &c.' 
 
 f " James Logan was, by commiflion, under the lefler feal of the go- 
 vernment, from the Proprietary William Penn, bearing date the loth, of 
 December, 1701, and by another commiflion, under the great feal, dated, 
 the 27th. of Odober, 1701, appointed Secretary of the province, and 
 Clerk of rite Council of the fame." 
 
 p. H A P T E R 
 
4 
 
 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 453 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 Caiffe of the Proprietary's return removed. King 
 William dies, and is fucceeded by Queen Anne. 
 William Perm in favour at court. -Governor Ha- 
 milton's adminiftration and death. Province and 
 territories irreconcilable. They agree to afepara- 
 tion^ in legiflation; Edward Shippen, Prejldent of 
 the Council. Refolve of the Provincial Ajjembly 
 after feparation. Declaration and Teft^ figned by 
 the member S) Ssfr. John Evans arrives Depu- 
 ty Governor, and endeavours to re-unite the pro- 
 vince and territories in legiflation^ but in vain. 
 'The Governor difplenfed with the Ajjembly of the 
 province. David Lloyd. Governor's proclama- 
 tion for raifing a militia. He meets the Ajjembly 
 of the territories at Newcajile. The Provincial 
 Ajjembly remonftrate to the Proprietary. They re- 
 fufe the Governor , &c. a copy of their remon- 
 Jlrance. Part of the Governor* sfpeech, in 1705, 
 refpecling the effect of this proceeding. A very 
 different Ajjembly elected, and more harmony fuc^ 
 ceeds. Names of the members of this Afembly. 
 Thomas Chalkley's vtfit to the Indians at Connef- 
 togo, with a memorial of him. AJingular acJ of 
 Ajjembly in Connecticut , repealed by the cr.own^ 
 Pennfylvania particularly affected in times of 
 andfubjefl to mifreprefentations^ on account of the 
 Quakers' principles againji war; which now exifted 
 between England and France and Spain. 
 
 WiLLIAM PENN arrived at Portfmouth, 1701 
 about the middle of December. But after his 
 return to England, the bill, before mentioned, for 
 reducing the proprietary governments, into regal 
 
454 
 
 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1701. ones, which, through the folicitations of his friendsy 
 v^*v-^ had been poftponed, the laft feffion of Parliament, 
 
 Caufeof was entirely dropt, and no further progrefs made 
 ^o e rs P r r c7urn in that affair. Soon after this, or, on the 1 8th. of 
 to England, the Firft-month, 1701-2, King William died; and 
 
 in- wil- tne P r i nce f s dnne, of Denmark^ fucceeding to the 
 dies& throne, commenced her reign with moderation and 
 
 w. Pem> William Penn, being in the Queen's favour, was 
 m favor at o ft eri a t court i and for his coriveniency, on that 
 
 Court, &c. , lit- is r i 
 
 account, he took lodgings at Kenjington; where, 
 at his leifure hours, he writ feveral ufeful and ex- 
 cellent treatifes, on divers fubjecls; for the inilruc- 
 tion and benefit of pofterity; which may be feen 
 in his works. 
 
 Governor Governor Hamilton's adminiflration, in Pennfyl- 
 Hamiiton's e , can ' ia after the Proprietary's departure, continued 
 
 admimllra- ... .. r .^ .*% i i r n 
 
 tion and only till the 1 welith-month in the next following 
 deadu year, 1702, when he died: The principal part of 
 which was taken up in endeavouring an union be* 
 tween the province and territories, in leghlatipn; 
 refpe&ing which the Proprietary, by his prefence 
 and authority, had prevailed on them to a prefent 
 compliance: For they had not yet accepted the 
 new charter; and they had three years allowed 
 them to iignify their refufal. For this purpofe 
 Hamilton laboured much with them, and ufed many 
 arguments to induce them to unite, but without 
 fuccefs. Upon his death the government devolved 
 on the Council, Edward Ship-pen being Prefident. 
 
 The Pro- During this time of difpute, or endeavours, for 
 Territories ' an union between the Reprefentatives of the pro- 
 agree to a vince and territories, not much other public bufi- 
 n ^ Q f j m p Or t ance appears to have been tranfacled 
 in the affairs of the government. The latter per- 
 fitted in an abfolute refufal to join with the former, 
 in legiflation, till it was finally, in the year 1703, 
 agreed and fettled between them, that they mould 
 coinpofe different and diflincl Affernblies, entirely 
 
HISTORY or PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 455 
 
 independent on each other; purfuant to the liberty, 1701. 
 allowed by a claufe in the charter, for that pur- 
 pofe; which claufe was faid to have been there in- 
 ferted by the particular and fpecial means of the 
 Reprefentatives of the territories, with previous 
 full intention of the feparation, which enfued; 
 and in this capacity they have ever a&ed fmce that 
 time. 
 
 The province now, by charter, alfo claimed a Affembiy 
 feparate Reprefentative of its own, confiiling of ^ e " 
 eight members, for each of the three counties, 
 and two, for the city of Philadelphia; which 
 members, being, in October 1703, convened and 
 duly qualified, according to law, their firft Refo- 
 liitlon was in the following words 
 
 " Refofaed, 
 
 Note. " At an Aflembly begun at Philadelphia, inOitober, onethou- 
 fand feven hundred and three, 
 
 " Edward Shipper, Efquire, Prefident of the Council. Prefident 
 
 " The declaration and teft, figned by the Members of this Alterably. a " d Coiw- 
 
 " WE, vvhofe names are hereunto fubfcribed, eleded Reprefentatives p.,j, ruarv 
 by the freemen of the refpeclive counties, in this province of Pennfylva- * 
 
 aia, and the city of Philadelphia, in purfuance of the Proprietary's charter 
 to ferve in Aflembly, do, each of us for himfelf, folemnly promife and 
 declare, that we will be true and faithful to Queen Anne of England, &c. 
 And we do folemnly promife and declare, That we, from our hearts, 
 abhor, deteft and renounce, as impious and heretical, that damnable doc- 
 trine and pofition, that princes excommunicated, or deprived, by the Pope, 
 or any other authority of the See of Rome, may be depofed or murdered,, 
 by their fubjects, cr any other whatfoever; And we do declare, that no 
 foreign prince, perfon, prelate, ftate, or potentate,, hath or ou/ht to have 
 any power, jurifdidicn, fuperiority, pre-eminence, or authority, eccle- 
 iiaflical, or fpiritual, within the realm of England, and the. dominicaas 
 thruato belonging. 
 
 " And we, and each of us, do folemnly and ilnccrcly profefe, tdlii 
 and declare, That we do believe, th.at, in the facram^nc of the Lord 1 * 
 fupper, there is not any tranfubfuritiation of the elements of bread and 
 wine into the body and blood of Cbrijl, at, or after the confutation thereof 
 by any perfon whatfoever; and that the invocation, or adoration of th$ 
 Virgin Mary, or any other Saint, and the facrifice of the Mafi, as they 
 are now ufed in the church of Row.-, are fuperftitious and idolatrous. 
 
 ** And we, and each of us for himfelf, do folemnly profefs, teftifyand 
 declare, That we do make this declaration, and every part thereof, m 
 the plain and ordinary fenfe of the v/ords read unto us, as they are com- 
 monly underftood by Englijh Proteftants, without any evafion, equivoca- 
 tion, or mental refcrvation whatfoever; and without any difpenfation 
 granted for this ptupcfe bjr tJic Pope, cr rjiy other authority 
 
 whatfoever; 
 
45 6 
 
 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1701. "Refolded) That the Reprefentatives, or Dele- 
 ^^xvx^ gates, of the freeholders of this Province, accord- 
 Firit re- ing to the powers granted by the Proprietary and 
 p^vincia^T Governor, by his Charter, dated the twenty-eighth 
 Aflembly. day of October, anno Domini 1701, may meet 
 in Affembly, on the 141)1. day of October yearly, 
 at Philadelphia^ or elfewhere, as fhall be appointed 
 by the Governor and Council, for the time being; 
 and fo continue, on their own adjournments, from 
 time to time, during the year of their fervice, as 
 they fhall find occafion, or think fit, for prepar- 
 ing bills, debating thereon, and voting, in order to 
 their being paffed into laws; appointing commit- 
 tees, redrefling of grievances, and impeaching of 
 criminals, as they fhall fee meet, in as ample a 
 
 manner, as any of the affemblies of this province 
 and territories have hitherto, at any time done, or 
 might legally do, as effectually, to all intents and 
 purpofes, as any of the neighbouring governments., 
 under the crown of England^ have power to do, 
 according to the rights and privileges of the free- 
 born 
 
 \vhatfoever; or without any hope of any fuch difpen fallen from any per- 
 fon,or authority whatsoever; or without thinking that we are, or can be, 
 acquitted before God or man, or abfolvedof this declaration, or any part 
 thereof, although the Pope or any other perfon or perfon-;, or power 
 vhatfoever, fhould difpenfe with, or annul, the fame, or declare that it 
 was null and void from the beginning. 
 
 " And we, the faid fubfcribing Reprefentatives, and each of us, for 
 himfelf, do folemnly and fmcerdy nrofefs faith in God the Father, and 
 in Jefus Chrii't, his eternal Son. the true God, and in rh 2 Holy Spirit, one 
 God, bleffed for ever more; and we do acknowledge the holy fcripture? 
 to be given by divine infpiration. 
 
 Nicholas Pile, 
 John Bennet, 
 Andrew Job, 
 David Lewis, 
 Nathaniel NeWlin, 
 Jofeph Baker, 
 Robert. Carter, 
 Jofeph Wood, 
 William Biles, 
 Jofeph Growdon, 
 Tobias Dymmoke, 
 Richard Hough, 
 William Paxton, 
 
 Jeremiah Langhorn, 
 Jofhua Hoopes, 
 Thomas Stevenfon, 
 Rowland Eilis, 
 Nicholas Walne, 
 Samuel Richardfon, 
 Ifaac Norris, 
 David Lloyd, Sfealcr, 
 Anthony Morris, 
 Samuel Cart, 
 Griffith Jones, 
 Jofeph Wilcox, 
 Charles Read. 
 
 rotes f AJJemlly. 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 457 
 
 born fubje&s of England, as near as may be, re- 1703. 
 fpe&ing the infancy of the government, and the 
 capacities of the people: And that the faid Aflem- 
 bly, as often as the Governor, for the time being, 
 mall require, attend on him, in order to legiflati- 
 on; and to anfwer all. other juft ends of afiemblies, 
 in any emergencies, or reafons of ftate; but mall 
 not be fubje&, at any time, to be by him adjourn- 
 ed, prorogued, or diffolved." 
 
 After this, when the Prefident and Council pro- The 
 pofed to confer with the Aflembly about a proper C n and Af- 
 time to meet again, the latter affumed the power of ^" lbl ^ b ^ 
 adjourning wholly to themfelves ; and upon the the power 
 Prefident and Council's obje&ing againft this extent f adjourn- 
 of the Aflembly's claim of fitting wholly upon their ing< 
 own adjournments, &c. they immediately adjourn- 
 ed themfelves to the ift. day of the Third-month 
 next, without giving the Council any further time 
 to confer with them about it. 
 
 Such was the ftate of things when yohn Evans 
 who was appointed Deputy Governor by the Pro- 
 prietor, with the Queen's royal approbation, on Evans, 
 the death of Andrew Hamilton^ arrived in the pro- who con- 
 vince, in the Twelfth-month, 1703; who, having venes a * 
 firft augmented the number of the Members of both" 1 the 
 Council,* in the Second-month (April) 1704, con- Province & 
 
 [53] 
 
 * Among the names of the Members of Council, in the Twelfth- 
 month, 1703, about the time, or foon after Governor Evans's arrival, 
 Appear to be, 
 
 William Penn, junior, Griffith Owen, 
 
 Roger Mompeflbn, Caleb Pufey, 
 
 Edward Shippen, William Trent,, 
 
 John Gueft, Richard Hill, 
 
 Samuel Carpenter, Samuel Finney, 
 
 Thomas Story, James Logan. 
 
 Alfo for the three lower counties were:- 
 
 William Clark, William Rodney, Jafper Yeats. 
 
 Minutes of Cnnrif. 
 
 William Penn, junior, appears to have been called to the Board and 
 Made a member of Council, in the Twelfth-month 8th. X 703, aqd prfw 
 bably cwnc from England with Governor 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA, 
 
 1704. vened the Reprefentatives both of the province 
 v^w^ and territories, at the fame time and place, in the 
 Council Chamber in Philadelphia. 
 
 Governor Evans, notwithflanding the fteps which 
 had been taken, and the agreement made between 
 the province and territories, before his arrival, re- 
 fpecling their future acting in a feparate capa- 
 city, and independent of each other, in legiila- 
 tion, according to the provifion made for the fame 
 by charter, renewed the attempt for uniting them ; 
 and his firft fpeech to the Reprefentatives of both 
 places, was chiefly calculated to endeavour a re- 
 union; and it confided of fuch arguments and in- 
 fmuations as appeared to him mod cogent, and 
 likely to bring about a coalition, fo necefTary for 
 their mutual benefit. 
 
 The ter- To this the members of the territories, who be- 
 ntones m- f ore appeared to have principally occafioned the 
 nite. divifion, now feemed willing to accede, to accept 
 
 the charter on conditions, and to unite with the 
 Butthepro- members of the province, in legiflation; but the 
 vince refu- latter, who had fo long been hampered with the re- 
 
 fradtory behaviour of the former, now, in their 
 
 turn, absolutely refufed to be connected with them; 
 
 and adhered to their prior agreement for a fepa- 
 
 ration.* 
 
 which Thus all negociation on this head came to an 
 commences en d j a nd the Affembly of the province incurred the 
 ment^be- Governor's difpleafure, by refufing to comply 
 tween the with his recommendation ; which, with the dil- 
 - P utes > tnat afterwards arofe between them, on 
 three bills propofed by the Aflembly, one to con- 
 firm the great charter of privileges of the province, 
 another to confirm that of the city of Philadelphia^ 
 
 and 
 
 * The names of the Members for the Territories were : 
 " James Cents, William Rodney, John Hill, 
 
 " John Healy, John Brinkloe, William Bagwell, 
 
 " Roelof dc Haes, Wuliam Morton, Robert Burton, 
 
 v Ifaac Gjoding, . ArUiur M-iHwi, Richard Painter. 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 459 
 
 2nd a bill of property; which the Governor refufed 1704. 
 to pafs, without fuch amendments as the Affembly v^v^ 
 would not agree to; and they being likewife dif- 
 gufled at fome expreffions of one of the council,* * J Gueft, 
 refpefting their proceedings, occafioned fuch mif- 
 underftanding between the Governor and the 
 Houfe, that, in confequence thereof, but little of 
 moment appears to have been tranfated, in the 
 publip affairs of the government, during the fit- 
 tings of this, and the next fucceeding Affembly; speaker? ' 
 at the head of both which appeared David Lloyd,* & c - 
 as Speaker. 
 
 In the latter part of the year 1704, Governor GOV. Evans 
 Evans met the Affembly of the lower counties, at g5^Jj^5 
 Newcqftle; which was the firft Affembly, that had biyatNew- 
 acled there in legiflation, independent of the pro- caftle ' &c * 
 vince, after the Proprietary's departure, prior to 
 which he publifhed a proclamation, to raife a mill- He 
 tia, among fuch, whofe religious perTwafion was 
 not againft bearing of arms; it being in the time &c. 
 of the war between England, and France and Spaing 
 
 But 
 
 * David Lloyd was, many years, Speaker of the Afiembly ; and in 
 the time of Thomas Lloyd, appears to have been Clerk of the Council. 
 He diftinguiftied himfelf by giving conftant oppofition to what was af- 
 terwards called the Proprietary interefl. He had been brought up to the 
 law; and was one of the principal antagonifts of the Governors Evans 
 and Gookin; he is reprefented to have been one of the chief inftruments 
 in feparating the province of Pcnnfylvania from the lower counties, fo 
 as to compofe Affemblies independent on each other. He came from 
 England, in, or about, the year 1686; and was commifiioned Attorney 
 General by William Penn, in Second-month, 24th. that year. He was* 
 a perfon afterwards much efteemed among his friends the Quakers and 
 others; being generally accounted a man of integrity, and confiderable 
 abilities, both in his civil and religious capacity; but his political talents 
 ieem to have been more for dividing than uniting different interefts. 
 He died at CbeJIer, where he had lived, in the beginning of Auguft, 
 1731, when he was Chief Juftice of Pennfylvania. 
 
 \ This proclamation was as follows, viz, 
 
 " By the honourable Lieutenant Governor of the province of Pennfyl- 
 vania, and territories thereunto belonging; 
 
 " FORASMUCH as the Queen's moft excellent Majeily, and the 
 reft of her Majefty's allies, are now engaged in a vigorous war againft 
 France and Spain, for maintaining and preferving the liberty and balance 
 of Europe; which, as it engages the fubjects of the faid crowns and dates 
 in open hoftih'ties, fo it lays her Majefty's fubje&s, in this government, 
 
 under 
 
460 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1704. But, from what had already paffed between the 
 ^v-o Governor, and the Affembly of the province, the 
 The Af- latter fell into fuch an ill humour, that in the Sixth- 
 to month, 1704, they privately drew up a reprefcn- 
 thc Propri- tation, or remonftrance, in a letter to the Proprie- 
 GoverfJr 11 tarv *> which was faid to be filled with complaints,' 
 Evans, & c . highly reflecting, even, on the Proprietary himfelf, 
 as well as the Deputy Governor, Evans, and the 
 Secretary, James Logan. 
 
 They re- Some time after, when the Governor heard of 
 fufetheGo- t ki s he, by a written meffae to the Houfe, re- 
 
 verncraco- . * J - r . , . , ... , r . 
 
 py of what quired a copy of it ; which was hkewile done by 
 th^y writ, a formal petition from feven perfons; who were all, 
 either of the Governor's Council, or otherwife of 
 the principal inhabitants, and Quakers, viz. Ed- 
 <wc,rd Shippen, Thomas Story, Richard Hill, Willi- 
 am tiwifon, Pentecoft Teagite, Thomas Chalkley, and 
 li Ham Southby ; thefe, with many others, confi- 
 dcting the prefent ill humour of the Affembly, 
 thought themfelves highly interefted in the nature 
 of fuch a proceeding; but they were all peremto- 
 rily refufed by the Affembly. 
 
 What 
 
 B nder a neceffity of being well armed and diciplined, as well for the ho- 
 nour and fervice of her Majefty, as for the defence and prefervation of 
 our religion, lives and liberties; all which her Majeily having duly weighed 
 and confidered, was graciouily pleafed to command, that due preparation, 
 fliould be made, in this government, for the defence and fecurity of the 
 lame, againft any attempts, that might be made upon it by the enemy, 
 during this time of war: Therefore, in obedience to her Majefty 's royal 
 command, and to llie end that the inhabitants of this government may 
 be in a poflure of defence and readinefs, to withftand and repel all a6b of 
 hoftihty, that the enemy fhall attempt againft them, I do hereby ftriclly 
 command and require all perfons refiding in this government, whofe per- 
 fwafion will, on any account, permit them tc- take up arms, in their own 
 dtfence, that forthwith they do provide themfelves with a good firelock 
 and ammunition, in order to enliit themfelves in the Militia, which I am 
 now fettling in this government; and every inhabitant thereof is, without 
 delay, to repair and enlift themfelves with the officer, or officers, com- 
 mjffioned to command in that diftricft, where fuch inhabitant dwells. And 
 I do further command all perfons, that they take due notice hereof, and 
 give obedience, and be to their utmoft, aiding and aflifting to the faid 
 officers, in all things relating to the exercifmg the power given them, in 
 their commiflions, as they will anfwer the contrary at their peril. 
 " Giv^n under 11 y hand and great feal, at Philadelphia, the 25th. of 
 May, in the third year of the reign of our fovereign Lady, Anne 9 
 ovef England j &c. anncque Domini, 1704. 
 
 " J- &" 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 461 
 
 What effect which thefe proceedings had with 1704* 
 the Proprietary in England? may, in part, appear ^ ^v-w 
 from the Governor's fpeech to the Alfembly, in the 
 forepart of the year 1705, in which, among other 
 things, he thus exprefles himfelf, refpecling the 
 Proprietary's fentiments on the caufes of his differ- 
 ing with the Aflembly, and of their letter to the 
 Proprietary, viz. 
 
 " The Proprietary, Gentlemen, is fo far from 1705. 
 agreeing with your opinion, in thefe matters, that , pa " of 
 
 1 i r J r i r f n i r r i i r the Gover- 
 
 he is greatly furpnfed to fee, initead or fuitable fup- nor's fpeech 
 plies, for the maintenance of government,, and de- * * e f- 
 
 r i T i r i i T r r fembly, &c 
 
 fraying public charges, for the public fafety, time 
 only loft (while his conftant expences run on) in 
 difputes upon heads, which he had as fully fettled 
 before his departure, as could) on the bed precau- 
 tions, be thought convenient, or reafonable, even, 
 at a time, when he was leaving you in doubt whe- 
 ther it would be poffible to divert the bill, then 
 moving in Parliament, for annexing all thefe go- 
 vernments to the crown ; which being now diverted, 
 and himfelf fecure in the poffeflion of his right, fo 
 long as his circumftances mall render the adminif- 
 tration of it practicable, he is the more aftonifhed 
 to find you, for whofe fakes chiefly, and not his 
 own, he has undergone the late fatigues, and ex- 
 penfive troubles, in maintaining it, exprefs no 
 greater fenfe of gratitude, than has hitherto ap- 
 peared. 
 
 " The Proprietary alfo further aifures us, that 
 had thofe three bills (of which copies were fent 
 home) been pafled into ats here, they would cer- 
 tainly have been vacated by her Majefty, being 
 looked on by men of Ikill, to whom they have been 
 Ihewn, as very great abfurdities ; but, what I mufl 
 not be filent in is, that he highly refents that hei- 
 nous indignity, and mod fcandalous treatment he 
 has met with, in a letter, directed not only to him- 
 felf, but alfo to be fiiewn to fome other perfons, 
 
 difafFeded 
 
462 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1705. difaffected to him, in the name of the Aflembly and 
 v^v->~> people of this province, of which I have formerly 
 Part of the demanded a copy, but was then denied it, under 
 ! pretence (when it was too late) that it mould be re- 
 called: If that letter was the act of the people truly 
 reprefented, he thinks fuch proceedings are fuffici- 
 ent to cancel all obligations of care over them ; but 
 if done by particular perfons only, and 'tis an im- 
 pofture in the name of the whole, he expects the 
 country will purge themfelves, and take care that 
 due fatisfaction be given him. 
 
 " The Proprietary (who, it is well known, has 
 hitherto lupported this government) upon fuch 
 treatment, as he has met with, is frequently foli- 
 cited to refign and throw up all, without any fur- 
 ther care ; but his tendernefs to thofe in the place, 
 whom he knows to be ftill true and honeft, pre- 
 vails with him to give the people yet an opportu- 
 nity of (hewing what they will do, before all be 
 brought to a clofmg period. 
 
 " Methods have been taken to provoke him to 
 this, that there might be the greater (hew of blame 
 for it, when done, though it could not be avoided; 
 but afiure yourfelves, that he will be juftined by all 
 reafonable men, for withdrawing the exercife of 
 his care over thofe, that being fo often invited to 
 it, take fo little of themfelves," &c. 
 
 A different The nature an d confequence of thefe difputes 
 Affembly appear to have caufed a confiderable change in the 
 chofen, & c . cno i ce of the members of the next elefted Aflem- 
 bly, in October 17055 of which Jofeph Groivdon 
 was Speaker.* 
 
 Better un- ^his Aflembly acted fo very different from the 
 betweenthe two laft preceding, as to produce a much better 
 Governor understanding between them and the Governor, 
 
 and Aflem- 
 bly. 
 
 * The Names of the Members of this Affembly, which, in general, 
 appears to have been compofed of fome of the molt icfpedable perfons in 
 the province, were, for the county of 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 463 
 
 in confequence of which a great number of laws 1705. 
 were pafled, and the public affairs of the govern- ^^v^^./ 
 ment, for a time, bore a more favorable and pro- 
 mifmg afpecl. 
 
 In this year 1705, Thomas Chalkley, one of the Thoma* 
 feven perfons before mentioned, who petitioned the 
 AiTembly of the laft year, 1704, a preacher among 
 the Quakers, paid a religious vifit to the Indians, at 
 Cone/logo, near the river Sufquahanna, in Pennfyl- &c ' 
 varna, in company with fome of his friends, of the 
 fame religious fociety.* The Indians, who confided 
 chiefly of Senecas and Shawanefe, received them 
 with great kindnefs: they were much affected by 
 their vifit, more efpecially a certain woman of emi- Queen 
 nence among them, who appeared to have autho- 
 rity, and fpoke much in their Councils; the reafon 
 for which was, when the Indians were afked, one 
 of them replied, " Becaufe fome women are wifer 
 
 than 
 
 Philadelphia. 
 Ifaac Norris, 
 Richard Hill, 
 Rowland Ellis, 
 Reefe Thomas, 
 Samuel Cart, 
 John Goodfon, 
 William Carter, 
 John Cook. 
 
 Bucks. Chefier. 
 Jofeph Growdon, Speaker. Robert Pile, 
 John Swift, Richard Webb, 
 Jeremiah Langhorn, Caleb Pufey, 
 Jofhua Hoopes, Nicholas Fairlamb, 
 Tobias Dymock, John Benuit, 
 Henry Paxton, Ifaac Taylor, 
 Samuel Carpenter, Nathaniel Newlhij 
 William Paxton. Jofeph Coeburn. 
 
 City of Philadelphia^ David Lloyd and Edward Shippen, fenior. 
 
 * Thomas Chaikiey^ with his wife and family, removed from Englanf, 
 In the year 1701, into Pennfylvania; where he fettled and refided, during 
 the remainder of his life; which was upwards of forty years; exceptiug 
 that part of it, in which the neceffary affairs of trade and bufinefs took 
 him abroad, in a fea-faring way, &c. but more efpecially in the difcharge. 
 of what he believed to be his duty, as a minifter of the gofpcl; which, it 
 is left on record, was his principal and moft delightful employment : This 
 he is faid to have performed through many deep trials and exercifes, vari- 
 ous ways, in different parts of the world, with goodfuccefs, 
 
 He was a perfon much beloved and highly efteemed by a very numerous 
 acquaintance; in that he had many virtues, and thefe of the more amia- 
 ble kind: he is faid to have been of a meek and quiet fpirit, and to have 
 had an engaging fweetnefs, both in his miniftry and converfcition. He 
 died in the iiland of Tortola, in America, in the year 1741, when ona. 
 religious vifit there, in the fervice of preaching the gofpel. Though he 
 had not the advantage of what is called a literary education, or of much 
 learning, yet he left behind him fome printed works on religious fubjedls, 
 and a journal of his life, (from which the above account is extracted) written 
 in a plain and fimple, yet very eafy and engaging llile; which were afl 
 Acceptable legacy to many lovers gf lug me.mQ.rf . 
 
464 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1 705. than fome men, and that (he was an Emprefs among 
 v^-v%^ them;"" She told Thomas Chalkley, and the other 
 Queen friends, that me looked upon their coming to be 
 more than natural; becaufe they did not come to 
 buy nor fell, nor yet gain, but in love and refpecl: 
 to them, and defired their welfare both here and 
 hereafter. She related to them a dream, which 
 jjhe had three clays before; which, being interpreted 
 . was, " That fhe was in London, and that London 
 \vas the fined place fhe ever faw, (it was like Phi- 
 ladelphia, but much larger) and fhe went acrofs fix 
 ftreets, and in the feventh fhe faw William Penn 
 preaching to the people; which was a great multi- 
 tude; and both fhe and William Penn rejoiced to 
 fee each other, after the meeting me went to him, 
 and he told her, that in a little time, he would come 
 over and preach to them alfo; of which fhe was 
 very glad: and now, fhe faid, her dream was ful- 
 filled ; for one of his friends was come to preach to 
 them." And fhe advifed the Indians to hear and 
 treat the friends kindly; which they accordingly 
 did. 
 
 This one inftance, among many, which might be 
 given, is here mentioned, to mew the love and re- 
 gard, thefe people had for the memory of William 
 Penn; as the confequence of his jufl and kind 
 treatment of them; and the fenfe which they had 
 of his regard for their real good, and true hap. 
 pinefs. 
 
 England at England was now at war with France and Spain; 
 with in confequenee of which no part of the Britifh do- 
 pro- niinions could be entirely exempt from danger. In 
 * diffi- all times of war Pennfyfoania is faid to have been 
 iva- ex Pfed more or lets to difficulties, on account of 
 the Quakers, who were the mofl important and 
 confiderable part of the inhabitants, being princi- 
 pled againfl war cf every kind : but then, in con- 
 iequence of their pacific conduct, it was manifeft, 
 more happy efie&s were produced, in proportion, 
 
 as 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 465 
 
 as the arts of peace, in a fober and induftrious 1705. 
 people, are preferable to thofe of war; though 
 they were ftrenuoufly oppofed, as well by the in- 
 ternal as by the external enemies of the conftitu- 
 tion of the province; and that both through igno- 
 rance and defign. 
 
 [59] 
 
 Note. About this time (anno 1705) the Quakers in America feem to 
 have had reafon to be alarmed by a fingular ad of Affsm'oly, puffed in the 
 colony of Connecticut, entitled only, Hereticks: The fubftance or purport 
 of it appears, by the order of Queen Anne, in Council, made upon that 
 occafion, as follows, viz. 
 
 " At the Court of Kenfmgton, the nth. day of Oilober, 1705. 
 
 Prefent: 
 His Royal Highnefs, Prince George Earl of Ranelaugh, 
 
 of Denmark, Mr. Boyle, 
 
 Lord Arch-Biihop of Canterbury, Mr. Secretary Hedges, 
 
 Lord Keeper, Mr, Secretary Harley, 
 
 Lord Treafurer, Lord Chief Juftice Holt, 
 
 Lord Prefident, Lord Chief Juftice Trevor, 
 
 Duke of Somerfet, Mr. Vernon, 
 
 Duke of Ormond, Mr. Earle. 
 
 ' A Reprefentation, from the Lords Commiffioners of Trade and 
 Plantations, being this day read at the board, upon an act, paffed in 
 her Majefty's colony of Connecticut, entitled only, Hereticks, whereby 
 it is enabled, that all, who (hall entertain any Quakers, Ranters, Adamites, 
 and other Hereticts, are made liable to the penalty of five pounds, and 
 five pounds per week for every town, that fhall fo entertain them; that 
 all Quakers fhall be committed to prifon,or be fent out of the colony; that 
 whoever Ihall hold unneceffary difcourfe with Quakers (hall forfeit twenty 
 fhillings; that whoever fhall keep any Qtiakers" books, the Governor, 
 Magiitratcs and Elders excepted, ihail forfeit ten fhillings; and that all 
 fuch books be fupprefled; that no mafter of any veffel do land any <- 
 kers, without carrying them away again, under the penalty of twenty 
 i'junds. 
 
 " And the faid Lords Commifiioners, humbly offering that the faid 
 acT: be icpealed by her Majefty; it being contrary to the liberty of con- 
 fcience indulged to diflenters by the laws of England, as alfo to the char- 
 ter granted to that colony. 
 
 " Her Majefty, with the advice of her Privy Council, is pleafed to 
 declare her difallowance and difapprobation of the faid a (51; and purfuant 
 to her Majefty's royal pleafure thereupon, the faid act, paffed in her 
 Majefty's colony of Conrte&icut t in Netv England, entitled, Beretfc4f t is 
 hereby repealed, and declared null and void, and of no effect. 
 
 f n gratitude for this order, the Quakers, in London, addreffed the Queen, 
 in the following manner, viz, 
 
 " May it pleafe tie Queen y 
 
466 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1705. For, though the fidelity of the Quakers to the 
 
 ^^.^u King and Government, their punctuality in paying 
 
 The Qua- their taxes, and their confcientioufly and ftric\ly de- 
 
 tuaHn P pay- clining all illicit trade, or defrauding of the royal 
 
 ing taxes to revenue, in any refpect, have, in all parts of the 
 
 ment V< * Britifh dominions, never been exceeded by any 
 
 others; which, in an induftrious people, are things 
 
 of very great importance and utility, to any go- 
 
 veriunent; yet, in this province, by reafon of their 
 
 not perfonally themfelves complying in military 
 
 preparations, nor joining in actual fervice of that 
 
 nature, or immediately employing others, as fub- 
 
 ftitutes, therein, though they never attempted to lay 
 
 any reftraint upon other people, who were among 
 
 them, reflecting thefe affairs, confiftent with the 
 
 But the j aw Q na j-i ons anc j f e }f defence, or agreeable to 
 
 confequen ..... > , ,, i", 
 
 ces of their the limitanons of the royal charter, they have, ne- 
 principies ver thelefs, frequently laboured under very uniuft 
 
 fometime-j . ' r 
 
 mifrepre imputations, and the charge of wrong coniequen- 
 fented, &c. ces ^ f orme d by the falfe reafoning of their enemies, 
 in this refpeft. 
 
 their fuppreflion, which law, the Qneen has been gracioufly pleafed to 
 difaliow, and make void, now find ourfclvcs engaged, in duty and gra- 
 titude, to make the juft returns of our thankful acknowledgments to the 
 Queen, for this eminent iriftance of inviolably maintaining the toleration; 
 and do. therefore, humbly crave leave, on this occafion, to repeat the 
 fmcere affura'ice of our Chriftian and peaceable fubje&ion, and unfeigned 
 joy. for the Queen's mild and geutle government, aiming at the good of 
 all her people. 
 
 " May the bleffing of the Almighty fo profper and accomplifh the 
 Queen's juft defires of union among her fubjedls, of firm peace in Europe, 
 and of the increafe of virtue, that, in the delightful fruition thereof, the 
 Queen may enjoy many days, and after a life of comfort, be tranflated 
 to a glorious immortality. 
 
 " Signed on behalf of the faid people, by 
 
 " JOHN FEILD. 
 " JOSEPH WYETH." 
 The Queen's anfwer. 
 
 " Let the gentlemen know, I thank them heartily for this addrefs; and 
 that, while they continue fo good fubjeds, they need not doubt of my 
 protection." 
 
 Note. The winter of the year 1705, was remarkable, in Pennfylvania 
 for a great fhow, in general, about one yard deep. 
 
 CHAPTER 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 467 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 Governor Evans's difpofition and conducJ. His treat- 
 ment of the Quakers' principles on war. Falfe 
 alarm at Philadelphia. Fort and exattions at 
 Newcqftle. Richard Hill. Ifaac Norris. Sa- 
 muel Prefton, &c. Affembly's addrefs to the Go- 
 vernor, &c> Further proceeding and difpute be- 
 tween the Governor and AJJembly. Affembly dif~ 
 plea fed with the Secretary James Logan. Memorial 
 of 'James Logan. The Affembly Impeach the Secre- 
 t ar y. Heads of an angry remonftrance to the Pro- 
 prietor againft the Governor and Secretary, &c.-~ - 
 Thefe difputes continue till the arrival of Governor 
 Gookin, in the beginning of 1709. Names of the 
 Members of AJfembly and Council, &c. Difficul- 
 ties of the Proprietor about this time. 
 
 ijsrOVERNOR EVANS appears to have been 1705. 
 an aclive young man, of a temper fcarcely indiffe- v^v^' 
 rent to any thing, zealous to promote what he Gov Evang 
 thought the fervice and intereft of the Proprietary did not at- 
 required,but not fufficiently ftudying the genius and ^" } d f |^j' 
 difpofition of the people, over whom he prefided. difpofidon* 
 His warm zeal to pufh his own views, in fome things, of the P eo " 
 contrary to thofe of the Aflembly, tended to pro- p ' 
 duce fuch extreme oppofition and diflike between 
 them, as were fcarcely warrantable, and might 
 have had fatal effects; the natural confe'quence of 
 men's tempers being too much agitated and inflam- 
 ed ; befides the liberties of his private life and con- 
 duel are reprefented to have been fuch as rendered 
 him offenfive to a fober and religious people. He 
 
 was 
 
468 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA." 
 
 I 75 was moreover faid to want neither ingenuity nor 
 v_xvxy abilities, fo much as a proper application of them; 
 for which years and experience are fo generally re- 
 quifite. But his difappointment, on his firft arri- 
 val, in not being able to prevail on the Aflembly of 
 the province to admit of a re-union with that of 
 the territories, which he had fo much fet his mind 
 upon, with the nature of certain following pro- 
 ceedings of the former, appear to have occasioned 
 He joins his imprudently joining with the ArTembly of the 
 Affembiyof l atter > m f me a & s > which fcciTied more calculated 
 the territo- to incommode the province, than for any real uti- 
 commode 11 " ^J to e i tner *> fr m which kind of conduct it could 
 the Pro- not be reafonably fuppofed any good underftanding 
 vince. could arife, or be long cherifhed, between them. 
 
 The Governor had endeavoured to form a militia 
 through the government, but fo far as appears, 
 'and which could not be reafonably expected other- 
 wife, not with much fuccefs. He knew the S^ua- 
 kers 9 principles were againft bearing arms and war, 
 yet, as the inexperience and amiming of youth, as 
 well as the prejudice of more advanced years, is 
 fometimes ready to regard a contrariety of fenti- 
 ment, in others, more efpecially if it differ much 
 from the common opinion, in the highefl point of 
 abfurdity, without duly examining into the merits 
 of it; fo Governor Evans, by part of his conduct. 
 He treats appears to have regarded and treated the principles 
 theQuakers f t h e G ua kers 9 m refpecl to felf defence, as a 
 
 principles :*~ / i ,j j r- 
 
 igainftwar, mere notion, which would never endure a fenous 
 asabfurd. 'trial; and by the following imprudent fcheme and 
 experiment, inftead of anfwering any ufeful inten- 
 tion to the public, he is faid not only to have alien- 
 ated the Quakers further from him, but alfo high- 
 ly difgufted fuch of the people in general, as were 
 not concerned in the contrivance, or execution of 
 it. 
 
 Governor Evans, in conjunction with Robert 
 French of Newcqftle, Thomas C larky an attorney at 
 
 law, 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 469 
 
 law, of Philadelphia, and fome others of his afTo- 1706. 
 ciates, it is faid, for their diverfion, and to try the 
 difpofition of the people, but mod probably that of 
 of the Quakers chiefly, concerted a fcheme to raife alarm, &c. 
 and carry on a falfe alarm, in order mod effectually 
 to terrify the inhabitants by a fudden furprize, and 
 thereby oblige them to have recourfe to arms, for 
 their defence. 
 
 It was at the time of the fair in Philadelphia , on 
 the 1 6th. day of the Third-month, O. S. 1706, 
 when this plot was put in execution; French acled 
 at Neivcajlle, by fending up a meflfenger to the go- 
 vernor, at Philadelphia, in the greatefl hafte, and 
 apparent confirmation, to acquaint him, that a 
 number of veflfels were then actually in the river, 
 and as high up as a place, which he named. Up- 
 on this news immediately the Governor a&ed his 
 part; and, by his emiifaries, made it fly through the 
 city; while himfelf with a drawn fword in his hand, 
 on horfeback,, rode through the ftreets, in feeming 
 great commotion, and a behaviour adapted to the 
 nature of the occafion, commanded and entreated 
 people of all ranks to be properly afiifting on the 
 emergency, &c.* 
 
 The ftratagem, in part fucceeded; and the fud- 
 dennefs of the furprife, with the noife of precipi- 
 tation 
 
 * There were two noted falfe alarms formerly, in the province. Ths 
 former was that of the Indians, in 1688. The latter was this, in Go- 
 vernor Evans's time; to one of which Thomas Makin, before mentioned 
 in the notes, page 211 ; fcems to allude, in the following lines., ?.'.:. 
 
 " Sed femel hie rumor mendax clamavit ad arma, 
 
 " Incola cui nimhim credulus omnis erat. 
 " Hcec male-fans die fuit acla tragaedia quadam, 
 
 " Cum convenerunt undique turba frequensj 
 t{ Scilicet ut major ueret commotus in urbe, 
 
 ** Notioret mutis rumor ubique foret, 
 " Ufquc adeo fuit hac confufus in urbs tumultus, 
 
 " Ut neque tuncleges, ordo nee ullus erat. 
 " Hie removere fua intlanti properabat ab hofte, 
 
 " Ille nihil contra juflit aburbevchi; 
 " Sed quodcunque fibi voluit dementia tails, 
 
 " Hsec damno multisefl memoranda dies: 
 :c Vefpere fed tandem fuit hoc ftratagema dcteftum, 
 
 " Fiibula titoc iilana fmiit ada disnt" 
 
 But 
 
470 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA, 
 
 1706. tation, confequent thereon, threw many of the 
 people into very great fright arid confternation, in- 
 fomuch that it is faid, forne threw their plate and 
 mofl valuable effects down their wells and little- 
 houfes; that others hid -themfelves, in the bed 
 manner they could, while many retired further up 
 the river, with what they could mod readily carry 
 off; fo that fonie of the creeks feemed full of bpats ? 
 and fmall craft; thofe of a larger fize running as 
 far as Burlington, and fome higher up the river; 
 Several women are faid to have mifcarried by the 
 fright and terror, into which they were thrown, 
 and much mifchief enfued.* 
 
 But the defign, it is faid, was fufpecled, or un- 
 derftood, by the more confederate part of the peo- 
 ple, even at the beginning; and endeavours accord- 
 ingly were ufed, to prevent its taking effect; but 
 the conduct and artifice of the Governor, with the 
 help of his numerous affiftants, and the eafy cre- 
 dulity, common to the more inconfiderate part of 
 mankind, very much fruftrated thefe endeavours, 
 till the firft tranfport of amazement had fubfided. 
 
 James Logan, the Secretary, though he was one 
 of the people called Quakers, was accufed or fufpeft- 
 ed, of being privy to the affair. He denied the 
 
 charge; 
 
 But once to zm\sfalfe rumor called here; 
 
 To which the people commonly give ear. 
 
 'Twas on a certain day the p]ot began, 
 
 Deluded crowds together madly ran : 
 
 By artful means the ftratagem was laid, 
 
 And great commotions through the city made; 
 
 So wild the tumult, and fo great the fear, 
 
 No law nor order was obferved there: 
 
 While from th' approaching foes to hafte away, 
 
 One urg'd, another orders gave to Hay- 
 
 This flrangc affair, whatever was defign'd, 
 
 For lofs to many, will be kept in mind. 
 
 The ev'ning did the plot's defign betray; 
 
 The farce was ended with the clofing day. 
 
 * It was obferved, that, in an Almanac published this year, in PLlla-- 
 Jetybia, was inferted the following diftich, oppofite to this very time, vis. 
 " Wife men wonder, good men grieve, 
 Knaves invent, and fools believe." 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 471 
 
 charge; but endeavoured to palliate the action, 1706. 
 andexcufe the Governor; which rendered him the ^-y^ 
 more fufpecled. The defign, though it had fuch a of ^""* 
 confiderable effect, turned out entirely contrary to alarm, &c. 
 the expectation of the authors and promoters of it; 
 for the people were foon undeceived; and when 
 they faw how grofsly they had been irnpofed upon, 
 many of them fo highly refented the ufage, that 
 the authors and promoters thereof were now obliged 
 to confult their own fafety from the fury of an en- 
 raged populace. 
 
 As to the Quakers , it is faid the principal part of 
 them were attending their religious meeting as 
 ufual., on that day of the week, even in the midrt 
 of the confufion; and, as if they were aware of the 
 defign, in general, behaved themielves fo far con- 
 fidently, that only four perfons, who had any pre- 
 tence to be accounted of that fociety, appeared un- 
 der arms, at the place of rendezvous, appointed on 
 the occanon. 
 
 With this action, whereby the Governor render- 
 ed himfelf odious to the generality of the inhabi- 
 tants of Philadelphia , may be mentioned the follow- 
 ing; by which he incurred, in a particular manner, 
 the difpleafure of the trading part of the province. 
 
 Soon after the Affembly of the territories had of the fort 
 met in legislation, independent of the province, *?<J o exa ^ 
 Governor Evans propofed to them the building a 
 fort at Newcajtle; upon which a law was palled &< 
 there, entitled, " An aft for erecling and maintain- 
 ing a forty for her Majeftfs fervice, at the town of 
 Newcqftle upon Delaware." This law impofed a 
 duty of half a pound of Gun-powder, for every 
 ton, that all veffels whatever, coming from the lea 
 up the river, mould meafure by the carpenters rule, 
 whofe major part was not owned by perfons refid- 
 ing on the river and bay of Delaware; (except 
 ihips of war ) and by it all veffels, both inward and 
 outward, were obliged to {top, drop anchor, and 
 
 the 
 
47 2 
 
 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 the commander to go on fhore, make report, and 
 have leave to pafs, from the commanding officer of 
 of the fort the faid fort, under penalty of paying five pounds, 
 and exac- ^ e f lc j e g twenty millings for the firll gun, thirty for 
 
 turns at J t> 7 / 
 
 Newcaftic, the iecoiid, and forty for every gun afterwards, 
 &c - that fhould be fired on the occafion, in cafe of ne- 
 
 glect, befides the forfeiture of five pounds, for 
 contempt, &c. 
 
 This law was confidered as a manifeft infraction 
 of the privileges granted by the royal charter to the 
 fettlers and inhabitants of Pennfylvania; and flill 
 more fo, from the manner in which it was put in 
 execution; for they had legally an undoubted 
 right to the free ufe of the river and bay, without 
 any interruption, obftruction or hnpcfition from 
 any quarter whatever; and the violent means which 
 confequently became neceflaryto enforce a law upon 
 fuch a defective foundation, and not even counte- 
 nanced by the law itfelf, foon became a great nui- 
 fance, and an intolerable grievance to the trading 
 part of Pcnnfyl f vania^ and others concerned in its 
 commerce. Befides, it was alledged, that the fort 
 itfelf, as it was fituated and circumflanced, had it 
 been under better management and more warrant- 
 able direction, could not poffibly be much fecurity 
 to the river, nor protection to the vefTels that might 
 happen to be chafed, or affaulted in it. 
 
 The city of Philadelphia was much concerned 
 at thefe proceedings, and the trading part thereof 
 were highly incenfed at this invafion of their jufl 
 liberties; accordingly endeavours were ufed to have 
 the affair properly redreffed, but without fuccefs. 
 
 At length Richard Hill, one of the Governor's 
 Council, a bold man, and of confiderable abilities 
 and influence in the province, together with Jfaac 
 Norris and Samuel Prcfton, all Quakers, and men 
 of the firft rank and efteem, was determined to try 
 
 to 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 47 
 
 to remove this nuifance, by a different method from 1 706. 
 any that had been yet attempted.* 
 
 [60] Hill 
 
 * Thefe three perfons being men of confulerable note and eminence, 
 either at this time, or afterwards, in the province, a fhort (ketch of their 
 character, as I find it in M. S. here follows, viz. 
 
 Richard Hill was born in Maryland, brought up to tke fea, and after- 
 wards fettled in Philadelphia, having there married the widow of John 
 Delavnl, Hannah, the eldeft daughter of the late Governor Llo d, a wo- 
 man of an excellent character, and very much efteemed and beloved. 
 He was twenty-five years a member of the Governor's Council, divers 
 times Speaker of the Aflembly, held feveral offices of truft, was, for fe- 
 veral years, firft Commiffioner of property, and, during the la ft ten years 
 of his life, he was one of the Provincial Judges. 
 
 His fervices, in the religious fociety of his friends, the ^takers, of 
 which he was, for many years, an active member, are faid likewife to have 
 been very considerable . He had by nature and acquifition fuch a conftant 
 firmnefs, as furtiifhed him with undaunted refolution, to execute what- 
 ever he undertook. His found judgment, his great efteem. for the Englljb 
 conftitution and laws, his tendernefs for the liberty of the fubjecl:, and 
 his zeal for preferving the reputable order eftablifhad in his own religious 
 community, with his great generofity to proper objects, qualified him for 
 the greateft fervices, in every ftation in which he was engaged, and ren- 
 dered him of very great and uncommon value, in the place where he 
 lived. He died in Philadelphia, on the pth. of September, 1729. 
 
 Ifaac Norris, of Philadelphia, held many public offices, with great re- 
 pution and honour; and his fervices, in the affairs of his own religious 
 community, entitled him to very high and uncommon efteem among his 
 friends the Shiaker;; in which he was a principal perfon in good offices. 
 He is faid to have been endowed with good natural abilities; which he 
 improved and applied to the benefit of mankind, as a man truly fenfible- 
 that one of the chief ends of man's exiftence is to be ufeful and beneficent 
 to the human race; which he (hewed by his uniform conduct; and that 
 to anfwer this end men are to be taken as they are, and their leiTer fail- 
 ings to be endured, where they cannot be amended; the utility of his 
 great talents wasmanifeftcd by a prudent and confluent corduct, in which 
 lie fo much the more effectually fucceeded and excelled, and that agreeable 
 to duty and a good confcience, by conilantly cherifhmg a temper and 
 difpofition of mind, which overlooks or paflcs by the many diflikes, de- 
 ficiencies and ungrateful things, in others, which are fo commonly incident 
 to mankind; ib that, by preferving through life, a chriftian moderation, 
 and an even hand, he was, on all occafions, qualified to ufe and exert his 
 abilities to more advantage : His example in this was noble and confpi- 
 cuous, and his character, in mod refpects, fo honourable among men, in 
 general, and his conduct fo univerfally beneficial, efpecially to thofe of 
 his own religious community, that he was an ornament to his country 
 and profeffion, and his death a great lofs to both; which was in the year 
 3 735 vvhen he was Chief Juftice of Pennfylvania. 
 
 Samuel Prejlon, likewife of Philadelphia, was, for a long time, one of 
 the Governor's Council, andTreafurer of the province of Pennfylvania ; 
 which offices he difcharged with much honor and fidelity. He was a 
 man of great integrity to what he believed was his duty; his conduct 
 in life, very inftructive, and his practice a continual feries of good offi- 
 ces. He was a perfon of fuch remarkable benevolence, and open dif- 
 
 pofi&ion 
 
474 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1706. Hill had a vefiel, named the Philadelphia; then 
 \~s*v*^ loaded and juft going out, to fea; but doubting of 
 Account of his captain's refolution to pafs the fort, without iub- 
 
 the fort and i . r t i ~ 
 
 exadionsat nutting to the impofition, he, m company with the 
 Newcafiie, other two, went in the veiTel down the river, and 
 dropt anchor a little before they came to the fort; 
 Norris and Prefton went on fhore, to inform the 
 officers, at the fort, that the vefTel was regularly 
 cleared; and to ufe fuch perfwafion, as they were 
 capable of, that fhe might pafs without interrup- 
 tion, &c. but to no purpofe: H/77, therefore, tak- 
 ing command of the Hoop, flood to the helm, and 
 parled the fort, without receiving any damage, 
 though the firing was kept up till he was clear; 
 and the guns were pointed in fuch a direction, that 
 a fhot went through the mainfail. As foon as the 
 floop was got clear of the fort, John French, the com- 
 mander of it, put off in a boat, manned and arm- 
 ed, in order to bring her to, in that manner; when 
 he came along fide, Hill ordered a rope to be 
 thrown him, upon which they faftened the boat, 
 and French went on board; the rope was then im- 
 mediately cut, and the boat falling a ftern, French 
 was conducted a prifoner to the cabin ; who, 
 now feeing his fituation, pleaded his indifpofition 
 of body: upon which Hill afked him, " If that 
 u tfj really the cafe^ why did he come there? Lord 
 
 Cornbury^ 
 
 .pofition of mind, as rendered advice and reproof, from him, the more 
 acceptable and ferviceable; and being of a fair and clean character, good 
 judgment, and fuitable prefence of mind, his ufefulnefs, in that capacity, 
 was the more extenfive and fuccefsful. He was a very valuable mem- 
 ber ot fociety, among his friends, the Quakers y undertaking and per- 
 forming many difficult offices and iocial duties therein, with great chtar- 
 fulnefs, alacrity and utility; and was highly efteemed by them, as an 
 elder, who ruled well in his fecial capacity^ and was worthy of double 
 honor. He died in September, 1743. aged about eighty years. 
 
 The worth of wife and virtuous men is ineftimable, and their lofs to 
 the community, not eafily repaired. It is to be regretted, that frequently 
 their great value and importance are not fufficiently feen, or underilood 
 and attended to, till after we are deprived of them, and can no longer 
 4 be benefited by their prefence and fociety, &c, 
 
 " Virtutem incohimem odimus; 
 
 Sublata-m ex oculis, ejuenmus, invidi," 
 
 HORAT. 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 475 
 
 Cornbury, Governor of New-Jerfey, and as fuch 1706. 
 claiming to be Vice Admiral of the river Delaware, ^^/^u 
 happened, at that time, to be at Salem, a little Account of 
 
 i cv r -TJ r ' the fort and 
 
 lower down, on the jtrfey fide or the river; to exa aionsat 
 him the prifoner was brought, to give an account Newcaftie, 
 of his conduct. In this place, after French, in a 
 coarfe manner, had been fufficiently reprimanded 
 by Lord Cornbury, upon a fuitable fubmiffion and 
 promifes made, he was at length difmiffed, but 
 not without marks of derifion from fome of the 
 attendants. 
 
 This put a finiming ftroke to thefe proceedings 
 at the fort of Newcaftie; and thus ended the enter- 
 prize; in which Hill's friends, efpecially his anxi- 
 ous wife, a perfon of note and high efteem, who, 
 at Philadelphia, heard the report of the guns, could 
 not but be particularly concerned, fearing left his 
 refolution mould be attended with bad confequen- 
 ces: but they were foon agreeably relieved from 
 their apprehenfions of that kind; and his conduct 
 in this affair, made an open way for others. 
 
 But Richard Hill did not fuffer the affair to reft 
 here ; for, accompanied by a large number of the 
 inhabitants of Philadelphia, he attended the Gene- 
 ral Affembly; and, by petition, m fuch manner, 
 laid the affair before them, that it produced an acf- 
 drefs to the Governor, from the Houfe, without fo 
 much as one diffenting vote, dated the i oth. of May, 
 1707, highly refenting thefe proceedings, on the 
 river Delaware, and at Newcaftie, which I do not 
 find were afterwards continued.* 
 
 The 
 
 * This addrefs was as follows, viz. 
 
 " To John Evans, Efqinre, by the Queen's royal approbation, Lieute- 
 nant Governor of the province of Pennfylvania t and of the three 
 lower counties of NeivcafiL', Kent and Sujfix, on Delaware river. 
 
 " The humble AdJrefs of the Reprefentatives of the freemen of the 
 faid province, in General Affembly met, the loth, day of the month 
 called May, 1707, fheweth, 
 
 " THAT a petition of above two hundred and twenty of the merchants 
 and other inhabitants of the fuid province, but moftly of the citv of 
 having been prefented to this Houfe, complaining of very 
 
476 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1706. The aft of Aflembly, for eftablifhing courts of 
 
 v^-\^o judicature, in the province, in the year 1701, hav- 
 
 of the bill ing been repealed by the crown, the Governor, in 
 
 of^Cc rts, or( j er to f u ppiy tne intention of that act, for the 
 
 regulation of courts, recommended to the confide- 
 
 ration 
 
 great abu r cs and opprefiions, \vbich fome of the inhabitants of the county 
 of Nett'cafle have committed upon feveral of thefe petitioners, by colour 
 of a certain ordinance, or a6t of Aflembly, lately pafled thereby the laid 
 Lieutenant Governor, and Reprefentatives of the freemen of the faid 
 three lover counties, entitled " An afj jor erecl'/nyand ir.aintai;iing a fort 
 for her Mn : ,ejlys fer*o\ce, at the town rf Neivc ajlle upon Delaware;*' which 
 aA. as alfo tt.e fevtral affidavits, relating to the matter complained o f , 
 being read, we thought proper, in the firft place, to confuler the royal 
 charter of the iate Kiner Charles the fecond, te the Proprietary, bearing 
 date tht fourth day ot March, in the three and thirtieth year of his reign, 
 \\hcrebv tht fre" and uiviitUirbed ufe and continuance in, and paffage 
 Tinro, ar.d out of. all the ports, harbours, bays, \vaters, rivers, ifles and 
 inien's belonging unto, or leading to, or from this country, with the other 
 powers :.nd liberties, mentioned in the laid petition, are granted to the 
 Proprietary and inhabitants of this province, as the petitioners fet forth; 
 ana vvt- further rblcrvt that by the faid charter, the Queen's liege people 
 of this province are to befubjed to no laws, but fuch as are confonantto 
 reafon, and as near as may be, agreeable to the laws, ftatutes and rights 
 of the kingdom of England 
 
 " In the next place we have infpe&ed the late Duke of York's deeds of 
 feoffmc-nt to the Proprietary, for the faid three lower counties, as'alfo 
 the late King Charles the fecond's grant to the Duke, for the fame lands; 
 and when we call to mir.d how the Rcprefentatives of the lower counties 
 broke off, and refufed to proceed legislatively, in conjunction with the 
 Reprefentatives of the province, under the Proprietary's adminiftration; 
 but how far they can be juftified in making laws to raife money on 
 the Queen's fubje&s in this government, we intend Ihall be further 
 confidcred hereafter; hi the mean time we fhall infift that the liberty of 
 the free ufe, and paffage to, and out of, the ports of this province, granted 
 us by the above recited royal charter, is well warranted by the laws of 
 England; and that no impofition can, by any a<5t, or ordinance, made at 
 Neivcajlle, be laid upon any veffel, bound to, or from, any port in this 
 province, which doth not unload at feme key, or place, within the faid 
 lower counties; and we conceive, that upon a ftridt examination of their 
 faid act of Affc'mbly, it will moft evidently appear, that the veflels not 
 bound to, c.r out of, fome port or place there, cannot legally be obliged 
 to comply with the impofitions of the faid aft. 
 
 " Therefore this houfe, having fully and maturely weighed the nature 
 of the faid a6t, and the ufe that is, and has been made of it, found them- 
 felves obliged, in duty to the Queen, and juftice to the people they re- 
 prefent, to come to the following refolutions, N. C. D. 
 
 *' Firft y That it is the opinion of this Houfe, that the faid acT: of Aflem- 
 bly m'ght be by the Governor, intended for the Queen's fervice, and fecu- 
 rity of her fubjedts, yet the manner of putting the fame in execution proves 
 an apparent violation of the fuid royal charter, as well as the common 
 and itatute laws of England, and is deflrudlive to trade, and tends to the 
 depopulating and ruin of this province. 
 
 " Secondly, That it is the opinion of this Houfe, that the firing of fhot 
 at the flccp Philadelphia, in the feveral affidavits mentioned, when (he 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 477 
 
 ration of the Houfe, the draught of a bill, which 1706. 
 he had prepared for that purpofe, as being better, 
 and more mitably adapted, than the aft v/hich had 
 been repealed. This the Aifembly not only re- 
 jected, but drew up one themfelves, inftead of it, 
 fo widely different, that the Governor and they 
 were not able to agree to certain particulars con- 
 tained in it; which were ailed ged by the Governor, 
 as tending to "break in upon the Proprietary* s powers 
 of government, or his juft inter eft;" and, after much 
 difpute and altercation, and time fpent to no pur- 
 pole, the Governor proceeded, by an ordinance, 
 in fuch cafe provided in the royal charter, to open 
 the courts of juftice, till further, or better provi- 
 fion and regulation Ihould be made by act of Af- 
 
 fembly. 
 
 j 
 
 The Houfe being difappointed in not carrying 
 their point, in the manner they defired, were very heads thc 
 much chagrined. They were headed by David Affe 
 Lloyd, their Speaker, as before mentioned, a per- 
 fon of good efteem and character among the peo- 
 ple, and who had been brought up to the law; but 
 through mofl of his public conduct, appears to 
 have diflinguimed himfelf in nothing fo much, as 
 
 by 
 
 was duly cleared, at this port of Philadelphia, as the acts of navigation 
 direct, and had the Governor's Lci-pafs, and upon her voyage to Barba- 
 Joes, is not warranted by the faid act of Affembiy; but that thofe, who 
 fired at the faid floop, after they had notice what Ihe was, and how {he 
 was cleared, ought te be profecuted, as perfons committing hoftilities 
 againft the Qneen's liege people. 
 
 " Thirdly, That it is the opinion of this Houfe, that, in cafe the matter 
 of the faid floop had been liable to pay either Powder-money* or other 
 mu?fls* impofed by the faid a<5t, yet the forcing him out of the veffel, and 
 imprifoning him, when fecurity was offered, for anfwering the fuppofed 
 offence, is not warranted by the faid act, but ismoft illegal and arbitrary. 
 
 " We, having thus presented our opinion of the faid ad, entrort, that 
 thou wouldft ufe the moft effectual methods to put a fpeedy ftop to the 
 faid exorbitant practices, great abufes and oppreffions, mentioned in the 
 faid petition (a copy whereof we humbly lay before thee;) and that the 
 authors of thefe arbitrary actions and oppreffions complained of, may be 
 profecuted according to law, and be no longer permitted to abufe the 
 Queen's authority, and (tand in open defiance of her royal Uncle's grant, 
 obttruct our lawful commerce, and invade our liberties, rights and pro- 
 perties, and under the pretence of fortifying the river, for the fervice of 
 the Queen, commit hoftilities and depredations upon her liege people.*' 
 
4/5 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1706. by his conflant oppofition to the claims of the Pro- 
 ~v^v~v-' prietary. Having failed in this their conteit with 
 Againft the Governor, the Aflembly, in the next place, 
 5 ames Lo " were determined, if poiiible, to take their revenge 
 on the Secretary, James Logan, \vho was alfo one 
 of the Council; and they accordingly pointed the 
 force of their refentment againft him; whom they 
 regarded, in great meafure, as the caufe of their 
 miicarriage, in the bill of courts, and of much or 
 the mifunder (landing between them and the Go- 
 vernor. 
 
 "James Logan was a man of confiderable under- 
 
 ftanding and abilities, perhaps exceeded by few* 
 
 james LO- or none, in the province; he efpoufed and firmly 
 
 ports JKfcppdrtecl the Proprietary's interefl, and had great 
 
 Propricta- influence in the Council; but to perfons of inferior 
 
 reft, &T. tC ~ abilities and lefs acquirements, he is reprefented by 
 
 fome, not always to have conducted himfelf in that 
 
 courteous and condefcending manner, which gains* 
 
 refpecl, and is an ornament to, fuperior parts; 
 
 which rendered him fomewhat unpopular, and 
 
 fometimes provoked his enemies to carry their ani- 
 
 mofuy againfc him to unwarrantable extremes.* 
 
 The 
 
 * " Jamrs Logan was defcended of a family originally from Scotland; 
 where, in the troubles of that country, occafioned by the affair of Earl 
 Gaturie^ in the reign of panics the VI. his grandfather, Robert Logan, 
 was deprived of a confiderable eftate; in cor.fcquenceof which his father, 
 Patrick Logan, bciflgifi reduced circumstances, removed into Ireland, and 
 fixed his reildence at Ltirgan, the place of his fon James's birth. Patrick 
 Lo%an had the benefit of a good education, in the univerfity of Edinburgh; 
 v.'here he commenced maicer of arts; but afterwards joined in religious 
 fociety with the Quakers. This, his fon, James Logan, being endowed 
 with a good genius, and favoured with a fuitable education, made con- 
 fiderable proficiency in divers branches of learning and fcience; after 
 which he went to England; from whence, in the year 1699, and about the 
 25 th. ef his age, he removed to Pennfyevania, in company with William 
 Pcnn, in his latter voyage to America; and, in 1701, he was, by commif- 
 fion from the Proprietary, appointed Secretary of the province, and 
 Clerk of the Council for the fame. 
 
 His life was afterwards much employed in public a/Fair?: The depart- 
 ment Allotted him, in the time of the Oovcrnors, Evans and Goo/tin, ex- 
 pofcd him to much altercation with David Lloyd, then at the head of the 
 Aflembly, as Speaker, and a large number that joined him. He adhered 
 to what was deemed the proprietary intereil; and .exerted himfelf with 
 
 jrreat 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 479 
 
 The province appears to have exhibited fome- 1706. 
 thing of the nature of party, from its early inftitu- v^v^-/ 
 tion, even, in fome, who flrongly profefled more 
 noble and generous motives of conduct. Party 
 fpirit, the offspring of narrow and felfifli views, is 
 deeply interwoven in human nature; of which, 
 perhaps, it is inipoflible to be wholly diverted. p ar ty fpirit 
 But as the human paffions are only injurious, when oniyinjuri- 
 they are not kept under proper reftriction and go- extreme. 1 C 
 vernment, fo it is the extreme alone of party de- 
 fign, which, in reality, is fo pernicious to human 
 fociety; while its moderate exertion excites a 
 
 drifter 
 
 great fidelity to it. He held the feveral offices of Provincial Secretary, 
 CommifTioner of property, Chief Juitice, and for near two years, govern- 
 d the province, as President of the Council. 
 
 Many years hefore his death he retired pretty much from the hurry and 
 incumbrance of public affairs, and fpent the latter part of his time, prin- 
 cipally at StJKton, his country feat, near Germantotvn, about five or fix 
 miles from Philadelphia; where he enjoyed, among his books, that leifure 
 in which men of letters take delight, and correfponded with the literati 
 in different parts of Europe. He was v/ell verfed in both ancient and 
 modern learning, acquainted with the oriental tongues, a mafler of the 
 Latin, Greek, French and Italian languages; deeply fkilled in the Mathe- 
 matics, and in natural and moral philofophy; as feveral pieces of h;s own 
 writing, in Latin, &c. demonftrate; fome of which have gone through 
 divers impreflions, in different parts of Europe, and are highly eileemed: 
 Among his productions of this nature, his Expcrimcnia Melttcmata dt 
 plant arum generaiione, or his Experiments on the Indian corn, or Maize of 
 America, with his obfervations ar.fing therefrom, on the generation of 
 plants, pubiifhed in Latin, at Leyden, in 1739, and afterwards, in 1747, 
 republifhed in London, with an Englijb verfion on the oppofite page, by 
 Dr. J. Fothergill, are both curious and ingenious. Along with this piece 
 was iikewife printed, in Latin, at Lcyden, another treatife, by the fame 
 author, entitled, " Canonum pro i-veniendis refraflionutn, turn Jtaftieittm^ 
 turn in lentibus duplicium focis, demonjlrationes geometries " " Antore Jacola 
 Loffan, *judii.e ftthremu et Prtsjide provincitjf Penjll*vanierjls, in America?* 
 And, in his old age, he tranilated Cicero s excellent treatife, Defencfiute; 
 which, with his explanatory notes, was printed in Philadelphia t with a 
 preface or encomium, by Benjamin Franklin, afterwards Dr. Franklin, of 
 that city, in 1744. He was one of the people called Quakers, and died 
 on the 3 ill. of O&ober, 1751* aged about 77 years; leaving, as a mo- 
 nument of his public fpirit and benevolence to the people of Pennfylvania, 
 a library; which he had been fifty years in collecting; (fmce called the 
 Lnganiun Library] intending it for the common ufe and benefit of all lovers 
 of learning. It was faid to contain the belt editions of the beft books, in 
 various languages, arts and fciences, and to be the largeft, and by far the 
 moft valuable, collection of the kind, at that time, in this part of the 
 world. 
 
 He had feveral children, who furv.'ved him; of whom his cldeft fon 
 William i lately decealed, -was many years a member of the Governor 'A 
 Council, 
 
480 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1706. drifter attention to men's real interefts, and under 
 ^/v^/ proper management and direction., becomes fubfer- 
 vient to the more effectual fecurity of the public 
 good. 
 
 The nature and length of this, and other difputes, 
 
 with the diflike and odium, which forne parts of 
 
 TheAfiem- tne Governor's private conducl, are faid to have 
 
 c^wi'iKe created, in the more fober part of the inhabitants, 
 
 Governor's by his frequently deicending below the dignity of 
 
 condua, j^ g fl- at j on;> - m midnight revels, and low frolicks of 
 
 youthful folly, very much leflened his authority, 
 
 and raifed the fpirit of party to a higher degree, 
 
 than had been known before. The confequence of 
 
 which was, what is generally that of all extremes, 
 
 the product of things more or lefs indefenfible, on 
 
 both fides: a detail of which proceedings, as they 
 
 are publifhed in the journals, or votes of the houfe 
 
 of Aflembly of thoie times, would be too tedious 
 
 here to be minutely ftated. They produced a 
 
 They im- number of accufations againft the Secretary; which 
 
 Secrcta/ he tne Aflembly ftiled articles of impeachment. Upon 
 
 thefe the Aflembly took meaiures to impeach him in 
 
 form, before the Governor, as an evil counfellor, 
 
 and guilty of high mifdemeanors ; But through 
 
 the Governor's management and protection, they 
 
 But are dif- were not a ^^ e ^ or tne prefeiit, to effecl any thing 
 
 appointed, further againft him ; and there is on record his pe- 
 
 &c * tition to the Governor and Council, requefting that 
 
 Votes of proper meafures mould be taken to clear his cha- 
 
 Affembiy, racier from the falfe reprefentations, and grofs 
 
 &Ct abufes of the AfTembly, by a fair trial. 
 
 TheAfiem- ^ le Aflembly, being thus repulfed, in refpecl 
 bi y intend to Jamas Logan^ were itill more exafperated ; and 
 
 to get the f o j-Quch W ere they difpleafed with the Governor's 
 
 Cinvi rnor * * 
 
 Governor 
 
 removed, conducl, that they were determined to endeavour 
 to have him removed. His public adminiilration 
 was not only diiagreeable to them, in his manner 
 of acl'ing for his principal's intereil, but alfo the 
 example of his private conducl: was much complain- 
 ed 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 48 
 
 ed of, as having a bad influence and effect on the I77* 
 morals of many of the people. 
 
 For this purpofe, therefore, in the fummer of 
 the year 1707, the Aflembly drew up a remon- 
 ftrance to the Proprietary, containing a catalogue 
 of the particulars of his mal-adminiftration, or 
 which they efteemed to be fuch, with a complaint 
 againft James Logan ; the principal of which have 
 already been mentioned: In this rernonftrance, 
 after having reminded the Proprietary of their for- 
 mer complaints, in the year 1704, they further re- 
 prefent: 
 
 The Lieutenant Governor's abominable and un- Heads of 
 
 .,_.,,,.,. ./-. the rem 
 
 warrantable conduct with the Indians? on a vint to ft ran ce. 
 them, at Coneftogoe. 
 
 His refufing to pafs the bill of courts, without 
 their agreeing to his amendments; though they 
 only left two of his objections unremoved; and 
 his fetting up courts by his ordinance. 
 
 His refufal to try the Secretary, upon their im- 
 peachment, by quefdoning his own authority to 
 judge, and their's to impeach, in the method they 
 propofed. 
 
 His impofition on the trade of the province, by 
 means of the lav/ paffed at Newca/lle; whereby he 
 unjuilly exacted large fums of the people; with 
 the abufes and confequences of the faid law. 
 
 Certain unjuftifiable and oppreflive proceedings, 
 refpecting the militia, which he had formed, ac- 
 cording to his proclamation before mentioned. 
 
 His refufing to pafs a bill, in the year 1704, to 
 explain and confirm the charter of the city of Phi- 
 ladelphia; The multiplying of taverns and ale- 
 houfes, in the city, as nurferies of vice, by his 
 means ; and his impofing licences on the keepers of 
 thofe houfes, without law, or precedent. 
 
 His 
 
 [61] 
 
482 HISTORY or PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1707. His refufingto pafs a bill, in 1704, for explain- 
 v^v^ ing and confirming the charter of privileges of the 
 Heads f province ; his rejecting the people's choice of She- 
 Lance! '" riff an d Coroner, for the city and county of Phila- 
 delphia, in faid year, contrary to the faid charter : 
 His licencing feveral taverns and ale-houfes in Phi- 
 ladelphia^ againft, and without the recommendation 
 of, the city magiflrates; with his fending a meflage 
 to difmifs the Affembly, on their complaining of his 
 conduct, againft the form and effect of faid char- 
 ter, and known ufage, &c. 
 
 His appropriating certain monies to his own ufe 
 which the Aflembly intended otherwife; and his 
 fecreting the objections of the lords of trade to cer- 
 tain laws which had been repealed; whereby they 
 fell again into the fame error. 
 
 The project and confequences of thefalfe alarm, 
 before mentioned. 
 
 The arbitrary exaction of twelve millings from 
 every mailer of a veflel, outward bound, for a let- 
 pafs, notwithftanding their being cleared, according 
 to the acts of navigation. 
 
 His permitting French Papifts to trade with, and 
 refide among, the Indians, and their wicked beha- 
 viour among them. 
 
 His granting a commiffion for privateering, in 
 1706. 
 
 His beating and evilly treating Solomon CreJJon, 
 the Conflable, for doing his duty at a tavern, in 
 one of his midnight revels ; though he knew not 
 that the Governor was there. 
 
 His excefles and debaucheries, to the great en- 
 couragement of wickednefs, and weakening the 
 hands of the magiftrates, by his ill example, &c. 
 
 And 
 
 Note. About the year 1707, Vincent Caldwell, Thomas Wiclxrman, 
 Joel Bailey, Thomas Hope, Guyan Miller, and other Friends, or 9ug- 
 ters, fettled in Kennet, Chefter county. M, S. 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 483 
 
 And againft the Secretary, James Logan, it was 1707. 
 alledged, v^'-^' 
 
 Heads of 
 
 That he knew the above mentioned alarm was t he remon- 
 falfe; but, inflead of ufmg fuch means, as were in ftrai * ce - 
 his power, to prevent it, he, by his conduct, un- 
 der pretence of coming at the truth of the affair, 
 made it worfe. 
 
 That, as Commiilioner of Property, to manage 
 the Proprietary's land affairs, he had detained cer- 
 tain deeds, for lands, from the owners unjuftly; 
 and to fome perfons, denied patents for their lands, 
 to which they were entitled. 
 
 That he had appointed wood-rangers, at large, 
 over the located lands of the inhabitants, in com- 
 mon with thofe of the Proprietary; for which he 
 had no right; in which accordingly they took up 
 ftrays, &c. in an indifcriminate manner; which 
 ought to have been reftricted folely to the Proprie- 
 tary's lands. 
 
 Thefe are called by the AfTembly, in this remon- 
 ftrance, part of their many grievances ; which was 
 fent to their agents, George White head, William 
 Mead and Thomas Lower, in London ; with a very 
 angry letter, to be communicated to the Proprie- 
 tary. 
 
 The Governor, getting intelligence of what was The Ga _ 
 going forward, in the Aflembly, by a meffage to vemor de- 
 the Houfe, required them to lay before him, the man ^ YhL" 
 addrefs or reprefentation, which he was informed, reprefenta- 
 they intended to fend to England; and that they tio . n> but in 
 fhould not prefume to fend any thing of that na- 
 ture out of the government, till the fame had been 
 ' fully communicated to him, according to juftice, 
 and the practice of other governments. This had 
 no effect with them; and the Affembly adjourned 
 to the 23d. of September. 
 
 On the firfl of October, at the anniverfary elec- 
 tion, the choice of Reprefentatives, in Affembly., 
 
 falling. 
 
484 HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1707. falling moflly on the fame perfons, as in the prece- 
 
 ^~^w> ding year, confequently but little of moment was 
 
 The dif- Jone in the public affairs of the government, be- 
 
 k tsv% t r*^ ^f r 
 
 continue. ' fides the continuation of the former dilutes and 
 altercations, refpecting the bill of courts, and the 
 other obnoxious parts of the Governor's admini- 
 flration; whence both fides became more untraft- 
 able, and lefs difpofed to unite in any -ialu.t2.ry pur- 
 pofe, for the public good. 
 
 But it is obferved, refpe&ing thefe proceedings, 
 that, though the parties were very free with each 
 other's conduct, yet, they are faid moflly to have 
 kept within the rules of decency and order; and, 
 in all their differences, both parties, in the ftrong- 
 efl terms, profeifed their fmcerefl defires and inten- 
 tions thereby, for thefervice of their country; and 
 that they had nothing fo much in view, in thefe 
 proceedings, as the real and belt advantage of the 
 community.* 
 
 In 
 
 * The names of the Members of this AfTembly, elected Oclober, 1707, 
 were: 
 
 for Philadelphia county. For Buds county* For Cbfftcr county. 
 
 David Lloydj Sfcaler, Henry Paxon, Francis Chadds, 
 
 John Roberts, Samuel Darke, William Smith, 
 
 Griffith Jones, Jhn Swift, Samuel Levis, 
 
 Francis Rawle, William Paxon, Richard Hayes, 
 
 Tofeph Wilcoxj Thomas Hiiborn, John Hood, 
 
 Robert Jones, William Biles, William Garret, 
 
 Jofhua Carpenter, Ezra Croafdale, John Bethel, 
 
 Satnuel P>.ichardfon. Samuel Beaks. Evan Lewis. 
 
 City of Philadelphia. 
 Francis Cooke, William Lee. 
 
 Among the names of the Members of Council, in the year 1708, ap 
 2ear to be : 
 
 Edward Shippen, George Roch, 
 
 Jofeph Grow don, Joleph Pidgeon, 
 
 Samuel Carpenter, Samuel Finny, 
 Thomas Story, Griffith Owen, 
 
 Caleb Pufey, J^fper Yeats, 
 
 William Trent, James Logan. 
 
 Richard Hill, 
 
 .To thefe, in March 1709, were added, Ifaac Norris, Samuel Prefton, 
 Captain Anthony Palmer. 
 
 Not:. Thomas Story was alib keeper of the great foal, and Mailer of 
 the Roils. 
 James Logan likewife Secretary and Clerk of the Council* 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 48$ 
 
 In this (late continued the affairs of the province 
 till the beginning of the year, 1709, when the Af- 
 fembly's complaints to the Proprietary having 
 proved effec~hv.il,. Governor Evans was removed by Govern- 
 from the admimftration, and Charles Gookin flic- or Gookin - 
 ceeded him, in the government. 
 
 - It appears not improbable, but that the Proprie- T h e p ro - 
 tary for fome time paft, mufl have been under no prietaryun- 
 fmall uneafmefs and difficulty, refpecling his pro- t yaboutthu 
 vince : For his great generofity and expence, in time, &u 
 fettling it, with his other a&s of beneficence, and 
 the attention due to fuch a feries of conduct, had 
 fo far impaired his eftate, in Europe, and involved 
 him in debt, that, in the year 1708, in order to 
 pay the fame, he borrowed from certain of his 
 friends, a large fum of money; 'for which he 
 mortgaged the province.* 
 
 Befides, 
 
 * Anderfon (before mentioned in the notes) under the year, 1715, ob- 
 ferves, viz. 
 
 " Ever Gnce the proprietary colonies began to be very confiderable, i.e. 
 Unce the death of King Charle>s the fecond, and more efpecialiy fmce tha 
 revolution, anno 1688, both King William's and Queen Ann's councils 
 and miniftries forefaw the great confequence it would be to the crown and 
 kingdom, to buy off the Lords Proprietaries of Colonies, before they 
 Ihould grow too powerful; and frequent treaties were held with them by 
 the minifters of the crown, for that end; particularly with the truly great 
 Mr. William Penn, for the pur chafe of his fine province of Pennsylvania-. 
 His demand was 30,000, and Q^jeen A nne, in council, referred that 
 demand to the Lords Commiilioncrs cf trade and plantations; whofc re- 
 port w?s referred by the Queen, to the Lords Commiflioners of the- 
 Treafury; foon after wh'ch an agreement was made with Mr. Pcn;i, lor f 
 
 iz,ooo, for the faid province; but, he being foon after feized with an. 
 apoplexy, which difabled him to execute the lame, a flop was put to tha$ 
 bargain; until, by the Queen's order, a bill, in Parliament, fnould be 
 prepared for that end. Whilft that bill was depending, Mr. jrfiua Get 
 and others, who were mortgagees, under the faid Mr. Penn, petitioned 
 the Houfa of Commons for relief; wherein they reprefented that Mr. 
 Penn having purchaled of the Indians their title to that country, had by 
 his induftry and great charge, improved the country and eftablilhed con- 
 fiderable colonies therein, whereby he had very much impared his eftate, 
 in Europe; and that, in the year, 1708, to clear a debt contracted for fet- 
 tling and improving the fdid colonies, he had borrowed of the faid mort- 
 gagees 6,600, to whom he had mortgaged the faid province, and all 
 the powers of government." 
 
 Note. The names of the mortgagees were, " Henry GoulJney of London,, 
 Jojbtia Gee, Silvanus Grove, John Woods, of the fame place; and Tbo~ 
 mas Calloivbill, Thomas Oade and Jfffry Pintail, of Briftol, and Johr. 
 field of Lwdgpi aad 'Tbetnas Cvfbavt of Lawk't^vn, io Irdanst." M. S-; 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 1709. Befides, it cannot be fuppofed, but that the na- 
 o^v^/ ture of the difputes between the Aflembly and his 
 The Pro- Deputy Governor, at the fame time, could not 
 ittTto^tf- have been agreeable to him, for, notwithstanding 
 pofe of the w hat appears to have been amifs, or defective in the 
 conduct of the latter, it was then vifible, and more 
 
 fo 
 
 e, In a manufcript, figncd Pbiladtlfinu t appearing to have been writ 
 about the fourth year of Governor Gordon's adminiftration, for a par- 
 ticular purpofe, by James Logan, is the following obfervation, -y/z. 
 
 . n" When the Proprietor, by the fraud of a treacherous fteward, 
 was obliged to mortgage the Province, the Truflees of that mortgage, 
 with his concurrence, appointed fiveperfons, in whofe character they were 
 bed fatisfied, viz. Ed-ward Shippen, Samuel Carpenter > Richard Hill, Jfaac 
 Norris and Jamts Logan, to be their comniifiioners, or agents. And the 
 Proprietor, in a full confidence in the fame perfons, appointed them, with 
 one more, to be truftees alfo of his will. Not long after this, the two 
 firft died) and the other three continued to difcharge ".he truft, they had 
 undertaken," &c. M. S. 
 
 Oldmixon, in his account of the Britifh colonies, published in 1708, 
 fays, < We fhall not enter into any enquiries into the caufes of the trou- 
 ble, that has been given Mr. Penn lately, about the province of Penn* 
 fyl-yania; it appears to us, by what we have heard of it from others, for 
 from himfelf we never had any information concerning it, that he has 
 been involved in it, by his bounty to the Indians, his generofity, in mind- 
 ing the public affairs of the colony, more than his own private ones; his 
 humanity to thofe, who have not made fuitable returns; his confidence 
 in thofe, that have betrayed him; and the rigour of the fevcrefk equity, 
 a word, that borders the neareft to injuftice of any. 'Tis certainly the 
 duty of this colony to maintain the Proprietary, who has laid out his Ally 
 for the maintenance of them, in the poffeflion of his territory ; and the 
 public, in gratitude, ought to make good what they reap the benefit of. 
 This is all faid out of juflice to the merit of this gentleman, otherwife 
 it would have been without his confent. 
 
 The fame author mentions the names of the Members of Council, 
 and of the perfons in office, in Governor Evans's adminiftration, as fol- 
 lows: 
 
 The Council confiftedof: 
 
 Edward Shippen, Richard Hill, 
 
 Samuel Carpenter, William Rodney, 
 
 William Trent, Caleb Pufey, and 
 
 Thomas Story, James Legan. 
 
 Jofeph Growdon, Speaker of the Affembly. 
 
 Thomas Story, Mailer of the Rolls. 
 
 William Clark, Edward Shippen, Jofeph Growdon, William Gueft, 
 Judges. 
 
 Colonel Robert Quarry, Judge cf the Admiralty. 
 
 Samuel Carpenter, Treafurer. 
 
 James Logan, Government's Secretary. 
 
 R. Lowther, Attorney- General. 
 
 Peter Evans, Regifter. Edward Penington, late Surveyor General. 
 
 Robert AjhtQn, Clerk of the Peace, for the town and county of Phi* 
 ladelphia. 
 
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 487 
 
 fo afterwards, in part of the tranfa&ions of fome 
 of thefe AiTemblies, that a difcontented and fa&i- 
 ous difpofition, or party, was increafmg in the pro- 
 vince, againft his intereil, endeavouring to divide 
 that, in appearance, which, in reality, was one, 
 and ought never to be feparated, not even in idea; 
 tending to render the government uneafy to him, 
 and under views, or pretence of gaining more pri- 
 vileges and liberties to endanger thofe, which they 
 had : This, it is certain, would have been the cafe, 
 at that time, had the Proprietary made ufe of thofe 
 means, which were then abfolutely in his power, 
 to terminate his difficulties, to his prefent advan- 
 tage, but, moft probably, unfavourable to the 
 views of thofe who oppofed him, by his difpofing 
 of the government to the crown; to which his 
 private circumftances, the folicitations of the mi- 
 niftry, and this conduct in the province, fo much 
 incited him.* 
 
 * " In the year 1707, he was unhappily involved in a fuit of law with 
 the executors of a perfon, who had been formerly his fleward; againft 
 whofe demands he thought both confcience and juftice required his endea- 
 vours to defend himfelf. But his caufe (though many thought him ag- 
 grieved) was attended with fuch circumftances, as that the Court of 
 Chancery did not think it proper to relieve him; wherefore he was obli- 
 ged to dwell in the Old Baily within the rules of the Fleet t fome part 
 both of this, and the next enfuing year, until fuch time, as the matter, 
 .in difpute, was accommodated." 
 
 Penns Hfe t in Ins printed works* 
 
 END OF THE FIRST 
 

 INDEX 
 
 tO THE 
 
 Hiftory of Pennfylvania 
 
 VOLUME I. 
 
 Anno. Preface dedicatory to the inhabitants of Page. 
 
 Pennfylvania, refpe&ing the defign, 
 materials and fubject of the work; with 
 obfervations, &c. 3 to if 
 
 INT RODUCTION, Part Ift. Containing 
 
 Memoirs of the life of William Penn, 
 prior to his founding the province of 
 Pennfylvania. 19 to 27 
 
 Account of the rife, religious fyftem and 
 practice, or manners^ of the people 
 called Quakers. 27 to 8 1 
 
 Memoirs of William Penn's life continu- 
 ed till about the timeof the grant and 
 fettlementof Pennfylvania. 81 to 
 
 INTRODUCTION, Part lid. Containing 
 
 A fummary of the ancient Virginia, &c. 
 with the fettlement, government and 
 proceedings of the Dutch and Swedes, 
 on Hudfon, or North river, and on 
 
 [62] 
 
49 Index. 
 
 Anno. the bay and river of Delaware, &c. Page. 
 
 including the firft rife of the colony 
 of Maryland, &c. 103 to 121 
 
 Gonqueft and capture of New-Netherland 
 from the Dutch by the Englifh; 
 with the rife of New- York and New^ 
 Jerfey, and the government and public 
 proceedings there, till the divifion of 
 the latter into Eaft and Weft New- 
 Jerfey, &c. 121 to 136 
 
 Firft and early fettlement, government 
 and public tranfa&ions, with a {ketch 
 of the religious and general ftate, &c. 
 of Weft New-Jerfey, &c. till about 
 the time of the colonization of Penn- 
 fylvania. 136/0 167 
 
 AVilliam Perm's' motive and defign in the 
 
 colonization of Pennfylvania. 167 to 169 
 
 1-680. Caufe and manner of obtaining the 
 grant; with Anderfon's account of 
 the firft rife of the province. 169 to 17* 
 
 168 1. Royal charter" of King Charles the fecond 
 
 to William Penn. 171 to 187 
 
 Boundary between Maryland and Penn- 
 fylvania difputed; with the real ex- 
 tent and content of the province as 
 afterwards agreed and fettled, &c. 1-870)^188" 
 
 The King's declaration, in confequence 
 
 of the grant and charter, &c. 1-89-' 
 
 The Proprietary publishes an account of 
 the province. Offers terms of fale 
 for land, and conditions of fettlement; 
 which he mixes with good advice to 
 the adventurers. 189 to 191 
 
 Origin and nature of the quit-rents, &c. Ibid. 
 
 Free fociety of traders in Pennfylvania 
 
 formed, '&e. 19* 
 
 The 
 
Index. 491 
 
 Anno. The Proprietary publifhes the firft con* Page. 
 
 1681. ditions, or conceffions, agreed on by 
 him and the firft adventurers; with 
 one of the ftipulations therein contain- 
 ed, &c. 192 
 Sailing of the firft three fhips from En- 
 gland to Pennfylvania with William 
 Markham and Commiflioners ; names 
 of fome of the paffengers ; of whom 
 Jofeph Kirkbride is an inftance of 
 fuccefsful induftry, &c. 193^^194 
 
 Importance of treating the Indians well, 
 exemplified in William Penn's con- 
 duel: towards them. 194 
 
 William Penn's letter to the Indians by 
 
 his Commiilioners. 195 
 
 4682. Firft frame of government and laws, 
 &c. agreed on and published in En- 
 gland, &c. 196 
 
 Part of the preface, and purport of faid 
 
 frame; -with one of thefe firft laws. 196 to 200 
 
 The Duke of York's deed of releafe of 
 
 the province to William Penn. 200 
 
 The Proprietary obtains, from the Duke 
 of York, the three lower counties on 
 Delaware, called the territories of 
 Pennfylvania; ; with the right of the 
 Duke to the fame, &c. 201 and 202 
 
 Boundaries between Maryland and Penn- 
 fylvania with faid territories not yet 
 finally fettled, &c. 203 
 
 Wi'liam Penn writes a valedictory epif- 
 tle to his friends, the Quakers, in En- 
 gland, and fails for Pennfylvania ill 
 Auguft, 1682. 204 
 
 Many of the paflengers, in the fame fhip 
 with him, die of the fmall-ppx, in their 
 paflage. Ibid. 
 
492 Index. 
 
 Jlnno. The Proprietary's reception at Newcaftle Page, 
 
 1682. and Chefter; with the places of pub- 
 lic worfhip in the province and territo- 
 ries, at that time. 205 
 
 Proceedings of the firfl General AfTem- 
 bly, held at Chefter, where the Pro- 
 prietary naturalizes the foreigners, &c. 206 
 
 Preamble to the laws patted at Chefter, 
 in December, 1682, with their ti- 
 tles, &c. 207 and 208 
 
 William Penn vifits New York and Mary- 
 land, &c. and is kindly received by 
 the Lord Baltimore; but they do not 
 agree about their boundaries, &c. 20$ 
 
 Extract of a letter from the Proprietary, 
 at Chefter on Delaware, exprefiing 
 . his fatisfaftion with the country, and 
 his fervice, or employment, there, &c. 200 
 
 William Penn has different kinds of ene- 
 mies, and oppofition from perfons of 
 contrary characters; which appears 
 in another letter from Chefter afore- 
 faid, to one who had unjuftly refleft- 
 ed on him, &c. tiq 
 
 William Penn firft meets the Indians in 
 perfon ; his juft and beneficent treat- 
 ment of them; with the good con- 
 fequences, &c. 2 1 1 and 2 1 z 
 
 Extracts from fome Indian treaties, ex- 
 preffive of the grateful remembrance 
 of the Indians afterwards, of William 
 Penn, &c. 213 to 215 
 
 Arrival of the firft and early colonifts; 
 number of veflels, and places of their 
 firft refidence. 216 
 
 General character and manners of faid 
 colonifts; fome of their names; with 
 the rapid colonization of the province; 
 
 and 
 
ludcx. 493 
 
 Anno. and the eftablifhment of fome of the 
 ,1682. fir ft religious meetings of the Quakers 
 
 in the country, &c. 21 7 and 218 
 
 The nature and manner of both the ci- 
 vil and religious conduct of the early 
 colonifts fo reafonable and inviting as 
 to induce many to flock to the pro- 
 vince from different parts of Europe. 219 
 
 Some Germans arrive from Crefheim in 
 Gerrnany, and begin the fettlement 
 of German-town. Ibid. 
 
 Firft arrival and fettlement of the Welfh; 
 
 with fhort memorials of fome of them. 220 to 222 
 
 The fir ft fettlers expofed to difficulty and 
 hardfhipsj fome inftances; yet fa- 
 voured and relieved by the Indians. 222 to 224 
 
 Firft bufinefs of thefe colonifts, on their 
 arrival; with their entertainment, and 
 affecting profpeft, &c, but they prof- 
 per, &c. 224 to 228 
 
 Part of the Planter's fpeech to his neigh- 
 bours and countrymen in Pennfylva- 
 nia and New-Jerfey, on their defign 
 in their fettlement of that country, &c. Ibid. 
 
 Richard Townfend's teftimony on the 
 firft and early fettlement of Pennfyl- 
 vania, &c. 228 to 233 
 
 Plan of Philadelphia firft begun; the 
 fite of the ground, and the firft houfe 
 built on it. 234 
 
 John Key, the firft born of Englifli pa- 
 
 rents in Philadelphia. Ibid. 
 
 4683. Settled parts of the province and territo- 
 ries divided into counties ; Sheriffs and 
 other officers appointed, &c. Ibid. 
 
 Firft General Affembly convened at Phi- 
 ladelphia; with the form of the Pro- 
 prietary's writ for convening them, 235 
 
494 
 
 Index, 
 
 Anno. Names of the Members of the firfl Page* 
 
 1683. Council and Ailembly; with Ihort 
 
 memorials of fomeof them. 235 to 237 
 
 Proceedings of faid AiTembly, &c. 237 to 239 
 
 A new, or fecond, frame of government, 
 or charter of privileges, agreed on and 
 confirmed, c. 239 to 240 
 
 Firft grand and petit jury and court of 
 
 juflice in Pennfylvania. Ibid 
 
 Their fentence on a perfon for counter- 
 feiting money. 241 
 
 Plan of Philadelphia fmifhed; with a 
 
 particular defcription of faid plan, &c. 241 to 245 
 
 Dr. Douglas on the variation of the com- 
 
 puf^ ^Philadelphia, ,&c. Ibid. 
 
 William Penn's attention to a variety of 
 affairs difcovers a' genius capable of 
 promoting general improvement, &c. ' IbiJ, 
 
 The Proprietary's letter to the committee 
 of the Free Society of Traders of 
 Pennf) Ivania, refidirig in London; 
 giving a general defcription of faid 
 province, its natural hiftory and llate ? 
 at that time. 246 to 265 
 
 Difficulty and difpute between William 
 Penn and the Lord Baltimore, refpecl- 
 ing the boundaries of their provin^ 
 ces, c. 265 to 267 
 
 -A proclamation of the Lord Baltimore. Ibid, 
 
 William Penn's letter to. the Lords of 
 plantations, in London, refpeding his 
 difpute with the Proprietary of Mary- 
 land. 267 to 274 
 
 Lord Baltimore's commhTion to Colonel 
 George Talbot, to make a demand of 
 William Penn, c. with faid demand. 274 to 276 
 
 Willian> 
 
Anno. > 
 
 1683. William Perm's anfwer to faid demand. 276 1o 283 
 
 1684. Forceable entry from Maryland en fc- 
 
 veral plantations in the lower counties ? 
 with means ufed to redrefs and pre- 
 vent fuch proceedings in future. 283 
 
 Difficulty of retraining the Indians from 
 
 ftrong liquors, &c. 284 
 
 William Penn, being under neccfnty of 
 returning to England, commiflionates 
 the Provincial Council to act in his 
 {lead, &c. with other appointments. 285 to 28$ 
 
 The Proprietary's commiffion to the 
 Judges; with the names cf the Mem- 
 bers of Aflembly, &c. 
 
 6ldmixcn's account of the (late of the 
 province about this time. 
 
 William Penn's affectionate farewell to 
 his friends in Pennfylvania, written 
 from on board the mip 5 on his depar- 
 ture for England. 288 to 290' 
 
 Short memorial of Thomas Langhorne 
 
 from Weilmoreland in England. JbuL 
 
 1685. ^ eat ^ ^ King Charles the fecond, and 
 the fucceflion of James the fecond to 
 the crown. 290 to 292 
 
 Extract of the Proprietary's letter on this 
 
 and other affairs. Ib'ut* 
 
 William Penn's interefl at Court, and 
 with the King, not employed for his 
 own emolument, but in beneficence,, 
 friend (hip and charity to the diilreiled, 
 and for a general good, &.c. though 
 mifreprefented and falfely accufed, as 
 a promoter of the contrary, &c. 292 ia 295 
 
 Names of the Members of Afiembly. Ibid. 
 
 Boundary 
 
496 
 
 ex. 
 
 Anno. Boundary between Maryland and the Page? 
 
 1685. territories of Pennfylvania determined 
 
 by the King in Council. 293 
 
 Purport of the order of Council, on this 
 
 affair. Ibid. 
 
 Defcription of faid boundary, and the 
 extent of faid territories of Pennfyl- 
 vania. 294 
 
 Boundaries between the counties of the 
 
 the province afcertained. 295 
 
 Nicholas Moore, chief juftice of the pro- 
 vince, accufed of mal-praclices, and 
 impeached by the Aflembly before the 
 Council, with other inftances of the 
 Affembly's authority. 295*2^296 
 
 A letter from the Proprietary to the Magi- 
 
 ftrates againft diforders, &c. Ibid. 
 
 Proceedings of the Aflembly againft N. 
 
 Moore, &c. 297 
 
 Affembly's letter to the Proprietary on 
 
 this affair. Ibid. 
 
 The particulars of Moore's cafe not fuffi- 
 
 ciently clear, &c. 298 
 
 Extracts from the Proprietary's letters 
 
 about this time, &c< 299 
 
 Neceflity of the Proprietary's prefence 
 
 in the province. 30* 
 
 Some proceedings of the Provincial Coun- 
 cil. Ibid. 
 
 Further means ufed by the (Quakers to 
 prevent the Indians from obtaining 
 ftrong liquors, and to inftrudt: them in 
 the principles of Chriftianity, 3000/2^30* 
 
 1686. William Penn publifhes a further account 
 
 of Pennfylvania; writes on tolera- 
 tion, &c. vifits Holland and Germany j 
 
Index. 497 
 
 Anna, is employed in promoting religion and Page. 
 
 1686. virtue, in his native country; yet at- 
 tentive to advance the profperity of his 
 province and prevent diforders in it, &c. 302 
 
 His great expence and generofity exceed 
 his circumftances, &c. with extracts 
 from his letters on the fubject, &c. 303 
 
 More fettlers from Holland and Germany 
 
 increafe the fettlernent of Germantown. 304 
 
 . The Proprietary appoints five Commiflio- 
 ners of State; to whom he commits 
 the government inftead of the Coun- 
 cil. Ibid. 
 Inflruclions to thefe commiflioners at 
 
 different times. 305 to 30? 
 
 The induflry and conduct of the inhabi- 
 tants of Pennfylvania contribute to its 
 future greatnefs ; and William Penn's 
 interefl at court is beneficial to his fuf- 
 fering friends, the Quakers, and others 
 in Great Britain, but expofes him to 
 unjuft fufpicion and mifreprefentation. 308 
 
 Dr. Tillotfon, afterwards Arch Bifhop 
 of Canterbury, acknowledges his mif- 
 take refpefting William Penn, &c, Ibid. 
 
 William Penn engaged for the national 
 good, and general liberty of confci- 
 ence, &c. and continues to diflinguifh 
 himfelf in defence of an impartial to- 
 leration in religion, though unjuflly 
 cenfured, &c. 309 
 
 About thirteen hundred of the people, 
 called Quakers, who were in prifon 
 for their religion, were fet at liberty, 
 by the King's proclamation, &c. Ibid. 
 
 1687. The Quakers juflly grateful for this re- 
 
 lief, though cenfured on that account 
 byibme, &c. 310 
 
 63] Anno, 
 
4g 8 Index, 
 
 Anno. William Penn appears to have accom- Page. 
 
 1687. panied the King in a progrefs through 
 
 divers counties in England. Ibid. 
 
 William Penn's fpeech to the King on 
 delivering to him the Quakers' addrefs 
 for their relief from cruel fufferings. 311 
 
 The Quakers' addrefs to James the fe- 
 
 cond, &c. with the King's anfwer, &c. 312 
 
 Objections againft William Penn and the 
 Quakers addrerling the King on this 
 affair obviated, &c. 3*5 
 
 -1688. William Penn ftill labouring under jea- 
 loufies and unjuil reflections, on ac- 
 count of his intimacy at court, his 
 friend William Popple writes to him 
 on the fubjecl, 314 
 
 William Popple's letter to William Penn, 
 
 requeuing him to clear his character. 314 to 321 
 
 William Penn's letter, in anfwer to Wil- 
 liam Popple, &c. 321 to 332 
 
 The Proprietary's prefence and aflifhmce 
 in his province much wanted; his 
 detention from it being againfl his 
 mind, as expreffed in a letter to Tho- 
 mas Lloyd, who had requefted to be 
 releafed from public affairs, &c. 332 to 335 
 
 His letter to Thomas Lloyd, and the five 
 CommiiTioners of State, &c. on Tho. 
 Lloyd's requefl and other affairs; with 
 the names of the Members of Affembly. Ibid. 
 
 Account of an Inaian falfe alarm, or 
 intended infurrection to deftroy the 
 Englifh in Pennfylvania. 335 to 338 
 
 Short memorial of Caleb Pufey, a mem- 
 ber of Council, &c. Ibid. 
 
 Captain John Blackwell appointed De- 
 puty Governor by the Proprietary. 339 
 
 Blackwell's inflfudions, &c. 
 
Index. 499 
 
 * 689. He meets the Aflembly, difagrees with 
 
 the Council and returns to England. 340 
 
 Caufe and defign of Blackwell's appoint- 
 ment, &c. with the names of the Mem- 
 bers of Council. Ibid. 
 
 Reafons why William Penn may juflly be 
 
 fly led The father of bis country. 341 to 343 
 
 Three of his epiflles, or letters, to his 
 
 friends in Pennfylvania. Ibid* 
 
 Inflitution of the firft public grammar 
 fchool in Pennfylvania by the Qua- 
 kers; its different charters, and prin- 
 cipal defign, &c 343 to 345 
 
 George Keith firfl mailer of faid fchool; 
 his falary, character, &c. with the 
 common terms for teaching fchool in 
 thofe times, &c. Ibid* 
 
 1690. William Penn's troubles and difficulties 
 
 at, and after the revolution, in England, 
 greatly to his lofs, and the difadvan- 
 tage of the province, which much 
 needed his prefenceand affiflance. 346 to 350 
 
 1691. His letter to Thomas Lloyd on this fub- 
 
 jec~l and other affairs. Ibid. 
 
 William Penn, being obliged to retire in 
 private, for a time, writes feveral va- 
 luable treatifes in his retirement, &c. Ibid. 
 
 His epiflle to the yearly meeting of his 
 Friends, the Quakers, in London, on 
 his prefent fituation, &c. 35 * 
 
 Difagreement between the province and 
 
 territories. Ibid. 
 
 Proceedings of the former, in reference 
 to this difference; with the names of 
 the Members of Affembly in 1690, 
 and propofals of the territories refpect- 
 ing faid difference, &c. 32 to 35$ 
 
Index. 
 
 Anno. Proteft of the territories againft the pro- Page* 
 
 1691. ceedings of the province. 355 
 
 Endeavours of the province to reconcile 
 them, in vain ; with Prefident Lloyd's 
 letter to the feceding Members of the 
 territories, for chat end. 356 
 
 Thomas Lloyd made Governor of the 
 province, and William Markham of 
 the territories by the Proprietary, tho' 
 this divifion was difagreeable to him. 357 
 
 The Proprietary's letter to a friend, ex- 
 
 preflmg his grief on. this account, &c. 358 
 
 Proceedings in this ftate of government, 
 &c. with the names of the Members 
 of the Provincial' Council. 359 to 362 
 
 The province & territories unite in writ- 
 ing to the Proprietary to relieve his ap- 
 prehenfions refpecling this feparation. 362 
 
 Schifm and feparation between George 
 Keith and the Quakers, with the alle- 
 gations on both fides, &c. 363 to 365 
 
 He is difowned by them; with their 
 declaration, or teftimony, of denial 
 againft him, &c. 365 to 3% 
 
 His conduct afterwards, &c. $$9 and 370. 
 
 1-692. Account of fome judicial proceedings * 
 
 againft him. 371 to 374 
 
 The Magistrates' declaration of their rea- 
 
 fons for faid proceedings. 374 to 376* 
 
 This affair of George Keith gave the 
 Quakers and William Penn much 
 trouble j his trial more particularly 
 appears to have been difpleafing to 
 William Penn. 376 
 
 William Penn, by means of his ene- 
 mies, at court, deprived of the go- 
 vernment of Pennfylvania in 16925 
 with the caufes alledged,. &c* 377 
 
Index. 501 
 
 Anno. The King and Queen's commiflion to Page. 
 
 1692. B.Fletcher, Governor of New- York, 
 
 for the government of Pennfylvania. 378 to 380 
 
 1693. Fletcher's letter to Deputy Lloyd, upon 
 
 his receiving faid commiffion. 380 
 
 Governor Fletcher arrives at Philadel- 
 phia; to whom the government ap- 
 pears to have been furrendered with- 
 out any previous order from England 
 to the authority in Pennfylvania. 381 
 
 Names of the Members of Aflembly con- 
 vened by Fletcher. 382 
 
 The Councils addrefs to Governor Fletch- 
 er; with the alteration of the mode 
 of adminiftering the oaths and tefts to 
 the Aflembly, &c. 383 to 385 
 
 This change of the government hardly 
 
 confident with flriS juftice, &c. 385 
 
 The Queen's letter to Governor Fletcher, 
 
 refpecting the defence of Albany. 386 
 
 Proceedings of the Aflembly. 387 
 
 Affembly's addrefs to Governor Fletcher, 
 
 with his anfwer. 388 
 
 Aflembly's remonftrance, &c. 390 
 
 Further proceedings of the Aflembly. 390 to 394 
 
 A law impofing one penny per pound 
 value on all eftates, real and perfonal, 
 and fix millings per head, &c. Ibid* 
 
 Death and memorial of John Delavall. Ibid, 
 
 Aflembly's petition to the Governor. 394 
 
 A refolve of the Aflembly; with a pro- 
 
 teft of eight Members, 395 
 
 Governor Fletcher agrees to the petition 
 of the Aflembly; and afterwards dif- 
 folves them, at their own requeft; 
 appoints William Markham his De- . 
 puty, and goes to New-York. ' 395 'and 396 
 
Index. 
 
 Anno. Governor Fletcher's application, by mef- 
 
 1693. ^ a S e ' to the Affembly of Pennfylvania 
 in 1694, for afliftance, to prefv rve the 
 friendihip of the Five Indian nations. 396 
 
 William Penn afterwards blamed the 
 Affembly for their backwardnefs in 
 affifting New- York, &c. 397 
 
 Death and character of the former Depu- 
 ty Governor Thomas Lloyd; with 
 fome of his death bed expreffions, &c< 397 to 4.00 
 
 William Penn acquitted of the accufati- 
 ons againfl him; and his govern- 
 ment of Pennfylvania foon after re- 
 ftored, through the mediation of cer- 
 tain noble Lords, his friends. &c. 400 
 
 The Proprietary's letter to certain friends 
 
 in the Province, on this affair, &c. 401 and 402 
 
 Death of his wife, Gulielma Maria, 
 
 Twelfth-month, 1693. 4022 
 
 1694. Copy of the grant by which the Proprie- 
 
 tary was reinftated in his government. 403 
 
 TheProprietarycommiflionsW.Markham 
 his Deputy Governor, Ninth-month, 
 24th. 1694. Ibid- 
 
 Ancient teftimony of the People called 
 Quakers, refpe&ing the King and Go- 
 vernment about this time. 405 
 
 The Proprietary's various good fervices, 
 in England, for divers years after this 
 time, very confiderable. Ibid. 
 
 1696. His fecond marriage; and death of his 
 
 eldeft fon Springett. 406 
 
 William Penn vifits his friends, the Qua- 
 kers, in Ireland, &c. Ibid* 
 
 Governor Markham meets the Affembly 
 in 1695; ^h tne form of his writ, 
 for calling faid Affembly. 407 and 408 
 
Index. 503 
 
 . Proceedings between Governor Mark- Page* 
 
 1696. ham and the AfTembly, in 1696. 409 
 
 Remonftrance of the AfTembly to Gover- 
 nor Markham exhibiting fome tranf- 
 aclions in the preceding year. 409/0414 
 
 Further proceedings, &c. wherein feve- 
 ral laws are agreed on and paffed; 
 with a third frame of government, &c. 415 
 
 1 697. Governor Fletcher of New- York folicits 
 
 for more money to affiil the Indians, 
 &c. but does not fucceed; names of 
 the Members of Council and Affembly; 
 flate of the Province about this time. 416 
 
 169 8. A proclamation of the Governor and 
 
 Council againfl vice and illicit trade. 417 to 420 
 
 1699. The Proprietary, with his family, fails 
 
 for Pennfylvania, and arrives there 
 after a diftemper, called the Yellow 
 Fever, had ceafed, &c. 420 
 
 Extract from William Penn's valedictory 
 epiftle to his friends, the Quakers, in 
 Europe. 421 
 
 Thomas Story's account of the effect 
 
 of faid Yellow Fever in Philadelphia. Ibid. 
 
 Memorial and character of Tho. Story. 42 1 and 422 
 Death of A. Cooke and T. Fitzwater. Ibid, 
 
 The Proprietary meets the AiTembly, who 
 
 take meafures againll piracy, &c. 423 
 
 1700. William Penn lays before his friends, 
 
 the Quakers, at their monthly meeting, 
 in Philadelphia, his concern for the 
 Indians and Negroes ; exhorting them 
 to their duty, refpecting thefe people. Ibid. 
 
 He meets divers affemblies, at different 
 times, while in the country; paries 
 100 laws, and prepares a new charter. 424 
 
 An order of Council for placing a watch 
 
 on the fea coaft,, Ibid. 
 
504 fndest. 
 
 1701. The Proprietary lays before the Affembly Page. 
 
 the King's letter, requiring 350!. fter- 
 ling, towards the fortifications on the 
 frontiers of New York, &c. 425 
 
 The Affembly's addrefs to the Proprietary, 
 excufmg their non-compliance, for the 
 prefent. Ibid. 
 
 The nature of faid requifition feemed 
 rather unreafonable, confidering the 
 prefent circumftances of Pennfylvania, 426 to 428 
 
 Articles of agreement, between William 
 
 Penn and the Sufquahanna Indians. 428*0432 
 
 The Proprietary reprefents to the Council, 
 
 the abufes in the Indian trade, &c. 432 and 433 
 
 The Proprietary's adminiftration, though 
 attended with difficulty, is managed 
 with prudence and paternal care; and 
 the colony profpers, &c. 434 
 
 Neceflity and reafon for the Proprietary's 
 return to England, with an extract: 
 from Anderfon on trade, c. 435 
 
 The Proprietary's fpeech to the Affem- 
 bly, on the neceffity of his return to 
 England, &c. with their anfwer; 
 with the names of the Members of this 
 Affembly. 436 to 438 
 
 The Affembly prefent an addrefs to the 
 Proprietary refpefting his fucceffor, 
 privileges and property, &c. with his 
 anfwer to certain parts of it, &c. 439 
 
 The Indians come to take leave of the 
 Proprietary, with part of his fpeech 
 and advice to them, &c. 440 
 
 Difagreement between the province and 
 territories again difcovers itfelf ; with 
 proceedings between them and the 
 Proprietary on the fubjeft, &c. 440 to 442 
 
 The 
 
Index. 50 j; 
 
 .Anno. The Proprietary's letter to the Affembly Page. 
 
 1701. on their difagreement ; he-prevails on 
 
 them to a prefent accommodation. Ibid. 
 
 The laft charter of privileges .granted by 
 
 William Penn, October, 1.701. 443/0451 
 
 The Proprietary conftitutes a 'Council of 
 ft ate for the province and territories, 
 with their charter, &c. 451 
 
 He like wife grants a charter to the inha- 
 bitants of Philadelphia, conftituting it 
 a city, &c. 452 
 
 Andrew Hamilton, of New-Jerfey, ap- 
 pointed Deputy Governor, and James 
 Logan, Secretary of the province. Ibid. 
 
 Soon after the Proprietary's arrival in 
 England, the caufe of his return, or 
 the attempt to reduce the Proprietary 
 governments into regal ones, was dropt. 453 
 
 1702. Death of King William; fucceffion of 
 
 the Princefs Anne of Denmark to the 
 crown; William Penn in favour at 
 court, -&c. 454 
 
 Governor Hamilton's adminiftration and 
 
 death. Ibid. 
 
 1703. The province and territories irreconcile- 
 
 able; they at length agree to a fepa- 
 ration; Edward Shippen Prefident of 
 the Council, &c. Ibid. 
 
 Firft refolve of the Provincial Affembly 
 
 on this occafion. 455 and 456 
 
 Declaration and teft of the Members. Ibid. 
 
 John Evans arrives Deputy Governor 
 
 from England, Twelfth-month, 1703. 457 
 
 1704. Governor Evans augments the Council, 
 
 and convenes the, Affembly of both the 
 province and territories; names of 
 the Members of Council, &c. Ibid. 
 
506 Index* 
 
 1704. He endeavours, in vain, to unite them. 453 
 
 The Governor being difpleafed with the 
 members of the province for refufmg 
 to comply with his recommendation to 
 unite with the territories and for fome 
 other affairs, occafions the beginning 
 of an unhappy difagreement. Ibid. 
 
 Account of David Lloyd, Speaker of the 
 
 Affembly. 459 
 
 The Governor meets the Aflembly of the 
 territories at New-caftle; his procla- 
 mation for railing a militia, &c. .Ibid. 
 
 The Aflembly of the province remonflrate 
 to the , Proprietary againil Governor 
 Evans, and Secretary Logan. 460 
 
 The Governor requires to fee a copy of 
 their remonftrance, as well as fome 
 other principal perfons, but are refufed. Ibid. 
 
 1705. Part of Governor Evans's fpeech to the 
 
 Aflembly, relative to the reception of 
 faid remonftrance with the Proprieta- 
 ry; reflecting on their conduct, &c. 461 and 462 
 
 A very great change in the Aflembly, 
 elected October, 1705; more har- 
 mony between them and the Gover- 
 nor; and names of the Members. 462 
 
 Thomas Chalkley's vifit tothe Indians; 
 
 with a ihort memorial of him. 463 
 
 The war, at this time, between England 
 and France and Spain produces diffi- 
 culty in Pennfylvania, and that the 
 Quakers in fuch cafes, were liable to 
 be mifreprefented. 464 to 467 
 
 A fingular act of Aflembly, in Connecti- 
 cut, againft the Quakers, &c. repeal- 
 ed by Queen Anne, c. with the Qua- 
 kers' addrefs to the Queen, on the 
 occafion, Sec. Ibid. 
 
 Governor 
 
Index. 507 
 
 An.m* Governor Evans did not fufficiently ftudy Page. 
 
 1705. the genius and diipofition of the peo- 
 plej his contempt of the Quakers' 
 principles, and favouring mealures to 
 incommode the province, productive of 
 ill ccnfequences, &c, 4.67 and 468 
 
 * 1706. Account of the falfe alarm, &c. with 
 
 Thomas Makin's mention of the fame. 468 to 47 i 
 
 Exactions at New-cattle, &c. 47 a 
 
 Means of redrefs of this grievance, by 
 Richard Hill, Ifaac Norris and Sa- 
 muel Prefton, Quakers, &c. with fliort 
 memorials of theie three perfons. 472 to 476 
 
 Aflembly's addrefs to the Governor in 
 1707, relating to the affair at New- 
 caftle, &c. Ibid. 
 
 Proceedings and difagreement between 
 the Governor and Aflembly, refpect- 
 ing the bill of courts, &c. in which 
 the latter, being difappointed by the 
 Governor, direct their refentmeat a- 
 gainft the Secretary, James Logan. 477^2^478 
 
 Charaler v and memorial of James Logan. 478 and ^jf^ 
 
 The province not entirely free from party 
 fpirit: which is only injurious in the 
 extreme, &c. 4/g . 
 
 Governor Evans's adminiilration being 
 difagreeable to the Aflembly and peo- 
 ple; the Aflembly attempt to impeach 
 the Secretary before the Governor, but 
 are by him prevented in their defign, 480 
 
 1707. The Aflembly remonftrate to the Propri- 
 etary, and try to get Governor Evans 
 removed, &c. Ibid. 
 
 Heads of their remonftrance againft him 
 
 and the Secretary James Logan. 481 to 483 
 
 Continuation of thefe difputes till the 
 beginning of the year 1 709, when Go- 
 vernor Evans was removed. 483 to 485 
 
508 
 
 Index. 
 
 Anno. Names of the Members of Council aud Page. 
 
 1707. Aflembly about this time. Ibid. 
 
 1708. The Proprietary being under difficulties, 
 
 mortgages the province, &c- 485 
 
 Th.efe difputes of fome of the AflTemblies, 
 with his embarr aliment, probably con- 
 ducive to his difpofing of the govern- 
 ment to the crown, &c. 486 and 487 
 
 Oldmixon's account of William Penn's 
 difficulties and treatment about this 
 
 time; with the names of the officers of 
 government in Evans's adminiftration. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 Errata, and Emendata, in this Volume* 
 
 fflge. Line. Errata. 
 
 7 laft line bat then do, - <* 
 94 5 Bemen and the Hague, - - 
 158 8 or their religious fociety, - 
 165 5 Queen Ann, - 
 
 41918 States, - . - - 
 
 Ill IO -fort/king, " 
 
 Ill Note their is, 
 
 223 4 O r, ----- 
 223 Note part of country, - * 
 l6o 2O Peter Styrefant, - 
 276 37 nor never will, ; - - 
 
 34! Note and a- make wall, - - 
 
 342 ditco to enjoy and ufe of the world, 
 344 i found, - 
 
 34425 offered, - - - 
 
 34437affeaed, - -_ - _ - 
 
 354 conclufion cf the note omitted, viz. - otLertvlfe reprefinted, 
 359 * re">~iution, - refolution. 
 
 j^p 7 bi t ^. which appear to have been? bill, which -off ears to have been paflfeu 
 pafled into la-ws, - 3 into a lata. 
 
 Emendata. 
 
 But then does, for doth.j 
 Bremen and the Hague. 
 of their religious fociety. 
 C^ueen Anne. 
 State. 
 Jlouri/bing. 
 there is. 
 nor. 
 
 part of tic country. 
 Peter Styvrfant. 
 nor ever will. 
 and make a wall. 
 to enjoy and ufe the world. 
 founded. 
 effcftcd. 
 
 377 19 the word (or) to be omitted. 
 
 378 1 8 advife, - - - 
 ^yi Note and be further enabled, 
 395 ditto (hall be caft, - - - 
 4/j2 ditto Edward Smont, - 
 
 4^ g ditto James Cents, - - 
 
 461- 
 
 adiiicz. 
 
 and be it further ena&ed, 
 
 ihall be caft. 
 
 Edward Smout. 
 
 James Coytt. 
 
 463 Note much han'ng, 
 
 464 5 nor yet gain, 
 469 NotS 
 
 much learning. 
 nor get gaitv* 
 

 
 
 
 *