re. : 458.1 595 UC-NRLF LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA DAVIS UNION AND PEACE! HOW THEY SHALL BE RESTORED. OP HON. CH^RLEB SUMNEB, BEFORE THE REPUBLICAN STATE CONVENTION, AT WORCESTER, OCTOBER 1, 1861. Therefore take heed >. t How you awake our sleeping sroord of War. ^f MM. -^y v . We charge you, in the name of God, take heed. \ SHAKSPEARE, H&gry V. T< \ nation of t * % To humor the present disposition and temporize is a certain, absolutely certaiiAfeonfinnalifon of the l. No nation ever did Holland, 18*A June, 1804. Evil. No nation ever did or ever ran recover from Slavery by such methods. Mrlr'ox. Letter to Lord ^ * V [Upon the appearance of Mr. Sumner on the platform, Tie was nrost cordially greeted by the whole Convention and the large audience in the galleries. Hon. H. L. Dawes, President of the Convention, introduced him in a few felicitous words, whereupon the warm applause of the vast assembly burst forth a^ain with great enthusiasm, ending with three rousing cheers.] FELLOW CITIZENS : In meeting my fellow citizens of Massachusetts, who have come together on this occasion from all parts of the Commonwealth, I find myself in a familiar scene, but I feel that there has been a change. Yes ! there has-been a great change, and it is manifest in our Convention. We are no longer met, as so often in times past, for purposes of controversy, or to sustain our cause by argument. That hour has passed. Formerly I have exposed to you the atrocities of the Fugitive Slave Bill ; I have rejoiced to show that Freedom was National and Slavery Sectional ; I have striven to prevent the extension of Slavery into the Territories ; I have vindicated especially Freedom in Kansas, assailed by slaveholding conspirators; I have exposed the tyrannical usurpations of the Slave Oligarchy, and I have dragged into light the whole vast intense Barbarism of Slavery. [Applause.] But these topics have now passed into history, and are no longer of practical interest. They are not of to-day. Let us rejoice that at least so much has been gained, and from the extent of our present triumphs take hope and courage for the future. Providence will be with the good cause in times to come, as in times past. Others may despair; I do not, Others may see gloom ; I cannot. Others may hesitate ; I will not. [Applause.] Already the country has been saved. Great as may seem to be its present peril, its peril was greater far while it was sinking year after year under the rule of LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA DAVIS Slavery. Often have I exclaimed, in times past, that our first great object was the Emancipation of the National Government, so that it should no longer be the slave of Slavery, ready to do its bidding in all things. But this victory has been won. It was won first by the ballot-box, when Abraham Lincoln was elected President of the United States ; [applause] and it was won the second time by the cartridge-box, when, at the command of the President, the guns of Fort Sumter returned defiance to the rebel artillery. [Three cheers.] Such was the madness of Slavery that the first was not enough. Unhappily, the second was needed to complete the work. God be praised ! Much has been already done. The Slave Oligarchy, which, according to the vaunt of a slaveholding Senator, has ruled the Republic for more than fifty years ; which has stamped its degrading character upon the national forehead ; which has entered into and possessed not only the politics, but the litera ture and even the religion of the land ; which has embroiled us at home and given us a bad name abroad ; which has wielded at will President, Cabinet and even judicial tribunals ; which has superseded Public Opinion by substituting its own immoral behests ; which has appropriated to itself the offices and honors of the Republic ; which has established Slavery as the single test and shiboleth of favor . which, after opening all our Territories to this wrong, was already promising to renew the slave trade and all its unutterable woes ; nay, more, which, in the instinct of that tyranny through which it ruled, was beating down all the safeguards of human rights freedom of speech, freedom of the press, and security of person, and delivering the whole country to a sway whose vulgarity was Second only to its madness; this domineering Slave Oligarchy has 'been dislodged from the National Government, never more to return. [Immense sensation.] Thus far, at least, has Emancipation prevailed. The greatest slave of all is free. Surely, if at any moment, we are disposed to be disheartened if the Future is not always clear before us, we may find ample occasion for joy in the victory already won. Pillars, like those of Hercules, might fitly mark this progress. Among the results of this victory, is one which we may especially enjoy on this occasion. It is Slavery which has been the origin of our party divisions, keeping men asunder who ought to act together. But with the expulsion of this disturbing influence, the apology for these divisions has ceased. All patriots, all who truly love their country may now act together ; no matter in what party combination they may have formerly appeared ; no matter, of what accent is the speech by which their present duties are declared. Call them democrats, Union men, natives or foreigners, what you will, are we not all engaged in a common cause ? Nor will I claim as yet the highest praise for those with whom I am most intimately associated. I have read history too well, not to remember that faithful allies are sometimes superior to domestic veterans. Hannibal, in his campaigns, relied less on his own Carthaginians than on his Spanish Infantry and Numidian horse. The Government is assailed by a Rebellion without precedent. Never before Since Satan warred upon the Almighty has Rebellion assumed such a front ; [applause] and never before has it begun in such a cause. The rebels are numerous and powerful ; and their cause is Slavery. [Sensation.] It is the very essence of rebellion to be audacious, unhesitating, unscrupulous. Rebellion sticks at nothing ; least of all, with a rebellion which began in Slavery. 3 It can be successfully encountered only by a vigor and energy which shall surpass its own. Patriotism surely is not less potent as a motive than treason. It must be invoked. By all the memories of your fathers, who founded this Republic and delivered to you the precious heritage ; and by all the sentiments of gratitude for the good you have enjoyed beneath its protecting care, you are summoned to its defence. Defence, did I say ? It is with mortification that I utter the word ; but you all know the truth. The rebel conspirators have set upon us, and now besiege the National Govern ment. They besiege it at Washington, where are the President and his Cabinet and the national archives. They besiege it at Fort Monroe on the Atlantic, at St. Louis on the Mississippi, and now they besiege it in Kentucky. Everywhere we are on the defensive. [Sensation.] Strongholds have been wrested from us. Soldiers gathered under the folds of our national flag have been compelled to surrender. Citizens, whose only offence has been their loyalty, have been driven from their homes. Bridges have been burned. Railways have been disabled. Steamers and ships have been seized. The largest navy yard of the country has been appropriated. Commerce has been hunted on the sea, and property, where- ever it can be reached, ruthlessly robbed or destroyed. Only within a few days we have read the order of one Buckner, a rebel commander in Kentucky, direct ing the destruction of a most important lock, by which Green River had been rendered navigable. Pardon me if I ask your attention to this intercepted order. It is instructive, as showing the spirit with which this rebellion is waged : BOWLING GREEN, September, 1861. Mr. George W. Triplet*: ^ My Dear Sir : Yours is received. Lock No. 1 must be destroyed. I rely upon our friends at Owenborough to do it. Not an hour must be lost. Its destruction is a great deal to me in crippling our adversary. Assemble our friends, without delay, in sufficient force to accom plish the object. One of the best ways is to open all the gates but one, and to dig down behind the wall at both gates; to put one or two kegs of powder behind the wall, apply a slow match, and blow the wall into the lock. If possible, it should be done in such a way as to leave a strong current through the lock, which will empty the dam. Provide every thing in advance. Do not fail. It is worth an effort. (Signed) S. H. BUCKNER. It is still doubtful if the work of destruction was accomplished according to this rebel order. But thus madly was it attempted to sweep away one of the most valuable of the internal improvements of Kentucky, a part of the pride and wealth of the State. Do you ask in whose name all this has been done. The answer is easy. Not " in the name of God and the Continental Congress," as Ethan Allen summoned Ticonderoga ; but " in the name of Slavery." Yes ; in the name of Slavery, and nothing else, has all this crime, destruction and ravage been perpetrated ; and the work is still proceeding. Look at the war as you will, and you will always see Slavery. Never were the words of the Roman orator more applicable : Nullum f acinus extitit nisi per te ; nullum flagitum sine te. " No guilt unless through thee, no crime without thee." Slavery is its inspiration ; its motive power ; its end and aim ; its be-all and end-all. It is often said that the war will make an end of Slavery. This is probable. But it is surer still, that the overthrow of Slavery will at once make an end of the war. [Tumultuous applause and cheers.] If I am correct in this statement, which I believe is beyond question, then do reason, justice and policy all unite in declaring that the war must be brought to bear directly on the grand conspirator, and omnipresent enemy. [Here the vociferous cheers of the Convention interrupted the speaker.] Not to do this, is to take upon ourselves, in the'present contest, all the weakness of Slavery, while we leave to the rebels its boasted resources of military strength. [Cheers.] Not to do this, is to squander life and treasure in a vain masquerade of battle, which can have no practical result. Not to do this, is blindly to neglect the plainest dictates of economy, humanity and common sense ; and alas ! simply to let slip the dogs of war on a mad chase over the land, never to stop until spent with fatigue, or sated with slaughter. [Sensation.] Believe me, fellow citizens, I know all the imagined difficulties and unques tioned responsibilities of this suggestion. But if you are in earnest, the difficul ties will at once disappear, and the responsibilities are such as you will gladly bear. This is not the first time that a knot hard to untie has been cut by the sword; [cheeers] and we all know that danger flees before the brave man. Believe that you can, and you can. The will only is needed. Courage now is the highest prudence. [Applause.] It is not necessary even, according to a familiar phrase, to carry the war into Africa. It will be enough if we carry Africa into the war [here the outburst of applause compelled the speaker to suspend his remarks ;] in any form, any quan tity, any way. [Continued applause.] The moment this is done, rebellion will begin its bad luck, and the Union will be secure forever. [Cheers.] History teaches by examples. The occasion does not allow me to show how completely this monitor points the way. I content myself with two instances of special mark one from ancient Greece and the other from ancient Rome, The most fatal day for ancient Greece was that " dishonest victory " at Chero- naea, when Philip of Macedon triumphed over combined forces, in which Demos thenes was enlisted as a soldier. The panic was universal. Athens was thrown into consternation. Her great orator had fought bravely, but ineffectually. Another orator, called by -Milton " the old man eloquent," died suddenly on hearing the report of the defeat. The book of Fate seemed about to close, while the proud Athenian State sank to be a Macedonian province. Then it was that a patriot orator, Hypereides, launched a proposition to emancipate the slaves. The effect was electric. The royal Philip, already strong in his victory, trembled. King and conqueror, he was also statesman, and he saw well that such a propo sition, begun in Athens, would shake all Greece, even to his powerful throne, which the young Alexander was then preparing to mount. His triumphant course was at once arrested, and peace secured. The other instance is in Roman history. You will find it in Plutarch's Life of Caius Marius. This experienced general, and his great experience gives to his example the highest authority, who in the civil conflicts of the time had been driven from Rome, and found shelter in the ruins of Carthage, was able at last to effect a landing in Italy. Thus is the incident recorded : " Marius upon this news determined to hasten. He took with him some Marusian horse which he had levied in Africa, and a few others that were come to him from Italy, in all not amounting to above a thousand men, and with this handful began his voyage. He arrived at a port of Etruria called Telamon, and as soon as he was landed proclaimed Liberty to the slaves^ [immense applause,] and, joining to them the stoutest husbandmen and shepherds, freemen, who had flocked to the shore, he gathered in a few days a great force, with which he filled forty ships." Thus far Plutarch. It is needless to add that Marius found himself soon master of Rome. [Applause.] These are historic instances. I do not adduce them that you should blindly follow them ; but simply that you should see how, in times past, defeat has been stayed and victory won, by a generous word for Freedom. Men die and disap pear, but the Human Family continues the same, in passions and fears, as when Philip was frightened back from Athens and when Marius was borne in triumph to Rome. [Applause.] To these historic instances, let me add the authority of the ancient Roman law, and I refer you for it to the common Dictionary of Antiquities, now used in all our schools. According to that law, the state of Slavery might be terminated in at least three different manners : first, by manumission ; secondly, by enactments of reward to the slave: and thirdly, by enactments of punishment to the master. [Great sensation.] If the master had failed to be a good citizen, he might be punished so that at the same time he should suffer in property and others should gain what is more than property freedom. But I do not cite even this example of a time-honored jurisprudence for your absolute guidance. I will not doubt that, in the unparalleled circumstances by which we are now encompassed, justice will be done. Already the way is easy. A simple declaration that all men coming within the lines of the United States troops shall be regarded as freemen will be in strict conformity to the Constitution, and also with precedents. The Constitution knows no man as a slave. It treats all within its jurisdiction as persons, while the exceptional provision for the rendition of persons held to service or labor, you will observe, is carefully confined to such as have escaped into another State, so that in Virginia, it does not require the surrender of a Virginia slave ; nor in Missouri of a Missouri slave. It is clear, therefore, that there can be no sanction under the Constitution, for turning a National camp into a slave-pen, or for turning military officers into slave-hunters. Let this plain construction be adopted, and then, as our lines advance, Freedom will every where be established and our National flag in its march will wave with new glory. [Applause.] A brave General, whom Massachusetts has given to the country though com mencing his career with prejudices derived from the pro-slavery school of poli ticians has known how to see this question in its true light. I mean, of course, General Butler. [Immense cheering interrupting the speaker for some time.] He has declared in his letter to the Secretary of War, dated Fortress Monroe, 30th July, 1861, with reference to fugitive slaves, that it is his duty " to take the same care of these men, women and children, houseless, homeless and unprovided for, as he would of the same number of men, women and children, who, for their attachment to the Union, had been driven or allowed to flee from the Confederate States." These words are better for his reputation than a victory. [Applause and cheers.] Another General, born in Kentucky and living and dying in the South Major-General Gaines of the army of the United States laid down the same rule as long ago as 1838. It will be found in the documents of Congress. " The military officer,*' said he, " can enter into no judicial examination of the claim of one man to the bone and muscle of another as property. Nor could he, as a military officer, know what the laws of Florida were while engaged in maintain ing the Federal Government by force of arms. In such case, he could only be guided by the laws of war ; and whatever may be the laws of any State, they must yield to the safety of the Federal Government." This proposition, though of seeming simplicity, would be of incalculable efficacy if honestly and sincerely enforced. Then would our camps become nurseries of freemen, and every common soldier would be a chain breaker. But there is another agency, that may be invoked, which is at the same time under the Constitution and above the Constitution : I mean Martial Law. It is under the Constitution, because the War Power to which it belongs is positively recognized by the Constitution. It is above the Constitution, because, when set in motion, like necessity, it knows no other law. For the time it is law and Constitution. The civil power, in mass and in detail, is superseded, and all rights are held subordinate to this military magistracy. All other agencies, small and great, executive, legislative and even judicial, are absorbed in this transcendent triune power, which, for the time, declares its absolute will, while it holds alike the scales of justice and the sword of the executioner. The existence of this power nobody questions. If it has been rarely exercised in our country, and never in an extended manner, the power none the less has a fixed place in our political system. As well strike out the kindred law of self-defence, which belongs alike to States and individuals. Martial law is only one form of self- defence. That this law might be employed against Slavery was first proclaimed in the House of Representatives by a Massachusetts statesman, who was a champion of freedom, John Quincy Adams. [Applause.] His authority is such that I con tent myself with placing the law under the sanction of his name, which becomes more authoritative when'we consider the circumstances under which he first put it forth, then repeated and then again vindicated it. It was as early as the 25th of May, 1836, that Mr. Adams first expounded what he called " The war power and treaty-making power of the Constitution." Then it was that 'he declared: " From the instant that your slaveholding States become the theatre of war, civil, ser vile or foreign, from that instant the war powers of Congress extend to interference with the institution of slavery in every way in which it can be interfered with, from a claim of indemnity for slaves taken or destroyed, to the cession of the State burdened with slavery to a foreign power." Again, on the 7th of June, 1841, after many years of reflection, and added experience in public life, he terrified slavemasters by showing that Universal Emancipation might be accomplished through this extraordinary power. Afterward, on the 14th of April, 1842, for the third time he stated the doctrine in the House of Representatives, and challenged criticism or reply. I forbear to read the whole speech, though it is worthy of constant repetition. An extract will suffice : " I lay this down as the law of nations. I say that the military authority takes, for the time, the place of all municipal institutions, slavery among the rest. Under that state of things, so far from its being true that the States where slavery exists have the exclusive management of the subject, not only the President of the United States, but the commander of the army, has power to order the universal emancipation of the slaves." [Applause.] And then again he announces in words further applicable to the present hour : " Nor is this a mere theoretic statement. Slavery was abolished in Colombia, first, by the Spanish General, Murillo, and secondly, by the* American General Bolivar. It was abolished by virtue of a military command given at the head of the army, and its abolition continues to be law to this day." The representatives of slavery fumed and raged at these words and at their venerable author ; but nobody answered them. And they have stood ever since in the records of Congress, firm and impregnable as adamant. In the protracted controversy which is now drawing to its close, Massachusetts has done much. She first gave the example of. Universal Freedom within her borders ; and ever since that early day she has taken a leading part in all efforts against Slavery. It is her children who have never failed in this cause, where any thing was to be done, whether by word or deed. Massachusetts has for years borne the burden of this discussion, and also the heavier burden of obloquy, which has long rested upon all who pleaded for the slave. It is Massachusetts, who, with patriotic ardor, first leaped to the rescue, when the Capital was menaced by Slavery [applause] and by a happy coincidence on the 19th of April of this year, consecrated herself anew by the blood of her children ; [applause] thus being at the same time first to do and first to suffer. [Immense applause.] It was also a Massachusetts General who first in this conflict proclaimed that our camps could not contain a slave ; [vociferous applause] and it was an illustrious Massachusetts statesman who first unfolded the beneficent principle by virtue of which, constitu tionally, legally, and without excess of any kind, the President or a Commanding General may become more than a conqueror, even a Liberator. [Applause and great sensation.] Massachusetts will be false to herself, if she fails at this moment. [Sensation.] And yet, I would not be misunderstood. Feeling most profoundly that there is now an opportunity, such as rarely occurs in human annals, for incalculable good ; seeing clearly that there is one spot, like the heel of Achilles, where this great Rebellion may be wounded to death I calmly deliver the whole question to the judgment of those on whom the responsibility rests, contenting myself with reminding you that there are times when not to act carries with it a greater responsibility than to act. It is enough for us to review the unquestioned powers of the government, to handle for a moment its mighty weapons, which are yet allowed to slumber, without assuming to declare that the hour has come when they shall flash against the sky. But may a good Providence save our government from that everlasting regret which must ensue if a great opportunity is lost by which all the bleeding wounds of war shall be staunched by which prosperity shall be again established, and Peace be made immortal in the embrace of Liberty. [Applause.] Saul was cursed for not hewing Agag in pieces when in his hands, and Ahab was cursed for not destroying Benhadad. Let no such curses ever descend upon us. 8 " So many slaves, so many enemies !" Unless this ancient proverb has ceased to be true, there are now four millions of enemies intermingled with the rebels, toiling in their fields, digging in their camps, and sitting at their firesides, con stituting four millions of allies to the National government. Careful calculations demonstrate that out of this number, there are upwards of one million of an age for military service ; that in Virginia alone, there are 121,564 male slaves of an age for military service ; in Missouri, 21,334, and in Kentucky, 51,990. Can we afford to reject this natural alliance, inspired by a common interest, and conse crated by humanity ? There is another motive to such an alliance which cannot be forgotten. Without it insurrection will be inevitable, and when it comes it will be wild and lawless. This should be prevented, if possible. But if Liberty does not descend from the tranquil heights of power, it will rise in blood, amidst the confusion of families. And what a difference between the two apparitions ! The one has the face of an angel radiant with celestial life ; the other has the front of a demon, " shaking from its horrid hair pestilence and war." [Great applause and cheering.] All this was clearly seen by the Emperor of Russia, when on the 21st of September, 1858, he called upon his . people to unite with him in Emancipation, " which," he nobly declared, " ought to begin from above to the end that it may not come from below," and now this very year twenty millions of Russian serfs have peacefully passed out of the house of bondage. Cheered by this great example, let us not forget that it began from above. There is another practical advantage where the action proceeds from the government. The interests of loyal citizens can be protected. Compensation may relieve the hardships of individual cases, or of meritorious classes ; nor can I object. Never should any question of money be allowed to interfere with human freedom. Better an empty treasury than a single slave. A Bridge of Gold would be cheap, if demanded by the retreating fiend. Fellow citizens : I have spoken frankly ; for such has always been my habit. And never was there greater need of frankness. Let patriots understand each other and they cannot widely differ. All will unite in whatever is required by the sovereign exigencies of self-defence. All will unite in sustaining the govern ment, and in driving back the rebels. But this cannot be done by any half-way measures, or by any lukewarm conduct. Do not hearken to the voice of Slavery, no matter what its tones of persuasion. It is the gigantic Traitor not for a moment to be trusted. Believe me, its friendship is more deadly than its enmity. [Sensation.] If you are wise, prudent, economical, conservative, practical, you will strike quick and hard strike too where the blow will be most felt strike at the main-spring of the rebellion. Strike in the name of the Union, which only in this way can be restored in the name of Peace, which is vain without Union, and in the name of Liberty also, sure to bring both Peace and Union in her glorious train. [As Mr. Sumner closed, the hearty approval of the sentiments of the speech, found utterance in the most enthusiastic and long-continued demonstrations of applause.] Wright & Potter, Printers, 4 Spring Lane, Boston. THIS BOOK IS DUE ON THE LAST DATE STAMPED BELOW RENEWED BOOKS ARE SUBJECT TO IMMEDIATE RECALL 1 \967 JUf 811968 APR17RBTD LIBRARY, UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, DAVIS Book Slip-10m-l,'63(D5068s4)458 __PAMPHLET B - Syracuse ~- Stockti 291825 Sumner, C. Union and peace! Call Number: EU58.1 ^459.; 291825