iiiillililiiliiil"l«l^llili iiid!iiiiit>iiJi:'Pi(W:i': HISTORY A A : j 0! 91 1 \ 7 I 5 i 21 3 I READ i^ ^0 '?■ ^ "^ v> r Popular Elementary History of New Mexico Archbishop's House Santa Fi;, N. M., November 7, 1912. Hon. B. M. Read. Santa Fe, Now Mexico. My dear Mr. Head: I liave looked over the MS. of your " Eloiiieiitary History of New Mexieo" which yon have i)repareil for the use of sciiools in tliis state, and I' do not hesitate to say that I am well impressed with the way you have endeavored to make your history simple enough to l>e yrasped by the youthful niiiul and at the same time cover the important events as- sociated witli New Mexico. I regard it as most important for the youth of our land to stud}' the history of New Mexico and become thoroughly ac<|iiiiinted with the deeds of valor and tlie great faith of the heroes who first visited this country of ours. I note with pleasure the many illustrations you have iirranged to illu- mine the work and also the review ((uestions at the end of each lesson — both admirable features — to arouse the interest and stir the enthusiasm of the pupil. I wish yon great success with this elementary history which you have pre- pared with such labor and patience. Very sincerely yours, f J. B. Pitaval, Archbishop of Santa Fe. (From Professor .T. A. Wood, Principal for mauv vears of Santa Fe's Public Schools) Saxta Fe, N. M., November IS, 1912. Mr. Benjamix M. Reap, Santa Fe. N. M. My dear Mr. Head: Having spent several days in critically reading your type-written manuscript for a school history of New Mexico, I desire to report a few thoughts concerning your work: 1st. Great care has been taken to give clearness of expression and sim- plicity of diction to be readily understood by old and young. 2nd. It is evident all along that great care has been used in setting forth the leading facts just as they occurred without any embellishments of the imagination or any etfort to cater to popular sentiment. 3rd. It is evident all through that original, reliable sources have l)een sought and carefully sifted to set forth such connected facts as to make the history intensely interesting and instructive. 4h. I freely recommend it to students in school or college, to teachers and readers of history everywhere, believing that those who give this work a careful study will appreciate more and more the comforts and blessings vouchsafed unto them by the hardships endured and great labors put forth by those who took possession of this land centuries ago. A'ery sincerely, J. A. Wood. (From Brother H. Edward. President of St. Michael's College) St. Michael's College, Christian Brothers Santa Fe, N. M., November 23, 1912. Mr. B. M. Read, City. My dear Mr. Bead: I have examined your work entitled "Elementary History of New Mexico," have admired your painstaking efforts, and am pleased to say that you have given another proof to the jieople of New Mex- ico of your straightforward way of telling the truth, and in your ])resent at- tempt you have made history accessible to all. o'd and young. This latest work from your gifted pen, I hope, will stand as your monument and be of lasting interest to many generations yet to be. Yours very sincerely. Brother H. Edward. \9^^ -*'-1 GASi'AK. l^C VIl.r.AGKA. •>. rf^^ f'^ Ano V161O. FACSIMILE OF THE TITLE PAUE OF THE FIRST HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO Written by Captain Caspar de ViHagra, one of Onate's most distinguished captains in the conquest of New Mexico, 1598. Published in Spain in 1610 and the other inhabitants of the empire had centuries before immigrated from the north, but their origin was unknown to them. 18 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO IV 10. The Incas and the Peruvian Empire. — When Pizarro con- quered Peni (ir)28-3.'3) lie found a well established empire under Atahualpa and his brother lluasear. The Peruvians had reached the same dej^ree of civilization as had the Mexican Indians; they were well advanced in the knowledge of government, arts, agri- culture, architecture, astronomy, and religion. 11. Worship of the Peruvians. — The Peruvians, like the Mexican Indians, worshiped the sun, the moon, and the elements. They also offered human beings in sacrifice to their deities. They weve thrifty and industrious. 12. Origin of the Peruvian Indians. — From the traditions of these Indians the Spaniards learned that in the beginning of the twelfth century one Manco Capac and his sister and wdfe. Mama Oclle, claiming to be children of the sun, with a gi'eat number of followers, reached Peru, founded the empire, and taught its people the manner of cultivating the land as well as the arts and science of architecture, government, and astronomy. Such was the condition of the inhabitants of that portion of the American continent discovered and conquered by the Spaniards, for the knowledge of which the world is indebted to Fr. Bar- tolome de las Casas and to the Franciscan, Augustinian, Do- minican, and Jesuit missionaries who accompanied the discoverers and conquerors, and to whom the w^orld at large owes a debt of gratitude for the part they took in christianizing and civilizing that portion of the New World. 13. The Indians of North America. — The aborigines of North America were found by the first explorers in a state of savagery. They have been named and known in 'history as "Red Men of the Forests." When first discovered, according to a legend which has not the sanction of history, by the Northmen, in the year 1000, they had not advanced in any of the branches of human knowledge ; they lived in wigwams and were always wan- dering from place to place. 14. Domestic Habits of the North American Indian. — From w^hat w^e know this Indian abhorred labor and made his squaw (wife) do all the necessary labor, such as putting up his wigwam, procuring fuel, and carrying the poles and other trinkets when PREHISTORIC EPOCH 19 traveling. The male Indian contented himself Avith doing the hunting, fishing, and clearing the land that the squaw might plant the corn. Courtesij of J. C. Candelario, Santa Fe, N. M. INDIAN CHIEF ON THE WAR PATH 15. Their Religion. — The North American Indian had not the slightest idea of a future life nor of a Supreme Being. His paradise was his hunting-ground. He had no idols, but wor- shiped the elements, birds, and all animals. 20 JliJSTORY OF NEW MEXICO 16. Orig-in of the North American Indian. — We know nothing of the origin ol" llic North Aiiici'ican Indian. V'eiy ancient ruins have been found which indicate prehistoric settlements. Near St. Louis great mounds exist which are believed to have be^n built by the first inhabitants. Similar mounds exist in the State of Ohio. Regarding the origin of these Indians even the first explorers of North America do not give us an 3^ plausible evi- dence. These explorers are: Ponce de Leon, Spaniard, who, while in quest of the "Fountain of perpetual youth," discovered Florida in 1512; then the settlers of Jamestown, Virginia, under Captain Newport, in 1607 ; Samuel de Champlain, founder of Quebec, in 1608; and the Jesuit, Father Jacques Marquette, founder of the mission of Saint Marie, in 1666, and discoverer of the upper Mississippi. VI 17. The New^ Mexico Indians.— Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca, Spaniard (about whose wonderful travels the student will be in- formed further on), was the first white man to cross the Amer- ican continent, from the coast of Florida to the City of Mexico (1535-36). It was he who first visited New Me^xico, and ob- served the habits and mode of living of our Indians, both the Pueblo Indians and the nomadic tribes. 18. Cabeza de Vaca's Story. — De Vaca's statement regard- ing the nomadic tribes does not differ in the least from what has been said with respect to the habits and manner of living of the North American Indian. Regarding the peaceful Pueblo In- dians of Nqw Mexico, he informs us that he found them living in large and well built adobe villages, with houses several stories high ; that they wore cotton and woolen clothes woven and made by themselves; that they were industrious, liospitable, and thrifty, well advanced in the knowledge of agriculture, each pueblo cultivating large fields of maize (corn), beans, pumpkins, and other cereals; that they had sheep, dogs, and chickens, and were very fond of hunting and fishing; that they believed in a future life and worshiped the sun and the moon, but did not have the practice of human sacrifice. De Vaca and his three companions, Andres Dorantes, Alonzo del Castillo and a negro named Estevanico, visited the Zuni village on their Way to Mexico. Concerning the origin of these Indians De Vaca does not say a word. PREHISTORIC EPOCH 21 19. Fr. Marcos de Niza and Others. — Father Niza was the next to visit and observe thcsi; Jiulians of New Mexico (1539). After him came Francisco Vas(iuez cle Coronado (1540), Fran- cisco de Ibarra (1563), Fr. Augnstin Rodriguez (1581), Antonio de Espejo (1582), Castano de Sosa (1590), and Juan de Onate (1598), all of whom confirm what De Vaca has said as to the lives of the New Mexican Indian, but not a word concerning his origin and coming to this continent. 20. Archbishop Salpointe's Views.^The Most Reverend Archbishop Juan B. Salpointe, for many years missionary priest among the Indians of Arizona and New Mexico, and afterwards Archbishop of Santa Fe, and author of the very interesting book on the history of the Catholic church in New Mexico, entitled Soldiers of the Cross, after a life of study of these Indians was able to obtain from a very old Indian in Arizona their traditional story, which was that their fu'st ancestors had come from another land — far, very far to the north ; that before reaching this land they met with a very large body of water, which many of their number crossed, leaving the rest on the other side of the big river or lake. (More information as to Pueblo Indians is given in another part of this book.) 21. Accepted Theory. — It is now generally believed by his- torians, geographers, and ethnologists that the first inhabitants of North and South America came from the northeastern part of Asia, which touches the Behring Strait. That theory seems to agree with the tradition communicated to Archbishop Salpointe by the Arizona Indians. SPANISH-REGIME— 1539-1821 CHAPTER II VII 22. Sketch and Journey of Cabeza de Vaca. — De Vaca's real name was Alvar Nunez de Vera. He Avas the son of Francisco de Vera and Tereza Alhaja-Cabeza de Vaca. His parents and his parents' ancestors were all of illustrious origin. The place of his birth was Jerez de la Frontera, Spain, but the year of his birth has never been ascertained. De Vaca 's father was the conqueror of the Canary Islands (1488). His mother was a de^ scendant of Don Martin Alhaja, a nobleman who, in the year 1212, was surnamed Caveza de Vaca by the king of Navarra, as a reward for having, by means of a cow's horn, marked out a path on the rough, rugged mountains for the Spanish army, enabling the Spaniards to surprise and defeat the Moors at the battle of Las Navas de Tolosa. On learning the origin of the name "Cabeza de Vaca," Alvar Nunez changed his surname from "de Vera" to "Cabeza de Vaca" and is known in history as Alvar Nuiiez Cabeza de Vaca. 23. De Vaca's Coming to the New World.— On the 7th of June, 1527, Panfilo de Narvaez, with six vessels and 600 men, colonists, priests, and soldiers, sailed from San Liicas de Barra- meda, Spain, to colonize the land discovered by Ponce de Leon in 1512— Florida. On the 14th day of April, 1528, after the loss of 300 of his men and two of his ships in wrecks and hurricanes, Narvaez reached Florida and landed on the shores of the Bay of Tampa. Soon after, Narvaez began his explorations into the in- terior of the country, discovering several Indian villages, the principal one named Ante. After suflfering much from hunger, sickness, and constant fighting with Indians, the latter part of July the Spaniards captured Ante, where they found abun- dance of corn, beans, pumpkins, and other eatables. 24. Aute is Abandoned. — Desperate Situation. — Nai-vaez had sent his three ships to Puerto Rico and Havana for more men SPANISH REGIME 23 and pro\asions, which never came, and he was left powerless to leave the country on that account. Being tlireatened with death by starvation, or annihilation by the Indians, the Spaniards eon- stinicted floats and reached the Gulf of Mexico by sailing down a river nearly as large as the Mississippi. On August 3, 1528, they left the village amid uncountable sufferings and half dead with hunger, on their march to the sea. On reaching the large river they eonstnicted five floats, using the metal of their stir- rups for nails and the leather of their saddles for roj^es. On the 28th day of September, 1528, after having lost forty men from sickness and hunger, they killed the last horse to use his flesh for provisions and his hide for bottle-gourds (bags) to carry drinkable water and sailed down the river. Before reaching the Gulf the drinkable water gave out and they were compelled to drink salt water, three Spaniards dying from the effects. They were attacked by the Indians, two Spaniards being killed and Narvaez wounded. They reached the Gulf November 5, 1528, were met by an angry sea, the floats separated and finally (No- vember 6, 1528) were wrecked, and all but some forty or sixty of the Spaniards perished, Narvaez being among them. The few thus saved were rescued by the Indians of the coast and parceled out among them. Among the saved were Cabeza de Vaca, Andres DoraJites de Carranza, Alonzo del Castillo Maldonado, and a negro slave of Dorantes, named Estevanico. Cabeza de Vaca and the other Spaniards last named, remained together ^ath the Indians of an island which they named Isla del Infortunio (Is- land of Misfortune). De Vaca with other Spaniards remained on this island for a few months and separated because of their desperate condition, some of them dying of hunger, and the sur- vivors having been compelled to eat the flesh of their dead com- panions. Dorantes and his slave went together. De Vaca used his knowledge to an advantage, became a trader and a doctor among the Indian tribes, selling shells and trinkets and making cures among them. VIII 25. De Vaca's Journey. — After seven years of wandering and captivity, De Vaca, Dorantes, Castillo Maldonado, and the negro Estevajiico met (in 1535) and secretly concocted the plan for their escape, and in August of that year undertook their famous journey across the continent, passing through New SPAN181I REGIME 25 Mexico and reaching tlie City of Mexico on the 25th dav of July, 1536. 26. Hospitable Treatment by Indians. — The route followed by De Vaca and his companions was, it is believed, across the State of Texas, entering New Mexico from the southeast, after having traveled north several days up the Pecos River, from the confluence of that river with the Rio Grande. On their way they visited many Indian villages, among them being the Zuni pueblo, where they remained for some time. All along their route they were received in a friendly manner by the Indians, who fur- nished them with corn, beans, and butfalo meat, and with guides to conduct them from tribe to tribe. This hospitable treatment was extended to the Spaniards by the Indians as recognition for the marvelous cures performed by De Vaca and the others among the Indians. De Vaca assures us that by his undying faith in Divine Providence he performed miraculous cures merely by the making of the sign of the cross and reciting some prayers. De Vaca instructed the Indians in the knowledge of a Supreme Be- ing and to make the sign of the cross. 27. Hung'er Drives the Spaniards to Desperation. — Before reaching the inhabited Indian villages of New Mexico, the Span- iards and their guides were once lost for some days. Hunger and thirst drove them to desperation and compelled them to eat dog meat, De Vaca having purchased two from the Indians. 28. Arrest of De Vaca and His Companions. — From Zuiii the Spaniards traveled due west, expecting to reach the Pacific Ocean and find Spanish settlements. After having traveled through what forms today the State of Sonora, the Spaniards met near Culiacan a party of Spanish explorers under Captain Diego de Alcaraz. The unexpected meeting of the parties was as start- ling to De Vaca as to Alcaraz. They soon became acquainted and soon also enmity separated them. Alcaraz wanted De Vaca to help him capture the Indians that accompanied De Vaca, to which proposition De Vaca could not consent. This brought about the arrest of De Vaca and his companions. Under arrest they were conducted to San Miguel to be punished by Cebreros, the alcalde (justice of the peace) of that village. Cebreros made an effort to coerce De Vaca to obey the orders of Alcaraz, but De Vaca and his companions declined and were sent to Melchor Diaz, alcalde of Culiacan, to be punished by him. This was in May, 1536. 26 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 29. Release of De Vaca and His Party. — Melchor Diaz, on hearing De Vacuus narrative of the wreck of the Narvaez expe- dition and the sufferings of the unfortunate survivors, released them and sent them on to Compostehi, where they were kindly received by Nuno de Guzman, governor of the i)rovince. From Compostela, De Vaca and his companions started for the City of Mexico, which they reached on July 25, ir).36. To Viceroy Mendoza and Hernan Cortes, the conqueror of Mexico, De Vaca gave a full account of the Narvaez expedition, of his journey across the country, and of the lands and Indian settlements they had seen. De Vaca left Mexico for Vera Cniz in April, 1537, and sailed from Vera Cruz about the middle of the same month for Spain, where he arrived in August, 1537. In Spain he wrote and published the history of the expedition and his journey, un- der the title "Naufragios" (shipwrecks), and the king appointed him governor of La Plata, South America, for which place he sailed from Cadiz on December 2, 1540. From La Plata he was sent to Spain in chains, in 1545, by his own men, under charges of disloyalty. For eight years he fought in the Spanish courts, vindicating himself finally but never again returned to America, thus ending his most eventful life. CHAPTER III IX 30. First Expedition — Fr. Marcos de Niza. — In the year 1538 a Franciscan father, named Juan de la Ascencion, dis- covered the Gila River in what today is the State of Arizona, and was before part of New ]\Iexico, but he did not reach the interior of tlie territory now forming the State of New Mexico. 31. Mendoza Sends Niza. — It was in the year 1539 when the first expedition into New Mexico was made by Fr. Marcos de Niza. He was sent by Viceroy Mendoza to explore the country and christianize its inhabitants. The locality was known as the Seven Cities or Cibola country (Zuiii). 32. Sketch of Fr. Niza. — Niza was a Franciscan monk, a man of high literary attainments. He had been in America since the year 1531, having come as superior of the Franciscans, had ac- companied Francisco Pizarro to Peru in 1532, returning from Peni to Nicaragua where he remained till 1535, preaching the gospel and educating the Indians. 33. Fr. Niza's Entry,— Father Niza was in Mexico when Cabeza de Yaca made his report, in July, 1536, to Mendoza and Cortes. Mendoza was so moved by what De Vaca said regarding the Seven Cities that he finally made up his mind to send Fr. Marcos de Niza at the head of an expedition, with the negro Este- vanico as guide, to colonize the country and christianize the Indians. Father Niza accepted the charge and started in 1539. 34. Niza's Expedition to Cibola. — Having selected Fr. Niza, Viceroy Mendoza gave him strict Avritten authority to effect the conversion of the Indians by Christian instructions, tempered Avith merciful treatment ; to teach them reading, A\Titing, and agriculture ; to stop the capture and sale of Indians by the Spaniards engaged in that unchristian trade, and to report to him any cruelties and injustices practiced upon the Indians by 28 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO said tracU'i's, and to form settlements, build churches and con- vents, if such things were possible. 35. Fr. Niza Leaves Culiacan.— Accompanied by another Franciscan i)riest named Ornato, the negro guide Estevanico, and a few friendly Indians, Fr. Marcos de Niza undertook his journey from Culiacan (now^ State of Sinaloa, Mexico) March 7, 1539. After a fe(w days' travel, they came to an Indian village called Petatlan. Here Fr. Niza and his party were cordially re- ceived by the Indians, being the recipients of an abundance of food, roses, and other presents. Fr. Ornato became sick and was left at Petatlan. 36. Niza Hears of Cortes. — Niza was traveling close to the coast of the Gulf of California. He met Indians who had pearls and who told him that they were from an island which had been visited by a stranger (Cortes, when discovering California in 1539). On his way to the Cibola country from the place where he met these Indians, Niza found a tribe of ^\dld Indians who called him "Sayota" (a man descended from heaven). This tribe, according to a Jesuit historian. Father Juan Ortiz Zapata, was from the tribe of Pima Indians. From these Indians Niza learned that further north in the interior he would find large In- dian villages where the lands were cultivated, the inhabitants dressed in cotton and woolen garments, and that the wool was clipped from small animals. They also informed him that gold, showing him pieces of that metal, abounded in said country. Niza was now in what is today the State of Sonora, Mexico. 37. Niza Reaches Vacapa — Sends Estevanico Ahead. — From the last mentioned place Niza came to an Indian village called Vacapa. Here he saw that com, beans, pumpkins, and other herbs were cultivated. From this pueblo, Niza sent Este- vanico ahead with instructions to explore the country and to report his discoveries by special couriers. XI 38. Estevanico Reaches Zuni. — After traveling a few days, Estevanico reached several Indian settlements. In all of them he was kindly treated and was the object of many attentions. Finally, twenty-five days after he left Vacapa, Estevanico reached the Seven Cities (Zufii pueblos), and from there he sent word to Niza by some of the friendly Indians that had ac- SPANISH EEGIME 29 coinpanied hini. He also sent Niza a large wooden cross, and told the messengers to relate to Niza the wonders of the Seven Cities, and urge iiiin to make liaste. 39. Niza Continues His Journey. — On receiving Estevanico's report, Niza thanked God and at once resumed the journey. On the way to the Seven Cities Niza learned from the Indians that north of them there were other large settlements called Acueo (Acoma), Marata, and Tonteac. iJefore reaching the province of the Seven Cities, Niza met some Indians who, observing the color of the cloth of his habit, told him that in Cibola and Ton- teac the Indians had the same kind of cloth, made from wool taken from small animals. Niza made and planted large crosses at each village. 40. Niza Leaves His Road to Find the Sea. — Anxious to find out how near to the coast he was, Niza made a side trip to the west, reached the coast of the Gulf of California "at 35 degrees" as he says, and then returned his march to Zuiii, taking possession of the country as he went. 41. Niza Learns of Estevanico's Death. — In the earlier part of May, Niza had already reached the Zuni desert, when he met some of the friendly Indians, who had gone with Estevanico to the land of the Seven Cities, and from them learned that Este- vanico and many of the Indians who went with him had reached Cibola, and had been killed by the Indians of the main pueblo (Zuni). These emissaries advised Niza not to go any further or he also would be killed. 42. Niza Reaches Zuni and Takes Possession. — Learning of the greatness of the Seven Cities, Niza concluded not to return until he had seen them. He went on until he came to a mound overlooking the main pueblo (Zuni). From the top of that mound he viewed the whole country, and making a mound of rocks, erected thereon a large wooden cross, taking solemn pos- session of the Seven Cities and all the surrounding country in the name of the king, and naming it "New Kingdom of San Francisco." This done, Niza returned to the City of Mexico, which place he reached in September (1539). The description he gave of the country by him discovered, its riches, fertility, and its large and populous cities created such excitement that Mendoza at once began to formulate plans for further explora- tions and for the conquest of the whole country. 'A < MP CHAPTER IV XII 43. Coronado Heads the New Expedition. — Francisco Vas- quez Coronado was an officer of high standing, a noble, and was related to the chief officers in Mexico. On that account he was selected by Mendoza. Having received his appointment as com- mandant, Coronado proceeded to organize an army of 300 Spaniards and 80Q Indians. Among the officers were Pedro de Tovar (ensign), Pedro de Guevara, Garcia Lopez de Cardenas, Kodrigo Maldonado, Diego Lopez, Diego Gutierrez, Juan de Zal- divar, Francisco Barrionuevo, Francisco de Obando, Juan Galle- gos, and Tristan de Arellano, all nobles, as captains, and Alonso Manrique de Lara, Lope de Urrea, Gomez Suarez de Figueroa, Luis Eamirez de Vargas, Juan de Soto Mayor, Francisco Gor- ballan y Castaiieda, Pablo de Melgosa, and Hernando de Alva- rado, as subordinate officers. Melgosa was placed in charge of the infantry and Alvarado in charge of the mounted forces, both iwdth the rank of captain. By sea Coronado sent Hernando de Alarcon with two vessels to carry provisions, Coronado believing that his journey w^as to be made along the coast. This was in the earlier part of the year 1540. 44. Oath of Allegiance — Niza Accompanies the Expedition — Pedro de Castenda. — At Compostela the officers and men gave before Viceroy Mendoza the oath of allegiance. Fr. Marcos de Niza, Fr. Juan de Padilla, Fr. Escalona, Fr. Antonio Victoria, and other Franciscan priests accompanied the expedition. From Compostela the army went to Culiacan, from which place Coro- nado set out on a vanguard march with fifty mounted men, some infantry soldiers, and a number of Indians. The rest of the army under Tristan de Arellano, followed fifteen days after. Niza, with some of the other friars, accompanied Coronado. Among the soldiers was Pedro de Castaiieda who, some twenty years after, wrote a history of what he remembered of the ex- pedition. 32 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 45. Coronado Reaches Zufii. — After crossing an Indian Vil- lage, in wliiil now i'oi'ins Ihe State of Sonora, called Chiehil-ti- calli, Coronado entered the Znfii deseii, gi-eatly discouraged and bitterly disappointed in discovering that Niza's report had mis- represented the country, and coming to the Zuiii River, named it Rio Colorado (red river), on account of its water being red with SPANISH REGIME 33 mud. Coronado was now eiglit miles from Zniii. It was the j&rst of August (1540). At this i^iace Coronado met some of the Zuni Indians who, on seeing the Spaniards, started promptly to carry the news to Zuni. 46. Battle Won with the Zunis — Pueblos Surrender — Coro- nado Wounded. — On August 2d, Zuni Indians (the original In- dian name of this pueblo was "Ha\Adkuh") came out and gave the Spaniards battle but were defeated and on the next day (August 3d) Coronado 's army entered the pueblo, and Coronado at once named the country Nueva Granada (New Granada), and the same day A\TOte a letter from that place to Viceroy Mendoza, which contained a severe censure of Niza's exaggerated report. The pueblo had some 200 warriors, about 1,000 inhabitants, adobe houses from three to four stories high. From Zuiii, Coro- nado visited the other six pueblos of the province which he com- pelled to surrender, after a somewhat desperate battle in which Coronado received a stone jw^ound in the head. Coronado then reprimanded Niza and sent him back to Mexico. 47. Arellano's March — Spanish Settlements. — On his way to Cibola the. army followed the road traveled by Cabeza de Viaca four years before, and came to an Indian camp, which De Vaca named Corazones (Hearts), at or near the place where the City of Ures, State of Sonora, Mexico, now stands. Here Arellano founded the colony of San Geronimo de los Corazones (Saint Jerome of Hearts), but which he afterwards removed further into the interior and gave it the name of Seiiora (Lady). From that place Arellano sent Maldonado to the coast in search of Alarcon, who soon returned Av-ithout finding Alarcon, nor his vessels. Here also Arellano received, in October, instructions from Coronado to hasten the march of the army. 48. The Army Starts for Cibola — Alarcon 's Letter — The Colorado River. — Arellano at once started for Cibola, leaving Melchor Diaz with eighty soldiers at Seiiora. After Arellano's departure Melchor Diaz -with l^wenty-five men went to the coast to look for Alarcon, leaving Diego de Alcaraz in charge at Seiiora. On reaching the coast, where the Colorado River empties into the Gulf of California, he found written on a tree these words: "Alarcon arrived at this place; there are letters at the foot of this tree." In the letters Alarcon stated that, having in vain waited there a long time for instructions from Coronado, he had returned to New Spain (Mexico). 34 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO 49. Death of Diaz. — Melelior Diaz followed the opposite course of tlie ("olorado River, to a point near its confluence with the Gila. Here he built rafts, crossed to the noi'th side, and ex- plored the country far into what are now the States of California, Nevada, and Utah. Not finding: anything of interest he retraced his steps, but was accidentally killed bcfoi-e reaching Senora. 50. The Army Reaches Cibola — More Discoveries. — It was after the middle of October (1540) when the army reached Cibola, Avithout encountering any accident. Acting on informa- tion given him by the Indians about a group of other pueblos some twenty-five miles from Cibola, (Joronado sent seventeen soldiers under Pedro de Tovar and Fr. Juan de Padilla. Tovar soon found these pueblos, the principal one of which was Tu- sayan. He had to fight a battle, in which many Indians were killed, before taking posssession of the pueblos. Here Tovar heard of a great river (the Colorado, discovered by Melchor Diaz) inhabited by large pueblos. Tovar returned to Coronado's quarters and reported what he had done. 51. Second Discovery of the Colorado River. — Coronado at once sent Garcia Lopez de Cardenas with twelve soldiers to dis- cover that river, and to take possession of its settlements. They traveled twenty days before reaching the river, and when they came to it they found a ravine so deep that the two men charged to descend to the water traveled down a narrow path from morning until four o'clock in the afternoon without reaching the water line. Cardenas and the others remained on the brink of the precipice until the two men returned. The two men who made the descent were Captain Melgosa and the soldier, Juan Galeras. 52. Acuco, Tiguex, Cicuye Discovered — Bigotes Submits.— The discovery of Acuco (Acoma), Tiguex (some ten or more pueblos lying on either side of the Rio Grande near the town of Bernalillo with Puara or Puaray as the principal one of the province), and Cicuye (Pecos) followed. An Indian from Cicuye visited Coronado at Zuiii and informed him of their ex- istence. This Indian was from Cicuye, and the Spaniards named him Bigotes (Mustache), on account of his having beard and mustache. Bigotes offered Coronado his sub- mission and the submission of all his people, and made him pres- ents of tanned buffalo hides and Indian pottery. He told Coron- ado that the hides were tanned from cow^s found not far from Cicuye. To verify that information, Coronado sent Hernando SPANISH REGIME 35 do Alvarado with twenty soldiers and Bigotes, giving Alvarado eiglity days to explore the whole country. 53. Alvarado 's Journey — Headquarters for the Army — Turco. — The first pueblo Alvarado eanie to was Aeuco (Acoma) about fifty miles east from Zuni. Acoma is built on the summit of a large impregnable rock, and is ascended by a very narrow path with steps carved in the rock. After some little resistance, Alvarado took possession of Acoma, receiving presents of turkeys, bread, deerskins, pinones (pine tree nuts), corn meal, and corn. Alvarado then went to the Tiguex province, and was joyfully re- ceived by the Indians of Puaray, the chief pueblo. From Tiguex, Alvarado informed Coronado that the pueblo of Puaray was the best place for winter quarters, urging him to come there. From there Alvarado went to Cicuye, and found its inhabitants ready for submission. They came out to meet him, and gave him many presents of woolen and cotton goods, turquoises, and other things. Here Alvarado met an Indian that looked like a Turk, whom the Spaniards on that account called Turco. This Indian claimed to be from Florida. Turco told Alvarado that hisi country was very rich, thickly inhabited; that gold and silver could be found in large quantities. Alvarado returned from Cicuye and on reaching Tiguex, he met Cardenas with a few sol- diers. Cardenas had come to prepare quarters for the army. 54. Coronado at Tiguex — Other Pueblos — The Gran Quivira. — Coronado, upon Cardenas' report, sent the army un- der Arellano to Tiguex, and he went with thirty men and a few Indians to discover the province of Tutahaco (comprising the pueblos of Laguna and Isleta). After taking peaceful pos- session of that province, Coronado went along the Rio Grande to Tiguex, where he met Alvarado, Turco (the Indian), and Car- denas. This was in September, 1540. Turco repeated to Coro- nado what he had told about his country, which is known as the Gran Quivira. Coronado now made up his mind to make a .journey to that country, but as it was then winter he remained there until the spring of 1541. The army reached Tigaex shortly after Coronado, and the soldiers were lodged in the homes of the Indians who had been expelled by force from their homes by Cardenas and Alvarado and deprived of their clothes and pro- visions that the soldiers might have comfortable quarters. This cruel and inhuman treatment of the hospitable Indians was acquiesced in by Coronado, and was the seed which engendered MOST REV. DON JUAX BAUTISTA LAMY, ARCHBISHOP OF SANTA FE New Mexico's first Bishop, 1851, under the American Government SPANISH REGIME 37 in the hearts of the New Mexico Pueblo Indians the hatred against tlie Spaniards which later (in 1680) cuhninated in the great rebellion. XIV 55. First Insurrection — Cruelty of the Spaniards. — Because of the inclemency of the weather, Coronado ordered Juan -Ale- man, Indian governor of Puaray, to gather from the Indians 300 garments for the Spanish soldiers. The order was not com- plied with immediately, and Coi'onado sent soldiers to enforce it. The Indians were despoiled of all they had, even the clothes they were wearing, and were, besides, subjected to cruel treat- ment, and their families abused by the soldiers. These things brought about a hostile demonstration on the part of the In- dians, which ended in a bloody fight, in which many Indians w^ere killed and a large number made prisoners. This was in March, 1541. To this cruel and unchristian treatment of the Indians the Franciscan Fathers protested, objected, and repri- manded the Spaniards. 56. Siege of the Pueblo — Human Holocaust. — On hearing of the insurrection Coronado sent Cardenas with a large, number of soldiers with instructions not to leave a single Indian alive. A siege Avas laid to the pueblo which lasted fifteen days, the In- dians fighting desperately until hunger and thirst compelled them to surrender, after losing 200 of their number. The Span- iards had several soldiers wounded and one- officer, Captain Francisco de Obando, was killed. While the battle was raging, some 100 Indians surrendered to Captains Zaldivar and Melgosa and were sent to Cardenas' quarters. Cardenas, believing that said Indians had been made prisoners, ordered their immediate execution. All but two of the unfortunate natives were burnt alive. When Cardenas became aware of his error, after the surrender of the other Indians, he made an effort under Corona- do's orders and the command of the priests, to reconcile the Indians, but w^as assaulted and w^ounded by them. 57. Coronado Visits Cicuye — Delivery of Bigotes. — While the Tiguex pueblo was under siege, Coronado, fearing a general uprising by the Cicuye Indians, made a trip to Cicuye and de- livered to the natives of that pueblo, their governor, Bigotes, whom he had kept for six months in Puaray as a prisoner on a complaint of Turco, Avho had charged the Cicuye Indians with 38 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO having stolen some bracelets from him. The Cieiiye Indians were pleased when their governor was returned to them, and, on that account they submitted to Coronado, giving him manj' presents, among wliieh was an Indian from Qnivii-a, Xave. Coronado at once returned 1o Tigiu-x. 58. Submission of the Whole Province — The Gran Quivira. — ^Upon Coronado 's return to Tiguex, preparations were made for the journey to the nuich lauded Gran Quivira. The Tiguex Indians had fled to the mountains, but ])e Tovai- had already discovered and pacified the province of Queres or Quinx (which included the pueblos named today Cohiti, San I^'elipe, Santo Domingo, Zia, and Santa Ana, now deserted). All these pueblos are near Tiguex. The whole province being pacified, and every- thing ready, the celebrated march of Coronado to the Gran Quivira was undertaken by the whole army, no Spaniard re- maining in New Mexico. This journey was undertaken in May, 1541. To the Indians of Zia, Coronado made a present, to show them his appreciation of their loyalty, of four pieces (cannons) of artillery which had previously been put out of commission. XV 59. The Gran Quivira. — From Tiguex Coronado marched, with Xave and Turco as guides, going by way of Cicuye, thence in a southeastern direction until they again reached the Pecos River, at the place where the town of Puerto de Luna, Guadalupe County, is now. The river was very high and could not be forded, but the Spaniards built a bridge, and were thus able to continue their journey into the then limitless prairies (the staked plains). For several days the army traveled amid great sufferings for want of water. Food they had plenty, the vast territorial expanse being literally covered with bisons (buffa- loes). 60. Trace of Cabeza De Vaca — Ysopete. — In the course of the journey far into the interior of the wilderness, the Span- iards came to a large settlement through which Cabeza de Vaca and his companions had passed six years before. On the ap- proach of the army the Indians requested the Spaniards to bless them, the Indians making the sign of the cross and saying they had learned these things from three white men and a negro, who went through their land some time before. At this place the SPANISH REGIME 39 Spaniards were joined by another Indian, wlioni they called Ysopefe, ■\vho asked to be allowed to go with them as he knew the eounti-y better than Turco, and charging Turco with having told a falsehood to the Spaniards regarding the country. These diarges were supported by Xave, who time and again called Turco an impostor. 61. Council of War — Turco Arrested. — Coronado being dis- gusted with not having found, after tiiirty-seven days of constant travel, anything but wild Indians and wild animals, and being satisfied that Turco had lied to him, called a council of war, the result of the deliberations being that the army should return to Tiguex, and that Coronado, with thirty-six mounted and six infantry soldiers, should continue further into the interior. Coronado placed Turco under arrest, took him along, and made him travel on foot. Ysopete also accompanied Coronado as guide. Xave returned with the army. The separation of Cor- onado from his army took place near the southern part of what is now the State of Kansas. 62. Return of the Army — New Discoveries. — Before start- ing, Arellano had 500 butfaloes killed and the meat sun-dried to provision the army. On his return Arellano took for guides some Indians called Teyas, and the start was made the earlier part of July, 1541, by a shorter route pointed out by the Indian guides, the journey to Tiguex having been made in twenty-five days. At Cicuye the army was received with hostile demonstrations. Arellano therefore continued his journey without stopping at Cicuye. On reaching Tiguex, the latter part of July, Arellano found the pueblos occupied by the Tiguex Indians, who, upon the arrival of the Spaniards, again abandoned the pueblos, fleeing to the mountains. Arellano at once sent squads of soldiers in different directions, to explore the country and to gather pro- visions for the army. Barrionuevo went by w-ay of Jemez, where he discovered seven pueblos (only one of them exists to- day), and gathered great quantities of corn, bread, and other provisions, which the Indians readily gave him. From Jemez Ban'ionuevo went northeast, discovering the pueblos of San Ilde- fonzo, Pojua(iue, Nambe, Cuyanningue, Santa Clara, San Juan, and Abiquiu, and finally Taos (Braba), which he named Valla- dolid. Another captain explored the province of the Piros, Socorro County. 63. The Gran Quivira — Coronado 's Return. — Coronado trav- 40 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO eled forty days after leaving the army without finding anything of conse(iuence, arriving finally at a large settlement of Wichita Indians who lived in slender straw huts. This settlement, Cor- onado was informed, was the famous Gran Quivira. The exact location of the Quivira is supposed to be on the Arkansas River, State of Kansas, close to where Dodge City now stands. (Some reputable authors believe that it was on the Missouri River.) Coronado, realizing that he had been imposed upon by Turco, had him executed by strangulation and gave orders for the re- turn to Tiguex. 64. Battle with the Cicuye Indians. — In the earlier part of October, 1541, Arellano, having heard that Coronado was on his way back, started with forty men to meet him. At Cicuye he found the Indians opposed to his going further and ready to figh't. A battle followed, in which the Indians were whipped into siibmission, after many of them had been killed. ' Here Arellano waited for Coronado, who was not long in reaching the place. On Coronado 's arrival at Cicuye, the Indians again sub- mitted to his authority wdth demonstrations of joy. Coronado then proceeded to Tiguex, where he spent the winter with his army. XVI 65. Letter to the Emperor — Coronado 's Failure. — On his re- turn to Tiguex, Coronado, keenly feeling his disappointment, and having been made the victim of Father Niza's exaggerations, on the 20th of October, 1541, made his last report to the emperor of Spain. In this report, Coronado manfully admits his failure; gives a full and complete account of his journey ; of his surprise at Niza 's having wilfully lied to him about the country ; describes his suffering and what he found the Quivira to be ; states M'hat discoveries had been made ; relates the inclemency of the weather and the lack of fuel in the neighborhood of Tiguex ; informs the emperor of his going back to Mexico in the coming spring, and closes with these words : ' ' There was nothing of what Fr. Mar- cos said . . . the best I have found is this river of Tiguex, where I am, and its towns which are not in position to be peo- pled. . . The land is so cold, as I have written to your Majes- ty, that it seems impossible for winter to be spent therein, there being neither wood nor clothing wherewith men might be shel- tered." SPANISH REGIME 41 66. Cold Causes Suffering' — Injury to Coronado. — The win- ter was spent in extreme poverty, aiul without wood or sufficient clothing. In going through the country looking for provisions Coronado was thrown from his horse, the fall inflicting on him a severe injury which laid him up for some weeks. Cardenas, who had left Tiguex for Spain immediately upon the return of the army, returned to Tiguex, not having been able to proceed very far because the Indians in Sonora had killed all the Span- iards in the Spanish settlements. This sad news caused Corona- do much anxiety and prompted him to begin preparations for the return of the army to Mexico. 67. The Return— The First Martyrs.— In the latter part of April, 1542, Coronado with his army left Tiguex for Mexico, taking wdth him all his men except Fr. Juan de Padilla, Fr. de Escalona, a Portuguese named Andres del Campo, and some few Indians of those that came with him from Mexico. The Fathers at once separated to preach the gospel among the Indians. Father De Padilla, accompanied by Del Campo, went back to the Gran Quivira, where he was murdered by the Indians while de- livering a sermon. Del Campo escaped as soon as he saw what was to happen. Fr. De Escalona remained preaching the gospel in Cicuye, where he also was killed by the Indians of that pueblo. The Mexican Indians, some three or four, remained at Zuiii, where Espejo found them forty years after (1582). Coronado reached the City of Mexico in August (1542). Mendoza received him with marked indifference, relieving him of the post of gov- ernor of New Galicia which he was occuping when sent to New Mexico. Thus ended the remarkable and eventful, though fruit- less entry of Coronado. CHAPTER V XVII 68. First Mission.- After the return of Coronado to Mexico (1542) no other entry of importance took place until the year 1581, except an entry made in 1564, by Don Fran- cisco Ibarra, then governor of New ^Mscaya, who came at the head of an expedition composed of fifty soldiers under Pedro de Tovar (one of Coron- ado 's captains), and several Francis- can Fathers with Fr. Acebedo as su- perior. It was in the year 1581, when two Franciscan Fathers and a Franciscan Brother, named Juan de Santa Maria, Francisco Lopez, and Agustin Rodriguez (known in historj^ as Rodriguez and Ruiz) respectively, came to New Mexico. These mission- aries were accompanied by eight sol- diers under Captain Francisco San- chez Chasmuscado. The names of the soldiers were: Felipe Escalante, Hernando Barrado, Jose Sanchez, Pe- dro Sanchez de Chavez, Herrera, and Fuensalido. The object of these mis- sionaries was to teach the Indians the Christian re- ligion. The soldiers were sent to escort and protect the Fathers; eight friendly Indians from Mexico came with them as servants. Thus it was that the first missions in New Mexico were preached in 1581. PTESUOl/E Courtesy of J. C. Candelnrio, Santa Fe, N. M. INDIAN GOVERNOR OP THE PUEBLO OF TESUQUE SPANISH REGIME 43 69. The Journey Along the Rio Grande. — June 5, 1581, the Fathers and the rest ol" tlic [jarty left San iJarlolonie (then the northernmost mission in what is now the State of Chihuahua). They came traveling along the Kio Grande from the confluence of that river with the Conchos. The Fathers, on reaching the Rio Grande, named it Guadalquivir, because it looked to them as large as the Guadalquivir of Spain. On their way they preach- ed in every pueblo along the river and were cordially received everywhere. When they reached Tiguex they established their head(]uarters in the pueblo of Puaray, this pueblo being the same where Coronado had forty years before made his quarters. 70. Discovery of Mines — The Soldiers Desert the Fathers. — The missions being thus established, in October, 1581, Cliamus- cado and his companions made several trips over the country looking for mines, discovering some in the Piros province (now Socorro County). Chamuscado and his soldiers, in January, 1582, returned to Mexico (Chamuscado dying before reaching the City of Mexico), leaving the Fathers in New Mexico wdthout protection. They took a quantity of silver ore wath them, which was essayed in Mexico and found to contain fifty per cent of silver. 71. The Fathers Name the Province New Mexico — Their Death. — Fr. Eodriguez and his companions made thousands of conversions among the Indians and were so well pleased with the country and its inhabitants that they named it New^ Mexico, and sent a report to Mexico by Father Juan de Santa Maria. The latter, relying on his knowledge of the stars, and prompted also by a desire to discover other places, took a different route. He had traveled only three days when the Indians, while the Father was asleep by the roadside, killed him, by casting a large stone over his head. Father Lopez and Fr. Rodriguez and the friend- ly Indians who came wdth them from Mexico, were a few days after murdered by the Indians of Tiguex in the pueblo of Puaray. These murders were committed in the earlier part of 1582. The Franciscan Fathers at Bartolome soon learned of the fate of these Fathers. Though these Fathers were the first to apply the name New Mexico to the province, they were not the originators of that title. The name had been known in Mexico since 1568. 44 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO XVIII 72. Expedition of Deliverance. — After Chanmscado and the other sokliei's had reached San Bartolome the force disbanded, Chamnscado, Pedro de Bustaraente, and Hernando Barrado go- ing to Mexico City, to report to the viceroy the result of their trip. Chanmscado died before reaching Mexico ; Bustamente and Barrado reached the city in May, 1582 ; they made a report of their discoveries and turned over the silver ore to the royal assayer. From Barrado 's testimony, Mendoza learned of the rumors that Fr. Ruiz and his companions had been murdered. At San Bartolome Father Beltran, upon hearing the sad rumors at once took steps to organize an expedition to rescue Fr. Lopez and his companions, if alive. Antonio de Espejo, a rich noble, who was then at San Bartolome, volunteered to head the expedi- tion, defraying the expenses himself. The ne.cessary authority having been obtained. Father Beltran placed everything in Es- pejo 's hands and agreed to accompany Espejo. 73. Espejo Starts — A Woman in the Party.— Being well sup- plied with arms, food, provisions, mules, and horses, Espejo started from San Bartolome November 10, 1582. With him were fourteen soldiers whose names were Juan Lopez de IbaiTa, Diego Perez de Lujan, Gaspar de Lujan, Cristobal Sanchez, Gregorio Hernandez, Juan Hernandez, Miguel Sanchez Valenciano, La- zaro Sanchez, Miguel Sanchez Nevado, Pedro Hernandez de Al- mansa, Francisco Barrado, Bernardo de Luna, and Juan de Frias. Two other Franciscans, besides Father Beltran, namely. Father Juan de la Cruz and Pedro de Heredia, joined the expedition for the purpose of taking up the ehristianization of the Indians with Father Lopez and his companions, if found alive, or by themselves if said Fathers had been murdered. Follow^ing the example of the Spanish women Avho fought side by side with their husbands in the conquest of Mexico and South America, the wife of Miguel Sanchez Valenciano, with her two sons, ac- companied the expedition. 74. The Journey — Cabeza de Vaca. — Espejo followed the same route traveled by Father Lopez and his companions seven- teen months before. With one exception, the Indians along the Rio Grande before reaching Tiguez, gave him a kind reception. Espejo named the Indian pueblos he went through before reach- ing New Mexico as follows : The Concho Indians, the Pasa- SPANISH REGIME 45 guates, the Tobasos, and the Patarabueyes, called also Jumanos. This pueblo was close to the Finos nation. The Jumanos were the ones that opposed with force the Spaniards in their march ; but the Spaniards defeated them and made them swear obedi- ence to the king. At the pueblo of Jumanos Espejo noticed that the Indians made the sign of the cross and prayed with their eyes to heaven. On being asked how they knew those things, they answered that several years before three white men and a negro (Cabeza de Vaca and his companions) visited them and taught them the knowledge of a Supreme Being and how to talk with Him. 75. Espejo Reaches Tig^ex. — From the pueblo Jumanos Es- pejo went direct to Tiguex, which was near the Jumanos, where the Spaniards learned of the martyrdom of Fathers Juan de Santa Maria, Lopez, and Fr. Rodriguez (Ruiz). The Indians of Puaray, fearing Espejo 's punishment for having killed the Fathers, deserted the pueblo, going to the nearby mountains, and leaving in their homes gi*eat quantities of provisions, many turkeys, and some rich metals. Here the Spaniards remained for several days before they made up their minds as to whether they should return or explore the country. Espejo finally got his companions to agree to further explorations. XIX 76. Espejo Explores — New Mexico's New Name. — Fixing his headquarters at Puaray, Espejo began an exploration of the entire province, which he named Nueva Andalucia. At Zuiii, he found the Mexican Indians that had remained there from Coron- ado's expedition, forty-one years before; also the crosses left by Coronado. Here Espejo was informed that rich metals ex- isted some seventy days' travel to the west. Coronado had made a trip to the locality wiiere he was informed the gold and silver metals could be found. He found the place near the Gila River, some 135 miles from Zuni. 77. Rich Ore Found — Father Beltran's Return. — The mines first discovered by Espejo 's men were valuable. Espejo says that he drew out with his own hands very rich ores. Espejo then returned to Zuni, where Father Beltran and some of the soldiers, who already had made up their minds to return to Mexico, were waiting for him. Espejo did not object to the re- 46 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO turn of Father Beltran and others who wanted to go. The party was divided, Espejo and eight soldiers remaining in New Mexico, and the Fathers with the rest of the men returning to San Bartoloine. This was in May, 1583. 78. Espejo Finds More Mines. — The separation effected, Es- pejo visited all the pueblos in the province of the Queres, which he called Cumanes. Here again Espejo found rich silver and gold ore in the mountains near Zia. From there he traveled in an easterly direction, visiting the other pueblos as far as the pueblo of the Tanos (now in ruins near the place where the town of Galisteo, Santa Fe County, stands), at which place he became convinced that further explorations with such a small number of men was dangerous, and concluded to retrace his steps to- wards San Bartolome, and tit out another and larger expedition to colonize the country, in which efforts he failed after his return to San Bartolome. 79. Espejo 's Return. — In the earlier part of July, 1583, af- ter having received the submission of all the Indians in New Mexico, Espejo started back to Mexico from the Tanos pueblo, going by way of the Rio de las Vacas, which name the Span- iards gave to the Pecos River, on account of the very large number of bisons (buffalo) found near it, and arriving at San Bartolome the next month, August, where he found Father Beltran and the rest of the party. Thus it was that after twelve months spent in the expedition, its object was not accomplished ; yet the result was beneficial because of the discovery of more mines, and because of the spiritual good done by the Fathers among the Indians. Espejo made further efforts to obtain au- thority from the king for another expedition to colonize the country, but failed, as was the case with the efforts made by Cris- toval Martin and others. These efforts failed because Francisco Diaz de Vargas, to whom the king referred the petitions of Espejo and the others, reported adversely. XX 80. Contention Between Lomas and Velasco. — In the year 1589, Juan Bautista de Lomas y Colmenares had obtained from Viceroy Villamanrique authority to conquer and colonize New Mexico at his own expense ; but the king not approving De Lo- mas 's petition, the effort failed. In 1592 the new' viceroy, Velas- HAND WRITTEN BALLOT Above is a list of officials elected by the electoral college in Santa Fe on the 7th of October, 1845. The first two names are the ones elected as the regular diputado (delegate) and his proxy. The five names following are of those elected as the regular mem- bers of the Departmental Assembly and the last three were elected as proxies. The original is in the possession of the author of this work 48 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO CO, granted Francisco de Urdiilola authority to conciuer New Mexico. This effort failed also by reason of Urdinola's arrest on the complaint of De Lomas, charging him with the murder of his (Urdinola's) wife. De Lomas made another effort in 1595 before Viceroy Monterey with the same result: a failure. 81. Castaiio De Sosa. — In the year 1590, there lived in the city of San Luis Potosi a man of great prestige, with a brilliant military record. lie was the mayor of the city, a noble, and very wealthy. The reports constantly made of the fabulous riches said to exist in New Mexico enthused him to the point of seeing and colonizing the newly discovered country. Without asking the king's authority he began to organize an expedition at his own cost, gathering in men, women, and children, some 170 persons, besides wagons, horses, mules, sheep, and cattle, and all other things necessary for the founding of colonies. 82. The Entry — De Sosa's Success. — Castaiio de Sosa started with his colonists from San Luis Potosi July 27, 1590. His route was partly along the Rio Grande and partly along the Pecos River, which he called Rio Salado (Salt River). He visited all the pueblos of New Mexico ; was kindly received by all of them except one, where he had to use force to overcome the resistance shown by its inhabitants. It was Castaiio de Sosa who in 1590 established among the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico the pecu- liar form of government which they have to this date. He was arrested in the pueblo of Cochiti, 1590, by Captain Juan Moreie, who had been sent wdth an escort of soldiers by the viceroy for that purpose, and was taken back to Mexico with the rest of the party. 83. Humana and Bonilla. — Juan de Humana and a Portu- guese named Francisco Leyva Bonilla, acting without any re- quired authority, and while Castaiio de Sosa was in New Mexico, together with other adventurers and some Mexican Indians, penetrated into the Gran Quivira countiy and discovered great quantities of gold, but on their return Humana and Bonilla quar- reled, Humaria killing Bonilla and being himself killed by the Quivira Indians with the entire party, except one of the Mexican Indians, named Jusepe, who escaped and came to Tiguez in New Mexico, where he was found in 1598, by Oiiate, and told the story of the fate of Humaiia 's expedition. CHAPTER VI XXI 84. The First Conquest — Onate. — For several years after Cas- taiio de Sosa's entry nothing more was done to concjuer New Mexico, although the country was ripe for its accomplishment. In the year 1585, there lived in Mexico Juan de Oiiate, great- grandson of Herutin Cortes, the con(iueror of Mexico, and of Montezuma, Mexico's Indian emperor at the time of Cortes' conquest of that country. Don Juan de Oiiate was the son of Don Cristobal Ofiate (who during the conquest of Mexico was one of the most famous of Cortes' captains, and afterwards founder of the city of Zacatecas) and of Doiia Isabel Tolosa, granddaughter of Cortes and great-granddaughter of Montezu- ma. Thus it Avas that New Mexico's first conqueror was of noble descent on his father's and on his mother's side. With all that, he was very cruel to his conquered fellow-Indians in New Mex- ico. Don Juan de Oiiate had a high military reputation and was immensely wealthy. These circumstances contributed largely to his success in conquering New Mexico. 85. Onate 's Efforts — His Enemies. — In the year 1595, the 25th of September, Onate presented his petition to Viceroy Velas- co, agreeing to defray all the expenses and to furnish soldiers, colonists, and all things necessary for an effective conquest. In return he asked to be made governor and captain-general, with a salary of 8000 ducats (about $20,000 ; that he be given a ninety- mile grant of the conquered land and, further, that he and his descendants be made hijos dalgos (nobles). He also asked for a loan of $20,000. Yelasco approved Oiiate 's petition on the 24th of August, the same year, granting everything he asked. While Onate, assisted by his ])rothers, Fernando and Cristoval, and his nephews, Juan and Vicente Zaldivar, were organizing the expedi- tion, his enemies were at work with Viceroy ]\Ionterey, Velasco's successor, trying to annul Ofiate 's authority and to have Pedro Ponce de Leon appointed in his place, in which they partially succeeded. 50 HISTORY ( )F NEW MEXICO 86. The Fight and Its Result. — On ate was about to start with his expedition ffoiu Santa r>arl)ara when a royal decree reached him to suspend the exi)edition and to appear before the viceroy to answer the charges filed against liini. Tliis was in May, 1596. Witliout advising bis soldiers and colonists of what had happened, Oilate took up the fight, retaining his army and headquarters at Santa Barbara for the eighteen months it took him to overcome the charges, and have his appointment confirmed. This he achieved in December, 1597, and at once made ready for his memoral)le march. 87! The Start and Entry.— Early on the 26th of January, 1598, Ofiate started from San Bartolome with a party of 400, of which number 130 were colonists with their families; the rest were soldiers, servants, eleven Franciscan Fathers and three Franciscan Brothers. The Fathers were Fr. Alonzo Martinez (superior), Fr. Marquez, Fr. Francisco Zamora, Fr. Juan Rosas, Fr. Alonzo Lugo, Fr. Francisco de San Miguel, Fr. Andres Cor- chado, Fr. Juan de San Buenaventura, Fr. Pedro Vergara, Fr. Cristoval Salazar, and Fr. Juan Claros. The three lay brothers were Martin, Francisco, and Juan de Dios. The names of the officers were, besides the governor, Don Cristoval de Oiiate, the eighteen-year old son of the governor, who was appointed by his father as lieutenant-governor ; Juan de Zaldivar, aide-de-camp ; Vicente Zaldivar, chief sergeant; Gaspar de Villagra (who in 1610 published in Spain, in epic form, the first history of New Mexico entitled, Ilistoria de lu Nuevoa Mexico), solicitor general; and Pablo Aguilar Aranjo, Ascencion de Archuleta, Ayarde, Dionicio Barruelos, Juan Benitez, Divero Alonzo Quezada, Juan Gutierres, Juan Pinero, Marcelo Espinosa, Farfan de los Godos, Diego Landin, Geronimo Marquez, Diego Nunez, Bernabe de las Casas, Geronimo de Ileredia, and Leon Zapata, as subordinate officers. Ohate brought along 7,000 head of cattle and eighty- three wagons with provisions and tools. 88, Ofiate Takes Possession of New Mexico. — The expedition reached the Conchos River on the 7th of February. From the Conchos he took a short ciit, and was lost for four days, during w^hich time all suffered greatly for lack of water. On the fourth day they reached the Rio Grande. This great river was forded with much difficulty, and the march continued on the east side of the stream until April 30, 1598, when Onate encamped near the Rio Grande, some few miles below the place where the town of SPANISH RP^GIME 51 San Marcial stands today. Here, and on that day, he took formal and solemn possession of the eountiy, and then continued his march into the interior, along the east shore of the Rio Grande, visiting all the pueblos on his route until he reached GENERAL MANUEL ARMIJO New Mexico's last Governor under Mexican Autliority the Tiguex province, stopping in the pueblo of Puaray, where he found painted on the wall of one of the rooms a picture of the torture suffered by Fathers Francisco Lopez and his com- panions seventeen years before. In Puaray, Onate met the Mexican Indian, Jusepe, the only survivor of the Humaiia ex- 52 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO pedition and learned fi-oui him of the riches of the Qiiivira, and the fatal endiiifi: of lluinana and his people. 89. New Mexico's First Colony — San Juan de los Cabal- leros. — h'rom l^uai-ay, Ofiale eontinued his inarch to the north, visiting all the pneblos on the east side of the Rio Grande, until he reached the pueblo of San Juan de los Caballeros (then known as Caypa) July 11, 1598. Because of the hospitality with which the Caypa Indians received the Spaniards, Oiiate gave that pueblo the name of San Juan de Los Caballeros (St. John of the Gentlemen). A short distance south of this pueblo, on the east side of the Rio Grande, Oiiate established his first provisional colony and named it San Gabriel, parceled out lots among the colonists, built a chapel for the Indians, and received the sub- mission of nearly all the pueblos through their respective govern- ors, who had, in obedience to Onate 's order, gathered at the pueblo of San Juan for that purpose. Oiiate then divided the pueblos into missions and assigned priests to each mission as follows : Father Miguel to Cicuye (Pecos) ; Fr. Zamora to the Queres and Tiguex provinces ; Fr. Lugo to the Jemez province ; Fr. Cor- chado to the Zia pueblos, and Fr. Cristoval to the Teguas pro- vince, with headquarters at San Juan. The Tegua province em- braced all the pueblos north of Santo Domingo on either side of the Rio Grande. XXII 90. Discovery of the Jemez Hot Springs — Foundation of the First City and Capital. — After having remained for a consider- able time at San Gabriel, Onate thought it was time to select a site for a city which was to be the capital. Accordingly, on July 13, 1599, he started on a visit to all the pueblos from Taos to Cicuye and Jemez, without finding a suitable place for the purpose. During that trip Onate discovered the famous sulphur and hot springs a few miles above the pueblo of Jemez. On the 10th of August he returned to San Gabriel and reported the result of his explorations. It was then unanimously resolved to build the capital city at the place where they had provisionally settled. It was so built and named San Francisco and was given an organized municipal government. 91. Conspiracy of AguUar. — By the time the Spaniards first reached San Juan, great discontent existed among them for want of the necessaries of life, and on account of Oiiate 's ar- SPANISH REGIME 53 rogance and despotism. Captain Agnilar, with forty-five sol- diers, had secretly planned a seditious movement, which cul- minated in a mutiny in which the conspirators were defeated. Aguilar and most of his followers having implored Ofiate's par- don, were forgiven, but four of the conspirators escaped, taking with them several horses. They were pursued by a sciuad of soldiers under Captains Villagra and Marquez and two of them (together with the stolen horses) were captured, the men being executed by strangulation near Santa Barbara. !>2. Ofiate's Trip to the Gulf of California — Third Discovery of Mines. — Wliih' ]\Iar(|ue/ and ViUagi-a were absent, in pursuit of the four fugitives, Onate, accompanied by Fr. Martinez (the superior), Captains Farfan and Quezada and some soldiers, made a western trip with the object of discovering the Gulf of Cali- fornia, and some rich mines which they had heard existed near Moqui. They discovered the mines west of Moqui and saw that other Spaniards (Espejo) had already worked them. Before leaving the settlement Oiiate had sent Vicente Zaldivar to ex- plore the Quivira country and left Juan Zaldivar in charge of the colonies, to whom he sent instructions to turn the govern- ment over to his brother, Vicente Zaldivar, upon his return from Quivira, and for him, Juan Zaldivar, to follow Onate. Discord had now become general among the colonists, and Juan Zaldivar was on that account unable to comply with Oiiate 's order as soon as he wished, but did so M-ithout much loss of time, leaving with thirty soldiers for Zuiii, w^here Onate was waiting for him, November 18, 1599. In the mean time Villagra and his com- panions were returning to the settlement. 93. Treasonable Acomas — Death of Juan Zaldivar. — On reaching the pueblo of Acoma, Juan Zaldivar encamped at the foot of the stone mesa, December 3d, and the next day, acceed- ing to the urgent invitations of the Indians, he, with six soldiers, went up the mesa into the pueblo. The moment he was within the entrance to the pueblo the Indians, in large numbers, rushed upon Zaldivar and three of the soldiers that were with him, the other three having remained at the entrance. Zaldivar and the three soldiers fought desperately, hand to hand, but soon perished. The three soldiers at the entrance at once rushed back to the camp and informed their companions of what had happened. The soldiers at the camp at once sent two couriers with the news, one to Ofiate and one to the settlement. Upon 54 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO receiving the bad news Ofiate abandoned his trip to the Gulf and returned to the settlement with his men and with Juan Zaldivar's squad, in order to take steps for the punishment of the treasonable Acomas. 94. Fathers Advise War Against the Acomas. — Once back in the settlement, Ofiate asked the Franciscan Fathers for an immediate opinion on the causes that w'ould justify a declaration of war against the Acomas. The Franciscans held a consulta- tion. After a thorough investigation of the killing of Zaldivar and the three soldiers, and in a very able document (published in full in Read's Illustrated Histonj of New Mexico) they in- formed Onate of all justifiable grounds for a war. The opinion fitted the treasonable conduct of the Acomas. It is signed, ' ' Fray Alonzo Martinez, Apostolic Commisary. ' ' Ofiate lost no time in fitting an expe- dition composed of the cream of his army, with eight of the most distin- guished of his captains, un- der Vicente Zaldivar, who was thought the proper person to avenge the death of his brother and country- men, with seventy soldiers. XXIII 95. The March to Aco- ma. — The preparation for a vigorous campaign being completed, the little army of seventy-eight set out on a war expedition, to give battle to a pueblo defend- ed by the impregnable Acomo rock and 6,000 sav- age Indians. Oiiate gave to Vicente Zaldivar eight of his most famed captains, namely, Zubia, Romero, Aguilar, Farfan, Villagra, Marquez, Juan Cortez, and Juan Velarde. The soldiers and officers were CHARLES BENT First Governor under the American Government SPANISH REGIME 55 all well mounted. January 12, 1599, the attacking army left the settlement for Acoma and arrived at the Acoma Rock on the 21st. 96. Zaldivar's Effort to Avoid Battle Fail. — The same day Vicente Zaldivar got things in readiness for the storming of the pueblo, but thought it more advisable, in order to avoid the shed- ding of blood, to demand first the surrender of the Indians who had murdered Juan Zaldivar and his soldiers. He accordingly sent a messenger to the Indian governor, who for answer scorned the messenger and told him to tell the Spaniards that they would all be killed if they dared to assault the pueblo. The answer inflamed the spirits of the Spaniards and the order was given to storm the pueblo at daylight the next day, January 22d. 97. The Assault — Fall of Acoma — Schools Established. — At peep of day (January 22d) the Spaniards made the assault, and before midda.y they had gained the entrance to the pueblo, for which they had to fight inch by inch. Once inside of the pueblo the battle raged furiously all day, the Spaniards gain- ing more and more until darkness compelled both sides to cease fighting. The next day at dawn, the Spaniards renewed the as- sault, fighting that day and the next so fiercely that, notwith- standing the great odds they were fighting against, by midday the 24th the Indians had been completely overcome, 600 of them surrendering ; the rest, with their families, fleeing from one place to another, were either killed or captured. The loss of the Spaniards was considerable, and that of the Indians very great. The surrender of the Acomas placed the wdiole province of New Mexico in the complete control of the Spaniards, who then turned their attention to the advancement of the colony. The Fran- ciscans, on the return of the Acoma expedition, at once estab- lished in most of the pueblos schools for the teaching of reading, writing, agriculture, music, carpentry, and other arts, this being in February and March, 1599. CHAPTER VII XXIV 98. Report and Requisition. — Satisfied with tlic victory of the Spanish arms over the I'elx'l lions Aconuis, Onate tiiouglit it proper to report to the royal authorities tiie result of his journey and to ask for reenforcenients in order to continue the conquest of the Quivira country. He wrote a report giving the details of all his achievements, sending one copy each to the King of Spain and the viceroy in Mexico. In March, 1599, Don Vicente Zaldivar nuide the trip to Spain, and Captains Villagra, Farfan, and Pinero went to the City of Mexico. Fathers Martinez and Salazar accomi^anied the captains, to bring more priests and to expose the criminal conduct of Oiiate, which had already become intolerable, both in his private and in his ])ubHc official life. 99. Sad Situation of the Colonists — Onate 's Despotism. — The departure of the emissaries to Spain and Mexico left only 100 soldiers to retain control of New ]\Iexico, and a very scant quantity of provisions. The condition of the colonists was pitiable; they had little to eat and as they had no crops the year before they were constrained to partake of what little corn the Indians had, which did not last long. In the meantime Oiiate was occupied wdth efforts to enhance his military fame and dis- cover mines, regardless of the suffering he was causing the colonists and the Indians by his neglecting them. The Fathers, seeing that Oiiate 's heart had become hardened by his licentious life and insatiable thirst for gold, reprimanded him, but that only resulted in his becoming a true despot and taking every- thing the colonists and the Indians had, in provisions and cloth- ing, to give to the soldiers that were to accompany him to the Gran Quivira, a journey he was about to undertake. 100. Oiiate 's journey to Quivira — Battle with the Escan- jaque Indians. — Infatuated by Jusepe's exaggerated reports of the riches of Quivira, Oiiate closed his eyes to everything else and organized his expedition to the country of his dreams, and set out in June, 1601, taking with him all the soldiers, including SPANISH REGIME 57 the reeiiforcemeiits lie had received the year before from Mexico, and Fathers Vehisco and Vergara and the Indian Jusepe. On reacliing Quivira, he found the Quiviras at war with the Es- canjaque Indians, their neighbors. One of the priests under- took to reconcile the warring tribes and was assaulted by one of the Escanjaques, whereupon the Spaniards rushed to his de- fense, thus precipitating one of the most disastrous battles of those times. The battle lasted the entir-e day with a loss of 1,000 Indians and a few wounded Spaniards. On account of the fierceness of the battle, the Spaniards called the place El Llano de la Matanza (The Plain of the Massacre). Not finding the gold he was seeking, Onate in October returned to the settlement and found the colony almost deserted, the greater part of the colonists and Franciscans having gone back to Mexico rather than starve to death. XXV 101. Charges Against Onate. — For the reasons above stated, Father Juan de Escalon, who had succeeded Father Martinez, wrote to the mother-house on October 1, 1601, a very strong letter against Onate. It was a severe arraignment, a shocking exposure of Onate 's conduct, and a full report of the conquest and success of the labors of the Franciscans to that date. This letter was taken to Mexico by Fathers de San ]\Iiguel, de Zamora, Izquierdo, Gaston, and Peralta, who accompanied the colonists back to Mexico. (That letter and another written at Santa Barbara by Fr. de San Miguel will be found in Read's Illus- trated Hisiory of New Mexico, pp. 237-242.) 102. Zaldivar Defended Onate — Royal Decree. — In Spain, Zaldivar defended his uncle Onate. The hearing and investiga- tion resulted in a reconciliation and the issuing of a decree by the king, dated at San Lorenzo, Spain, July 8, 1602, by which the conquest was officially acknowledged. Oiiate and his rela- tives, together with all his soldiers and colonists, were given the rank of nobility; more Fathers, more soldiers, and an abundance of provisions were sent to New Mexico. These reenforcements and supplies reached the settlement in New Mexico the earlier part of 1604, restoring thus the much needed harmony and as- suring the development of the country. 103. Onate 's Visit to the Gulf.— In October, 1604, Father Francisco Escobar (who had succeeded Fr. Escalona), Onate, SPANISH REGIME 59 and the other Franciscans, agreed on a friendly settlement of their ditificulties, which resulted in Father Escobar consenting to acouipany Onate on his journey to the Gulf of California, which Onate was about to undertake. Accordingly, October 7th, Oiiate set out from the settlement with thirty soldiers and Fathers Escobar and Buena Ventura, visiting Acoma, Zuni, and Moqui, and traveling over practically the same path traversed by Cardenas thirty years before, when he discovered the Colo- rado River. On the 28th of January, 1605, Onate arrived at the Colorado River and gave it the name of Rio Grande de Buena Esperanza (Large River of Good Hope). Following the course of the river, he reached the Gulf on the 25tli of February and named the harbor Puerto de la Conversion de San Pablo (Port of Saint Paul's Conversion). For several months Ofiate occu- pied himself resting and making explorations from the Gulf, re- turning to the settlement April 25, 1605, where he remained un- til the following year. 104. Founding of Santa Fe. — In 1606 Onate, with nearly all the colonists, moved to the site where Santa Fe is today, and at once founded the village which has from that date been the capital of New- Mexico. Oiiate, after founding the city, built the palace and the chapel of San Miguel, both buildings being in use to this day, the chapel being used by the Christian Brothers, and the palace being used by the archaeological and historical societies, after having served for centuries as the of- ficial residence of the governors under the Spanish, the Mexican, and the American governments. Oiiate ceased to be governor in 1608, and was succeeded by Don Pedro de Peralta. CHAPTER VIII XXVI 105. Good Work of the Fathers — Troublesome Governor. — With the advent of Govenioi- Peralta the Fi-aiiciseans renewed their efforts to spread Chi-istiaiiity and civilization among the Indians. Their work was giving good results, the nuiuber ol" conversions from 151)8 to 1608 having i-eached 8,000, so that when tile new commissary (superior), Father Peinado, with nine otiier missionaries, came with Peralta, he found in New Mexico a good field, so far as the Indians were concerned, but the Spaniards had almost disappeared. In 1617 the entire Spanish population was reduced to forty-seven men, between soldiers and colonists. Governor Peralta at this time was ruling the Indians despotically, until the Franciscans could stand it no longer, the trouble cul- minating in 1620 in a decree of excommunication issued by Father Peinado against Peralta, from which the governor ap- pealed to Mexico, the affair terminating in a reprimand to the governor by the viceroy and Fr. Peinado 's censure by his su- perior, and the removal of both, Father Geronimo Zarate Sal- meron (famed historian) succeeding Peinado and Felipe Zotylo succeeding Peralta. This happened in 1621. 106. Father Benavides's Report. — Fr. Alonzo Benavides, first regular commissary (custodio), succeeded Salmeron in 1626, and he gave the province a great forward impulse in the year 1630 by appearing in person before the king in Madrid, Spain, and presenting a complete and comprehensive memorial which showed the true condition of things in New Mexico. Father Benavides's report (published as Appendix I in Read's lUusfratrd Histor]i of New Mexico) shows that he had visited all of New ]\Iexico and the Gran Quivira, of which country he gives a complete and very interesting description, mentioning its riches, inhabitants, latitude, and topography, and describing the sufferings he and his companions had to undergo while preaching the gospel to those far-off wild tribes of savages. Regarding New Mexico proper, Father Benavides's report shows that there were in 16-30 SPANISH REGIME 61 fifty Franciscans scattered amoii^ the Pueblo Tiidians and the savage tribes in New ^Mexico and Quivira : that more than 7,000 Indians liad been converted; that there were twenty-five missions with an industrial school and a church in each niis.sion; that the ecclesiastical, the military, and the civil governments were sup- ported by the voluntary contributions of the Indians and the Spaniards, which consisted of a share each man gave of his harvest and stock; that the capital, Santa Fe, had a population of 250 Spanish families and that the province Avas being de- veloped by the fruitful efforts of the missionaries with the co- operation of the colonists. 107. Zotylo and His Successors. — Zotylo was succeeded in 1629 by Governor Manuel Silva, who in 1640 was followed by Fernando de Argliello and next by Luis Rosas, in 1641. Noth- ing important happened during the occupancy of the last named governors, except an occasional fight with the Apache or the Comanche tribes, but the feeling against the Spaniards was bitter among the Pueblo Indians, who were given daily proofs that they were not any longer the friends of their conquerors. Here and there indications of a coming uprising were observed, the Franciscans being the first to suffer the consequences, as they W'ere the first to be killed. XXVII 108. Murder of Fathers Arvide, Letrado, and Porras. — The hatred of the Indians against the Spaniards, caused by the in- human holocaust consummated by Cardenas in 1540, and fanned by Onate's cruel conduct, 1598-1606, had ripened into a general conspiracy to annihilate the Spaniards. The saintly Francis- cans, being more exposed to this danger, on account of their re- siding alone among the Indians, Avere the first victims. In the earlier part of the year 1632, Father Arvide and Father Letrado were murdered near Zufii, and Father Porras was poisoned the next year by the Moqui Indians at Moqui. The civil authorities failed to respond to the supplication of the Franciscans, for the protection of the missionaries, and a disagreement between the Franciscans and the civil authorities residting therefrom cul- minated, years after, in a partial uprising of some of the Pueblos and the assassination of Governor Rosas. 109. Death of Governor Rosas. — Things went from bad to 62 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO worse; the difficulties between Rosas and the Franciscans had reached the climax of discord to the detriment of the Spaniards and the Indians, llosas accused the Fathers of being the cause of the tr-ying crisis the country was undergoing, and of being at tlie ])ott()iii of the sedition which was being tlift'used. These ac- cusations the Fathers were able not only to disprove, at the hear- ing had in Mexico, but they met them by an exposure of Rosas' scandalous life, which exposure showed Rosas in such bad light that his prestige disappeared, hastening thus the uprising he so miich feared and in which he was assassinated. This happened in 1642. The uprising was finally checked. 110. Penaloza the Impostor. — Seven governors presided over New Mexico from 1G42 to 1660, namely: Valdez, Argiiello (re- appointed), Ugarte, Concho, Samaniego, Pacheco, and Mendi- zabal. Nothing out of the ordinary happened between those dates. Mendizabal's successor was Penaloza, who made his mark in history as a clever impostor. Mendizabal was removed for malfeasance in office, and Penaloza assumed charge of the gov- ernment in 1661, and remained in office until 1664. lie, too, was removed from office because of his lascivious conduct, and be- cause he had become a despot, imposing inhuman treatment up- on the Indians, and depriving them of their earnings and property. This conduct the Fathers exposed, causing thereby Penaloza 's suspension and punishment in 1665, in Mexico, from which place he went to England and France, where he published, in 1671, a pamphlet narrating Onate's romantic trip to the Quivira; substituting his name for Oilate's name and changing the dates, he made himself appear as the hero of that journey. 111. Villanueva, Medrano, Miranda— Indian Uprisings — Fr. Ayeta. — Fernando de Villanueva, Penaloza 's successor, came as governor of New Mexico in the year 1664. Between 1664 and 1679, two other governors, besides Villanueva, filled that office; these were Medrano and Miranda. During this interval of fif- teen years the country was retrograding by reason of the con- stant uprisings of the Pueblo Indians, the daily incursions and depredations of the Apaches, the Navajos, and the Conianches on the unprotected Spanish settlements. In the year 1672 the Apaches destroyed several pueblos, and a war between them and the Zunis was the result. During this war several priests and colonists were killed by the Pueblo Indians. For these crimes four of them were put to death, forty others publicly whipped, SPANISH REGIME 63 and many others were imprisoned. The situation became more and more critical every daj-, and the annihilation of all the Span- iards had been discussed and agreed to in 1676. The Apaches, who were in the agreement, attacked the Spanish settlements from different directions, causing great loss of life and destruc- tion of property. Father Francisco Ayeta, then superior of the Franciscans in New Mexico, seeing the desperate situation of the Spaniards, made a hasty trip to Mexico in quest of succor, which he obtained, but could not bring into New Mexico because the whole country was in rebellion at the time (1679-80). That uprising is known as the Great Revolt, of which an account is given hereafter. XXVIII 112. End of the First Conquest — The Insurrection — Gover- nor Otermin. — By the end of the year 1679, all the Pueblo In- dians, except the Pecos pueblo, had hatched the conspiracy and agreed on a day and hour for a general and simultaneous upris- ing. The secret was kept so well that the Spaniards never dis- covered the plan until too late. Juan Pope, an Indian from San Juan, then residing in Taos, was the leader of the insurrec- tion. The 13th day of August, 1680, was the day agreed upon for the massacre of the Spaniards. Don Antonio de Otermin was at that time governor of New Mexico, having succeeded Miranda the previous year (1679). 113. Tw^o Faithful Governors Give Warning. — Juan Ye, gov- ernor of Cicuye (Pecos) declined, with all his people, to join in the conspiracy, and was the first to notify both Governor Oter- min and Father Velasco, the priest at Cicuye, of the impending danger, offering his assistance in helping the Spaniards to either fight the rebellious Pueblos or to leave the country in time. Father Velasco answered Ye by saying that he would rather die a martyr than abandon the souls God had placed in his hands. Otermin did not believe Ye and went on with his ordinary duties until the latter part of July, when he received a secret message from Jac^, governor of Taos, advising him of the seditious agree- ment, and informing him that Pope had fixed the 13th of August for the commencement of the insurrection, and had sent two In- dians to notify the other pueblos to strike the blow on that date at daybreak ; that the two emissaries of Pope were then on their way back to Taos, and were resting at the pueblo of Tesuque 64 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO (nine miles from Santa Fe) Otenuin now became alarmed, had the two Taos Indians arrested at once, at Tesu(|ne, and from them learned that Ye and Jaea had told him the truth. With- out loss of time Otermin sent couriers to all the pueblos and Spanish settlements, ordering the priests, soldiers, and colonists to i)roceed at once to Santa Fe. Some came, but others did not receive the message and were murdered. 114. Breaking out of the Rebellion — Assault on Santa Fe. — Pope having learned that the Spaniards had discovered his plans, ordered that hostilities be commenced on the lOtli instead of the 13th of August. He had as j^rincipal captains, Catiti, Tupatii (who afterwards became a true friend of the Spaniards), and Jaca, governors of Santo Domingo, Picuris, and Taos, respec- tively. On the day fixed (August 10th) all the priests, soldiers, and colonists Avho had not heard of the insurrection, were taken by surprise and killed, before they had a chance to escape. From every direction thousands of Indians rushed to Santa Fe and made a sudden assault which was repulsed by the 150 soldiers and the colonists had already reached Santa Fe. The great historical revolt was carried into effect all over New Mexico. 115. Siege of Santa Fe — Great Battle — Escape of the Spaniards. — Pope now" laid a siege, surrounding the city on all sides with an immense horde of savages, but remaining inactive until the 15th, when he sent an ultimatum to Otermin. This consisted of two wooden crosses, a white and a black one, asking him to select his liberty or his death by retaining one of the crosses, the white one indicating surrender and the black one death ; that by selecting the white cross the Spaniards would be allowed to leave the city unmolested under promise never to re- turn, and if the blaek cross was retained it would mean death to all the Spaniards. Otennin rejected Pope's proposition and began to force his way out early the next morning. At break of day, August 16th, the soldiers and colonists formed in battle line, with the women and children in the center, and Otermin with his officers at the head, one thousand in all. The Indians met them with a terrific rush and the battle was commenced, lasting all day. At night the Spaniards retreated into the city and all crowded into the Palace building. The loss on the side of the Indians was very large and on the side of the Span- iards some few dead but many wounded. The siege lasted until the 23d day of August when the Indians cut otf the water supply SPANISH REGIME 65 of the city, thus forcing the Spaniards to either escape or perish. Oterrnin, finding himself and his people in the extreme necessity of making a death struggle, resolved to fight or die in the effort. He ordered the Fathers, Gomez, Duran, and Farfan, to give everybody absolution. The priests obeyed, encouraging the .Spaniards to stand firm by Otermin till the escape was effected or the last one of them had died. 116. Bloody Battle— Otermin Wounded — The Escape. — The imposing jeligious ceremony ended, the army formed in battle s-.j CANDELARIO. cifff wi£\iim Courtesy J. C. Candelnrio, Santa Fe, X. M. array, and made an assault upon the Indians Avith such fierceness that after a few hours' battle, they won the day with 300 Indians killed, the Spaniards losing one soldier only, though many had been wounded, among the latter being Otermin. This happened August 23, 1680. Thus were the Spaniards able to leave Santa Fe, all afoot and carrying on their shoulders the archives and their scant provisions, arriving at El Paso (now Juarez) Decem- ber 20, 1680. On their sad .journey the Spaniards, especially the women and children, suffered greatly. From friendly Indians, 66 HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO \\\\o had followed the S|)aiiiafd.s, Otcniiiii Icaiwicd llial ai'lcr the Spaiiiai-ds had left Saiila Fv, the Taiios ((Jalislco) Jiidiaiis had taken possession of tlie city and that all the churches and all other property had been destroyed. One of tlie saddest duties im- posed upon the Spaniards by the force of circumstances was the picking up for burial purposes, of corpses all along the road. At Santo Domingo they found the bodies of the Franciscan Fathers, Juan de Talaban, Fr. Antonio de Lorenzana, and Fr. Jose Monies de Oca. The other Fi-anciscans killed were Fr. Domingo de Vera, at Galiteo; Fr. Fernando de Velasco, at Pecos, and Fr. Manuel Tinoco, at San Marcos. Some 150 Spanish women and girls had remained captives and some were compelled to marry Indians and the others were murdered. Thus ended the achieve- mert of the first con(iuest of New Mexico. CHAPTER IX XXIX 117. Otermin Again. — The loss of New Mexico to Spain was a thing Otennin thought it his duty to avoid, at k^ast during his ineuuibency. Acting on that belief he again made an eflfort to reconcjuer the country by reentering it next year, 1681, at the head of 200 mounted soldiers, but did not succeed in accomplish- ing his object, for on reaching Cochiti he saw that it would re- quire a larger force to subdue the Indians, and went back to El Paso (now Juarez), where he heard that Domingo Gironza Petriz de Cruzat had been appointed to succeed him as governor of New Mexico. 118. Cruzat 's Expedition. — Don Domingo Gironza Petriz de Cruzat, like his predecessors, had a brilliant militaiy record as a great general and he proved it by his fre(iuent expeditions in- to New Mexico. He had only the title of governor of New Mexico, however, for he ne\^r succeeded during his first incum- bency in eft'ecting a permanent concjuest. Between 1683 and 1687 he made seventeen journeys into New Mexico, fighting every time all along the road from El Paso to New Mexico and being always victorious. In 1687, Cruzat was succeeded by Pedro Reneros de Posadas, who desolated the pueblo of Santa Ana, killing nearly all of its inhabitants, but before the year closed Cruzat was returned to the governorship, and he again made several expeditions into New Mexico, the last being in 1689, when he reached the pueblo of Zia, and was met by a hostile demonstration, which ended in one of the most severe battles of the conquest. He was opposed by nearly all the Indians from that province. The battle lasted the entire day, with a loss to the Indians of 600 killed and the capture of manv prisoners. The battle was fought the first day of August, 1689. This last effort of Cruzat fills the gap between the expulsion of the Span- iards under Otermin, 1680, and the time of the second and per- manent conquest by De Vargas. 68 HIST( )RY ( )F NEW MEXICO XXX 11!). De Vargas. — Don l)iep:o dc \'iirgas Zapata Liijan Ponce de Leon's record of great military achievements was the reason Viceroy Galva had for entrusting to his hands the reconcjuest of New Mexico. Besides being a great general De Vargas was a man of generous disposition, a good diristian, and a true friend of the Indians, lie it was who saved the country to the crown of Castille, with the assistance and coilperation of the Franciscan Fathers, and paved the way for future genei"ations to enjoy life in this splendid climate. He above all the explorers and con- querors of New ]\Iexico, deserves the highest praise for his great work in pacifying and effecting the permanent concpiest of New Mexico. He is entitled to the everlasting gratitude and admira- tion of the people of New Mexico and the entire United States. 120. De Vargas' First Entry. — Immediately after his ap- pointment, De Vargas began to organize his people, making the city of Juarez, then known as El Paso, the place of rendezvous. August 16, 1692, De Vargas ordered the march of a squad of soldiers under Captain Roque de Madrid, he remaining in El Paso waiting for an auxiliary troop of fifty soldiers that he was expecting from the interior. These soldiers not having arrived on the 21st day of the month, he started without them, early in the morning of that day, leaving El Paso accompanied by three Franciscan Fathera, namely, Fr. Corvero, Fr. Nimez and Fr. Alonzo, some fifty soldiers, and a few friendly Indians. Orders were left for the expected auxiliary soldiers to follow him. On the 24th day of the month De Vargas overtook Captain Madrid and his men, and the journey was continued Avitho'ut accident, along the Rio Grande, until they reached Tiguex, on the 9th of September. Here, a little to the north of the city of Albuquer- que, they came to a ranch formerly owned by a Spaniard known as Mexia, who had been murdered by the Indians in the great revolt of 1680. De Vargas selected that place for his center of operations, and left Captain Telles, with fourteen Spaniards and fifty Indians, to guard the baggage and provisions, he, De Var- gas, continuing the march with the Fathers, forty soldiers, and fifty Indians. 121. De Vargas Reaches Santa Fe. — Having traveled cau- tiously for fear of an ambuscade he entered the pueblos of San- to Domingo and Cochiti, w'hich he found deserted, the Indians SPANISH REGIME 69 having abandoned them since the time Cruzat had destroyed Zia, August, 1689. This was September 11th. The next day De Var- gas encamped at CieneguiHa, some twelve or fifteen miles w^est of Santa Fe. Here De Vargas gave his men a patriotic exhorta- tion. Next morning, being near Santa Fe, he ordered a stop to enable Father Corvero to preach an exhortation and to give ab- solution to the party. The small army continued its march until four o'clock in the morning, when they came in sight of Santa Fe, which the Indians had walled and fortified. The Indians had already learned of the coming of the Spaniards and were ready to give them battle. At sunrise, September 13, 1692, De Vargas noticed a large number of Indians on horseback on the hills to the northeast of the city. He sent a squad of mounted Spaniards who had no trouble in capturing many of them, the rest escaping to the mountains. Among the prisoners was the governor of the Indians named Domingo. 122. Santa Fe Retaken. — The entire day the 13th was taken up by De Vargas in trying to persuade the Indians to surrender and submit to his authority. The Indians were obstinate until De Vargas gave them to understand that he was going to kill them all and that the water supply had already been cut off. The next day at sunrise the Indians gave in, but requested De Vargas to enter in company with six disarmed soldiers and the superior of the Fathers that the Indians might be convinced of De Vargas' sincerity. To this De Vargas answered, "That is nothing; who Avill not risk himself in order to obtain with perpetual glory an illustrious name?" Calling on Father Cor- vero, the ensign, and five soldiers, all unarmed, to follow him, De Vargas entered the village of Santa Fe, walking to the center of the square, where the Indians had already planted a large cross. Here De Vargas uncovered his head, the royal ensign being unfurled, and in a loud voice and in the name of his sovereign. King Charles II, forgave the Indians, received their submission, and then took possession of New Mexico in the fol- lowing words: "The Villa of Santa Fe, Capital of the King- dom of New Mexico, I now take possesion of, and with her, her provinces and all the pueblos, for the Catholic Majesty of the King, Our Lord Charles II, long live him for the protection of all his vassals and of his dominions many long years." The Father and soldiers answering, "Long live, long live, long live that we mav all seiwe him as we ought to." The rest of thn 70 HISTORY OP NEW MEXICO soldi(M-s and tlu'ir Iiulian coinpanioiis llion came into tlie S(iuare and the Fallicrs at once bc^an llir woi-k of Ijaptizing the In- dians and pi'cacliintf the ijfospcl lo lliciii. XXXI 123. Tupatu Surrenders — Best Friend of De Vargas. — After the surrender of Sania Fc, l)c \'ar